Orderici Vitalis Historia aecclesiastica / The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, Vol. 2: Books 3-4

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OXFORD

MEDIEVAL

TEXTS

General Editors V. H. GALBRAITH R.A. B. MYNORS C. N. L. BROOKE

ORDERICI

VITALIS

HISTORIA JECCLESIASTICA

Mi ere T

JUD ud -

EU uS a

p Bibl. nat., MS. lat. 5506, vol. ii, f. 1 recto (ultra-violet photograph) The first page of Book III of the Ecclesiastical History written in Orderic's hand

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THE ECCLESIASTICAL ge HISTORY OF 252 ORDERIC VITALIS OC32

1767 Gu |.

VOLUME If BOOKS III AND IV

EDITED AND TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY MARJORIE

CHIBNALL

OXFORD AT THE

CLARENDON 1969

PRESS

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. x GLASGOW CAPE TOWN BOMBAY

NEW

YORK

SALISBURY CALCUTTA

TORONTO IBADAN MADRAS

KUALA LUMPUR

© OXFORD

MELBOURNE NAIROBI KARACHI

HONG

KONG

UNIVERSITY

PRINTED

IN

GREAT

WELLINGTON

LUSAKA LAHORE

ADDIS ABABA DACCA

TOKYO

PRESS

BRITAIN

1969

PREFACE T HE present edition of the Historia Ecclesiastica of Orderic Vitalis has been planned to include all the thirteen books of the original; but Volume I, containing Books I and II, will be the last to appear. Orderic in fact began his history with Book III, originally Book I, and later redesigned it so as to include a separate chronography as Books I and II. These books are therefore of a slightly different character from the main part of the history, and the delay in their publication should cause no inconvenience to students. By publishing the volumes in this order the General Introduction,

which can best be written when all work on the

edition has been completed, can be placed at the beginning of the first volume.

But, for the convenience of students, each volume

will contain a short introduction relevant to the text as it is published, and will be as far as possible self-contained. This volume owes more than I can express to the three general editors, Professor V. H. Galbraith, Professor Sir Roger Mynors, and Professor C. N. L. Brooke, whose stimulus, corrections, and

scholarly advice have been generous and unfailing. Dom David Knowles has kindly answered my queries on liturgical problems. I am grateful also to Dr. V. H. Clover, Professor Frank Barlow,

and Professor Lucien Musset for communicating to me the results of their researches before these had appeared in print. In working on Orderic I have never ceased to be conscious of my debt to two great scholars of the past: Auguste Le Prévost and Léopold Delisle, whose magnificent edition of the Ecclesiastical History is one of the finest achievements of nineteenth-century scholarship. Nothing but the inaccessibility of this work, and the fact that historical knowledge has advanced in the hundred years since it was published, could ever have justified a new edition. In acknowledging my debt to Delisle, whose loving interest in Orderic extended throughout his life, I am happy to remember my debt to another. Dr. H. P. Morrison of Nelson's overcame all practical difficulties in the way of including this remarkable, but very lengthy, work in the present series, and to him I owe the inspiration of a living link with Delisle.

vi

PREFACE

My own interest in Orderic is an old one, for I was born almost

within sight of the church where he was baptized. But my serious interest in his writings began as an undergraduate and was continued as a Research Fellow of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford. The later stages of the work have been made possible by generous grants from the Leverhulme Trustees, and from the British Academy. My study of the manuscripts has been assisted by

the learned help of the staff in the Department of Manuscripts at the Bibliotheque Nationale, the Norman provincial archives, and

the Centre nationale de la Recherche scientifique; and by Dr. R. W. Hunt of the Bodleian Library and Dr. H. M. Colvin of St. John’s College, Oxford. I owe much to the patience and skill of the readers of the Clarendon Press. At every stage of the work the help and encouragement of my husband have been unfailing, and

to him this book is dedicated. Cambridge, September 1967

M.C

CONTENTS Bibl. nat. MS. lat. 5506, vol. ii, f. 1 recto. The first page of Book II of the Ecclesiastical History, written in Orderic's hand ABBREVIATED

frontispiece ix

REFERENCES

INTRODUCTION (i) The author and his work (ii) The sources of Books III and IV (iii) The historical value of Books III and IV

XXIX

(iv) Manuscript, punctuation, and spelling

XXXIX

ORDERIC

xiii xiii vix

VITALIS

Book III

190

Book IV APPENDIX Belléme

I. The descent of the lands of the lords of 362

APPENDIX II. The life and legend of St. Judoc (St. 366

Josse) APPENDIX III. Early narrative sources for the Norman Conquest

GENEALOGICAL TABLE, The family of Giroie(Géré) INDEX

OF QUOTATIONS

GENERAL

INDEX

AND

ALLUSIONS

368

facing 370 371 373

Da ESO "n"

jd

"Et.

De

"

*

ideni nma"

yos

mper

HUM

re

tev CH

4 ose ^

m xxt

/

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

AA.SS

Acta Sanctorum, ed. J. Bollandus (Antwerp, Brussels, 1643, etc.).

AM

Amato di Montecassino, Storia de’ Normanni, volgarizzata in antico francese, ed. V. de Bartholomaeis (Rome, 1935).

Annals of Caen

Annalis Historia Brevis in Monasterio S. Stephani Cadomensis Conscripta, in Duchesne, HNS, pp. 1015-21.

Barlow, VER

Vita ZEdwardi Regis, ed. Frank Barlow don: Edinburgh, 1962).

Bessin

Concilia Rotomagensis Provinciae, ed. Guillelmus Bessin (Rouen, 1717). Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, ed. Socii Bollandiani. Vols. 1, 2, and suppl. (Brussels, 1898-1911).

BHL

and others

(Lon-

BSAN

Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie.

Carmen

Carmen de Hastinguae proelio in Fr. Michel, Chroniques anglo-normandes, vol. iii (Rouen, 1840), pp. 1-38. Calendar of Documents preserved in France, vol. i, ed. J. H. Round (London, 1899). F. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. (Paris,

CDF Chalandon

1907). Colgrave Delisle, Manuscrits autographes

Douglas, WC Duchesne, HNS Du Motey, Alengon Eadmer, Hist. Nov.

Felix’s Life of St. Guthlac, ed. B. Colgrave (Cambridge, 1956). L. Delisle, ‘Notes sur les manuscrits autographes d’Orderic Vital’ in Matériaux pour l'édition de Guillaume de Fumiéges, ed. J. Lair (Paris, 1910). David C. Douglas, William the Conqueror (London, 1964). Historiae Normannorum scriptores antiqui, ed. A. Duchesne (Paris, 1619). Du Motey, Les origines de la Normandie et du duché d’ Alengon (Paris, 1920). Eadmer, Historia Novorum, ed. M. Rule (RS, 2 vols.) (London, 1882-5).

ABBREVIATED

EHR EYC

Fauroux

Fécamp Foreville

Freeman, NC

FW

GC GEC

REFERENCES

English Historical Review. Early Yorkshire Charters, i-iii, ed. W. Farrer, and iv-xii, ed. C. 'T. Clay (Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Edinburgh: Wakefield, 1914— 65). Recueil des actes des ducs de Normandie (911— 1066), ed. Marie Fauroux (Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm. xxxvi) (Caen, 1961). L'abbaye bénédictine de Fécamp, 2 vols. (Fécamp, 1959-60). Guillaume de Poitiers: Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, ed. Raymonde Foreville (Paris, 1952).

E. A. Freeman,

The History of the Norman

Conquest of England, 2nd ed., 5 vols. and index vol. (Oxford, 1870-9). Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex chronicis, ed. B. Thorpe (Eng. Hist. Soc.) (London, 1848-9). Gallia Christiana (Paris, 1715-1865). The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland ..., by G. E. C., rev. edit., 13 vols. in

14 (1910-59). Giles, Scriptores

Scriptores rerum gestarum Willelmi conquestoris, ed. J. A. Giles (Caxton Soc., vol. iii) (London,

GM

Geoffrey of Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis, ed. E. Pontieri (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, v, pt. i) (Bologna, 1928).

GP

William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (RS) (London, 1870).

GR

William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum, ed. W. Stubbs (RS), 2 vols. (London, 1887-9).

Halphen, Anjou

L. Halphen, Le comté d'Anjou au XI* siécle

Hardy

Descriptive catalogue of MSS. relating to the History of Great Britain, ed. T. D. Hardy, 3 vols. in 4 (RS) (1862-71).

Hefele

C. J. von Hefele, Histoire des Conciles, ed. H. Leclercq (Paris, 1907 ff.).

Jumiéges

Jumiéges:

1845).

(Paris, 1906).

Congrés scientifique du XIII*

tenaire, 2, vols. (Rouen, 1955).

cen-

ABBREVIATED Kehr, JP Knowles, Monastic Constitutions Knowles, MO Lair

REFERENCES

xi

P. Kehr, Italia pontificia (Berlin, 1906 ff.) The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. David Knowles (London: Edinburgh, 1951). David Knowles, The Monastic England (Cambridge, 1963). Dudo

of

St.

Quentin,

De

moribus

Order et

in actis

primorum Normanniae ducum, ed. J. Lair (Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm. xxiii) (Caen, 1865). Latouche, Maine

R. Latouche, Histoire du comté du Maine pendant le X* et le XI* siécle (Paris, 1910).

Lemarignier, Exemption

J.-F. Lemarignier, Etude sur les priviléges d'exemption et de juridiction ecclésiastique des abbayes normands (Archives de la France monastique, xliv) (Paris, 1937).

Le Prévost

Orderici Vitalis Ecclesiasticae Historiae Libri Tredecim, ed. A. le Prévost (Société de PHistoire de France), 5 vols. (Paris, 1838-55).

Le Prévost, Eure

A. le Prévost, Mémoires et notes pour servir à Vhistoire du département de l'Eure . . ., ed. L. Delisle and L. Passy, 3 vols. (Évreux, 1862-9). Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake (Camden Third Series, vol. xcii) (London, 1962). Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche (Freiburg i.

Liber Eliensis

LTK

Br., 1957-65).

MGH

Acta Sanctorum ordinis sancti Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon (Paris, 1668-1701). M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Müttelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, I9II—3I). Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. J. D. Mansi (Florence: Venice: Paris, 1759 ff.). Guillaume de Jumiéges, Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ed. J. Marx (Soc. Hist. Norm.) (Rouen: Paris, 1914). Guillaume de Pouille, La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. M. Mathieu (Istituto siciliano di studi bizantini e neoellenici; Testi e monumenti. Testi, iv) (Palermo, 1961). Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie. Monumenta Germaniae Historica.

Migne, PL

Migne, Patrologia Latina.

Mab. AA.SS Manitius

Mansi

Marx

Mathieu

Mém.

Soc. Ant. Norm.

xii

ABBREVIATED

Porée

Regesta

Roman de Rou RS RSB

REFERENCES

A.-A. Porée, Histoire de l'abbaye du Bec, 2 vols. (Evreux, 1901). Regesta Regum Anglo- Normannorum, vol. i, ed. H. W. C. Davis (Oxford, 1913); vol. ii, ed. C. Johnson and H. A. Cronne (Oxford, 1956). Wace, Roman de Rou, ed. H. Andresen (Heilbronn, 1877-9). Rolls Series. Regula Sancti Benedicti.

R. Tor.

Chronique de Robert de Torigni, ed. L. Delisle, 2 vols. (Société de l'histoire de Normandie) (Rouen, 1872-3).

Scott, Arch. Aeliana,

F. S. Scott, ‘Earl Waltheof of Northumbria’ in Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xxx (1952), pp. 149-

XXX.

215. TRHS VCH

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. Victoria History of the Counties of England.

INTRODUCTION (1) The author and his work: date of composition of Books III and IV of the Ecclesiastical History ORDERIC VITALIS! of St. Évroul is one of the most remarkable of Anglo-Norman historians; and the Ecclesiastical History to which he devoted the last thirty years of his life is his greatest work. The little that we know of his life comes from incidental notices in his writings. He was of mixed descent; his father was Odelerius of Orleans, a priest in the household of Roger of Montgomery, and his mother must have been an Englishwoman, since Orderic repeatedly refers to himself as angligena, and his father was French. Born near Shrewsbury in 1075 and baptized with the name of Orderic in St. Eata's church at Atcham, he began his grammatical studies under a priest in Shrewsbury at the age of five, and remained there till he was ten. From an early age he was destined for the cloister. His father's decision not to place him as an oblate in the new monastery of St. Peter's at Shrewsbury, but to send him to the distant Norman monastery of St. Évroul is best described in Orderic's own words.? As an old man completing the thirteenth book of his History he thanked God for the many mercies of his past life, and enumerated them. It was not thy will, O God [he wrote], that I should serve thee longer in that place, for fear that I might be less attentive to thee among kinsfolk, who are often a burden and an impediment to thy servants, or might in any way be distracted from obeying thy law through human affection for my family. And so, O glorious God, who didst command Abraham to depart from his country and from his kindred and from his father's house, thou didst inspire my father Odelerius to renounce me utterly and submit me in all things to thy governance. So, weeping, he gave me, a weeping child, into the care of the monk Reginald, and sent me away into exile for love of thee, and never saw me again. And I, a

mere boy, did not presume to oppose my father's wishes, but obeyed ! For a full account of his life and work see L. Delisle, ‘Notice sur Ordéric Vital’ in Orderici Vitalis Historiae Ecclesiasticae Libri Tredecim, ed. A. le Prévost (Paris, 1838-55), v, pp. l-cvi; and Hans Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis (Wiesbaden,

1955). 2 Le Prévost, v. 134-5.

xiv

INTRODUCTION

him in all things, for he promised me for his part that if Ibecame a monk I should taste of the joys of Heaven with the Innocents after my death. ... And so, a boy of ten, I crossed the English channel and came into

Normandy as an exile, unknown to all, knowing no one. Like Joseph

in Egypt I heard a language which I could not understand. But thou

didst suffer me through thy grace to find nothing but kindness and

friendship among strangers. St. Évroul by the venerable life... . The name of Vitalis which sounded harsh to the

I was received as an oblate in the abbey of abbot Mainer in the eleventh year of my was given me in place of my English name, Normans.

Here at St. Évroul in the course of time he was successively ordained

subdeacon,

deacon,

and priest; and here, apart from

short journeys, the remainder of his life was spent in following the ordered round of the cloister, reading, writing, and copying books. He was one of the finest calligraphers of his day and almost certainly taught in the scriptorium; but unlike the contemporary historian who most nearly resembles him—William of Malmesbury—he never achieved, and probably never desired, monastic office. Imaginatively he could project himself into the characters of the men he described, but he was no ecclesiastical statesman;

there was more of Thierry of Mathonville than Robert of Grandmesnil! in his make-up. His earliest work, certainly in progress before 1109, consisted of interpolations in the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumiéges.? Possibly before this was completed, or at least very soon afterwards, he began work at the command of his abbot, Roger of Le Sap (1091—1123), on the history of his own monastery of St. Evroul.3 This work, which began as a chapter in the history of the church in Normandy, finally took shape as the present Book III of the Ecclesiastical History. Books I and II were written * These men are described below, pp. 40, 42, 64. ^ Guillaume de Jumiéges, Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ed. Jean Marx (Paris, 1914), pp. xxv-xxvii, 151-98. Delisle, writing before the interpolations had been identified as the work of Orderic Vitalis, thought that one version, which he calls a 'third edition', had been made with the aid of Book III of the Ecclesiastical History in 1125-30. Although the edition of Marx, based on the later work of

Delisle, shows that in fact Orderic himself wrote these interpolations, and there 1s no reason to suppose that they were any later than 1109, J. de Ghellinck still gives a date of 1125-30 for a ‘third edition’ of William of Jumiéges from the pen

of Orderic himself (L’essor de la littérature latine au .XII* siécle (Brussels:

Louvain, 1946), p. 99). This statement appears to be entirely without justifica-

tion.

3 Le Prévost, i. 2-3; ii. 300.

INTRODUCTION

xv

probably as a separate chronography, and were only brought within the framework of a single work as Orderic's conception of the scope of the work widened to take in the whole history of the Church, from the birth of Christ to the moment when age and infirmity would compel him to lay down his pen. Book III is not only the oldest part of the Ecclesiastical History; it is also the book whose composition occupied the longest time. In it the reader may trace the growth and transformation of Orderic's own views on the nature of what he was writing. One or two archaic touches in the first few chapters suggest that Orderic may have been writing in the first decade of the twelfth century,! but the first proofs of date come in 1114-15. William Gregory, who had taken his vows under Abbot Robert of Grandmesnil (1059-61), had, Orderic writes, now completed fifty-four years as a monk.? A little later he states that Benedict, the young son of Arnold of Échauffour who had been sent as an oblate to St. Évroul three months before his father's death (c. 1063), had passed fifty-two years in the community.? Other references support the same date.^ His statement at the end of the book that he had seen the works of John of Worcester and Sigebert of Gembloux would be more valuable if his journeys could be dated precisely.5 But at the end of the book he suggests that he is breaking off his work for a short while and has already planned his fourth book, and this implies a date near to 1125. The fourth book refers in the first few pages to the death of Ralph, abbot of Battle, on 29 August 1124; and there are later references to Turgis, who became bishop of Avranches in 1094, having held his see for about thirty years; to the death of Abbot Geoffrey of Crowland in 1124; and to the accession of Hildebert to the see of "ours. Everything points to a date about 1125 for this book; so the preceding volume was most likely finished as late as 1123 or 1124. If this is so, Orderic may have been working intermittently on his first book for as much as ten or twelve years. When Abbot Roger persuaded or commanded Orderic to begin 1 For

instance,

when

Orderic

describes

Duke

William’s

investment

of

Thierry as abbot of St. Évroul in 1050 by handing him the pastoral staff he adds the words

‘sicut moris est’ (below, p. 18). This acceptance of lay investi-

ture as customary would be very surprising after the early years of the twelfth century. 3 Below, p. 126.

4 Cf. below, p. 84 n. 3.

$ Below, pp. 192, 200, 302, 348.

2 Below, pp. 84-86. 5 Below, p. 188.

xvi

INTRODUCTION

the work it was to be a history of the church of St. Évroul.! Such a history could not avoid including an account of the families who had founded and endowed it; and since its foundation was in one

sense an episode in the saga of the families of Belléme and Giroie? the wider world of feudal affairs could scarcely be excluded, though Orderic put up a show at least of keeping within his

assigned limits. When towards the middle of the book he wrote of the marriage of William the Conqueror and named his children he could still, with an effort, refrain from embarking on the history of the ducal family. ‘What a book the right man could make of their great deeds!’ he exclaims, “but our lot lies in the cloister; we know nothing of worldly business; such things are not for us.’3 'The affairs of the duchy and the English succession intruded from time to time in the course of the next few chapters, but were resolutely kept in the background. Then suddenly, immediately after an account of the life and miracles of St. Judoc, Orderic embarked without apology on the story of the Conquest of England. From that moment, throughout the few remaining folios of the third and the whole of the fourth books, he was openly and avowedly writing a much wider work which he called, in different places, both a church history and a history of the Normans.^ This change in itself suggests that the writing of the book may have been spread over a number of years. The Preface to the third book, added later, indicates that he secured the approval of his superiors for the wider project, which he modestly attributes to their commands. (ii) The sources of Books III and IV

Orderic drew upon the resources of a well-established library. Very little had been saved from the period of the first foundation before the Viking attacks; but Thierry, first abbot of the restored monastery, had made the copying of books and the building up of a library one of his first cares.5 By the time Orderic began work ! Le Prévost, ii. 300. 2 Cf. Annales de Normandie, viii (1958), 106-8. 3 Below, p. 104. * Below, p. 188, 'zcclesiasticze historie . . . primum libellum hic terminare dispono'; Le Prévost, ii. 301, "inspirante Deo Normannorum gesta et euentus Normannis promere scripto sum conatus'. 5 G. Northier, ‘Les bibliothéques médiévales des abbayes bénédictines de

Normandie’, in Revue Mabillon, xlvii (1957), 219-44.

INTRODUCTION

xvii

in the scriptorium the monastery had been provided with a notable collection of service books, commentaries on the Scriptures, and patristic literature. This was the period when other interests, important but less central to the monastic life, were provided for, and historical works increased in number. Orderic's teacher, John

of Rheims, may possibly have written the early history of the monastery and a short chronicle to 1112, as well as composing lives of saints.! Certainly the Annals of Rouen, which acquired a great vogue in Norman and English monasteries before the chronological work of Sigebert of Gembloux gained ascendancy, were copied at St. Évroul about 1098,? and became the basis of the Annals of St. Evroul.3 Orderic himself copied the whole of Bede’s Historia Anglorum,* both copied and interpolated the Historia Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumiéges, and had a share in keeping up the Annals of St. Evroul during the reign of Henry L5 These books lay to his hand when he was working on his own Ecclesiastical History. He could also draw on lives of saints, calendars, lists of obits, and service books transcribed by the

early monks. The charters of the monastery, which were being enroled very possibly under his supervision, supplied many details of grants and privileges. He also borrowed freely from neighbouring monastic libraries and hunted out historical works during his travels. The library of the abbey of Bec was always accessible to monks of St. Évroul; and it was here that Orderic saw Eadmer's Life of St. Anselm and possibly also Lanfranc's De corpore et sanguine Domini. Later the historical debt was more than repaid when Robert of Torigni, who took his monastic vows at Bec in 1128 and remained there till he became abbot of Mont-St.-Michel, borrowed and made free 1 Cf. Delisle, ‘Notice sur Orderic Vital’ (Le Prévost, v. xxiii n. 2), and Hans Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis, p. 59. 2 Dom J. Laporte, Les annales de l'abbaye Saint-Pierre de fumieges (Rouen,

1954), p. IO.

3 Printed by Delisle (Le Prévost, v. 139-73). * Rouen, Bibliothéque municipale, MS. 1343. 5 J. Laporte, "Tableau des services obituaires assurés par les abbayes Saint-Evroul et de Jumiéges’, in Revue Mabillon, xlvi (1956), 141-55.

de

$ Anearly charter roll of St. Évroul, rescued by Delisle from a parchment shop

in Paris and

printed

in Le Prévost, v. 182-95, is now

Bibl. nat. MS.

Nouv.

Acq. Lat. 2527. It is written in several hands, one of them very like Orderic's own, with all his personal idiosyncrasies in forming the ‘g’, the *-orum', and the two types of ‘-que’, yet quite plainly not his. Possibly the scribe had been trained under him. 822204 b

xviil

INTRODUCTION

use of the writings of Orderic himself, particularly his interpolations in William of Jumiéges.! If Saint-Évroul ever owned a copy of the Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers it disappeared very early from the library. It is not mentioned in the twelfth-century catalogue, and is not to be found in any of the volumes that have survived to the present day. But this proves nothing, for the records of other medieval monastic libraries are equally silent.2 Possibly it was not much copied. One manuscript only, with the beginning and end missing, survived long enough to be acquired by Sir Robert Cotton, borrowed by Duchesne, and printed by him.? Duchesne described it as very old and possibly autograph, but gave no evidence for his opinion. The manuscript vanished from the knowledge of scholars after his day, and all later editions of the work have of necessity rested on the edition of Duchesne.* Orderic admired the Gesta Guillelmz for its style and for its authenticity as an eyewitness account; he copied from it extensively, sometimes word for word, and preserved part —perhaps the greater part—of the lost conclusion in his own fourth book. So from the point where Duchesne's text breaks off to the point where Orderic indicates that William of Poitiers ended his history the editor 1s faced with the problem of determining which parts of the narrative are based on the work of William of Poitiers and so are contemporary with the events described, and which parts are derived from other, possibly later and possibly oral, sources.

This problem becomes particularly complex in the passages on the early life of Lanfranc, where several paragraphs of Orderic's narrative are very close to passages in Miles Crispin's Vita Lanfranci. Unfortunately, though the Vita has been printed by Mabillon and d'Achery,5 no modern edition of it exists, and the date of composition is uncertain. Miles was precentor of Bec in ! For his early life see R. Tor. (1893), ii. ii-v. Cf. R. Howlett, Introduction to Chronicle of Robert of Torigni in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, iv (RS, 1889), pp. xxix-xxxvii; and M. Chibnall, ‘Orderic

Vitalis and Robert of Torigni’ in Mélanges du millénaire monastique du MontSaint- Michel, ii. 133-9. ? The work was also known to Robert of Torigni. See his Interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 264). 3 Historiae Normannorum scriptores antiqui (Paris, 1619), Preface and pp. 178-213.

* Cf. Foreville, pp. I-Ivii. 5 Migne, PL, cl. 19-57.

INTRODUCTION

xix

the early twelfth century, and his working life can be roughly dated since he was certainly a monk in Anselm's lifetime and lived to complete a life of Abbot Letard (d. 1149).! But this does . not indicate when he began to write his life of Lanfranc, and Manitius even suggests unconvincingly that Orderic derived his description of Lanfranc from the Vita Lanfranci.? Admittedly, style and structure show conclusively that those passages that Orderic has in common with the Vita were not his own composition. He composed his work in rhymed prose;? when copying from other authors he normally made slight changes in word order and added words and phrases of his own to preserve his complex rhythmical patterns; or occasionally he sacrificed his own rhyme and rhythm entirely to preserve intact a sentence which he either particularly admired or could not mould to the pattern of his own prose. In the passages which he shares with Miles Crispin both methods appear, as one illustration shows: Orderic Vitalis (below, p. 248). Hic ex nobili parentela ortus, Papiae urbis Italiae ciuibus"? ab annis infantiae zn scolis liberalium artium studuit, et saecularium legum peritiam ad patriae suae morem intentione laica feruidus edidicit. Adolescentulus

orator

ueteranos

aduersantes

in actionibus

causarum

frequenter praecipitauit?

torrente facundia apposite dicendo senes superauit. In ipsa aetate sententias depromere sapuit,

quas gratanter iurisperiti aut iudices aut praetores ciuitatis acceptabant. At cum in exilio uelut Plato quondam achademicus phylosopharetur? ignis aeternus mentem eius incendit, et amor uere sapientiae cordi eius illuxit. 1 Cf. d’Achery’s notes in Migne, PL, cl. 57ff. 2 Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur (1931), iii. 524. It is difficult to see how Manitius reconciles this with his earlier statement (ibid., p. 80) that Miles Crispin wrote the Vita Lanfranci about 1138, which is eleven or twelve years after Orderic wrote his fourth book of the Ecclesiastical History. 3 Cf. K. Polheim, Die lateinische Reimprosa (Berlin, 1925), pp. 415-16;

Hans Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis, pp. 118 ff.

XC

INTRODUCTION

Vita Lanfranci (cap. v). Hic igitur homo religione, sapientia omni aevo memorabilis, nobi; ortus parentela, ab annis puerilibus eruditus est in scholis liberalium artium et legum saecularium ad suae morem patriae. Adolescens orator

veteranos adversantes in actionibus causarum frequenter revicit, torrente

facundiae accurate dicendo. In ipsa aetate sententias depromere sapuit, quas

gratanter jurisperiti aut judices vel praetores civitatis acceptabant. Meminit horum Papia. At cum in exsilio philosopharetur, accendit animum ejus divinus ignis et illuxit cordi ejus amor verae sapientiae.

Up to ‘senes superauit’ and in the last two lines Orderic has adapted his source to the needs of his rhymes: from ‘in ipsa’ to *phylosopharetur' he appears to have copied word for word, and the rhyme has broken down. Although the phrase 'uelut . . . academicus’ is not in the existing text of Miles it must almost certainly have been in the work copied by Orderic. It is too apt to have been added by him and it upsets the rhythm; moreover, Orderic does not mention Plato in any other place in his History and can hardly have known enough about him to have brought him in on his own initiative. If the phrase occurred in the original text of Miles it has been omitted by scribal or editorial error, but it is also possible that Miles never copied it. Indeed there seems little doubt that Miles no less than Orderic was copying. He implies as much, for he introduces this material just after the section of his work taken verbatim from the Vita Herluini of Gilbert Crispin with the statement that he is interrupting the flow of his narrative to give information he has found elsewhere. The most likely explanation of the common passages is that both writers copied from a lost common source. This is made even more likely by the fact that a possible source can be suggested in the lost ending of the Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers. Orderic was no classical scholar; but classical allusions

multiply in his description of Lanfranc. Lanfranc

to Herodian

in grammar,

The

Aristotle

comparison in dialectic,

of and

Cicero in rhetoric might very well have come from the pen of William of Poitiers; and there is one echo of William's style and thought which is even closer. In a passage where William speaks

of the merits of Maurilius of Rouen and Gerbert of St. Wandrille he observes that their minds were by divine grace more penetrating than that of Plato, and that they strove to win eternal

INTRODUCTION

xxi

joy whilst they lived in the exile of this world.! There is an association of ideas between this and the statement, clearly made by Orderic and implied in the Vita Lanfranci, that Lanfranc, like Plato, occupied himself with philosophy during his ‘exile’, before his mind was kindled by divine fire: an association so close that it bears out the suggestion of common authorship. So the evidence suggests very strongly that both Orderic and the Vita Lanfranci copied some passages from William of Poitiers; or conceivably that both used an early draft of a life of Lanfranc that included extracts from William of Poitiers. This means that in passages common to Orderic and the Vita the possibility of the statements being nearly contemporary evidence cannot be disregarded. Orderic saw and used some of the great monastic chronicles of his contemporaries whilst he was working on Books III and IV, though he never had copies under his hand for extensive reference. The foundations of chronology had been laid by Eusebius of Caesarea and St. Jerome, but for the later centuries a number of monastic annals or chronicles still competed for general favour. The general chronicle of Marianus Scotus was used as a base by some historians. Marianus did not work as a continuator, but rewrote the early history of the world with scripture and the earlier ecclesiastical histories as his sources, carrying the narrative up to the third quarter of the eleventh century. Although his chronology was faulty his work was taken over by several historians, including the author of the Worcester chronicle known as ‘Florence of Worcester’.2 Orderic visited Worcester and found the monk John at work on this chronicle; he seems to have derived some of his knowledge of earlier English history from it. He also saw at Cambrai a copy of the chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux,;? whom he wrongly names ‘Engelbert’. Sigebert's work, finished only in 1112 and not widely disseminated when Orderic saw it, rapidly became the accepted continuation of Eusebius and Jerome. Manuscripts multiplied, and many later writers, including Robert of Torigni and John of Salisbury, wrote ! Foreville, pp. 132-4.

? See below, p. 186 n. 2. MS. C.C.C. Oxford 157 (now deposited in the Bodleian Library) is a Worcester manuscript, and may have been the volume seen by Orderic whilst it was still being written. The part up to c. 1110 is written in a hand or hands of the early twelfth century. 3 Below, p. 188.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

their histories as further continuations

of it.! Orderic

himself,

however, made only restricted use of it. Whether Orderic actually saw the writings of any south Italian historians is a little more doubtful. St. Évroul had close ties with the Normans of south Italy, for members of the Giroie family settled there and when the second abbot, Robert of Grandmesnil, was driven into exile amongst his kinsmen there he peopled his newly endowed monastery of St. Eufemia with monks of St. Évroul. Geoffrey of Malaterra, who wrote the history of Sicily in the last decade of the eleventh century, had begun his monastic life at St. Évroul and wrote in the monastery of St. Agatha of Catania, a daughter house of St. Eufemia.? Orderic knew of his work and paid a tribute to its fine qualities, but he might have known of it and its contents through one of his fellow monks who had visited south Italy. The monk Benedict, who had spent three years in the abbey of St. Eufemia, was remarkable for his retentive memory and delighted his fellow monks by describing in detail all that he had seen and read;3 and he may have been the source of Orderic's information. At least the resemblances between the Historia Ecclesiastica and the De Rebus Gestis are broad and general only, whereas there are some clear contradictions.* Further, in spite of the natural interest felt in Normandy about the doings of kinsfolk in Apulia and Calabria and the existence of a very early manuscript of the work of William of Apulia at Mont-St.-Michel,5 there is no known evidence for any manuscript of Geoffrey of Malaterra in Normandy at any time. Orderic could have known of Count Roger's deeds in Sicily and Greece from independent oral sources. Indeed historians have found him a useful check on Geoffrey’s narrative, for his accounts of such events as the arrival of Robert of Grandmesnil in Italy and Count Roger's marriage 1 Cf. R. Tor. i, pp. iii-xxiii. ? L. T. White, Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily (Cambridge, 1938), p. 109; E. Pontieri, Introduction to GM, pp. iv-vi. 3 Below, p. 126.

Mass.,

^ For instance, Orderic says (below, p. 104) that Roger's first wife Judith had no children, whereas Geoffrey mentions a daughter by name (GM, p- 90). Again, Orderic described the Norman invaders of the ninth century as Danish

in origin, and Geoffrey believed them to be Norwegian (GM, p. 7). 5 M. Mathieu, ‘Le manuscrit 162 d’Avranches’ in Byzantion, xxiv (1954), 124. $ Cf. L.-R. Ménager, ‘Fondations monastiques de Robert Guiscard’ in Quellen und Forschungen, xxxix (1959), 12-17.

INTRODUCTION

xxiii

with Judith are complementary to Geoffrey's history rather than identical with it. Such knowledge as Orderic had of the De Rebus Gestis was most probably second-hand, and did not make up the

. whole of his information about events in Calabria and Sicily. He has a number of stories in common with Amatus of Montecassino,!

but there are significant variations, and resemblances are probably accounted for by a common interest in the region of Salerno and Capua.? Amatus took as his hero Richard, prince of Capua, and the monks of St. Évroul knew something of Richard's history because William of Montreuil, son of William Giroie, married Richard's

daughter and later rebelled against his father-in-law. The same events occur in both histories from different angles: Amatus was naturally critical of William’s rebellion against Richard and his attempts to repudiate his wife, whereas Orderic wrote and perhaps knew nothing but good of the benefactor of his monastery. In addition to contemporary accounts of events there was a fund of legend that became entangled in history; each writer drew on it according to his taste, and certain stories of real or fabulous exploits may be associated with the name of any early Norman hero. On the whole Orderic was stricter in his Historia Ecclesiastica than he had been in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges, where he had included some dragon-slaying and other legendary feats. In his History he gives more credence to personal reminiscences, even though they reached him at second or third hand, and less to troubadour songs and folk tales. But apart from some knowledge, probably indirect, of Geoffrey of Malaterra he seems to have used no written sources for south Italian history. The same problem of whether he is using a lost source or relying on popular legend or verbal testimony occurs in his account of the more spectacular exploits of the Normans nearer home, notably the conquest of England. For this he made extensive use of William of Poitiers, and more restricted use of William of Jumiéges and Guy of Amiens.3 But some statements in his narrative of the Conquest 1 Amato

di Montecassino,

Storia

de Normanni,

ed. V. de Bartholomaeis

(Rome, 1935). The work of Amatus, written between 1080 and 1086, survives only in a thirteenth-century French translation; but Leo of Ostia copied extensively from the lost Latin text. 2 Cf. below, Introduction, Part iii, pp. xxx-xxxil. 3 Cf. below, Appendix III.

xxiv

INTRODUCTION

cannot be traced to any known earlier writer. Where he names among the combatants at Hastings local men with interests in St. Évroul his testimony is almost certainly direct and reliable. His statement that Tostig went from Flanders to Normandy to promise support to William if he attacked England is plausible, but no more, and its source is unknown. Elsewhere he appears to stray more definitely into legend. In general, in spite of his English sympathies, he accepts the ‘official’ version of Harold’s oath and perjury and the projected marriage alliance. Some details of the story, however, find their earliest written expression in Orderic's

work. In his interpolations in William of Jumiéges he gives the earliest account known to me of Gyrth's attempt to dissuade Harold from going into battle on the ground that he, Gyrth, who had taken no oath, could defend his country without perjury.! This is repeated in the Historia Ecclesiastica and later had a wide appeal, especially in literary accounts of the battle. William of Malmesbury also tells the story, but as manuscripts of William of Jumiéges with Orderic's interpolations were multiplied at an early date this could be explained without positing a lost common source.? In any case, whether Orderic was dramatizing independently, or whether he took the story from a lost account, probably poetical, of the battle, it reads more like special pleading than historical evidence. No problem is more perplexing in the study of sources than the relationship of the works of two exact contemporaries to each other. In a number of passages relating to the history of the Conquest, the early history of Crowland, and the scandals at Glastonbury in 1082 Orderic and William of Malmesbury handle the same themes in a similar way. The two men had similar scholarly interests; they belonged to monasteries which, though not in close contact with each other, each had some ties with the abbey of Jumiéges. It is hard to believe that they were ignorant of each other's existence, yet no proof exists that either ever consciously used the work of the other. William of Malmesbury may possibly have used the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumiéges with the interpolations of Orderic, but even that is conjectural. ! Marx, p. 196. : 2 If this is true it would prove, as Stubbs suggested, that William of Malmes-

bury knew the work of William of Jumiéges. Cf. Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 268 n. 20.

INTRODUCTION

—

Beyond that they are known to have had common sources: the oral traditions treasured at Crowland, and the work of Florence

of Worcester. Orderic liked to acknowledge his sources, and would probably have mentioned William's name had he seen his work. As far as we know no copy of the Ecclesiastical History ever came to England. In the present state of the evidence therefore no direct borrowings by William from the Ecclesiastical History can be detected, and the most likely common source is Florence of Worcester.? Orderic's work is of particular importance to the historian of Crowland abbey because it is the earliest surviving epitome of monastic history from the time of Guthlac to the late eleventh century. Though no more reliable, as a record, than the sources on which Orderic depended for his information, it fixes to within a few years the date of the traditions he used, which were later woven into the Vitae Abbatum? and the History of the PseudoIngulf.4 Much scholarship has been devoted to the exposure of the Pseudo-Ingulf,5 but though there is now no doubt that the History in its present form is a late forgery too little serious attention has been given to the question of the date of the various elements in the final chronicle. Many books and records perished, Orderic tells us, in the fire of 109156 so the early twelfth century was a time of replacement by the inevitable process of forgery to strengthen the rights of the abbey in its estates. Moreover, there was at the same time a strong intellectual movement with a special emphasis on history. Ingulf himself was a man of some education, a royal scribe according to Orderic, first initiated into monastic life at St. Wandrille; and he may have begun the work of collecting and restoring materials for the history of Crowland after the fire. Abbot : For William of Malmesbury’s sources see Hugh Farmer, ‘William of Malmesbury’s life and works’, in Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xili. 39—54. 2 See M. Chibnall, ‘Corbie et l'Angleterre', in Corbie, abbaye royale (Amiens, 1962), pp. 226-9, and below, p. 270 n. I. 3 Brit. Mus. MS. Cotton Vespasian B XI.

4 Historia Ingulfi (Rerum Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum (Oxford, 1684)), i. 1-107. A copy in the Cambridge University Library contains the manuscript notes of W. G. Searle.

5 See F. Liebermann, ‘Ueber ostenglische Geschichtsquellen’, in Neues Archiv, xviii (1892), 245-55; W. G. Searle, Ingulf and the Historia Croylandensis (Cambridge,

1894).

6 Below, p. 346.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

Geoffrey, who succeeded him, had been educated at Orleans and was also a man of letters. But the level of learning in the monastery seems to have been low; presumably no native historian could be found, for the prior and subprior sought out historians of other monasteries to preserve the traditions of their own house. The two men invited were William of Malmesbury and Orderic Vitalis. Orderic's visit occurred some time during the abbacy of Geoffrey of Orleans, previously prior of St. Évroul (1109-24); Searle's suggestion of a date about 1115! may be based only on the reasonable but unproved assumption that he was one of the many visiting monks who came for the dedication of the new church in 1114. He wrote an epitome of Felix’s Life of St. Guthlac and a short account of the early history of Crowland. William of Malmesbury was there whilst working on the Gesta Pontificum, that is, not later than the summer of 1125. Both mention the prior or subprior as one of their chief sources of information.? There is no evidence that either saw the work of the other, or even was

aware of his existence: similar statements are to be expected when both writers drew on the same source of oral tradition. Another slightly later source, the Guthlac Roll, also embodies many of the same traditions. This beautiful document consists of tinted outline illustrations of the life of St. Guthlac and the early endowment of Crowland: they may have been intended as designs for windows in the new church and date probably from the third quarter of the twelfth century. One illustration in particular, /Ethelbald and twelve benefactors, comes very close to the history related by Orderic.? Probably Orderic left a copy of his epitome and short history at Crowland, but the earliest surviving copy is in a thirteenthcentury manuscript, now Douai, Public Library, MS. 852. This contains a number of different readings, and the spelling is sometimes nearer to the Guthlac Roll than the spelling in the autograph manuscript of the Historia Ecclesiastica. Possibly the manuscript from which MS. Douai 852 derived was also used by the scribe of the Guthlac Roll. But there are significant differences: Thurketel’s ! Searle, Ingulf, p. 18. ^ Below, p. 328; GP, p. 322. If the same man gave the information to both, then William's visit, after he had been promoted prior, must have been the later of the two. 3 The Guthlac Roll, ed. Sir G. F. Warner (Roxburghe Club, Oxford, 1928), p. 15, pl. xviii.

INTRODUCTION

xxvii

gift is described in the Guthlac Roll as a sixth part of his patrimony, whereas Orderic and MS. Douai 852 agree in making it six out of sixty manors, or one-tenth. Another possible explanation is that the scribe of the Guthlac Roll drew in part at least upon the same oral tradition as Orderic and William of Malmesbury.! MS. Douai 852 or the original from which it was copied was almost certainly used by Henry of Avranches for his versification of the history of Crowland's foundation,? and the two have one mistake in common. Orderic himself had given the dimensions of the site offered by 7Ethelbald for the foundation of a monastery as five miles to the east, three to the west, two to the south, and two to the north; but the scribe of the Douai MS., presumably reading v for 72 enlarged the last two measurements to five miles each, and so did Henry of Avranches. The description of the site in the forged charter of the Pseudo-Ingulf is so different as to suggest that the charter seen by Orderic was a different version.3 But it is clear from many verbal similarities listed by W. G. Searle that the writer of the final version of the Pseudo-Ingulf copied freely from Orderic, as did the writer of the Vitae Abbatum.

It is hard enough to try to date the first appearance of a tradition in this tangle; harder still to establish any solid core of truth in the tradition. But Domesday Book confirms that Crowland held the six manors mentioned by Orderic as gifts of ''hurketel at least before the Conquest, and since the possession of these lands was secure there was no motive for inventing an early donation. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle further confirms the facts given by Orderic about Thurketel—that he was a relation of Archbishop Oscytel and a clerk of London—though it shows too that the dates are almost certainly wrong; he cannot have founded or refounded Crowland earlier than 971, though Orderic places the event in Eadred's reign (946-55).5 There are then good grounds for believing that the monastery of Crowland dated at least from this t Liebermann has pointed to three historical errors in the Guthlac Roll that

cannot derive from either Felix or Orderic (Neues Archiv, xviii. 251).

2 Cambridge

University Library, MS.

Dd. xi. 78. For authorship see B.

Colgrave, Felix's Life of Guthlac (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 22-23. 3 Liebermann, however (Neues Archiv, xviii. 250), thought that the charters

seen by Orderic were probably the forged charters of 716 and 966 in PseudoIngulf.

4 Domesday Book (1783), i. 192b-3, 222b, 231.

5 See D. Whitelock, ‘The conversion of the Eastern Danelaw’, in Saga Book of the Viking Society, xii (1937-45), 175.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

time and that it received the six manors from the hand of Thurketel. The attempt to place the original foundation of Crowland in JEthelbald's

reign is, however,

tendentious,

and

in doing

so

Orderic relates a legend in open contradiction with the account in Felix’s Life of Guthlac, where 7Ethelbald heard of the saint's death whilst still an uncrowned exile. For the history of Crowland between the time of Guthlac's life there and the tenth century we have only: 1. The statements of Orderic and William of Malmesbury in the twelfth century, that monastic life never ceased from the time of Guthlac, which both appear to have been derived from the subprior or prior of Crowland in their own day. 2. The charter in the Pseudo-Ingulf, which is certainly a forgery. 3. The evidence of the narratives in the Pseudo-Ingulf, of the Vitae Abbatum, and of late marginal insertions in MS. Douai 852; for which no sources earlier than the twelfth century have yet been found. 4. The single statement in Orderic that Kenulf was abbot of the monastery ‘per aliquod tempus . . . in diebus illis’ and gave his name to Kenulfestan, a boundary stone. This may be no more than the rationalization of the name on a genuine boundary stone. All this amounts to very little, and the five abbots traditionally named before Thurketel are no more than shadows. Orderic gives no obits before Thurketel: a strong indication that none were celebrated at the time of his visit to Crowland. Apart from Thurketel’s endowment only one other manor is mentioned by Orderic as an early gift—Barnack, said to have been given by Waltheof. But there is no evidence that Crowland ever held land there: certainly the monks held nothing at the time of Domesday. Pseudo-Ingulf, the only other writer to record this gift to Crowland,

may

have taken the statement from Orderic,

though he adds a further detail—that the date was 1061. If the monks of Crowland tried to assert any claim to these valuable quarries they were unsuccessful. Alternatively there may have been a genuine grant of stone from the quarries without any permanent gift of land. Orderic certainly had some written sources at his disposal. He

INTRODUCTION

xxix

knew the day of the month, but not the year, of each abbot's death, so presumably worked with a monastic calendar recording obits; he refers also to charters of 7Ethelbald and Edgar, thereby implying that the first forged charters were already in existence. For the most part, however, the written records of Crowland's history begin in the early twelfth century, and Orderic made an important contribution towards the record with his epitome of monastic history.! The ‘Life of St. Judoc’ towards the end of Book III was written

by Orderic as a background to the establishment of a priory at Parnes, where the relics of the saint were alleged, on very dubious

authority, to rest. It is simply an abbreviation of three other works: the anonymous Life by a ninth-century monk; the life and miracles compiled by Isembard of Fleury-en-Vexin about the year 1000; and a lost account of the ‘translation’ of the saint's bones to St. Martin's, Parnes, and subsequent miracles composed by William of Merlerault, monk of St. Évroul.? Unlike the account of Crow-

land's early history it is in no sense an original work. (i1) The historical value of Books III and IV Ecclesiastical History

of the

The historical value of Orderic's work depends partly on his sources, partly on his distance from events and the way he handled his sources. ‘The events described in Books III and IV took place almost entirely before he was born, and he had no direct personal knowledge of any of them. Inevitably its value is uneven. As a social history of the eleventh century it is unparalleled. In the family sagas of Giroie, Grandmesnil, and Belléme are recorded

the way of life of the military, landed families of Normandy: their complex

ties of allegiance,

their traditions

of inheritance,

the

adventurous and perilous way of life which both helped the successful to establish branches in distant regions and kept down the population of land-holding men to a level the community could support. They show too the place of monastic houses in the families of the patrons who founded them. And the account of the early days of the community at St. Évroul is a true reflection of the economic, spiritual, and intellectual interests of a reformed I Liebermann (Neues Archiv, xviii. 250) said that the literature of Crowland was born during the five weeks that Orderic spent there. 2 See below, Appendix IT.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

Benedictine house with Cluniac leanings, before its way of life came under fire from the newer orders. Orderic recorded the recollections of men who had lived amongst the conditions they described. They might misinterpret motives and confuse details of particular events: but this did not vitiate the record they left of the society in which they had been born. The value of this part of the history is plain, and needs no further emphasis. As a record of political events it must be measured by different standards. Early south Italian history, for instance, had passed through a distorting glass. St. Évroul had continuing personal contacts with St. Eufemia in Calabria, and the fact that Roger Guiscard had stayed at St. Évroul and met his wife Judith there on his way to make his fortune in the south opened the way, no doubt, to some sources of political gossip at the highest possible level. But Orderic had no written sources for the early history of the Norman settlement. This was a difficulty he shared with others, for all the earliest traditions of the arrival of the Normans in southern Italy are confused by legends. 'The most reliable account occurs in Raoul Glaber, who probably owed his information to William of Dijon and Odilo of Cluny, and wrote his third book in the 1030s, before the Norman

exploits had assumed legendary proportions. He records that a Norman lord, Rodulf, exiled by Duke Richard II, was persuaded

by Benedict VIII to assist the Lombards rebelling against Greek rule.! The second tradition is that of the ‘legend of invitation’, which has two main forms. Amatus of Montecassino wrote that the exploits of forty valiant pilgrims against the Saracens in Salerno ‘before the year 1000 led Prince Gaimar of Salerno to send to Normandy for more fighting men; and William of Apulia believed that the invitation came from the Lombard rebel Melo after a chance meeting with Norman pilgrims at the shrine of St. Michael in the Gargano. A further element in the story is provided by accounts of groups of exiles escaping from ducal anger ! Raoul Glaber, Les cing livres de ses histoires, ed. M. Prou (Paris, 1887), ii. 3 (pp. 52—54). This agrees with versions in Ademar of Chabannes and Leo of Ostia; cf. E. Joranson, “The inception of the career of the Normans in Italy— legend and history’, in Speculum, xxiii (1948), 353-96, especially 370-2. ? V. de Bartholomaeis in his edition (AM, p. 25) has emended this date to 1016; but both E. Joranson and M. Mathieu (La geste de Robert Guiscard

(Palermo, 1961), p. 262) regard this as an arbitrary attempt to fit the story into the pattern of Melo's rebellion.

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xxxi

at different dates: Amatus records the flight of Gilbert Buatére with his brothers Rainulf, Asclettin, Osmund, and Rodulf after the murder of William Repostel in the presence of Duke Robert.! Geoffrey of Malaterra has a similar story of the flight of Tancred _ of Hauteville's son Serlo from Normandy to Brittany after killing

a favourite of Count Robert I.2 Orderic wrote too long after the events for his testimony to have any independent value, and was the first in a long line of historians to attempt a conflation of the various traditions with which he was familiar. The name of Pope Benedict has survived to produce a travesty of the dating, for the exiled Normans known to him, as to Amatus, were those who fled from Duke Robert after 1027, and were certainly not the first settlers. Osmund Drengot is probably the same person as Osmund, brother of Gilbert Buatére in Amatus's story. Orderic also shares with Amatus? the tradition of Norman pilgrims aiding Gaimar of Salerno against the Saracens: he did not know the tradition of the Gargano meeting with Melo. The truth seems to have been that the Normans went to south Italy as pilgrims and adventurers, first appearing as isolated individuals in the late tenth century,* becoming involved in larger numbers in the Lombard and Greek struggles from 1017, and increasing their settlement more rapidly after 1031. They fought on all sides; it is likely that Pope Benedict encouraged some of them, but the political conditions of south Italy were of the kind to attract mercenaries. Different traditions relate to different groups of them: almost all are to some extent contaminated by legend. Two of the most recent writers on the subject, E. Joranson

and M. Mathieu, by carefully distinguishing the various traditions and the different groups and individuals have at last broken away from the attempts at conflation that began in Orderic's time, and have probably gone as far as it is possible to go in winnowing a few grains of history out of all the legends. Orderic is valuable in showing the attitude of his contemporaries to the south Italian kingdom: he has nothing to add to the facts before the close ties 2 GM I. xxxviii (p. 24). ! AM, pp. 25-26. 3 These traditions were independently derived. Cf. above, p. xxiii.

^ See M. Mathieu, La geste de Robert Guiscard, p. 339; N. Tamassia, Studi

sulla storia giuridica dell'Italia meridionale (Bari, 1957), pp. 103-7. 5 Op. cit. above, p. xxx nn. 1 and 2. 6 Cf. E. M. Jamison, "The Sicilian Norman kingdom in the mind of AngloNorman contemporaries', in Proc. Brit. Acad. xxiv (1938), pp. 237-85.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

of St. Évroul with Calabria began through the migration of monks

to found St. Eufemia. Where Orderic has written sources he uses them in different ways, sometimes abbreviating, sometimes quoting extensively, sometimes more briefly citing from memory. William of Poitiers certainly has pride of place in these two books, because he lived nearest to events and was an eyewitness of some of them. Orderic quotes at length and verbatim from the Gesta Guillelmi much more freely than from any other source; he adds, however, evidence he

regarded as reliable from other authorities, and occasionally imposes his own interpretation on the whole. This gives a special value to the fourth book. For Orderic alone preserves substantial parts of the conclusion of William of Poitiers, who in spite of his faults of exaggeration and rhetorical inflation was in a position to know the facts of the campaigns of King William in 1068-70; and so Orderic gives the fullest and most valuable account of these campaigns. Without this the historian of the second stage of the conquest would be lost indeed. In his narrative of the first stage, where comparison with the text of William is possible, Orderic keeps very close to the original for descriptions of campaigns and tactics, merely pruning out the more lengthy classical analogies, and adding on his own initiative a harsher criticism of Norman ‘oppression’ and an expression of sympathy with the English. It is reasonable to suppose that he handled his source in much the same way in those chapters where comparison is no longer possible, and that the details of the campaigns in the west and north of England are virtually contemporary. It is less certain that the original William of Poitiers has survived without significant modification in the account of King William's ecclesiastical reorganization. Orderic's account of the deposition of Stigand will illustrate some of the problems of interpretation. This is a passage that is paralleled in Miles Crispin's Vita Lanfranci and, whatever the source common

to the two, there are variations in the accounts

which make it plain that at least one of the two has departed from his source. Orderic Vitalis (below, p. 236): Post haec Guillelmus rex dominicam resurrectionem in urbe Guenta celebrauit ubi cardinales Romanae aecclesiae coronam ei solenniter

INTRODUCTION

xxxiii

imposuerunt. Nam ex petitione ipsius Alexander papa tres idoneos ei ut karissimo filio legauerat uicarios Ermenfredum pontificem Sedunorum et

duos canonicos cardinales. Quos apud se ferme annuo spacio retinuit audiens et honorans eos tanquam angelos Dei . . . Maxima uero ac utillima sznodus Windresoris celebrata est, anno millesimo septuagesimo ab incarnatione Domini. Rex et cardinales eidem concilio praesederunt et illic Stigandum pridem reprobatum anathemate deposuerunt.

Vita Lanfranci (cap. vi): Post haec venerunt ad regem in Angliam tres legati simul, Erminfredus Sedunorum episcopus, et duo clerici cardinales, missi ad petitionem ipsius a papa Alexandro, qui eum in Pascha coronam regni capiti ejus imponentes, in regem Anglicum confirmaverunt. Congregata est ergo synodus magna Windresoris in qua, praesidente rege, ab ipsis legatis dejecti sunt quidam episcopi indigni episcopatu. . . . Inter quos deposuerunt Stigandum cum anathemate reprobatum . . .

In Orderic, though royal initiative is indicated, the cardinals play a much more significant role. The king listens to them as if they had been angels of the Lord: they preside at the synod jointly with the king. In the version of the Vita Lanfranci the king presides, the legates take appropriate ecclesiastical action in his presence. An independent account from Florence of Worcester! provides a check on the facts: Concilium magnum in octavis Paschae Wintoniae celebratum est, jubente et praesente rege Willelmo, domino Alexandro papa consentiente, et per suos legatos Earmenfredum Sedunensem episcopum, et presbyteros Johannem et Petrum cardinales sedis apostolicae, suam auctoritatem exhibente. In quo concilio Stigandus Doroberniae archiepiscopus degradatur. . . . Die autem Pentecostes rex apud Windesoram venerando Baiocensi canonico Thomae Eboracensis ecclesiae archiepiscopatum, et Walcelino suo capellano Wintoniensis ecclesiae dedit praesulatum; cujus iussu mox in crastino praedictus Sedunensis episcopus Armenfridus synodum tenuit, Johanne et Petro praefatis cardinalibus Romam reversis.

In this version the king summoned the council of Winchester and was present: the cardinals, exercising papal authority, deposed Stigand. It is a shade nearer to the Vita than to Orderic on the organization of the council; it differs from both on the place. Florence makes it plain that Stigand was deposed at Winchester

t FW ii. 5-6. 822204

c

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

at Easter, and that two of the cardinals had left England by the time further ecclesiastical appointments were made at Windsor at Pentecost. Both Orderic and the Vita, and so presumably their common source, say that Stigand was deposed at Windsor. This raises of course the greatest difficulty in the hypothesis that the common source is always William of Poitiers,! for it is arguable that one writing so near to events would not have telescoped two councils. But it certainly does not rule him out, for if he was not with the king at the time he may have believed that Stigand was deposed at the same time as several other ecclesiastics at Pentecost;

the Worcester

chronicler,

on the other hand, had

the

advantage of a contemporary witness in Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester, who was actually present at the proceedings and inspired the early stages of the collection of material for the Worcester Chronicle. Whatever the truth, it is a striking fact that Orderic, who certainly saw the version of Florence and may have seen a version in William of Poitiers fairly close to that of the Vita Lanfranci, has given a subtle slant to his presentation. Florence of Worcester certainly did not suggest that the king regarded the legates as angels of the Lord, and the expression is not characteristic of William of Poitiers. Combined with an old-fashioned acceptance of the right of the king to appoint bishops,? there is in Orderic a hint of a much more fully developed post-Gregorian papalism. It would be wrong to try to rationalize these inconsistencies in the outlook of a man who had already, by 1125, lived through half a century of profound change. But when his History is used to illustrate the relative share of pope and king in the reshaping of the church in England, or even the exact procedure in the ‘councils’ and ‘synods’ where king and legates were both present, the ways in which Orderic may unconsciously have modified his sources in writing his history cannot be ignored. Where the narrative sources fail, and Orderic drew upon good oral traditions, the reader has to face a similar problem of unconscious interpretation. The Gesta of William of Poitiers came to an end in 1071, and Orderic then drew upon miscellaneous oral sources in an extremely interesting account of the distribution * There seems to be no doubt that he was the common source of the passage analysed above, Introduction, pp. xix—xx.

2 Cf. above, p. xv n. i; also J. Yver in BSAN lvii (1965), 271-9.

INTRODUCTION

XXXV

of lands and offices by King William.! He had an intimate knowledge of some families from his own childhood memories and the information monks at St. Évroul were able to give him of their own kinsfolk or the lords whom they had served as chaplains _ before taking monastic vows. There are good reasons for looking closely at anything he has to say about the families of Montgomery-Belléme, Grandmesnil, Warenne, and Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester. But he was generalizing from miscellaneous information, and describing events that took place at different dates. He has frequently been misquoted on the very difficult problem of earls and earldoms,? partly because genealogists have given an unhistorical emphasis to the question of when earldoms were

'created'.

Yet the title of the Norman

counts,

as D. C.

Douglas has shown, was normally a personal dignity: the territorial official in Normandy was the vicomte. Again, it is doubtful whether any Norman count became an earl (comes) in England during the Conqueror's reign,? perhaps for this very reason that status, once conferred, cannot be doubled. There were English earls, called ‘comites’ by the Latin chroniclers: there were also military and administrative functions, sometimes of a regional nature, that tended to give the English earldoms a territorial colour. And William undoubtedly established men, often Norman vicomtes, as earls with control of the chief towns and royal demesne in frontier provinces that might very reasonably be called counties palatine.t Orderic as a boy had some knowledge of conditions in the palatine earldom of Shropshire: his later personal knowledge of political and social relationships derived from Normandy. Moreover, he had to express himself in a language originally framed to fit Roman institutions, and only slowly being remoulded to provide the technical terms required in a rapidly evolving society. On several occasions he uses the expression *dedit comitatum’; but when describing the grant of Chester to Hugh of Avranches he says ‘dedit consulatum'. It is impossible I Below, pp. 260-6. 2 'l'here is a useful discussion of earls, counts, and vicomtes in Douglas, WC,

pp. 294-6.

:

3 There is no satisfactory proof that Robert of Mortain was ever called earl of Cornwall, whatever his rights in the county. ^ For the meaning of this term in eleventh-century England, see J. Boussard, Le gouvernement d'Henri II Plantegenét (Paris, 1955), pp. 17, 197-8; and

W. E. Wightman, ‘The palatine earldom of William fitzOsbern in Gloucester-

shire and Worcestershire’, in EHR

Ixxvii (1962), 6.

xxxvi

INTRODUCTION

to be certain whether he meant to imply a difference, or was merely falling into a rhetorical device for varying his narrative by the use of an intended synonym. I have deliberately translated the first ‘gave the county’ and the second ‘gave the office of earl’, thereby preserving the ambiguity. It may confidently be asserted that William I did not ‘grant earldoms’, but that Henry I, in whose time Orderic wrote, did. The actions of William Rufus are

in greater doubt, and how far the office was hereditary is open to debate. I have tried not to prejudge the issue in the translation. When Orderic speaks of William as ‘giving the county of Surrey’ to William of Warenne one cannot be certain whether he confused dates and anticipated later events, or correctly referred to the grant of some comital rights in Surrey of which there is no other record. A similar difficulty exists in translating his references to ‘castles’. He uses a number of terms, including ‘oppidum’, ‘castrum’, and ‘castellum’, which may in different places mean ‘castle’, ‘fortified town’, or simply ‘town’. Similarly the term ‘oppidani’ is applied sometimes to townsmen, sometimes to members of a garrison. For the history of feudalism the interpretation may be important, and statements about early castle-building have sometimes been based on references by Orderic to a ‘castrum’ or ‘castellum’. Where either the context or other literary or archaeological evidence makes it plain that a castle existed I have translated ‘castle’; in cases of real doubt I have preserved the ambiguity in the ambiguous term ‘stronghold’. Outside Normandy Orderic had good sources of information in the south-west frontier regions, and his evidence for the regions of Belléme, Maine, and Anjou is always deserving of careful consideration, even when his interpretations of facts are weighted by his hatred of the Belléme family.! For Brittany and Flanders his information was vague and unreliable in the extreme; though occasionally, as in his statement that William fitzOsbern took only ten men to the campaign in Flanders, a concrete and probably authentic detail survives as a reminder that not all his sources were wrong or garbled.? Orderic’s statements on rights of inheritance in any region need particularly careful examination. His work brings out sharply the truth of R. W. Southern’s suggestion that though there were ! See below, Appendix I.

? Below, p. 282.

INTRODUCTION

xxxvil

uncertainties over the right of hereditary succession in the early twelfth century the reign of Henry I ‘is a turning-point in this important matter'! For Orderic, writing when the reign of Henry I was far advanced, shows none of the reasonable hesita_ tions of modern historians. He is almost obsessed with the rights of succession by primogeniture not only to fiefs, but to castles and

offices: indeed he insists too much. This must have been a matter

on which the patrons and noble friends of St. Évroul and their sons, Orderic's fellow monks, felt strongly, as men feel about a half-established right that is still liable to be challenged.? Through the influence of his contemporaries it became one of the premisses which Orderic accepted so axiomatically that he used it to interpret events throughout the past hundred years. He assumed that primogeniture must have applied to the Belléme inheritance in the 1030s, whereas some problems of tenure can be better explained by some form of division. He is so certain of the rights of the eldest surviving son that in describing the rebellions of a lord, like 'T'ostig or Robert le Frison, whose cause seemed just

to him he assumes that he must have been a disinherited eldest son. In these two cases evidence shows Orderic to have been wrong. But the possibility of similar errors of interpretation should not be forgotten when his statements cannot be checked elsewhere. It may be true that William I was unfortunate in the families he raised to wealth and high office, since most of the next generation rebelled against him. Yet this assumes that he conceded the most sweeping claims to hereditary right. There is no clear proof, for instance, that in the brief four years between 1071 and 1075 Roger of Hereford held all the offices as well as the fiefs of his father. Orderic believed that he rebelled through ambition and the desire for a third of England. Yet there is always a possibility that his discontent was due to not receiving all that his father, in a period of exceptional emergency, had enjoyed.? t R. W. Southern, “The place of Henry I in English history’, in Proceedings of the British Academy, xlviii (1962), 145. ? For various aspects of hereditary succession in Normandy, see R. Génestal,

Le Parage Normand (Bibliotheque d'Histoire du Droit Normand, Caen, 1911); H. Navel, *Recherches sur les institutions féodales en Normandie', in BSAN li (1948-51), 5-175, especially pp. 35-36; J. Yver, ‘Les chateaux forts en Normandie jusqu'au milieu du xii* siécle’, in BSAN pp. 47, 61-62. !

liii (1955-6), 28-115, especially

3 For Orderic's assumptions about inheritance cf. below, p. 120 n. 3, p. 130 n. 2, p. 139 n. 3; Appendix I.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

If some information was unconsciously misinterpreted in the telling some was quite deliberately enlivened in accordance with accepted historical practice. The convention that truth was consistent with putting imaginary speeches into the mouths of the leading men of any age began with the Greeks, and was still respectable when Samuel Johnson was 'sole composer' of the speeches in the House of Lords for the Gentleman's Magazine. Orderic accepted it as part of the historian's task. But it meant that sometimes

rumours,

confused in themselves, were used as

the basis of imaginary dramatic dialogues. In interpreting them the only safe precept is caveat lector. Yet there is historical value of a kind even in Orderic's most inflated and rhetorical dialogues. They record what he believed might have been said, possibly too the arguments he had heard others use. The conversation between King William and his chaplain Samson of Bayeux! is imaginary. Nevertheless it shows the attitude of the more advanced reformers to episcopal office, and suggests the personalities and politics involved. Samson—educated, intelligent, and worldly—was just the man to have seen his own imperfections from the standpoint of a reforming pope, and to have appreciated that the only way to get a Norman nominee into the turbulent and half-conquered city of Le Mans was by finding a man of the right character to secure papal backing. There is very likely a grain of truth in the rumours on which Orderic based his dialogue. And, true or false, it illuminates the motives that might have actuated the men of his day. Again, the debate of the conspirators at the ill-fated marriage feast at Exning is imaginary.? Yet it conveys many arguments against William's rule in England that must have been widespread: that he slew and exiled the legitimate heirs, oppressed the country he had conquered by force not right, and was himself a bastard unworthy to rule. It is in fact one of the few surviving records of the interpretation of events that the 'official' narratives of William of Poitiers, William of Jumiéges, and the Bayeux Tapestry were designed to counter by their carefully selected presentation of events and justification of William's claims: narratives that Orderic indeed accepted as true in his own account of the Conquest. Also, the debate brings out the fact that Waltheof forfeited his life because he was subject to English law which prescribed a death ! Below, pp. 300-2.

? Below, pp. 310-14.

INTRODUCTION

XXXxix

penalty for treason, whereas Roger of Hereford suffered forfeiture and life imprisonment for the same offence because he came under French law.' So clearly and explicitly is this stated that it suggests a deliberate report to that effect, possibly officially put out _ to justify the harshness of an execution that was universally condemned. (iv) Manuscript, punctuation, and spelling A detailed account of the manuscripts and earlier editions will be given in the General Introduction to Volume I of this edition. Descriptions already exist in print in Delisle’s memoir (Le Prévost, v. xciii-cvi) and the biography of Orderic by Hans Wolter (Ordericus Vitalis (Wiesbaden, 1955), pp. 8-10, 66 ff.). The text here printed is based on the holograph manuscript, Bibl. nat. MS. Lat. 5506, vol. ii, ff. 1-100’, from which all existing later manu-

scripts derive. This is plainly an author's copy, and there can be little doubt that the greater part of it, including the rubrics, was written by Orderic himself. Except for a very few lines it is written throughout either in the same hand or in two remarkably similar hands; and careful corrections in the same hand or hands some-

times modify the statements of the first version. The dominant hand also copied and corrected a number of books, including the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumiéges with the interpolations of Orderic, and added entries in others. These entries include a note of the feast of St. Evroul in a calendar of Thorney Abbey (St. John’s College, Oxford, MS. f. 21"), a book that may very well have been in Orderic’s own hands when he stayed in the near-by monastery of Crowland, and probably visited Thorney itself. Proof that the dominant hand was Orderic’s is given by Delisle in his ‘Notes sur les manuscrits autographes d’Orderic Vital’, which prefaces Jules Lair's Matériaux pour l'édi tion de Guillaume de Fumiéges (Paris, 1910), pp. 9-11; and the same conclusion was reached by Pertz when in 1863 he described it as ‘Codex autographus olim Sancti Ebrulfi Uticensi’.2 But whereas Delisle believed that the hand was Orderic’s throughout, Le Prévost had earlier suggested that Orderic was assisted by scribes and indeed a study of the manuscripts of St. Évroul I Below, pp. 314, 318.

3 Le Prévost, iii. 134 n. I.

? MGH.

SS. xx. 51.

xl

INTRODUCTION

shows the existence of a hand characterized by Dom Laporte as that of Orderic's alter ego.! It is possible that Orderic was assisted at times by a scribe who had learnt to write under his guidance, and had modelled himself remarkably closely on his master. The strongest evidence for a second scribe is a form of capital ‘M’ that occasionally occurs in passages where the hand does not seem to have quite the artistry of Orderic's characteristic hand. But otherwise the slight differences may be due to no more than changes of pen or variations in temperature and numbness in the hand that held it. Whatever the truth of this, there can be no doubt that this is the author's manuscript, in the sense of being executed entirely under his supervision and mostly, if not quite all, in his own hand. Orderic's corrections were so careful that the manuscript has been printed almost as he left it. A few words added in thirteenthcentury and later hands, which have become incorporated in earlier editions, have been omitted. The manuscript is very clear apart from a hole and a bad stain on f. 1 in the Preface to Book III. Examination of the earliest transcripts, which all date from the sixteenth century (Bibl. nat. MSS. Lat. 5122, 5123, 5124), proves that the damage already existed when these were written: the scribes have simply omitted half a paragraph. Duchesne patiently made out what was legible, but there is little doubt that where the writing was obliterated he filled in with appropriate words, which in places will not fit the gaps, or accord with the few additional letters that have become legible under an ultraviolet lamp. Later editions simply printed from Duchesne. In this edition the gaps have not been filled. The illegible fragment is mostly moral platitude, though it does include the sentence rendered by Duchesne, ‘De quibusdam itaque amicis Dei dominis[que ac rectoribus populi sui in superiori parti] libenter locutus sum.'? This has been taken to be a plain reference to Books I and II. In fact it is briefer and more obscure; it could refer to

another work by Orderic. But by the time the Preface and rubric were added the work had been replanned, and this was already Book III. So there is no reason to doubt that Duchesne's guess at the substance of the passage was reasonably near to the original. In this edition the original punctuation has been retained. Orderic wrote the whole of the Historia Ecclesiastica in a carefully * Revue Mabillon, xlvi (1956), 142, 147-8. ? Duchesne, ENS, p. 457.

INTRODUCTION

xli

composed rhythmic and rhyming prose. It was certainly meant to be read aloud; and the punctuation marks were both indications to the reader of the pauses and pitch of voice, and an integral part of the style. Orderic punctuated according to the rules current in early twelfth-century Benedictine monasteries, which represented a complete change from the classical rules recommended by Cassiodorus and modified by Alcuin.! He observed roughly the same conventions as did Eadmer. Apart from the question mark, he used two main stops, though the first had different functions: 1. Medial stops. These are in appearance like the modern full stop: Orderic normally placed them a little above the line. If followed by a capital letter they mark the end of a sentence; Orderic does not use capitals elsewhere. Otherwise they mark a pause either between two parts of a sentence of rough equality, or between a main and a subordinate clause.? 2. A symbol * which indicates a change in pitch; the voice would be dropped for the following clause. Frequently as in Eadmer it comes at the end of a subordinate clause, when

a main clause begins. In places it is not easy to see why Orderic has used ? rather than a medial stop; but he may have intended to vary his rhythmical effects by subtle variations in the pitch of the voice. A more profound knowledge of twelfth-century prose rhythms, as they were influenced by music and the liturgy, is necessary to be certain what was intended. Where Orderic most differs from Eadmer is in his use of rhyme. The sentences are of greatly varying lengths, so arranged that the internal rhymes come at the points of punctuation. To the modern ear the effect is monotonous; yet if the structure of his sentences is studied it reveals considerable complexity and subtlety, and an ear for dramatic effects.? There is no doubt that the punctuation 1 The indispensable introduction to early medieval systems of punctuation will be found in R. W. Southern, Edinburgh, 1962), pp. xxv-xxxiv.

The Life of St. Anselm by Eadmer (London: ó

2 [n printing the modern conventions for the use of capital letters have been followed;

the medial

point, when

represented by a comma. does not use them.

it occurs

Inverted commas n

in the middle

of a sentence,

is

follow modern practice: Orderic

3 See H. Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis, pp. 120-2.

xlii

INTRODUCTION

contributed towards the total effect: and since we have the manuscript in the author's own hand for three-quarters of the Historia Ecclesiastica the arguments in favour of preserving the author's punctuation are very strong. Moreover, punctuation and style are one guide to Orderic's use of his sources. As a historian he made use both of other historical narratives and of documents: sometimes he quoted literally from them. Although at times by a slight change in punctuation and word order he could tailor another man's work to fit the rhythms of his own prose, sometimes he took over sentences literally as he found them. Variations from his normal punctuation usually indicate quotation from works written in different styles—whether the historical narratives of William of Poitiers! and others, or the

charters of his monastery, or the decretals of early popes embedded in the canons of a Norman church council. In reading the Historia Ecclesiastica the discerning student needs a good ear to determine its reliability: but he has a better chance of distinguishing Orderic's own composition from his quotations out of earlier, possibly lost, sources,

if the text is printed as Orderic wrote

it, than if the

punctuation is modernized. The value of vagaries of spelling is more dubious.? Orderic seems,

like Eadmer,

to have

distinguished

between

e and ae,

which he too wrote as ¢. Where he consistently spells a word in one way the original spelling has been printed as a guide to pronunciation. But where the spelling is inconsistent, with occasional variations, it has been standardized in the text.

There are, unfortunately, no internationally accepted conventions for spelling medieval place and personal names. In the translation I have usually followed the common modern practice of giving the modern spelling of any place-names that can be identified and any personal names still in common use, whilst preserving the medieval spelling elsewhere (i.e. Roger of Tosny, but

Fulbert

de Beina;

Edward

(not Eadward),

but Ealdred).

Over the spelling of two recurring names, however, I have departed slightly from this principle. The site of Orderic’s abbey is now St. Evroult, but I have not been able to bring myself to break from the form so long familiar in the works of Delisle and Knowles, and have kept the form St. Évroul. Again, the recurring family name of Geroius has been rendered at different times Giroie ! Cf. above, pp. xix-xx.

? Cf. Southern, op. cit., p. xxxiv.

INTRODUCTION

xlii

and Géré; and at present a number of historians favour Géré, by derivation from the family castle of St. Céneri-le-Géré (or leGérei). However, as one branch of the family migrated to south Italy, where the name survived as Giroy, I have felt justified in using the form Giroie. Since the great edition of A. le Prévost (Orderici Vitalis Historiae Ecclesiasticae Libri Tredecim (Société de l'Histoire de France, 5 vols., Paris, 1838-55), finished with the collaboration of Léopold Delisle, has been cited for over a hundred years the pages of that edition are indicated by numbers in the margin, for convenience

of reference.

Labwh

PS

tss n sr tsi] jr

vrbi b iret

Aij» ttottiareriglcó ,

E adiu.

581 delet ie Le ^il

se ea yel

gti aia ' ELE sete

HISTORIA

822204

/ECCLESIASTICA

B

Incipit liber tercius ecclesiastice hystoria" ii. I

Ap laudandum creatorem in cunctis operibus suis indesinenter instare debemus, cuius ineffabilem potentiam et magnitudinem

discutere non possumus, nec efficaciam qua sullimitas eius et infatigabilis benignitas a nobis enarrari possit habemus. Inde ueteris et noui testamenti pagina tractat, inde omnis sapiens perscrutatur et cogitat, sed immensitatem profunditatum sapientize Dei nemo penetrat. Scientia karitatis Christi supereminet omni humanz prudentize? quam inuestigare et amplecti totoque nisu sequi iustum est et plenum salutis perpetuae. Ob hoc beati homines quorum laus est in autenticis codicibus, et sociati angelis gaudent in coelestibus? contemptis transitoriis inhiabant perennibus, et abhorrentes carnalia salubriter fruebantur spiritualibus. Per arduum iter uirtutum uestigia Saluatoris prosecuti sunt’ et salutare nobis exemplum reliquerunt, ut sequaces eorum per iusticiz semitam ad perennem hzreditatem festinemus’ ad quod opus peccatis prementibus [ ] et imbecilles sumus. Semper tamen debemus [ perti]naciter niti, ut ipsos [et ] et post eos curramus, quatinus illorum m[ ] quandoque beatis adiungi collegiis dante Deo possumus. De quibus itaque amicis Dei dominis [m ede ] libenter locutus sum? de quibus meditari siue loqui fideliter iocundum est animze et commodum, de interioribus mor-

ii. 3

bis salubre remedium. Nunc autem a magistris aliud michi opus iniungitur, et de Normannicis euentibus materia porrigitur, quoniam ipsi de Dacia prodeuntes non litteris sed armis studuerunt, et usque ad Guillelmi nothi, tempora magis bellare quam legere uel dictare laborauerunt. Bellicos siquidem actus trium ducum Dudo Vermendensis decanus! eloquenter enarrauit, affluensque multiplicibus uerbis et metris panigiricum super illis edidit, et Ricardo Gunnoride gratiam eius captans transmisit. Quem Guillelmus cognomento Calculus? Gemmeticensis cenobita secutus ? Book III begins on the verso of f. 1. The Preface and its rubric were added later than the main text, on the vacant recto, and slightly compressed

in the

vacant space at the top of f. 1%. By the time the rubric was written the plan of the work was complete, and the tercius is not a correction. 1 See

Dudo

of St. Quentin,

De

moribus

et

actis primorum

ducum, ed. J. Lair (Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm. xxiii, Caen, 1865).

Normanniae

Here begins the third book of the Ecclesiastical History UNENDING praise of the Creator in all his works is our perpetual duty: for we can never define his ineffable power and greatness, and have no words to describe his perfection and infinite mercy. The books of the Old and New Testament treat of this; all men of wisdom study and meditate upon it, yet no man can plumb the infinite depths of the wisdom of God. 'The knowledge of the love of Christ surpasses all human wisdom; and to contemplate it and strive with all our might to follow it is very right and abounding in salvation. For this the saints whose praise is sung in authentic writings, now joined with the angels, give thanks in heaven: spurning transitory things they formerly gave their minds to things eternal, and abandoned the pleasures of the flesh for the more real joys of the spirit. They followed the footsteps of the Saviour along the difficult road of virtue, and left a salutary example for us, so that we might hasten after them along the narrow path of righteousness to our eternal home: a task for which the burden of our sins makes us weak [and unwilling]. Yet we must always, [so far as in us lies,] strive patiently to follow after them, so that by their m[erits and the grace of God] we may be joined with the company of the blessed. I have gladly spoken of some of these friends of God [at the command of] my superiors, for to meditate on them or write about them is goodly and pleasing to the soul, and a sound remedy for spiritual troubles. But now another task is laid on me by my masters, and the subject offered me is the deeds of the Normans, who issuing from Denmark were more addicted to the pursuit of arms than of learning, and up to the time of William the Bastard devoted themselves to war rather than reading or writing books. Dudo, dean of St. Quentin,! has eloquently described the warlike deeds of the first three dukes, composing a panegyric full of verbal flourishes and varied metres, which he offered to Richard son of Gunnor to win his favour. ‘This work was next skilfully abbreviated by William called Calculus; 2 William of Jumiéges,

Gesta Normannorum

PHistoire de Normandie, 1914).

Ducum, ed. J. Marx (Société de

BOOK

4

III

eleganter adbreuiauit, et de quatuor ducibus qui successerunt breuiter et diserte res propalauit. H. 4

li. 5

Opus in primis arripiam de uinea Domini sabaoth? quam ipse forti dextera colit et protegit in toto mundo contra insidias Behemoth.! Hzc nimirum in regione qua olim Neustria, nunc uero uocatur Normannia? laborantibus colonis sparsim suas propagines emisit, et multiplicem fructum hominum in sanctitate permanentium Deo obtulit. Multa enim a bonis cultoribus ceenobia ibidem constructa sunt? ubi rami ipsius uitis id est boni Christiani semetipsos contradiderunt, ut tutius contra insidias spiritualium hostium fine tenus decertarent. Nam beatus presul Audoenus qui multa probitate tam seculari quam spirituali tempore Dagoberti regis Francorum et Lodouei filii eius floruit? unum coenobium sanctimonialium Fiscanni condidit et aliud monachorum Rotomagi, ubi ipse anno dominice incarnationis [DCL]°xxvi1I° tumulatus requieuit,? ibique per annos CLxv usquequo Normanni Rotomagum deuastarent iacuit. In diebus prefati pontificis, sanctus Wandregisilus ingens monachorum agmen Fontinellz adunauit, et beatus Philibertus fortis signifer insignis aciei apud Gemmeticum emicuit. Precedenti quoque tempore, hoc est dum Hilpericus et Childebertus nepos eius Francis imperabant, et regali auctoritate insontes a peruersis defensabant? Baiocensis Ebrulfus in Vticensi saltu angelica demonstratione doctus monasterium instaurauit,* et agrestes incolas qui rapinis et latrociniis ante deseruierant correxit, et doctrine pabulo ac miraculorum exhibitione ad melioris uitz uiam prouocauit. Sic Dominus aliis eciam in locis per bonos agricolas uineam suam propagauit, et salutis sue dulcedinem Gallorum cordibus ubertim

infudit.

Postquam regnum Francorum fauente Deo ualde super uicinas gentes sublimatum est, et frequentibus triumphis regum suorum Pipini Karolique Magni et Ludouici Pii dilatatum est: nimia cupiditas et superbia atque libido proceres et mediocres infimosque ^ Hole in MS.; pcr supplied from Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 5122. ! The metaphor of the Lord's vine (Isaiah v. 2, etc.), a very popular one, is also used by William of Jumiéges in Book I, ch. i. Orderic uses his work as a source for this section, as well as the Annals of St. Evroul (printed Delisle, in Le Prévost, v. 139-73). ? Neustria was in fact more extensive than Normandy; but the identification of the two was common in Norman writers of this time. 3. These dates, 678 for the death of St. Ouen and 843 for his translation, are

probably taken ue the Annals of St. Évroul. These give the dates 677 and

BOOK III 5 a monk of Jumiéges, who published a succinct and lucid account

of the four dukes who were next in succession.

My first task is to tell of the vine of the Lord of Hosts, which his strong right-hand tends and preserves throughout the world against the wiles of Behemoth.! For when husbandmen had ploughed the fields in the region once called Neustria and now Normandy? the vine put forth shoots here and there, and bore to God an abundant harvest of men dwelling in holiness. In this region many monasteries were founded by faithful labourers, and there true Christians who are the branches of this vine dedicated themselves to seek salvation in the lifelong struggle against the wiles of spiritual foes. The holy bishop St. Ouen, who in the days of Dagobert king of the Franks and Clovis his son was renowned for integrity in both temporal and spiritual affairs, founded one cell for nuns at Fécamp and another for monks at Rouen; here his bones were brought to rest in the year of Our Lord 678,3 and here they remained for a hundred and sixty-five years until the northmen sacked Rouen. In his time too St. Wandrille brought together a great army of monks at Fontenelle, and St. Philibert won fame as the gallant standard-bearer of a famous spiritual legion at Jumiéges. Before this time, whilst Chilperic and his nephew Childebert reigned over the Franks and used their royal power to protect the innocent from the unrighteous, Évroul of Bayeux founded a monastery in the forest of Ouche at a spot shown him by an angel;* here he tamed the barbarous natives who up to then had lived by rapine and plunder, and by preaching the gospel and performing miracles brought them to a better way of life. And in other places too the Lord planted his vine with the help of faithful husbandmen,

till the hearts of the Gauls overflowed

with the sweetness of his salvation. But though the kingdom of the Franks was at first by the grace of God exalted over its neighbours, and enlarged through the many victories of its kings, Pippin, Charlemagne, and Louis the Pious, later the sins of greed, pride, and lust filled the hearts of 842 (Le Prévost, v. 149, 153), but an error of one year was easily made in reading the crowded entries of monastic annals. The correct date of St. Ouen's death is

c. 684 (LTK i. 1026). * Towards

the end of the seventh

century

(H. Wolter,

Ordericus

Vitalis,

p. 19). Orderic makes use of the life of St. Evroul, which he copied into his history later (Le Prévost, iii. 56).

6 ii. 6

li. 7

BOOK

III

inuaserunt, et in nequitiarum laqueos przcipitantes contra salu-

tis suze auctorem ne fideliter ei obcedirent erexerunt. Przedictis

cladibus omnis ordo clericorum et laicorum impulsatus a pristino robore corruit? mundique blandimentis succumbens omisso splendore pristini rigoris elanguit, diuina autem pietas peccantibus diu pepercit, multisque modis ad poenitentiam inuitauit. Resipiscentibus autem a maliciz laqueis ueniam clementer contulit? sed perseuerantibus in nequitiis iracundiz suz flagellum intulit. Tempore Karoli regis Francorum qui Simplex! agnominatus est’ Brier cognomento Costa Ferrea filius Lotbroci regis Danorum? cum Hastingo nutricio suo et ingenti iuuenum multitudine ad depopulandas gentes de uagina sua egressus est. Ex insperato de mari quasi turbo uehemens in Galliam intrauit et oppida urbesque cum sanctorum ccenobiis repente concremauit, et per triginta annos super Christianos cum suis complicibus insatiabiliter furuit. Tunc Rotomagus et Nouiomum Turonisque et Pictauis alizque precipuz urbes combusta sunt. Inermes populi occiduntur, monachi et clerici disperguntur, et sanctorum corpora aut in suis tumulis iam destructis edibus absque cultu relinquuntur, aut a piis cultoribus ad peregrina loca deuehuntur. Sed dispensante diuinz pietatis arbitrio, ex eadem gente unde uenit Neustriz desolatio? inde nimirum non multo post processit consolatio. Nam completis fere xxx'^ annis post cladem Hastingi-4 Rollo dux cum ualida Danorum iuuentute Neustriam ingressus est, et Gallos diuturnis inuasionibus uehementer atterere nisus est.

Nam conserto cum Gallis przlio, Rollandum signiferum eorum occidit, et Rainaldum Aurelianensium ducem cum exercitu Francorum bello uictum fugauit. Parisiorum urbem quatuor annis obsedit, sed eam impediente Deo non obtinuit. Baiocas expugnauit et cepit, et Berengarium comitem eius interemit, Popamque filiam eius in coniugium accepit, ex qua Willelmum cognomento Longam Spatam procreauit. His aliisque innumeris conflictibus Gallos protriuit, assiduisque rapinis et incendiis paene totam Galliam usque in Burgundiam deuastauit. Tantos impetus Gallis 1 Probably an error for Charles the Bald. 2 Orderic follows William of Jumiéges, who took his information from Dudo,

in suggesting a Danish origin for the Norman leaders. See H. Prentout, Étude critique sur Dudon de St. Quentin (Paris, 1916), pp. 44—46.

3 The very brief account of early Norman invasions of Jumiéges, with a few statements from the Annals Orderic omitted a great deal of legendary material he untrue. The original Hasting is probably Hasting son

is derived from William of St. Évroul. Although accepted much that was of ''hor- Wolf, who was

certainly not active in Normandy much before 859; in the early Norman writers he assumed semi-legendary proportions. His companion Bjorn was certainly

not Bjorn Ironsides. For a criticism of sources and conflicting interpretations

BOOK

III

4

all men from the highest to the lowest. They fell headlong into the snares of vice, defied the author of their salvation, and refused

to hear his commands. Corruption spread till every order of clerks and laymen declined from its early vigour, yielded to the tempta_tions of the world, and languished with the brightness of its first discipline tarnished, though divine grace long spared the sinners and urged them to repentance in divers ways. Those who withdrew from the snares of evil gained the forgiveness of God; but all who hardened their hearts in their wickedness felt the scourge of his wrath. In the time of Charles the Simple,! king of the Franks, Bjorn Ironsides, son of Lotbroc king of the Danes,? with Hasting his tutor and a great host of young men issued from his lair to slaughter and destroy. Unexpectedly, like a violent storm, he burst upon the coasts of Gaul, burning cities and towns and religious houses without warning: and for thirty years he and his minions raged insatiably against the Christians. ''hen Rouen and Noyon, Tours and Poitiers and other great cities were burned. The defenceless populace was slaughtered, monks and clerks were scattered, and the bodies of the saints were either left unvenerated in their tombs amongst the ruins or carried by faithful worshippers to remote places. But by the grace of divine providence, from the selfsame people who brought destruction to Neustria came, not long afterwards, reparation. For, barely thirty years after the scourge of Hasting,^ Rollo led a strong force of young Danes into Neustria and strove with all his might to annihilate the Gauls, attacking them again and again. In one battle with the Gauls he slew Roland, their standard-bearer, and defeated and put to flight Reginald duke of Orleans and the Frankish army. For four years he besieged Paris, though by God's grace he never took it. He stormed and captured Bayeux, slew its count Berengar, and took to wife his daughter Poppa who bore him a son, William Longsword. So in more conflicts than I can name he slowly crushed the Gauls and laid waste most of the country, burning and plundering as far as Burgundy. When the Gauls could endure see H. Prentout, Étude critique sur Dudon de St. Quentin, Johannes Steenstrup, Normandiets Historie (Copenhagen, 1925), and Vogel, Die Normannen und das

frankische Reich bis zur Gründung der Normandie (799-911) (Heidelberg, 1906). 4 Orderic probably follows the Annals of St. Evroul, which give 876 as the

date of Rollo's appearance in Normandy. His dating of all these events is vague and sometimes inconsistent.

8

BOOK

III

non ferentibus, cunctisque communiter pro pace supplicantibus?

Karolus rex Rolloni filiam suam nomine Gislam in matrimonium

ii. 9

dedit, totamque terram a flumine quod Epta uocatur usque ad mare Oceanum imperpetuum possidendam concessit.! Anno itaque ab incarnatione Domini pccccxu? Rollo dux a domno Francone Rotomagensium archiepiscopo baptizatus est idolisque contemptis quibus antea deseruierat cum toto exercitu suo deuote christianitatem suscepit" completisque quinque annis ex quo baptizatus est obiit.2 Willelmus autem filius eius qui post eum xxv annis ducatum Normannorum tenuit? Gemmeticense monasterium quod sanctus Philibertus construxerat sed Hastingus destruxerat in pristinum statum restituit. Anno autem incarnationis dominicz pccccxLir* regnante Ludouico rege Francorum, fraude Arnulfi Flandrensis satrapze Willelmus dux occisus est’ et Ricardus filius eius qui tunc decem annorum erat dux Normannorum factus

est, et inter uarios euentus nunc prosperos nunc aduersos liv annis ducatum fortiter adeptus est. Inter reliqua bona que fecit, tria ceenobia construxit. Vnum Fiscanni in honore sanctz Trinitatis, aliud in monte Tumba in honore sancti Michzlis archangeli,

tertium ii. IO

Rotomagi

in honore

Audoeni archiepiscopi.5 Deinde anno incarnationis Ricardo

seniore,

Ricardus

sancti Petri apostoli sanctique dominice

Gunnorides

Dccccxcvi

defuncto

filius eius successit,

et

ducatum Normanniz triginta annis religiose tenuit. Hic uero Fontinellense coenobium quod sanctus Wandregisilus zedificauerat sed Hastingus dissipauerat rezedificauit;7 et Iudith uxor eius soror Gaufredi Britonum comitis cenobium apud Bernaicum? in honore sancte Dei genitricis Mariz condidit. Defuncto autem Ricardo Gunnoridz? Ricardus iuuenis filius * The question of Rollo's marriage or betrothal to a daughter of King Charles, which is mentioned

only in Dudo and works derived from him, is still under

discussion. The original grant of land did not include the whole of Normandy, but only the regions of Roumois, Caux, Talou, the Évrecin, and the Lieuvin. Cf. Marx, p. 28 n. 1. ? Orderic has misinterpreted a statement in Dudo, who said that Rollo died five years after he had handed over authority to his son William (which he did in 927), not five years after his baptism. See Lair, op. cit., p. 76. 3 The monastery of Jumiéges was restored possibly in 940, possibly earlier. See L. Musset,

‘Les destins de la propriété monastique

durant les invasions

normandes: l'exemple de Jumiéges’, in Jumiéges, i. 52. ^ Orderic's statement that William Longsword had held the duchy for twentyfive years before 942 is due to his erroneous dating of the death of Rollo in 917. 5 All three abbeys were restored during his reign: Le Prévost wrongly accused

BOOK III

9

no more, and all with one voice clamoured for peace, King Charles

gave his daughter Gisla to Rollo as his wife, and surrendered to him in perpetuity all the land between the river Epte and the sea.! Finally, in the year of Our Lord 912 Duke Rollo was baptized by Franco, archbishop of Rouen; and renouncing the idols he had hitherto worshipped accepted the Christian faith along with his whole army. Five years after his baptism he died.? And William his son, who held the duchy of Normandy for the next twenty-five years, restored to its former greatness the abbey of Jumiéges,3 which St. Philibert had founded and Hasting had destroyed. In the year of Our Lord 942,* when Louis was king of the Franks, Duke William was assassinated through the treachery of Arnulf count of Flanders; and Richard his son, who was then ten years

old, became duke of Normandy. For fifty-four years, through good and ill, he valiantly held the duchy. Among his good deeds was the building of three monasteries: one at Fécamp in honour of the Holy Trinity, another on Mont-St.-Michel in honour of St. Michael the archangel, and the third at Rouen in honour of St. Peter the apostle and St. Ouen the archbishop.5 After the elder Richard had died in the year of Our Lord 996, Richard his son by Gunnor succeeded him and governed the duchy piously for thirty years.$ He restored the monastery of Fontenelle,” which St. Wandrille had founded and Hasting had sacked; and Judith his wife, sister of Geoffrey

count

of Brittany,

founded

a monastery at Bernay? to the honour of Mary, the mother of God. After the death of Richard Gunnor's son, young Richard his son Orderic of making the foundation of St. Ouen too early (Lemarignier, Exemption, p. 28 n. 8; p. 38 n. 39). Mont-St.-Michel was restored in 966, Fécamp in 990 (cf. Fauroux, pp. 22, 72-74; L. Musset, ‘La contribution de Fécamp à la reconquéte monastique de la Basse-Normandie (990—-1066)' in Fécamp, i. 57—66). Often the process began with the restoration of temporalities, and a true monastic revival came later. For the various stages see L. Musset, ‘Les domaines de l'époque franque et les destinées du régime domanial du 1x* au xi* siécle’,

BSAN xlix (1942-5), 44. $ Orderic's dates for the reigns of Richard I and Richard II, which correspond with those in the Annals of St. Evroul, are now generally accepted. Cf. Fauroux, p. 532 and passim. 7 The restoration of St. Wandrille began in the reign of Richard I (Musset,

Fécamp, p. 44; Fauroux, no. 52); but Richard II certainly made an important contribution to the restoration of property and the revival of religious life. Cf. Fauroux, nos. 7, 30, 46, 55; no. 27 is a forged charter to St. Wandrille. $ Judith gave her dowry for the foundation of the monastery of Bernay. Cf. Richard II's charter of confirmation in 1025 (Fauroux, no. 35).

Io

BOOK

III

eius successit, et uix anno uno et dimidio ducatu potitus obiit.! ii. 1I

Deinde Rotbertus frater eius principatum Normanniz suscepit, et septem annis ac dimidio insigniter tenuit,? patrumque suorum sequax Cerasiacensem abbatiam instaurare coepit.? Timore uero Dei

compunctus

terrenum

honorem

reliquit’

et

spontanea

peregrinatione arrepta sepulchrum Domini quod est in Ierusalem adiit, et inde rediens apud Niceam urbem Bithiniz anno ab incarnatione Domini Mxxxv? obiit. Porro Willelmus filius eius qui tunc

octo

annorum

erat

ducatum

Normannorum

suscepit,

et

multorum insidiis emulorum impetitus LrII annis strenue tenuit.* Ipse parentum suorum studia sequi erga Dei cultum sategit, Deoque fauente diuitiis et potestate omnem patrum suorum

li. I2

gloriam transcendit. Apud Cadomum duo ccenobia construxit, unum monachorum in honore sancti Stephani prothomartyris, et aliud sanctimonialium in honore sancte Trinitatis. Barones

Normannie principum suorum tantum feruorem erga sanctam religionem uidentes imitari affectarunt: et ad simile opus se suosque amicos pro salute animarum suarum excitarunt. Vnus alium in bono opere festinabat praire? elemosinarumque largitate digniter superare. Quisque potentum se derisione dignum iudicabat" si clericos aut monachos in sua possessione ad Dei militiam rebus necessariis non sustentabat. Igitur Rogerius de Toenio coenobium Castellionis? construxit, ubi Gislbertus abbas uir magnz honestatis et sapientize laudabiliter floruit. Goscelinus de Archis extra muros Rotomagi in monte cenobium 113

Sancte

"Trinitatis fundauit,$ cui uenerandus

abbas

Isembertus sapientia et religione pollens pra fuit. Willelmus Aucensis comes instinctu religiose coniugis sue Lezsceline, * prope Conchis added in a later hand. * Richard succeeded to the duchy on 26 August 1026 and died on 6 August 1027 (Fauroux,

nos.

34, 59). Most Norman

chroniclers

say correctly that he

died before the end of his first year as duke (Annals of St. Évroul, p. 156; William of Jumiéges, ed. Marx, p. 100; Annals of Fumiéges, ed. Laporte, p. 55). But since he was associated with his father as duke during the year 1025-6

BOOK

III

II

succeeded him, but died after holding the duchy for a bare year and a half. Next Robert his brother succeeded to the duchy of Normandy, and governed it well for seven and a half years.? Following in the footsteps of his ancestors he began to endow an abbey at Cérisy. But the fear of God drove him to renounce worldly honours, and voluntarily undertake a pilgrimage to the tomb of Our Lord in Jerusalem; and he died on the way home at

Nicaea, a city of Bithynia, in the year of Our Lord 1035. Next William his son, who was eight years old at the time, was invested with the duchy of Normandy; and in spite of the plots of his many enemies he ruled it indefatigably for fifty-three years.* He strove to imitate the zeal of his ancestors for the Church of God; and God granted him wealth and power to outshine them all. At Caen he built two abbeys, one for monks in honour of St. Stephen the first martyr, and the other for nuns in honour of the Holy Trinity. The barons of Normandy were inspired by the piety of their princes to do likewise, and encouraged each other to undertake similar enterprises for the salvation of their souls. They vied with each other in the good work, and competed in giving alms generously as befitted their rank. Each magnate would have thought himself beneath contempt if he had not supported clerks and monks on his estates for the service of God. So Roger of Tosny built the monastery of Conches,5 where that upright and prudent man, abbot Gilbert, lived a life of great merit. Goscelin of Arques founded the abbey of the Holy ‘Trinity on a hill outside the walls of Rouen, and there the venerable Isembert,

a man of remarkable wisdom and piety, became abbot. William count of Eu was persuaded by his pious wife Lesseline to build (Fauroux, nos. 34, 35, 36, 55) Orderic may have had some grounds for thinking that his reign lasted about a year and a half. 2 Robert the Magnificent was in fact duke from 6 August 1027 to 2 July 1035, which is very nearly eight years. 3 Qérisy was founded by Duke Robert

on

12 November

1032

(Fauroux,

no. 64). 4 oo uim reign from 2 July 1035 to 9 September 1087 was not quite a full fifty-three years. 5 Conches was founded c. 1035. 6 Gozelinus vicomte of Arques and Emmeline his wife founded the abbey of La-Trinité-du-Mont, Rouen, c. 1030 (Fauroux, nos. 60, 61). According to M. Fauroux, Isembert was blessed in 1031 and died 1 November 1051 (Fauroux, p. 293 n. 2). There is, however, conflicting evidence from which R. Fawtier in

Analecta Bollandiana, xli (1923), 363-4 has argued that he was abbot from 1033 to 1054.

12

BOOK

III

abbatiam sancte Mariz super riuulum Diuz construxit? cuius

li. 14

regimen Ainardus Teutonicus uir sanctitate et litterarum scientia praeditus diu tenuit.! Tempore Rotberti ducis Gislebertus comes Brionniz in pagum Vimmacensem cum tribus armatorum millibus" expeditionem fecit sed ei iuxta desiderium suum prospere non contigit. Nam Ingelrannus Pontiui comes cum ualida manu obuius ei fuit" commissoque certamine uictum cum suis in fugam coegit, et ex fugientibus multos cepit^ uel occidit" uel uulneribus debilitauit. Tunc ibi quidam miles nomine Herluinus periculum metuens, totoque nisu pro salute sua fugiens" Deo deuouit quod si de imminenti periculo sospes euaderet, nulli ulterius nisi Deo soli militaret. Dei nutu discrimen honorifice euasit, uotique sui memor seculum reliquit, et in patrimonio suo in loco qui Beccus dicitur coenobium sancte Dei genitrici Mariz condidit.? Pastores autem sancte Dei ecclesi; prefatum uirum pro nobilitate et religione elegerunt? nouoque monasterio quod inchoauerat przfecerunt. Cuius regiminis tempore Lanfrancus et Anselmus aliique profundi sophiste illuc ad scolam Christi conuenerunt, ibique Willelmus Geroii filius et Hugo comes Mellenti aliique przclari milites militiam. Christi assumpserunt. Ibi usque hodie multi clericorum et laicorum sub monachili scemate uiuunt? et contra Zabulum dimicantes Deo laudabiliter seruiunt. Vnfridus de Vetulis Turoldi filius, duo ccenobia unum

li. 15

monachorum

et aliud sancti-

monialium Pratellis inchoauit, quz Rogerius de Bellomonte filius eius multum amauit, et de redditibus propriis gratanter ditauit.3 Willelmus Osberni filius duo monasteria in proprio fundo construxit, unum Lirz et aliud Cormeliis ubi ipse humatus quiescit.4 Alii etiam Normannorum proceres quamplurimi prout poterant"? monachorum seu monacharum domus in diuersis locis construebant. Horum exemplis Hugo de Grentemaisnilio et Rotbertus uehementer prouocati’ deuouerunt et ipsi ex possessionibus quas @ MS. milibus

^ MS. coepit

* The formal foundation of the abbey of St. Pierre-sur-Dive took place in 1046 or 1047, after the death of William count of Eu. He may have assisted his wife Lesseline in the first stages of the foundation. Robert of Torigni states that the abbey was founded by Lesseline with the assistance of her sons. Ainard was

abbot from

1046 or 1047 until his death in 1078.

See Fauroux,

ps27:nJ

35^

Douglas, “The earliest Norman counts’ in EHR lxi (1946), 135-7; Marx, p. 253; GC xi. 153-4.

2 Orderic's account of Herluin’s conversion differs from the accounts in the Vita Herluini of Gilbert Crispin and the Altera Vita Herluini. See Porée, i. 3o33. Herluin established a small monastic community at Bonneville in 1034; it

BOOK

III

13

the abbey of St. Mary on the little river Dive, and it was long governed by the German Ainard, a holy and learned man.! In the time of Duke Robert Gilbert count of Brionne invaded the canton of Le Vimeu with three thousand armed men, but the expedition turned out badly for him. For Enguerrand count of Ponthieu opposed him with a strong force, defeated him in a pitched battle, and put his men to flight with heavy losses in killed, maimed, and captured. It was there that a certain knight named Herluin, fleeing in terror and fearing for his life, vowed to God that if he escaped alive from such dire peril he would never fight again, save for God alone. By God's will he came unscathed through all perils; and, mindful of his vow, he abandoned the world and built a cell to the honour of the blessed Mary, Mother of God, on his family estate in a place called Bec.? The leaders of God's holy Church, recognizing his high birth and piety, made him abbot of the new monastery which he had founded. During his abbacy Lanfranc and Anselm and many other profoundly learned scholars came there to the school of Christ; and there

William son of Giroie and Hugh count of Meulan and other renowned knights put on the armour of Christ. There many clerks and laymen have lived and still live under the monastic rule, fighting against the devil and working for the glory of God. Humphrey of Vieilles, son of Turold, began to build two monasteries at Préaux, one for monks and the other for nuns; and his

son Roger of Beaumont, who greatly loved these houses, endowed them lavishly out of his revenues.? William fitzOsbern built two monasteries on his own estates, one at Lyre and the other at Cormeilles,* where his bones lie buried. And many other Norman lords founded monasteries and nunneries in various places according to their means. Fired by their example Hugh and Robert of Grandmesnil vowed that they too would endow a monastery was transferred to Bec, where he had a small property and bought other land €. 1039. Porée, i. 38-43.

3 Humphrey of Vieilles founded the monastery of St. Peter of Préaux €. 1034—5 (Fauroux, nos. 88, 89). The foundation of the nunnery of St. Léger of Préaux was a little later, probably before 1050, the likely date of Humphrey's death (Fauroux, no. 149), though Robert of Torigni (R. Tor. i. 48) puts it in 1054. Orderic's statement in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p- 159) that Roger of Beaumont built a monastery at Préaux does not necessarily

contradict this, as it may refer to the later stages of construction. * William fitzOsbern founded the abbey of Lyre c. 1046 (Fauroux, no. 120) and Cormeilles c. 1060 (cf. Marx, p. 180).

14

BOOK

III

iure haereditario possidebant, pro salute sua et pro salute ani-

marum antecessorum suorum coenobium construere.!

ii. 16

li. 17

Igitur cum apud Nuceretum uillam suam prope Grentemaisnilium aedificare coenobium statuissent, iam iamque operi insisterent’ ad aures Willelmi filii Geroii auunculi sui peruenit, quod nepotes sui Hugo et Rotbertus cenobium zdificare coepissent. Hic nimirum in seculo miles fuerat magnz sublimitatis, hostibus terribilis" et amicis fidelis. Filios et fratres multosque nepotes habuit in armis potentes? hostibusque uicinis seu longe positis ualde feroces. Hunc Willelmus cognomento T'alauacius? Willelmi Belesmensis filius ad nuptias suas inuitauit’? eumque nil mali suspicantem sine reatu oculis priuauit, amputatisque genitalibus auriumque summitatibus crudeliter deturpauit. Vnde pro tanto facinore perosus cunctis factus est: et post aliquot temporis a filio etiam suo nomine Arnulfo de toto honore suo eiectus est.? Geroianus Willelmus omni uita sua zcclesiam Dei dilexit? et monachos ac clericos aliosque religiosos homines honorauit. Bis in Ierusalem sepulchrum Domini expetiit. Semel dum incolumis erat et prosperitate praeditus? iterumque post infortunium quod ei euenisse retulimus. Post reditum secundz peregrinationis seculum reliquit; et Beccum expetens monachilem habitum ibidem assumpsit, et Vticensem zecclesiam sancti Petri eidem loco deuote tradidit. Itaque Herluinus abbas Lanfrancum monachum qui postea Cantuariorum archiepiscopus extitit, cum tribus monachis Vticum direxit, et per eos seruitium Dei quod deciderat inibi restaurari fecit. Tunc locus ipse desertus erat, et succrescens edera maceriam zecclesiz cooperiebat. Duo soli senes clerici Restoldus et Ingrannus ibidem morabantur: et in tanta heremo sub paupere uita Deo pro posse suo famulabantur. Post aliquot temporis, Willelmus ubi uota nepotum suorum de construenda ut pradiximus abbatia comperit? accessit ad eos et dixit, 'Gaudeo ualde karissimi mei quod Deus omnipotens cordi uestro inspirare dignatus est’ ut in ipsius nomine domum fabricetis. Sed uidetis quia locus iste ubi coepistis zdificare habitationi monachorum aptus non est’ quia ibidem aqua deest, et nemus longe est. Certum est quod absque istis duobus elementis, monachi esse non possunt. Sed si meis consiliis adquiescere uolueritis? aptiorem locum intimabo uobis. Est locus in Vticensi pago, ubi quondam amicus Dei beatus Ebrulfus abbas habitauit, ibique ' For the history of the founders of St. Évroul cf. Orderic’s interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 161—4). See family tree below, facing end page.

* For William “Talvas’ see G. H. White, “The lords of Belléme and Alengon' in Notes & Queries, clii (1927), 435-8. 3 Cf. Appendix I.

BOOK III

15

out of their hereditary estates, for the salvation of their souls and

the souls of their ancestors.! When they had resolved to build a monastery at Norrey, a manor of theirs near Grandmesnil, and had made some little progress with the work, word reached their uncle, William son of Giroie, that

his nephews Hugh and Robert had set to work to build a monastery. This man, whilst he fought in the battles of the world, had been

a knight of great renown, formidable to his enemies and faithful to his friends. His sons and brothers and many nephews were redoubtable warriors, who struck terror into the hearts of their enemies far and near. William called Talvas,? son of William of

Belléme, had invited him to his wedding feast; and when he came suspecting no treachery Talvas had unjustly and cruelly mutilated him, by blinding and emasculating him and cropping his ears. Because of this outrage Talvas became an object of universal hatred and some time later was expelled from his fiefs by his own son Arnold.3 William son of Giroie loved the church of God all his life long, and showed respect to monks and clerks and other men of religion. He had twice been on pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem; once in the days of his prosperity and again after the shameful assault which I have just described. On his return from the second pilgrimage he renounced the world and took monastic vows at the abbey of Bec, which he piously endowed with the church of St. Peter of Ouche. So Abbot Herluin sent Lanfranc, who later became archbishop of Canterbury, with three monks to the church of Ouche to restore the service of God which had fallen into decay. The place was then deserted, and a thick growth of ivy covered the outer wall of the church. Two aged clerks, Restold and Ingran, alone remained there, serving God in humble poverty, as best they might in this wilderness. Some time afterwards, when William learned, as I have related,

of his nephews' vows to build an abbey, he sought them out and said: 'I am overjoyed, my dear kinsmen, that almighty God has moved your hearts to build a house in his name. But as you see the place where you have begun to build is quite unsuitable for a monastery, because there is no water or wood within a reasonable distance. Monks cannot live without these two necessities. If you will listen to my advice, I will tell you of a better place. In the forest of Ouche there is a place where formerly a true friend of Christ,

16

li. 18

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III

magnum gregem monachorum aggregauit, et inde post multorum perpetrationem miraculorum ad Christum feliciter migrauit.! Illius ergo cenobium ibi restaurate quod destructum est a paganis? ibique nimiam aqua copiam inuenietis. Nemus eidem loco contiguum habeo? unde ad omnia necessaria zcclesie sufficienter administrabo. Venite, et locum uidete. Et si uobis placuerit? Deo ibi domum communiter zedificemus, hominesque fideles qui pro nobis pie intercedant aggregemus, et de nostris possessionibus iustisque redditibus tantum eis demus, ut libere semper possint uacare diuinis laudibus. His auditis" Hugo et Rotbertus consilium eius laudauerunt, et przdictum locum perlustrare cum eo uenerunt. Venientibus illis? libellus uite sancti patris Ebrulfi Rotberto oblatus est. Quam diligenter legit" et Hugoni aliisque sociis suis prudenter exposuit. Quid multa? Vticensis locus placuit ambobus fratribus. Sed quia idem locus coenobio Beccensi iam delegatus fuerat, aliquantique monachi ex eodem ccenobio ut iam diximus illic conuersabantur? abbati Herluino et monachis Becci in mutua uicissitudine uillam que dicitur Rosseria? dederunt, sicque predictum locum liberum reddiderunt. Anno ab incarnatione Domini millesimo quinquagesimo indictione quarta firmato consilio de restaurando apud Vticum ceenobio? Willelmus et Rotbertus filii Geroii, et Hugo ac Rotbertus filii Rotberti de Grentemaisnilio Willelmum ducem Normannorum adierunt, suamque uoluntatem illi reseruauerunt, atque ut principali auctoritate ad opus salubre sibi auxiliaretur postulauerunt. Locum etiam sepe nominatum communi consensu ita liberum tradiderunt eius tutelae, ut nec sibi nec aliis quibuslibet aliquam consuetudinem seu redditum preter beneficia orationum aliquando a monachis liceret uel hominibus eorum exigere. Dux autem bonz uoluntati eorum gratanter adquieuit? et testamentum de rebus quas optimates sui sancto Ebrulfo dabant confirmauit, et Malgerio Rotomagensi archiepiscopo suffraganeisque episcopis subscriptionibus suis corroborandum tradidit. Deinde Hugo et Rotbertus a duce accepta licentia eligendi abbatem Gemmeticum expetierunt? et a domno Rotberto eiusdem zecclesize abbate Teodericum monachum ad abbatie suze regimen requisierunt. Abbas uero iustz petitioni nobilium uirorum libenter fauit? et monachum quem ad pastoralem curam idoneum nouerat illis concessit. Illi autem gaudentes eum duci presentauerunt. At ille ! St. Évroul died 29 December 706 (LTK iii. 636). Very little is known of the

community he established. In 900 the church was occupied by a community of canons. See M. Philippe Lauer, Recueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple, roi de France (893-923) (Paris, 1949), no. xxxv, pp. 74-76.

BOOK

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17

the blessed abbot Évroul, lived and gathered about him a great flock of monks; whence after performing many miracles he passed to eternal joys with Christ.' Why not restore this monastery of his which was destroyed by pagans? You will find abundance of water _ there, and I have a wood near by from which I will supply everything you need for the church. Come and see the place. If you agree, we will combine our resources to build a church, fill it with

holy men who will make continual intercession for us, and endow it so liberally with our lands and revenues that they will be able to devote their whole lives to the worship of God.’ Hugh and Robert heartily approved his advice, and went with him to survey the place. When they had come there a book containing the life of St. Évroul was given to Robert. He read it through, and expounded its contents to Hugh and his other companions. What more need I say? The site in the forest of Ouche satisfied both the brothers. But since the place had already been assigned to the monastery of Bec, and some monks of that house were dwelling there, they agreed on an exchange, and gave the neighbouring manor of La Roussiére? to Herluin and the monks of Bec, who renounced all claims to the site.

In the year of Our Lord 1050, the fourth Indiction, after deciding to restore the monastery at Ouche, William and Robert, the sons of Giroie, and Hugh and Robert, the sons of Robert of

Grandmesnil, sought out William duke of Normandy and revealed their intentions to him, asking him to give his princely support to so worthy an undertaking. By common consent they gave the chosen site into his protection, free and quit from all customs and dues which anyone might try to exact from the monks or their men, saving only prayers. The duke gladly approved their good intention, and confirmed the charter of gifts which his magnates were giving to St. Évroul, passing it on to Mauger, archbishop of Rouen, and his suffragans for corroboration with their subscriptions.5 When Hugh and Robert had obtained ducal permission to choose an abbot they visited Jumiéges and asked Abbot Robert to let them have his monk Thierry as the first head of their house. The abbot was very willing to grant so reasonable a request from men

of rank, and let his monk, whom

to undertake

he knew to be worthy

cure of souls, go with them.

Well-pleased, they

? Cf. Fauroux, p. 32. 3 Cf. the charter of Duke William: Fauroux, no. 122; Le Prévost, v. 173-8. 822204

Cc

18

i. 19

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permaneret.

ii. 20

III

ueneratione congrua eum suscepit? datoque baculo pastorali sicut moris est! Vticensi zcclesiz praefecit. Deinde Luxouiensis episcopus Hugo cum Osberno archidiacono aliisque clericis suis Vticum perrexit, et uenerabilem Teodericum ccenobitam secum honorifice duxit, eumque ibi iii? nonas octobris die Dominico? uenerabiliter consecrauit. Ordinatus autem non in superbiam elatus est/3 sed religionis uiam uerbis et operibus ostendebat his quibus pralatus est. Hic nimirum ab infantia in domo Domini nutritus fuerat/ diutinoque sedimine religiosam uitam iugiter ducere didicerat. In sanctis orationibus atque uigiliis, necnon in abstinentia assiduus erat. Frigoribus etiam in tantum corpus proprium affligebat’ ut per totam aliquando hyemem sine pellicia Quadam

itaque

die

dum

secundum

morem

sibi

consuetum sacrificium Deo offerre uoluisset? pelliciam |miri candoris super altare positam inuenit. Quam non manibus hominum sed angelorum illic eam esse positam non dubitans? Deo gratias egit. Et indutus eam gratulanter sacrifictum diuinum peregit. Hoc ita gestum fuisse in Gemmeticensi ecclesia dum adhuc claustralis esset monachus? a monachis ueracibus qui tunc in supradicto monasterio morabantur audiuimus. Hunc uenerabilis Teodericus Gemmeticensis abbas* de sacro fonte leuauerat, et sub monachili iugo in scola Christi educatum multum dilexerat. Quem dum idem ad uirile robur uenisset, bonisque moribus laudabiliter polleret" uicarium sui ad animarum lucra fratribus constituit, atque ad infantum magisterium et ad curam claustralis prioratus tuendam promouit. Deinde sicut supradictum est, idem ur Domini tempore Rotberti abbatis de Gemmetico assumptus est, et Vticensi nouellz abbatie prelatus est’ anno ab incarnatione Dominica millesimo L? indictione 1v? qui erat annus x1x'"* Henrici regis Francorum, et xv ducatus Willelmi ducis Normannorum. Ad constructionem uero nouz domus Rodulfum nepotem suum et Hugonem cantorem, aliosque idoneos fratres permissu abbatis sui de Gemmetico secum adduxit. Cum quibus et per quos regularem obseruantiam et modestum rigorem aptamque seriem in diuino cultu feruenter erexit. Diuerse autem zetatis et quali-

tatis ad conuersionem uenientes suscepit" et secundum regulam sancti patris Benedicti diligenter instituit. Nam

ipse in primis

* Lay investiture was certainly the custom in 1050, but was contrary to canon

law by the time of Orderic. His use of the present tense may possibly indicate that the custom died slowly. In fact 5 October did not fall on a Sunday in any year between 1046 and 1057. 3 Cf. RSB, cap. lxii. Evidently Thierry was ordained priest and blessed as abbot at the same time.

BOOK

III

19

presented him to the duke, who received him with due reverence and invested him with the church of St. Évroul by handing him the pastoral staff as the custom is.! Afterwards Hugh, bishop of Lisieux, with Osbern the archdeacon and other clerks, brought the good monk Thierry in solemn state to St. Évroul and reverently blessed him there on Sunday, 5 October.? He did not regard his ordination as a matter for vain glory,3 but both in word and deed set an example of true religion to the monks under him. Brought up, indeed, from childhood in the house of God, he had learned

to lead a life of continual devotion, and never failed in his prayers, fasts, and vigils. He forced his body to endure extreme rigours of cold by sometimes going through the whole winter without a cloak. One day when he was going to offer up the sacrifice of the Mass as he always did, he found a cloak of dazzling whiteness laid upon the altar. Rendering thanks to God, since he realized that the hands not of men but of angels must have laid it there, he gratefully clad himself in it and completed the divine office. This happened in the church of Jumiéges when he was a cloister monk there, and I learned of it from fellow monks of his whose word can

be trusted. Thierry, the reverend abbot of Jumiéges,* who loved him dearly, had stood godfather to him and brought him up under the monastic rule in the school of Christ. When he had grown to manhood and excelled in every virtue, Abbot Thierry gave him charge of the brethren's spiritual welfare in his place, and promoted him to be master of the oblates and claustral prior. Afterwards as I have related this servant of God was translated from Jumiéges in the time of Abbot Robert, and made abbot of the new monastery of St. Évroul. This was in the year of Our Lord 1050, the fourth Indiction, which was the nineteenth year of Henry king of the Franks and the fifteenth of William duke of Normandy. He obtained permission from his abbot to bring with him his nephew Ralph, Hugh the cantor, and other chosen brethren to help in building up the new community. With their aid, by working devotedly, he established regular life, moderate but firm discipline, and a well-ordered liturgy. He received men of all ages and ranks into the monastery, and patiently taught them to live under the rule of St. Benedict. Among the first whom he taught a better 4 Thierry was a pupil of William of Dijon, and abbot of Jumiéges from 1017 to c. 1027 (Dom J. Laporte, ‘Les listes abbatiales de Jumiéges’, in Jumiéges,

i. 445, 457)-

20

ii. 21

11722

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Gunfridum et Rainaldum, et Fulconem filium Fulconis decani aliosque nonnullos gramaticz artis peritos in scola Christi emendationem uitz humiliter docuit. Riculfum quoque senem et Rogerium rusticos presbyteros, et Durandum ortolanum, et Goisfredum atque Olricum aliosque simplices discipulos benigniter tractauit. Et quia profunda Scripturarum sintagmata percipere nequibant/ lacte pii hortatus dulciter pauit, et sanctis actibus ostensis in fide et religione salubriter corroborauit. Ipse etiam Herbertum et Berengarium, Goscelinum et Rodulfum, Gislebertum et Bernardum, Ricardum et Willelmum aliosque plures bonz indolis pueros diligenter instruxit in domo Domini ad bene legendum? ad canendum, ad scribendum, et ad alia bona studia quae seruis Dei ueram theoriam quzrentibus competunt uigilanter exercendum. Porro agrestes incola ubi tante sanctitatis studium in rure sterili olimque diu deserto uiderunt? admirari coeperunt. Et inde quidam salutem, nonnulli uero detrimentum sibi sumpserunt. Nam quidam eorum conuersationem uidentes eos imitati sunt’ et alii inuidentes diuersis molestiis insecuti sunt: utrique uero debitam mercedem equissimo iudice Deo reddente adepti sunt. Nobiles et mediocres inspirante Deo illuc confluebant, et orationibus seruorum Dei sese cum deuotione commendabant" exhibitisque caritatis muneribus, Deum qui famulos suos in infructuoso cespite pascebat benedicebant. Meritis itaque sancti patris Ebrulfi Vticensi ecclesia surgente, et per studium laboremque Geroianorum ad honorem Dei undique crescente? Rogerius de Montegomeri Oximensis uicecomes contribulibus suis coepit inuidere, quod eo plus feruerent in Dei amore, et omnino definiuit intra se quod pro salute anime suze faceret opus consimile. Vnde asciuit Gislebertum Castellionis abbatem cum monachis suis, qui monachilem apud Nuceretum ordinem tenere inchoauerant, sed mutato consilio Hugonis et Rotberti sicut supra retulimus eorum uelle sequi noluerant, immo pro immutatione constructionis eos leuitatis arguentes reliquerant. Quos prafatus Rogerius accersiit, eisque ad edificandum abbatiam Troarnum tradidit,! et inde xii canonicos quos Rogerius pater suus? ibidem constituerat eiecit. Expulsis autem clericis quia gulae et libidini aliisque carnis uoluptatibus deseruierant et sacularibus emolumentis’ collocauit ibidem monachos regularibus imbutos disciplinis. Porro monachi iussu patris * The foundation of the abbey of Troarn must have been begun in or soon after 1050; the church was dedicated in 1059 (R.-N. Sauvage, L'abbaye de Saint-

Martin de Troarn, pp. 4-14; Fauroux, no. 144).

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T

way of life through humility in the school of Christ were Gunfrid and Reginald, Fulk the son of Fulk the dean, and other learned grammarians. But Riculf, an old man, and Roger, who were

country priests, Durand the gardener, Geoffrey, and Olric and other simple converts were treated with more indulgence. Knowing that they could not understand the more profound books of the Scriptures, he sustained them with colloquies within their grasp, and strengthened their faith and discipline by the example of his own holy life. He himself instructed Herbert and Berengar, Goscelin and Ralph, Gilbert and Bernard, Richard and William,

and many other boys of talent in the monastic school; and taught them to excel in reading aloud, singing, writing, and all other studies necessary for the servants of God who seek true knowledge. Soon the countryfolk around began to marvel that a school of such piety had sprung up in a barren wilderness which had been uninhabited for many years. This became a way of salvation for some and perdition for others. For some imitated the holy living of these men; others, filled with envy, sought to harm them in one way or another, and each received his due reward, according to the

just judgement of God. Men of high and humble birth flocked there by divine guidance, piously commended themselves to the prayers of the servants of God and with charitable gifts, gave thanks to the Lord who fed his servants in a barren land. So the church of Ouche flourished to the glory of God through the merits of St. Évroul and the toil and foresight of the sons of Giroie; until Roger of Montgomery, vicomte of the Hiémois, began to fear that his compatriots would surpass him in the love of God, and made a private resolution to undertake a similar foundation for the salvation of his soul. He sought out Gilbert abbot of Conches and his monks, who had begun to follow the monastic ruleat Norrey and when Hugh and Robert changed their plans (as I described) charged them with fickleness for abandoning their original design and refused to accept their new enterprise. To these men Roger entrusted the reform of the abbey of Troarn,! driving out the twelve canons whom his father Roger had established there.? After expelling these clerks, who were wholly given over to gluttony, carnal lusts, and worldly profit, he replaced them with monks vowed to regular discipline. From that time monks 2 For the ancestors of Roger II of Montgomery see G. H. White, Genealogist, N.S. xxxvii (1921), 60, 64.

22

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III

Gisleberti strictam religionis uiam in zecclesia puerunt, et sequacibus suis seruandam usque serunt? quam successores eorum sub eruditis Durando, et Arnulfo usque hodie laudabiliter De Geroio Ernaldi Grossi de Corte Sedaldi

sancti Martini arriad mortem commipatribus Gerberto, tenere sategerunt. Abonii Britonis filii

filio cuius progenies Vticensibus multa beneficia contulit? libet

11:123

hic posteris breuiter intimare quis qualisue fuerit.! Hic ex magna nobilitate Francorum et Britonum processit" miraque probitate et audacia temporibus Hugonis Magni et Rotberti regum Francorum nobiliter uiguit. Hildiardi uero sorori eius tres filii et undecim filie fuerunt, qua honorabilibus uiris nuptae multos filios pepererunt, qui succedenti tempore in Gallia et Anglia atque Apulia hostibus in armis magno terrori fuerunt. Geroius inter reliqua fortia opera que fecit" cum Willelmo Belesmensi contra Herbertum Cenomannensium comitem pugnauit.? Victo autem Willelmo et fugiente cum suis Geroius stetit, bellumque donec Herbertum cum omnibus suis in fugam cogeret uiriliter sustinuit? uictoriamque nactus usque hodie ab his qui norunt laudari promeruit. Huic quidam Normannorum potens miles nomine Helgo unicam filiam suam in matrimonium optulit, et Monasteriolum ac Escalfoium totamque terram suam his duobus oppidis subiacentem donauit. Ille uero Helgone paulo post defuncto totum honorem eius possedit? et uirgo que firmata ei fuerat immatura morte praeuenta ante nuptias obiit. Deinde Willelmus Belesmensis Geroium Rotomagum ad Ricardum ducem Normanniz? adduxit? quem liberalis dux agnita uirtute eius honorauit, eique totam terram Helgonis hareditario iure concessit. Geroius autem inde rediens Gislam Turstini de Basteburgo‘ filiam in coniugio accepit? ex qua septem filios et quatuor filias genuit, quorum nomina sunt hac, Ernaldus, Willelmus, Fulcoius, Radulfus Malacorona, Rodbertus, Hugo, et Geroius, Heremburgis, Haduisa, Emma, Adelais.

li. 24

Sepe nominatus heros quanquam prole et diuitiis amplisque possessionibus in hoc mundo abundanter floruerit, Deum tamen qui omnia przestat fideliter amauit, et zecclesiam eius cultumque et ministros coluit. Sex in nomine Domini basilicas de propriis * The refoundation of St. Évroul belongs to the period in the second quarter of the eleventh century when the lords of Belléme were trying to secure an

independent fief on the frontiers of Normandy and Maine; and their vassals, Giroie and his sons, seem also to have aimed at building up a quasi-independent

patrimony by holding a balance between their two feudal lords, William of

Belléme and Geoffrey of Mayenne, vassal of the count of Maine. See M. Chibnall,

"Ecclesiastical patronage and the growth of feudal estates at the time of the

Norman

Conquest’,

in Annales

de Normandie,

viii (1958),

103-8.

Orderic's

Pos in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 161—4) is much riefer.

BOOK III

i

under the authority of abbot Gilbert began to establish strict religious life in the church of St. Martin; and their successors,

faithful to the charge committed to them, have carried on the tradition of sound observance all their lives under the learned abbots Gerbert, Durand, and Arnulf, and still do so today. Now I must briefly tell who and what manner of man was this Giroie, son of Arnold the Fat of Courceraut,

son of Abbo the

Breton, whose descendants were such generous benefactors of St. Evroul.' He was a member of one of the best families in France and Brittany, and led a life of great courage and distinction whilst Hugh the Great and Robert were kings of the Franks. His sister Hildiard became the mother of three sons and eleven daughters; they made good marriages and bore many sons who were destined to become the scourge of their enemies in Gaul, England, and Apulia. Amongst the many valiant deeds of Giroie was his combat with William of Belléme against Herbert count of Maine.? When William's forces were routed and put to flight Giroie stood firm and held the field valiantly until Herbert and his men were driven back, winning a victory that is still praised by all who know of it. A powerful Norman knight named Heugon offered his only daughter in marriage to Giroie, with Montreuil and Échauffour and all the land dependent on them as her dower. When Heugon died a little while afterwards Giroie entered into possession of all his fiefs, but his betrothed died an untimely death before the marriage. To legalize this William of Belléme took Giroie to Richard duke of Normandy; at Rouen, and the generous duke, recognizing his valour, received him favourably and granted him all the land of Heugon by hereditary tenure. After his return Giroie married Thurstan of Bastembourg’s daughter Gisla,* and had by her seven sons and four daughters, namely, Arnold, William, Fulk, Ralph ‘Ill-tonsured’, Robert, Hugh, and Giroie; Heremburge, Hawise, Emma, and Adela. This renowned hero, amply blessed with children, riches, and

wide estates, never allowed his worldly wealth to smother his love of God the giver of all things, but cherished his Church and the servants ministering there. He built and endowed six churches to 2 This conflict was probably in or soon after 1020. See G. H. White, “The first house of Belléme’, in TRHS xxii (1940), 77; Latouche, Maine, pp. 22-23. 3 Either Richard II or Richard III. 4 For Thurstan of Bastembourg and his descendants see D. C. Douglas, The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church, Canterbury (London, 1944), pp. 65-67.

24

ii. 25

ii. 26

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III

facultatibus zedificauit. Nam apud Vernucias! construxit duas zecclesias, unum sanctz Dei genitrici Marie, aliamque sancto Paulo doctori gentium. In uilla que Gloz dicitur in pago Lexouiensi terciam condidit, sancto Petro apostolorum principi. Apud Escalfoium quartam Andrez apostolo. Apud Monasteriolum? quintam fabricauit sancto Georgio martyri. Apud Altam Ripam sextam instaurauit sancto Martino confessori. Talibus patronis subuenientibus et in hoc seculo praedictus uir diu honorifice uixit" et defunctus eorum meritis ueniam peccaminum et beatam requiem in societate fidelium ut credimus optinuit. Defuncto autem Geroio, filii eius in puerili etate constituti erant, solique duo Ernaldus et Willelmus milites erant. Gislebertus ergo Brionniz comes in sua confidens uirtute? terminosque suos cupiens dilatare, super pupillos cum ualida manu audacter irruit, eisque Monasteriolum auferre bellica ui uoluit. Illi autem aggregata cognatorum et satellitum caterua in aperto campo fortiter eidem restiterunt? eumque multa strage peracta uictum in fugam coegerunt, seseque ulciscentes burgum qui Sappus dicitur non multo post ei uiolenter abstulerunt. Sed Rodbertus dux eos reconciliauit, orphanisque compatiens et probitati eorum congratulans, ut firma pax fieret Sappum eis a Gisleberto comite consilio suo impetrauit. Porro idem comes quia post aliquot annos praedictis septem Geroii filiis molestus fuit, eisque Sappum quem illis consilio Rodberti ducis concesserat reauferre uoluit quamuis multa hominum stipatus multitudine fuerit, eorum audacia et uiribus mortem suscepit.? Omnes enim isti fratres fuerunt strenui et dapsiles, in militia callidi et agiles? hostibus terribiles, sociisque blandi et affabiles. Diuersis euentibus creuerunt? et nichilominus ut se habet humana conditio deciderunt. Longum est et michi impossibile uarios singulorum actus disserere: sed de fine tantum uniuscuiusque libet parumper posteris hic insinuare. Ernaldus qui primogenitus erat uir fortis et probus, quadam die dum apud Monasteriolum iocaretur, et cum quodam forti iuuene luctaretur, forte super quoddam acutum scannum lapsus est? confractisque tribus costis post tres dies defunctus est.^ Willelmus in ordine natiuitatis ! See Le Prévost, Eure, iii. 348 f. z tbidi i421: 3 Count Gilbert of Brionne was assassinated

during the troubles

of Duke

William's minority, probably early in 1041, at the instigation of Ralph of Gacé, a son

of Robert

archbishop

of Rouen

(Douglas,

WC,

p. 40). Robert son of

Giroie was among the assassins. Orderic avoids openly condemning the murder

in this history of the founders of his monastery, but he stigmatized it as an evil

and cruel deed in the final corrections he made in his interpolations in William

BOOK III

a

the glory of God: two at Verneuces,! one in the name of the blessed Mary, the Mother of God, and the other of St. Paul the apostle of the gentiles; a third at Glos in the Lieuvin in honour of St. Peter the chief apostle; a fourth at Echauffour in honour of St. Andrew the apostle; a fifth at Montreuil? for St. George the martyr; and a sixth at Hauterive for St. Martin the confessor. With such holy intercessors it is no wonder that the goodly man lived long and honourably, and after his death earned through their merits, as we trust, remission of sins and blessed peace in the company of the faithful. When Giroie died most of his sons were minors, only Arnold and William having assumed knighthood. So Gilbert count of Brionne, who was chafing to enlarge his estates, judged himself strong enough to attack the boys with an armed force, and attempt to wrest Montreuil from them. They, however, were able to make

a stand against him with a strong company of kinsmen and dependants; and after driving him back with heavy losses they carried the war into his camp and soon wrested the town of Le Sap from him. Duke Robert succeeded in reconciling them, and, taking pity on the orphans who had shown such splendid courage, he persuaded Count Gilbert to let them keep Le Sap as a pledge of peace. Finally, some years later, the count turned against the seven sons of Giroie and tried to recover Le Sap, which Duke Robert had persuaded him to surrender; and he met his death through their courage and daring, though he was closely guarded by many of his own men.? All these brothers were valiant and courtly; in war nimble and cunning, to their enemies a scourge, to their friends gracious and gentle; varied were their fortunes as they grew to manhood, but their end was the common lot of all flesh. There is no space here for me to unfold the tale of their many exploits, and I can only leave a brief note of the manner of their deaths for future generations. Arnold the eldest, a brave and upright man, was accidentally thrown against the sharp corner of a step during a friendly wrestling match with another young athlete at Montreuil; and after breaking three ribs he died within three days.* William the second-born of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 156; MS. Rouen 1174, f. 135, clearly shows the later alteration of this passage). 4 If ‘William, son of Arnold of Montreuil’, who gave the church and tithe of Giverville to the monks of La-Trinité-du-Mont, Rouen, c. 1050-6 (Fauroux,

no. 138), was son of this Arnold, he may have been illegitimate.

26

BOOK

III

secundus diu uixit, omnique uita sua cunctis fratribus suis imperauit. Erat enim multum facundus et iocosus, largus et animosus, subiectis amandus, et obstantibus formidandus. Nullus

ii. 27

uicinorum audebat terram eius ullo modo inuadere? nec aliquam inquietudinis consuetudinem ab hominibus eius exigere. Episcopales consuetudines in toto Monasterioli et Escalfoi fundo habebat? nec ullus archidiaconorum ibidem presbyteros eiusdem honoris circumuenire audebat.| Nam Geroius pater eius postquam Hilgonis fiscum ut supradictum est optinuit? incolas illius patrie de quo episcopatu essent inquisiuit. Illi autem dixerunt se nullius episcopatus esse. At ille, 'Hoc omnino iniustum est. Absit a me? ut sim absque pastore et iugo ecclesiastice. disciplinze.' Deinde quis uicinorum presulum religiosior esset inuestigauit. Agnitisque uirtutibus Rogerii Luxouiensis episcopi" ei totum honorem suum subiugauit, et Baldricum de Balgenzaio generosque suos Wascelinum de Ponte Erchenfredi et Rogerium de Merula? terras suas que simili libertate abutebantur prafato pontifici similiter submittere persuasit. Rogerius itaque przsul uidens quod praefati optimates sibi sponte sua humiliarentur, congratulatus est eis’ deditque priuilegium ut clerici terre suz non irent ad placitandum extra potestatem eorum, nec opprimerentur iniustis circumuentionibus archidiaconorum. Hoc autem priuilegium Geroianus Willelmus fortiter tenuit? et a domno Hugone episcopo Vticensibus monachis optinuit. Ipse Hiltrudem filiam Fulberti de Beina qui tempore Ricardi ducis castrum Aquila construxerat uxorem duxit, ex qua Ernaldum de Escalfoio genuit, deinde Emmam Walchelini de Taneto filiam in coniugium accepit, que Willelmum qui post in Apulia bonus Normannus cognominatus est peperit. Sepe memoratus uir a ducibus Normannorum Ricardo et Rotberto diligebatur, pro fide quam dominis suis Rotberto Belesmensi, et Talauacio,3 et Goisfredo, aliisque uel eris uel amicis

seruabat, plurima detrimenta et pericula patiebatur.* Nam ipse ! See Lemarignier, Exemption, p. 68. Giroie’s action brought a district that was outside the Lieuvin and had been part of the diocese of Séez permanently into the diocese of Lisieux. As the lords of Belléme kept the bishopric of Séez

in their family at this date there seem to have been political motives for his action. Giroie’s daughter Heremburge married Walchelin of Pont-Échanfray ;and his daughter Emma

married Roger of Merlerault (below, p. 30).

3 Robert of Belléme and William Talvas were two of the six sons of William I of Belléme. For the problems connected with the descent of the fiefs after the murder of Robert c. 1033 in the castle of Ballon see Appendix I.

.

* The possibility of being the vassal of two lords (cf. F. L. Ganshof, ‘Depuis quand a-t-on pu, en France, étre vassal de plusieurs seigneurs?’ in Mélanges Paul Fournier (Paris, 1929), pp. 261-71) meant that William Giroie was required

BOOK III

n

lived for many years, and acted as head of the family to the end of his life. He was gifted and debonair; generous and open-hearted ; a master to revere and a foe to dread. No neighbour of his ever dared to trespass on his rights or impose any unjust exactions on his men. He enjoyed all the episcopal dues in his estates at Montreuil

and Échauffour, and no archdeacon ever dared to

molest the priests in this fief.! For after his father Giroie secured Heugon's revenues, as I have already told, he asked the country folk who was their bishop. 'T'hey answered that they had no bishop. Whereat he exclaimed: “This is altogether wrong. Heaven forbid that I should live without a spiritual shepherd, or the yoke of ecclesiastical authority.’ Then he inquired which of the neighbouring bishops was most holy in living; and since the virtues of Roger bishop of Lisieux were outstanding Giroie placed the whole honour under his authority, and also persuaded Baudri of Bocquencé and his own sons-in-law Walchelin of Pont-Echanfray and Roger of Merlerault? to place their lands, which enjoyed a similar licence, under the same prelate. Bishop Roger for his part, since these lords made voluntary submission of their lands to him, commended their wisdom and granted them exemption, so that the clergy on their lands should be neither dragged to pleas outside their territories nor oppressed by archdeacons with their unjust exactions. William son of Giroie maintained his right to this privilege, and granted it to the monks of St. Evroul with Bishop Hugh’s permission. William himself married Hiltrude, daughter of Fulbert de Beina, who had built the castle of Laigle in the time of Duke Richard, and had by her a son, Arnold of Échauffour. His second wife was Emma, daughter of Walchelin of Tannée, and she bore him a son,

William, who later on in Apulia was known as 'the good Norman'. This same man earned the affection of the Norman dukes Richard and Robert, and suffered many losses and perils for the loyalty that he always showed to his lords Robert of Belléme and Talvas? and Geoffrey and other lords and friends.* For he to defend the castle of Montaigu for his lord Geoffrey of Mayenne when it was

attacked by his other lord William

Talvas.

The

ambiguity of his position

probably accounts for Talvas’s savage attack on him a few years later, for which

Orderic offers no explanation. These events occurred a number of years before the refoundation of St. Évroul in 1050; the date c. 1044 suggested by du Motey (Du Motey, Alengon, p. 187 n. 2) for the fortification of St. Céneri is conjectural, but quite possible.

BOOK

28 ii. 28

III

sponte destruxit castrum Montis Acuti quod suum erat pro redemptione domini sui Goisfredi de Meduana quem Willelmus Talauacius ceperat, nec exire de carcere permittebat, nisi przdictum deiceretur castrum quod ualde metuebat. Postquam autem Goisfredus de uinculis Talauacii euasit? Geroiano baroni pro magna fide quam in eo reppererat, castrum sancti Serenici super Sartam ei erexit. Multa de Willelmo possem referre, sed quia pluribus occupor curis cogor ad alia transire. De fine uero eius latius in sequentibus edisseram? nunc de fratribus eius ut supra promisi compendiose detegam. Fulcoius qui tertius erat, medietatem Monasterioli habuit, duos-

li. 29

que filios Geroium et Fulcoium ex concubina procreauit. Ipse post mortem Rotberti ducis cum compatre suo Gisleberto comite quem conducebat occisus est. Rotbertus castrum sancti Serenici cum circumiacente prouincia diu tenuit, eique Willelmus dux Adelaidem consobrinam suam in coniugium dedit, ex qua filium nomine Rotbertum qui nunc Henrico regi Anglorum militat procreauit. Verum post multas mirandasque probitates quas gessit, magnis simultatibus ortis inter Normannos et Andegauenses castrum sancti Serenici contra Willelmum ducem tenuit? ibique anno ducatus eiusdem ducis xxv? obsessus est’ pomoque uenenato quod coniugi suz ui rapuerat comesto post quinque dies mortuus est.2 Radulfus autem, quintus frater Clericus cognominatus est? quia peritia litterarum et aliarum artium apprime imbutus est. Hic et Mala Corona uocabatur? eo quod in iuuentute sua militaribus exercitiis et leuitatibus detinebatur. Artis medicine peritissimus fuit? multarumque rerum profunda secreta unde senes liberis et nepotibus suis adhuc pro admiratione loquuntur agnouit. Denique relictis mundi lenociniis ad Maius Monasterium confugit" ibique sub Alberto abbate monachus factus Deum suppliciter rogauit, ut insanabilis lepra morbo in corpore fedaretur? quatinus a peccatorum sordibus in anima emundaretur. Quod pie deprecatus est obtinuit" et post conuersionis annos fere sex feliciter decessit. Hugo sextus frater iuuentute florens, fortuna inuidente raptus est. Nam dum quadam die de castro sancte Scolasticz cum fratribus suis multisque satellitibus rediret? secus zecclesiam ! Cf. above, p. 24 n. 3.

? Robert took the side of Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, in the attack upon Normandy that led to the battle of Varaville. For a reconstruction of events see J. Dhondt, ‘Les relations entre la France et la Normandie sous Henri I*'' in Normannia, xv (1939), 465-86; and ‘Henri I, l'Empire et l'Anjou' in Revue Belge de Philologie et d’ Histoire, xxv (1947), 87-109. If Orderic's dating is correct

(cf. below, p. 79), Robert died on 6 February ro6o. The engagement at Varaville was not decisive, and war continued at least until the late summer of 1060 (Halphen, Anjou, pp. 79-80; Dhondt, Normannia, xv (1939), 482-5).

BOOK III

Be

voluntarily destroyed his own castle of Montagu to secure the ransom of his lord Geoffrey of Mayenne, whom William Talvas had captured and would only release on condition that this castle, which was a threat to his power, was demolished. Once Geoffrey was free from the clutches of Talvas he rewarded his faithful vassal,

Giroie’s son, by building a castle at St. Céneri-sur-Sarthe for him. What volumes I could write about William if only so many other topics were not demanding my attention! Later I will have more to say about the latter part of his life, but for the moment I must keep my promise to touch briefly on the careers of his brothers. Fulk the third-born, who held half the fee of Montreuil, had

two sons Giroie and Fulk by a concubine. After the death of Duke Robert he was killed with his fellow countryman, Count Gilbert,

whilst riding in his bodyguard.! Robert held the castle of St. Céneri with the region around for many years, and Duke William gave him his cousin Adelaide to wife. She bore him a son Robert, who is now fighting for King Henry of England. After performing many wonderful deeds of prowess he was involved in the great conflicts between the Normans and Angevins, and held the castle of St. Céneri against Duke William. Whilst he was besieged there in the twenty-fifth year of the duke’s reign he died, five days after eating a poisoned apple which he had snatched from his wife’s hand.? As for Ralph the fifth brother, he was nicknamed ‘the clerk’ because he was thoroughly versed in grammar and the other liberal arts. He was also called 'Ill-tonsured' because of his predilection for knightly sports and frivolities in his youth. He excelled in medical studies, and old men still speak with awe to their children and grandchildren of his understanding of the mysteries of things. Finally he gave up the pleasures of the world and sought refuge at Marmoutier, where he took vows under Abbot Albert and humbly implored God to afflict his body with an incurable leprosy so that his soul might be cleansed from its foul sins. His prayers were answered, and almost six years after his conversion he died in peace. Hugh the sixth brother was snatched away by envious fortune in the flower of youth. One day, whilst he was returning 3 Below, pp. 74-76, 104. Orderic states that Ralph was a monk for seven years.

He died on 19 January ‘not long after the departure of his nephew, Robert of Grandmesnil’, and so presumably in 1062. His profession at Marmoutier therefore can be dated c. 1055.

30

BOOK

III

sancti Germani in territorio Escalfoii cum consodalibus suis sese

li. 30

lanceando exercuisset? eum armiger eius dum incaute missile iaceret, grauiter percussit. Qui mox ut erat mansuetus eundem armigerum ad se uocauit, eique clam dixit, ‘Velociter fuge" quia grauiter uulnerasti me. Misereatur tui Deus. Fuge antequam fratres mei hoc animaduertant? et te pro hoc euentu interficiant.’ Nobilis itaque iuuenis eodem die occubuit. Geroius iunior omnibus dum adhuc primo flore iuuentutis uernaret, praedam in terra Lexouiensis zcclesiz rapuit, et inde Monasteriolum regressus et in amentiam uersus interiit. Sic licet diuersis modis una mors omnes Geroii filios rapuit? nec ullum ex eis ad senium usque peruenire permisit. Primogenita quoque filiarum Eremburgis data est Wascelino de Ponte Erchenfredi, ex qua Willelmus et Radulfus orti sunt’ qui postmodum in Apulia et Sicilia Rotbertum Wiscardum Calabriz ducem multum iuuerunt. Deinde Haduisa sociata est Rodberto de Grentemaisnilio quz peperit ei Hugonem et Rodbertum et Ernaldum, et totidem filias.! Quo defuncto? coniuncta est Willelmo

Rodberti archiepiscopi filio, et peperit ei Iudith?? que postmodum Rogerii comitis Siciliz coniunx fuit. Tercia Geroii filia fuit Emma, qua data est Rogerio de Merula, ex qua Rodulfus et Willelmus Rodulfi et Rogerii uicinorum nostrorum pater orti sunt. Quarta

li. 31

Adelais sociata est Salomoni de Sabloilo eique peperit Rainardum" cuius proles nomine Lisiardus nunc Henrico regi Anglorum grande prestat in Andegauenses auxilium. Hzc de Geroiana progenie dixisse sufficiat. Nunc ad materiam unde aliquantisper digressi sumus redeamus. In primo anno quo Vticensis abbatia fundata est Willelmus et Rodbertus filii Geroii, et Hugo et Rodbertus nepotes eorum cum filiis et nepotibus et baronibus suis apud Vticum congregati sunt" et de utilitate rudis ccenobii quod inchoauerant tractantes communiter statuerunt, ut quisque sese cum omni parte substantia suz sancto Ebrulfo in fine suo concederet, nec aliquis eorum decimam uel zcclesiam uel aliud quidlibet ad zcclesiam pertinens alicubi daret, nec etiam uenderet nisi primo Vticensibus ad emendum offerret. Hoc libenter confirmauerunt Fulcoinus presbyter et Osmundus Basseth, Lupetius et Fulco filii Fredelendis, Odo

Rufus et Ricardus filius Gulberti,

Rodbertus

de Torp, et

Geroius de Logis, et alii barones eorum. Tunc et praefati monasterii constructores possessionum suarum

1 Two of these daughters were Agnes, wife of Robert of Moulins-la-Marche,

and Adeliza, wife of Humphrey of Tilleul. ^ For Judith's marriage see GM, p. 35; and G. de Blasiis, L'Insurrezione Pugliese e la Conquista Normanna (Naples, 1869), ii. 357.

BOOK III

31

from the castle of St. Céneri with his brothers and a large retinue, he and some friends stopped near the church of St. Germain near Echauffour to amuse themselves by throwing lances; an ill-aimed shaft carelessly thrown by his squire wounded him mortally. Greathearted as he was he called the squire and whispered to him, ‘Fly at once, for your wound will be my death. May God have mercy on you. Fly before my brothers discover this and slay you for it.’ The noble youth died that same day. Giroie the youngest of all died in the flower of his youth, for he raided the land of the church of Lisieux and on his return to Montreuil perished in a fit of madness. So in different ways all the sons of Giroie were carried away by death, and not one of them survived to old age. Heremburge the eldest of the daughters was married to Walchelin of Pont-Echanfray, and their sons William and Ralphlater fought loyally for Robert Guiscard, duke of Calabria, in Apulia and Sicily. Next Hawise was wedded to Robert of Grandmesnil, and bore him

Hugh and Robert and Arnold and three daughters.! After his death she married William, son of Archbishop Robert, and bore him a daughter Judith? who became wife of Roger count of Sicily. Giroie's third daughter, Emma, was given to Roger of Merlerault, and her children were Ralph and William, the father of our neighbours Ralph and Roger. The fourth daughter Adela was joined to Solomon of Sablé and bore him a son Rainard, from whom is descended Lisiard, now a staunch supporter of King Henry of England against the Angevins. That must suffice for the history of the sons of Giroie. Now I must return to my theme, from which I have digressed a little. In the first year after the foundation of St. Évroul William and Robert, the sons of Giroie, their nephews Hugh and Robert, and

their sons and kindred and vassals assembled at St. Évroul to discuss the welfare of the modest cell they had established. T'hey agreed that each of them should give himself with all his substance to St. Évroul on his death, and that none of them would

give or even sell any church or tithe or other ecclesiastical property without first offering it for sale to the monks. Many of their vassals, including Fulcuin the priest and Osmund Basset, Lupetius and Fulk sons of Fredelende,

Odo

Rufus and Richard son of

Gulbert, Robert de Torp, and Giroie de Logis readily gave their consent to this.

Then the founders of St. Evroul took stock of their wealth, and

32

BOOK

III

quantitatem computauerunt: et bonam portionem pro possibilitate

11-132

111433

sua zecclesize que inchoabatur dederunt. i tPossessiones itaque quas Rodbertus et Hugo et Ernaldus filii Rotberti de Grentemaisnilio pro salute sua Vticensi szecclesiz tradiderunt? he sunt. In Nucereto ecclesia cum omni decima et terra presbyteri cum arabili terra trium carrucarum, et uilla quae dicitur Solengiacus. In Oillei cum omni beneficio quod tenuit Tezscelinus clericus etiam decima molendinorum ipsius uilla. Anglisca quoque Villa cum monasterio. /Ecclesia autem uillz quae Villaris dicitur cum uno hospite. In uilla uero que nuncupatur Oth monasterium et terra presbyteri cum uno hospite, et decima molendinorum eiusdem uille, et in monasterio de Waiprato dederunt etiam talem partem qualem tenuit Rotbertus pater eorum. Preterea decimam de Buinna, et in Belmeis terciam partem molendini cum decima eiusdem. Beneficiumque Fulcuini presbyteri ecclesiam scilicet et decimam de Grentemaisnil’ ac decimam molendini Oliueti. Vnum hospitem in Collauilla cum decima totius uilla. Decimam quoque cerz necnon et denariorum Sancti Petri inter montes. Insuper zecclesiam in uico qui uocitatur Fogei, et decima partem Coluncelle quam tenuit Rodbertus pater eorum. Terram uero de Cueleio? dedit Hugo petentibus sponte dominis eiusdem uilla, quorum alodium erat eidem ccenobio, immo et decimam omnium carrucarum eius et pecorum, et decimam de monte Caluet tam de theloneo quam de annona. /Ecclesiam autem de Louigneio cum terra presbyteri. Preterea terram quae appellatur Noer Mainardi. In loco qui dicitur Maisnil Bernardi? terram unius aratri, et terram uillae Tanaceti.

li. 34

Prater hac mona-

sterium de Mancellis cum terra presbyteri, et de Sappo decimam thelonei. Villam quoque que uocatur Maisnil Dode, et zecclesiam de Limboth cum terra presbyteri, et portionem quam tenuit Haduisa mater eorum in Veteri Maisnil. Ad Nouum Mercatum dedit Hugo quartam partem monasterii sancti Petri, et decimam medietatis

thelonei

totius uille, et molendinorum

similiter.

In

Seiri Fontana monasterium et terciam partem decime cum omnibus primitiis, et quinque cortilagia.* Willelmus autem Geroii filius consentientibus et condonantibus filiis suis Ernaldo et Willelmo, et fratribus Rodberto et Rodulfo

' The following information was derived by Orderic from charters in the archives of St. Evroul. The originals of the main foundation charters are lost;

later copies

have

been

published

in Le

Prévost,

v.

173-80,

and

Fauroux,

no. 122, Who gives a critical text with variant readings. In the thirteenth-century

cartularies there are two recensions of the charter (Fauroux, B, probably the earlier but undated, and C, which is dated); an eighteenth-century monk, Dom Lenoir, made transcripts from the archives of St. Évroul (Fauroux, D, E) which

BOOK III

33

assigned a handsome portion of it according to their means to the church they had established. "These are the endowments which Robert and Hugh and Arnold the sons of Robert of Grandmesnil gave to St. Évroul for the salvation of their souls: In Norrey, the church with the whole tithe and glebe land and three carucates of arable land, and the vill called Soulangy. In Ouilly the tithes of the village mills with the whole benefice held by Tescelin the clerk; Angloischeville with its church; the church of Villers with one peasant; in the vill called O near Argentan the church and glebe with one peasant and the tithe of the village mills; and their father Robert's share of the church of Guéprei. Also the tithe of La Bigne, the third of the mill of Beaumais with its tithe; the benefice of Fulcuin the priest, namely the church and tithe of Grandmesnil; the tithe of

the mill of Olivet; in Colleville one peasant with the tithe of the whole vill; the tithe of wax and money dues of St. Peter of Entremont; also the church in the village called Fougy, and their father Robert's share of the tithe of Coulonces. Hugh gave the estate of Culley? to the abbey at the free request of the lords of the vill, who held it as an alod, and the tithe of all his ploughs and stock; also the tithe of Montchauvet both in tolls and grain; the church of Louvigny with the priest's glebe; the estate known as Le Noyer-Ménard; one ploughland in the place called Mesnil Bernard,? and the land of the vill of La Tanaisie. In addition to

these he gave the church of Manselles with the glebe; the tithe of tolls at Le Sap; the vill called Mesnil Dode; the church and glebe of Limbeuf; and their mother Hawise's share in Vieux-Mesnil. At Neufmarché Hugh gave a quarter of the church of St. Peter, with the tithe of half the tolls and mills of the whole vill, and in Sérifontaine the church, a third of the tithe and all the first fruits,

and five curtilages.* William son of Giroie, with the consent and co-operation of his sons Arnold and William and his brothers Robert and Ralph ‘Tll-tonsured’, who

renounced

their claims, gave St. Evroul the

are nearer to the second recension, C, but contain additional material. Orderic

seems to have used much the same material; his version is closest to D and E; but he also made use of the lost prototype of B, notably in the clause relating to the election of the abbot. He has too some additional information about the names and kindred of some of the benefactors. 3 Now La Goulafriére. 2 Now Rabodanges. 4 Hugh’s gift in Neufmarché is not in Fauroux, no. 122. 822204

D

34

BOOK III

Mala Corona, monasterium de Escalfo decimamque eiusdem uille thelonei praedicto coenobio cum terra presbyteri Adelelmi*

et decimationem totius siluze ad eandem uillam pertinentis tam de

11:35

ii. 36

suibus quam de nummis, ipsamque siluam ad necessaria omnia. Insuper et monasteria omnia qua tunc in dominio suo habebat, quorum unum in honore sancti Georgii constructum est in uilla quz. Monasteriolus dicitur, duo Vernuciis, unum in honore sancte Mariz? alterum in honore sancti Pauli. In Sappo duo, unum in honore sancti Petri, alterum in honore sancti Martini. Hzc omnia largitus est cum decimis et terris ad ipsa pertinentibus. Ad hzc decimas theloneorum omniumque consuetudines tam siluarum quam aliarum rerum que tunc debebantur illi in Escalfo et in Monasteriolo atque in Sappo. Igitur postquam Dei donante gratia est ordinatus praedicti ceenobii Theodericus abbas? emit ipse ab Ernaldo prefati Willelmi filio consentiente Rotberto suo auunculo et iubente Willelmo comite terram de Balgenzaio! sicut eam tenuerat Baldricus eiusdem comitis archearius, et partem terre Escalfo que est sita inter Aquam nigram? et Carentonam et Exartum Henrici, et decimam molendini de Escalfo. Dedit praterea terram Altzeripz ipse Ernaldus eidem coenobio et quaecumque ad eam pertinebant cum omnibus monasteriis suis et terris presbyterorum et terram de Doith Mulsut. Denique Willelmus frater eius filius supradicti Willelmi annuente Geroio fratre eius ac cognatis, uidelicet Geroio atque Fulcoio, tribuit memorato loco omnia monasteria quz in potestate sua habebat, accepta haud modica pecunia ab abbate prafati cenobii. Ex quibus unum erat situm in Maisnil Bernardi, in honore sancti Sulpicii, alterum in honore sancti Leodegarii in Roiluilla, aliud uero in Moenai in honore sancte Mariz, et medietatem eiusdem Moenai quam tenebat Rodbertus ipso etiam annuente. Vnum etiam de Ternant, et in Exarz unum in honore

sancti Petri. In Algerun unum cum tota uilla, et in Bosco Herberti unum. Hzc omnia libenter pro redemptione animarum suarum cum omnibus decimis et terris presbyterorum tam ipse Willelmus quam domini eorundem monasteriorum, scilicet Rogerius Gulafret de Maisnil Bernardi, Herfredus ^ MS.

Adelelmique;

de Roiluilla, Rotbertus

corrected from Fauroux,

de

no. 122, B. Fauroux, no. 122,

C, D, E omit Adelelmi.

* Bocquencé had been part of the endowment of the canons of St. Évroul in 900 (Lauer, Recueil des Actes de Charles III (893-923)

(Paris,

1949), no.

xxxv). Before the refoundation most of the lands had been secularized and lost; this was one of the few properties which was repurchased. If the charter

BOOK

III

35

church of Échauffour with the tithe of the tolls of the vill, the land

of Athelelm the priest and the tithe of all the woodland depending on the vill, both in swine and money, and all the wood they needed for their own use; in addition all the churches of his demesne,

namely the church of St. George in the vill of Montreuil, the churches of St. Mary and St. Paul at Verneuces, and the churches of St. Peter and St. Martin in Le Sap. His gift included all the tithes and lands pertaining to these churches; and he added the tithes of tolls and all customary payments due to him from the woods and other property in Échauffour, Montreuil, and Le Sap. After Thierry had by God's gracious will been ordained abbot of St. Évroul he bought from William's son Arnold, with the consent of his uncle Robert and the authority of Duke William, the land of Bocquencé,! as Baudri, Duke William’s archer, had

held it, and part of the lands of Échauffour between Noireau? and Charenton, and Essart-Henri and the tithe of the mill of Échauffour.

Arnold also gave St. Évroul property at Hauterive, with all its churches and glebes and appurtenances, and the estate of Le Douet-Moussu. Next his brother William, son of William Giroie, with the consent of his brother Giroie and his kinsmen Giroie and Fulk sold to the abbot of St. Évroul all the churches he possessed for a considerable sum. 'These were the churches of St. Sulpice in Mesnil Bernard, St. Léger in Réville, St. Mary in Monnai, and half the vill of Monnai, with the consent of Robert who held it; another church in Ternant, the church of St. Peter in Les Essarts-

en-Ouche, another church in Les Augerons with the whole vill, and another in Le Bois-Hébert. These churches, with all their tithes

and glebe lands, were given freely to the monastery of St. Évroul, for the salvation of the souls of the donors: namely William himself and the lords of the churches,3 Roger Goulafré of Mesnil Bernard, Herfred of Réville, Robert of Monnai, Henrede of Ternant, correctly describes the transaction, the only explanation I can suggest is that Baudri,

the

Duke's

archer, held by a type of precarial

tenure

at the duke's

command, on former church land that had more recently been secularized and acquired by the family of Giroie from Heugon. For Baudri and the later military obligations of St. Évroul cf. below, pp. 80-82. 2 ‘Black water’ is peculiar to Orderic; it is probably an early name for the place that, after settlement,

became

T'ouquettes.

All extant

charter (B, C, D, E) have Touquettes. 3 The names of these lords are not in Fauroux, no, 122.

versions

of the

36

BOOK

III

Moenaio, Henredus de Ternanto, Willelmus Presbyter de Exarz, Willelmus Praepositus de Algeron, Rogerius Faitel de Bosco Herberti predicto coenobio tradiderunt.

Item Willelmus donauit eidem ccenobio in Vernuciis terram

unius carruce, ob redemptionem anime Emme matris suz. Dedit praterea molendinorum medietatem de Vernuciis annuente fratre eius Ernaldo et quz inibi habebat in suo dominio, terram ii. 37 Warini et lucum Landigulz, et in Vernuciis terram Burnendi, et

duos piscatores de Ternanto et in Monasteriolo tres furnos et unum burgensem.

Deinde Willelmus filius Wazscelini de Ponte Erchenfredi dedit

praefato coenobio zcclesiam sanctz Marie, et quaecumque Osbernus presbyter tenebat, cum redecima thelonei, et decimam molendinorum seu carrucarum quas ibi et ubicunque habebat uel habiturus erat. Similiter et omnia monasteria qua habebat uel habiturus erat. In Roiluilla eam partem quam ipse habebat. Postea Rotbertus Helgonis filius consentientibus et condonantibus eius dominis Willelmo scilicet atque Rotberto cum filiis ac

nepotibus eorum zcclesiam sancti Martini super fluuium Waioli!

monachis prefati coenobii uendidit, et in eodem loco terram presbyteri cum alia terra octo carrucarum quam emerunt non modico precio. Dedit etiam medietatem monasterii de Sappo Andrez cum terra presbyteri, et medietatem terre suz totius uilla. Rodbertus uero filius Theodelini dedit aliam eiusdem monasterii medietatem, cum medietate totius uilla.

ii. 38

Denique zecclesiam sancte Mariz a supradicto cenobio prisco tempore constructam cum silua ibi presente comparauit Teodericus abbas a Willelmo et Ricardo filiis Rodulfi cognomento Fraisnel decem et octo libris, sicut tenuerat eam quidam monacus nomine Placidus. Prater hac uendidit Hubertus de Vncins predicto abbati ecclesiam eiusdem uilla cum^ arpenta terre.? Hzec omnia supradicta concessit dominus eorum Willelmus filius Osberni senescalci. Post hzc Rotbertus Geroii filius annuens et confirmans quzcunque fratres uel nepotes ipsi et eorum homines praedicto loco donauerant? dedit etiam de prediis suis ipsi loco Sanctum Serenicum, Sanctum

Petrum

de Potestate

Nidi, et omnes

decimas

ad ipsa loca pertinentes, et dimidium uirgulti sancti Serenici, piscationesque in Sarta ad placitum monachorum ibi habitantium, sanctamque Mariam de monte Wantelen, decimamque Siralais ? MS. et

t The detail ‘super fluuium Waioli’ is peculiar to Orderic. St. Martin-surGuiel is now Heugon. If, as Le Prévost followed by Lauer thought probable,

BOOK III

37

William the priest of Les Essarts, William Provost of Les Augerons, Roger Faitel of Le Bois-Hébert. He also gave St. Évroul one ploughland in Verneuces for the weal of the soul of his mother Emma. In addition he gave, with his brother Arnold's consent, half the mills of Verneuces and all that he held in demesne, the land of Warin and the grove at Les Landelles; the land of Burnendus in Verneuces; two fishermen at

Ternant; and three ovens and one burgess in Montreuil. Next William son of Walchelin of Pont-Échanfray gave St. Évroul the church of St. Mary and all that Osbern the priest held, , With the second tithe of the tolls and the tithe of the mills and ploughs which he already possessed or might later acquire anywhere. Likewise he gave all the churches which he held or might acquire; and his share of Réville. Afterwards Robert son of Heugon, with the consent and cooperation of his lords William and Robert and their sons and nephews, sold to the monks of St. Évroul the church of St. Martin beside the river Guiel,! together with the glebe land and the land of eight ploughs, for which the monks paid a considerable price. He also gave half the church of Le Sap André with the glebe land and his half of the vill; and Robert son of Theodelin gave the other half of the church and vill to the abbey. Lastly, Abbot Thierry paid eighteen pounds to William and Richard the sons of Ralph Fraisnel for the church of Notre-Damedu-Bois, which the earlier community of St. Évroul had built, with the wood around it, to be held as the monk Placidus had held

it Also Hubert of Anceins sold to the abbot the church of Anceins with a measure of land.? All these grants were confirmed by the lord of these men, William son of Osbern the steward. Afterwards Robert son of Giroie gave his consent and approval to the gifts his brothers and nephews and their men had made to St. Évroul and gave the monks from his own portion the churches of St. Céneri-le-Gérei, St. Peter of La Poesté-des-Nids, with all the tithes due to them;

also half the wood

of St. Céneri and

fisheries in the Sarthe for the enjoyment of the monks living there; the church of St. Mary of Mount Gandelain and all the tithe of *Agon' in the charter of Charles III is to be identified as Heugon, this represents

a fragment of the old endowment of St. Evroul which was recovered by the new monastery (Le Prévost, ‘Anciennes divisions territoriales de la Normandie’, in Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm., 2 série, i (1840), 53). 2 The gift of Hubert of Anceins is not in Fauroux, no. 122.

38

BOOK

III

totam, et de cunctis honoribus quas ipse adepturus erat. Deinde Radulfus filius Godefredi eius miles dedit eidem loco zcclesiam de Radon illo concedente. Inter hzec audiens quidam miles bonus de Drocis Wado nomine condonauit zcclesiam sancti Michaelis? sitam super Arua in pago Ebroicensi consentientibus dominis suis et filiis et parentibus et amicis. Hz sunt donationes quas Willelmus et Rodbertus et nepotes eorum Hugo et Rodbertus aliique cognati eorum Vticensi coenobio dederunt? et cartam inde facientes! Willelmo duci Normannorum ii. 39 confirmandam presentauerunt. Ille uero petitiones eorum libenter suscepit, et donationes eorum predicto cenobio benigniter concessit. Tituli quoque principalis priuilegio Vticensem aecclesiam insignauit, ut libera et ab omni extranea subiectione in perpetuum maneat immunis. De electione autem abbatis loci eiusdem totum concessit consilio fratrum, salua tamen regularis discipline ratione, id est ut non amicicie aut consanguinitatis aut certe pecunie amor uota eligentium corrumpat.? Denique praefatus princeps in fine testamenti hoc inseruit? et his illud uerbis corroborauit. Hanc donationis cartulam ego Willelmus Normannorum comes scribi feci, et manibus archiepiscopi Rotomagensium et

episcoporum abbatumque ac principum quorum nomina et signa

subter scripta habentur sub excommunicatione confirmandam tradidi, quatinus inconuulsa et astipulata hinc et in reliquum permaneat, ut si quis eam infringere presumpserit, aut aliquid per se uel per alium quocunque ingenio damnum inferre uoluerit? ex auctoritate Dei et omnium sanctorum ab^ omni christianitate si non emendauerit,

ii. 40

excommunicatum

et in zternum

maledictum

se nouerit. His dictis? Willelmus dux signo crucis cartam signauit.3 Deinde subscripserunt Malgerius archiepiscopus Rotomagensium filius Ricardi Gunnoride ducis Normannorum, Hugo episcopus Luxouiensis filius Willelmi comitis Aucensis, Odo episcopus Baiocensis uterinus frater Willelmi ducis, Willelmus episcopus Ebroicensis filius Gerardi Fleitelli, Gislebertus abbas Castellionis, Willelmus et Rodbertus et Rodulfus filii Geroii, nepotes eorum Hugo de Grentemaisnillio, Rodbertus et Ernaldus, et Willelmus filius Waiscelini, Rodulfus ‘de Toenio, Rodulfus Taison, Rogerius de Monte Gomeri, Willelmus Osberni filius, Ricardus de Belfou, ? Sancti Michaelis inserted in the margin in the same hand. It is not in Fauroux, no. 122.

^ ab supplied from Fauroux, no. 122.

! See below, n. 3. ? From ‘De electione! to ‘corrumpat’ Orderic's version corresponds to B. 3 From 'deinde subscripserunt’ to ‘confirmauerunt’ Orderic is closest to C,

D, E, which vary greatly from B. None of the witnesses named in B but not

BOOK III

4b

Ciral and of any other fiefs he might acquire. His knight Ralph son of Godfrey gave the church of Radon with his consent. And a certain worthy knight of Dreux, named Wado, on learning of these things, gave the church of St. Michael on the Avre in the Évrecin, with the consent of his lords and his sons, kinsfolk, and

friends.

These are the gifts which William and Robert and their nephews Hugh and Robert and other relatives gave to the church of St. Évroul; which they recorded in a charter! and took to William duke of Normandy for his confirmation. He readily granted their petition, and graciously confirmed their gifts to the abbey. He also favoured the church of St. Évroul with a ducal privilege exempting it for all time from subjection to any other authority. Further he granted that the election of the abbot might be wholly vested in the brethren, saving always the precepts of the rule that votes were not to be influenced by friendship or kinship or above all by bribery.? Finally the duke inserted this clause at the end of the

privilege, and confirmed it with these words: 'I, William count of the Normans, have caused this charter of donation to be written

and have handed it to the archbishop of Rouen and the bishops, abbots, and lords whose names and subscriptions follow for confirmation, with the intention that it should remain ratified and inviolate henceforth for ever; so that if anyone presumes to infringe its provisions, or seeks to diminish them in any way directly or indirectly and fails to make amends he is warned that

by the will of God and all the saints he will be excommunicated throughout Christendom and eternally damned.' Uttering these words Duke William signed the charter with the sign of a cross.? Next Mauger, archbishop of Rouen, the son of Richard Gunnor's

son, duke of Normandy, added his cross; and after them Hugh bishop of Lisieux, son of William count of Eu; Odo bishop of

Bayeux, half-brother of Duke William; William bishop of Évreux, son of Gerard Fleitel; Gilbert abbot of Conches, William, Robert, and Ralph, the sons of Giroie; their nephews Hugh, Robert, and Arnold of Grandmesnil, and William son of Walchelin; Ralph of Tosny, Ralph Teison, Roger of Montgomery, William fitzOsbern, in C, D, E occur in Orderic's list. But all the men named by Orderic are in C, D, E amongst others, if it is accepted that Hugh and Robert of Grandmesnil correspond with ‘Robert, huius cartule auctor et factor’ and Hugh his brother.

"This is likely, and Orderic indeed implies as much in the phrase 'cartam inde facientes".

40

BOOK

III

Ricardus de Sancta Scolastica, et alii quamplures Normanniz procerum, qui in saltu Leonis ad curiam ducis super flumen Loiris ante ecclesiam Sancti Dionisii aggregati sunt, et Vticensis

zcclesiz testamentum anno dominice incarnationis ML? indictione IV?" confirmauerunt.

Eodem anno Rodbertus de Grentemaisnillio secularem habi-

li. 41

tum mutauit, et sub regimine T'eoderici abbatis apud Vticum monachile scema subiit. Hic nimirum ut supra tetigimus, Rodberti de Grentemaisnillio strenuissimi baronis filius, fuit ex Haduisa Geroii filia procreatus. In infantia litteras affatim didicit, quarum inter sodales tenaci memoria insigniter uiguit. Sed postquam annos adolescentiz attigit" spretis litterarum ociis ad armorum laborem cucurrit, et Willelmi ducis armiger .v. annis extitit. Deinde ab eodem duce decenter est armis adornatus, et miles effectus pluribus exeniis nobiliter honoratus. Consideratis autem mortalium casibus, elegit magis in domo Domini abiectus manere? quam in tabernaculis peccatorum ad tempus ut foenum florere.! Nam sepe recolebat saecularis militie pericula? que pater suus aliique innumerabiles experti sunt, qui dum hostes fortiter inuaserunt, incidentes in laqueum quem aliis parabant occubuerunt. Rotbertus enim pater eius cum Rogerio de Toenio contra Rogerium de Bellomonte dimicauit,? in quo conflictu Rogerius cum filiis suis Elberto et Elinancio peremptus est? et Rotbertus in intestinis letale uulnus suscepit. Inde reuectus tribus septimanis superuixit, terramque suam filis suis Hugoni et Rotberto diuisit. Deinde xiv? kal. iulii defunctus est’ et secus ecclesiam sancte Marie apud Nuceretum sepultus est. Inde Rodbertus filius eius permotus est? et meliori militia exerceri nisus est. Caenobium itaque in praefata uilla sicut satis supra dictum est pro salute sua suorumque decreuit construere, eique totam partem patrimonii sui Hugone fratre suo consentiente liberaliter submittere. Sed mutato consilio per Willelmum Geroii filium auunculum suum" facto generali

testamento cum Hugone fratre suo de rebus quas supra memorauimus uenit Vticum, ibique secundum regulam sancti Benedicti deuote professus est monachatum. Multos labores pro subuentione

pauperis

zecclesiz

sustinuit?

opesque

parentum

suorum

qui

diuiciis abundabant multoties rapuit, et pro salute eorum ad subsidia fidelium karitatiue distribuit. Haduisz nanque matri sue datis Ix libris Rodomensium, subripuit mariagium suum hoc ? epacta sexta in C,D, E 1 Psalm Ixxxiii (Ixxxiv). 11 (10), with an echo of Psalm Ixxxix (ach 6. ? This feud took place during William's minority, in or soon after 1040 (Le

Prévost, v. 229; Douglas, WC, p. 85).

BOOK

III

41

Richard of Beaufour, Richard of Ste. Scholasse, and many other Norman magnates who were assembled at the duke's court held in front of the church of St. Denis on the river Lieurre, in the forest of Lyons. All these confirmed the privilege of St. Évroul in the year of Our Lord 1050, the fourth of the indiction. In the same year Robert of Grandmesnil abandoned the world and entered religion at St. Évroul under Abbot Thierry. He, as I said before, was the son of that most valiant lord Robert of Grandmesnil, and of Hawise daughter of Giroie. As a boy he was diligent in his studies, and stood out among his schoolfellows for his remarkable memory. But when he became a youth he put learning and leisure aside to give himself up to the strenuous art of war, and was squire to Duke William for five years. After receiving his arms and being raised to knighthood by the duke he was honourably endowed with riches. But having regard to mortal frailty he chose rather to be a servant in the house of the Lord than for a little while to flourish like grass in the tents of wickedness. He often called to mind the perils of earthly warfare endured by his father and many like him who had met the death they intended for others whilst bravely attacking their enemies. For on one occasion his father Robert fought with Roger of 'Tosny against Roger of Beaumont,? and in that conflict Roger together with his sons Elbert and Elinant was slain, and Robert received

a mortal wound in his bowels. He was carried home and survived for three weeks; on 18 June he died after dividing his land between his sons Hugh and Robert, and was buried by the church of St. Mary at Norrey. Deeply moved by this tragedy, Robert set his mind on fighting in better warfare. So as I have already fully related, he first resolved to found a monastery in that same village for the salvation of his soul, and, with his brother Hugh’s consent, to endow it with his whole patrimony. But by the advice of his uncle William Giroie he changed his plans, and together with his brother Hugh made a general deed granting the properties described above; he then came to St. Evroul where he devoutly took monastic vows according to the rule of St. Benedict. He laboured ceaselessly to mitigate the poverty of the church;

often he appropriated the riches of his over-wealthy relatives and

forced them to profit their souls by charitably distributing their goods for the needs of the faithful. By paying sixty Rouen livres to his mother Hawise he was able to carry off her dowry, Le

42

ii. 42

BOOK

III

est Noer Mainardi, Vetus Maisnil, Tanesiam, et Maisnil Dode, et Vticensi tradidit zecclesize. Tunc etiam magnum psalterium uariis picturis decoratum dono matris sue Vticensibus contulit, quod usque hodie monachorum concio psalmodiis intenta frequenter ad laudem Dei reuoluit.! Hoc uolumen Emma coniunx Edelredi regis Anglorum Rodberto Rotomagensium archiepiscopo fratri suo przsentauerat/ et Willelmus eiusdem praesulis filius de camera patris sui familiariter sustulerat, dilecteeque sue coniugi Haduisz omnimodis placere uolens detulerat. Alia quoque multa bona preefatus uir zcclesiz suz adquisiuit? et tam in ornamentis

ecclesiasticis quam in necessariis subsidiis procurandis fratribus

acceptabilis fuit. Venerabilis autem "Teodericus abbas monastice religioni feruenter insistebat; et sibi commissz congregationi uerbis et operibus prodesse studebat. Hic fuit natione Normannus de prouincia Talogiensi? oriundus, statura mediocris, eloquio suauis, facie rubicundus, sacris litteris eruditus, et ab infantia usque ad

canos diuino cultui mancipatus. Sed sicut zizania in messe triticea importune oriuntur, que tempore messionis a diligenti messore funditus eradicabuntur, ignique non parcenti tradentur? sic filii nequam succrescentes agmini piorum inseruntur, sed a iusto iudice prefinito tempore detegentur, meritisque suppliciis districte subdentur. Sub przfato abbate monachus quidam nomine Romanus in Vticensi grege conuersabatur, qui instinctu daemonis staminia, femoralia, et catera huiusmodi furabatur. Qui dum a patre Teoderico cur talia facinora perpetraret szpius corriperetur/ omnino furtum se fecisse denegabat quod multoties paulo post confitebatur. ii. 43

Quadam

autem

arreptus

est a damonio,

monachi

horribiliter

dum

in lecto

suo

uehementerque

nocte

uexatus.

Hunc

ad eum

accesserunt,

clamantem

audirent

iaceret

cum

illumque propulsantes et aquam benedictam super illum spargentes, uix aliquando a uexatione demoniaca eruere quiuerunt. Qui ad se reuersus intellexit propter furta que egerat diabolum talem potestatem super se accepisse? promisitque quod ab hac nequitia de caetero custodiret se. Sed postea more canis ad suum uomitum reuersus est’ unde capitium illius abbas Teodericus fecit abscidi, eumque de cenobio expelli. Eiectus autem de collegio * This book is probably the Psalterium magnum of the twelfth-century catalogue of St. Evroul. Whilst a tenth-century English psalter formerly belonging to St. Evroul has survived, and is in the Public Library of Rouen

(MS. 24), this is not likely to be the psalter mentioned by Orderic as it is a small quarto volume. See Geneviéve Nortier, ‘Les bibliothéques médiévales des abbayes bénédictines de Normandie', in Revue Mabillon, xlvii (1957), 223.

BOOK

III

43

Noyer-Ménard, Vieux-Mesnil, La Tanaisie, and Le Mesnil-Dode, and give it to the church of St. Évroul. By his mother's gift also he acquired for the monks of St. Évroul a great Psalter, richly illuminated, which is still in almost daily use by the choir as they chant psalms to the glory of God.! This is the book that Emma, wife of the English king Ethelred, gave to her brother Robert archbishop of Rouen; his son William carried it off from his father's chamber, as

sons do, and gave it to his beloved wife Hawise whom he sought to please in all things. Robert procured many other gifts for his church, both ecclesiastical ornaments and useful revenues; and his

labours on behalf of his brethren made him popular among them. Thierry, the venerable abbot, fervently upheld monastic discipline, and strove by example and precept to promote the welfare of the community entrusted to his care. He was a Norman by birth, coming from the region of Le Talou:? a little man with a sweet voice and rosy cheeks, well-versed in all holy learning and devoted all his life long to the service of God. But, just as tares spring up unwanted amongst the wheat and must when harvest comes be ruthlessly uprooted by the good reaper and flung to the consuming flames; so worthless sons grow up in the ranks of the faithful, to be unmasked by the just judge at the appointed hour and handed over to the punishment they deserve. Whilst Thierry was abbot a certain monk called Romanus, who belonged to the community of St. Évroul, was tempted by a demon to steal linen and breeches and things of that kind. Again and again he was rebuked by Father Thierry for such misdeeds and stoutly denied his guilt, only to make confession soon afterwards each time. One night as he lay in bed he was set upon by a demon and horribly tormented. Hearing his hideous shrieks the monks rushed to his aid, and by shaking him and sprinkling him with holy water finally succeeded in freeing him from the devil that possessed him. When he came to himself he recognized that the

devil had gained this power over him through the thefts he had committed, and promised to guard himself against such wrongdoing in future. But as a dog returns to his vomit so did he. Finally, Abbot Thierry had him unfrocked and expelled from the convent. After he was driven from the community he set out, the ? 'The vill of Mathonville was in fact just in the region of Roumois (pagus Rotomagensis), on the borders of Talou (pagus Tellau). See Le Prévost, Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm. i (1840), 11.

44

BOOK

III

fratrum iter ut dicunt in Ierusalem arripuit. sed omnino nescimus qualem postea finem sortitus fuerit. i Quidam presbyter Anseredus nomine in territorio uille que Sapus dicitur commanebat, qui uitam leuem pluribus modis ducebat. Hic dum ab zgritudinis incommodo fatigaretur? a monachis supradicti coenobii habitum sancti Benedicti sibi dari poposcit. Quod cum adeptus fuisset, ad cenobium est delatus? atque in infirmaria positus. Qui postquam ab eadem zgritudine conualuit, ilam leuitatem quam in szculari conuersatione agitauerat? in quantum poterat resumebat. Et sicut quidam sapiens de talibus dicit, Ccelum non animum mutat qui trans mare currit?! iste habitum tantummodo non mores mutauit. Cuius uitam et conuersationem cum abbas Teodericus ualde reprehensibilem cerneret, illumque sacrum ordinem odio habere audiret, mandauerat enim patri suo et matri ut ipsum calumpniarentur et de cenobio abstraherent, timens ne illius miseria alii fratres uicia-

rentur?

apostolicum

praeceptum

in illo adimplere

uoluit

ita

dicentis, 'Auferte malum ex uobis’.? Et illud, 'Infidelis si discedit

discedat’.3 Permisit itaque de coenobio illum exire, et ad seculum redire. Qui peccatis suis peccata accumulans, cuidam mulierculae seipsum copulauit. Sed cum illa non ei sufficeret? alteram uocabulo Pomula in amorem sui asciuit, pactumque ut secum ad sanctum Egidium* illam deduceret cum ea fecit. Volebat enim parentibus et amicis suis incognitum esse, quod eam diligeret. Cumque illi mulieri locum designasset ubi simul iungerentur pariterque proficiscerentur’ cum quibusdam peregrinis ad sanctum Egidium euntibus iter arripuit. At illa ipso ignorante ab hac pactione resiluit, et alteri clerico se sociauit. At uero Anseredus

cum

ad

locum quem mulieri designarat peruenisset, eamque non repperisset/ dixit his cum quibus gradiebatur, 'Oportet me ad domum meam reuerti, quia rem michi necessariam obliuioni tradidi. Vos uero in eundo moras innectere nolite" quia celeriter prosequar uos.' Qui cum domum in qua illa mulier manebat nocte

ingressus fuisset" inuenit illos discumbentes. At illa statim dilectori suo aduentum illius intimauit. Qui securi manu arrepta in capite illum percussit, et exanimem reddidit. Deinde illum in saccum intromisit, et longius pertraxit’ atque humo cooperiens occuluit. Qui cum post multos dies inuentus fuisset, denudauerant * Adapted from Horace, Ep. I. xi. 27.

enim

2 x Corinthians v. 13.

3 1 Corinthians vii. 15. Cf. RSB, cap. xxviii.

* Saint-Gilles in Provence was a favourite centre of pilgrimage, as well as

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45

brethren say, on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; but I know nothing of his fate thereafter. A certain priest named Ansered lived in the vill of Le Sap and was very lax in his morals. Exhausted by a severe illness he begged the monks of St. Évroul to grant him the habit of St. Benedict. When he had received it he was carried to the monastery and laid in the infirmary. But afterwards he recovered from his illness and returned as far as possible to the lax habits of his life as a secular priest. As a certain sage records of such a man: Travel may change the scene but not the mind!

so this man changed his dress, not his way of life. Abbot Thierry clearly perceived that his life and conduct were most shocking and that he hated the monastic rule, for he had asked his father and mother to claim him and take him away from the monastery; and fearing that the other brethren might be infected by Ansered's vices, resolved to fulfil the precept of St. Paul which says: ‘Put away from among yourselves that wicked person’,? and again, ‘If the unbelieving depart, let him depart'.3 So he allowed him to leave the cloister and return to the world. Ansered, heaping sin on sin, kept company with a common woman, and not content with her made love to another called Rosie, with whom he agreed to go to the shrine of St. Gilles.* In this way he hoped to keep his passion for her from his family and friends. He agreed upon a place where she was to join him, so that they could go on their way together, and took the road with a group of pilgrims journeying to the shrine of St. Gilles. She, unknown to him, broke her word and consorted

with another clerk. When Ansered reached the place where he had arranged to meet the woman and she was not there he said to his companions, ‘I must go back home to fetch something I have forgotten. Do not wait for me; I shall soon overtake you again.’ Going by night to the woman's lodging he found the two in bed together. She at once gave warning of his coming to her lover, and he, snatching up an axe, struck Ansered on the head and laid him dead on the floor. Putting the body in a sack he dragged it some distance, and dug a hole in the ground to hide it. When, days later, it was found, after wild animals had scratched it up and eaten the a place of call on the routes to Compostella, Rome, or Jerusalem. Cf. P. Riant,

Expéditions et Pélerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte (Paris, 1865), p. 85; and Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, ed. M. N. Adler (London, 1907), p. 4.

46 ii. 45

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eum bestiz et coxam illius et tibiam comederant? tantus fetor

de eo ebulliebat, ut nullus ad eum accedere posset. Nam per foctorem qui longius sentiebatur inuentus est. Et accipientes eum pater eius et mater qui plus ceteris amabant? extra poliandrum zcclesiz sepelierunt. Ecce quali morte iste multatus est qui ad seculi uanitatem redire maluit, quam inter seruos Dei uitam ducere, per quam ad coeleste regnum posset conscendere. Alius presbyter Adelardus nomine cum per infirmitatem habitum monachicum sumpsisset, zecclesiam de Sapo cum decima quam in feudo tenebat, Deo et sancto Ebrulfo ac monachis ipsius in perpetuum possidendam tradidit. Qui postea cum ad sanitatem redisset, peenitere de hoc quod egerat coepit, atque ad seculum redire statuit. Quod cum abbas Teodericus audisset, regulam sancti Benedicti eidem recitari fecit, dixitque illi, ‘Ecce lex sub

qua militare uis. Si potes obseruare: ingredere. Si uero non potes? liber discede. Nolebat enim aliquem huiusmodi hominem ui retinere. At ille in sua pertinatia male induratus de ccenobio exiuit, et habitum secularem quem reliquerat reassumpsit. Cumque zcclesiam de Sapo quam monachis dederat iterum accipere uoluisset? Hugo de Grentemaisnillio qui tunc honorem de Sapo obtinebat ei non permisit. Qui Friardellum ad suos parentes erat

ii. 46

enim de bonis parentibus abiit, et postea fere xv annis ibidem uixit. Nunquam tamen postmodum fuit integre sanus? sed assiduis fatigabatur infirmitatibus. Denique cum mortem sibi imminere cerneret, et aeterna propter apostasiz reatum supplicia metueret? abbati Mainerio qui post uenerabilem Teodericum quartus idem rexit coenobium supplicauit, ut habitum sancti Benedicti quem peccatis suis facientibus reliquerat sibi redderet. Quem cum adeptus fuisset? tribus ebdomadibus superuixit, et ibidem uitam finiuit. Infirmitas enim illius tam grauis erat, quz officio muliebri carere non poterat, ideoque uiuus deferri nequiuit ad monasterium unde discesserat. In diebus Willelmi ducis Normannize Iuo filius Willelmi Belesmensis Sagiensem episcopatum regebat? et hereditario iure ex paterna successione fratribus suis Warino et Rodberto atque Willelmo deficientibus, Belesmense oppidum possidebat.! Hic erat litterarum peritus, et corpore decorus, sagax et facundus, facetus, multumque iocundus. Clericos et monachos ut pater filios amabat, et inter praecipuos amicos abbatem Teodericum uenerabiliter colebat. Sepe conueniebant ad priuata colloquia? nam Sagiorum urbs septem solummodo leugis distat ab Vticensi abbatia. Praefati preesulis neptem nomine Mabiliam Rogerius de ! See Appendix I.

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47

whole of one leg, it gave forth such a stench that no one could go near it. Indeed the foul smell first led to its discovery. His father and mother, who loved him above all others, recovered the remains and had them buried outside the churchyard. What a wretched death this man suffered, who chose rather to return to worldly vanity than to seek the way to heaven among the servants of God! There was another priest, Adelard by name, who put on the habit of a monk during a severe illness, and gave the church and tithe of Le Sap which he held in fee to the monks of St. Évroul in perpetuity. Later when he recovered his health he began to regret what he had done on his sick bed, and decided to return to the

world. When Abbot Thierry heard of this he had the rule of St. Benedict read to him and then said, "This is the law under which

you are trying to live. If you can keep it, remain here; if you cannot you are free to go.' For he preferred not to keep a man of such character by force. The man himself, hardened in his obstinacy, left the abbey and put on once more the secular garb that he had abandoned. But when he attempted to resume possession of the church of Le Sap which he had given to the monks, Hugh of Grandmesnil, lord of the honour of Le Sap, refused to allow it. So he went back to his family at Friardel, for he was well-born, and lived there for almost fifteen years. But he never enjoyed good health and suffered one illness after another. At last when he saw his death approaching he began to fear eternal punishment for his sin of apostasy ;and he besought Mainer, the fourth abbot to rule the monastery after the venerable Thierry, to clothe him once more in the habit of St. Benedict which he had abandoned through his sins. His request was granted, and he survived for three weeks more and ended his life there. But his illness was so far advanced that he needed a woman to nurse him and so it was impossible for him to return alive to the monastery he had forsaken. In the time of William duke of Normandy Ivo son of William of Belléme held the bishopric of Séez, and on the deaths of his brothers Warin and Robert and William inherited the town of Belléme from his father.! He was a fine figure of a man, learned, shrewd, and eloquent, witty and never at a loss for a jest. As a father loves his children, so he loved his clerks and monks; and he counted Abbot Thierry among his special friends. They often enjoyed each other's company, for Séez is only seven leagues away from St. Évroul. Roger of Montgomery, vicomte of Exmes, had

48

li. 47

ii. 48

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III

Monte Gomerici Oximensium uicecomes in coniugium habebat:! per quam magnam partem possessionis Willelmi Belesmensis optinuerat. Qui przedicti pontificis instinctu et consilio ecclesiam sancti Martini apud Sagium Teoderico abbati tradidit, eumque ut ibidem coenobium monachile construeret cum coniuge sua summopere rogauit.? At ille haud segniter assignatum opus in nomine Domini inchoauit/ ibique Rogerium Vticensem monachum et sacerdotem et Morinum et Engelbertum aliosque ex discipulis suis constituit. Ipse quoque sepius eundem locum uisitabat? et ibidem aliquando tribus seu quatuor septimanis commanebat, et incepti operis perfectioni pro amore Dei et utilitate sequentium totis nisibus insistebat. Prafata uero Mabilia multum erat potens et szecularis, callida et loquax nimiumque crudelis. Valde tamen uirum Dei Teodericum diligebat, eique licet alus religiosis hominibus nimis dura esset in quibusdam obeediebat. Rodbertum quoque de Belesmia primogenitum filium suum cuius crudelitas in diebus nostris super miseras plebes nimium efferbuit? ipsi et Rogerio aliisque monachis apud Sagium morantibus ad abluendum sacro baptismatis fonte obtulit. Vera karitas illum in quo regnat bonis facit amabilem, et peruersis formidabilem. Ideo sepe nominatus abbas a bonis merito diligebatur? et a prauis timebatur. Exteriores enim curas in quantum poterat, pro dulcedine intimz contemplationis deuitabat: seseque diuino cultui feruenti sedulitate mancipabat. Assiduus nempe in orationibus erat! et in opere manuum quod sibi competebat. Nam ipse scriptor erat egregius, et inclita insitze sibi artis monimenta reliquit Vticanis iuuenibus. Collectaneum enim et gradale ac antifonarium propria manu in ipso comnobio conscripsit. A sociis etiam suis qui secum de Gemmetico uenerant, preciosos diuine legis codices dulcibus monitis exegit. Nam Rodulfus nepos eius Eptaticum scripsit et missalem ubi missa in conuentu cotidie canitur. Hugo autem socius eius expositionem super Ezechielem et Dialogum,? primamque partem Moralium" Rogerius uero presbyter Paralipomenon librosque Salomonis terciamque partem Moralium.* Preefatus itaque pater per supradictos et per alios quos ad hoc opus flectere poterat antiquarios octo annis quibus Vticensibus 1 See Appendix I. 2 The first stages in the restoration of the abbey of St. Martin of Séez must belong to the period before Abbot Thierry left St. Évroul for Jerusalem in August 1057. As Orderic says that Thierry had been living with the little community at Séez for a considerable time before that (below, p. 68) the first steps must have been taken in 1055 or 1056 at latest. But the formal charter of foundation (GC, xi, col. 151 D) was granted only in 1060.

BOOK III

49

married the bishop's niece Mabel, and secured through her the lion's share of the possessions of William of Belléme.! On the bishop's advice he gave the church of St. Martin at Séez to Abbot . Thierry and both he and his wife urged him to establish a monastery there.? The abbot readily undertook the appointed work in the name of the Lord, and established there Roger, a monk of St. Évroul in priest's orders, with Morinus and Engelbert and others from his own community. He himself often visited the place, and sometimes spent three or four weeks there, striving with all his might to bring the newly undertaken work to perfection for the love of God and the profit of future generations. This Mabel whom I mentioned was a forceful and worldly woman, cunning, garrulous, and extremely cruel. But she had a great respect for the man of God, Thierry, and though she was merciless to other men of reli-

gion she sometimes listened to him. So she brought her first-born son Robert of Belléme, whose name is now a byword for his cruelty to the wretched peasantry, to Thierry and Roger and the other monks at Séez that he might be washed in the holy font of baptism. When true charity governs a man's heart it makes him lovable to good men and terrible to the wicked. This same abbot was rightly loved by the virtuous and feared by evil-doers. Desiring the joys of contemplation he delegated administrative duties as far as possible, and gave himself up whole-heartedly to the divine service. He was always at his prayers, and performed the manual work that was proper for him. Being a brilliant calligrapher he left to the young monks of St. Évroul some worthy monuments of his skill. He copied a book of Collects,

a Gradual, and an Anti-

phonary in the monastery with his own hand. By gentle persuasion he induced some of the companions who had accompanied him from Jumiéges to copy precious volumes of the divine law. Ralph his nephew wrote a Heptateuch and a Missal for the daily use of the convent; Hugh his friend a Commentary on Ezekiel and a Dialogue? and the first part of the Moralia; Roger the priest the Chronicles and books of Solomon, and the third part of the Moraha.* With the aid of these and other scribes whom he persuaded to undertake the task the reverend father secured in the eight years 3 One of the Dialogues of Gregory the Great. The twelfth-century catalogue of

St. Evroul (Delisle, Manuscrits autographes, p. 15) includes ‘Libri Dialogorum’.

4 The catalogue also includes ‘Moralia beati Gregorii, III volumina’ (ibid.). 822204

E

50

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praefuit? omnes libros Veteris et Noui Testamenti, omnesque libros facundissimi pape Gregorii Vticensium biblioteca: procurauit.! Ex eius etiam scola excellentes librarii, id est Berengarius qui postmodum ad episcopatum Venusiz prouectus est: Goszcelinus et Rodulfus, Bernardus, Turchetillus, et Ricardus aliique plures processerunt? qui tractatibus Augustini et Ieronimi, Ambrosii, et Isidori, Eusebii et Orosii aliorumque doctorum bibliotecam sancti Ebrulfi repleuerunt, et exemplis suis ad simile studium secuturam li. 49 iuuentutem salubriter cohortati sunt. Hos uir Domini T'eodericus docebat! et sepe commonebat, ut uaga mentis ocia omnino deuitarent, que corpori et animze ualde nociua esse solent. Hoc etiam eis referre solitus erat. ‘Quidam frater in monasterio quodam de multis transgressionibus monasticae institutionis reprehensibilis extitit" sed scriptor erat et ad scribendum deditus quoddam ingens uolumen diuinz legis sponte conscripsit. Qui postquam defunctus est’ anima eius ante tribunal iusti iudicis ad examen adducta est. Cumque maligni spiritus eam acriter accusarent, et innumera eius peccata proferrent? sancti angeli e contra librum quem idem frater in domo Dei scripserat ostentabant, et ii. 50 singillatim litteras enormis libri contra singula peccata diligenter computabant. Ad postremum una solum littera numerum peccatorum excessit contra quam demonum conatus nullum obiecere peccatum preualuit. Clementia itaque iudicis fratri pepercit? animamque ad proprium corpus reuerti pracepit, spaciumque corrigendi uitam suam benigniter concessit. ‘Hoc karissimi fratres frequenter cogitate? et ab inanibus noxiisque desideriis corda uestra emundate, manuumque uestrarum opera domino Deo iugiter sacrificate. Ocia uelut letale uirus totis nisibus deuitate? quia sicut sanctus pater noster Benedictus dicit, "Ociositas inimica est animz."? Illud etiam sepe uobiscum reuoluite, quod in uitis Patrum dicitur a quodam probato doctore,3 quia unus solummodo damon temptando uexat laborantem in bonis monachum, mille uero daemones impugnant ociosum, innumerisque temptationum iaculis undique stimulatum cogunt? fastidire monasteriale claustrum, et appetere damnosa szculi @ MS. cogit

* "These are the works that formed the indispensable basic library of any great Benedictine monastery in this period (see N. R. Ker, English MSS. in the Century after the Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1960), pp. 8-10). Le Prévost (ii.

48 n. 2) believed that none of the works copied by Thierry and his pupils had survived. But G. Nortier (“Les bibliothéques médiévales des abbayes bénédictines de Normandie: La bibliothéque de St. Évroul' in Revue Mabillon, xlvii (1957), 219-44,

especially 222-3) points out that the manuscripts

of the

fathers which have been assigned to the twelfth century might have been written

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51

of his abbacy copies of all the books of the Old and New Testaments and the complete works of Pope Gregory the Great for the library of St. Évroul.! Many excellent copyists, including, to name a few, Berengar who was later promoted to the bishopric of Venosa, Goscelin, Ralph, Bernard, Thurkill, and Richard, were trained in his school; they filled the monastic library with the treatises

of Jerome

and Augustine,

Ambrose

and

Isidore,

Eusebius and Orosius, and other fathers; and their example was an inspiration to young monks engaged in the same work. The venerable Thierry taught these young men, urging them repeatedly to avoid mental sloth which could harm body and soul alike. He used often to tell them the following story: ‘In a certain monastery there dwelt a brother who had committed almost every possible sin against the monastic rule; but he was a scribe, devoted to his

work, who had of his own free will completed a huge volume of the divine law. After his death his soul was brought for judgement before the throne of the just judge. Whilst the evil spirits accused him vehemently, bringing forward all his many sins, the holy angels showed in his defence the book that he had written in the house of God; and the letters in the huge book were carefully weighed one by one against his sins. In the end one letter alone remained in excess of all the sins; and the demons tried in vain to

find any fault to weigh against it. So the judge in his mercy spared this brother, and allowed his soul to return to his body for a little while, so that he might amend his life. ‘Bear this in mind, my dearest brethren, cleanse your hearts of all vain and sinful desires, and offer the works of your hands to the Lord God as a never-ceasing sacrifice. Strive constantly to avoid sloth as deadly poison, for as our holy father Benedict says: *‘Idleness is the enemy of the soul."? Live with this precept, which an experienced doctor? has written in the lives of the Fathers, that only one demon tempts the monk who is active in doing good, but a thousand demons assault the slothful monk and prick him with so many temptations that he comes to scorn the monastic cloister by able scribes of the eleventh who established the form of writing copied later; and this could mean that the works of Augustine, Ambrose, and Jerome preserved at Alencon and Rouen (Alengon MSS. 2, ro, 11, 72, 73; Rouen MSS.

461, 484) date from this time. In addition a number of clearly eleventh-century manuscripts survive: a passional (Alencon MS. 18); a psalter (Alencon MS. 14);

an evangelistary (Rouen MS. 31); and a sacramentary (Rouen MS. 273). ? RSB, c. xlviii. 3 Cassian, Institutes, x. 23.

.

52

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spectacula et noxiarum experientiam uoluptatum. Et quia largis sustentare pauperes eleemosinis non potestis, quoniam terrenas opes non habetis? nec ingentia templa sicuti reges aliique potentes seculi faciunt erigere potestis, qui regularibus claustris septi omnique potestate priuati estis? saltim secundum Salomonis hortatum ‘“‘omni custodia corda uestra seruate’’,! Deoque placere totis nisibus indesinenter contendite.

li. 51

Orate, legite, psallite?

scribite, aliisque huiusmodi actibus insistite, eisque contra dzmonum temptamenta uos sapienter armate." Talibus monitis pater Teodericus discipulos suos instruebat, et arguendo, obsecrando, increpando? ad bonum opus uigilanter incitabat, ad quod ipse prius tam orando quam scribendo uel alia bona faciendo consurgebat. Pro huiusmodi studiis a quibusdam blasphematur monachis? qui mundiales curas diuinis preponebant officiis. Proh dolor, unde illum plus uenerari debebant? inde magis illi detrahebant. Dicebant enim, “Talis homo non debet abbas esse,

qui exteriores curas nescit neglegitque. Vnde uiuent oratores, si defecerint aratores? Insipiens est qui plus appetit in claustro legere uel scribere, quam unde fratrum uictus exhibeatur procurare.' Heec itaque et his similia quidam superbi dicebant, et seruo Dei plures iniurias inferebant. Sed Willelmus filius Geroii pro sanctitate eius eum semper honorabat, et tumultus insurgentium quos hic nominare nolo competenti seueritate compescebat, atque pro uiro Dei contra omnes querelas intus et foris ratiocinia prompte reddebat. Post aliquot temporis prafatus heros pro utilitatibus Vticensis zecclesize in Apuliam ire decreuit? quo abeunte nec inde

postmodum redeunte uir Dei Teodericus in Normannia ualde

li. 52

desolatus remansit. Sicut bonis ualde displicet uita malorum: sic prauis moribus grauis esse solet uita bonorum. Vnde sicut boni diuino spiritu inflammati prauos ad rectitudinem multis modis student incitare? sic peruersi daemonica malignitate instigati rectos ad prauitatem frequenter nituntur incuruare. Et quamuis eos non possint funditus prosternere" nonnunquam tamen solent eos in uia Dei perturbare, diuersisque modis uexando plerunque in operatione sancta tardiores efficere. Sic quidam infandi homines dum Vticensis ecclesia consurgeret, et in bonis operibus aucta coram Deo et hominibus effulgeret? coeperunt uarias simultatum causas contra ipsam colligere, et turbatis rebus qua ad uictum et uestitum et ! Proverbs iv. 23.

? Cf. 2 Timothy iv. 2.

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and longs to see the pernicious sights of the world and experience its perilous delights. And since you cannot scatter generous alms to feed the poor when you yourselves have no worldly wealth, . nor build great churches like kings and other princes of the world when you live enclosed in monastic seclusion and have no earthly power, at least follow the counsel of Solomon and keep your heart unspotted from the world,' striving with all your might to do the will of God. Pray, read, chant psalms, write, persevere with such things, and consciously arm yourselves with them against the wiles

of the devil.’

With such words as these Thierry used to teach his pupils, and by reproving, rebuking, and exhorting? encourage them to a good life, himself setting an example by prayer and such good works as copying books. Some monks who thought worldly business more important than the service of God blamed him for his zeal in these matters. So much the worse for them, who belittled him for the

very things that should have made him revered! They would say amongst themselves, ‘A man like this has no right to be abbot, for he cannot understand practical affairs and neglects them. The men who pray cannot live without the men who plough. This man is a fool who spends his time reading and writing in the cloister instead of procuring the means of livelihood for the brethren.’ So spoke the sons of pride who were ready to slander this good man. But William son of Giroie always honoured him for his holiness; he sternly rebuked the murmurs of the rebels, whose names I will not reveal, and put forward a ready defence for the man of God against all attacks both within the monastery and in the world outside. Some time later this gallant soldier decided to visit Apulia in the interests of the monastery; he set off never to return, leaving the righteous Thierry desolate in Normandy. Good men

condemn

the lives of the wicked, and sinners are

displeased by the lives of the saints. Just as the holy spirit inspires good men to bring sinners to repentance, the devil tempts evildoers to corrupt men of virtue. And though the wicked can never utterly destroy the good they can sometimes turn them from the right road, and by distracting them in various ways temper their zeal for righteousness. So it came about that as the monastery of St. Evroul was rising as a shining example of good works in the sight of God and men, certain infamous men began to find various pretexts to attack it and persecute it by trying to appropriate the

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III

agapen seruorum Dei date erant ipsam affligere. Sed benignus Iesus qui est uerus zcclesiz sponsus, quamuis seuirent ad deprimendam zcclesiz nauem maris fluctus; ipse mirabiliter emicuit in ereptione suorum comprimendo contrarios conatus. Quid tunc temporis contigerit Mabiliz Willelmi Talauacii filiz? ueraciter explicabo licet przepostero ordine. Ipsa dum apud Vticum in inicio monasticus ordo regulariter seruaretur, et omnibus aduenientibus karitatis officia ut hactenus ibidem mos est exhiberentur? propter odium quod erga fundatores illius coenobii ferebat, plures molestias nequiter excogitatas eidem loco inferebat. Quippe contra Geroienses pater eius et ipsa omnisque illius progenies diu perdurans odium habuerunt. Vnde quia Rogerius de Monte Gomerici uir eius monachos amabat et honorabat, nec

ii. 53

ipsa eis aperta malicia nocere audebat? crebrius cum multitudine militum quasi hospitandi gratia ad monasterium diuertebat, sicque monachos qui paupertate in sterili rure affligebantur grauabat. Quondam cum ibidem cum centum militibus hospitaretur, et a domno Teoderico abbate redargueretur, cur cum tanta ambitione ad pauperes ccenobitas uenisset, eamque admoneret ut ab hac stulticia se coherceret/ illa inflammata respondit, 'Maiorem numerum militum adducam de cetero quam adduxi! Ad hac abbas ait, Crede michi nisi ab hac improbitate resipueris? quod noles patieris. Quod et ita contigit. Nam in subsequenti nocte passio illam inuasit? et fortiter uexare coepit. At illa mox inde sese iussit efferri. Que dum fugere de terra sancti Ebrulfi territa festinaret, et ante domum cuiusdam burgensis nomine Rogerii Suisnarii transiret/ inde quandam infantulam lactantem assumi precepit, orique eius mamillam suam in qua maxima pars infirmitatis collecta erat ad suggendum tradidit. Infans itaque suxit, et paulo post mortua est? mulier uero conualescens ad propria reuersa est.! Postea fere xv annis uixit, sed Vticum postquam ibidem sicut supra diximus flagello Dei castigata est nunquam adire praesumpsit, et ne habitatoribus illius coenobii ullatenus noceret,

seu

prodesset,

toto

nisu

se

custodiuit,

quamdiu

in

erumnosis huius uite felicitatibus postea uixit. Abbatem tamen Teodericum dilexit, eique magis quam Vticensi zecclesiz cellam ! G. H. White (TRHS xxii (1940), 87 n. 1) suggests that Abbot Thierry had

doctored her supper; but I find the suggestion as incredible as Orderic found the suggestion that Oliver of Belléme had murdered his brother (Marx, pp. 164— 5): it was not in Thierry’s character. Du Motey has a different, very far-fetched interpretation of events, which is favourable to Mabel (Du Motey, Alengon,

p. 223). The story must have become so distorted and improved by wishful thinking that the element of truth in it remains a matter of pure speculation.

^ Fifteen appears to be a mistake. Du Motey (ibid.), misreading xxv for xv

BOOK

III

55

possessions which had been given to the servants of God for their food and clothing and spiritual needs. But bountiful Jesus who is the true spouse of the Church miraculously stretched forth his hand over the raging waves that threatened to engulf the ship of the church, and bade them be still. Now I will tell a true story of Mabel, daughter of William Talvas, although it is a little premature here. From the earliest days of St. Évroul the monastic rule was strictly observed there, and alms were distributed to all comers as is still the custom now;

but this woman so hated the founders of the monastery that she devised nefarious ways of injuring the monks. For her father and she and all their descendants had a lasting feud with the sons of Giroie. Since her husband Roger of Montgomery loved and protected the monks she dared not do them any open harm, but frequently descended on the monastery with a great retinue of knights, demanding hospitality: in this way she brought the monks, who were struggling to wring a living from the barren soil, to the verge of ruin. Once when she was staying there with a hundred knights Abbot Thierry asked her why she must come with such worldly pomp to a poor monastery and warned her to restrain her vanity; whereat she flew into a rage and replied, ‘Next time I will bring even more knights with me.’ The abbot replied, ‘Believe me, unless you depart from this wickedness, you will suffer for it.’ And indeed she did. For the very next night she fell sick and suffered great agony. Hastily she commanded her attendants to take her away. As she was fleeing in terror from the lands of St. Evroul she passed by the house of a certain townsman called Roger Sowsnose, and compelled his infant child to suck the nipple which was causing her most pain. The child sucked and forthwith died; but the woman recovered and returned home.!

She lived about fifteen years more;? but after she had felt the hand of God at St. Evroul she never went near the place again, and took care to avoid dealings either for good or ill with the monks as long as she enjoyed the transitory pleasures of mortal life. But she loved Abbot Thierry, and it was to him rather than the whole convent and dating Mabel’s death in 1082, makes the year 1057. G. H. White (loc. cit. above, p. 54 n. 1) suggests early 1065 on the assumption that Mabel died in 1079. But Thierry left St. Évroul in 1057, and his warning must have been given before that. Even if Mabel died in 1077, the date favoured by J. F. A. Mason (Trans. Shropshire Arch. Soc., lvii (1961-4), 152-5), she must have lived twenty

years after this episode.

56

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III

sancti Martini ut per anticipationem supra diximus

commen-

dauit.!

li. 54

2In sede apostolica Benedicto papa residente? Sarraceni de Affrica in Apuliam nauigio singulis annis ueniebant: et per singulas Apuliz urbes uectigal quantum uolebant a desidibus Langobardis et Grecis Calabriam incolentibus impune accipiebant. His diebus Osmundus cognomento Drengotus? Willelmum Repostellum qui sese de stupro filiz eius in audientia optimatum Normanniz arroganter iactauerat, inter manus Rodberti ducis in silua ubi uenabantur occidit? pro quo reatu a facie eius prius in Britanniam deinde in Angliam, postremo Beneuentum^ cum filiis et nepotibus aufugit. Hic primus Normannorum sedem in Apulia sibi elegit? et a principe Beneuentanorum oppidum ad manendum sibi suisque hzeredibus accepit. Deinde Drogo quidam Normannus miles cum centum militibus in lerusalem peregre perrexit, quem inde reuertentem cum sociis suis Waimalchus dux apud Psalernum aliquantis diebus causa humanitatis ad refocilandum retinuit. Tunc uiginti milia Sarracenorum Italico littori applicuerunt? et a ciuibus Psalernitanis tributum cum summis comminationibus exigere coeperunt. Duce autem cum satellitibus suis uectigal a ciuibus colligente de classe egressi sunt’ et in herbosa planicie quz inter urbem et mare sita est ad prandium cum ingenti securitate et gaudio resederunt. Cumque Normanni hoc comperissent, ducemque pro leniendis barbaris pecuniam colligere uidissent? Apulos amicabiliter increpauerunt quod pecunia sese ut inermes uiduze redimerent, non ut uiri fortes armorum uirtute defenderent.

Deinde arma sumpserunt, Afros secure uectigal expectantes repente inuaserunt/ multisque milibus fusis reliquos cum dedecore ad naues aufugere compulerunt. Normanni itaque aureis et argenteis uasis aliisque spoliis multis et preciosis onusti redierunt, multumque a duce ut ibidem honorifice remanerent rogati sunt’ sed quia reuisendi patriam cupidi erant, poscentibus non adquieuerunt. Attamen promiserunt ei quod aut ipsi ad eum redirent, aut de electis iuuenibus Normanniz aliquos ei cito mitterent. Postquam uero natale solum attigerunt? multa que uiderant et audierant uel fecerant seu passi fuerant compatriotis suis retulerunt. Deinde quidam eorum promissa complentes, reciprocato calle Italiam repedarunt’ exemploque suo leuia 1 This may explain why St. Martin, Séez, was independent from its refoundation, and was never in any kind of subjection to St. Évroul.

? For Orderic's account of the coming of the Normans to southern Italy see Introduction, pp. xxx-xxxii.

* He was probably Osmund, brother of Gilbert Buatére in the history of Amatus (AM, p. 25 n. r).

BOOK III

57

that she submitted the cell of St. Martin, as I have already re-

lated.!

In the days of Pope Benedict Saracens sailed freely every year from Africa to Apulia, exacting arbitrary tribute from the effete Lombard inhabitants of the Apulian cities and the Greek settlers in Calabria. At this time Osmund, surnamed Drengot,3 fled with

all his family from the wrath of Duke Robert first to Brittany, then to England, and finally to Apulia.* After William Repostel had boasted at court before all the Norman lords of seducing his daughter, Osmund had slain him in the arms of Duke Robert whilst they were hunting in the woods. He was the first Norman to settle in Apulia and receive a stronghold for himself and his heirs from the prince of Benevento. Later a Norman knight called Drogo who had been on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and was returning home with a hundred knights was hospitably entertained at Salerno by Duke Gaimar. Whilst they were resting and recovering their strength twenty thousand Saracens suddenly descended on the shore, demanding tribute from the citizens of Salerno with brutal threats. ‘They came ashore and, anticipating no danger, gave themselves up to feasting and mirth on the grassy plain between the city and the sea, whilst the duke and his servants collected the tribute from the citizens. When the Normans heard of this and saw the duke collecting money to appease the barbarians they chaffed the Apulians for purchasing their liberty like helpless widows instead of defending it as men should, sword in hand. Then they armed themselves and, falling upon the Africans who were quietly waiting for their tribute, slaughtered many and forced the rest to retreat ingloriously to their ships. They returned laden with golden and silver vessels and other priceless spoils; but they were deaf to the duke’s pleas that they should remain as his honoured subjects because they longed to see their native land again. However, they promised either to return themselves or to send him some of the flower of the Norman youth with all speed. As soon as they reached their native soil they gave a full account of all their adventures to their fellow countrymen. Some of them fulfilled their promise by retracing their steps to Italy, and their 4 The name Benevento was often loosely used by Norman writers to cover the whole

region

of the old duchy.

Amatus

gave

a different

route

for Gilbert

Buatére and his brothers, saying that they travelled through Rome and Capua (AM, p. 26).

58

li. 55

li. 56

BOOK

III

multorum corda ad sequendum se excitarunt. Nam Turstinus cognomento Citellus' et Ragnulfus, Ricardus Anschetili de Quadrellis filius? filiique Tancredi de Alta Villa, Drogo uidelicet atque Vnfridus, Willelmus et Hermannus, Rodbertus cognomento Wiscardus et Rogerius, et sex fratres eorum" Willelmus de Monsteriolo et Ernaldus de Grentemaisnillio, aliique multi Normanniam reliquerunt, et Apuliam non simul sed diuersis temporibus adierunt. Illuc autem peruenientes primo quidem Waimalchi ducis aliorumque potentum stipendiarii contra paganos facti sunt? postea exortis quibusdam simultatuum causis eos quibus antea seruierant impugnauerunt, et Psalernum atque Barum Capuamque cum tota Campania et Calabria uirilibus armis sibi subegerunt. In Sicilia quoque Panormum urbemque Cathanensem Castrumque Iohannis cum aliis urbibus et preeclaris oppidis quae usque hodie heredes eorum possident optinuerunt.? Inter Normannos qui Tiberim transierant Willelmus de Monasteriolo Willelmi Geroiani filius maxime floruit, et Romani

11:187

exer-

citus princeps militiz factus uexillum sancti Petri gestans uberem Campaniam subiugauit.+ Hic Vticensibus quorum frater et amicus erat, et quibus plura antequam de Normannia migrasset ut supra retulimus dederat, mandauit ut ad se legatum fidelem mitterent pro deferendis muneribus que eis preparabat. Hoc Willelmus pater eius ut audiuit? sese ad hanc legationem pro utilitate sanctze ecclesie libenter prasentauit. Inde Teodericus abbas et letus et tristis effectus est. Laetus pro tanta senioris deuotione qua feruebat, et quae eum tam laboriosum iter arripere monebat. Tristis ! [n his interpolations in William of Jumiéges Orderic makes Thurstan Scitel the hero of several legendary exploits (Marx, p. 188); and the legend was further developed in Benoit of St. Maur (cf. AM, p. 42 n. 1). He is also called Toustain

le Bégue (Chalandon, i. 66). ? Richard son of Anquetil of Quarrel became count of Aversa and prince of Capua. Chalandon states without showing any evidence that his father was Anquetil,

brother

of Gilbert

Buatére

(Chalandon,

i. 112).

This

has

been

generally accepted and is a reasonable conjecture. Cf. also AM, p. 110 n. 2. The date of Richard's arrival in Italy is uncertain. For his career see A. Gallo, Aversa Normanna

(Naples, 1938), pp. 3 f.

3 Orderic is concerned merely to give a brief preface explaining the position of William of Montreuil

in Italy. Bands of Normans

appeared as mercenaries

fighting on all sides in southern Italy from 1016 onwards, and rapidly began to acquire territory on their own behalf. The first sons of Tancred of Hauteville, William, Drogo, and Humphrey, arrived about 1038; their younger halfbrother Robert followed in 1047; Roger Guiscard and the other younger brothers came later. Orderic is mistaken in calling one of them Herman. The

names of the cities conquered by the Normans are recited at random: Capua, claimed in 1058, was in Norman hands by 1062; Bari fell only in 1071 and

BOOK

III

59

example inspired many others to follow them with high hopes. So

Thurstan called Citellus' and Ragnulf, Richard son of Anquetil

of Quarrel,? and the sons of Tancred of Hauteville, namely Drogo and Humphrey, William and Herman, Robert called Gaiscard and Roger and their six brothers, also William of Montreuil and Arnold of Grandmesnil and many others left Normandy: and in little groups at various times took the road to Apulia. For a time after their arrival they fought as mercenaries for Duke Gaimar and other nobles against the infidel; but afterwards quarrels broke out and they turned against their former masters, conquering Salerno,

Bari,

and

Capua,

and

the whole

of Campania

and

Calabria by force of arms. In Sicily too they secured the towns of Palermo, Catania, Castro Giovanni, and other cities and famous

towns which their heirs enjoy to the present day. One of the most distinguished Normans to cross the Tiber was William of Montreuil, son of William Giroie, who became com-

mander of the papal army and carried the banner of St. Peter to victory in fertile Campania. He was a friend and brother to the monks of St. Evroul, and had bestowed many gifts on them before leaving Normandy, as I have already related; and now he asked them to send a trustworthy messenger to take home the treasures he intended for them. When his father William heard of this he gladly offered to undertake the mission for the profit of Holy Church. Abbot Thierry heard the news with mixed feelings, rejoicing that the old man should feel such devotion that he would undertake this perilous journey, yet mourning at the loss of

Palermo in 1072. See Chalandon, i. 48-50, 67, 216; J. Gay, L' Italie méridionale et l'Empire byzantin (Paris, 1904), pp. 437 f. * William of Montreuil probably went to Italy soon after 1050, since he was wealthy and established there by 1056, the latest possible date for his offer of presents to the monastery. He married a daughter of Richard of Capua, but

after attempting to repudiate her and rebelling against Richard he took service under Alexander II about 1064, and became a mercenary leader in the papal army (Chalandon, i. 215-22). The reference to the vexillum Sancti Petri shows merely that he carried the papal banner, not that he held a banner fief: P. Kehr considers that the first true papal enfeofments were made in 1059, but describes William as a mercenary leader (/Die Belehnungen der süditalienischen Normannenfürsten durch die Pàápste (1059-1192) in Abhandlungen der PreuBischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1934 (Berlin, 1935), no. 1, pp. 3-52, especially 6-8. See also C. Erdmann, ‘Kaiserliche und pàpstliche Fahnen in hohen Mittelalter, in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, xxv

(1933-4), 4). The deeds of William occur also in the chronicle of Amatus; but Amatus, writing a little nearer to events, assigns him a more modest role than

Orderic (AM, pp. 261-3).

60

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III

pro magno solamine, quod in przfato seniore amittebat’ quia ad omne bonum promptus existebat. Denique uir Dei et Rodbertus prior totusque conuentus domnum Willelmum Deo commendauerunt, eique Gunfridum peritissimum monachum et Rogerium Gemmeticensem egregium scriptorem, aliosque duodecim honorabiles famulos associauerunt. llle autem transcensis Alpibus Romam petiit/ et inde iter carpens in Apulia filium aliosque amicos et affines ac parentes inuenit. Qui uiso eo ualde gauisi sunt/ eumque cum magno honore aliquo tempore secum retinuerunt, eique ad sustentationem zcclesiz pro qua mendicabat, multa et magna munera dederunt. Ipse uero egenis fratribus suis festinanter subuenire uolens, Gunfridum monachum cum magno censu remisit, sed occulto Dei iudicio disponente aliter quam sperabatur euenit. Nam Gunfridus Romam uenit? ibique in monasterio sancti Pauli apostoli hyemare decreuit.! A Romanis autem pro cupiditate auri quod ferebat ueneno infectus est’ sicque uenerabilis peregrinus in confessione Christi idus decembris defunctus est. Willelmus quoque non multo post iter redeundi cum ingenti pecunia iniit sed ad urbem quz a Caieta nutrice Troiani Enea Caieta? uocatur ueniens letiferam egritudinem incurrit. Tunc duos milites Anschetillum de Noerio Ascelini filium

ii. 58 et Teodelinum de Tanesia ad se uocauit, eisque dixit, ‘Ecce xii socii nostri qui nobiscum alacres de Normannia exierunt, sicut uidetis in hac patria defuncti sunt? me quoque grauis morbus nunc inuasit, et ad ultima impatienter compellit. Nunc itaque tibi Anschetille sub testimonio Teodelini pecuniam quam procuraui commendo, ut eam sine fraude deferas domno abbati Teoderico, et Rodberto nepoti meo aliisque monachis sancti Ebrulfi pro quibus nunc exulo. Ambo sancti Ebrulfi homines estis? eique fidem seruare debetis. Non uos ulla decipiat cupiditas. Sagaciter perpendite, quod defunctis omnibus sociis uestris, meritis sancti Ebrulfi uos soli superstites estis, fortassis ut ei hoc seruitium fideliter exhibeatis. Vticensibus quos in Christo sicut meipsum diligo ex parte mea ultimum ualedicite, et ut pro me omnipotentem Dominum fideliter exorent suppliciter rogitate.’? Hzc et alia multa dicens, aurum et pallia preciosa calicemque argenteum aliasque preciosas species protulit" diligenter numerauit, et Anschetillo tradidit. Non multo post ingrauescente morbo nobilis heros in confessione Christi nonas februarii? mortuus est/ et in * The monastery of St. Paul had been restored by Odo of Cluny in 936 (Gregorovius, iii. 311).

2 Cf. Virgil, Aen. vii. 1-4.

BOOK III

eS

a devoted friend who had never failed to help in all good works. Finally, the holy abbot, Robert the prior, and the whole convent commended

Lord William to God and sent him with Gunfrid,

one of the ablest monks, the distinguished calligrapher Roger of Jumiéges, and twelve other worthy attendants. He travelled across the Alps to Rome, and then took the road on to Apulia to join his son and other friends and kinsmen. They welcomed him warmly and entertained him magnificently for a time, giving him many rich gifts for the support of the church on whose behalf he was begging. He, wishing to help the needy monks as quickly as possible, sent back brother Gunfrid with a great store of wealth. But God willed otherwise than he intended. For when Gunfrid came to Rome he decided to spend the winter in the monastery of St. Paul the apostle;! and the Romans, greedy for the gold that he carried, poisoned him there. So the holy pilgrim died on 13 December in the faith of Christ. Shortly afterwards William himself set out for home with great wealth; but he fell mortally sick in the town that is named after Gaéta, nurse of the Trojan Aeneas.” Calling to his bedside two knights, Anquetil of Noyer, son of Ascelin, and Theodelin of Tanaisie, he addressed them thus:

“You see how twelve of the companions who set out gladly with us from Normandy have died in this land; and I too am now grievously ill and have not long to live. So now with Theodelin as witness

I entrust to you, Anquetil,

the wealth that I have

collected; you are to take it intact to Abbot Thierry and my nephew Robert and the other monks of St. Evroul, for whose sakes I left my native land. You are both men of St. Evroul and owe fealty to the abbey. Resist all temptation to dishonesty. ‘Think seriously of the fact that you alone remain alive of all your companions, spared by the intercession of St. Evroul, perhaps to perform this service for him. Carry my last greetings to the monks of St. Evroul, whom I love in Christ as dearly as myself, and implore them to pray devoutly to almighty God for my soul.’ With such words as these he brought out the gold and precious vestments, a silver chalice, and many other rich treasures, counted

them carefully, and entrusted them to Anquetil. Soon afterwards his disease grew worse, and this valiant lord died in the faith of Christ on 5 February,? and was honourably buried in the cathedral 3 In the Necrology of St. Evroul (Bibl. Nat. MS.

celebrated on 5 February.

Lat. 10026) his obit was

62

ii. 59

ii. 60

BOOK

III

ecclesia sancti Herasmi episcopi et martyris ubi sedes est episcopalis honorifice sepultus est. Deinde Anschetillus et Teodelinus Gallias adierunt, et ad propria prospere reuersi sunt. Post aliquot dies Anschetillus Vticum adiit, fratribus obitum domni Willelmi et sociorum eius nunciauit? sed de commissa sibi pecunia quam in usus suos iam ipse nequiter distraxerat omnino tacuit. Coenobitze autem audita morte fundatoris zcclesiz sue nimium contristati sunt’ precesque et missas et alia beneficia pro anima eius Deo cui uiuunt omnia! fideliter obtulerunt, quae successores eorum usque hodie feruenter obseruare satagunt. Anschetillo domum suam repetente, T'eodelinus socius eius Vticum uenit? et a monachis quid sibi de Apulia delatum fuisset inquisiuit. Cumque nil nisi meroris nuncium de morte amicorum eis delatum esse comperisset obstupuit/ et omnem rei ueritatem de omnibus quz sibi prospere uel aduerse in peregrinatione contigerant intimauit. Mox Teodericus abbas Anschetillum asciuit7 commissamque pecuniam ab eo repetiit. At ille primo cuncta negare coepit? sed postmodum a Teodelino conuictus rei ueritatem recognouit. 'Pecuniam' inquit ‘quam reposcitis, a domino meo Willelmo suscepi, cuius aliquam partem ad usus nostros in uia distraxi? partem uero Remis consilio domini mei Rodulfi Male Coronz qui illic mihi obuiauit commendaui. Quod audientes monachi Remis illum bis direxerunt prius cum Rainaldo monacho de Sappo? deinde cum Fulcone ad Geruasium archiepiscopum? pro censu deposito. Prafatus autem metropolitanus monachum sancti Ebrulfi gratanter suscepit? eumque in negocio pro quo uenerat adiuuit quantum potuit. Nam idem dum Ccenomannensium episcopus fuerat, et curiam Willelmi ducis Normannorum cui ualde familiaris erat crebro expeteret? apud Vticum sepe fuerat honorifice susceptus, et cum omni familia sua amicabiliter habitus. Viso itaque Fulcone monacho beneficia beneficiis recompensare uoluit. Sed quia iam longum tempus effluxerat, et Anschetillus ea qua repetebat insipienter deposuerat? uix potuit recuperare pauca et uiliora ex his quae in Apulia susceperat. Calicem solummodo argenteum et duas casulas dentemque elephantis et ungulam griphis cum aliis quibusdam rebus difficulter exegit. Deinde monachi consideratis fraudibus Anschetilli, eum in iudicio in curia sancti Ebrulfi statuerunt, ubi Ricardus de Abrincis filius Turstini3 aliique multi proceres ad ! Cf. Luke xx. 38: ‘omnes... uiuunt ei.’ 2 Gervase of Cháteau-du-Loir, bishop of Le Mans (1036-55), archbishop of Rheims (1055-67).

BOOK III

ed

church of St. Erasmus, bishop and martyr. Anquetil and Theodelin finally returned to Gaul and came safely home. A few days later Anquetil visited St. Évroul and informed the brethren of the death of Lord William and his companions, but said nothing at all of the money entrusted to him which he had already iniquitously appropriated for his own use. When the monks heard of the death of the founder of their church they were filled with mourning, and offered up prayers and masses and other benefits for his soul to God for whom all things have life.' These prayers have been devoutly continued by their successors up to the present day. After Anquetil had gone home his companion Theodelin came to St. Évroul and asked the monks what they had received from Apulia. When he learned that nothing had been given them but the sad news of the death of their friends he was amazed, and gave them a true account of everything both good and bad that had happened to him on his pilgrimage. At once Abbot Thierry sent for Anquetil and told him to give up the money entrusted to him. At first he denied everything, but in the end he was forced to admit the truth of Thierry’s accusation. ‘It is true,’ he said, ‘that I received the money you demand from my lord William; but I had to use some of it for my expenses on the road, and the rest I left at Rheims on the advice of my lord Ralph "Ill-tonsured" who met me there.’ When the monks learned of this they sent him twice to Gervase archbishop of Rheims,? first with the monk Reginald of Le Sap, and then with Fulk to bring back the money left there. The archbishop welcomed the monk of St. Évroul and did all he could to help him in his mission. For when he was bishop of Le Mans he had been a close friend of William duke of Normandy, and on his frequent visits to the duke's court he had often been hospitably entertained at St. Évroul with his whole household. So when he saw the monk Fulk he wished to repay past generosity. But since much time had passed and Anquetil had deposited the treasures foolishly they had the greatest difficulty in recovering even a few of the poorer objects that he had been given in Apulia. With difficulty they secured the silver chalice and two chasubles, an elephant's tooth, and a griffin’s claw and a few other things. So the monks summoned Anquetil to judgement in the court of St. Évroul for his dishonesty; and although Richard of Avranches, son of Thurstan,3 and many other 3 Richard vicomte of Avranches was son of Toustain (Thurstan) Goz and father of Hugh earl of Chester.

64

BOOK

adiuuandum eum affuerunt.

III

Sed monachis rationabiliter con-

querentibus iusto iudicio determinatum est’ ut omnem feudum quam ipse de sancto Ebrulfo tenebat amitteret.! Tandem suadenti-

bus amicis utriusque partis concordia talis facta est. Anschetillus

reatum suum palam confessus uadimonium abbati Teoderico dedit, monachis ut sui misererentur humiliter supplicauit, et pro recompensatione damni quod illis per ignauiam suam fecerat, Vticensis burgi terciam partem quam ex paterna hzreditate habuerat,

sancto

Ebrulfo

coram

multis

testibus

concessit,

et

donationem per unam pallam ex serico unde cappa cantoris facta est super altare posuit. Monachi igitur pietate moti errata sua clementer ei indulserunt, et omnem reliquum feudum suum prater hoc quod amicorum persuasione obtulerat benigniter permiserunt. Ipse non multo post Apuliam expetiit? ibique occisus est. Antiquus hostis nunquam cessat zcclesiz quietem uariarum stimulis temptationum impugnare? et per eos quos potest mundanz uanitati subiugare, in simplicitate catholica fidei prudenter uigilantes et in uirtutum culmine uiriliter stantes atrociter molestare. Vnde dum uidisset regulare monasterium in Vticensi saltu opitulante Deo surrexisse, et 'l'eodericum abbatem in uerbo et operatione multis animabus iuuenum atque senum oppido prodesse? exardescens inuidia qua prothoplastum Adam per uetiti fructus gustum de paradiso expulit" Rodbertum priorem contra abbatem suum post discessum Willelmi Geroiani insolenter excitauit, magnaque dissensione diu perdurante mobiles subiectorum animos grauiter inquietauit. Erat idem Rodbertus ut superius satis dictum est preclare nobilitatis frater scilicet Hugonis de Grentemaisnillio, cui adhuc inerat iuuenilis leuitas et indomitum robur atque saecularis ambitio. In castitate atque aliis quibusdam sacris karismatibus erat laudabilis" sed e contra ut Flaccus ait Nichil est ab omni parte beatum,?

ii. 62

in nonnullis reatibus erat reprehensibilis. Nam in bonis seu malis quz cupiebat uelox ad peragendum erat ac feruidus? et auditis siue uisis que nolebat ad irascendum festinus, magisque przesse quam subesse et imperare potius quam obsecundare cupidus. Ad acciplendum atque ad dandum apertas habebat manus? et os promptum furori suo satisfacere inordinatis faminibus. Et quia ipse ut dictum est excelsze generositatis lampade renitebat, et ex ! For the court of St. Évroul see Haskins,

1925), p. 24. 2 Horace, Odes ii. 16, ll. 27-28.

Norman

Institutions

(Harvard,

BOOK

III

65

lords came to support him the reasonable plea of the monks prevailed, and he was justly condemned to lose the whole fief he held of St. Evroul.! Finally, through the mediation of friends this agreement was made between the two parties: Anquetil publicly confessed his guilt, gave pledges to Abbot Thierry, and humbly begged the monks for pardon; and as compensation for the loss they had sustained through his fault he granted to St. Évroul before many witnesses a third part of the town of Ouche, which he had as his inheritance from his father, in token of which he laid

on the altar a silken cloth which was used to make a cope for the cantor. Moved by this pious gift the monks charitably forgave his misdeeds, and graciously allowed him to keep the whole of his fief except the part that he had surrendered by the amicable compromise. Soon afterwards he went back to Apulia and was killed there. The old enemy never ceases to disturb the peace of the Church with every kind of trial, and uses those who are moved by worldly ambition to torment the men who fight single-mindedly for the catholic faith and make a brave stand for the cause of virtue. So when he saw that a Benedictine monastery had, by the help of God, been established in the forest of Ouche, and that the abbot

Thierry was by his teaching and example leading the souls of young and old to salvation, he was consumed with the same envy that caused the first man Adam to be expelled from paradise for tasting the forbidden fruit. After the departure of William Giroie he incited Prior Robert to oppose his abbot in every way, and through protracted and serious dissension to distract the impressionable monks. For this Robert, as I have explained, was very highly born, being a brother of Hugh of Grandmesnil; he had still the shallowness of youth together with tremendous energy and worldly ambition. He deserved praise for his chastity and certain other spiritual gifts; but unfortunately as Horace says: ‘Nothing that is is good in every part',?

and he had some grievous failings. For if he thought anything, whether good or bad, desirable, he was after it at once; and if he

saw or heard anything which displeased him he flew into a rage; he preferred to lead rather than to follow, and to command rather than to obey. Open-handed in both giving and receiving he was quick to express his anger in violent utterance. And because as I said he was conspicuous for his generosity, for he had both 822204

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patrimonio suo coenobium illud fundauerat, et collectis undecunque ad cultum Dei fratribus subsidiisque necessariis procuratis ditauerat? ideo regularis disciplinz iugo in nouella domo coherceri non poterat. Frequenter itaque patri suo clam detrahebat? eo quod ipse uir Dei plus spiritualibus quam secularibus negociis intendebat. Nonnunquam aperte cum eo litigabat, et nonnullas eius constitutiones de rebus exterioribus simpliciter factas uituperabat. Vnde seruus Dei plerunque ad Sagiense asilum secedebat? ibique sex uel octo septimanis habitabat? et in pace opus Dei faciebat, hominumque salutem pro posse suo diligenter procurabat. Sic expectabat emendationem contumeliosi fratris? et implebat apostoli preceptum dicentis, ‘Date locum irz'. Sed postquam rancorem et scandala non deficere sed magis ad detrimenta fratrum augeri perspexit" Willelmo duci Normannorum pastoralem baculum cum tota abbatia reddere uoluit. Dux autem sagaci usus consilio? omnem huius rei ordinationem iniunxit Maurilio Rotomagensium archiepiscopo? ut causam dissensionis sollicite indagaret, et quid agendum esset cum consilio sapientium recte diffiniret. Anno itaque dominice incarnationis MLVI? indictione vIII# residente in sede apostolica Victore papa, Henricus cognomento Bonus Imperator Romanorum filius Cononis? imperatoris obiit, eique Henricus filius eius successit, et annis quinquaginta regnauit. Eodem anno Maurilius episcopus et Fulbertus? sophista consiliarius eius, et Hugo Luxouiensis episcopus et Ansfridus Pratellensis abbas, atque Lanfrancus Beccensium praepositus et alii plures profundz sagacitatis uiri Vticum conuenerunt? ibique sollemnitatem sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli iii? kal. iulii celebrauerunt. Tunc auditis et sollerter discussis dissensionum fomentis 'l'eodericum abbatem ut hactenus extiterat praesse iusserunt/ Rodbertum uero priorem ut paupertatem Christi sequeretur patrique suo spirituali pro Deo humiliter in omnibus obtemperaret copiosa sermocinatione admonuerunt. Deinde przfatis. monitoribus ad propria redeuntibus, Vticensis grex aliquantulum in pace quieuit’ sed post unum annum comperta Willelmi Geroiani morte iterum rediuiua lis surrexit et discordia corporum animarumque saluti contraria ccenobitas ualde turbauit. Amator autem pacis Teodericus undique angustiatus est. Nam apud Sagium nequibat animarum saluti proficere? nec cellam ibi ceptam a Rogerio et uxore eius ad perfectionem erigere" quia 1 Romans xii. 19.

? An alternative form of Conrad. 3 Probably Fulbert who occurs as bishop’s chancellor in deeds of c. 1045 and before 1056 (GC xi. instr. 121; Cart. St. Pére-de-Chartres, ed. Guérard, p. 176).

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founded the abbey out of his patrimony and, after the brethren had been gathered together for the worship of God, had procured the endowments necessary to enrich them, nothing could make him accept regular discipline in the newly founded community. He often secretly criticized the holy abbot, his father, because he was more concerned with spiritual than secular affairs. At times he openly attacked him and disparaged some of his decisions on administrative matters which were a little unworldly. So the man of God frequently took refuge at Séez, where he would remain for six or eight weeks, worshipping God in peace and striving after his own fashion for the salvation of men. In this way he awaited a change of heart in his quarrelsome brother and fulfilled the precept of the apostle which says, ‘Give place unto wrath'.! But when he saw that the ill-feeling and disorder, far from abating, were actually increasing to the great harm of the community, he wished to give back his pastoral staff and the whole abbey to William duke of Normandy. The duke, however, after taking sound advice entrusted the settlement of the whole affair to Maurilius archbishop of Rouen, who was to inquire carefully into the cause of dispute, take good counsel, and determine what ought to be done. In the year of Our Lord 1056, the eighth Indiction, whilst Victor was pope, Henry called the Good, Emperor of the Romans and son of the Emperor Conrad,? died and was succeeded by his son Henry who reigned for fifty years. In the same year Bishop Maurilius, the learned Fulbert? his counsellor, Hugh bishop of Lisieux, Ansfrid abbot of Préaux,

Lanfranc

prior of Bec, and

many other men of sound judgement came to St. Évroul and there celebrated the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul on 29 June. After hearing and carefully discussing the causes of disagreement they commanded Abbot Thierry to retain his authority, and with lengthy arguments admonished Prior Robert to imitate the poverty of Christ and humbly obey his spiritual father, who was God's servant, in all things. After these mentors had gone home the community at St. Évroul enjoyed peace for a little while; but after a year, when news came of William Giroie's death, renewed strife broke out; and the convent was rent with dissension which endangered both bodies and souls. The lover of peace, Thierry, was harried on all sides. He could neither carry on his spiritual work at Séez, nor complete the establishment of the cell which had been founded there by Roger and his wife, because they were

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ipsi pluribus szecularium rerum curis tunc occupabantur? et ab inimicis suis undique impugnabantur. Apud Vticum sibi uel aliis affatim ut uellet prodesse non poterat? propter importunitates quas a quibusdam potentioribus monachis illatas tolerabat. Tandem postquam diu secum quid secundum Deum ageret deliberauit? omnia relinquere et sepulchrum Domini in Ierusalem adire decreuit. Deinde iv? kal. septembris de Sagio ubi tunc diu moratus fuerat Vticum uenit, conuocatis in capitulum fratribus uoluntatem suam aperuit, omnes admonuit, absoluit, benedixit, Deoque commen-

dauit. Postea Luxouium adiit, et Hugoni episcopo a quo ualde amabatur curam animarum reddidit, sicque multis flentibus amicis sanctam peregrinationem pro Christo suscepit. Herbertus autem de Monasteriolo primus monacus quem ipse in Vticensi zcclesia susceperat cum eo peregre profectus est! et Willelmus clericus cognomento Bona Anima Radbodi Sagiensis episcopi filius qui succedenti tempore Rotomagensem metropolim fere xxxvi annis nactus est.! In diebus illis erat quoddam honorabile xenodochium? in confinio Baioariorum et Hunorum:? quod fideles et potentes Christiani de circumiacentibus prouinciis instituerant ad susceptionem pauperum et peregrinorum. Tunc Ansgotus Normannus huic xenodochio electione indigenarum preerat. Is nimirum Rogerii Toenitis qui Hispanicus uocabatur cognatus erat, et sub ducibus Normannorum

ii. 65

Ricardo

et Rodberto

nobiliter

militauerat,

sed

timore Dei compunctus omnia mundi reliquerat, et peregrinationem atque spontaneam paupertatem omni uita sua tenendam pro Christo arripuerat. Hic ut Teodericum abbatem cum sociis suis uidit, optime recognouit, et aliquot diebus ut compatriotas amicabiliter retinuit, atque omnem humanitatem eis exhibuit. Interea quidam religiosus Baioariorum pontifex peregre proficiens illuc aduenit" quem hospitalis Ansgotus cum omnibus suis clientibus more solito uenerabiliter aliquot diebus ibidem retinuit. Deinde uenerabilem Teodericum cum suis pedissequis ei suppliciter commendauit/ et quantz sanctitatis apud Deum et sublimitatis erga homines in sua patria esset luculenter enarrauit. Przsul autem audita uiri sanctitate Deo gratias egit, eumque ut decebat tantum uirum benigniter suscepit? secumque reuerenter * Gundulf, later bishop of Rochester, accompanied William Bonne-Ame on this pilgrimage. The Vita Gundulfi (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, ii. 274-5) gives a very brief account of the difficulties of the journey, but does not mention Thierry’s death.

? At Melk. ? Orderic uses the term ‘Huns’ very loosely, probably here to describe the

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too taken up with temporal cares and attacked by too many enemies. At St. Evroul he could do nothing for the salvation of others or himself because of the insolence which he endured from some of the more influential monks. Finally, after he had long pondered in his soul how best to serve God he determined to abandon everything and go on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Our Lord in Jerusalem.

So on 29 August he returned to St. Evroul after a long stay at Séez, and announced his decision to the assembled brethren in the

chapter house; he gave them good counsel, absolved and blessed them and commended them to God. Afterwards he went to Lisieux and gave up his pastoral charge to Bishop Hugh, who loved him dearly; and leaving his many friends mourning his departure he set out on his holy pilgrimage for the love of Christ. With him went Herbert of Montreuil, the first monk he had professed in the church of St. Evroul, and William the clerk, called Bonne-Ame, son of Radbod bishop of Séez, who later occupied the archbishopric of Rouen for nearly ioo years.! In those days there was a certain fine hospital? on the frontiers of the lands of the Bavarians and Huns,? which had been founded

by wealthy Christians from the neighbouring provinces for the entertainment of pilgrims and the poor. At this time a Norman named Ansgot had been elected by the denizens as prior of the hospital. He was related to Roger of T'osny, called the Spaniard, and had served with distinction under the dukes of Normandy, Richard and Robert; but fearing God he forsook the things of the world for Christ's sake and gave up his life to pilgrimage and voluntary poverty. When he saw Abbot Thierry and his companions he welcomed them with open arms; and for several days entertained his fellow-countrymen, showing them every kindness. At this time a certain holy bishop from Bavaria, who was setting out on a pilgrimage, arrived at the hospice and was entertained for some days by Ansgot and his brethren with their accustomed hospitality. Ansgot warmly recommended the blessed Thierry and his attendants to him, and gave a glowing account of the abbot's holy life and perfect conduct in his own country. When the bishop learned of such sanctity he gave thanks to God, and gladly receiving the good man into his company he escorted him reverently to Magyars. 'T'he conversion of the Magyars had opened the land route to the Holy Land by way of the Danube; cf. Raoul Glaber (ed. M. Prou), m1. i (p. 52).

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usque Antiochiam deduxit. Ibi diuersa peregrinis uoluntas oborta est. Nam quidam eorum terrestre iter ut ceperant! usque in Ierusalem tenere uolebant. Alii uero barbariem gentium metu-

entes! nauigio per pontum ire decreuerunt/ quorum consilio

pontifex et abbas aliique plures assensum praebuerunt. Cumque praesul nauem nautasque peritos perquireret, et quidam religiosus archimandrita coenobii Sancti Symeonis in portu Syria? Teo-

dericum cum suis comitibus honorabiliter detineret" Herbertus

ii. 66

Vticensis monachus iter accelerandi desiderio fatigabatur, magisque per terram quam per mare sancta loca expetere nitebatur. Abbas itaque suus ei licentiam eundi quo uellet dedit. Ille autem terrestre iter carpens cum turma peditum usque Laodiciam peruenit? ibique uehementer zegrotans, sociis abeuntibus diu remansit. Et postquam uix de lectulo surrexit? non in antea pedem tetendit, sed Eois partibus relictis occidentalem Normanniam quantocius repetiit. Deinde presul et Teodericus et Willelmus Bona Anima sociique eorum in portu Sancti Symeonis nauem ascenderunt? et sulcantes zquora in Ciprum insulam nauigauerunt, ibique in littore maris abbatiam in honore Sancti Nicholai confessoris Mirreorum archipresulis conditam inuenerunt. Cumque zcclesiam introissent, ibique prout coelestis gratia singulis inspirauerat Deum orassent" Teodericus post multas lacrimas de oratione surrexit, et labore senectutis tedioque maris aliisque incommodis fractus in zecclesia anxius resedit. Tunc ab episcopo sibi fidissimo comite quid sibi contigisset cum interrogaretur? respondit, "l'errestrem Ierusalem mi pater adire decreui? sed credo michi aliter a Domino disponi. Anxietate corporis ualde crucior? unde celestem magis quam terrestrem lerusalem appetendam esse arbitror.' Cui episcopus ait, 'Ego karissime frater nunc ibo tibi hospitium procurare? et tu interim hic sedens requiesce.' Episcopus itaque hospitium sibi querere perrexit" et Teodericus ad altare accessit" ibique diu Deum cui ab infantia fideliter seruierat orauit. Deinde coram altari se ad Orientem prostrauit, pannos circa se honeste * Only two or three years before Lietbert bishop of Cambrai and his companions had been so discouraged by the difficulties of the route that they had turned back at Lattakieh (Comte. Riant, Inventaire critique des lettres historiques des croisades (Paris, 1880), p. 53).

? St. Symeon, at the mouth of the Orontes, was the port of Antioch. 3 Cf. Le Prévost, iii. 205-18, for an account of the translation of the relics of

St. Nicholas by the inhabitants of Bari in 1087. Orderic’s interest in a saint whose cult spread rapidly among the Normans must have been stimulated by Thierry's death in this monastery. The whole account of Thierry’s pilgrimage and death was derived by Orderic from the traditions of his own monastery.

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Antioch. Here there was some disagreement amongst the pilgrims about the way they should take. For some wished to press on along the land route all the way to Jerusalem; many others, the bishop and abbot amongst them, preferred to go by sea for fear of the barbarity of the peoples thereabouts.! So the bishop went in search of a ship and crew, whilst Thierry and his companions were entertained by the abbot of a Greek monastery in the Syrian port of St. Symeon.? But Herbert, the monk of St. Évroul, was impatient to be on his way and wished to make the journey to the holy places by land rather than by sea. He received permission from his abbot to take the route of his choice; and so setting out along the land road with a host of foot pilgrims he reached Lattakieh.

Here, however, he fell dangerously ill and remained

behind long after his comrades had gone on. And when at last he staggered from his bed he did not go on another foot, but left the lands of the East and returned westward with all speed to Normandy. Thereafter the bishop, with Thierry, William Bonne-Ame, and their attendants, embarked in the harbour of St. Symeon and ploughed through the waves to the island of Cyprus. Here on the sea-shore they came upon an abbey founded in honour of St. Nicholas the confessor, archbishop of Myra.3 They entered the church; and, after each had prayed to God according to the heavenly grace that was in him, Thierry who had wept abundantly rose from his knees; but worn out by old age, the trials of the

voyage, and other infirmities he sank down again exhausted in the church. His faithful companion the bishop asked what ailed him; to which he answered: ‘I made plans to visit the earthly Jerusalem, my father, but I believe that God has other plans for

me. My body is in great pain, and it seems that I should turn my desires towards the heavenly rather than the earthly Jerusalem.’ Whereat the bishop replied: ‘Dear brother, I will go and find a lodging for you, and you shall rest here until my return.’ Whilst the bishop hastened to look for a lodging, Thierry went up to the altar and prayed earnestly to God whom he had served faithfully

since his childhood. There before the altar he bowed himself towards the East, and gathering his robes around him lay down Mabillon’s account in the Acta Sanctorum (Mab. AA.SS. vi (2), 127-36) is based entirely on the Historia Ecclesiastica and the interpolations of Orderic in William of Jumiéges, which Mabillon believed to be an independent authority,

72

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composuit, super dextrum latus recubans quasi dormire uolens caput suum super marmoreum gradum reclinauit, manusque super pectus in modum crucis aptauit sicque kal. augusti fidelem spiritum Deo creatori reddidit. Episcopus autem hospicio preparato ministrum hominis Dei accersiit eumque pro uiro Dei in zcclesiam misit. Ille uero ut seruum Dei defunctum in ecclesia inuenit? territus ad antistitem rediit, euentumque insperatum tremulus retulit. Sed episcopus uirum Dei tam subito migrasse non credens ait, "I'edio maris nimioque estu bonus senior ualde fatigatus est? ideoque nunc in refrigerio zcclesiz super frigidum marmor suaui sopore detentus est. Eamus nunc eum uisitare.’ Przsul itaque cum clericis suis in zecclesiam processit. Qui ut comparem suum diligenter tetigit, eumque morte gelidum repperit? stupens condoluit. Mox omnes peregrinos qui iam per diuersa hospitia prandere procurabant in zecclesia congregari preecepit: indigenisque illius loci uitam defuncti peregrini fideliter retulit. Illi uero comperta eius religione gauisi sunt: et obsequia sua impensasque ceteris peregrinis benigniter optulerunt. Deinde praesul defuncto exequias cum clericis suis persoluit? eique sepulturam ante portas ecclesiz a reliquis peregrinis fieri iussit. Illi autem baculis suis ubi pontifex przceperat fossam fecerunt, ad defuncti glebam presente antistite accesserunt? et deferre ad tumulandum uoluerunt. Sed nutu Dei ita corpus aggrauatum est? ut a loco dormitionis nullatenus moueri potuisset. Quod cernens episcopus cum omnibus qui aderant ualde miratus est’ diutinoque cum sociis stupentibus quid agerent tractatu potitus est. Tandem diuina edoctus inspiratione dixit, ‘Vir iste magne sanctitatis fuit" et uita eius ut nunc lucide manifestatur Deo placuit. Vnde ut reor digniori loco debet sepeliri? et a nobis celebriori reuerentia pro posse nostro debet amodo tractari. Nunc igitur ego cum clericis nostris pro anima eius diuinz maiestati persoluam celebrationem missze/ uos autem iuxta altare congruam ei sepulturam praeparate.' At illi libenter obcediere iubenti. Deinde missa uenerabiliter finita, et fossa diligenter praeparata? tumulandum corpus sine grauamine sustulerunt? et secus aram decenter sepelierunt, ubi postmodum multi febribus aliisque incommodis laborantes meritis eius sanati sunt.

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on his right side like a man about to sleep, with his head leaning against the marble step and his hands crossed on his breast. So on the first of August he rendered up his faithful soul to God his creator. . Meanwhile the bishop had procured lodgings, and sent the holy man's attendant to find him in the church. When this man discovered the servant of God dead in the church he rushed back in fear to the bishop, and trembling told him the grievous news. But the bishop, who could not believe that the holy abbot had passed away so suddenly, said, “The discomforts of the voyage and the excessive heat have exhausted the good old man, and now in the shelter of the church he has fallen quietly asleep on the cool marble. Let us go and find him.' So the bishop went to the church with his clerks. But when he gently touched his companion and found him stiff in death he marvelled and was filled with grief. He sent word to all the pilgrims, who were already preparing for their meal in the various inns, bidding them assemble in the church; and gave a true account of the dead pilgrim's life to the country-people. The knowledge of his holiness gladdened their hearts, and they freely offered help and money to the other pilgrims. Then the bishop and his clerks performed the last offices for the dead man, and commanded the other pilgrims to prepare a burial place outside the door of the church. They dug a grave with their staves where the prelate had commanded, and returning with the bishop to the place where the earthly remains of the dead man lay they attempted to take him up for burial. But God willed that the body should become too heavy to be moved from the place where he had fallen asleep. At this the bishop and all the other witnesses wondered greatly; and for a long time he debated with his bewildered companions what ought to be done. Then, inspired by the Holy Spirit, he said, "This was a man of great sanctity; and his life, as is now made manifest, was pleasing to God. And so I believe he ought to be buried in a worthier place with all the ceremony and reverence that we can show him. So now with the help of my clergy I will offer up a mass for his soul to almighty God; and you shall prepare a fitting tomb for him before the altar.’ Gladly they obeyed. When mass had been said with due reverence, and the grave carefully prepared they lightly lifted up his body for burial and decently interred it before the altar. ‘There in the years to come many who were suffering from fevers and

other sicknesses were healed by his merits.

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Vticenses autem monachi postquam reuerendi patris obitum relatu sociorum eiusdem Normanniam repetentium cognouerunt, ualde contristati sunt’ et debitum pro anima eius seruitium Deo fideliter celebrauerunt, et memoriam eius singulis annis usque hodie kal. augusti celebriter exoluunt. Religiosa quoque instituta quz ipse ex doctrina uenerabilium abbatum Ricardi Veredunensis et Willelmi Diuionensis atque Teoderici Gemmeticensis didicerat, et nouelle zcclesi; sibi commissze fideliter tradiderat? diligenti studio usque hodie obseruant, et nouiciis ad religionis conuersationem conuersis sollerter insinuant. Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLIX indictione xu’ Vticenses Rodbertum de Grentemaisnilio sibi elegerunt abbatem" rationabiliter considerantes in praefati uiri electione multimodam com-

moditatem, tam propter eius preclaram generositatem? quam propter ardentem monastice rei procurationem et in agendis rebus efficaciam et strenuitatem. Hunc itaque confirmato totius ii. 69

congregationis consensu Ebroas duxerunt, ibique Willelmo duci prasentauerunt? eique monachorum electionem atque petitionem intimauerunt.

Dux autem eorum petitioni adquieuit, et prafato

uiro qui electus erat per cambutam Iuonis episcopi Sagiensis exteriorem abbatie potestatem tradidit" Willelmus uero Ebroicensis episcopus interiorem animarum curam per pontificalem benedictionem xi? kal. iulii spiritualiter commendauit. Rodbertus itaque iam abbas effectus res monasterii diligenter coepit tractare" et ex parentum suorum diuitiis necessarium seruis Dei subsidium sufficienter administrare. Iustas obseruationes quas pius przdecessor eius instituerat non solum non imminuit: sed etiam pro ratione et tempore auctoritate maiorum uel exemplo uicinorum percitus augmentauit. Ipse quidem dum adhuc neophitus erat, permissu uenerabilis Teoderici Cluniacum perrexerat/ ubi tunc monastice phalangi Hugo abbas temporibus nostris speciale monachorum decus przerat. Vnde dum post aliquot tempus rediret, magnanimi Hugonis munificentia Bernefridum illustrem monachum qui postmodum episcopus factus est secum adduxit" eumque ut mores Cluniacensium Vticensibus intimaret aliquandiu honorifice retinuit.! Sub eo ad conuersationem Mainerius Gunscelini de Escalfoio filius uenit?" qui post aliquot annos eiusdem cenobii regimen suscepit, annisque xxi et mensibus vii utiliter tenuit.

Eodem tempore Rodulfus cognomento Mala-Corona Vticum uenit, ibique cum Rodberto abbate suo uidelicet nepote diutius 1 St. Évroul was an autonomous abbey, and never had any constitutional ties with Cluny, or shared in its exemption privileges. But because of this imitation

of Cluniac

custom

and

other

personal

contacts

it has often

been

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When the news of the reverend father's death was brought back to Normandy by his companions, the monks of St. Évroul mourned deeply. They performed the offices due for the repose of his soul, and his obit has been observed ever since on the first of August. The monks, moreover, still preserve with loving care the religious customs which he learned from Richard of Verdun, William of Dijon, and Thierry of Jumiéges and brought with him when the new church was committed to his care. All novices are carefully

instructed in them. In the year of Our Lord 1059, the twelfth Indiction, the monks of St. Evroul elected Robert of Grandmesnil as their abbot. There were sound reasons for the choice: the monks respected Robert for his noble birth and tireless energy on behalf of the monastery, and his industry and ability as an administrator. After unanimously acclaiming his election the monks escorted him to Evreux and presented him to Duke William informing him of their election and desire for his approval. The duke granted their request, and invested the elect with temporal authority by means of the pastoral staff of Ivo bishop of Séez. William bishop of Evreux gave him episcopal blessing and entrusted him with the cure of souls on 21 June. From the moment that he became abbot Robert gave his mind to the business of the monastery and provided support for the servants of God from the wealth of his kindred. He respected and preserved the monastic observances established by his pious predecessor; and further added to them as time and circumstances required, stimulated by the example of the fathers and the practices of neighbouring houses. He himself as a novice had received permission from the venerable Thierry to visit Cluny when Abbot Hugh, the chief luminary of the monks of our day, was at the head of the community. After he had spent some time there, Hugh generously allowed him to bring back Bernfrid, a worthy monk who later became a bishop, to reside in the monastery and instruct the monks of St. Evroul in the customs of Cluny. It was during this term of office that Mainer, son of Gunscelin of Echauffour, abandoned the world; later he became

abbot and ruled capably for twenty-one years and seven months. About that time Ralph ‘Ill-tonsured’ came to St. Evroul and resided for a long time with Abbot Robert, his nephew. He, as regarded as an abbey that was Vitalis, pp. 38-40.

Cluniac

in spirit. Cf. Hans

Wolter,

Ordericus

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habitauit. Hic nimirum ut paulo superius breuiter meminimus ab ii. 70

ii. 71

infantia litteris affatim studuit et Gallia Italieque scrutando scolas secretarum indaginem rerum insigniter attigit. Nam in grammatica et dialectica? in astronomia quoque nobiliter eruditus est et musica. Physicze quoque scientiam tam copiose habuit, ut in urbe Psalernitana ubi maxime medicorum scole ab antiquo tempore habentur? neminem in medicinali arte preter quandam sapientem matronam sibi parem inueniret.| At quamuis tanta litterarum peritia polleret, non tamen ocio sed militize labori diu mancipatus est’ et tam manu quam consilio in bellico discrimine praeclarus inter coessentes suos multoties probatus est. Multa adhuc que nobis mira uidentur Mosterolenses referunt? quae de subtilibus experimentis eius contra morbos uel alios insperatos euentus uel ipsi uiderunt, uel a patribus suis quibus ipse longa comitate notissimus fuit audierunt. Ipse tandem titubantis mundi ruinam metuens, et prudenti tergiuersatione praecauens’ szculi luxu calcato Maius Monasterium sancti Martini Turonensis expetiit, et sub Alberto uenerabili abbate monachili regula septem annis militauit. Qui postquam in ordine confirmatus fuit? abbate suo permittente Vticum uenit, nepotem scilicet solatiari suum qui iam nouellz regimen zcclesiz suscepit. Et quia idem heros pro multis flagitiis quibus se grauiter onustum sentiebat, a Domino morbum leprae multis precibus sibi obtinuerat?" quandam in honore sancti Ebrulfi constructam capellam a nepote suo recepit, ibique Goscelinum monachum ad Dei seruitium suique solacium habens plurimo tempore deguit/ multisque qui ad eum pro sapientia et nobilitate sua confluebant consilio pietatis profuit. Ipso multum hortante Rodbertus abbas Hugonem Luxouiensem episcopum monachorum fidelem magistrum et patrem? accersiit" a quo praedictam capellam in honore sanctorum confessorum Ebrulfi, Benedicti, Mauri, et Leudfredi secundo nonas Maii dedicari fecit. ''radunt hanc ecclesiam a temporibus sancti Ebrulfi conditam fuisse? ipsumque dum supernz ardentius inherere uolebat theoriz, intermissis exterioribus curis ad ipsam confugere solitum fuisse. Locus ipse est amenus et solitariz uitze satis congruus. Nam in ualle riuus sterilis Carentonz defluit? et Luxouiensem episcopatum ab Ebroicensi dirimit. In cacumine * This lady may have been legendary; a story of a very learned lady of

Salerno also occurs later in ‘Les dous amanz’ in the version of Marie de France. See Bibliotheca Normannica, ed. Karl Warnke, iii (Halle, 1900), II7 (cited : E. M. Jamison, Proc. Brit. Acad. xxiv (1938), pp. 275-6).

^ Orderic's high opinion of Hugh bishop of Lisieux was shared by William of Poitiers, who knew him well (Foreville, pp. 136-42). 3 The chapel of St. Evroul in its early years seems to have served not only as

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I related briefly above, had been a passionate student of letters from an early age and had visited the schools of Gaul and Italy to pursue his investigations into the mysteries of things. He was very learned in grammar and dialectic, astronomy and music; and so skilled in medicine that in the city of Salerno, which is the ancient seat of the best medical schools, no one could equal him except one very learned woman.! But although he was so widely read he spent much time out of the study in the battlefield, and many times proved himself foremost among his fellows in both strategy and feats of arms. The natives of Montreuil still tell remarkable tales of his skill in treating the victims of disease and accident, both from their own knowledge and from the accounts of their fathers, amongst whom he had lived for many years and enjoyed great repute. But in the end, fearing that the cities of the world were built on sand, and wisely turning his back on them, he spurned earthly glory and became a monk under Abbot Albert in Marmoutier, the abbey of St. Martin at Tours, where he remained

for seven years of strenuous discipline. After he had taken his final vows he received permission from his abbot to come to St. Évroul and help his nephew, who had just undertaken the rule of the new church. And because this brave Christian felt that his sins were a grievous burden to him, he implored God to afflict him with leprosy: when at last his prayer was answered his nephew granted him a chapel built in honour of St. Évroul. Here he lived for a long time with a monk named Goscelin to act as his companion and assist him in the divine office, giving holy counsel to the many who, hearing of his wisdom and fame, flocked to see him. At his insistence Abbot Robert visited Hugh bishop of Lisieux, a faithful teacher and father to the monks,? and asked him to

dedicate the chapel to the honour of St. Évroul, St. Benedict, St. Maur, and St. Leutfrid, confessors, on 6 May.? The tradition is that this chapel had been founded in the lifetime of St. Évroul, and whenever the saint wished to give himself up wholly to divine contemplation he used to put aside worldly cares and take refuge there. It is a blessed spot, well-fitted for a life of solitude. The river Carenton flows through a barren valley, dividing the bishoprics of Lisieux and Évreux. High on the hills a dense wood a retreat for monks needing a more solitary life, but also as a place of refuge for

members of Abbot Robert's family. His half-sisters Judith and Emma took the veil here before they followed him to Italy. See below, pp. 102-4.

78

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uero montis silua crebris frondibus uentorum flabra suscipit? in

decliuo autem montis inter riuum et siluam uiridiarium aecclesiam

11572

circumcingit. Ante portas zecclesize Vticus fons oritur? a quo omnis circumiacens regio Vticensis dicitur. Ne miretur quis quod Luxouiensium praesulem in Ebroicensi presulatu dedicationem fecisse diximus.! In diebus illis tres generosi przsules magnaque ciuilitatis" tribus praeerant conterminis parrochiis. Hugo Willelmi Aucensis comitis filius praeerat Luxouiensibus, et Willelmus Gerardi Fleitelli filius zecclesiastica iura dabat Ebroicensibus? et Iuo Willelmi Belesmensis filius zternz salutis curam exhibebat Sagiensibus. Hi tres in Normannia tunc maxime pollebant diuini cultus feruore, et unanimi consensu tantoque nectebantur amore? ut quisquis eorum in diocesi confinis sui uelut in propria prout tempus et ratio poscebat omne diuinum opus exerceret sine litigio et liuore. Stimulante Sathana qui nunquam humano generi nocere desistit" nimia inter Francos et Normannos seditio exarsit, Nam Henricus rex Francorum et Goisfredus Martellus fortissimus Andegauensium comes Normannorum fines cum forti manu intrauerunt? et detrimenta quamplurima Normannis intulerunt.? Porro Willelmus acerrimus dux Normannorum iniurias multoties non segniter ultus est. Nam plerosque Gallorum et Andegauensium cepit, nonnullos occidit?" multos autem in carcere diu clausos afflixit. Qui singulos conflictus et dampna quz sibi uicissim intulerunt diligenter uoluerit perscrutari? legat libros Willelmi Gemmeticensis coenobitze cognomento Calculi, et Willelmi Pictauini Lexouiensis zcclesiz archidiaconi? qui de gestis Normannorum studiose scripserunt, et Willelmo iam regi Anglorum fauere cupientes preesentauerunt. Sub ea tempestate? Rodbertus Geroii filius contra Willelmum ! In the region of St. Évroul diocesan boundaries were by no means clearly defined in the early eleventh century, and the reorganization of the hierarchy, with the establishment of distinct territorial archdeaconries, was only slowly achieved after the disorders of Duke William's minority. See Douglas, *Les évéques de Normandie (1035—-1066)' in Annales de Normandie, viii (1958), 94-102. Although St. Évroul had rights of exemption, at least in the parishes of Échauffour and Montreuil (Lemarignier, Exemption, p. 284, and above, p. 26), which at

alater date would have entitled the abbot to ask a bishop other than his diocesan to perform acts of consecration, it is likely that the arrangements about 1060 still reflected the more informal conditions of the early stages of reorganization.

2 This paragraph covers a number of years. Henry I and Geoffrey count of Anjou had become reconciled by 15 August 1052 (Douglas, WC, p. 387; Soéhnée, Catalogue des Actes d' Henri I, no. 91). Whilst Henry I’s invasion of Nosmandy was repulsed at Mortemer in February 1054, war along the borders of Maine continued for many years. Geoffrey of Anjou died in 1060, and in 1063 Duke William conquered Maine, but could not pacify it (see William of

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breaks the violence of the gales; below the wood, where the hill slopes down towards the stream, stands the church surrounded by an orchard. The source of the river Ouche, which gives its name to the whole region, bubbles up at the door of the church. No one need be surprised to hear of the bishop of Lisieux dedicating a church in the bishopric of Evreux.! At that time three prelates of high birth and great statesmanship governed the three neighbouring sees. Hugh, son of William count of Eu, governed Lisieux; William son of Gerard Fleitel dispensed ecclesiastical justice in Évreux, and Ivo son of William of Belléme had the cure of souls at Séez. These three were remarkable in Normandy for their religious zeal and perfect agreement; so great was their mutual affection that any one of them might perform any religious function in his neighbour’s diocese, as time and circumstances required, without envy or litigation, as he would in his own. Satan, who never ceases to molest the human race, now stirred

up great enmity between the French and the Normans. Henry, king of the French, and Geoffrey Martel, the valiant count of

Anjou, invaded Norman territory with a powerful army, wreaking havoc among the Normans;? whereat William, most warlike duke

of the Normans, took swift and thorough vengeance. Of the French and Angevins who fell into his hands he slew some, and threw many others into prison where they suffered long. But those who wish to know the details of the conflicts and injuries which each side inflicted on the other may read about them in the books of William called Calculus of Jumieges and William of Poitiers archdeacon of Lisieux, who carefully recorded the deeds of the Normans and, after William became king of England, dedicated their works to him to gain his favour. About this time? Robert son of Giroie rebelled against Duke Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 58-84); William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 129-31); Halphen, Anjou, pp. 76-80; Latouche, Maine, pp. 31-36). 3 Though the exact date of Robert Giroie’s resistance is uncertain the siege of St. Céneri must have been about 1059-60. Latouche (Maine, p. 61 n. 6) dates it 1054, on the basis of this passage in Orderic; but plainly Orderic’s previous paragraph refers to events spread over several years. Robert died on 6 February, most probably in the year 1060. Orderic speaks of his uncle Robert of Grandmesnil (consecrated 21 June 1059) as abbot at the time; and since there

was a period of reconciliation before Duke William disinherited Arnold of Echauffour and drove Robert out of St. Evroul early in 1061, the year 1061 would

be too late. Since Robert’s wife, Adelaide, was

a kissed

of Duke

William it is possible that she did poison him, though tales of poisoning were widespread and not always true (cf. Douglas, WC, Appendix F, pp. 408-15). It

8o 1i. 73

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ducem rebellauit: et accersitis Andegauensibus castra sua Sanctum scilicet Serenicum et Rupem Ialgiensem fortiter muniuit, et contra ducem cum Normannico exercitu obsidentem aliquandiu tenuit. Sed quia mortalium robur labile est subitoque ceu flos foeni marcet" praefatus heros post innumeras probitates dum ad ignem in hieme letus sederet, coniugemque suam Adelaidem quz ducis consobrina erat quatuor mala manu gestare uideret? duo ex illis familiariter iocando ei rapuit, et nescius quod uenenata erant uxore contradicente comedit. Qui mox ueneno infectus est: et post quinque dies cum multo merore suorum viii? idus februarii defunctus est. Quo mortuo? Ernaldus Willelmi Geroiani filius in loco patrui

il. 74

sui surrexit, oppidanos precibus monitisque corroborauit? ducique uiriliter resistere pro paterna haereditate imperauit. Cuius animositatem callidus dux blandis hortatibus leniuit’ pacemque secum facere cum pluribus promissis persuasit. At ille consilio ab amicis accepto duci adquieuit, eique fidelitatem fecit" et ab eo Monasteriolum et Escalfoium ac Sanctum Serenicum totamque patrum suorum hzreditatem recepit. Deinde Rodbertus abbas pace facta a duce requisiuit ut auunculi sui corpus quod apud Sanctum Serenicum tribus septimanis humatum iacuerat, Vticum transferri concederet. At ille hostilis odii memor primo denegauit: postmodum erubescens quod in mortuum seuiret concessit. Mox impiger abbas Rodberti Geroiani glebam in trunco Vticum transtulit? ibique in claustro monachorum honorifice sepeliuit. Cuncti qui aderant mirabantur? quod nullus de corpore tribus iam septimanis exanimi feetor sentiretur. Tradunt quidam quod uis ueneni quo idem interierat/ omnem defuncti cadaueris humorem exsiccauerat, ideoque nullus inde fottor uiuorum naribus effundi moleste poterat. Redeunte ad naturale ius Ernaldo Vticenses monachi gauisi sunt? et in uicinos insolentes qui inermes iniuste opprimebant illius ope erecti sunt. 'l'emporibus Teoderici abbatis et Rodberti successoris eius Baldricus et Wigerius de Balgenzaio et homines sui contra monachos insolenter agebant, et non solum eis ut dominis [non]? obediebant? uerum etiam plurimis inquietudinibus ipsos hominesque eorum sepius contristabant. Quod Rodbertus postquam abbatie regimen suscepit diutius ferre indignum duxit. Nam accepto fratrum consilio prafatos rebelles pro contumacia sua Ernaldo consanguineo suo tradidit? ut ipse ceruicositatem eorum * non inserted in the margin in a later hand.

is just possible that the year was 1059 when Robert, though not yet abbot, was in charge of the community after Thierry’s departure for Jerusalem (cf. below, p. 84 n. 3).

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William, and with Angevin aid fortified his castles of St. Céneri and La Roche-Mabile. For a while he held them against the duke, who invested them with his Norman forces. But human strength is transient and withers as the flower of grass. When this brave warrior, who had survived many conflicts, was sitting peacefully at the winter fireside, he noticed that his wife Adelaide, the duke's

kinswoman, had four apples in her hand; playfully he snatched two of them not knowing they were poisoned, and ate them in spite of her protests. The poison spread through his body, and five days later, on 6 February, he died lamented by his followers. After his death Arnold son of William Giroie rose up in his uncle's place, and by prayers and threats won the townspeople to his side and compelled them to defend his paternal inheritance against the duke. But the wily duke broke down his enmity with smooth words and fair promises, and induced him to make peace. So on the advice of his friends he submitted to the duke and did homage to him, receiving from him Montreuil, Échauffour, St. Céneri, and

all his paternal inheritance. When he and the duke had made peace Abbot Robert asked that the body of his uncle which had lain buried for three weeks at St. Céneri might be carried to St. Évroul. He at first, cherishing his hatred, refused this; but after-

wards, ashamed of such vindictiveness towards a dead man, gave way. Forthwith the resolute abbot had the mortal remains of Robert Giroie carried in a coffin to St. Évroul and decently buried in the monks' cloister. All who were present were amazed that there should be no offensive stench from a corpse three weeks old. Some hold that the poison by which he perished had so dried up the moisture in his body that no stench could escape to offend the nostrils of the living. The monks of St. Evroul rejoiced at Arnold’s recovery of his birthright, and welcomed his help against their aggressive neighbours who never scrupled to persecute the helpless. In the time of Abbots Thierry and Robert, Baudri and Viger of Bocquencé and their men made themselves a burden to the monks, refusing to obey them as their lords and going so far as to inflict all kinds of annoyances on them and their men. After Robert had taken over the administration of the abbey he resolved that this was to be endured no longer. Taking counsel with his brother monks he handed over the obstinate rebels to his kinsman Arnold for life, so that his secular arm might bend the stiff necks of men who had 822204

G

82

qui monachorum

BOOK

mansuetudinem

III

pacifice pati dedignabantur

quamdiu uiueret, militari manu protereret. At ille multis diuersisque seruitiis eos aggrauauit: et ipsos hominesque eorum munitiones

suas apud Escalfoium et Sanctum Serenicum custodire coegit.! Vnde illi Rodbertum abbatem et monachos obnixe petierunt? ut iterum potestati eorum restitui mererentur, promittentes eis

omnem subiectionem et emendationem. Abbas uero cum monachis

li. 75

eorum precibus adquieuit? et Ernaldum ut eos zecclesiz seruituti qua humilibus et mansuetis uere libera est redderet petiit. His diebus Rogerius primogenitus Engenulfi de Aquila filius occisus est. De cuius morte Engenulfus et Richuereda uxor eius ualde afflicti Vticum uenerunt? et beneficium atque orationes monachorum pro sua filiique sui Rogerii salute petierunt et receperunt, optimumque eiusdem Rogerii equum Deo et monachis pro eius anima optulerunt. Hunc ergo equum quia preciosus erat Ernaldus ut sibi donaretur petiit? et Baldricum hominesque suos et terram de Balgenzaio pristinae monachorum potestati concessit. Quod et

ita factum est. Ernaldus equum consobrini sui Rogerii a Rodberto abbate accepit" et Baldricum totamque terram de Balgenzaio zcclesiz dominio reddidit. Baldricus autem quod grauia Ernaldi seruitia euaserat gaudens dominatum suum quem in uilla sancti Ebrulfi habebat monachis dedit? et terram quam supra riuulum Ductus Villaris habebat et terram Normanni Mice et Benigni tradidit. "lunc Baldricus Rodberto abbati iunctis manibus fidelitatem fecit, et subiectionem iusticiamque de se suisque hominibus promisit, et summopere ne honorem eius de potestate monachorum amplius proiceret poposcit. Hoc itaque monachis confirmantibus ratum fuit? et tam ipse quam Rodbertus filius eius usque in hodiernum diem pro terra de Balgenzaio solummodo monachis militauit. Vticensis quippe abbatia in feudo de Balgenzaio consistit? et sepefatus Baldricus magnz nobilitatis fuit. Nam Gislebertus comes DBrionnze nepos Ricardi ducis Normannorum Baldrico Teutonico qui cum Wigerio fratre suo in Normanniam uenerat Ricardo duci seruire neptem suam in coniugium dedit» ex qua nati sunt sex filii et plures filiz, Nicholaus scilicet de Bascheuilla et ii. 76 Fulco de Alnou, Rodbertus de Curceio et Ricardus de Noua Villa, Baldricus de Balgenzaio et Wigerius Apuliensis.? Hi nimirum sub * For the fief of Bocquencé see above, p. 34 n. 1. It is plain from Orderic’s account that feudal obligations might vary from fee to fee, and that the conditions of castle guard were not yet precisely defined. See Haskins, Norman

Institutions, pp. 19-21. 2 There are some discrepancies in the sources about the family of Baudri of Bocquencé which have led to difficulties. Although Orderic, following a charter

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scorned to endure the light yoke of the monks. He soon piled all kinds of oppressive services upon them, and forced them and their men to perform castle guard at Échauffour and St. Céneri. In consequence they besought Abbot Robert and the monks to take them back under their authority, promising to be obedient and amend their ways. The abbot and monks heeded their prayers and asked Arnold to restore them to the service of the Church which, to the humble and obedient, is perfect freedom. About this time Roger, eldest son of Engelnulf of Laigle, was killed; and Engelnulf with his wife Richvereda came in deep mourning to St. Evroul, to beg for the fellowship and prayers of the monks for themselves and their son. Their wish was granted and they offered Roger's best horse to God and the monks for the good of his soul. Since the horse was a magnificent beast Arnold asked for it as a gift, offering in return to restore Baudri with his men and the land of Bocquencé to the monks. So it was arranged. Arnold received his kinsman Roger's horse from Abbot Robert, and restored Baudri and the whole land of Bocquencé to the lordship of the church. Baudri, thankful to be relieved from the oppressive lordship of Arnold, gave the monks his holding in the vill of St. Évroul and his land on the stream of Douet Villers and the land of Norman Mica and Benignus. Then Baudri did homage, placing his hands in those of Abbot Robert, promising obedience and suit of court for himself and his men, and asking above all that his honor should never again be alienated from the lordship of the monks. This was granted and confirmed by the monks; and to this day he and his son Robert after him have done military service to the monks alone for the land of Bocquencé. The abbey of St. Évroul stands in the fee of Bocquencé, and this same Baudri was of high rank. For Gilbert count of Brionne, nephew of Richard duke of Normandy, gave his niece in marriage to Baudri the German, who with his brother Viger had come to Normandy to serve Duke Richard. Six sons and several daughters were born to her: Nicholas of Baqueville and Fulk of Aunou; Robert of Courcy, Richard of Neuville, Baudri of Bocquencé, and

Viger of Apulia.? These men all throve in the service of Duke of William I, describes Baudri as the son of Baudri the German, the king's archer, a charter of Henry II calls him Baudri, son of Nicholas. Le Prévost, without putting forward any evidence, identified him with Baudri de Guitri, whose

father’s name was Nicholas (Le Prévost, iii. 248 n. 1). This seems quite unjustifiable. Orderic was likely to be well-informed at least about the younger

84

11:177

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duce Willelmo magna strenuitate uiguerunt? multisque diuiciis et honoribus ab eo ditati fuerunt, et haeredibus suis amplas possessiones in Normannia dimiserunt. Baldricus qui honorem de Balgenzaio cum Wigerio fratre suo! possedit" Helisabeth sororem suam Fulconi de Bonaualle strenuo militi in coniugium dedit, et ecclesiam sancti Nicholai? quam pater suus construxerat cum adiacenti fundo in mariagio concessit. Fulco autem futuri temporis memor Teodericum filium suum quem Teodericus abbas de sacro fonte leuauerat Deo ad monachatum in ccenobio Vticensi optulit" ipsumque puerum et przfatam zcclesiam sancti Nicholai pro anima sua amicorumque suorum salute in praesentia Rodberti abbatis sancto Ebrulfo concessit. Hoc etiam Baldricus et Wigerius et Willelmus de Bonaualle aliique parentes eorum gratanter concesserunt: et ipsi aliique multi qui affuerunt legitimi testes suprascriptee concessionis ad utilitatem zecclesize extiterunt. Tunc Rogerius? Tancredi de Altauilla filius in Italiam pergens ibidem affuit" qui postea iuuante Deo Siciliam magna ex parte optinuit, et Afros Siculosque et alias gentes in Christum non credentes que praefatam insulam deuastabant armis inuasit, protriuit et superauit. Puer autem Teodericus mundo subtractus, Deoque donatus lvii annis in monachili schemate uixit, et per singulos gradus usque ad sacerdotium legitime ascendens honeste Deo militauit. Eodem tempore Wido cognomento Bollein senioris Geroii pronepos+ cum Hodierna coniuge sua in pago Corboniensi honorabiliter uigebat? et in ordine militari diuitiis ampliatus rem suam honeste regebat. Huic erant plures filij Normannus et Walterius qui militize laboribus deseruierunt? Goisfredus quoque et Willelmus cognomento Gregorius, qui litteris imbuti stemma sacerdotii nacti sunt. Prafatus Wido nutu Dei et instinctu Rodberti abbatis cognati uidelicet sui Vticenses multum dilexit, et Willelmum filium suum qui tunc ferme nouem annorum erat mundo sibique abdicauit? Deoque sub monachili iugo in zcclesia Vticensi seruiturum in die festiuitatis omnium Sanctorum generations of the family, since Baudri’s nephew Thierry was a monk at St. Evroul. And the charter of Henry II is not entirely satisfactory: though probably not a forgery it was either the work of a careless scribe or had undergone retouching (Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 12-13). The scribe may have mistaken Baudri's brother Nicholas for his father. * This is corroborated by a charter of Baudri's wife, Billeheud, approved by her sons Robert and Baudri, and witnessed by their uncle Viger (Le Prévost, v. 184). ? Probably Saint-Nicholas-des-Laitiers, adjacent to Bocquencé. 3 Roger Guiscard, according to Chalandon, went to Italy after Robert

Guiscard became count of Apulia, probably in the later months of 1057 (Chalan-

don, i. 148-50). If, therefore, he was present when the young Thierry became

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William and received many gifts of wealth and honors from him, so that they were able to leave wide lands in Normandy to their descendants. Baudri, who with his brother Viger! held the honor of Bocquencé, gave his sister Elizabeth in marriage to a brave knight, Fulk of Bonneval, and assigned as her marriage portion the church of St. Nicholas? which his father had built, with the adjoining land. Fulk himself, mindful of the life to come, gave his son Thierry,

whom Abbot Thierry had baptized, to God as a monk in the monastery of St. Évroul. With the boy he gave this same church of St. Nicholas for the salvation of his soul and the souls of his friends, and the gift was witnessed by Robert, abbot of St. Évroul. Baudri, Viger, William

of Bonneval,

and other kinsmen

freely

confirmed the grant; they and many others who were present acted as legal witnesses of the gift for the church's needs. T'ancred of Hauteville's son Roger was present then on his way to Italy;?later by God's aid he won the greater part of Sicily, attacking and conquering the Africans, Sicilians, and other infidel peoples who were pillaging the island. The boy Thierry, who had been taken from the world and offered to God, lived as a monk for fifty-seven years; and rising by the usual stages to the priesthood, proved himself a worthy soldier of God. About this time Guy surnamed Bollein, great-grandson of the elder Giroie,+ was with his wife Hodierna living as befitted his rank in the Corbonnais; he had made his fortune as a knight and was managing his affairs well. He had several sons: Norman and Walter, who devoted themselves to knightly occupations; Geoffrey and William called Gregory, who were well-read and won the laurels of priesthood. Guy himself, by God's will and the encouragement of his kinsman Abbot Robert, was a good friend to the monks of St. Évroul; and on All Saints’ Day he gave up his son William, a boy of just nine years, to renounce the world and serve God as a monk in the church of St. Évroul. Then William an oblate at St. Évroul with the church of St. Nicholas as his dowry, this ceremony must have taken place just after the departure of Abbot Thierry of Mathonville

for Jerusalem.

Robert

was

then

prior, not

abbot:

but

Orderic

might have described him by a later title, particularly if a deed recording the gift was drawn

up some

time later, after Robert's election. This would place

Thierry’s death in 1114, after fifty-seven years as a monk. 4 It is not clear to which branch of the family of Giroie Guy belonged. *Pronepos' usually means great-grandson, but might possibly mean great-

nephew.

:

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tradidit. Tunc Willelmus prepositus miles egregius praedicti pueri auunculus: zcclesiam de Algeron! cum tota uilla sancto Ebrulfo dedit" et se totamque substantia suz partem in fine suo eidem patrono fideliter deuouit. Gratia Dei Willelmum puerum bonis moribus adornauit, et in bonis studiis uigilantem effecit" unde a przlatis suis Gregorius cognominari meruit. Hic in gremio sanctze matris zecclesiz diligenter educatus, et omnino a mundi strepitu et carnali luxu remotus? utili scientia quae huiusmodi

ecclesie filiis maxime competit, nobiliter floruit. Nam peritus ii. 78

lector fuit et cantor’ precipuusque scriptor et librorum illuminator. Opera manuum eius ad legendum et canendum nobis adhuc ualde prosunt? et per similis exercitii probitatem nos a nobis ociositatem depellere erudiunt. In orationibus et uigiliis ab infantia fuit assiduus? et usque ad senectutem ieiuniis aliisque macerationibus carnis moderate intentus. Obseruator monastici ordinis diligens? et ad redarguendum sancte regule transgressores feruens. Epistolas Pauli et Prouerbia Salomonis aliaque quamplura sancta Scripture sintagmata tenaci memoria condiderat: et in cotidianis locutionibus suis ad exhortationem eorum quibus confabulabatur proferebat. Huiuscemodi studiis intentus iam liv annos in monachili ordine transegit" et adhuc ut per bonum finem ad zternz quietis stabilitatem pertransire possit, sub Rogerio abbate bonis actibus solito more insistit.? Cum Vticense cenobium aucto conuentu xl monachorum gloriose corroboraretur, et ordo monasticus secundum normam diuinz legis ibidem regulariter obseruaretur? longe lateque procedens fama uolitabat, et multos ad amorem

eiusdem

zecclesiz

inuitabat. Quidam autem pestifero liuore inficiebantur? proprizque maliciz uulnifico missili puniebantur. Rodbertus uero abbas genuina largitate praeditus undecumque uenientes ad conuersionem libenter suscipiebat: et quzeque fratribus ad uictum seu uestitum necessaria erant uiriliter procurabat. Redditus nimirum Vticensis ecclesi; quae in sterili pago surgebat, ad tantam dapsilitatem prefati patris non sufficiebat" sed ipse ut diximus ex generosis parentibus prodierat, et opes eorum ad usum monachorum Bia uolebat? amica familiaritate consentiente plerunque accipi-

ebat.

_* The church of Augerons was one of the seven churches granted to St.

Evroul

by William

of Montreuil,

son of William

Giroie, as recorded

in the

general foundation charter of 1050 (Fauroux, no. 122). Orderic (above, pp. 34

36) adds the fact, not in the charter, that the lords of these churches, including

William Provost of Augerons, joined William of Montreuil, presumably their

overlord, in these gifts. Possibly they retained a life interest in their churches, since the final gift by William Provost took place when his son became an oblate

BOOK III

87

Provost, a worthy knight who was the boy's uncle, gave the church and whole vill of Augerons to St. Évroul,! and at the end of his life offered himself and all his property to the same saint. By God's grace the boy William grew to be of such sound character and application in his studies that he earned the name of Gregory from his superiors. Carefully brought up in the bosom of holy mother church, and removed from all worldly strife and carnal lust, he distinguished himself in those kinds of knowledge that are most useful to sons of the church. He was an able reader and chanter,

and a distinguished scribe and illuminator of books. The works executed by his own hands for reading and singing are still models which encourage us to put away idleness and follow his example. From his childhood up he carefully observed the offices of prayer and vigil, and even in old age he performed adequately the necessary fasts and other mortifications of the flesh. A faithful follower of the monastic rule himself, he was eager to reprove those who broke it. He committed to his tenacious memory the Epistles of Paul and the Proverbs of Solomon and several other books of Holy Writ, and quoted them in daily conversation for the benefit of those with whom he talked. Immersed in these studies he has already spent fifty-four years in monastic life, and still under Abbot Roger continues to lead a life of habitual virtue in the assurance of passing after a good end to his eternal rest.? So through the years the monastery of St. Évroul grew in fame and its numbers increased to forty monks; the monastic rule was faithfully kept there according to the precepts of the divine law, and the high repute of the church spread far and wide to win many friends. Some, however, who were infected with hateful envy were justly wounded by their own malice. Abbot Robert, a large-hearted man, welcomed converts from all sides and tirelessly procured resources to feed and clothe the brethren. To be sure the revenues of the church of St. Évroul, which had been founded in a barren

region, did not suffice for the reverend abbot's generosity; but as I said he came of noble stock, and drew at will on the resources

of his relatives, with their friendly consent, for the needs of his monks. at St. Évroul about ten years later. But the possibility that the foundation charter underwent later retouching cannot be excluded. 2 If Orderic’s figures are correct, he was writing this passage not earlier than 1114 (above, p. 84 n. 3), and since William became an oblate before Abbot Robert left for Italy in 1061 Orderic's statement was made not later than 1115.

88 ii. 79

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III

Idem in primo anno sui regiminis quia uetus zecclesia quam sanctus Ebrulfus construxerat, parua et rusticani operis erat’ ingentem basilicam insigni opere coepit, quam in honore sanctz Dei genitricis Marize construere multisque sanctorum altaribus ampliare decreuit. Nam propter reliquias sanctorum quz in ueteri z:de a temporibus sancti Ebrulfi condite sunt? sed eorum nomina uel gesta seu loca depositionis pro antiquitate ignorantur ab his qui supersunt, disposuit nouam adem tam magnam facere ut uetustam omnino circundaret: et ossa seu mausolea sanctorum que ibidem latent semper honorifice contineret. Sed procellis tribulationum incumbentibus cessare ab incepto opere coactus est? quod nullus successorum eius ea mensura uel ordine seu loco quo ipse desti-

nauerat prosequi ausus est.

ii. 80

Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLIX? indictione x1?’ Henricus rex Francorum post multas probitates quibus in regno gloriose uiguit, potionem a Iohanne medico Carnotensi qui ex euentu Surdus cognominabatur spe longioris et sanioris uitz& accepit.! Sed quia uoto suo magis quam precepto archiatri obsecundauit, et aquam dum ueneno rimante interiora nimis angeretur clam a cubiculario sitiens poposcit, medicoque ignorante ante purgationem bibit? proh dolor in crastinum cum magno multorum merore obiit. Sceptra Francorum Philippo filio suo qui adhuc puerilibus annis detinebatur reliquit" et Balduino Flandrensium duci puerum cum regno ad tutandum commendauit. Huiusmodi tutela tanto duci bene competebat? quippe qui Hadalam Rodberti regis Francorum filiam in coniugium habebat ex qua Rodbertum Fresionem et Mathildem reginam Anglorum et Vdonem Treuerensium metropolitam aliosque magnze sullimitatis uiros genuerat. Eodem anno Fridericus filius Gotheloinis ducis qui et Stephanus papa dictus est obiit" cui Gerardus qui et Nicholaus successit.? Hic annus erat tercius Henrici quarti, filii Henrici filii Conradi imperatoris et Agnetis imperatricis, qui LxxxvtI? loco ab Augusto regnare cepit" et annis quinquaginta regnauit. Anno ab incarnatione Domini mix Nicholaus papa obiit? cui * King Henry in fact died on 29 August 1060. His son Philip I was then eight years old, and Baldwin V, count of Flanders, uncle of the young king, acted as

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89

, In the first year of his rule, since the old church built by St. Evroul was small and roughly made, he decided to build a great church of fine workmanship to the honour of Mary the holy Mother of God, and to embellish it with many altars of the saints. Because the remains of so many saints have been buried in the old church since the time of St. Évroul, and the passage of time has deprived our generation of all knowledge of their names and deeds and exact places of burial, he determined to build a new church large enough to enclose the old one altogether and provide a worthy setting for the bones and sepulchres of the saints buried there. But gathering storms of trouble interrupted the work he had begun, and none of his successors ventured to complete the project on the scale or plan or in the place he had intended. In the year of Our Lord 1059, the thirteenth Indiction, Henry

king of the French, who had won great renown throughout his kingdom for his achievements, asked his doctor John of Chartres— nicknamed ‘Blockhead’ after this accident—to prescribe a potion to improve his health and prolong his life.' But, following his own desires instead of the precepts of his physician, he asked his chamberlain privately for water to quench his thirst, because the medicine still in his stomach caused him great pain, and drank it without his doctor’s knowledge before he had been purged. Alas! the next day he died, mourned by many. He bequeathed his sceptre to his son Philip, still a boy, and entrusted the regency of the kingdom and wardship of the lad to Baldwin count of Flanders. The duke was worthy of this trust, and indeed had taken to wife Adela, daughter of Robert king of the French, and numbered among his distinguished children Robert of Frisia, Matilda queen of England, and Odo archbishop of Trier. In the same year Frederick son of Duke Gozelon, who became pope as Stephen, died and was succeeded by Gerard who took the name of Nicholas.? This was the third year of Henry IV, son of Henry son of the Emperor Conrad and the Empress Agnes, who was the eighty-seventh emperor since Augustus and reigned for fifty years. In the year of Our Lord 1063 Pope Nicholas died, and was his guardian until 1067. For Baldwin's Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 46—48). 2 Pope Stephen IX died on 29 March

power

and influence

cf. William

of

1058, and Nicholas II was elected in

late December 1058. The dates of his death and of King Henry's are correctly given in the Annals of St. Evroul (Le Prévost, v. 157).

90

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Alexander Lucensis episcopus successit.! Quo tempore" Sigifridus Magonciz et Gunterus Babenbergz? aliique quamplures episcopi uel nobiles multo comitatu Ierusalem perrexerunt.^ Eodem tempore? inter Willelmum Normanniz ducem et proceres eius dissensio grauis exorta est. Nam cupiditate furente unus alium supplantare conabatur, grauesque seditiones ad detrimenta miserorum diuersis ex causis oriebantur’ unde quidam crudelioris

animi letabantur, alii pietatis et modestiae amatores nimis con-

ii. 81

tristabantur. Tunc Rogerius de Montegomerici et Mabilia uxor eius exorta simultate gaudebant, et blandis adulationibus sibi

ducem

alliciebant’ et contra uicinos suos callidis factionibus

commotum acrius ad iram concitabant.^ Animosus autem dux plus equo ire frena relaxans? precipuos milites Rodulfum de Toenia et Hugonem de Grentemaisnilio atque Ernaldum de Excalfoio et barones eorum exhereditauit, et sine probabilibus culpis diu exulare coegit. Tunc etiam Rodbertus Vticensium abbas ad curiam ducis accitus est: et ad diem statutum de quibusdam reatibus unde falso accusatus fuerat respondere iussus est. Hunc nimirum Rainerius Castellionensis monachus quem ipse priorem Vticensibus praefecerat, et ad intima consilia sua uelut fidelem amicum indubitanter accersierat? de quibusdam ludibriis et improuidis dictis ducique priuatim derogantibus apud ipsum accusauerat. Ille uero ut ducem contra se totamque suam parentelam uehementer furentem et nocere cupidum sensit, indicioque amicorum suorum maliuolentiam ducis sibi damna membrorum inferre uolentis ueraciter agnouit" consilio Hugonis Lexouiensis episcopi imminentem furiam declinare prius quam dampnum

irreparabile pateretur elegit. 'l'ercio itaque regiminis sui anno vi?

ii. 82

kal. februarii postquam sabbato ad uesperas antiphonam ‘Peccata mea Domine'5 pronunciauerat discessit ascensisque equis cum duobus monachis Fulcone et Vrso Galliam expetiit, et inde Nicholao papz euentus suos reuelaturus adiit. Interea Normannicus dux per consilium venerabilis Ansfridi Pratellensium abbatis et Lanfranci Beccensium prioris, aliarumque personarum ecclesiasticarum Osbernum Cormeliensium priorem a Rainerio abbate Sanctz "Trinitatis de Monte Rotomagi requisiuit? * Eodem anno... perrexerunt added in the margin in Orderic’s hand ' The date of Nicholas II’s death elected c. 30 September 1061.

was

19/27 July

1061;

Alexander

2 See Riant, Inventaire critique des lettres historiques des croisades, Lambert of Hersfeld, MGH SS v. 168. The pilgrimage set out in 3 i.e. about the time of the death of the king of France. The two immediately preceding are later interpolations by Orderic himself. * Orderic attributes the exile of Arnold of Échauffour, and his

was

pp. 55-56; 1064. paragraphs death after

BOOK III

or

succeeded by Alexander bishop of Lucca.' At this time Siegfried

of Mainz and Gunter of Bamberg and several other bishops and nobles with a great following set out for Jerusalem. _ About the same time? serious troubles broke out between William duke of Normandy and his magnates. For one would try through jealousy to oust another from his position, and various disturbances broke out which caused wretchedness to the poor; troubles such as these delighted the cruel and distressed all who loved justice and seemliness. Then Roger of Montgomery and Mabel his wife made the most of the disorders of the time, flattered

the duke into taking their part, and cunningly incited him to anger against their neighbours.* The quick-tempered duke gave full reign to his anger, and singling out the knights Ralph of Tosny, Hugh of Grandmesnil, and Arnold of Échauffour and their men deprived them of their lands, and drove them into long exile without any proof of guilt. Then too Robert, abbot of St. Évroul, was summoned to the duke's court, and on the appointed day commanded to answer several false charges. He was actually accused by Rainer, monk of Conches, whom he had made prior

of St. Évroul and always trusted as a friend in his most secret counsels, of having privately made several jests and casual remarks derogatory to the duke. Knowing that the duke was raging against him and all his kindred, and was out for their blood, and being

warned by his friends that the duke's fury would not stop short of violence to him, he resolved on the advice of Hugh bishop of Lisieux to flee from the threatened wrath rather than risk suffering irreparable harm. So on Saturday 27 January, in the third year of his rule, after reciting the antiphon Peccata mea Domine5 at Vespers, he took his departure; and mounting horse with two monks Fulk and Ursus, fled to France and thence hastened to lay his cause before Pope Nicholas. Meanwhile the duke of Normandy, on the advice of Ansfrid abbot of Préaux and Lanfranc prior of Bec and other ecclesiastics, asked Rainer, abbot of La Trinité-du-Mont in Rouen, to send for he became reconciled with Duke William and returned to Normandy, to the machinations of Mabel of Belléme ;and this is accepted by G. H. White (TRHS xxii (1940), 87). But the recent rebellion of Robert Giroie may have caused William's hostility to the family. 5 The antiphon for the Magnificat, sung at Vespers on Saturdays from the octave of Epiphany to Septuagesima Sunday. See Breviarium ad Usum Sarum, ed. F. Procter and C. Wordsworth

(Cambridge,

1879-86), p. cccciv.

92

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III

eique nil tale suspicanti per cambutam Maurilii archiepiscopi in sinodo Rotomagensi curam Vticensis abbatie. commendauit. Deinde Hugo episcopus iussu ducis eum Pratellis adduxit? ibique subito nescientibus monachis Sancti Ebrulfi abbatem consecrauit, secumque postea Vticum adduxit: et mestis Vticensibus ex imperio ducis imposuit. Illi autem ancipiti discrimine anxiati sunt. Nam uiuente abbate suo qui prefatam zcclesiam fundauerat, eosque ad monachatum susceperat, et sine probabilibus culpis non per iudicium sinodi sed per tirannidem furentis marchisi expulsus fuerat" alium abbatem suscipere dubitabant, nec palam refutare propter ducis animositatem audebant. Tandem consilio praedicti praesulis elegerunt pati uiolentiam, gratisque dato sibi magistro exhibere obedientiam" ne si sine iugo permanerent Dei offenderent potentiam et ad destructionem nouelli coenobii grauiorem ducis contradicendo excitarent maliuolentiam. Porro Ernaldus de Excalfoio iniuriam exhereditationis suz acriter uindicabat? et rapinis incendiisque hominumque capturis uel occisionibus Lexouiensem pagum per triennium inquietabat. ii. 83 Quadam

nocte cum

quatuor militibus Excalfoium

uenit?

et in

castrum cum suis clam ingressus in magnam uociferationem prorupit. Quam ut lx milites ducis audierunt? magnum cum Ernaldo

exercitum adesse putauerunt, territique castrum quod custodire debebant relinquentes aufugerunt. At ille ignem iniecit? et dampnum ingens hostibus suis intulit. Burgum quoque Vticensem igne combussit? et per omnes angulos zcclesiz cum satellitibus suis nudos enses in dextris uibrantibus Osbernum abbatem ad occisionem diu quesiuit. Sed ille Dei nutu defuit. Post aliquot autem dies Hermannus celararius Ernaldum priuatim adiit? ipsumque quod abbatiam quam pater suus pro salute anime suze construxerat destruere niteretur benigniter redarguit. At ille monita serui Dei pie suscepit?" memorque paternz pietatis pro malefactis contra ceenobium Sancti Ebrulfi plorauit, pcenitensque congruam emendationem promisit. Non multo post Vticum uenit, pro male gestis super aram uadimonium posuit? indulgentiam petiit, abbatique Osberno securitatem dedit. Prafatus enim monachus subtili relatu ei ueraciter intimauit? quod przdictus abbas cognati sui locum non per cupiditatem inuaserit, sed ui

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III

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Osbern, prior of Cormeilles; when he came little suspecting the outcome the duke invested him with the cure of the abbey of St. Évroul in a synod at Rouen, using the pastoral staff of Archbishop Maurilius. ‘Then at the duke's command Bishop Hugh took him to Préaux, and suddenly, without the knowledge of the monks of St. Évroul, blessed him abbot; next, escorting him to St. Évroul,

he imposed him by the duke's authority on the bereaved community. They found themselves on the horns of a dilemma. For they hesitated to accept another abbot in the lifetime of their own superior, who had founded the monastery and received their vows, and was now driven out without proven guilt not by the judgement of a synod but through the tyranny of the raging duke; yet they dared not openly disobey for fear of the duke's vengeance. Finally, on the bishop's advice, they determined to endure the violence and obey the master who had been gratuitously thrust upon them, for fear both of offending God if they remained without government, and of provoking the duke to destroy the young monastery in a fit of hostile rage. Afterwards Arnold of Échauffour took fierce vengeance for the unjust seizure of his lands, and for three years disturbed the peace of the Lieuvin by plundering, burning and slaying, and imprisoning men. One night he came to Échauffour with four knights, and entering the castle by stealth made such an uproar that the sixty knights of the duke imagined he was bringing a great army with him and fled terrified, abandoning the castle which they ought to have guarded. He set fire to it, causing heavy loss to his enemies. He also set fire to the town of St. Évroul, and for many hours he and his minions stormed into every corner of the monastery, brandishing their naked swords and clamouring for Abbot Osbern's blood. But by the will of God he happened to be elsewhere. A few days later Herman the cellarer sought out Arnold in private, and made him see that he was threatening to destroy the abbey which his father had founded for the salvation of his soul. Arnold meekly accepted the rebukes of the servant of God, and remembering his father's piety wept for his sins against the abbey of St. Evroul, and penitently promised to make due amends. Not long afterwards he came to St. Évroul, laid a pledge of reparation for his evil deeds on the altar, asked for forgiveness, and promised protection to Abbot Osbern. For Herman the monk had told him the truth in plain language: that the abbot had not usurped his kinsman's

94

ii. 84

ii. 85

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III

principis et instinctu magistrorum suorum compulsus desolate zecclesize regimen inuitus susceperit. Denique Rodbertus abbas Nicholaum papam Rome inuenit: eique causam itineris sui diligenter intimauit. At ille compatriotam suum nam genere Francus erat benigniter suscepit, querimoniam eius cum pietate audiuit’ fidumque suffragium in sua necessitate spopondit. Rodbertus autem ad parentes suos in Apuliam ubi urbes et oppida quamplura ui armorum iam optinuerant transiuit, et completa cum eis locutione cum litteris apostolicis et duobus cardinalibus clericis Normanniam repetiit" et Iuliambonam ubi tunc temporis Willelmus dux curiam suam tenebat audacter adiit. Audiens uero dux quod Rodbertus abbas cum legatis pape abbatiam Vticensem quesiturus aduenisset/ et Osbernum ducis iussu substitutum abbatem uelut inuasorem alieni iuris calumniaturus esset, uehementer iratus dixit se quidem legatos papz de fide et religione christiana ut communis patris libenter suscepturum" sed si quis monachorum de terra sua calumniam sibi contrariam inferret, ad altiorem quercum uicinz siluz per capicium irreuerenter suspensurum. Quod audiens Hugo przsul Rodberto intimauit/ et ut furibundi principis presentiam declinaret admonuit. At ille festinanter inde discessit" et in pagum Parisiensem ad uenerandum Hugonem abbatem cenobii sancti Dyonisii! Gallorum apostoli secessit, et apud ipsum cognatus quippe suus erat et apud alios amicos ac parentes suos qui inter Gallorum proceres pollebant aliquandiu honorifice habitauit. Inde Osberno abbati mandauit ut coram Romanis cardinalibus in pago Carnotensi ambo adessent? ibique negocio utriusque diligenter indagato a personis zecclesiasticis, diffinitum iudicium secundum ordinationem sanctorum canonum indubitanter subirent. Diem quoque et locum quando et ubi conuenirent designauit. At ille mandatum quidem suscepit, et ad curiam Romanam se libenter iturum dixit? sed alio consilio accepto ad statutum tempus et locum minime accessit. Vnde Rodbertus per quendam famulum Vticensium quem Ernaldus ceperat litteras misit" in quibus ex auctoritate papze Osbernum inuasorem excommunicauit, omnesque monachos Vticensis cenobii ut se sequerentur imperiose inuitauit. Quis referre potest quot tribulationibus Vticensis zecclesia intus et exterius tunc quatiebatur? En Rodbertus eiusdem fundator et rector de sede sua iniuste fugatus, cogebatur uagari per externas * Hugh IV, abbot of St. Denis from 1049 to 1061 or 1062.

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place through ambition, but had been forced by the advice of his superiors and the duke's threats to accept the government of the bereaved church against his will. Meanwhile Abbot Robert found Pope Nicholas at Rome and - explained in detail the reason for his journey. The pope, who was a Frenchman, welcomed his compatriot, gave a fair hearing to his plea, and promised him full support in his need. Robert then went on to see his kinsfolk in Apulia, where they had conquered towns and strongholds by force of arms; and after visiting them returned to Normandy. Accompanied by two cardinals and bearing papal letters he boldly approached Lillebonne, where Duke William was holding his court. When the duke heard that Abbot Robert was approaching in the company of papal legates to claim the abbacy of St. Évroul and charge the duke's candidate Osbern with usurpation of his rights, he flew into a violent rage, declaring that he was ready to receive legates of the pope, their common father, in matters touching the Christian faith, but that if any monk from his duchy dared to bring a plea against him he would ignore his cloth and hang him by his cowl from the top of the highest oak-tree in the wood near by. On hearing this Bishop Hugh sent warning to Robert and advised him not to come within sight of the raging duke. He beat a hasty retreat and took refuge near Paris with a kinsman of his, Hugh abbot of the monastery of St. Denis | the apostle of Gaul.! For a time he was entertained by him and other friends and kinsmen who were powerful magnates in France. From there he sent word to Abbot Osbern that they should both go to the district of Chartres and there submit their case to the Roman cardinals, and receive judgement from ecclesiastical persons as the sacred canons prescribed. He appointed a day and place for their meeting. When Osbern received the mandate he said at first that he would willingly go to the Roman court; but in the end he took other advice and failed to appear on the appointed day at the prescribed place. Whereat Robert sent letters by the hand of a servant of the abbey, whom Arnold had captured, in which by papal authority he excommunicated Osbern as an intruder and peremptorily commanded all the monks of the abbey

of St. Évroul to follow him. Who can tell of the manifold tribulations that the church of St. Évroul then endured? The monks saw Robert, founder and abbot

of the monastery, unjustly expelled, and forced to eat the bitter

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III

domus, et eiusdem in loco saeculari potestate successit uir extraneus,

ii. 86

qui licet sollers esset ac religiosus et in ordine feruidus,

suspectus tamen et meticulosus non satis credebat indigenis fratribus. Vnde quidam ex ipsis audita excommunicatione qua suffectus abbas percussus fuerat, et hortatu patris Rodberti quo filios suos ex consensu papz post se uenire iusserat, Normanniam relinquentes abbatem suum comitati sunt? et apostolicam sedem expetierunt. Pene omnes discedere uoluerunt? sed infantes et infirmiores qui artiori custodia constringebantur inuiti remanserunt. Alii uero qui fortiores erant, et maiorem licentiam usurpabant, patrem suum secuti sponte exularunt, quorum nomina hzc sunt, Herbertus et Hubertus de Mosterolo et Berengarius Ernaldi filius scriptor praecipuus. Hi tres a puericia in domo Domini sollerter educati, studiisque bonis imbuti? omni uita sua utiles permanserunt diuino cultui. Rainaldus Magnus grammaticz artis peritus, et Thomas Andegauensis nobilitate famosus, et Rodbertus Gamaliel cantor egregius, Turstinus, Rainaldus Capreolus et Walterius

Paruus.

Hi Neustriam

natale

solum

deseruerunt,

uariosque casus perpessuri Sicaniam expetierunt/ unde quidam eorum postmodum redierunt, nonnulli uero pastorem suum fine tenns iuuantes in Calabria ultimum diem clauserunt. Porro domnus Mainerius quem Rodbertus abbas ante primam discessionem suam claustralem priorem constituerat, quia post paucos dies profectionis eius Beccum perrexerat/ primusque de substituendo alio abbate cum Lanfranco Beccensium priore tractauerat, eundem cui professionem fecerat? implacabiliter offenderat. Vnde minis eius territus, et improperiis fautorum eius cum dedecore lacessitus? consilio et permissu Osberni abbatis Cluniacum perrexit, ibique per unum annum rigorem Cluniacensium experiri sub uenerando Hugone archimandrita feruenter edidicit.! Vticensis autem zecclesia in huiusmodi mutatione uehementer desolata est? multisque possessionibus quas prius possederat spoliata est. Vicini enim milites qui homines seu cognati Geroianorum fuerant? naturalibus expulsis haeredibus monachis Sancti Ebrulfi graues molestias et dampna inferebant. Nam unusquisque terram uel ecclesiam seu decimam auferebat, et nouus

ii. 87

abbas ut

aduena rerum donationes ignorabat? et indagare ab his in quibus minime confidebat, certitudinem rerum quas Rodbertus filius Helgonis et Geroius filius Fulcoii de Mosterolo seu Rogerius

* Mainer became abbot of St. Évroul in 1066; and his year of discipline at

Cluny helped to give a Cluniac stamp to the customs of St. Evroul. C£. above, p:7A4:n. T;

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bread of exile, whilst an intruder was thrust into his place by the secular power: and though this man was of sound religion and meticulous in his observation of the monastic rule he was both distrusted and afraid of confiding in the monks of the abbey. So some of them, learning that excommunication had been pronounced against the intruded abbot, and that their father Robert had, with papal support, commanded his sons to follow him, left Normandy and accompanied their abbot to the apostolic see. Almost all wished to leave; but the young and the sick, who were not free agents, were obliged to remain unwillingly behind. Others who were stronger and free to do as they chose voluntarily followed their father into exile. These are their names: Herbert and Hubert of Montreuil, and Berengar son of Arnold, a distinguished scribe; these three, brought up from childhood in the house of God and imbued with sound learning, devoted their whole lives to furthering the worship of God. Others were Reginald the Great, a learned grammarian; ‘Thomas of Anjou of high birth; Robert Gamaliel, a talented chanter; Thurstan, Reginald Chamois, and Walter the

Small. All these left their native Normandy and endured various hardships on their way to Sicily. Some later returned home; others, serving their master to the last, ended their lives in Calabria. Then Mainer, who had made his monastic profession to Abbot Robert and been appointed claustral prior before his abbot’s first departure, gave serious offence by breaking his journey at Bec and discussing with Lanfranc prior of Bec the possibility of substituting another abbot. Terror at Robert’s threats and shame at the reproaches of his supporters so moved him that he obtained permission from Abbot Osbern to migrate to Cluny; and there for a year he gladly underwent the full rigour of the Cluniac rule j under the venerable Abbot Hugh.! During these uncertainties the church of St. Evroul suffered great loss, and was robbed of many of her former possessions. The knights of the region, who were the men of kinsfolk of the family of Giroie, inflicted all kinds of injuries on the monks of St. Evroul

after the rightful heirs had been expelled. Each one would snatch some land or a church or tithes; the new abbot who was a stranger did not know the details of the endowment, and hesitated to try

to learn, from men he did not trust, the real status of the prop-

erty that Robert son of Heugon, Giroie son of Fulk of Montreuil, 822204

H

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98

ii. 88

III

Gulafra aliique peruersi affines rapiebant dubitabat.! Vnde multa Vticensis zcclesia tunc perdidit" quae usque hodie recuperare nullatenus potuit. Defuncto Nicolao papa Alexander successit? ad quem Rodbertus abbas cum xi monachis Sancti Ebrulfi accessit, eique suas suorumque iniurias luculenter deprompsit. At ille paterno solamine benigniter eos refocilauit, eisque in urbe Roma? zcclesiam sancti Pauli apostoli tradidit? ut ibi habitantes ordinem suum tenerent, donec sibi congruam habitationem inuenirent. Deinde Rodbertus Willelmum de Mosterolo consobrinum suum ad auxilium sui requisiuit, promptissimumque ad subueniendum inuenit. Przdictus quippe miles papz signifer erat, armisque Campaniam optinuerat/ et Campanos qui diuersis scismatibus ab unitate katholica dissidebant sancto Petro apostolo subiugauerat. Hic exulanti consanguineo cum monachis suis medietatem antique urbis qua Aquina dicitur dedit. Postea Rodbertus Ricardum principem Capuz filium Anschetilli de Quadrellis adiit. Ipse uero multis blanditiis ei fauit’ sed promissorum blandimenta operum completione non peregit. Rodbertus autem ut friuolis promissionibus delusum se perspexit? iratus degenerem parentelam eius quam bene nouerat ei exprobauit,+ ipsumque relinquens ad Rodbertum Wiscardum Calabrie ducem se contulit. Ille uero ut dominum naturalem eum honorifice suscepit multumque ut ipse cum monachis suis semper secum permaneret rogauit.5 Huius pater Tancredus de Altauilla de pago Constantino extitit" qui de duabus legittimis uxoribus quas desponsauerat xii filios pluresque filias habuit, quorum uni nomine Goisfredo paternz hereditatis agros concessit, aliosque omnes ut extra solum ea quibus indigerent uiribus et sensu sibi uendicarent admonuit. Illi autem non simul ! For the gifts which Robert son of Heugon and Roger Goulafré now withdrew cf. above, pp. 35-36. Orderic later accused Roger Goulafré of having

connived at the murder of his lord, Arnold of Échauffour (below, pp. 122-3). 2 The church of St. Paul is actually outside the walls of Rome.

3 Cf. above, p. 59 n. 4. At the time of Robert's appeal, in the autumn of 1061, William was still a knight of Richard of Capua, and had not yet entered

the papal service. Although he had just been granted the right to a number of cities, including Aquino, these had not yet been conquered. Presumably Abbot Robert was not able to enjoy possession of the half of Aquino offered to him,

since he went on to find other benefactors and settled elsewhere. See L.-R. Ménager, ‘Les fondations monastiques de Robert Guiscard’, in Quellen und Forschungen,

xxxix

(1959),

15-17.

The

‘schismatics’

against

whom

William

led the papal forces may have been supporters of the anti-pope Cadalus, but they may equally well have been other Normans who had seized ecclesiastical property. Cf. Chalandon, i. 221-2; Hefele, iv. 1231, 1250-5. Delarc, Les

Normands

en Italie (Paris, 1883), pp. 520-1, criticized Orderic’s

version, and

suggested that William’s campaigns for the pope were not in Campania, but in

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99

Roger Goulafré, and other lawless neighbours had seized.! So the church of St. Évroul lost at that time many possessions that she has never, to this day, been able to recover. After the death of Nicholas, Alexander became pope; to him came Abbot Robert with eleven monks of St. Évroul, and gave a full and true account of the wrongs done to him and his monks. The pope consoled them with paternal solicitude and gave them the use of the church of St. Paul the apostle in the city of Rome, so that they could live there according to their rule until he found a dwelling suitable for them. Then Robert sought aid from his cousin, William of Montreuil, and found him more than willing to give help. This knight, who was standard-bearer of the pope, had conquered Campania by force of arms and forced the inhabitants, who were then schismatics cut off from the Catholic

Church, to accept the authority of St. Peter the Apostle.3 He gave his exiled kinsman and his monks half an ancient city called Aquino. Afterwards Robert approached Richard prince of Capua, son of Anquetil of Quarrel, who gave him fair words, but never

followed them up with deeds. When Robert realized that he was being deceived by empty promises, he angrily reminded the prince of his base parentage, of which he was well aware;* and shaking the dust off his feet he betook himself to Robert Guiscard, duke

of Calabria. The duke entertained him honourably as his lord, and pressed him and his monks to settle permanently there.’ His father, Tancred of Hauteville, was a native of the Cotentin, who had had

twelve sons and several daughters by his two lawful wives. He passed on his whole inheritance to his son Geoffrey, and advised the others to seek their living by their strength and wits outside the Sabine region east of Rome. The only two sources are Amatus, who admired

Richard of Capua, and Orderic, who admired William of Montreuil, ‘the good Norman’. 4 Richard

I, prince of Capua,

is generally believed to have been a son of

Anquetil of Quarrel, brother of Gilbert Buatére (above, p. 58 n. z). Le Prévost suggests that Quarrel is derived from Liniéres-la-Quarrel. On what grounds Abbot Robert charged him with base ancestry is not clear. 5 Robert

Guiscard’s

patronage

of Benedictine

monks

helped

to establish

loyal centres for the diffusion of Norman culture. See E. Pontieri, Introduction to GM, pp. v-vi; E. Pontieri, ‘L’abbazia benedettino di Sant'Eufemia in Calabria e l'Abbate Roberto di Grantmesnil’, in Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale, xxii (1926), 92-115; Ménager, art. cit. above, p. 98 n. 3; L.-R.

Ménager, ‘La “‘byzantinisation”’ religieuse de l'Italie méridionale et la politique monastique des Normands d'Italie', in Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, liv (1959), 33-34.

100

ii. 89

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III

sed diuerso tempore sub specie peregrinorum peras et baculos portantes ne a Romanis caperentur in Apuliam abierunt, omnesque uariis euentibus aucti duces aut comites in Apulia seu Calabria uel Sicilia effecti sunt? de quorum probis actibus et strenuis euentibus Goisfredus monachus cognomento Malaterra hortatu Rogerii comitis Sicilize elegantem libellum nuper edidit.' Horum sullimior et potentior Rodbertus Wiscardus extitit" qui post obitum fratrum suorum Drogonis et Vnfridi principatum Apuliz diu tenuit, et Langobardis Grzcisque qui magnis in urbibus et oppidis confidentes ius antiquum pristinamque libertatem de-

fendere nitebantur uirtute bellica subactis

ducatum

Calabriz

optinuit. Ionio mari transfretato cum modica sed forti Normannorum Cisalpinarumque gentium manu Macedoniam inuasit, contra Alexium imperatorem Constantinopolitanorum bis conflixit? ipsumque terra marique bello uictum cum ingenti multitudine fugauit.?

Preefatus heros ut diximus Rodbertum abbatem cum monachis

ii. 9o

suis honorabiliter suscepit, et zecclesiam Sancte Eufemie, que super littus Adriatici maris ubi ruine antique urbis quam Brixam nominabant adhuc parent sita est ei tradidit, ibique monachile coenobium in honore sancte Dei genetricis Mariz construi precepit. Magnas possessiones tam ipse dux quam ali Normanni predicte zecclesiz dederunt? et orationibus fidelium qui illic congregati seu congregandi erant ad militiam Christi sese commendauerunt. Ibi Fredesendis uxor Tancredi de Altauilla sepulta est’ pro qua Wiscardus filius eius quendam magnum fundum eidem zcclesiz largitus est. Idem princeps cenobium sancte Trinitatis in ciuitate Venusia przdicto patri commendauit.* Ille autem Berengarium filium Ernaldi filii Helgoniss Vticensem monachum elegit" et ad suscipiendum regimen Venusiensis cenobii Alexandro papae presentauit. Qui post perceptam benedictionem quamdiu Alexander et Gregorius ac Desiderius 1 For Geoffrey of Malaterra see Introduction, pp. xxii-xxiii. ? Robert Guiscard's war against the Emperor Alexius Comnenus was undertaken much later, in 1081, under the pretext of restoring Michael VII to the throne. The campaign that led to the capture of Durazzo is fully described by William of Apulia (Mathieu, pp. 212-32). ? Orderic’s earlier account in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges is more accurate (Marx, p. 191): ‘. . . quamdam parvam ecclesiam supra littus

Calabrici maris sitam, quae in honore Sanctae Eufemiae virginis et martyris dedicata erat ei tribuit.' The name of the ruined Roman city was, however, Lampetia, not Brixia. Whether Orderic really confused St. Eufemia with another village of the same name at the other end of Italy, near Brescia, is doubtful (Le Prévost, ii. 89 n. 3; Marx, p. 186 n. 4).

* La Trinita, Venosa, was a Lombard foundation of the tenth century, which

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III

IOI

their native land. They separately and at various times journeyed to Apulia, disguised as pilgrims with scrip and staff for fear of capture by the Romans; all of them prospered in one way or another and became dukes or counts in Apulia or Calabria or Sicily: and their glorious and valiant deeds have been described by the monk Geoffrey called Malaterra, who recently wrote a distinguished book at the command of Roger count of Sicily. The greatest and most powerful of all was Robert Guiscard, who held the principality of Apulia for many years after the death of his brothers Drogo and Humphrey. Next he won the duchy of Calabria, by triumphing in battle over the Lombards and Greeks who tried to defend their ancient rights and liberties behind the walls of their great cities and towns. Crossing the Ionian sea with a small but formidable force of Normans and other northern people, he invaded Macedonia, twice engaged Alexius the Emperor of Constantinople in battle, and put him to flight with all his army after defeating him on land and sea? The same warrior, as I was saying, welcomed Abbot Robert and his monks with all honour and gave him the church of St. Eufemia, which stands on the shore of the Adriatic sea, where the ruins of an ancient city called Brixia are still visible, telling him to build a monastery there in honour of Mary the holy mother of God.3 The duke and other Norman lords endowed the church with great estates, and commended themselves to the prayers of the faithful who were to fight for Christ then and in the years to come. Fredesenda, wife of Tancred of Hauteville, was buried there; and

in return her son Guiscard gave a large estate to the church. The same prince put the monastery of the Holy Trinity at Venosa under the authority of Brother Robert.* He selected Berengar son of Arnold son of Heugon,5 a monk of St. Évroul, to govern the monastery at Venosa, and presented him to Pope Alexander. After his blessing he governed the church of Venosa ably throughout the pontificates of Alexander and Gregory and Desiderius, had been

abandoned

during the Norman

invasions

and restored

in part by

Drogo of Hauteville between 1046 and 1051. It was rededicated by Nicholas II in 1059 (Ménager, Quellen und Forschungen, xxxix (1959), 36-37). The establishment of monks of St. Évroul here most probably took place in 1063 (ibid., p. 44). 5 Ménager has caused a strange confusion by calling Berengar the son of Arnold

of Échauffour

(ibid., p. 45 n. 95). Berengar's

father, Arnold,

son of

Heugon, was quite a different person from Arnold of Échauffour, and Hans Wolter's genealogical table (Ordericus Ménager, is correct on this point.

Vitalis,

facing

p. 252),

criticized

by

102

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III

apostolicam sedem rexerunt, curam Venusiensis abbatize honorabiliter tenuit" deinde temporibus Vrbani papz a plebe electus

episcopatum eiusdem urbis suscepit.! Hic nobili parentela exortus ab infantia sub Teoderico abbate apud Vticum Christo militauit? peritiaque legendi et canendi optimeque scribendi floruit. Deinde

ut diximus abbatem suum secutus, et ab ipso ad pastoralem curam adsumptus/

pusillum

gregem

xx

monachorum

quem

recepit,

mundanisque uanitatibus uehementer occupatum et in Dei cultu

ii. 91

ualde pigrum inuenit? postmodum gratia Dei iuuante ad numerum centum monachorum augmentauit. Tanto etiam bonarum studio uirtutum nobilitauit eos, ut ex ipsis plures episcopi et abbates assumerentur? sancteque matri /Ecclesiz ad honorem ueri regis pro salute animarum preficerentur. Preterea magnanimus dux tercium cenobium in honore sancti Michahelis archangeli in urbe Mellito constructum Rodberto abbati tradidit? quod ipse Willelmo Ingranni filio qui apud Vticum natus et ad clericatum promotus fuerat sed apud sanctam Eufemiam monachatum susceperat commendauit.? In his itaque tribus monasteriis Italize Vticensis cantus canitur’4 et monasticus ordo usque hodie prout opportunitas ilius regionis et amor habitantium permittit obseruatur.

Due sorores uterine Rodberti abbatis Iudith et Emma apud Vticum in capella sancti Ebrulfi morabantur: et sub sacro uelamine mundo renunciasse Deoque soli per mundiciam cordis et corporis inherere credebantur.5 Quz cum Rodbertum fratrem suum in Apu-

lia seculari potentia sat uigere audissent, seseque in Normannia despicabiles et sine adiutorio perspexissent: iter in Italiam inierunt, et relicto uelamine sanctitatis totis nisibus mundum amplexate sunt’ et ambae maritis ignorantibus quod Deo dicate essent

nupserunt. Nam Rogerius Sicilie comes Iudith in coniugium accepit? aliusque comes cuius nomen non recolo Emmam matrimonio suo coniunxit. Sic ambz uelamen sancte religionis specimen pro mundi amore reliquerunt, et quia primam fidem irritam * Berengar was abbot of Venosa from 1063 to 1094, and was consecrated bishop of Venosa by Pope Urban II in December 1094. He died two years later (Ménager, Quellen und Forschungen, xxxix (1959), 46—47).

? The church of St. Michael, later Holy Trinity, Mileto, was probably a foundation of Robert's brother Roger, but Robert secured its filiation to St.

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until in the time of Pope Urban he was elected by the people as bishop of the city.! He was nobly born and had been brought up from childhood under Abbot Thierry at St. Evroul as a soldier of Christ; he excelled in reading and chanting and above all in calligraphy. Following his abbot, as I have related, he received from him the pastoral cure. The little flock of twenty monks entrusted to his care was entirely given up to worldly vanities and neglectful of divine worship; but by the grace of God he increased their number to a hundred and reformed their morals so thoroughly that they provided several bishops and abbots to govern holy Church for the glory of the true King and the salvation of souls. In addition the generous duke gave a third monastery, built in the city of Mileto in honour of St. Michael, to Abbot Robert;? and he appointed as its head William son of Ingran, who had been born and ordained priest at St. Évroul, but took his monastic vows at St. Eufemia.? So in these three Italian monasteries the liturgy of St. Evroul is chanted^ and the monastic rule has been observed to the present day, as far as the customs of the region and the allegiance of the inhabitants allow. Abbot Robert had two sisters, Judith and Emma, who had taken

up their abode in the chapel of St. Évroul at Ouche, and were believed to have renounced the world to take the veil and serve God alone in purity of heart and body.5 But when they heard that their brother Robert was honoured by the secular power in Apulia, whilst they in Normandy were despised and helpless, they took the road for Italy and, putting off the sacred veil, threw themselves whole-heartedly into a worldly life. Both married without telling their husbands that they were vowed to God. Roger count of Sicily took Judith to wife, and another count whose name I cannot recall married Emma.

So both of them abandoned

the veil, the token

of holy religion, for love of the world; and because they were Eufemia, and it was formally dedicated by Arnold, archbishop of Cosenza, on 29 December 1080 (ibid., pp. 58-59). 3 William son of Ingran had been prior of St. Eufemia

before he was made

abbot of Mileto (Le Prévost, iii. 175). He died in 1097. 4 Dom Hesbert has indicated similarities between

the

twelfth-century

Troper of St. Evroul (Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 10508) and Tropers of Catania and

"Troia, which prove that there was close liturgical contact with the southern

Italian monasteries. See R. J. Hesbert, ‘Les Séquences de Jumiéges’ (Jumiéges, PP. 943-58), p. 952; ‘Les Tropes de Jumiéges’ (fumiéges, pp. 959-68), p. 964.

5 Cf. above, p. 76 n. 3. Robert's sisters may have taken the veil as much to protect themselves against Duke William's anger as from any sense of vocation.

104 ii. 92

ii. 93

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III

fecerunt" ambz in hoc szeculo steriles permanserunt! et in breui

puncto temporali felicitate functz celestem sponsum offenderunt. Post discessionem Rodberti abbatis Rodulfus Mala-Corona auunculus eius uidens acerbam tribulationem in parentes suos grauiter seuire, et extraneos in Vticensi domo quam ipse fratresque sui Deo construxerant dominationem exercere" relicta capella sancti Ebrulfi ubi supra diximus eum habitasse,? Maius Monasterium in quo monachilem professionem fecerat expetiit? ibique non multo post completis in ordine monastico vii annis xiv Kalendas Februarii glorioso fine quieuit. Per idem tempus Goisfredus Martellus Andegauensium fortissimus comes post multa in rebus szeculi fortia gesta obiit, et quia liberis caruit? Goisfredo nepoti suo Alberici Wastinensium comitis filio honorem suum reliquit.? Quem Fulco frater eius cognomento Richinus post aliquot tempus fraudulenter cepit, principatum eius arripuit? ipsumque in castro quod Chinon uocatur per xxx annos carceri mancipauit. His temporibus Willelmus Normanniz dux probitate et potestate ualde crescebat, cunctisque uicinis suis liberalitate et magnificentia supereminebat. Hic generosam Mathildem Balduini ducis Flandrensium filiam neptem scilicet ex sorore Henrici regis Francorum coniugem accepit ex qua dante Deo filios et filias habuit, Rotbertum uidelicet et Ricardum? Willelmum et Henricum, Ade-

lizam et Constantiam, Ceciliam et Hadalam.* De his ingentem hystoriam dicaces hystoriographi texere possunt? si ocio remoto studioque admoto uarios illustrium euentus posteris promulgare satagunt. Nos autem quia secularibus curiis non insistimus, sed in claustris monasterii degentes monasticis rebus incumbimus? ea qua nobis competunt breuiter adnotantes ad inceptam materiam redeamus. Bello Normannis contra uicinos Britones et Cenomannenses insurgente’ Willelmus dux consilio seniorum statuit inter dissidentes proceres suos pacem firmare, et exules reuocare.5 Igitur * Judith was the first wife of Roger

Guiscard

(GM, p. 35 n. 2). Orderic is

mistaken: she had at least two daughters, Adelaide and Emma i. 350-1; GM, p. go).

(Chalandon,

? See above, pp. 29, 74—76.

3 Geoffrey Martel died on 14 November 1060. His nephew Geoffrey le Barbu who succeeded him was the son of his sister Ermengard and Geoffrey

(not Aubrey),

count

of Gátinais

(Halphen,

Anjou,

pp:1277n:533

133" n. 2).

Geoffrey le Barbu was imprisoned by his brother, Fulk le Rechin, on 4 April 1067 (ibid., p. 146).

* For the children of William and Matilda see Douglas,

Orderic elsewhere

(below, p. 225) names

five daughters,

WC, pp. 393-5.

including Agatha in

addition to the four named here. In the Handbook of British Chronology (ed. Powicke and Fryde, London, 1961), p. 31, Adelaide and Agatha are regarded

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105

faithless to their first vows both remained childless ail their lives, and for a short period of earthly happiness incurred the wrath of the heavenly bridegroom. After the departure of Abbot Robert his uncle Ralph 'Illtonsured', seeing that bitter tribulations afflicted his kinsmen and that strangers ruled the monastery of St. Évroul which he and his brothers had built to the glory of God, left the chapel of St. Évroul, where as I said he was dwelling,? and returned to Marmoutier where he had taken his vows. Not long afterwards he made a glorious end there on 19 January, having completed seven full years of monastic life. About this time Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, who had led

a life distinguished for its military prowess, died; and as he had no children his honor descended to his nephew Geoffrey, son of Aubrey count of Gátinais.? Shortly afterwards this man was treacherously captured by his brother Fulk le Rechin, deprived of his principality, and imprisoned in the castle of Chinon for thirty years. At this period William duke of Normandy was growing in power and influence, and surpassing all his neighbours in the magnificence and display of his way of life. He took as his wife the highly born Matilda, daughter of Baldwin count of Flanders, and niece of Henry king of France through his sister. The marriage was blessed with sons and daughters: Robert, Richard, William, and

Henry;

Adelaide,

Constance,

Cecilia,

and Adela.*

Skilful

historians could write a memorable history of these great men and women if they applied themselves with energy to the task of handing on their exploits to future generations. We, however, who have no experience of the courts of the world, but spend our lives in the daily round of the cloisters where we live, will briefly note what is relevant to our purpose, and return to our chosen topic. When war broke out between the Normans and their neighbours the Bretons and men of Maine, Duke William took counsel with

his leading magnates and determined to make peace between his factious nobles and recall those who had been exiled.5 Consequently as the same person. But Orderic distinguishes between them (Le Prévost, ii.

391).

5 William invaded Maine in 1062 or 1063 (below, p. 116 n. 2) and Brittany in 1064 (Douglas, WC, p. 178). Fauroux (no. 225, p. 433) indicates a general reconciliation of Duke William with the rebellious barons of Perche and the

Bellémois in 1063.

106

ii. 94

III

optimates suos Rodulfum de Toenia et Hugonem de Grentemaisnilio quos supra diximus eum exhereditasse? et extra solum cum suis satellitibus fugasse, supplicationibus Simonis de Monteforti et Waleranni de Britolio Beluacensi, aliorumque potentum amicorum et uicinorum delinitus reuocauit, eisque paternas hereditates restituit. Ernaldus quoque post triennalem werram treuias a duce accepit, et in Apuliam ad amicos et parentes suos qui magnis ibidem opibus pollebant perrexit! unde non multo post cum ingenti pecunia rediit, ducique pallam preciosam detulit. Sedatis aliquantulum procellis quibus Vticensis ecclesia grauiter impulsabatur? Osbernus rector eiusdem qui magnis curarum tumultibus angebatur, et mordaci conscientia pro apostolico anathemate quo percussus fuerat intus affligebatur? consilio consensuque fratrum domnum Mainerium Cluniaco reuocauit et eum Fulcherio quem Rodbertus abbas priorem constituerat deposito subrogauit. Erat idem Osbernus Herfasti filius de pago Calcegio

li. 95

BOOK

oriundus,

ab infantia litteris admodum

eruditus,

ser-

mone facundus, ingenio acer ad omnia artificia scilicet sculpendi, fabricandi’ scribendi, et multa his similia faciendi. Statura mediocris, perfectz setatis? capite affatim onusto nigris canisue capillis. Asper erat ineptis et contumacibus, misericors infirmis et pauperibus? et competenter largus priuatis et extraneis. In ordine feruidus? et eorum quibus fratres corporaliter seu spiritualiter indigebant procurator sollertissimus. Iuuenes ualde cohercebat? eosque bene legere et psallere atque scribere uerbis et uerberibus cogebat. Ipse propriis manibus scriptoria pueris et indoctis fabricabat, tabulasque cera illitas preeparabat’ operisque modum singulis constitutum ab eis cotidie exigebat. Sic ocia depellens iuueniles mentes intentione utili sagaciter onerabat: easque futuro tempore scientie diuitiis ditatas preparabat. Hic canonicus Luxouiensis sub domno Herberto antistite fuerat, postea uolens artiori norma constringi habitum szcularem reliquerat’ et ad nouum cenobium quod Goscelinus de Archis in monte Rodomi Sanctz Trinitati construebat, ubi tunc uenerabilis Isembertus abbas uir mirz periti nostris temporibus incomparabilis pollebat" mores emendare secundum beneplacitam uoluntatem Dei confugerat. Hunc Rainerius abbas Isemberti

successor iam in ordine probatum ad construendum cenobium

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on the intercession of Simon of Montfort, Waleran of Breteuil in

Beauvoisis, and many other important friends and neighbours he recalled from exile the magnates Ralph of Tosny and Hugh of Grandmesnil, whom he had disinherited and driven abroad with

their followers as I related, and restored their paternal inheritance to them. Arnold also, after three years of warfare, was persuaded to make a truce with the duke; and after journeying to Apulia where his friends and kinsmen enjoyed rich possessions, he soon returned laden with wealth and presented a costly mantle to the duke. When the storms that had beaten against the church of St. Evroul were abated, Osbern, the administrator of the monastery,

who was distressed by the disorders of his charge and deeply troubled in his conscience by the papal anathema pronounced against him, took counsel with the brethren, and with their consent recalled Dom Mainer from Cluny and made him prior, after removing Abbot Robert’s prior, Fulk. This Osbern was the son of Herfast, a native of the Pays de Caux; he was well-versed in

letters from childhood, a fluent speaker and a gifted craftsman, excelling in carving, metalwork, architecture, penmanship, and many other arts of this kind. He was of medium height, in the prime of life, with a fine head of black hair streaked with grey. Severe to the idle and disobedient, he was indulgent to the poor and weak; generous enough to both friends and strangers, strict in religious observances, and infinitely painstaking in ministering to the spiritual and bodily needs of the brethren. He drove the novices hard and did not hesitate to use the whip as well as words in teaching them to read and chant and write well. With his own hands he made the metal styles and wax-covered tablets for the boys and beginners, and exacted the daily tasks from each individually. So, preventing idleness, he wisely bent their young minds to useful employment and prepared them richly to receive the treasures of learning in later years. He had been a canon of Lisieux in the time of Bishop Herbert; afterwards, wishing for

a stricter way of life, he left the world and sought refuge in the new monastery of La Trinité-du-Mont which Goscelin of Arques had built at Rouen, where the venerable Isembert, a man of such worth that there is none to equal him in our own time, was abbot. Here

he hoped by God’s grace to lead a better life. When he had taken his vows and shown his worth Abbot Rainer, Isembert’s successor,

sent him to help build the monastery of Cormeilles, where the

108

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Cormelias misit" ubi tunc temporis preclarus heros Willelmus Osberni filius dapifer Normannorum abbatiam sancte Dei genitrici Marie condere cepit. Depulso autem Rodberto abbate de loco suo ut supra satis dictum est’ Osbernus ignarus et inuitus ad regimen Vticensis zecclesize assumptus est, quo per quinque annos et tres menses prout seuitia iniqui temporis permisit diligenter et utiliter potitus est.! Hic quendam zcclesiz suze monachum ualde sapientem et religiosum nomine Witmundum permissu abbatis sui secum adduxit cuius monitis et auxiliis usus est quandiu apud Vticum uixit. Praefatus monachus grammatice artis et music peritissimus erat/ quod nobis adhuc testantur antiphonz et responsoria quz ipse condiderat. Plures enim dulcisonos cantus in trophario et antiphonario edidit.2 Hic hystoriam? sancti patris Ebrulfi adii. 96

ditis ix antiphonis et tribus responsoriis perfecit. Nam ad uespe-

ras super psalmos quatuor antiphonas condidit, et in secundo nocturno tres ultimas adiecit" quartum etiam responsorium et octauum et duodecimum et antiphonam ad cantica* et ad secundas uesperas ad canticum de Euangelio pulcherrimam antiphonam edidit. Ipsam nimirum hystoriam Arnulfus cantor Carnotensis Fulberti episcopi discipulus secundum usum clericorum rogatu Rodberti abbatis iam ediderat" et duobus iuuenibus monachis Huberto et Rodulfo a pradicto patre Carnotum missis primitus cantauerat. Porro Rainaldus Caluus responsorium ad laudem Domini quod ad uesperas canitur: et vii antiphonas edidit quz in Vticensibus antiphonariis scripte reperiuntur. Hymnos quoque plures de eodem patre Rogerius de Sappo aliique studiosi fratres ex deuotione pia dictauerunt? suisque posteris in bibliotheca Vti-

censi commendauerunt.

Nimia sollicitudine anxius Osbernus abbas propter apostolicum anathema, cui coactus erat subiacere? consilio sapientum decreuit legatum Romam mittere, et apostolice sedis benedictionem humiliter expetere. Witmundo itaque sapienti monacho supplices iussit litteras dictare" et Bernardo iuueni cognomento Matheo nobili antiquario diligenter scriptitare. Textus autem epistole huiusmodi est.5 ‘Domino apostolico Alexandro, uice beati Petri totius orbis patri t Abbot

Osbern died on 27 May

1066, having been appointed abbot in

February 1061.

? Atwelfth-century troper with neums still survives (Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 10508). 3 Historia is here a technical liturgical term, applied to certain parts of the office for a saint. See Knowles, Monastic Constitutions, p. 6 n. 3.

+ There was invariably one antiphon only for the three canticles of the third nocturn at Matins.

BOOK III great William fitzOsbern, steward of Normandy,

AS had begun to

found an abbey dedicated in the name of Mary the holy mother of God. After Abbot Robert was driven from his monastery, as I have related in full, Osbern was appointed without his knowledge and against his will to administer St. Evroul; and there for five years and three months! he loyally held sway as far as the lawlessness of those evil days allowed.

With his abbot's consent he took with him from his own monastery a very learned and pious monk, Guitmund by name: and as long as he lived at St. Évroul he relied on the advice and guidance of this man. Guitmund was a man highly skilled in literary and musical composition, as the antiphons and responsories which he composed bear witness to this day, for they include some of the sweetest melodies in our troper and antiphonary.? He gave the final form to the office? for our holy father, St. Évroul, by adding nine antiphons and three responsories. He composed four antiphons for the psalms at Vespers and added the three last antiphons for the second nocturn at Matins, as well as the fourth, eighth, and twelfth responsories and the antiphon for the canticles;* he also composed a most beautiful antiphon for the Magnificat at second Vespers. This office had originally been composed at the request of Abbot Robert by Arnulf, precentor of Chartres, a pupil of Bishop Fulbert, according to the secular rite; and it was sung to two young monks, Hubert and Ralph, sent to Chartres by the same abbot. Afterwards Reginald the Bald composed a responsory to the praise of the Lord, which is sung at Vespers, and seven antiphons which you can find written in the antiphonaries of St. Évroul. Roger of Le Sap and other learned monks of their piety composed several hymns in honour of the same saint, and preserved them for future generations in the library of St. Évroul. Continually tormented by the papal anathema which he had been forced to incur, Abbot Osbern took counsel and determined

to send a representative to Rome and humbly beg for pardon from the apostolic see. He told the learned monk Guitmund to compose

a letter of appeal and young Bernard called Matthew, a fine copyist,

to write it. The text of the letter is as follows:5 "To the lord Pope, Alexander, as vicar of St. Peter most 5 The letter is not in the style of Orderic, and there seems no reason to doubt that it is a copy of the letter actually sent.

110

ii. 97

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III

excellentissimo? quidam abbas longe positus nomine Osbernus cenobii Sancti Ebrulfi in Normannica patria’ salutem ueram, subiectionem humillimam, et orationem pro posse deuotam. Quoniam ante omnes et super omnes zecclesiz pralatos Domine pater uestrum est in uniuerso orbe totius christianitatis sollicitudinem gerere, animarum lucra ardenti desiderio querere, discordantes ad concordiam uestra auctoritate reuocare? iccirco ego abbas ignotus, intra gremium tamen uestra custodia manens, ad

uos tanquam ad clementissimum consolatorem aperta uoce ex toto nisu mentis exclamo, preces fundo, solacium imploro, ut me per gratiam uestram a quadam ordinis nostri fluctuatione quam patior, secundum rectitudinem auctoritatis eripere dignemini. Cuius fluctuationis causa hzc est. Sancti Ebrulfi abbatiam quam ego nunc teneo? quondam ante me domnus abbas Rodbertus consanguineus Willelmi Normanni militis fidelis uestri tenuerat, sed quodam contrario sibi contingente eam reliquit et discessit. Princeps autem prouinciz et przelati zecclesize? me in eodem loco abbatem constituerunt. Et ut michi super hoc trepidanti asseruerunt et asserunt recte ac secundum Deum me ordinauerunt? nescio si uerum dicunt. Hoc solum ex mea conscientia firmiter scio? quia non prece, non precio? non familiaritate, non obsequio? nec ullius

calliditatis ingenio, sed solo obedientiz precepto quantum ad me? abbatis nomen et onus suscepi, et suscipiendo nullam calumniam audiui. Preefatus ergo Rodbertus abbas longe a nobis asportatus, in prouincia Calabriz cuiusdam monasterii pater est effectus" et ibi grauiter aduersum

me

ira odioque mouetur,

calumniatur,

com-

minatur, dicens me locum suum inuasisse contra Deum. Ex qua ii. 98 dissensione? et anime subditorum utique periclitantur, et ego inter utranque partem ualde fluctuans hesito. Videlicet, quia et praelatis meis me bene loco stare asseruantibus ac persistere iubentibus inobediens fore non audeo? et fratris calumniantis iram odiumque uehementer formido, presertim cum sacerdotes et monachi simus ambo. Dum enim uox apostolica terribiliter omnibus intonet dicens, "Omnis qui odit fratrem suum homicida est"! quis enarrare sufficit quam graue homicidium perpetrat monachus sacerdos fratrem odiens? Et si ita ad altare sacrificat, eum animam

suam dampnare quis ignorat? Proinde domine apostolice totius christianitatis pater reuerentissime terra tenus prostratus ad pedes misericordie uestrz lacrimosis gemitibus precordialiter efflagito’ ut uos qui in loco beati Petri summa uigilantia oues dominicas Ic-JohneiWrs:

BOOK

III

III

renowned father of the whole world, a certain abbot, Osbern by name, of the remote monastery of St. Évroul in the region of Normandy,

greeting,

humble

submission,

and

most

devoted

prayers. Holy father, it is your right before and above all the prelates of the church to watch over the whole Christian world, work tirelessly for the preservation of souls, and resolve disputes by your authority. Therefore I, an abbot unknown yet dwelling under your care, raising my voice cry aloud to you as my most merciful preserver, pour out prayers and implore your aid graciously to save me by your lawful power from the grave disturbance of my order which I now endure. The nature of the disturbance is this. 'The abbey of St. Évroul, which I now hold, was formerly held by Abbot Robert, a kinsman of William the Norman your faithful knight; but he was forced by adversity to abandon it and go away. The prince of this province and the prelates of the Church

appointed me abbot in the same place, and, as they assured me to allay my fears, established me in due and proper form: I cannot say if they speak truly. This alone I know for certain: that not by prayer, nor price, nor favour, nor request, nor any form of deceit, but only by the precept of obedience did I, as far as in me lay, accept the name and burden of the office of abbot; and when I took it I heard no word of accusation. This same Abbot Robert is far removed from us and has become the head of a monastery in the province of Calabria, where he is moved by hatred and anger to accuse and abuse me, saying that I have usurped his place against the will of God. This dispute both undoubtedly endangers the souls of the subject monks and causes me to hesitate, vacillatirig between the two sides. For on the one hand I dare not be disobedient to my superiors who command me to remain steadfastly at my post; on the other I dread in my heart the anger and hatred of the brother who accuses me, all the more because we are both

priests and monks. For since the voice of the apostle sounds terribly in our ears saying: “Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer",! who is there that can tell how grievous a murder is committed by the monk and priest who hates his brother? And if in this state he offers up the sacrifice of the Mass, who can fail to know that he imperils his soul? Therefore, lord Pope, most reverend father of the Christian world, I implore you with tears and groans, prostrate before your mercy seat, beseeching you who are compelled day and night in the place of St. Peter to feed the

112

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alere! et a luporum insidiis custodire debetis huius lupinz discordiz malum inter me et fratrem hunc de quo loquor Rodbertum ex zelo Dei per iudicium zquitatis abolere festinetis, et omnem hanc fluctuationem a corde meo penitus auferatis. Ita scilicet ut ex imperio uestrz auctoritatis? et me et ordinationis mez auctores

et eundem Rodbertum calumniatorem ad iustissimam rei dis-

li. 99

cussionem coram idoneis legitimisque iudicibus in unum conuenire faciatis, quatinus si in abbatia bene positus repertus fuero? persistam, si male? discedam. Quod si per gratiam uestram feceritis? et officium quidem uestrum laudabiliter implebitis, et nos ambos fratres in pacis dulcedinem conducetis. Nam siue persistere siue discedere michi contingat; profecto et fratris iracundia ex iudicii definitione mitigata quiescet, et ego a fluctuatione liberatus? Deo postmodum famulari potero securus. O rectorum zecclesiz rector et patrum pater, qui omnibus tribulatis ad refugium constitutus estis? per beatam potestatem ligandi et solvendi quam supra omnes terrigenas possidetis,? heec uerba mea cordis aure percipite? et in quantum recte sonant, agite quod poscunt. Et ut me simpliciter loqui credatis? ad testimonium conscientiz mez omnia scientem Deum appello, qui me ex corde et ore qua loquor intuetur proferre. Hoc tandem in fine uerborum pie domine pronus et supplex summopere deposco, ut per hunc eundem quem uobis dirigo legatum in litteris sigillo uestro signatis michi remandare paterna pietate curetis? qualiter haec uerba mea sentitis uel recipitis, et quid inde acturus estis? et quando, et ubi" quatinus dum certum dederitis responsum fluctuationi mez, ad clementissimum consolatorem me gaudeam exclamasse. Valete pater gloriose, rector excellentissime, summum in terra caput ecclesia. Valete? et super ouilia dominica uigilate. Quod utinam sic agatis? ut ad ultimum

ii. 100

iudicium securus ueniatis. Amen.’ Hanc epistolam Willelmus presbiter Sancti Andreze de Excalfoio? detulit; Romzque Alexandro pape presentauit. Qua coram Romano senatu perlecta, et prudenti examinatione diligenter discussa" uenerandus papa rogante Rodberto abbate qui presens erat Osbernum absoluit, et przfatz legationis baiulum cum benedictione apostolica gaudentem ad suos remisit. Rodbertus enim iam de reditu in Normanniam propter ferocitatem Willelmi ducis diffisus, et in Calabriz partibus ut supra diximus? a Wiscardo alisque Normannis alienas diuitias usurpantibus honorabiliter retentus? mitigato furore quem contra Osbernum prius habuerat, ! Cf. John xxi. 15-17. 2 Cf. Psalms xlviii. 3 (Vulgate).

—

3 The church of St. Andrew of Echauffour had been given to St. Évroul by

BOOK III

US

Lord's sheep! and preserve them from the assaults of wolves, speedily and justly by the zeal of the Lord to settle this wolfish discord between me and my brother Robert of whom I speak, and to remove all doubts utterly from my heart; and beg you by your authority to summon me and the promoters of my appointment and this same Robert who accuses me to meet for a lawful discussion of the affair before properly constituted judges: if I should be found justly appointed to the office of abbot, let me remain; if unjustly, let me depart. If by your grace you do this you will discharge your duty righteously and bring us, brothers as we are, back to the joys of concord. For whether it is my lot to remain or to depart the judgement will cause my brother's anger to abate, and I shall be released from uncertainty to serve God more surely. O ruler of the rulers of the Church and father of the fathers, who

are appointed to be a refuge to all in trouble, by the blessed power of binding and releasing, which you have over all sprung from the earth,? hear my words with the ear of your heart, and in so far as I ask rightly grant my request. Believe me when I tell you this, for I call to witness of my good faith God, who sees all things and knows that I speak from the heart. Finally, holy father, I humbly beg that above all by your fatherly care you send back to me by this same messenger a letter sealed with your seal, telling me how you have received my appeal, and what action you will take, and when, and where; so that when finally your answer

has put an end to my uncertainty I may be glad that I cried out to my most merciful protector. Farewell, renowned father, highest lord, supreme head of the Church on earth. Farewell; keep safe watch over the Lord's sheep-fold. May you so do that you may be saved at the last judgement. Amen.’ William, priest of St. Andrew of Echauffour,’ took this letter to Rome and presented it to Pope Alexander. When it had been read out in the Roman consistory and thoroughly studied and discussed the worthy pope, at the request of Abbot Robert who was present, absolved Osbern and sent the envoy back home rejoicing, with the papal blessing. Robert indeed, exiled from Normandy through the duke's fury, and warmly welcomed

in Calabria, as I have

related, by Guiscard and other Normans who had won spoils there, allowed the anger he had once cherished against Osbern to William

Giroie (above, pp. 32-34). Priests of churches belonging to monastic

houses served the monks in various ways. 822204

I

114

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III

nunc apud papam pro eo benignus intercessor exstat? quem antea subtiliter accusando crudeliter impugnauerat. Completa uero legatione Willelmus presbiter ad eos a quibus directus fuerat prospere remeauit et relatis qua Rome uiderat et audierat

Vticenses lztificauit. Securior itaque Osbernus curam ezcclesiz quam susceperat: intus et exterius laudabiliter exercebat. Neophitos ad conuersio-

nem non nisi quattuor susceperat? propter procellas persecutio-

ii. IOI

num quas perpessus fuerat, sed illos quos a praedecessoribus suis susceptos inuenerat" diligenter et utiliter in sanctis artibus educabat. Hic constituit generale anniuersarium fieri singulis annis vie kal. iulii pro patribus et matribus, pro fratribus et sororibus omnium monachorum Vticensis cenobii. In rotulo quidem longissimo omnium fratrum dum uocante Deo ad ordinem ueniunt nomina scribuntur? deinde patrum et matrum eorum fratrumque ac sororum uocabula subscribuntur. Qui rotulus penes aram toto anno seruatur, et sedula commemoratio inscriptorum in conspectu Domini agitur? dum ei a sacerdote in celebratione missz dicitur, ‘Animas famulorum famularumque tuarum quorum nomina ante sanctum altare tuum scripta adesse uidentur? electorum tuorum iungere digneris consortio'.? Anniuersarium uero de quo loquimur? vie kal. iulii sic agitur. Omnia signa sero et mane? ad officium defunctorum diu pulsantur, uolumen mortuorum super altare dissolutum palam expanditur? et deprecatio prius pro defunctis postea pro uiuis parentibus et benefactoribus cunctisque fidelibus Deo fideliter offertur. Missa uero matutinalis ab abbate celebriter canitur? cum quo sacratis indumentis omnes ministri reuestiuntur. Ab elemosinario autem tot pauperes quot monachi sunt ipsa die in cenobio colliguntur? et in xenodochio pane et potu unoque generali sufficienter a celarario pascuntur, et post capitulum ab omni conuentu mandatum pauperum sicut in cena Domini peragitur. Hoc sicut Osbernus abbas constituit, Vticensis ecclesia ! The development

of special commemorations

for benefactors

and friends

and of fraternities with bonds of prayers and alms for deceased members owed much to the example of Cluny. See H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Unions and confraternities with Cluny’, Fournal of Ecclesiastical History, xvi (1965), 152-62, especially pp. 158-9. The roll mentioned by Orderic no longer survives; but there is an entry in the twelfth-century Liber Vitae of St. Évroul (Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 10062, f. 80) recording the later establishment by Abbot Roger of

a commemoration for the Feast of All Souls, with alms for the poor and prayers, which ends, ‘Hoc etiam a supradicto abbate statutum est, ut ipso die officium mortuorum ...ita omnino festiue atque eodem modo agatur quo uero anniuer-

sario parentum nostrorum vi. kal. Iulii agitur’.

BOOK III

n

abate, and was ready to intercede amicably with the pope for the man whom he had previously bitterly attacked with specious accusations. Having accomplished his mission William the priest returned rejoicing to those who had sent him, and gladdened the hearts of the monks of St. Évroul by his account of all that he had seen and heard in Rome. Now that he was confirmed in his authority Osbern was able to give wise government in the internal and external affairs of his church. His persecution and all the disturbances that went with it prevented him from receiving more than four new converts, but he spared no pains in instructing those who had taken the vows under his predecessors in knowledge and religion. He established a general anniversary, to be held every year on 26 June for the mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters of all the monks

of St. Evroul.! There is a very long roll on which the names of all the brethren are inscribed, when called by God they take the habit, followed by the names of their fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters. This roll is kept all year upon the altar, and those whose names are inscribed on it are diligently remembered in the sight of God, when the priest says during the celebration of Mass, ‘Vouchsafe, O Lord, to grant the souls of these thy servants and handmaidens, whose names are preserved before thy holy altar, fellowship with thy saints'.? The anniversary I mentioned is kept on 26 June in this way. Both evening and morning? all the bells are rung for some time for the office of the dead; the roll of the dead is untied and laid out on the altar, and prayers are offered to. God first for the dead, then for living parents and benefactors and all the faithful. The Morrow Mass is solemnly sung by the abbot, and he and all his assistants are clad in the sacred vestments. On that day the almoner assembles in the convent as many poor persons as there are monks, and the cellarer provides each one with his portion of bread and drink and a main course in the guest house; and after the chapter all the monks wash the feet of the poor as they do on Maundy Thursday. The church of St. Evroul has faithfully observed this festival as Osbern instituted it up to the present day, and it has been freely adopted by the monks of 2 For other forms of commemoration of the dead see J. B. L. Tolhurst, The Monastic Breviary of Hyde Abbey, Winchester (Henry Bradshaw Society, London,

1932-42), vi. 66, 73.

3 i.e. at Vespers on 25 June and Lauds on 26 June.

116

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III

usque in hodiernum diem uigilanter custodit? et Nogionensibus atque Balcherensibus! aliisque sequacibus suis ardenter tradidit. Sepe nominatus uir Dei pauperes ut supra diximus et zgrotos ualde amabat: et eorum indigendo^ et necessaria largiendo subueniebat. Vnde constituit ut vii leprosi pro amore Dei perenniter ab Vticensibus alerentur? eisque de cellario fratrum panis et potus vii monachorum

ii. 102

cotidie largiretur. Quod ipse et Mainerius

succes-

sor eius libenter tenuerunt? quamdiu in regimine uitales auras hauserunt. Sed hac a Serlone successore eorum prout uoluntas hominum uariatur constitutio postea mutata est’ iterumque a Rogerio qui successit eis ternarius infirmorum numerus in nomine Domini reformatus est. Anno ab incarnatione Domini mlxivo post mortem Herberti iuuenis Cenomannensium comitis? Willelmus dux cum ualida manu armatorum Sartam fluuium transiit/ multosque Cenomannorum sese illius manui subdentes clementer suscepit, et quamdiu postea uixit, annis scilicet xxiv, subiectos iure possedit. Preefatus nimirum iuuenis post obitum Herberti senioris patris sui qui uulgo Euigilans Canem cognominabatur,’ propter grauissimas infestationes quas a perfidis affinibus suis Andegauensibus incessanter patiebatur’3 consilio Bertze* matris suze se suumque patrimonium fortissimo duci Normannorum commendauerat, et Margaritam sororem suam Rodberto eiusdem ducis filio in coniugium dederat? cum qua hereditatem suam comitatum scilicet Cenomannensem si sine liberis obiret concesserat. Sed quia Walterius Pontesiensium comes filius Drogonis comitis qui cum Rodberto

seniore Normannorum

duce in lerusalem

ierat, et in

illo itinere peregrinus obierat; Biotam Hugonis Cenomannensium comitis filiam,5 quae amita predicti iuuenis erat, in coniugium habebat, totum comitatum Cenomannensem

parte possidebat. Nam 9? Sic in MS.

calumniabatur et ex

ipsam urbem quz caput est prouincie

"MS. cognomibatur

* Noyon, founded in 1108, was a priory dependent on St. Evroul (Le Prévost, iv. 277 £); St. George

of Boscherville,

originally

a college

of canons,

was

reformed as an independent abbey with monks from St. Évroul in 1114 (Le Prévost, iii. 382-3).

2 Count Herbert died on 9 March 1062, and Duke William invaded Maine within the next year. Most Norman chronicles give the date 1063 for this

campaign, and indeed Orderic's statement that William lived twenty-four years

afterwards implies 1063. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle places the attack in 1062. But the campaign was long, and may have lasted from 1062 into 1063. There is

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III

117

Noyon-sur-Andelle and St. George of Boscherville,! and others who have followed their lead. As I related, this same man of God was a true friend to the poor and sick and made provision for all their needs. He ordained that seven lepers should always be supported by the monks for the love of God, and should daily receive the food and drink of seven monks from the conventual cellarer. Both he and his successor Mainer observed this as long as they lived and ruled the convent. But the will of men is variable; and this ordinance was afterwards

changed by their successor Serlo, and also by Roger the next abbot, so that the number of the sick to be supported in the name of the Lord has been reduced to three. In the year of Our Lord 1064, after the death of Herbert the young count of Maine,? Duke William crossed the river Sarthe with a strong army, received with forbearance the submission of many of the men of Maine, and acquired lawful dominion over them which he retained for the remaining twenty-four years of his life. This was the state of affairs after the death of the elder Herbert, nicknamed ‘Wake-dog’ because he always had to resist the harrying of his treacherous neighbours in Anjou.3 The young count his son took the advice of his mother Bertha* and commended himself and his patrimony to the powerful duke of Normandy, giving his sister Margaret in marriage to the duke’s son Robert. With her he gave her inheritance, which was the county of Maine if he died without children. But Walter count of Pontoise also laid claim to Maine; he was the son of the Count Drogo who went to Jerusalem with Robert I, duke of Normandy,

and died on his pilgrimage, and he based his claim on his marriage to Biota daughter of Hugh count of Maine,’ who was the young Herbert’s paternal aunt; he had already taken possession of part of the county. His vassals, amongst whom were Geoffrey of no reliable evidence that it continued as late as 1064. See Prentout, Histoire de Guillaume

le Conquérant

(1936), pp.

151-2;

Halphen,

Anjou, pp.

178-9;

La-

touche, Maine, pp. 33-34; Douglas, WC, p. 174. 3 Orderic is mistaken in the genealogy of the counts of Maine. Herbert II was the son of Hugh IV and grandson of Herbert ‘Wake-dog’ (Latouche, Maine, p. 28). For the corrected family tree see ibid., Appendix III, pp. 113-15. 4 Bertha of Blois was a daughter of Stephen, count of Blois; she married first

Alan III, count of Brittany, and after his death Hugh IV of Maine. 5 Biota was a daughter of Herbert ‘Wake-dog’, not of Count Hugh. Orderic, however, correctly calls her the paternal aunt of the young Count Herbert II.

See Latouche, Maine, p. 115.

118

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III

Goisfredus de Meduana et Hubertus de Sancta Susanna! aliique li. 103

potentes in fidelitate Walterii acriter tenebant? quia Normannicum iugum his quibus imminet grauissimum est subire nimis formidabant. Itaque dum magnanimus dux frequenti expeditione rebelles impeteret, et ipse ut bellica sors expetit dampna pateretur et dampna hostibus inferret" predictus comes Walterius et Biota coniunx eius per inimicorum machinamenta simul ut ferunt, letali ueneno

li. 104

fraudulenter infecti obierunt.? Quibus defunctis securior

dux cum magno robore rebelles expetiit, Cenomannicam urbem ciuibus ultro sese dedentibus cum ingenti tripudio recepit? eique dominus Ernaldus? eiusdem urbis presul cum clericis et monachis reuestitis textus crucesque ferentibus honorabiliter obuiam processit. Porro Goisfredus de Meduana* tantz felicitati ducis inuidit? eique in quantum potuit, aduersarios excitando aliisque modis mala machinando nocere studuit. Vnde dux postquam proteruiam eius ut per se sine multorum detrimento corrigeretur aliquandiu tolerauit’ contra perseuerantem in nequitia ingentem exercitum mouit, Ambreras oppidum eius cepit’5 et Meduanam post diutinam obsidionem combussit. His itaque duobus castellis sibi subactis Goisfredi contumaciam fregit" sibique ipsum qui fortissimus Cenomannorum alios tumentes secum resistere suadebat seruire coegit. Quo superato, pene omnes illius complices et ad rebellandum fautores terrore curuati sunt? et Willelmum principem quem diuina manus protegebat timere eique obsecundare coacti sunt. Ipse speciosam uirginem Margaritam Stigando potenti uiro de Mansione Odonis? ad nutriendum commendauit: sed ipsa prius quam nubiles annos attingeret szeculi ludibriis erepta feliciter obiit, et Fiscanni ubi monachile coenobium sanctz et indiuiduze Trinitatis gloriose pollet humata quiescit. Eodem tempore Rodbertus de Waceio filius Radulphi filii Rodberti archiepiscopi sine liberis mortuus est’ et Willelmus dux ! Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne was vicomte of Le Mans. ? Orderic is the only authority for this story of poisoning, and even he relates

it with reservations. Walter and Biota died at Falaise, according to Orderic

(below, p. 312). The story is not in William of Poitiers, who provided much of

the material for Orderic's account of the invasion of Maine. D. C. Douglas is

sceptical of the poisoning (WC, p. 410); but the story is accepted by Latouche (Maine, p. 34) and Foreville (p. 92 n. 3), who points out that Walter, as a nephew

of Edward the Confessor, might have become a rival claimant to the English throne. 3 This must

be a mistake;

for Vougrin,

Arnold's

predecessor,

did not die

until 11 May 1065 (Latouche, Maine, p. 35 n. 1). ^ Geoffrey of Mayenne, faithful vassal of the count of Anjou, represented the Angevin interest in Maine. Cf. Halphen, Anjou, p. 179.

BOOK III

rts

Mayenne and Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne! were valiantly defending the capital city of the province, for they were afraid of falling under the dreaded yoke of the Normans. Whilst the gallant duke was leading attack upon attack against the rebels, now gaining, now losing, as is the fortune of war, Count Walter and his wife Biota both died at the same time, poisoned—so the rumour goes—by the evil machinations of their enemies.? When they were dead the duke was better able to lead a powerful force against the rebels; and he received the submission of Le Mans, where the citizens freely gave themselves up with great rejoicing, and Arnold? bishop of the town came out to meet him ceremoniously in full robes, with his clergy and monks, bearing gospel books and crosses. From that time Geoffrey of Mayenne* envied the duke's good fortune and did all in his power to harm him by intriguing with his enemies and plotting evil in other ways. For a while the duke endured his insolence, hoping to punish him alone without injuring others, but as Geoffrey persisted in his crimes he led a great army against him, capturing his town of Ambriéres’ and burning Mayenne after a long siege. Once these two strongholds had been subdued Geoffrey's resistance was broken, and he who had been the strongest of the men of Maine and had induced other malcontents to join him in rebellion was forced to submit to the duke. Once he had been defeated almost all his supporters and rebellious followers gave way to terror and were forced to fear and obey Duke William, protected as he was by divine providence. 'The duke entrusted the beautiful maiden, Margaret, to the care of Stigand, the powerful lord of Mésidon ; but before she reached marriageable age she was snatched away from the snares of this world; and dying happily rests in peace at Fécamp, where a thriving monastery stands to the glory of the holy and undivided Trinity. At this time Robert of Gacé, son of Ralph, Archbishop Robert's son, died without issue, and Duke William who was his kinsman 5 Latouche

(Maine, p. 35 n. 1) points out that Ambriéres

had been in the

hands of the dukes of Normandy since 1054. Halphen, however (Anjou, p. 79 n. I), regards this statement as proof that Geoffrey had recovered some of the ground previously lost to William of Normandy;

and although Orderic makes

a number of mistakes in his account of the war in Maine this is no reason for rejecting the whole of his story where it does not conflict with known irae Davis, Regesta, i. xxiv. Stigand of Mésidon was a ducal dapifer at least as early as 1061 (CDF, no. 711). He gave part of his property to St. Ouen,

Rouen, in memory of his son Eudo in 1063 (Fauroux, no. 1 58).

I20

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III

cognatus eius totam hzreditatem eius in dominio suo nactus est. Tunc ipse terram Rodberti de Witot qui propter occisionem Gisleberti comitis exulabat,! Goisfredo Mansello fratri uicecomitis Huberti dedit? a quo domnus Osbernus abbas Sancti Ebrulfi uillam que Ductus Ertu dicitur et Trunchetum et Maisnil Roscelini emit. Hoc Willelmus dux concessit, et in carta confirmauit, li. 105

coram

optimatibus Normanniz, Willelmo Osberni filio, Ricardo

de Abrincis Turstini filio, Rogerio de Monte Gomerici et multis aliis in carta notatis.? Rodbertus uero de Witot post longum tempus duci reconciliatus est’ et honore suo recuperato* przfatam terram Sancto Ebrulfo calumniatus est. Sed non multo post bello Anglico ubi et ipse in genu uulneratus est peracto" letiferam zegritudinem incurrit. Qui dum mortem sibi appropriare sensit? totam terram quam ab ipso calumniatam esse iam diximus, bono animo fidelibus Dei pro redemptione animze suz concessit. Hoc autem apud Doueram coram Odone Baiocensi episcopo et Hugone de Grentemaisnilio, Hugone quoque de Monteforti5 et Hugone filio Fulcoldi, aliisque multis magnis et mediocribus Sancto Ebrulfo concessum est. Deinde quia idem miles fere xl nepotes militie titulis feroces habuit" ipsis inter se seuientibus uix unquam usque in przssentem diem hzreditas eius in pace permanere potuit. Nam Mathiellus$ et Ricardus frater eius ac Nigellus atque Rualodus Brito Nigelli gener diuersis temporibus successerunt? multasque malicias infortunis comitantibus exercuerunt. Vnusquisque eorum prefatam possessionem Sancto Ebrulfo calumniatus est’ sed iudicio Dei qui ecclesiam suam potenter ubique protegit imminente ab iniusta calumnia cessare coactus est. Mathiellus enim sub magno duce Willelmo, et Ricardus aliique calumniatores sub duce Rotberto eiusque fratribus Willelmo Rufo et Henrico, zcclesiam Dei ! Raoul of Gacé was responsible for plotting the murder of Gilbert of Brionne (Marx, p. 156; Douglas, WC, p. 43). This passage suggests that Robert of Vitot may have been one of the assassins.

? The identity of Hubert is uncertain. Stapleton suggested that he might be Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne, vicomte of Maine (Le Prévost, iii. 194 n. 2). Latouche did not include Geoffrey Mancel among the brothers of Hubert in his recon-

struction of the genealogy of the vicomtes of Maine (Latouche, Maine, p. 131); though the name Geoffrey did occur in the two previous generations. 3 M. Fauroux accepts this as a record of a genuine lost charter (Fauroux,

no.

155), but is hesitant in positively identifying Hubert.

There are many

obscurities in the transaction: Orderic implies that the property came to William as a kinsman rather than as duke or lord; but William was a distant

BOOK III

a

added the whole of his inheritance to his demesne. At this time too the duke gave the estates of Robert of Vitot, who had been exiled for his share in the murder of Count Gilbert,! to Geoffrey Mancel, brother of Hubert the vicomte;? and from him Abbot

Osbern of St. Evroul bought the vill called Le Douet-Artus, and Tronchet and Mesnil-Rousset. Duke William gave his consent and confirmed the sale in a charter witnessed by the Norman magnates William fitzOsbern, Richard of Avranches son of Thurstan, Roger of Montgomery, and many others named in the char-

ter

As it happened Robert of Vitot long afterwards made his peace with the duke, recovered his fiefs,* and claimed these lands from St. Évroul. However, a little later, after the English war in which

he was wounded in the knee, he fell seriously ill; and when he realized that he was on the point of death he granted the whole of the land which, as I said, he had claimed, freely, for the redemp-

tion of his soul, to the servants of God. This grant to St. Evroul was made at Dover, and witnessed by Odo bishop of Bayeux, Hugh

of Grandmesnil,

Hugh

of Montfort,

and Hugh

son of

Fulcold, and many others of high and low rank. Afterwards since this knight had almost forty kinsmen, all proud of their knightly status, who were continually at war with one another, his inheritance has scarcely been undisputed for a day up to the present time.

For Matthew

and Richard

his

brother and Nigel and Rualon the Breton, Nigel's son-in-law, inherited at various times, and did many evil deeds that brought

disasters in their train. Each one of them claimed this land from St. Évroul; butthe judgement of God, who gives mighty protection to his Church everywhere, was always at hand to force them to abandon their unjust claims. All these men tried with violent threats to despoil the Church of God of its possessions, Matthew in the reign of the great Duke William, Richard and the other claimants under Duke Robert and his brothers William Rufus cousin, and this seems improbable. It is likely that hereditary succession was less normal in 1063 than at the time Orderic was writing. ; ; * For the general reconciliations of this period just before William began his principal campaigns of expansion see above, p. 104 n. 5. 5 Odo of Bayeux and Hugh of Montfort were put in charge of the garrison

at Dover immediately after the battle of Hastings (below, p. 204). Robert's grant can therefore be dated as late 1066 or early 1067.

$ Matthew

of Vitot was

(Le Prévost, iii. 199-200).

:

killed during the fighting in Maine

in

1084-5

122

ii. 106

ii. 107

BOOK

III

rebus habitis spoliare cum multis minis conati sunt sed rege regum suos adiuuante quod nequiter optabant perpetrare nequiuerunt. Ernaldus de Excalfoio, Willelmi Geroiani filius postquam de Apulia prospere remeauit" Willelmum ducem adiit, eique preciosissimam pallam presentauit? suamque ab ipso humiliter hzreditatem requisiuit. Dux autem considerans nobilitatem uiri et ingentem probitatem, recolensque suam contra Cenomannos et Britones aliosque sibi resistentes proborum militum paucitatem; iam lenior effectus ei reatus indulsit, datisque induciis patrimonium suum se illi redditurum spopondit? et usque ad statutum terminum per terram suam eundi et redeundi liberam securitatem concessit. Ernaldus itaque uana ducis promissione percepta letatus est’ sed frustra ut paulo post dilucidatum est. Nam Mabilia Talauacii filia letali ueneno cibum et potum infecit? eumque dum de curia ducis in Galliam remearet refici iussit, sed ilii per quendam amicum suum doli conscium tantum nefas innotuit. Vnde dum apud Excalfoium ad quosdam amicos suos colloqueretur, et a clientibus preefate mulieris ad conuiuium cum summa prece inuitaretur" memor amici iussionis nullatenus adquieuit, sed omnino cibum et potum in quo letum inesse metuebat repudiauit. Verum Gislebertus frater Rogerii de Monte Gomerici qui predictum Ernaldum conducebat, utpote qui penitus doli nescius erat/ scifum accepit, super equum residens merum bibit? et ueneno infectus apud Raimalastum tertia die obiit. Sic perfida mulier dum mariti sui emulum extinguere putauit" mariti sui unicum fratrem qui multa honestate in annis adolescenti; et equestri probitate pollebat occidit. Non multo post dum primo conatu se delusam esse ingemuit! ad concupitum facinus perpetrandum alio nisu non minus ferali denuo insurrexit. Nam Rogerium militem cognomento Gulafram qui Ernaldi cubicularius erat precibus et promissis circumuenit? citoque fraudulentum satellitem nefariis uotis inclinauit. Deinde pesti feras potiones hzc przparauit? ille autem Ernaldo domino suo et Geroio de Corbzuilla atque Willelmo cognomento Goiet de Monte Miralio propinauit. Sic una tabe tres proceres apud Corbzuillam simul infecti sunt.! Sed Geroius atque Willelmus qui ad proprias domus delati sunt? ibique sui curam ad libitum suum exercere potuerunt, Deo effectum remediis medicorum prestante ! Cf. Douglas, WC, p. 414.

BOOK

III

123

and Henry; but they were never able to gain their unlawful ends, for the King of kings protected his servants. When Arnold of Échauffour, William Giroie's son, returned after making his fortune in Apulia he sought audience with Duke William and presented him with a costly mantle, humbly begging for the restoration of his inheritance. The duke, bearing in mind the high birth and outstanding valour of the man, and reflecting that he had all too few loyal knights for overcoming the resistance of the men of Maine and Brittany, was inclined to treat him with indulgence and excuse his offences; he made a truce with Arnold,

promising to restore his patrimony to him and granting him freedom of movement throughout the duchy for as long as the truce should last. When Arnold heard the empty promise of the duke he was overjoyed; but time was soon to show that his hopes were vain. For Mabel, daughter of Talvas, prepared poisoned food and drink, and offered him refreshment on his way back to Gaul from the duke's court; he, however, was given warning of

the treachery by a friend who knew her wickedness. When this woman's servants approached as he was talking to some friends at Échauffour, and most pressingly invited him to dine with her, he remembered the friend's warning and was firm in his refusal to touch the food and drink which he feared might be poisoned. It happened that Gilbert, Roger of Montgomery's brother, who was escorting Arnold and had no suspicion of foul play, accepted a cup and drank the wine undiluted without dismounting from his horse: the poison quickly took effect and he died two days later at Rémalard. So this treacherous woman who attempted to murder her husband's rival succeeded in killing her husband's only brother, a man who showed the highest integrity in his youth and was remarkable for his knightly virtues. But she took to heart the failure of her first attempt, and not long afterwards devised another scheme no less deadly to bring about the end she desired. She succeeded in winning over Arnold's chamberlain, a knight called Roger Goulafré, and by persuasion and bribes soon made him a willing tool to her nefarious wishes. Again she prepared poisoned cups, which the chamberlain offered to Arnold his lord and Giroie of Courville and William called Gouet of Montmirail. 'Thus three nobles were poisoned together at Courville.! Giroie and William, however, who were taken back to their own homes

and could secure proper remedies, recovered through the grace of

124

ii. 108

ii. 109

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III

conualuerunt. Porro Ernaldus qui exulabat, nec sui curam in extraneis penatibus sufficienter exercere ualebat/ aliquantis diebus egrotauit, tandemque ingrauescente morbo kal. Ianuarii expirauit. Hic pridie quam obisset, dum solus in camera lecto decumberet: quendam seniorem pulcherrimum quem sanctum Nicholaum prasulem ratus est manifeste non in somniis uidit, a quo huiuscemodi mandata audiuit, ‘De sanitate corporis tui frater sollicitus esse noli quia cras sine dubio morieris? sed toto nisu procura qualiter anima tua saluetur in examine iusti et zeterni iudicis. His dictis senex repente disparuit, et eger mox Vticum misit- et ab eiusdem loci fratribus uisitari rogauit. Illi autem Fulconem de Warlenuilla! cito miserunt Corbzuillam. Ibi namque prafatus miles cum Geroio eiusdem oppidi domino cuius propinquus et amicus erat: exulationis suz tempore per triennium moratus fuerat, et inde per Corbonienses et Drocenses atque Morinos aliosque quos in auxilium sui aduocare potuerat" iniuriam expulsionis suz forti werra uindicauerat. Illuc Fulcone confestim adueniente zger ualde gauisus est’ et manifestata reuelatione quam pridie uiderat szeculoque relicto cum benigna deuotione animi monachus effectus est. Deinde peccata sua lugens et in Deo gaudens eodem die mortuus est, et corpus eius Vticum delatum est’ ibique in claustro monachorum a domno abbate Osberno et a conuentu sancti Ebrulfi honorifice sepultum est. Defuncto itaque Ernaldo tota Geroianorum nobilitas pene corruit" nec ullus posterorum stemma priorum ex integro usque hodie adipisci potuit. Hic Emmam Turstini cognomento Halduc filiam uxorem duxerat? ex qua Willelmum et Rainaldum ac Petronillam atque Geuam aliosque filios et filias habuerat. Qui patre dum adhuc uiridi tuuenta maxime floreret in teneris annis destituti, et in externis domibus ut supra satis ostendimus constituti’ coacti sunt inopias pluresque iniurias ab infantia perpeti. Mater ad Eudonem fratrem suum Normannici ducis dapiferum? qui in pago Constantino diuitiis et potestate inter Normanniz proceres eminebat secessit" et tam apud illum quam apud alios amicos suos in uiduitate pene xxx annis honeste uixit. Castitate * Fulk of Guernanville, son of Fulk dean of Évreux, was one of the first monks of St. Evroul, and was frequently charged with responsible tasks (cf. below, p. 146; Le Prévost, ii. 396-8).

^ Emma's

brother

was

Eudo,

son

of Richard

called

Thurstan

Haldup,

vicomte of the Cotentin (GC, xi. 917). The number of stewards at the court of

the early Anglo-Norman kings is uncertain: it is likely that there were four

(Douglas, WC, pp. 145-6; Regesta, ii. xi). Because Eudo the Steward, who frequently witnessed William's acts, was a son of Hubert of Ryes (Handbook of

British Chronology, p. 72), it does not follow that Orderic has confused the two men, as Le Prévost thought. Since Orderic knew Eudo son of Thurstan's nephew,

BOOK III

—

God and skill of their doctors; but Arnold who was far from home

and could not get proper attention in the houses of others lay ill for some days; and at length, growing worse, he breathed his last on 1 January. The day before his death, whilst he lay alone on the bed in his chamber, an old man of beauteous countenance, whom

he took for St. Nicholas the bishop, appeared to him not in a dream but to his waking eyes, and spoke these words of command to him: ‘Give no more thought, my brother, to the health of your body, for tomorrow you must die; but strive to bring about the salvation of your soul before the just tribunal of the eternal Judge.’ Having spoken, the old man vanished, and the sick man sent speedily to St. Evroul for brethren of the monastery to visit him. They at once dispatched Fulk of Guernanville! to Courville; For Arnold had stayed there for three years during his exile with Giroie, his friend and kinsman, the lord of the town, and had made it the centre from which, with the aid of the men of the

Corbonnais, of Dreux, and of Mortagne and any who would come to his aid, he had carried out a furious war of vengeance for the injustice of his banishment. The sick man showed great joy at Fulk’s speedy arrival, and after describing his vision of the previous day he renounced the world and with true piety of spirit became a monk. Then, repenting his sins and rejoicing in God, he died that same day; his body was carried to St. Evroul and reverently buried in the monks’ cloister by Osbern the lord abbot and the whole convent of St. Evroul. After Arnold’s death the noble family of Giroie fell on evil days; and up to the present not one of their descendants has been able quite to restore the fortunes of his ancestors. Arnold had married Emma, the daughter of ‘Thurstan Haldup, and had by her William and Reginald, Petronilla and Geva, and several other sons and daughters. At an early age they were deprived of their father who was still in the flower of manhood; and being forced to dwell in the houses of others, as I have already related, had to endure

hardship and want from infancy. Their mother took refuge with her brother Eudo, steward of the duke of Normandy,? one of the wealthiest and most powerful of the Norman nobles in the Cotentin, and passed almost thirty years of honourable widowhood both the monk Benedict, well he is likely to be right. In fact Eudo son of Thurstan is called steward of King William in a charter of his nephew, Robert of La-Haye-

126

ii. IIO

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III

et mansuetudine aliisque bonis honestatibus laudabilis extitit? ac ad ultimum prope finem suum szculare scema reliquit, et a domno Rogerio abbate Sanctz Trinitatis Exaquii sacrum uelamen cum deuotione accepit.! Willelmus de Excalfoio primogenitus Ernaldi filius ut annos adolescentiz attigit" curiam Philippi regis Francorum adiit, regisque armiger factus ei seruiuit? donec ab eo arma militaria accepit. Deinde Apuliam ubi parentes magnz sullimitatis habebat appetiit? a quibus amicabiliter retentus per plurimas probitates multipliciter excreuit. Ibi nobilem de genere Langobardorum coniugem accepit" et possessionem xxx castellorum sub Rodberto comite Lorotelli nepote scilicet Wiscardi optinuit. Ex foecunda muliere multiplicem utriusque sexus sobolem recepit? et Normanniam oblitus inter Winilos fere xl annis honorabiliter uixit.? Rainaldus autem minimus filiorum Ernaldi tribus mensibus ante patris obitum Osberno abbati traditus est? et in Vticensi ecclesia sub regulari disciplina diligenter educatus est: et a prefato abbate Benedictus dulcedinis gratia cognominatus est. Pater eius dum ipsum Deo ad monachatum optulit" terram unius carruce apud Sanctum Germanum in parrochia Excalfoii* Sancto Ebrulfo concessit, quam pro infortuniis que ipsum hzredesque eius perpessos esse retulimus zcclesia iam dudum perdidit. Preefatus puer quinquennis erat dum monachile iugum subiit? et .lii. annis sub quatuor abbatibus per aduersa et prospera fortiter portauit. Eruditionem legendi et canendi et ipse affatim didicit" et aliis postquam ad uirile robur peruenit, sine fraudis litura gratis intimauit. Memoria uero narrandi que uiderat uel audierat magnifice uiguit" delectabilique relatu rerum quas in diuinis uoluminibus seu peritorum assertionibus rimatus est, socios multoties leniuit. Mitibus et modestis indoctisque neophitis affabilitate et obsequiis semper placere studuit" sed superbis et simulatoribus nouitatumque commentoribus audaci contradictione uiriliter resistere decreuit. Bis in Apuliam permissu Rogerii * Emma

received the veil from the hands of Roger, first abbot of Lessay, in

1094 (GC xi. 918).

? Robert, count of Loritello, son of Guiscard's half-brother Geoffrey, played

an important part in the Norman conquest of the Abruzzi and along the Adriatic

coast (Chalandon, i. 226—7, 249-50). 3 William of Echauffour was one of the few Normans mentioned by Orderic

whose descendants left a trace in the southern Italian documents.

See E. M.

Jamison, "The Sicilian-Norman kingdom in the mind of Anglo-Norman contemporaries', Proc. Brit. Acad. xxiv (1938), 244; Catalogus Baronum, in G. del Re, Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napoletani (Naples, 1845), i. 581r, where the

name of his descendants becomes corrupted to Guillelmus de Sclavo. The Lombards among whom he lived were the Lombards of southern Italy: Ménager

BOOK III

127

there and with other friends. She was a woman of great chastity and gentleness, endowed with every virtue: towards the end of her life she too abandoned the world and reverently received the veil from Roger, lord abbot of the monastery of Holy Trinity, Lessay.! Arnold's eldest son William of Échauffour went to the court of Philip king of the French as soon as he reached adolescence, and served the king as his squire until he received the weapons of knighthood from his hands. Then he travelled to Apulia, where he had kinsfolk of high rank who received him kindly, and won a reputation by his many exploits. He took to wife a noblewoman of Lombard stock, and secured possession of thirty towns under Robert count of Loritello, nephew of Guiscard.? His wife proving fruitful, he had many sons and daughters; and for almost forty years he lived with great honour among the Lombards, forgetting Normandy.? Reginald, the youngest of Arnold's sons, had been entrusted to the care of Abbot Osbern three months before his father's death;

he was brought up at St. Évroul under monastic discipline and given the name of Benedict by the abbot because of his sweet nature. When his father offered him to God as a monk he gave a ploughland at St. Germain in the parish of Échauffour^ to St. Évroul; but as a result of the misfortunes which he and his heirs endured the church lost it long ago. This boy was five years old when he submitted to monastic discipline, and for fifty-two years under four abbots he observed its precepts in prosperity and adversity. He was thoroughly versed in reading and singing, and after he grew up taught these freely to others with meticulous accuracy. He enjoyed a wonderful memory for describing everything he had seen or heard, and often delighted his companions by his exquisite account of what he had discovered in the scriptures or the works of the learned. Full of kindness and helpfulness towards those who were gentle and humble and unlearned among the neophytes, he strove with all his might to correct the arrogant and hypocritical and pretentious. He was twice sent to Apulia by Abbot Roger on behalf of the church of is mistaken (Quellen und Forschungen, xxxix (1959), 45) in saying that he lived in Lombardy.

4 St. Germain was at this date one of the dependent chapels in the parish of

Échauffour: later it became an independent parish.

128

ii. III

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III

abbatis propter utilitatem Vticensis acclesiz perrexit" ibique Willelmum fratrem suum aliosque multos ex parentela sua qui in extera regione diuitiis abundabant inuenit. Cum Willelmo abbate Sancte Eufemiz! filio Unfridi de Telliolo fere tribus annis in Calabria mansit et inde remeans przdicti abbatis cuius ipse consobrinus erat dono cappam ex alba purpura? Sancto Ebrulfo detulit. Hic ab infantia monasticas obseruationes laudabiliter tenuit/ diuinoque cultui nocte dieque feruenter inhesit. Psalmodiam tam infatigabiliter uidimus eum plerumque tenere" ut

uix unus uersiculus ab aliis in choro suo psalleretur ipso tacente.

ii. 112

Sed sicut scriptum est, ‘multe tribulationes iustorum’?3 hic multas aduersitates perpessus est importunitate tumultuum interiorum et exteriorum. Nam quia rigidus et asper erat temerariis, atque adulari dedignabatur hypochritis? sepe conturbatus est eorum infestationibus multimodis. Et quia oculus Dei omnia intuetur, subtilique iudicio redarguit ea etiam que hominibus laudanda uidentur? praedictum fratrem ab infantia infirmitate corporis corripuit, et huc usque ut iustus iustificetur adhuc membrorum debilitatem augmentare non desistit. Is enim in puericia quia immoderatus erat’ et ad omne opus ut reliquis fratribus fortior uideretur, toto nisu insurgebat, ruptura intestinorum dum terram gestaret lesus est’ ipsoque sibi non parcente lesura eadem insanabilis effecta est. Denique iam per septem annos tam graui oppressus est passione? ut nec manum ad os nunc possit erigere, nec propria ui quodlibet officium sibi exhibere. Summe Deus qui sanas contritos corde? clementer illius miserere, ipsumque ab omni expurgans scelere; ereptum de carnis molesto carcere, in eterna requie famulorum tuorum collegio insere. Duz Ernaldi filie post mortem patris et desolationem suorum" optauerunt Deo magis placere modesta compositione morum, quam saeculo subiacere corruptibili pulchritudine corporum. Vnde uirginitatem ambae Deo dicauerunt?/ mundoque spreto sanctimoniales effectze sunt. Nam Petronilla in coenobio S. Marie Andegauis uelum suscepit, diuque secundum morem aliarum uirginum diligenter sacrum ordinem seruauit: ac deinde per decem annos iam inclusa sanctitatis fama et uirtutis exemplo longe lateque multis innotescit. Porro Geua soror eius in coenobio sanctze * William, prior and second abbot of St. Eufemia (d. c. 1103), was a nephew of Abbot Robert of Grandmesnil, and a close kinsman of Benedict (Ménager, Quellen und Forschungen, xxxix (1959), 20).

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St. Évroul, and found there his brother William and many other kinsmen who were prospering in this foreign land. For almost three years he stayed in Calabria with William abbot of St. Eufemia,! a son of Humphrey of Tilleul, and when he returned home he brought as a gift to St. Évroul from his cousin Abbot William a cope of purple silk.? He was strict in his observance of the monastic rule from early childhood, and worshipped God with devotion both night and day. I have frequently watched him chanting the psalms so meticulously that he scarcely missed a single versicle sung by the others on his side of the choir. But it is truly written: ‘Many are the afflictions of the righteous’ ;? and this man has had much to endure, and misfortunes have pressed on him from all sides. For because he was stern and hard to the insolent and never stooped to flatter hypocrites, they were always making trouble for him. And because the eye of God sees all things and sometimes in its absolute justice seems to criticize the things that men praise, he has afflicted this same brother from childhood with ill health and physical weakness that has increased up to the present day, in order that the righteous man may be justified. Even as a boy because he would do nothing by halves and exerted himself to surpass all the other brethren in every kind of work, he brought on an intestinal rupture by carrying a load of earth; and as he still would not spare himself he made it incurable. And now for the past seven years he has suffered such agony that he cannot raise his hand to his mouth nor do even the simplest thing for himself unaided. Almighty God, who healest the contrite in heart, have mercy upon him, and when he is purged from all sin free him from this harsh prison of the flesh, granting him eternal] rest in the company of thy faithful servants. Two of Arnold's daughters, after their father's death and the ruin of their family, chose rather to serve God by discipline of life than to prosper in the world through physical beauty, which is doomed to decay. Both vowed themselves to God as virgins, and renouncing the world became nuns. Petronilla took the veil in St. Mary's, Angers, where for long she faithfully observed all the precepts of regular discipline, and within ten years was renowned far and wide for her piety and holy life. And her sister Geva, who 2 Literally ‘of white purple’. For the cope at this date cf. Edmund Bishop, Liturgica Historica, pp. 262 ff. 3 Psalms xxxiii. 20 (xxxiv. 19). 822204 K

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Trinitatis, quod Mathildis regina apud Cadomum construxit? sub Beatrice abbatissa! sacram seriem diu gerendo et docendo sibi et aliis laudabiliter profecit. Hzec de fundatoribus ecclesiz nostrze, et

eorum dicta sunt progenie: nuncad narrationem redeamus hystoriz.

ii. 113

Inclitus Normanniz marchio Willelmus contra Beluacenses qui fines suos depopulari conabantur, castrum quod Nouus-Mercatus dicitur" expulso pro quadam leui offensa Goisfredo naturali herede ad tuendum plurimis baronum suorum commendauit,? sed uix ullus eorum propter infestantes Milliacos et Gerberritos aliosque confines uno anno tutari potuit. Tandem magnanimus dux Hugoni de Grentemaisnilio qui audaci probitate et dapsilitate praecipuus erat’ consilio Rogerii de Monte Gomerici qui sibi nimis uicinz fortitudini eius inuidebat, eique scandalum qualibet arte uel euentu prestruere cupiebat? praedictum oppidum cum Geroldo dapifero? commendauit, et medietatem dedit. At ille tuitionem praefatae munitionis gratanter suscepit" Deoque iuuante intra unum annum duos Beluacensium maximos optimates cepit, conterritisque reliquis hostibus totam regionem in illo climate pacificauit.

Nouo-Mercato quatuor canonici zcclesiam Sancti Petri apostoli possidebant, sed Dei cultum negligenter agebant? uitamque suam multum szculariter ducebant. Vnde magnanimus Hugo medietatem quz sibi competebat zecclesie, monachis Sancti Ebrulfi concessit tali tenore? ut dum morte uel alio quolibet casu canonici deficerent, monachi

ii. 114

succederent.

Quod

et ita factum

est. Nam

duobus canonicis qui in parte Hugonis erant inde discedentibus monachi successerunt? et zcclesie medietatem usque hodie possederunt, ibique Rodbertus Caluus et Radulfus de Rosseria necne Iohannes de Belnaio aliique probi modo habitauerunt.4 Quodam tempore inter sepe nominatum Hugonem et Radulfum comitem Medantensium Philippi regis Francorum uitricums grauis ! This reference is puzzling. The fifth abbess of Caen was Beatrice of Hugueville, but she did not become abbess until some time after 1128, when Geva must have been advanced in years. At the time Orderic most probably wrote this passage (c. 1115, some fifty-two years after Benedict became a monk

c. 1063) Cecilia was abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen, having succeeded the first abbess, Matilda, in 1113.

2 This rapid sketch of the events leading up to the establishment of a dependent cell at Neufmarché-en-Lions must not be taken too literally. Hugh of Grandmesnil must have had some rights in the church of St. Peter as early as 1050 if, as the foundation charter alleges, he then gave a quarter of the

church to St. Evroul (above, p. 32). There may well have been less security of

hereditary succession to castles in the mid-eleventh century than when Orderic wrote (cf. J. Yver, ‘Les chateaux forts en Normandie jusqu'au milieu du xr1*

siécle’, in BSAN liii (1955-6), 28-115). The motives attributed to Duke William and Roger of Montgomery are most likely pure supposition on Orderic's part.

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entered the monastery of Holy Trinity which Queen Matilda

founded at Caen has earned high repute under Abbess Beatrice! for the way she has followed the sacred rule and taught it to others. Now I have said enough about the founders of our Church and their descendants, and I must return to the course of my

narrative.

William the renowned duke of Normandy, in the course of defending his frontiers against the ravages of the men of Beauvais, expelled Geoffrey the natural heir of the castle of Neufmarché for some trivial offence, and entrusted the defence of the castle to several of his barons;? but scarcely one of them could defend it for as much as a year against the attacks of the men of Milli and Gerberoi and other frontier regions. Finally the great duke granted half the town to Hugh of Grandmesnil, a man of outstanding bravery and courtesy, and entrusted the defence of it to him and Gerold the steward.3 He did this on the advice of Roger of Montgomery, who was jealous of his neighbour’s courage and anxious to devise some misfortune for him by any means in his power. Hugh, however, gladly undertook to defend this stronghold, and by the grace of God captured the two chief lords of the Beauvaisis within a year, and so terrified his other enemies that he pacified all the region around. In Neufmarché four canons occupied the church of St. Peter, but they neglected the divine office and led a very worldly life. So the illustrious Hugh gave the half of the church that belonged to him to the monks of St. Evroul, on the understanding that after the death or removal by other means of the canons the monks were to take their place. This was duly carried out. When the two canons who occupied Hugh’s half of the church had departed, the monks took possession of it and have held it up to the present: Robert the Bald and Ralph of La Roussiére and John of Beaunai and other virtuous men after them have resided there.* At one time fighting broke out between Hugh and Ralph, count of Mantes, stepfather of the king of France;5 and when Hugh 3 Gerold the steward is a frequent witness of Duke William’s charters: cf. Fauroux, p. 61 and passim. * A few years after Orderic wrote this account William of Roumare further endowed the priory and increased the number of monks to seven (Le Prévost, iv. 485). 5 Ralph of Crépy, called count of Mantes, married Henry I’s widow Anne in 1062.

132

ii. 115

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III

seditio exorta est. Cumque Hugo cum praedicto consule audacter congressus est’ quia militum impar ei numerus erat fugere compulsus est. In hac fuga Ricardus de Heldrici-Corte nobilis miles de pago Vilcassino uulneratus est. Nam dum uadum Epte fluminis equo uelociter fugiens ingressus est! persequentis militis lancea super equum a tergo acerrime percussus est. Qui mox ad Nouum-Mercatum delatus est a commilitonibus suis? morique metuens consilio Hugonis in cuius familia seruierat in armis, deuouit amodo se militaturum sub monachili norma uirtutum exerciciis. Vticenses ergo monachos accersiit et Osberni abbatis magisterio se mancipauit. Postea donante Deo qui peccatores diuersis occasionibus de baratro perditionis retrahit" Ricardus aliquantum non tamen ex integro conualuit, et fere septem annis in ordine feruidus uixit? atque pluribus modis zecclesiz profecit. Hic etenim patrimonium suum quod in pago Vilcassino possederat, quia uxorem et liberos non habuerat? post uulneris lesionem Sancto Ebrulfo sponte secum contulit, et a Fulcone patruo suo atque Herberto Pincerna! qui capitalis dominus erat aliisque parentibus suis integram huius rei concessionem optinuit. Ipse nimirum quamuis plaga eius nunquam clausa esset, et inde sanies quantum testa oui anseris capere posset, ut refertur ab his qui uiderunt cotidie deflueret" conuentum ordinate sequi ardenter studebat, et ministeria quae ordini competebant alacriter exhibebat. Eundo uel equitando quo sibi iubebatur ibat? et zecclesiasticis utilitatibus pro posse suo uerbis et actionibus instanter deseruiebat. Hunc nimirum Osbernus abbas plus aliis diligebat? et in ipso ualde uelut in suo proprio confidebat. Vnde ad nouam basilicam quam inchoare disponebat? curam et impensas magisteriumque latomorum ei commendabat. ^[P]raefatus pater huius Ricardi precibus et hortatu Franciam? adit, et Rodbertum eloquentem ac Herbertum de Serranz et Fulcoium de Caldreio aliosque milites et plebeios Vilcassinienses ad sui noticiam dulci colloquio inuitauit, fundumque HeldriciCortis praefatis proceribus et uicinis annuentibus et congaudentibus in dominium Sancti Ebrulfi recepit. Inde rediens in lectum decidit. Post aliquot dies morbo ingrauescente in capitulum deductus uenit! et epistolam quam Alexandro papa misisse eundem supra diximus palam recitari iussit. Quod ita factum est ut

cunctis manifestum fieret, quod ipse abbatiam Rodberto abbati 9? Space for rubric. t Also called Herbert of Serans. ? i.e. the French Vexin,

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boldly engaged the count in combat with inferior forces he was put

to flight. In the course of this flight Richard of Heudicourt, a noble knight of the Vexin, was wounded. It happened that when he was urging his horse through the ford of the river Epte in his mad flight he received a serious wound in the back from the lance of one of his pursuers. His comrades carried him at once to Neuf-

marché; and as he lay in fear of death he took the advice of Hugh,

in whose household he had served as a knight, and determined from that time forward to fight under the monastic rule by the practice of virtue. Accordingly he sent for monks from St. Évroul and submitted himself to the government of Abbot Osbern. Afterwards by the grace of God. who by divers opportunities rescues sinners from the pit of damnation, Richard made a partial recovery, and lived for nearly seven years as a zealous monk, doing much good for the Church. As he had neither wife nor children he granted his patrimony in the Vexin freely with himself to St. Évroul after he received his wound; and he secured confirmation

of this gift in its entirety from his uncle Fulk, his overlord Herbert the Butler,‘ and his other kinsmen. He himself, though his wound never healed properly and every day, as those who saw it relate, discharged as much matter as would fill a goose's egg, strove to follow the daily routine of the cloister and carry out speedily all the duties which befitted his standing in the community. He went on foot or horseback wherever he was sent, and in all he said and

did strove ceaselessly for the welfare of the church. Consequently Abbot Osbern loved him more than all the others, and reposed special trust in him. Since he was preparing to build the new church he entrusted to Richard the management of finance and supervision of the masons. Through brother Richard's earnest entreaty the abbot went to France,? invited Robert ‘the eloquent’, Herbert of Serans, Foucher

of Chaudry, and many other men of high and low rank in the Vexin

to meet

him for an amicable

settlement;

and with the

consent and agreement of these nobles and their neighbours received the property of Heudicourt as the demesne of St. Evroul. On his way home he fell ill. A few days later as his sickness increased he had himself borne into the chapter-house, and commanded that the letter which as I related he had sent to Pope Alexander should

be read aloud. This was done so that it should be manifest to all that he had not wrongfully deprived Abbot Robert of his office,

134

ii. 116

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non surripuisset: sed inuitus ac obeedientiz uiolentia coactus regimen suscepisset. Denique fratres hortatu corroborauit? ac ut sibi errata indulgerent suique memores essent obsecrauit. Sicque data confessione, et sacrosancta Dominici corporis percepta communione? postquam moderamen Vticensis zcclesiz quinque annis et tribus mensibus tenuit, vi? kal. iunii inter manus fratrum letanias pro eo pie canentium obiit. In crastinum uero Vitalis Bernaicensium

abbas

ad tumulandum

amicum

suum

accessit,

et in

claustro ccenobiali iuxta zecclesiam Sancti Petri principis apostolorum sepeliuit’ unde Mainerius successor eius ipsum post annos x et vii cum ossibus Witmundi socii sui in capitulum nouum transtulit.! Anno

li. 117

ab incarnatione

Domini

mlxvi°, indictione

ivo? mense

aprili fere xv diebus a parte Circii apparuit stella qua cometes dicitur, qua ut perspicaces astrologi qui secreta physicae subtiliter rimati sunt asseuerant mutatio regni designatur.? Eduardus enim rex Anglorum Edelredi regis ex Emma Ricardi senioris Normannorum ducis filia filius paulo ante obierat, et Heraldus Goduini comitis filius regnum Anglorum usurpauerat? iamque tribus mensibus ad multorum detrimentum periurio et crudelitate aliisque nequitiis pollutus tenuerat. Iniusta nempe inuasio nimiam inter quasdam gentes dissensionem commouit? multisque matribus filiorum et coniugibus maritorum necem et luctum peperit. Eduardus nimirum propinquo suo Willelmo duci Normannorum primo per Rodbertum* Cantuariorum summum pontificem: postea per eundem Heraldum integram Anglici regni mandauerat concessionem, ipsumque concedentibus Anglis fecerat totius iuris sui heredem. Denique ipse Heraldus apud Rotomagums5 Willelmo 1 The dilapidated church where the community of St. Évroul had first been established was dedicated in the name of St. Peter; and the original dedication

of the restored abbey was in the names of St. Peter and St. Évroul (above, p. 14; Fauroux, p. 289). Abbot Robert planned a new, much larger, church, in honour of St. Mary; but building was delayed through his expulsion from the abbey.

Abbot Osbern was preparing to rebuild it when he died, and the next abbot Mainer successfully carried through the building of a new church and cloister. The original dedication was preserved in the altar of St. Peter (Le Prévost, ii. 399, 408). The scanty ruins which still survive are of a later church built in

the thirteenth century: but an eighteenth-century plan of the church shows the position of seven altars in addition to the high altar (Société Hist. et Arch. de l'Orne, Fétes de Saint-Evroul, 1912 (Alengon, 1912), pl. xi).

^ Halley's comet. It was noted by annalists all over Europe, most of whom believed that it portended one or other of the changes in England. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C, D, 1066) it first appeared on 24 April and shone

for a week. The length of time that it was visible varies in different accounts: Orderic agrees with William of Jumiéges. See Freeman, NC, iii, Appendix, Note N.

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jas

but had undertaken the government unwillingly by force of obedience. Then he encouraged the brethren and begged them to pardon his mistakes and keep him in their memory. So after making confession and receiving Holy Communion he died in the arms of the brethren as they devoutly chanted litanies for him. He had governed the church of St. Évroul for five years and three months when he died on 27 May. On the morrow Vitalis abbot of Bernay came for his friend's interment and buried him in the conventual

cloister, next to the church

of St. Peter the chief

apostle. His successor Mainer had his remains and those of his companion Guitmund translated to the new chapter-house seventeen years later.! In the year of Our Lord 1066, the fourth Indiction, during the month of April, a star known as a comet appeared in the northwest and remained visible for almost 15 days. Learned astrologers who investigate the secrets of natural science declared that this portended the transfer of a kingdom.? Indeed Edward king of England, son of King Ethelred by Emma, daughter of Richard the elder, duke of Normandy, had died shortly before; and Harold son of Earl Godwin had usurped the kingdom of England? and had already ruled it for three months and caused much harm, stained as he was by perjury and cruelty and other vices. His unjust usurpation had brought about warfare between peoples, and had plunged many mothers into mourning for their sons and wives for their husbands. The truth was that Edward had declared his intention of transmitting the whole kingdom of England to his kinsman William duke of Normandy, first through Robert archbishop of Canterbury* and afterwards through the same Harold, and had with the consent of the English made him heir to all his rights. Moreover, Harold himself had taken an oath of fealty to Duke William at RouenS in the presence of the Norman nobles, 3 King Edward died on 4 or 5 January 1066, and Harold was crowned the next day. Cf. Barlow, VER, p. 80 n. 2. 4 Robert Champart, abbot of Jumiéges in 1037, bishop of London in 1044, and archbishop of Canterbury in 1051. When Godwin regained power in 1052

Robert was driven into banishment and replaced by Stigand. Orderic’s account consistently follows the main lines of William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 132-3) and William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 30, 100).

5 There is general agreement in the sources that Harold took an oath of some kind, but authorities differ on the place and exact nature of the oath. Orderic is the only early writer to say that it was taken at Rouen; but this may have resulted from a misreading of William of Poitiers, who had described Harold’s reception

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duci coram optimatibus Normanniz sacramentum fecerat? et homo eius factus omnia que ab illo requisita fuerant super sanctissimas reliquias iurauerat. Tunc etiam dux eundem Heraldum in expedi-

ii. 118 tione secum contra Conanum comitem Britonum duxerat? armisque fulgentibus et equis aliisque insigniis cum commilitonibus suis spectabiliter ornauerat. Erat enim idem Anglus magnitudine et elegantia uiribusque corporis’ animique audacia et linguz facundia multisque facetiis et probitatibus admirabilis. Sed quid ei tanta dona sine fide que bonorum omnium fundamentum est contulerunt? In patriam nempe suam ut regressus est’ pro cupiditate regni domino suo fidem mentitus est. Nam regem Eduardum qui morbo ingrauescente iam morti proximus erat circumuenit: eique transfretationis suz et profectionis in Normanniam ac legationis seriem retulit. Deinde fraudulentis assertionibus adiecit" quod Willelmus Normanniz sibi filiam suam in coniugium dederit, et totius Anglici regni ius utpote genero suo concesserit.! Quod audiens zgrotus princeps miratus est’ tamen credidit et concessit quod uafer tirannus commentatus est. Post aliquot temporis piz memorize rex Eduardus xxiv? anno regni sui nonas ianuarii Lundoniz defunctus est’ et in nouo monasterio, quod ipse in occidentali parte urbis condiderat et tunc pracedenti septimana dedicari fecerat? prope altare quod beatus Petrus apostolus tempore Melliti episcopi? cum ostensione signorum consecrauerat^ sepultus est. Tunc Heraldus ipso tumulationis die dum plebs in exequiis dilecti regis adhuc maderet fletibus? a solo Stigando archiepiscopo quem Romanus papa suspenderat a diuinis officiis pro quibusdam criminibus, sine communi consensu aliorum prasulum et comitum procerumque ? xxiv? anno . . . consecrauerat, written by Orderic over an erasure, overflowing into the margin. at Rouen in the paragraph immediately preceding the taking of the oath (Foreville, p. 102). According to William of Poitiers the oath was taken at Bonneville before

the campaign

against Conan

of Brittany;

the Bayeux

Tapestry

places it at Bayeux after the campaign. Eadmer (Hist. Nov., pp. 7-8) gives full details of a pact between William and Harold, but does not say where the oath was with his

taken: the Vita Edwardi merely laments that Harold was too free oaths (Barlow, VER, p. 53). For details see Freeman, NC, iii,

Appendix, Note U; D. C. Douglas in EHR Ixviii (1953), 526-45; below, Appendix III.

* [tis possible that Harold was betrothed to one of Duke William's daughters: William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 230) and Eadmer (Hist. Nov., p. 7) also say

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and after becoming his man had sworn on the most sacred relics to carry out all that was required of him. After that the duke had taken Harold on an expedition against Conan count of Brittany, and had given him splendid arms and horses and heaped other tokens upon him and his companions. This Englishman was very tall and handsome, remarkable for his physical strength, his courage and eloquence, his ready jests and acts of valour. But what were all these gifts to him without honour, which is the root of all good? For as soon as he had returned to his own country he betrayed his faith to his lord through greed for the kingdom. He deceived King Edward who was then grievously ill and near to death; he gave an account of his crossing and arrival in Normandy and mission there, but then added falsely that William of Normandy had given him his daughter to wife and granted him as his son-in-law all his rights in the English kingdom.! Though the sick monarch was amazed, nevertheless he believed the story and gave his approval to the cunning tyrant's wishes. Soon afterwards King Edward of holy memory died at London on 5 January in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, and was buried in the new minster which he had founded to the west of the city,? and had had dedicated only the week before, beside the altar which St. Peter the apostle had miraculously blessed in the time of Bishop Mellitus.? There on the day of the funeral, whilst the crowds watched the last rites of their beloved king with streaming eyes, Harold had himself consecrated by Archbishop Stigand alone, whom the pope had suspended from divine service for various misdeeds, without the common

consent of the other

bishops, earls, and nobles, and so by stealth stole the glory of the that there was a marriage project. Apart from this the details are embroideries drawn from popular tradition or possibly saga. Orderic gives varying versions in different places. In his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 191) he writes: "Deinde dux postquam Heraldus fidelitatem sibi de regno pluribus sacramentis firmavit, Adelizam filiam suam cum medietate Anglici regni se daturum eidem spopondit.' Later in the Historia Ecclesiastica he gives the lady's name as Agatha trustworthy.

(Le Prévost,

ii. 391-2). Historically none of these details is

2 Westminster Abbey was consecrated on 28 December 1065. 3 'The legend of the miraculous dedication of Westminster by St. Peter in the time of Bishop Mellitus is also told by William of Malmesbury (GP, p. 141). The only verbal echo is in the words in occidentali parte, which is too slight to prove that Orderic used the same source, or even a first draft of the Gesta Pontificum. 'The story was widely current at the time (cf. Barlow, VER, p. xxxiii n. 4).

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consecratus, furtim preripuit diadematis et purpura decus.! Audientes autem Angli temerariam inuasionem, quam Heraldus fecerat, irati sunt’ et potentiorum nonnulli fortiter obsistere parati

a subiectione eius omnino

abstinuerunt.

Alii uero nescientes

qualiter tirannidem eius que iam super eos nimis excreuerat euaderent, et e contra considerantes quod nec illum deicere nec alium regem ipso regnante ad utilitatem regni substituere ualerent? colla iugo eius summiserunt, uiresque facinori quod inchoauerat auxerunt. Mox ipse regnum quod nequiter inuaserat/ horrendis

sceleribus maculauit.

ii. I20

¢Eduinus uero et Morcarus comites filii Algari precipui consulis Heraldo familiariter adheserunt, eumque iuuare toto conamine nisi sunt’ eo quod ipse Edgiuam sororem eorum uxorem habebat, que prius Gritfridi fortissimi regis Gualorum coniunx fuerat! eique Blidenum regni successorem? et filiam nomine Nest pepererat. Tunc Tosticus Goduini comitis filius aduertens Heraldi fratris sui praualere facinus, et regnum Angliz uariis grauari oppressionibus/ egre tulit, contradixit, et aperte repugnare decreuit. Vnde Heraldus patris consulatum quem Tosticus quia maior natu erat? longo tempore sub Eduardo rege iam tenuerat: ei uiolenter abstulit, ipsumque exulare compulit. Exul igitur Tosticus Flandriam expetiit, ibique socero suo Balduino ? The whole passage from ‘Eduinus uero . . . exhortationibus' is written by Orderic over an erasure.

! Archbishop Stigand had been excommunicated by Pope Leo IX and the sentence had been renewed by Nicholas II and Alexander II after he received

the pallium from the anti-pope Benedict X. Orderic's account follows William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 146), and the Bayeux Tapestry also supports the story that Harold was crowned by Stigand. On the other hand, Florence of Worcester

(FW i. 224) and the chronicle of the archbishops of York (Chronica pontificum ecclesiae Eboracensis (Historians of the Church of York, RS), ii. 348) say that he was crowned by Ealdred, archbishop of York, who was also bishop of Worcester. Both these writers were associated with Ealdred's churches and so likely to have had reliable information. If Orderic's version is compared with that of William of Poitiers it shows a hardening of the legend to Harold's discredit. The account

of Harold's seizure of the throne does not agree with the version in the AngloSaxon Chronicle; the E version at least says that he had been chosen. A large number of prelates, earls, and thanes must have come to Westminster for the consecration of the new Minster a week before: many would have remained because of the king's illness. Though Harold was crowned on the day of the

funeral he could have been accorded the formal acknowledgement and acclama-

tion that constituted election at this date, as Edward himself had been when he was 'chosen by all the people of London' the day after Hardacnut died (see

M. McKisack, *London and the succession to the Crown during. the Middle

Ages', in Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke (Oxford, 1948), p. 76). William of Malmesbury, more cautiously, came to the conclusion that

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crown and royal purple.! When the English learned of Harold’s presumptuous usurpation, they were moved to anger; some of the most powerful were ready to resist him by force and refused to submit to him in any way. Others, however, not knowing how to escape his tyranny which daily grew worse, and considering too that they were powerless either to depose him or to establish another king to profit the kingdom whilst he was in power, bowed their necks to his yoke and so increased his power for evil. In a short time the kingdom which he had nefariously seized was polluted with crimes too horrible to relate. The Earls Edwin and Morcar, sons of the great Earl /Elfgar, were close friends and adherents of Harold and gave him every help in their power; for he had taken to wife their sister Edith. She had formerly been the wife of Gruffydd, a great Welsh prince, and had born him Bleddyn the heir to the throne? and a daughter called Nest. But Tostig, Earl Godwin's son, seeing that the wickedness of his brother Harold had prevailed, and that the kingdom was groaning under every kind of oppression, took the matter to heart, resolved to oppose him, and openly declared war on him. At this Harold in anger deprived him of their father's earldom which Tostig, the elder by birth,? had held for a long time under King Edward, and forced him into exile.* Banished from home Tostig sought refuge in Flanders, and gave his wife Judith opinions were divided between Harold, William, and Edgar Atheling, but there was outward support for Harold at first. ? Bleddyn, who with Rhiwallon ruled North Wales after Gruffydd's death, was the half-brother, not the son, of Gruffydd. See J. E. Lloyd, ‘Wales and the coming of the Normans’, in Trans. Soc. Cymmrodorion (1899-1900), p. 146.

3 This is untrue. Tostig was the third son of Earl Godwin, and Harold was the second. 4 Orderic’s chronology is wrong, and consequently his interpretation of motives is wrong. The Northumbrian rebellion which forced Tostig into exile

took place in the autumn of 1065, before the death of King Edward (AngloSaxon Chronicle, C, D, E, 1065). The reasons for the Northumbrian

rebellion

are obscure, but F. Barlow points to a long-standing rivalry between Tostig and the family of the earls of Mercia, and shows that he had also become involved in Northumbrian feuds (Barlow, VER, p. 50 n. 4; p. 51 n. 1). Harold was suspected of complicity in the rebellion (ibid., p. 53). Morcar, the youngest son

of Earl ZElfgar of Mercia, acquired the earldom of Northumbria after Tostig’s flight, and he and his brother Edwin, who succeeded to his father’s earldom of Mercia, were committed by the interests of their family to Harold’s cause. Harold’s marriage to their sister Edith may well have taken place about this time: there is no evidence that he was married before the king’s death. For the earlier marriage of Edith to King Gruffydd (d. 1063) see J. E. Lloyd, op. cit.,

Pp. 134.

140

ii. I2I

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Flandrensium satrapz Iudith uxorem suam commendauit.! Deinde festinus Normanniam adiit, et Willelmum ducem cur periurum suum regnare sineret fortiter redarguit seque fideliter si ipse cum Normannicis uiribus in Angliam transfretaret regni decus optenturum illi spopondit.? Ipsi nempe iamdudum se inuicem multum amauerant/ duasque sorores per quas amicicia saepe recalescebat in coniugio habebant. Willelmus autem dux aduenientem amicum cum gaudio suscepit, amicabili redargutioni eius gratias egit? eiusque exhortationibus animatus Normanniz proceres conuocauit? et de tanto talique negocio quid agendum esset palam ; consuluit.

Eo tempore Normannia preclare uigebat sapientibus zcclesi-

arum prelatis et optimatibus. Nam sacer Maurilius ex monacho metropolitanus episcopus przsidebat cathedre Rotomagensi, et Odo Willelmi ducis uterinus frater Baiocensi, Hugo frater Rodberti Aucensis comitis Lexouiensi, et Willelmus Ebroicensi, Goisfredus Constantiniensi, et Iohannes filius Radulfi Baiocarum* comitis

li. 122

Abrincatensi, atque Iuo Belesmensis Willelmi filius Sagiensi. Omnes hi pollebant et excellentia preclare generositatis: et claritudine religionis multimodzque probitatis. Persone nichilominus laici ordinis preminebant Ricardus comes Ebroicensis Rodberti archiepiscopi filius, Rodbertus comes Willelmi Aucensis satrapz filius, Rodbertus comes Moritoliensis Willelmi ducis frater uterinus, Rodulfus de Conchis Rogerii Toenitis filius Normannorum signifer, Willelmus Osberni filius ducis cognatus et dapifer, Willelmus de Warenna et Hugo Pincerna, Hugo de Grentemaisnilio, et Rogerius de Molbraio, Rogerius de Bellomonte, et Rogerius de Montegomerici, Balduinus et Ricardus Gisleberti comitis filii, et alii plures militari stemmate feroces, sensuque sagaci consilioque potentes? qui Romano senatui uirtute seu maturitate non cederent, sed ad laborem tolerandum hostemque tam ingenio quam fortitudine uincendum equiparari studerent.5 ! There is nothing in William of Poitiers about Tostig’s early movements, and Orderic may have taken some facts from Florence of Worcester. Tostig went to Flanders at the beginning of November 1065. His wife Judith was said by Florence of Worcester and Orderic to be a daughter of Count Baldwin V; but P. Grierson (‘The relations between England and Flanders before the Norman Conquest’, in T'RHS, 4th series, xxiii (1941), 99 n. 5) established that she was a daughter of Count Baldwin IV by his second marriage to a daughter of Duke Richard II of Normandy, and so a half-sister to Baldwin V. See also Barlow, VER, pp. 24-25. ^ Orderic is alone in saying that Tostig went from Flanders to Normandy. This is possible, in view of Judith's kinship with William's wife, Matilda; and

he could have sailed from the Cotentin as Orderic claims to the Isle of Wight,

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I4I

into the charge of his father-in-law Baldwin, count of Flanders.! He himself hurried to Normandy, boldly rebuked Duke William for allowing his perjured vassal to rule, and swore that he would faithfully secure the crown for him if he would cross to England with a Norman army.? For some time they had been close friends and by marrying two sisters had strengthened the bonds between them.3 Consequently Duke William greeted his comrade warmly on his arrival, thanked him for his friendly chiding, and with his encouragement called together the Norman nobles for a public discussion about what ought to be done in an affair of such moment. At this time Normandy had a brilliant galaxy of bishops and magnates. For blessed Maurilius, a monk, had become archbishop of Rouen; Odo, the uterine brother of Duke William, was bishop

of Bayeux;

Hugh, brother of Robert count of Eu, bishop of

Lisieux; William, bishop of Évreux, Geoffrey, of Coutances; John,

son of Ralph count of Bayeux,* bishop of Avranches; and Ivo, son of William of Belléme, bishop of Séez. All these were men of extremely high birth, religious zeal, and every kind of virtue. But the laymen were no less outstanding: Richard count of Évreux, the son of Archbishop Robert; Count Robert, son of William lord of Eu; Count Robert of Mortain, uterine brother

of Duke William; Ralph of Conches, son of Roger of Tosny, standard-bearer of the Normans; William fitzOsbern, the duke's kinsman

and steward;

William

of Warenne,

Hugh the Butler;

Hugh of Grandmesnil and Roger of Mowbray; Roger of Beaumont and Roger of Montgomery; Baldwin and Richard, sons of Count Gilbert; and many others who had inherited the warlike courage of their ancestors and excelled in judgement and wise counsel. They would have yielded nothing to the Roman senate in talents or experience, but bid fair to equal them in enduring toil and outwitting as well as overpowering their enemies.5 where

his appearance

Chronicle

early in May

(C, D, 1066).

1066 is recorded

by the Anglo-Saxon

In his earlier interpolations in William

of Jumiéges

(Marx, p. 192) Orderic had said more briefly ‘Porro dux Tosticum comitem in Angliam misit'. But even if it is true that Tostig’s travels took him through Normandy, the remainder of Orderic’s story of collusion with Duke William is 3 In fact Judith was Matilda's aunt. Above, p. 140 n. I. pure invention. * Usually called ‘of Ivry’. 5 The account of William's consultation with his vassals is derived from William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 148), with additions; William does not name the bishops and abbots, and gives a shorter list of eminent laymen. The com-

parison with the Roman senate is taken from William of Poitiers.

142

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Omnes hi ad commune decretum iussu ducis acciti sunt? et audita re tam grandi utpote diuersi diuersa senserunt. Animosiores cupido duci fauere uolentes ad certamen ire socios incitabant" tantumque negocium sine mora incipere. laudabant. Alii uero tam laboriosum opus inire dissuadebant? nimiumque ausis et in necem precipitibus multa importuna et discrimine plena pratendebant. Pericula maris et difficultatem classis opponebant? Normannorumque paucitatem non posse uincere Anglorum multitudinem

asserebant. Tandem

ii. 123

dux Gislebertum Lexouiensem Archidia-

conum! Romam misit/ et de his que acciderant ab Alexandro Papa consilium requisiuit. Papa uero auditis rebus quae contigerant, legitimo duci fauit? audacter arma sumere contra periurum przecepit, et uexillum sancti Petri apostoli cuius meritis ab omni periculo defenderetur transmisit.? Interea 'T'osticus in Angliam remeandi licentiam a duce accepit: eique auxilium suum tam per se quam per omnes amicos suos firmiter spopondit. Sed sicut scriptum est 'Homo cogitat, Deus ordinat’: euenit multo aliter quam sperabat. Nam de Constantino pelagus intrauit sed Angliam attingere nullatenus potuit. Heraldus

enim mare nauium militumque copia munierat, ne quis hostium sine graui conflictu introiret in regnum quod fraudulenter inuaserat. Tosticus itaque magnis undique premebatur angustiis; utpote qui nec Angliam per bellum cum paucis contra innumeros

inuadere, nec Normanniam propter contrarietatem uentorum pot-

li. 124

erat repetere. Vnde zephiro nothoque aliisque uentis alternatim impellentibus angores multos pertulit, et per equora uagabundus discrimina plura metuit? donec tandem post plurimos labores ad Heraldum regem Nortwigenarum qui Harafagh cognominatur accessit. Cui cum ab eo honorifice susceptus fuisset, uidens quod promissa quae Willelmo duci fecerat complere non posset? mutata intentione ait, ‘Sullimitatem uestram magnifice rex supplex adeo, et me seruitiumque meum maiestati uestre fideliter offero? ut ' The name of William's envoy to Rome is given by Orderic only: St. Évroul

was in the diocese of Lisieux, and he may have had local knowledge. ? William of Poitiers describes the standard in slightly different terms: *Hujus apostolici favorem petens dux . . . vexillum accepit ejus benignitate velut suffragium sancti Petri, quo primo confidentius ac tutius invaderet adversarium" (Foreville, p. 154). To Orderic, writing some fifty years later, it had become St. Peter's banner. On the use of papal banners see above, p. 59 n. 4.

3 Harold Hardrada not Harold Fairhair. The Anglo-Saxon chronicles and Florence of Worcester all make the same mistake. For varying accounts of Tostig’s movements see Freeman, NC iii, Appendix, Note AA. The English sources say that Tostig went to Scotland for the summer. The story of his presence in Norway comes only from Orderic and from the Norse sagas, and

the basis of it may simply be that Tostig and Harold Hardrada invaded England

BOOK

III

143

All these men came together at the duke's command to find a common course of action, and on hearing of this tremendous enterprise expressed as many different opinions as there were different kinds of men. The more impetuous wished to further the duke's ambition and urged their comrades to the struggle, giving their voice in favour of undertaking the enterprise without delay. Others, however, were against embarking on so lengthy an undertaking, insisting that there were many dangers and difficulties in the path of the overbold who were heading for destruction. They pointed to the dangers of the crossing and the problem of raising a fleet, asserting that a mere handful of Normans could not hope to conquer a huge multitude of Englishmen. Finally the duke sent Gilbert archdeacon of Lisieux! to Rome, to seek advice from the

pope on the situation. The pope listened to his account of all that had taken place, gave his opinion in favour of the duke's just claim, advised him to take up arms boldly against the perjurer, and sent the standard of St. Peter the Apostle, by whose merits he might be defended from every danger.? Meanwhile Tostig gained the duke's permission to return to England, and promised faithfully that he and all his friends would give him every assistance. But it is written, ‘Man proposes, God disposes', and things fell out otherwise than they planned. He embarked from the Cotentin, but completely failed to reach England. For Harold defended his sea coasts with a great force of men and ships, to prevent any enemy from landing without a major battle in the kingdom he had wrongfully usurped. Tostig therefore found himself set in the midst of perils; he could neither land in England because his forces were too weak to give battle, nor return to Normandy because of unfavourable winds. 'Tossed about by the west and south and other winds in turn he endured one anxiety after another, and suffered many fears during his wanderings through the deep; but at last after enduring much he came to Harold called Fairhair, king of Norway.? As he was well received by the king and saw that he could not possibly fulfil the promises he had made to Duke William, he changed his plans and declared: ‘Great king, I approach your throne as a suppliant, offering myself and my service in good faith to your majesty, in together. Tostig was, however, certainly in touch with Harold Hardrada during the summer,

whilst

he was

(Douglas, WC, p. 191).

taking refuge with

King

Malcolm

of Scotland

144.

ii. 126

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III

possim restitui per uestrum suffragium honori ex paterna successione debito. Nam Heraldus frater meus qui iure michi utpote primogenito debuisset parere, fraudulenter insurrexit contra me? et regnum Angliz periuriis praesumpsit usurpare. Vnde a uobis quos uiribus et armis omnique probitate precipue uigere cognosco? uiriliter adiuuari utpote homo uester exposco. Proteruiam perfidi fratris bello proterite, medietatem Angliz uobis retinete? aliamque michi qui uobis inde fideliter seruiam dum aduixero optinete.' His auditis auidus rex ualde gauisus est. Deinde 1ussit exercitum aggregari, bellica instrumenta preparari’ et regiam classem per sex menses diligenter in omnibus aptari. Erroneus exul ad tantum laborem tirannum exciuit, eumque callida tergiuersatione taliter illexit? ne ab eo quasi explorator regni sui caperetur, sed ut per eum quoquomodo iniuriam expulsionis suz de malefido fratre ulcisceretur. Nichilominus Normannorum marchio parabat suam profectionem: nescius infortunii quod preeoccupauerat suum prazcursorem, et extra statutum cursum longe propulerat ad septentrionem. In Neustria multa naues cum utensilibus suis diligenter parate sunt? quibus fabricandis clerici et laici studiis et sumptibus adhibitis pariter intenderunt.! Exactione principali de Normannia numerosi bellatores acciti sunt. Rumoribus quoque uiri pugnaces de uicinis regionibus exciti conuenerunt? et bellicis instrumentis ad preliandum sese preparauerunt. Galli namque et Britones, Pictauini et Burgundiones, aliique populi Cisalpini ad bellum transmarinum conuolarunt? et Anglice. prede inhiantes uariis euentibus et periculis terre: marique sese optulerunt.? Dum hzc pararentur Osbernus Vticensis abbas ut supra retulimus obiit’ et monachilis conuentus de substituendo successore ducem antequam transfretaret requisiuit. At ille apud Bonamuillam inde cum proceribus suis consilium iniit. Denique hortatu Hugonis episcopi aliorumque sapientum Mainerium priorem elegit, eique per pastoralem baculum exteriorem curam tradidit et predicto antistiti ut ea quz sibi de spirituali cura ! Orderic's account of lay and clerical contributions to the building of the ships is a little more precise than that in William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 150). There is a list of those who contributed ships in the Brevis Relatio (cf. below, Appendix III), pp. 21-22: the names include the ecclesiastics Remigius of Fécamp, Nicholas abbot of St. Ouen, and Odo of Bayeux; and the laymen William

fitzOsbern,

Hugh

of Avranches,

Roger of Mortemer,

and Roger of

Montgomery. But since this is a later, unofficial list, there is no certainty that the names or figures are accurate.

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145

the hope of being restored by your aid to the honour which is mine by right of inheritance. For Harold my brother, who ought rightly to obey me as the first-born, has treacherously risen against me and presumptuously on false pretences made himself king of England. Therefore I seek help from you as your liegeman, knowing that you have a strong army and every military virtue. Destroy my brother's upstart strength in war, keep half England for yourself, and let me have the other half to hold as your faithful vassal as long as I live. These words pleased the king, for he was covetous. At once he ordered an army to be gathered together, weapons of war prepared, and the royal fleet fitted out for six months. ‘The wandering exile incited the tyrant to this great task and misled him thus by using his wits to avoid being imprisoned as a spy, and further to secure the king's aid to avenge his unjust expulsion by his faithless brother. All this time the duke of Normandy was preparing his expedition, knowing nothing of the misfortunes which had turned his forerunner from his chosen course and driven him far away to the north. In Normandy many ships were already fully equipped, for both clergy and laity devoted their time and money to building them.! At the prince's summons many warriors assembled from all over Normandy. As rumours of the enterprise spread to the neighbouring regions men with a lust for war flocked to the duke and made ready their weapons for the fray. The men of Gaul and Brittany, Poitou, and Burgundy, and other peoples from north of the Alps, assembled for war overseas; panting for the spoils of England they gladly threw themselves into the perils that awaited them by land and sea.? Whilst these preparations were being made Osbern abbot of St. Évroul died as I have related, and the convent asked the prince to provide a successor before he embarked. He took counsel on this matter with his magnates at Bonneville, and on the advice of Bishop Hugh and other men of judgement chose Mainer, the prior. Duke William invested him with the temporalities by means of the 2 There were undoubtedly many mercenaries, some of whom were Norman, in William’s army; William of Poitiers mentions them (Foreville, p. 150) and enumerates men of Maine, France, Brittany, and Aquitaine (Foreville, p. 192);

he implies later, however, that the victory at Hastings was won Normans

chiefly by

(Foreville, p. 208). Orderic adds more names to the list of William of

Poitiers: the accuracy of his details has been questioned by S. Korner, Battle of Hastings (Lund, 1964), p. 235. 822204

L

The

146

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III

competebat suppleret pracepit.' Ille uero libenter omnia compleuit. Eodem die? dux domnum Lanfrancum Beccensium priorem coram se adesse imperauit? eique abbatiam quam ipse dux in honore Sancti Stephani prothomartiris apud Cadomum honorabiliter fundauerat commendauit. Lanfrancus itaque primus Cadomensium abbas factus est’ sed paulo post? ad Cantuariensem archiepiscopatum promotus est. Erat idem natione Langobardus, liberalium artium eruditione affluenter imbutus? benignitate, largitate, et omni religione przditus, elemosinis aliisque bonis studiis multipliciter intentus. Hic nimirum a die quo primitus apud Bonamuillam ut przlibauimus zcclesiz regimen suscepit? xxii annis et nouem mensibus multis in domo Dei fidelibus

proficiens nobiliter claruit.

li. 127

Venerandus Hugo episcopus magnanimum Dei clientem Mainerium iussu ducis Vticum adduxit/ eumque secundum statuta canonum ante altare sancti Petri apostoli xvii kal. augusti benedixit. Ille autem suscepto nomine abbatis et onere laudabiliter uixit, et susceptum regimen uiginti duobus annis et vii mensibus utiliter tenuit? multisque modis monasterium sibi commissum intus et exterius iuuante Deo emendauit. Fratres autem benigniter sedauit sollertia et ratione? qui aliquantulum turbati fuerant in eius electione. Duos enim monachos qui religione geminaque scientia pollebant, Rainaldum scilicet de Rupe et Fulconem de Warlenuilla* ad sui regimen elegerant/ ideoque ab eo qui per pontificem et uicinos sine illorum consensu preferebatur non modicum desciuerant. Sepe in huiusmodi negocio? per deteriores oriri solet turbatio. Nam dum improbi suam uiolenter praeponere sententiam nituntur: regularis ordo saniusque consilium multoties impediuntur. Omnipotens uero Deus zcclesiam suam in omni pressura potenter protegit, et errantes corrigit" ac necessarium solamen sicut uult et per quos uult clementer porrigit. Eius itaque prouidentia prefatum Mainerium ut postea liquido patuit" ad ! Orderic accepts the ducal nomination as a matter of course. One version of the foundation charter cited by Orderic (above, p. 38; cf. Fauroux, p. 289

n. (c)) promises free election by the monks, but this may be a traditional formula. Cf. the similar formula included in the monastic statutes of Lanfranc, though Lanfranc was authoritarian in his appointments of abbots (Knowles,

MO, p. 397). 2 There is disagreement on the date of the appointment of Lanfranc as abbot

of St. Stephen’s. Both Orderic and the Annals of St. Evroul (Le Prévost, v. 157) place it in 1066. The Bec sources, which are more likely to be accurate, give an earlier date: the chronicle of Bec gives 1062, and Robert of Torigni 1063. Anselm's statement that he was a monk of Bec for three years before becoming prior (after Lanfranc's

departure

for Caen)

supports

1063; and

this date is

BOOK III

147

pastoral staff, and instructed Bishop Hugh to invest him with the spiritual cure.! The bishop gladly complied. On the same day? the duke summoned Lanfranc prior of Bec to his presence, and entrusted him with the government of the abbey which he himself had richly endowed at Caen in honour of St. Stephen the first martyr. So Lanfranc became the first abbot of Caen, but before very long? he was promoted to the archbishopric of Canterbury. He came of Lombard stock and was remarkably well-versed in the liberal arts, a man full of kindness, generosity, and piety, who devoted much time to alms and other good works. For twenty-two years and nine months, after the day when

at Bonneville,

as we

have

related, he first received the

government of a church, he led a life of high repute, doing much good to countless servants in the house of God. Bishop Hugh at the duke's command brought God's worthy servant, Mainer, to St. Évroul, and blessed him in proper form before the altar of St. Peter the apostle on 16 July. From the time

that he received the title and undertook the duties of abbot he led a praiseworthy life, governing well for twenty-two years and seven months, and generally improving—with God's help—both the internal and external administration of the monastery committed to his care. By his tact and good sense he soon appeased the brethren, who had been somewhat perturbed at his election. Their choice of an abbot had fallen on two men of equal piety and learning, Reginald of La Roche and Fulk of Guernanville,* and so they emphatically rejected the man who had been set over them by the bishop and other outsiders without their consent. In this sort of case the more unruly monks frequently stir up riots. As long as some rash spirits are determined to impose their will by force it is impossible for orderly life and wise counsel to prevail. But almighty God protects his church in every crisis, brings the sinful to repentance, and provides whatever succour is necessary as he thinks best through the agents of his choice. It was by his providence, as was later revealed, that Mainer was promoted to generally accepted (cf. Porée, i. 119; R. W. Southern, St. Anselm and his Biographer, p. 30). The error at St. Évroul may have arisen because the abbey church of Holy Trinity, Caen, was consecrated on 18 June 1066; and the oral tradition in the monastery possibly confused this ceremony, which took place at the time of Mainer's investiture, with the investiture of Lanfranc. 3 [n 1070.

* See above, p. 124 n. 1.

148

ii. 128

ii. 129

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III

gubernandum Vticense ccenobium quod in sterili rure inter nequissimos compatriotas situm erat promouit. Erat enim de contiguo castello quod dicitur Excalforum oriundus, grammatica, dialectica et rethorica affatim imbutus, ad resecanda uitia sollers et seuerus? ad inserendas et intimandas fratribus uirtutes feruidus. Obseruator monastici ordinis assiduus? commissis sibi uiam uitae monstrabat uerbis et operibus, multorumque ad operandum in uinea Domini Sabaoth incitator factus est et praeuius, comesque sollicitus. Hic coit! nouam basilicam in honore sancte Marie matris Domini et sancti Petri apostoli ac sancti confessoris Ebrulfi, ibique septem altaria sunt in honore sanctorum consecrata diuinae maiestati. Vetus enim zecclesia quam Sanctus Ebrulfus Hilperico et nepote eius Hildeberto sceptra Francorum gestantibus? apostolorum principi construxerat: antiquitate ex magna parte diruta erat, nec conuentui monachorum qui cotidie augebantur sufficiebat. Porro zdificium de lapidibus apud Vticum condere ualde laboriosum est’ quia lapidicina Merulensis unde quadrati lapides aduehuntur ad sex miliaria longe est. Maxima ergo in colligendis equis et bobus et plaustris difficultas instabat procuratoribus? per quos congeries lapidum aliique ad tantum opus agebantur necessarii apparatus. Prafatus itaque abbas omni tempore regiminis sui non quieuit? sed multarum rerum sollicitudine anxius subiectis et posteris affatim profecit. /Ecclesiam namque claram et amplam, Deique seruitium libere celebrantibus aptam? claustrum et capitulum, dormitorium et refectorium? coquinam et cellarium, aliasque officinas competentes usibus monachorum» auxiliante Deo perfecit cum subsidio et largitione fratrum et amicorum. Lanfrancus enim archiepiscopus dum dedicationi Cadomensis zcclesiz anno scilicet duodecimo post Anglicum bellum? interfuit/ Mainerio abbati xliv libras Anglice monete et duos auri marcos erogauit, et postmodum de Cantia per domnum Rogerium de Sappo qui sibi pro scientia litterarum notus et amicus erat xl libras sterilensium misit. His igitur datis ecclesiz turris erecta est’ et monachile dormitorium constructum est. Mathildis uero regina preciosam infulam dedit et cappam ad Dei seruitium" et * Some preliminary work had been done by his two predecessors. St. Evroul died on 29 December

706, after some

thirty-five years in the

forest of Ouche; and the church was built during the latter part of his life. As Orderic believed that he died in 596 he presumably means Chilperic I (579-84) and his nephew Childebert II, who succeeded him.

3 Although Orderic's date has been questioned (Lemarignier,. Exemption, pp. 270-1; Foreville, p. 128 n. 2), it is in fact correct. L. Musset has shown that

the church of St. Stephen's, Caen, was dedicated on 13 September 1077 (Actes

BOOK III

126

govern the church of St. Évroul, which was situated in barren

country and surrounded by evil neighbours. For he came from the near-by town of Échauffour, was thoroughly learned in gram-

mar, dialectic, and rhetoric, and showed himself vigilant and firm

in rooting out vice, and eager to inspire the brethren to all good works. Himself a tireless observer of the monastic rule, he was able

to show his monks the way of life by his example as well as his instruction, and he led many labourers to work in the vineyard of the Lord of Hosts, where he himself toiled ceaselessly at their side. He began to build a new church! dedicated in the name of Mary, the blessed mother of God, St. Peter the apostle, and St. Évroul the confessor: and there seven altars in honour of the saints were consecrated to God. By this time the old church, which St. Évroul had built in honour of the chief apostle whilst Chilperic and his nephew Childebert ruled over the Franks; had almost crumbled away with age; and in any case it was too small for a community of monks that grew larger every day. Moreover, to build a stone church in the region of Ouche was a heavy labour, for the stone quarry at Merlerault which provided the ashlar blocks was six miles away. The overseers whose business it was to procure great piles of stones and other equipment necessary for the works had the greatest difficulty in finding enough horses, oxen, and wagons. Abbot Mainer never spared himself all the time he held office, but was always busied about many things in the present and future interests of the community. By the grace of God, and with the help and generous gifts of his brethren and friends, he completed a fine and spacious church worthy of the celebration of divine service, a cloister and chapter-house, dormitory and refectory, kitchen and store-room, and other buildings necessary for the daily life of the monks. Archbishop Lanfranc gave him forty-four pounds of English money and two golden marks when he came to the dedication of the church of Caen,? twelve

years after the Conquest of England; and later sent him forty pounds sterling from Kent, by the hand of Roger of Le Sap whom he knew and loved as a man learned in letters. Thanks to these gifts the tower of the church was erected, and a dormitory built for the monks. Queen Matilda gave a costly chasuble and cope for the de Guillaume le Conquérant et de la reine Mathilde pour les abbayes caennaises (Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm. xxxvI1 (1967)), pp. 14-15.

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centum libras Rodomensium ad agendum tricorium. Willelmus autem de Ros! Baiocensis clericus, qui in eadem ecclesia triplici erat honore preditus, erat enim cantor et decanus et archidiaconus? xl libras sterilensium dedit Vticensibus.

Qui non

multo

post szculi pompas sponte relinquens Cadomensis monachus factus est’ et inde priusquam unum annum in monachatu perficeret ad Fiscannensis coenobii regimen assumptus est. Nomen eius pro multis beneficiis quz Vticensibus contulit in rotulo generali? scriptum est’ et pro ipso missas et orationes et elemosinas sicut pro monacho professo prorsus agi statutum est. Plurimis itaque fautoribus nouz basilicae. fabrica sullimata est’ et inceptum opus tam zcclesiz quam domorum honorabiliter consummatum est.

li. 130

Tempore regiminis Mainerii abbatis xc monachi diuersze qualitatis et conditionis, quorum nomina conscripta sunt in uolumine generalis descriptionis:? secularem habitum in Vticensi scola reliquerunt, et instinctu laudabilique bonorum exemplo per arduum iter ad Dominum ire aggressi sunt. Ex ipsis quidam ipso patre adhuc uiuente premium bone conuersationis optinuerunt, aliique in sancto proposito diu permanserunt? longamque militiam uiriliter exercuerunt, Deoque deuotione placere et hominibus bonorum operum exhibitione prodesse studuerunt. Nonnulli uero nobilitate pollentes monasterio suo in multis subuenerunt? et a parentibus suis uel notis uel amicis decimas et ecclesias et ornamenta ecclesiastica utilitati fratrum obtinuerunt. Singillatim omnia que domui suz singuli contulerunt omnino describere nequeo: sed tamen aliqua prout competentem referendi facultatem uidero, iuuante Deo ueraciter intimare pro communi commodo

posteritati cupio.

Primus itaque monachorum Rogerius de Altaripa iussu praefati abbatis in pagum Vilcassinum perrexit? et Heldrici Cortem quem sicut supra retulimus Ricardus Vulneratus Sancto Ebrulfo dederat possedit, terramque incultam et cultoribus pene uacuam inuenit. Vnde in primis ibidem construxit oratorium de uirgultis in honore Sancti Nicholai Mirreorum presulis’ ideoque uicus qui nunc ibidem consistit capella Sancti Nicholai usque hodie nuncupatur ab incolis. Frequenter contigit sicut ipse nobis referre solebat, quod nocturnis temporibus dum in capella uirgea matutinos cantabat? lupus e contra deforis stabat, et quasi psallenti ! Cf. below, p. 292. ? Cf. above, p. 114. 3 This can be identified as La Chapelle-en-Vexin, near to Parnes; nothing remains of St. Nicholas's Chapel, but the name is remembered in a hollow called the ‘Fond St. Nicholas’. It is about a dozen miles from Heudicourt (near

Etrepagni); if Heldrici Corti is in fact Heudicourt Richard must have taken his

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divine office and a hundred Rouen pounds for work on the refectory. And William of Rots,! a clerk of Bayeux, who held a triple honour in that church since he was cantor and dean and archdeacon, gave forty pounds sterling to the monks. Shortly afterwards he willingly renounced the pomp of the world and became a monk at Caen, and before he had completed a full year as a monk he was translated to Fécamp as abbot. By his many gifts to the church of St. Evroul he earned a place for his name in the general roll? and it was resolved therefore to offer masses and prayers and alms for him as for one of our own monks. So thanks to many benefactors the fabric of the new monastery was raised, and the work begun on the church and monastic buildings worthily completed. Whilst Mainer was abbot ninety monks from every walk of life, whose names are written in the general register of the monastery,? renounced the world to submit themselves to discipline at St. Évroul, and set out along the narrow way of the Lord helped by their own high enthusiasm and the good example of others. Some of them secured the reward of virtuous living during Abbot Mainer's lifetime; others lived longer, persevering in their holy intentions, fighting strenuously against sin, and devoting themselves to worshipping God and giving an example of good conduct to others. Some who came of noble families gave material support to their monastery by securing gifts of tithes, churches, and sacred ornaments for the use of the brethren from their kinsmen,

friends, and acquaintances. It would be impossible for me to catalogue everything which each man bestowed on his house, but I hope with God's aid to leave a true record of some things as occasion offers, for the benefit of future generations. Roger of Hauterive was the first monk to be sent by Abbot Mainer to Heudicourt in the Vexin, which as I related Richard

*the Wounded' had given to St. Évroul, and found it a waste and almost uninhabited region. To begin with he built there a chapel of wattle and daub dedicated in honour of St. Nicholas bishop of Myra, from which the hamlet that has grown up there has now taken its name.? As he used to relate to us, it often happened that when he was singing Matins during the night watches in his wattled chapel he would hear the wolf at the door growling as if he were chanting the responses to the psalms. This holy man by name from one village and held property in the other, unless there was a second Heudicourt near La Chapelle, whose name has been changed.

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murmurando respondebat. Venerabilis itaque uir diuinitus adiutus Herbertum Pincernam amoris glutino sibi adiunxit? qui post mortem Herberti cognati sui fratris uidelicet Ricardi Vulnerati medietatem feudi eius Sancto Ebrulfo concessit. Ibi Rogerius laborans beniuoli iuuamine patroni locum ipsum qui diu antea propter werram et alia infortunia desertus fuerat excoluit? ibique Rogerius de Sappo post aliquot annos praedicto seniori succedens zcclesiam de lapidibus zdificare coepit. Prafatus enim miles in toto Vilcassino multum uigebat, opibusque et filius ualidisque parentibus et affinibus ampliatus pene omnibus uicinis suis

eminebat. Vxor ei erat nomine Rollandis filia Odonis de Calui-

li. 132

monte’ quz peperit ei Godefridum et Petrum, Ioannemque et Walonem, et filias plures, ex quibus orta est copia magna nepotum. Omnes isti pater scilicet et praedicti fratres milites fuerunt magnz probitatis? et quantum exterius patuit erga Deum et homines probate legalitatis. Mulier uero supradicta omni uita sua fuit eximiz honestatis? et adhuc superstes est uiro liberisque de mundo iamdudum sublatis. Horum benignitate et suffragio capella beati Nicholai praesulis instaurata est? et habilis habitatio monachorum qui regulariter uiuunt et pacem amant usque hodie facta est.! Eodem tempore Fulcoius Radulfi de Caldreio? filius uenerabilem Rogerium pro multimoda bonitate qua uigebat adamauit: filiumque suum ad leuandum de sacro baptismatis fonte benigniter ei optulit, quem ille gratanter suscepit. Deinde cognitione et dilectione paulatim crescente in illis, Fulcoius compatri suo concessit ecclesiam Sancti Martini de Parnis? ad quam parrochia statutis diebus congregabatur de septem adiacentibus uicis, ut uota sua Deo redderent; et laudes et precepta Dei ut decet audirent. At ille Mainerium abbatem accersiit. Postquam autem przefatus pater Parnas aduenit? Fulcoius annuente Wascelino fratre suo Sancto Ebrulfo aecclesiam concessit, et omnes consuetudines ad ipsam ecclesiam pertinentes, et in eadem uilla terram unius aratri, et decimam carruce suz et duarum possessiones domorum, et unum molendinum quod Tollens-Viam nuncupabatur. Archidiaconatum quoque quem in feudo ab antecessoribus suis de archiepiscopo Rotomagensi tenebat monachis dedit et dominatum omnium hospitum qui Parnis degebant ita monachis concessit" ut si eidem forisfacerent, non eos per domos eorum sed per alium fiscum t The chapel of St. Nicholas seems, contrary to the view of Le Prévost (Eure, ii. 255-6), to have survived as a tiny cell of St. Évroul throughout the

Middle Ages. A prior of La Chapelle was present during Archbishop Rigaud's visitation of Parnes in July 1256; and the revenue was then £45 annually (Reg. Visit., ed. Bonnin, p. 255).

2 Chaudry is a hamlet of Parnes,

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God's aid won the affection of Herbert the Butler, who when his kinsman Herbert the brother of Richard ‘the Wounded’ died granted half his fief to St. Evroul. Roger by his labour and the benevolent help of his patron brought the place under cultivation, though it had long lain waste as a result of war and other disasters; and Roger of Le Sap, who followed the old man a few years later, began to build a stone church. The knight I have mentioned was a very important man in the Vexin; thanks to great wealth, a large family, and influential kinsfolk and connexions he was nearly the most powerful man in the district. His wife, Rollande by name, was a daughter of Eudo of Chaumont and she bore him Godfrey and Peter, John and Walo, and several daughters from whom sprang a numerous progeny. All these, both father and sons, were soldiers of great courage who, to all outward appearances, rendered to God and men their due. Rollande herself led a life of strict virtue; and

she is alive today, having survived her husband and children. By the patronage and help of this family the chapel of the holy Bishop Nicholas was established; and it has been a fit habitation where

monks can follow their rule and live in peace up to the present day.! At this time Foucher, the son of Ralph of Chaudry,? came to love the holy Roger for his unfailing goodness, and asked him to stand as godfather to his son. Roger gladly consented; and from that time their friendship and affection steadily increased until Foucher granted to his son’s godfather the church of St. Martin of Parnes, where on certain festivals the parishioners from the seven neighbouring hamlets duly assembled to make their offerings to God, and hear his word and solemn praise. Roger sent to Abbot Mainer asking him to come; and when the abbot reached Parnes Foucher, with the consent of his brother Walchelin, granted the church to St. Evroul, with all the customs pertaining to it and one ploughland in the vill, the tithe of his plough, two houses, and one mill

called 'Tollens-Viam. He also granted to the monks the archdeaconry which he and his ancestors had held in fee from the

archbishop of Rouen,? and the lordship of all settlers living in Parnes, with the stipulation that if they incurred a fine distraint should be levied on some property other than their home 3 There are other cases where archidiaconal rights which had been secularized were granted to monasteries, and the limited form of exemption which many monasteries were coming to enjoy in various places has been compared to the

exercise of archidiaconal jurisdiction. See Lemarignier, Exemption, pp. 174-6.

154

li. 133

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castigaret.! Parnenses autem exultabant eo quod monachis subderentur, sperantes ut eorum patrocinio contra collimitaneos Normannos tutarentur’ quorum infestationibus frequenter uexabantur.? Succedenti quoque tempore dum Goisbertus medicus? haberet prioratum? Fulcoius ut noua basilica inchoaretur totum dedit cimiterium. Tunc fundamentum noui operis inceptum est" quod opus plurimis impedimentis per xxxiv annos incumbentibus nondum consummatum est. Prafatus enim miles erat fortis et magnanimus: et ad omnia que cupiebat feruidus, ad iram uelox? et in militaribus exercitiis ferox. Promptus erat aliena procaciter rapere, et sua imprudenter distrahere? ut mereretur friuolam dapsilitatis laudem habere. Hic habuit coniugem nomine Itam filiam Heremari de Pontesia’ quz peperit ei Walterium et Mainerium, Hugonem et Geruasium, Hermarum et Fulcoium, et filiam

nomine Luxouiam. Mainerius et Fulcoius a puericia monachili norma constricti sunt’ alii uero quattuor militari licentia perfuncti sunt.

ii. 134

Fulcoius monachos quia sicut iam dixi moribus instabilis erat? aliquando multum diligebat, et contra omnes aduersantes obnixe muniebat/ nonnunquam uero ipse grauiter opprimebat. Parnis senex Rogerius et Goisbertus medicus, Rodbertus Caluus et Haimericus? Ioannes et Isembardus, aliique plures in monachatu Deo famulati sunt/ ex quibus Bernardus cognomento Michahel et Rainaldus, Teodericus et Walterius Caluus, et Willelmus Cadomensis qui Alexander est cognominatus, in magna religione uixerunt, ibique finem uitz sortiti uenerabiliter tumulati sunt. Hac omnia qua Fulcoius dederat, monachis concessit Rodbertus Eloquens de Caluimonte qui capitalis dominus erat. Non multo post idem dum pradam de terra Sancti Audoeni uiolenter educeret de equo armatus cecidit" galeaque humo fixa colloque fracto miserabiliter obiit, cuius cadauer apud Alliarias Mainerius abbas in capitulo Flauiacensium fratrum ibidem degentium

sepeliuit.* T'unc filii eius Otmundus de Caluimonte et Wazso de

Pexeio et Rodbertus Beluacensis concesserunt Sancto Ebrulfo omnia? qua supra retulimus data esse ab antecessoribus eorum uel concessa. ! Special privileges of this type were normal to attract settlers to waste or wooded districts. ? For the work of Norman monasteries in the establishment of peace and order cf. J. F. Lemarignier, ‘L’exemption monastique et les origines de la réforme grégorienne', in A Cluny, congrés scientifique . . . (Dijon, 1950), p. 327. 3 For Goisbert, Ralph of Tosny’s doctor, who was a monk at St. Évroul for

thirty years see Le Prévost, ii. 402, 439, 444, 467-8. He was for a time prior of

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settlements.! The men of Parnes welcomed the monks as their lords, in the hope that their patronage would protect them against the Normans of the vicinity, who continually disturbed them by their brawls.? A little later, when Goisbert the doctor? held the priory, Foucher gave the whole area of the cemetery so that a new church could be built. Then the foundations of the new building were laid; but the work suffered many interruptions and so has not yet been completed even after thirty-four years. For it happened that Foucher, though a brave and noble knight, was obstinate in

pursuing his aims, swift to anger and fierce in battle. He was

always ready to seize the property of others and dissipate his own in order to win a worthless reputation for generosity. He had

a wife Ita, the daughter of Heremar of Pontoise, who bore him Walter and Mainer, Hugh and Gervase, Heremar and Foucher,

and a daughter called Luxovia. Mainer and Foucher were disciplined under the monastic yoke from childhood; the other four lived freely as knights. Foucher, as I have said, was so unstable in temperament that at one moment he would show favour to the monks and help them against all their enemies, and at another would himself be one of their oppressors. A long line of monks served God at Parnes, including the veteran Roger, Goisbert the doctor, Robert the Bald and Aymer, John and Isembard, and many others; of whom

Bernard called Michael and Reginald, Thierry and Walter the Bald, and William of Caen called Alexander lived with great piety, died, and were honourably buried there. All Foucher's gifts to the monks were confirmed by Robert ‘the eloquent’ of Chaumont, the chief lord of the fee. Not long afterwards when he was violently carrying away some booty from the territory of St. Ouen Robert fell fully armed from his horse; his helmet struck the ground in such a way that he broke his neck and died wretchedly. His body was carried to Laillerie and buried by Abbot Mainer in the chapter-house of the brethren of St. Germer, who dwelt there.* All that he or his ancestors had granted to St. Évroul, as I related above, was then confirmed by his sons, Otmund of Chaumont, Wazo of Poissy, and Robert of Beauvais. Maule, and he may have had some skill in architecture as well as medicine, for the church of Maule too was reconstructed whilst he was prior. i 4 There was a priory dependent on St. Germer at Laillerie, very near Chaumont-en-Vexin.

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JEcclesia itaque de Parnis Vticensibus monachis commissa est, quz in honore Sancti Martini Turonensis metropolitz antiquitus constructa est’ ubi corpus Sancti Iudoci confessoris Christi iamdiu reuerenter seruatum est.! Quis uel unde fuerit iste’ breui-

ii. 135

ter inseram huic relationi nostrz, ueraciter hauriendo quaedam de uolumine scripto de sancta eius conuersatione.? Beatus Iudocus Iuthail regis Britonum filius et frater Iudicail regis, dum ad regnum petebatur, relictis litteris quas apud Lanmailmon? discebat, cum xi peregrinis Romam euntibus peregre profectus est. Haimo autem Pontiui dux obiter eum quem nobilem nouerat detinuit? sibique capellanum presbiterum ordinari fecit. Post annos uero septem Iudocus in heremo Braic^ ad riuum Alteize octo annis Deo seruiuit’ ubi aues diuersi generis et pisciculos manu sua uelut mansueta pecora pascebat. Pro uno pane quem solum habuerat, et quatuor pauperibus murmurante Vulmaro ministro eius diuiserat’ quatuor nauiculas copia cibi et potus onustas per Alteiz riuos tractas a Deo recepit. Deinde Runiaco’ super flumen Quantiam oratorium sancto Martino construxit" ibique xiv annis habitauit. Aquila xi gallinas ei rapuit. Denique cum gallum rapuisset? uir Dei signum crucis cum prece dedit. Mox aquila rediit, gallum incolumem exposuit? et continuo expirauit. ^[O]juondam dum Iudocus cum duce Haimone in densa silua habitationem sibi congruam quereret et dux uenatu fessus nimiaque siti estuans dormiret? uir Dei baculum quo utebatur humi defixit, et precibus ad Deum fusis fontem eduxit. Quem egri illuc uenientes uenerantur? et inde bibentes cito sanantur. Seruus Dei duo manibus suis in silua ex lignis oratoria construxit. Vnum eorum fecit Petro coli clauigero? et aliud magnilogo Paulo. Postea Romam perrexit? et inde multas sanctorum reliquias detulit. Iuliulaé puella a natiuitate ceca per uisum monita est? ut faciem suam ex aqua unde Iudocus manus suas ablueret lauaret. Quod ut fecit" uisum recepit. Hoc dum uir Dei Roma rediret actum est’ et crux lignea ibi posita est, unde locus ipse Crux dictus est. ? Space left for rubric. * The body of St. Judoc was also claimed by the monks of St. Josse-surMer at the mouth of the Canche. See below, Appendix II.

? Orderic's sources are discussed below, Appendix II. Orderic at first follows the Anonymous Life with occasional details added from the Life by Isembard. 3 Probably a monastery in honour of St. Maélmon, in the neighbourhood of the Couesnon (J. Trier, Der Heilige fudocus (Bacsleu, 1924), p. 22).

* Either La Broye or Raye (ibid., p. 24). * Most probably Villiers-Saint-Josse (ibid., p. 27).

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So it was that the monks of St. Évroul entered into possession of the church of Parnes, which had originally been founded in honour of St. Martin, archbishop of Tours, and where the body of St. Judoc the confessor has long been reverently preserved.! Who he was and whence he came I have extracted from a book describing his holy life, and will summarize here.? When the blessed Judoc, son of Hoel king of the Bretons and brother of King Judicail, was offered the crown he abandoned his studies at Lanmailmon? and set out on a pilgrimage to Rome with eleven other pilgrims. But Haimo duke of Ponthieu, knowing him to be of noble birth, intercepted him on the way and had him ordained priest as his chaplain. Seven years later Judoc went to the hermitage of Braic* on the river Authie, where he served God for eight years. Here he fed birds of every kind and little fishes from his hand as if they were tame creatures. Once, when in spite of the protests of Ulmar his servant he had divided his last loaf amongst four beggars, he received four boats laden with food and drink, which God sent down the river Authie. Afterwards he

built a chapel to St. Martin at Runiacum’ on the Canche, and lived there for fourteen years. On one occasion an eagle carried off eleven of his hens; finally, when it seized the cock the man of God made the sign of the cross and uttered a prayer. The eagle swiftly returned, dropped the cock, who was unharmed,

and forthwith

fell down dead. Once when Judoc had gone with Duke Haimo to find a suitable place for a hermitage in a thick forest and the duke, worn out with hunting and parched with thirst, had fallen asleep, the man of God planted the staff he was using in the ground and offered prayers to God. A stream sprang up in the place; and when the sick come to worship there and drink the water they are speedily made whole. This servant of God with his own hands built two wooden chapels in the forest, one for Peter, who holds the keys of heaven, and the

other for Paul, the great preacher. Afterwards he went to Rome, and brought back many relics of the saints. A girl called Julia,$ who had been blind from birth, was told in a vision to wash in the water

in which Judoc had bathed his hands. She did so, and received her sight. This happened as the saint was on his way home from Rome; and a wooden cross, from which the place has taken its name, was erected to mark the spot. 6 The name of the girl is taken from Isembard.

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Interea dum Iudocus Romam perrexisset/ Haimo dux lapideam in heremo zcclesiam construxit, quam post reditum hominis Dei

ii. 136

li. 137

in honore beati Martini dedicari fecit" et pro dote quandam uillam proprietatis suze cum omnibus appendiciis ad eam pertinentibus dedit. Ibi fidelis athleta Dei Iudocus diu Deo militauit? et sanctz uitz cursu feliciter consummato idus decembris ad Christum migrauit.! Duo nepotes eius Winnochus? et Arnochus ibidem ei successerunt! et sanctum corpus quod diu incorruptum mansit, frequenter aqua lauare et tondere consueuerunt. Drochtricus dux Haimonis successor hoc audiuit/ sed credere dubitauit. Hoc igitur procaciter explorare uolens, ui sacrum sepulcrum aperiri fecit? et intus irreuerenter intuitus et mox exterritus ait, ‘Ah sancte Iudoce.’ Statim surdus et mutus factus est’ et usque ad mortem omni corpore debilitatus est. Vxor autem eius infortunio uiri territa ad Deum ingemuit? et pro saluatione animz duas uillas Crispiniacum et Netreuillam? sancto Iudoco dedit. Hzc itaque tempore Dagoberti filii Lotharii magni regis? Francorum gesta sunt. Floriacensis Isembardus Herboldo abbati instigante Adelelmo monacho describit? quod anno ab incarnatione Domini nongentesimo lxxviie, tempore Lotharii filii Ludouici regis Francorum corpus Sancti Iudoci sic inuentum sit. Rusticus quidam nomine Stephanus qui ex officio molendini uictum quzritabat, in somnis a quodam clari habitus uiro admonitus, ad locum Sancti Iudoci uenit, et relicta uxore cum filiis clericus effectus est. Corpus uero Sancti Iudoci quod tunc a cunctis mortalibus ubi esset ignorabatur, ut per uisum instigatus fuerat intra zcclesiam querere cepit, et insinuante Pridiano Sigemano* ad dexteram altaris Sancti Martini sarcofagum inuenit. Cunctis inde gaudentibus, et Deo laudes canentibus’ defossum est cum sancto corpore mausoleum, et a terra sublatum. Hoc fama passim diuulgat, copiosa plebs undique properat: ut sancti corporis leuationem uideat, et ei uota cum muneribus offerat. Multa ibidem facta sunt miracula? et multarum curata sunt infirmitatum genera. Tandem viii? kal. augusti corpus sancti Iudoci? ueneranter positum est super altare sancti Martini. ? MS. regni t He died c. 668. E Although Mabillon

thought that this was

St. Winnoch,

the Bollandist

editor of the Lives of St. Winnoch has shown that there is nothing to connect

the two. See AA.SS. November, iii. 256.

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Meanwhile, as Judoc was journeying to Rome, Duke Haimo had a stone church built for the hermit, which was dedicated in

the name of St. Martin after the holy man's return. Haimo endowed it with an estate he owned and all its appurtenances. There Judoc fought as a faithful warrior of God for many years until the course of his holy life was run, and he departed to Christ on 13 December.! Two nephews of his, Winnoch? and Arnoch, took his place in the hermitage, and regularly bathed and shaved his holy body, which long remained uncorrupted. Drochtric the successor of Duke Haimo heard of this, but refused to believe it. Presumptuously wishing to learn the truth he forced open the holy tomb, and irreverently looked inside: springing back in terror he cried, ‘Ah! Saint Judoc.’ He was struck deaf and dumb on the spot, and

remained enfeebled in body until his death. His wife, terrified by her husband’s misfortune, sought God’s mercy, and gave the two vills of Crispiniacum and Netrevilla3 to St. Judoc for the salvation of his soul. All these things were done in the days of Dagobert, son of Chlotar the Great, king of the Franks. Isembard of Fleury at the request of his abbot Aldhelm wrote to the monk Herbold, describing how the body of St. Judoc had been found in the year of Our Lord 977, when Lothair son of Louis was king of the Franks. A certain peasant called Stephen, who earned his bread as a miller, was told of the place by a man dressed in shining raiment, who appeared to him in a dream. He came to St. Judoc’s hermitage, and leaving his wife and children became a clerk. At that time no man living knew where the body of St. Judoc was, but encouraged by his vision he began to look for it in the church, and with the help of Pridian Sigeman,* found the coffin buried on the right of St. Martin's altar. So whilst all rejoiced and sang praises to God the coffin containing the holy body was unearthed and raised to the surface of the ground. The news spread rapidly: a vast concourse of people hurried from all sides to see the raising of the saint's body and make prayers and offerings. Many miracles were performed there, and many kinds of infirmity were cured. Finally, on 25 July the body of St. Judoc was reverently placed above the altar of St. Martin. 3 Netrevilla is added from Isembard.

4 He had two names: Isembard (MS. Royal 8 B xiv, f. 119%) explains ‘erat enim binomius'.

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Ipso anno ibidem monasterium a fundamentis ceptum est: et monasticus ordo reparari ceptus est, et reuerendus abbas Sigebrandus! constitutus est. Quadam nocte dum corpus Sancti Iudoci

seruaretur in ecclesia Sancti Petri septem cerei ante reliquias erant? quorum unus tantum ab edituo incensus erat, reliqui uero

sex custodibus dormientibus ccelitus accensi sunt.

ii. 138

Sic alia uice in ecclesia sua corpus Sancti Iudoci erat? praesente Sigemano lumen quod ui uentorum et inundatione pluuiarum extinctum erat, diuinitus illuminatum est. Dominico dum Pridianus! missam solenniter celebrabat, quidam uassus Hilduini comitis nomine Guarembertus mala uoluntate plenus erat’ cupiens de rebus sancti quz uellet uiolenter auferre, et Sigemano! depulso alterum suis moribus consentientem subrogare. Cum ergo in Euangelio legitur, 'Vtquid cogitatis mala in cordibus uestris?'? cepit miser alte uociferari, inuisibiliter percussus’ tercio uexatus, diuinitus tandem impulsus corruit? et sanguinis coagulum ab ore euomuit. Post missam iussu Sigemani editui foras asportatus est’ et in crastinum meritis Sancti Iudoci sanam mentem recepit. Hoc tempore Hugonis magni contigit. Eadem die Ostrehildis mulier quaedam egredi post missam de basilica conabatur, sed ita in limine ianuz pedum eius plante heserunt? ut nullatenus a quoquam diuelli posset, et nil mali nisi quod a genibus usque ad plantam pedis nimium frigus sentiebat. In crastino se Deo et Sancto Iudoco ancillam deuouit: statimque sanata pie uota compleuit. A ueracibus uiris Adelelmo et Richario monacho narratur, quod dum a Stephano reliquiz Sancti Iudoci pro constructione basilicze ad monasterium Sancti Richarii deferrentur" inclita Bertsendis iam nubilis filia Alsindis passione renum usque ad pedes per biennium nimis est pregrauata, ita ut nusquam ire nec etiam mouere sine baiulo sese posset. Fusa uero prece cum fide a matre et filia ante reliquias sancti confessoris agra sanata est’ et mater uisa filie sospitate admodum gauisa est, et preciosum pallium ueloci archiatro largita est. Rodbertus quidam dum meridie solus iter faceret? uiso spiritu * Orderic gives the names as they occur in Isembard. It seems that Pridian Sigeman was called Sigebrand when he became abbot. Most probably, therefore, he was the Pridian who was celebrating mass in the miracle of Guarembert: if so, the sacristan Sigeman must have been a different Sigeman. ? Matthew ix. 4.

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In the same year the church was rebuilt from its foundations and the restoration of regular life began, with the reverend Sigebrand! as abbot. One night whilst the body of St. Judoc was being watched over in the church of St. Peter there were seven candles before the reliquary. The sacristan had lighted one only, but whilst the watchers slept the remaining six were kindled from

heaven.

Another time whilst the body of St. Judoc lay in his church Sigeman saw a light, which wind and rain had extinguished, relighted by divine intervention. One Sunday, whilst Pridian! was celebrating Mass, a certain vassal of Count Hilduin called Guarembert who was present harboured evil designs. He hoped by expelling Sigeman! to substitute another who would be subservient to him, so that he

could plunder at his will any of the saint's property he coveted. When the passage in the Gospels was read aloud, ‘Wherefore think ye evil in your hearts ?'? the wretch was struck by an invisible hand and began to cry aloud. Three times he was shaken by a divine power and fell to the ground, vomiting clotted blood. After the Mass Sigeman the sacristan had him carried away, and next day he recovered his reason by the virtues of St. Judoc. This happened in the time of Hugh the Great. On the same day a certain woman called Ostrehilda was leaving the church after Mass when the soles of her feet became rooted to the threshold so that no one could drag her away, though she felt no discomfort except for numbness from the knees downwards. The next day she offered herself as a handmaiden to God and St. Judoc; and, recovering immediately, piously fulfilled her vows. Aldhelm

and the monk

Richer, both

trustworthy men,

have

told of a miracle that occurred whilst Stephen had the relics of St. Judoc translated to the monastery of St. Riquier during the building of the new church. The noble Bertsenda, a daughter of Alsinda of marriageable age, had suffered such pain from the hips to the feet for two years that she was unable to walk, or even to move, without a stick. When the mother and daughter had offered a prayer in faith before the relics of the holy confessor the sick woman was cured; and the mother was so filled with joy at her daughter's delivery that she offered a costly altar cloth to the speedy physician. A certain man named Robert, who was travelling alone at noon, 822204

M

162

ii. 139

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erroris in hominis specie penitus cecatus est. Qui post longum tempus sanctum Iudocum expetiit, et se coram Widone abbate seruum contradidit" inundante ab oculis eius sanguine ipso die lumen recepit, et ad uesperas monachos in scannis residentes se uidisse palam asseruit. Gunzso Lothariensis presbiter per septem fere annos dira manuum et pedum infirmitate debilitatus est’ quem in uisu quidam Iudocum medicum in Pontiuo inquirere monuit. Ille uero confestim iussis paruit. Dominico hora fere tercia basilicam intrauit, prostratus orauit’ pauimentum lacrimis humectauit, et peractis precibus incolumis surrexit. Deinde gaudens mox missam cecinit? et populo saluationis suze seriem cum gratiarum actione ueraciter retulit. Lothariensis Wandelmarus dextrum oculum infirmitate amisit? et amicorum persuasu beatum Iudocum adire decreuit. Sed recti callis ignarus forte cum socio ad fontem deuenit’ quem Iudocus adhuc uiuens meritis suis produxit. Wandelmarus itaque fontem limpidissimum uidit, socium detinuit, ibi resedit, manus faciemque

de fontis aqua abluit, et subito lumen amissum recepit. Sanatus deinde ad monasterium gaudenter perrexit? et gaudentibus amicis Deo gratias egit. Duo damoniaci nomine Maginardi ad tumbam Sancti Iudoci mundati sunt? et diu postea sani in szculo uixerunt. Sieburgis uxor Bertranni clarissimi uiri per decem continuos menses fluxum sanguinis e naribus patiebatur? que ab amicis ut sanaretur ad zdem sancti Iudoci perducta est. Ibi orauit sed non statim sanata est’ ideoque basilicam egressa merens multas

querelas locuta est. Denique dum ad sua cum rancore animi

ii. 140

repedaret’ et crucem quz in uia posita est pertransisset mox sanguis e naribus fluere cessauit. Protinus illa gaudens retrogrado pede ad monasterium sancti uiri reuersa est? et peractis gratiarum actionibus plene sanata est. Rodbertus Taruuanensis dum meridie solus in estate agri sui operam reuiseret, subito a daemone arreptus est’ et in tantum uexatus ut pene incessanter homines deuorare et quaque perfringere ab hoste stimularetur. Tres itaque fratres sui ieiunio

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saw a demon disguised in the form of a man and blind. Long afterwards he made a pilgrimage to offered himself to the saint's service in the presence Blood streamed from his eyes, and he received his

163

became totally St. Judoc, and of Abbot Guy. sight that same

day; at vespers he declared that he had plainly seen the monks

sitting in their stalls. Gunzo, a Lotharingian priest, had suffered great pain in his hands and feet for almost seven years when he was advised in a vision to seek a certain doctor called Judoc in Ponthieu. At once he obeyed this command and entered the church one Sunday at about the third hour; prostrating himself on the ground he prayed, watered the pavement with his tears, and rose to find himself cured. Rejoicing he soon celebrated Mass, gave the people a true account of how he had been healed, and rendered thanks.

Wandelmar, a Lotharingian, lost his right eye through a disease, and was persuaded by his friends to seek help from St. Judoc. As he did not know the way he and his companion came by chance upon the stream that Judoc in his lifetime had miraculously caused to gush forth. Wandelmar, seeing the clear stream, asked his friend to wait whilst he sat down and washed his face and hands in the water. Suddenly his lost sight was restored. After his cure he hurried rejoicing to the church, and he and his friends gave thanks to God with joyful hearts. Two men, both named Maginard, who were possessed by evil spirits, were cleansed at the tomb of St. Judoc and lived in good health for many years afterwards. Sieburge, the wife of a nobleman named Bertrand, who had suffered continuously for ten months with bleeding from the nose, was brought by her friends to the church of St. Judoc in search of a cure. She prayed there, but was not cured immediately, and left the church heavy at heart and complaining aloud. Whilst she was returning home in bitterness of heart she passed by the cross set

up at the roadside, and forthwith the blood ceased to flow from

her nostrils. At once she retraced her steps, and returning to the church of the saint offered up thanks and was completely healed. Robert of Thérouanne, who went alone at midday during the summer to supervise the work on his estate, was suddenly seized by a demon and tormented to such an extent by his adversary that he was constantly driven to break everything round him and attack men with his teeth. At last his three brothers, after observing the

164

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quattuor temporum in iunio ad tumbam Sancti Iudoci uinctum perduxerunt? ibique a quarta feria usque ad sabbatum permanserunt. Exinde quietius se coepit eger habere? et integra recepta sospitate, perpetualiter in seruum sancto Iudoco tradidit se. Hoc eodem rogante in festiuitate sancti Iohannis Baptiste Wido abbas ambonem ascendens populo narrauit? ipsumque praesentem casusque suos palam protestantem ostendit. Quidam perfecte ztatis per septem annos ita surdus mansit: ut nichil penitus audiret. Hunc uxor eius ad tumbam sancti uiri adduxit" ibique aliquantum orauit. Deinde mulier iubente Pridiano uirum ad fontem sancti Iudoci perduxit? et ter caput eius propriis manibus ex aqua fontis perfudit. Mox auditum recuperauit, ac ad zcclesiam regressus missam quam per septem annos non audierat audiuit. Hzc omnia Floriacensis Isembardus gesta temporibus Hugonis magni seu Rodberti regis Adelelmo rogitante descripsit" sed postea beatus Iudocus multa petentibus magnalia quamuis per incuriam scripta non sint agere non destitit. Mutatis regni principibus, et sese proceribus mutuo perturbantibus’ iterum corpus sancti Iudoci pro timore hostium terra coopertum est: et tamdiu ita iacuit, donec omnibus mortuis qui abdiderant communis ignorantia inuoluerit. Tempore Henrici regis Francorum monachis sepe conquerentibus, quod ignorarent ubi patronus eorum requiesceret Iudocus? cuidam simplici laico diuinitus sanctum corpus insinu-

atur, quo detegente abbatis fratrumque studio solenniter leuatur. Deinde monachi repertorem reliquiarum ad monachatum susceperunt? et custodem sacri somatis eundem constituerunt, et oblationes fidelium ei commiserunt. Defuncto autem abbate successor eius non ut decuit edituum dilexit, nec eum ut antecessor eius amicabiliter tractauit. Vnde

grauiter commotus sanctum corpus noctu assumpsit? secumque in Galliam asportauit. Goisfredus autem Gomercii municeps eundem cum thesauro quem ferebat honorifice detinuit? et magistratum castellanze zecclesize ubi quattuor erant canonici usque ad mortem ei concessit. Post aliquot tempus Henricus rex Francorum ortis

quibusdam bellorum tumultibus Gomercium obsedit, et uiribus

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fast of the ember days in June, brought him bound to the tomb of St. Judoc and remained there from Wednesday until Saturday. From that time the sick man's frenzy began to abate; and when he was fully restored to health he vowed himself for ever as a servant of St. Judoc. At his request Abbot Guy related this miracle to the populace, when he preached from the pulpit on the feast of St. John the Baptist; and Robert himself stood by for all to see, loudly proclaiming his story. An elderly man had suffered from such deafness for seven years that he was utterly unable to hear a sound. His wife brought him to the tomb of St. Judoc and knelt for a time in prayer. Afterwards at the behest of Pridian she took her husband to the spring of St. Judoc, and three times poured water from the spring over his head with her own hands. He soon recovered his hearing; and returning to the church heard the Mass which, for seven years, had been inaudible to him. All these things which happened in the time of Hugh the Great or King Robert Isembard of Fleury wrote down at Aldhelm's request; but since that time St. Judoc has continued to work many miracles for the faithful which through carelessness have remained unrecorded. But owing to changes of dynasty and civil strife among the nobility the body of St. Judoc had to be buried elsewhere for fear of desecration, and lay hidden until no one knew where it was to be found. In the time of Henry, king of the Franks, whilst the monks lamented that they did not know where the body of their patron St. Judoc lay, its resting place was revealed by God to a simple layman: on his information the abbot and brethren reverently translated it. The monks then brought back the finder of the relics to their monastery, appointed him guardian of the holy body, and gave him charge of the oblations of the

faithful. After the abbot's death his successor neither loved the sacristan as he deserved, nor treated him with the same kindness as his

predecessor; and the man, greatly angered, stole away the holy body by night and took it with him into Gaul. Geoffrey, castellan of Gomerfontaine, persuaded him to remain there with the treasure he was carrying, and made him the superior for life of the church in the castle which was served by four canons. Some time later, during a period of war, Henry king of the Franks besieged the castle of Gomerfontaine, defeated Geoffrey's army

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Gallici exercitus Goisfredum expugnauit, et oppidum incendit.! Dum

uero basilicam et castri zedificia edax flamma consumeret,

et terribilis clamor impugnantium et expugnatorum ut in talibus moris est undique personaret? canonicus quidam ossa sancti Iudoci de feretro sustulit, et festinanter de incendio aufugit. Huic forte satelles regius super pontem obuiauit, suffasciatum quid ferret interrogauit, fatenti quod sacra uestimenta codicesque suos gere-

ret cuncta uiolenter abstulit et secum ad Parnense territorium huiusmodi thesaurum detulit. ii. 142

li. 143

Idem uir Rodbertus uocabatur, et

Meslebren id est miscens furfurem cognominabatur? eratque de clientibus Radulfi de Caldreio, qui tunc temporis inter praecipuos

milites habebatur in exercitu Gallico. Miles itaque preefatus tali prada ualde gauisus est? et in ecclesia Sancti Martini a presbitero et parrochianis studiose collocatum est, iamque ibidem plusquam septuaginta annis uenerabiliter seruatum est. Innumera inibi super infirmos miracula facta sunt? et usque hodie promerente petencium fide ut tota uicinitas adtestatur frequenter fiunt. De translatione sacri corporis quam breuiter hic modo tetigimus, et de plurimis qua Parnis prouenerunt infirmorum sanitatibus? Merulensis Willelmus uenerabilis monachus et sacerdos egregium dictamen edidit, in quo ueraciter et luculenter de miris euentibus ad sacra ossa gestis disseruit.? Philippus rex Francorum biennio febricitauit, nec ulla medicorum arte sanari potuit. Vnde post biennium Parnas uenit, aquam tactu reliquiarum Sancti Iudoci sanctificatam bibit, et binis noctibus ante sanctum corpus in orationibus pernoctauit, ibique sanitatem dolore cessante recuperauit. Sanatus autem rex L solidos Pontesiensium? sancto Iudoco optulit? et nundinas feria tercia Pentecostes celebrari singulis annis ibidem in honore sancti Iudoci annuit, et regalis auctoritatis preceptione constituit.* Praeterea meritis sancti Iudoci multa Parnis miracula facta sunt cotidieque fiunt, quorum nonnulla scripta sunt’ et plura per

incuriam scientium seu per imperitiam uidentium uel experto-

rum silentio occultata sunt. Nos autem quamuis alia referre festinaremus, pauca de te sancte Iudoce libenter perstrinximus? et karismata tibi celitus data huic opusculo inseruimus, et pro ' [f Orderic's statement that these events took place seventy years before is correct, the siege of Gomerfontaine must have been within a few years of 1050. ? See below, Appendix II. 3 See A. Blanchet and A. Dieudonné, Manuel de numismatique frangaise (Paris, 1912-36), ii. 111—12. * M. Prou accepts this as a description of a lost diploma of Philip I. See

Recueil des actes de Philippe I*" roi de France (Paris, 1908), no. clxvi (p. 409).

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with a French force, and set fire to the town.! Whilst the hungry flames were devouring the church and castle, and the terrible din all too familiar at such times resounded on all sides from attackers and attacked, one of the canons took the bones of St. Judoc out of the reliquary and fled from the conflagration. But he was intercepted on the bridge by one of the king's minions, who asked what he was carrying in his bundle; and on his replying that it was his sacred vestments and books the soldier tore the treasure from his grasp and carried everything away with him to the region of Parnes. This man's name was Robert and he was called Maslin,

from mixing bran; he was a dependant of Ralph of Chaudry, one of the leading knights in the French army. This knight was overjoyed at securing such a booty, and it was carefully placed by the priest and parishioners in the church of St. Martin, where it has been revered for over seventy years. Many miraculous cures have been worked on the sick and continue to be worked to the present day, when the faith of the suppliants is sufficient, as the whole neighbourhood can bear witness. For the full story of the translation of the holy body, which I have briefly described, and all the cures of the sick which took place at Parnes, you must turn to the eloquent narrative of William of Merlerault, a reverend monk and priest, who gives an authentic and vivid account of all the miracles worked around the sacred bones.? Philip king of the French had suffered from a fever for two years, and medical skill was powerless to cure him. So at the end of the two years he came to Parnes, drank water made holy by a touch of the relics of St. Judoc, and after spending two nights in prayer before the holy body found that his pain had ceased and his health was restored. On his recovery the king gave fifty shillings pontoise? to St. Judoc, and by his royal authority established a fair to be held there every year in honour of St. Judoc on the Tuesday after Pentecost.* By the merits of St. Judoc many miracles were performed at Parnes and are daily still being performed: some of them have been written down, but many, through the negligence of those who knew or the illiteracy of those who saw or experienced them, have passed into oblivion. And now although I must hasten to relate other matters, I have gladly spoken at least a few words on your merits, St. Judoc, and have included in this humble work

an account of the spiritual gifts bestowed on you from heaven,

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modulo paruitatis nostre deuote attollimus. Oramus itaque gloriose fili regis Britonum et consors angelorum, ut nos Deo commendes tuorum efficacia meritorum" obtineasque nobis societatem sanctorum, cum quibus contemplantes in decore suo crea-

ii. 144

torem cunctorum, lzti collaudemus per omnia secula szeculorum. Amen. Mense Augusto Heraldus Noricorum rex cum Tostico et ingenti classe immensum pelagus intrauit, et Aparciate seu Borea flante ad Angliam applicuit" et Eboracensem prouinciam primitus inuasit. Porro Anglicus Heraldus ut Northwigenas in Angliam uenisse audiuit" Hastingas et Peneuesellum aliosque maris portus Neustriz& oppositos quos toto anno illo cum multis nauibus et militibus callide seruauerat reliquit, et septentrionalibus aduersariis ex improuiso emergentibus festinanter cum exercitu copioso occurrit. Deinde pugna utrinque acerrima commissa est? in qua nimius sanguis ex utraque parte effusus est, et innumerabilis hominum bestiali rabie furentium multitudo trucidata est. Denique instantibus Anglis uictoria cessit, et Heraldus Noricorum rex cum Tostico et omnibus copiis suis occubuit.! Locus etiam belli pertranseuntibus euidenter patet, ubi magna congeries ossuum? mortuorum usque hodie iacet? et indicium ruine multiplicis utriusque gentis exhibet. 2Interea dum Angli bello Eboracensi occupati erant? et custodiam maris ut diximus nutu Dei reliquerant, classis Normannorum qua spacio unius mensis in hostio Diuz uicinisque portibus Nothum prestolata est’ zephiri flatu in stationem Sancti Gualerici delata est. Ibi multa pro se et pro amicis uota facta sunt: et preces innumerabilesque lacrimae effuse sunt. Nam necessarii sodales seu kari siue propinqui qui domi remansuri erant, dum quinquaginta milia militum? cum copia peditum per horrendum pelagus ad expugnandam in propria sede incognitam gentem ire certabant" fletibus et suspiriis multisque curis metus et cupiditatis tam pro se quam pro amicis anxii erant. Tunc ibi dux Willelmus ? sic in MS.

' Harold

Hardrada

was joined, probably at the moment

Tostig, and sailed up the estuary of the Humber

about

of invasion, by

18 September.

Their

forces won a victory at Fulford, not explicitly mentioned by Orderic, on 20 September: Harold defeated and slew them at Stamford Bridge on 25 September (Douglas, WC, pp. 193-4). Orderic may have taken some of his information from Florence of Worcester, though Florence says, correctly, that Tostig came from

Scotland. 2 The

substance

of the passage

from

‘Interea

dum

Angli! to ‘et nauibus

propugnaculo' and many words and phrases are taken from William of Poitiers

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III

26s

devoutly extolling them as highly as one so insignificant can do. O glorious son of the king of the Bretons, now among the angels, we beseech thee by the power of thy merits, commend us to God and secure for us a place in the company of the saints, so that we may behold the creator of the world in his glory, and join with them in joyful praises to him for ever, world without end, Amen. In the month of August Harold king of the Norwegians and Tostig put to sea with a huge fleet, and driven by the arctic or north winds to the English coast first landed in the county of Yorkshire. When Harold of England learned of the arrival of the Norwegians he abandoned Hastings and Pevensey and the other seaports opposite Normandy, which he had been closely guarding all year with a great force of men and ships, and made all haste to lead a strong army against the enemies who had appeared so unexpectedly in the north. The battle was bitterly contested by both sides; terrible bloodshed took place, and in the mad fury of the contending parties a countless multitude of men lost their lives. In the end victory came to the relentless English, and Harold king of the Norwegians with Tostig and all his forces fell on the field of battle.! Travellers cannot fail to recognize the field, for a great mountain of dead men's bones still lies there and bears witness to the terrible slaughter on both sides. 2Whilst the English were occupied with the war in Yorkshire and, as I said, had by God's will left their shores undefended, the

Norman fleet, which for a month past had lain in the estuary of the Dive and the harbours round about waiting for a south-west wind, was blown by a westerly wind into the region of St. Valéry. There many offered up vows for themselves and their friends: countless prayers were uttered and tears shed. For, whilst fifty thousand knights? and a great company of foot-soldiers were struggling to cross a stormy sea to conquer an unknown people fighting on their own soil, their loved friends and kinsfolk, who were obliged to remain at home, wept and sighed and endured many hopes and fears on behalf of themselves and their dear ones. (Foreville, pp. 158-68). Orderic abbreviates considerably, omitting the comparison of William's achievements with those of Agamemnon, Xerxes, and Aeneas, and a number of other classical allusions; he adds some moral comments of his own. The phrase ‘militibus committens' echoes William of Jumiéges

(Marx, p. 134).

3 The figure is Orderic's; it should be taken simply to mean a very large

number,

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et omnis exercitus precibus et donis ac uotis! Deo se commen-

dauerunt?

i1. 145

et corpus

sancti Walerici

confessoris

Christi pro

secundo flatu extra basilicam detulerunt. Denique dum prosper uentus multorum uotis optatus Deo uolente subito spirauit/ protinus ardens uehementia ducis omnes ad puppes conuocauit, et nauigium inire uiriliter imperauit. Normannicus itaque exercitus iii? kal. octobris mare transfretauit,? nocte qua memoriam Sancti Michahelis archangeli katholica zecclesia festiue peragit? et nemine resistente littus Anglie gaudens arripuit. Deinde Peneuesellum et Hastingas occupauit, electisque militibus commendauit’ que sibi forent receptaculo, et nauibus propugnaculo. Anglicus autem tirannus effuso fratris et hostis sanguine letus intumuit/ et peracta multiplici strage uictor Lundoniam rediit. Verum Heraldus quia prosperitas mundi ut fumus ante uentum

cito deficit? imminente grauioris tribulationis pondere laetitiam

ii. 146

feralis trophei cito perdidit. Nec^ de fratricidio diu gaudere uel securus esse potuit quia legatus ei Normannos adesse mox nunciauit. Ipse uero ut Normannos in Angliam ingressos esse audiuit? iterum se ad agonem uiriliter praparauit. Erat enim multum audax et probus, corpore fortis et pulcherrimus" eloquentia lepidus, et affabilis fautoribus. Porro matre sua Githa quz interitu Tostici fili sui ualde erat lugubris, aliisque fidelibus amicis bellum ei dissuadentibus? dixit ei Worth comes frater suus, "Oportet karissime frater et domine? ut probitas tua temperetur discretionis moderamine. Nunc ex prelio Northwigenarum fessus uenisti, iterumque festinas contra Normannos nunc preliari? Quiesce queso. Prudenter tractare tecum uelis? quid cum sacramentis consuli Normanniz promiseris. Caue ne periurium incurras, * William the Conqueror's

gift of Tackley (Essex) to St. Valéry was made

‘ex voto et promissione debita in transfretatione facta conqueste anglicane’ (D. J. A. Matthew, The Norman Monasteries and their English Possessions (Oxford, 1962), p. 30 n. 1). ? William landed at Pevensey on 28 or 29 September: there is disagreement

among the sources. T'he Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) says that William came from

Normandy

to Pevensey on Michaelmas

Eve, and (E) that he landed

at

Hastings on Michaelmas Day. Freeman (NC, iii, Appendix, Note II) argued ingeniously that both are right: William landed at Pevensey on 28 September, and was at Hastings on 29 September. Stenton (Anglo-Saxon England, p. 583)

and Douglas Douglas has

(WC, p. 397) accept Freeman's date for the crossing, though reservations. But the evidence of the earliest French sources

disagrees with this. William of Poitiers says that William invaded England on

Michaelmas Day (29 September) (Foreville, p. 246); and the Annals of St. Stephen's, Caen (Giles, Scriptores Rerum Gestarum Willelmi Conquestoris, p. 166), give the date as iii Kal. Octobris. The Carmen (ll. 76—77) also names Michaelmas

Day, but whether or not its early date is accepted (cf. below, p. 184 n. 2), it is not independent of William of Poitiers, so does not strengthen the evidence

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There it was that Duke William and his whole army offered them-

selves to God, with prayers and gifts and vows,! and carried the body of St. Valéry the confessor out of the church to secure a favourable wind. When at last by the grace of God the favourable wind sprang up in answer to so many prayers, the duke, impatient to set out, called all his men forthwith to the ships and commanded them to set sail with courage. So the Norman army crossed the sea on 29 September, the night when the universal church celebrates the feast of St. Michael the archangel? and reaching the coast of England, where they met with no opposition, gladly came ashore. They took possession of Pevensey and Hastings and gave them into the charge of chosen soldiers as a base for the army and shelter for the fleet. After shedding the blood of his brother and his enemy, and causing fearful slaughter, the English tyrant, triumphant and elated, returned victorious to London. But in truth, since worldly fortune is driven away like smoke before the wind,? Harold soon forgot the joy of his fatal victory in the face of grave danger, and had only a little space to feel proud and safe after his fratricide;* for a messenger came bearing the news of the Norman landing. As soon as he learned that the Normans had invaded England he made haste to prepare himself for a fight to the death. For he was a brave

and valiant

man,

strong

and

handsome,

pleasant

in

speech, and a good friend to his own followers. However, his mother Gytha, already filled with mourning at the death of her son Tostig and other good friends of his, tried to dissuade him from war; and Earl Gyrth his brother spoke these words: 'My dearest brother and lord, you should let discretion temper your valour. You have just returned worn out after the war against the Norwegians; are you now hastening to fight once more against the Normans? Rest, I beg you. You ought to give careful thought to the oaths you have taken to the duke of Normandy. Take care either way.

Cf. also Foreville, p. 164 n. 3; S. Kórner,

The Battle of Hastings,

p. 258. The question remains open. 3 Cf. Psalms Ixvii (Ixviii). 3; Wisdom v. 15.

4 The whole passage from ‘Nec de fratricidio' to ‘ad pugnam festinauit’ is taken almost verbatim from Orderic’s own interpolations in William of Jumiéges.

'The original source is unknown, but it reads like a popular romance. Orderic is the first historian to tell this story, which occurs soon after in William of Malmesbury (above, Introduction, p. xxiv), and it illustrates the speed with which embroideries on the legend of Harold were spreading. The Carmen also makes much of Harold's fratricide.

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et pro tanto scelere tu cum uiribus nostra gentis corruas’ nostreque progeniei permansurum dedecus exinde fias. Ego liber ab omni

ii. 147

sacramento,

Guillelmo

comiti nichil debeo.

Audacter

igitur contra illum, pro natali solo certare paratus sum. ‘Tu autem frater mi quouis in pace quiesce, et euentum belli prestolare’ ne clara libertas Anglorum pereat in tua pernicie.' His itaque auditis sermonibus! Heraldus uehementer est indignatus. Consilium istud quod amicis eius salubre uidebatur spreuit, et germanum suum qui fideliter ei consiliabatur conuiciis irritauit matremque suam quz nimis ipsum retinere secum satagebat pede procaciter percussit. Deinde per sex dies undique populos ad bellum asciuit, innumeram multitudinem Anglorum contraxit/ secumque adducens in hostes ad pugnam festinauit. 1Nocturno siquidem seu repentino incursu minus cautos opprimere cogitabat? et ne perfugio abirent septingentas naues armatis onustas in mari opposuerat. Cuius accelerationem Willelmus dux ut audiuit; omnes suos armari mane sabbati iussit, et ipse missam audiuit/ et dominicis sacramentis corpus et animam muniuit, reliquiasque sanctas super quas Heraldus iurauerat collo suo humiliter appendit. Religiosi quoque uiri pugnaturis e Normannia comitati fuerant. Nam duo pontifices Odo Baiocensis et Goisfredus Constantinus aderant cum monachis et clericis multis? quorum officium erat pugnare precibus et consiliis. Bellum secundo idus octobris hora tercia commissum est/ totaque die ad multorum milium perniciem ex utraque parte acerrime pugnatum est.? Dux Normannorum pedites sagittis armatos et balistis in fronte locauit, item pedites loricatos in ordine secundo constituit" in ultimo turmas equitum, in quorum medio fuit ipse dux cum firmissimo robore? unde in omnem partem consuleret manu et uoce. E contra ex omnibus undique regionibus copia Anglorum ad locum qui Senlac antiquitus uocabatur? conuenerant, studiumque suum pars Heraldo sed cuncti patrie preestabant’ quam contra extraneos defensare uolebant. Ibi protinus equorum opem reliquerunt? cunctique pedites densius conglobati constiterunt. Turstinus filius Rollonis uexillum Normannorum portauit.^ Terribilis ! From

‘nocturno’ Orderic quotes William of Poitiers almost verbatim with

a few added statements of his own (Foreville, pp. 180-2, 184, 186). ? Orderic adds the date, and the large number of slain. 3 Orderic adds the local name Senlac, which was derived from the AngloSaxon Sandlacu (sand stream). See W. H. Stevenson, ‘Senlac and the Malfossé’, in EHR xxviii (1913), 292-303.

* Orderic adds the statement that Thurstan fitzRou carried the Norman banner. He later appears holding land on the Welsh marches. See G. H. White, Genealogists’ Magazine, vi (1932-4), p. 53, and Douglas, History, xxviii (1943),

pp. 140-1. The narrative continues to follow William of Poitiers closely (Foreville,

BOOK III

15

that you do not commit perjury, and by this crime destroy the flower of our people with yourself and bring shame on all our

posterity. I have taken no oath and owe nothing to Count William;

therefore I can boldly join combat with him for my native soil. But you, my brother, should wait peacefully wherever you like for the outcome of this war, lest the fair freedom of the English should perish through your destruction.’ On hearing these words Harold flew into a violent rage. He rejected the counsel that seemed wise to his friends, answered his brother who was advising him for the best with reproofs, and,

when his mother her with his foot. the populace to around him, and

clung to him to hold him back, insolently spurned Then for six days he sent far and wide to summon war, gathered a huge multitude of Englishmen hastened to battle against the enemy.

‘His plan was to catch them unawares and overwhelm them by an unexpected or night attack; and to prevent them escaping in flight he kept seventy heavily armed ships at sea. But Duke William heard of his hasty preparations, and on the Saturday morning commanded all his men to prepare for battle. He himself heard Mass, fortified his body and soul with the holy sacraments, and humbly hung the sacred relics on which Harold had sworn round his neck. Several men of religion had come with the warriors from Normandy. There were present two bishops, Odo of Bayeux and Geoffrey of Coutances, with many monks and clerks, whose duty was to support the fight with their prayers and counsel. Battle was joined on 14 October at the third hour, and was bitterly contended all day long with heavy slaughter on both sides.? The duke of Normandy placed foot-soldiers armed with arrows and cross-bows in the front rank, foot-soldiers with hauberks in the

second, and finally squadrons of mounted knights; he himself, surrounded by the best fighting men, took his place in the centre, so that he could be heard and seen by all as he directed operations. To oppose him a great multitude of English flocked together from all sides to the place whose early name was Senlac,? some desiring to support Harold's cause, but all wishing to defend their country against invasion. Reaching the spot they all dismounted from their horses and stood close together in a dense formation on foot. Thurstan son of Rollo carried the standard of the Normans.^ pp. 186-92) as far as ‘se momento deleuerunt’ and then gives the substance rather than the words of pp. 192-4.

174

ii. 148

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clangor lituorum pugnz signa utrinque cecinit. Normannorum alacris audacia pugna principium dedit. Pedites itaque Normanni propius accedentes Anglos prouocant, et in eos missilibus uulnera necemque dirigunt. Illi contra fortiter quo quisque ualet ingenio resistunt. Aliquandiu summa ui certatur ab utrisque. Pertinaci Anglorum seuicia perterriti pedites pariter equitesque Britanni, et quotquot auxiliares erant in sinistro cornu auertuntur? et fere cuncta ducis acies eundem iam occisum credens cedit. Dux autem prospiciens multam partem aduersz stationis prosiluisse et insequi terga suorum" fugientibus occurrit, et hasta uerberans aut minans obstitit. Nudato insuper capite, detractaque galea exclamans ‘Me’ inquit ‘conspicite’ uiuo et uincam opitulante Deo.’ Protinus prolatis a duce uerbis audaciz cedentes animos receperunt? et circumuenientes aliquot milia insecuta se momento deleuerunt. Simili modo bis iterum fugam Normanni simulauerunt,! et insequentes Anglos repente giratis equis interceperunt: et inclusos undique mactauerunt. Anglos itaque periculosa simulatione deceperunt, disiunctos ab inuicem peremerunt, multisque milibus trucidatis residuos alacrius aggressi sunt. Institerunte is Cenomannici, Franci, Britanni" Aquitani, et misera-

biliter pereuntes cadebant Angli. 2Interfuerunt huic praelio Eustachius Boloniz comes, Guillelmus Ricardi Ebroicensis comitis filius, Goisfredus Rotronis Moritoniz comitis filius, Guillelmus Osberni filius, Rodbertus

li. 149

tiro Rogerii de Bellomonte filius, Haimerius Toarcensis preses, Hugo stabulariorum comes, Gualterius Giphardus et Radulfus Toenites, Hugo de Grentemaisnilio et Guillelmus de Guarenna? alique quamplures militaris prestantie fama celebratissimi, et quorum nomina historiarum uoluminibus inter bellicosissimos commendari deceat. Willelmus uero dux eorum prestabat eis fortitudine et prudentia. Nam ille nobiliter exercitum duxit, cohibens fugam, dans animos, periculi socius: sepius clamans ut uenirent quam iubens ire. In bello tres equi sub eo confossi 1 The tactics of the battle of Hastings have been a subject of much debate. R. Glover, ‘English Warfare in 1066’ (EHR Ixvii (1952), 1—18), is sceptical of the feigned flights. Douglas, WC, p. 201, is slightly in favour of the manceuvre’s being a ruse, as William of Poitiers thought; and so, more tentatively, is R. C.

Smail

(Crusading

Warfare

(Cambridge,

1956), p. 78). But Smail

has also

stressed (ibid., pp. 165-8) the tendency even of eyewitnesses to dramatize and rationalize the battles they describe. It must be remembered that cavalry cannot

charge a second time until they have withdrawn and re-formed. Such a manceuvre

exposes their backs to the enemy, and may provoke a counter-attack aimed at preventing their re-forming. Even an eyewitness could not easily distinguish a planned withdrawal from a feigned flight, or assess the motives of the men who counter-attacked.

BOOK III

ios

The harsh bray of trumpets sounded the alarm for battle on both sides. The Normans swiftly and boldly took the initiative in the fray. For the Norman foot-soldiers closed to attack the English, and killed and wounded many under a shower of missiles. They resisted bravely by any means they could devise; and for a long time both sides fought with all their might. The ferocious resolution of the English struck terror into the foot-soldiers and knights of the Bretons and other auxiliaries on the left wing; they turned to flee, and almost the whole of the duke's battle line fell back, for the rumour spread that he had been killed. But the duke, seeing a great part of the opposing army springing forwards to pursue his men, met them as they fled, threatening and striking them with his spear. Baring his head and lifting his helmet he cried, ‘Look at me: I am alive and with the aid of God I will gain the victory.’ No sooner had the duke spoken these brave words than their failing courage was restored, and surrounding several thousand of their pursuers they mowed them down almost at once. Twice more the Normans feigned flight! in a similar way, and then suddenly wheeling round their horses cut off the pursuing English and slaughtered them. So they deceived the English by this hazardous stratagem, and then when their ranks were broken destroyed them piecemeal, slaying thousands and attacking the survivors yet more fiercely. The men of Maine, France, Brittany, and Aquitaine supported the Normans, and the English fell, to perish miserably. 2Among those who took part in this battle were Eustace count of Boulogne, William son of Richard count of Evreux, Geoffrey son of Rotrou count of Mortagne, William fitzOsbern, Robert the newly knighted son of Roger of Beaumont, Aymer, vicomte of Thouars, Hugh the constable, Walter Giffard and Ralph of Tosny, Hugh of Grandmesnil and William of Warenne, and many others of military distinction and great renown, whose names deserve to be remembered in the annals of history amongst the very greatest warriors. But William their duke surpassed them all in courage and wisdom. For he led his army brilliantly, checking their flight and giving them courage; in the thick of danger he more often called to them to follow him than commanded them to advance. During the battle three horses were killed under him; 2 The list of companions of the Conqueror is taken from William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 194-6). For comments,

see ibid., p. 196 n. 10; G. H. White in

GEC xii, (i), Appendix L; and S. Kórner, The Battle of Hastings, pp. 237-55.

176

ii. 150

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III

ceciderunt. Ter ille intrepidus desiluit’? nec diu mors uectoris inulta remansit. Scuta, galeas et loricas irato mucrone moramque dedignante penetrauit, clipeoque suo nonnullos collisit, auxilioque multis suorum atque saluti sicut e contra hostibus perniciei fuit. ‘Ab hora diei tercia bellum acriter commissum est" et in primo militum congressu Heraldus rex peremptus est. Deinde Leofwinus comes frater eius cum multis milibus simili sorte perfunctus est. Denique inclinata iam die uidentes Angli, quod rex suus et primates regni, multeque legiones suorum interierint, et quod Normanni adhuc procaciter steterint, et terribiliter armis in obstantes seuierint’ in fugam conuersi quantocius abierunt, et euentus uarios experti sunt. Alii raptis equis, nonnulli pedites? pars per uias, plerique per auia sese saluare conati sunt.? Normanni autem dum Anglos fugere uiderunt? tota nocte dominica eos ad sui detrimentum obnixe persecuti sunt. Nam crescentes herbz antiquum aggerem tegebant, ubi summopere currentes Normanni cum equis et armis ruebant? ac sese dum unus repente super alterum cadebat uicissim extinguebant. Ibi nimirum fugientibus Anglis rediit confidentia. Cernentes enim opportunitatem prarupti ualli et frequentium fossarum in unum collecti sunt: inopinato restiterunt, et Normannis magnam stragem fortiter intulerunt. Ibi Engenulfus Aquilensis+ oppidanus aliique multi corruerunt? ac5 ut fertur ab his qui interfuerunt, Normannorum ferme quindecim milia perierunt. Sic omnipotens Deus pridie idus octobris? innumeros peccatores utriusque phalangis puniit diuersis modis. Nam seuicie intolerabiliter grassante Normannorum, in die sabbati multauit multa milia Anglorum" qui longe ante innocentem Alfredum? cum suis pedissequis iniuste necauerunt, atque przcedente sabbato Heraldum regem et Tosticum comitem aliosque multos absque pietate trucidauerunt. 1 The statement that Harold was killed in the first onslaught is taken from William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 135). The rest of the paragraph is derived from

William of Poitiers. Whilst the exact time and circumstances of Harold's death are uncertain, William of Jumiéges is alone in putting it so early. The Bayeux Tapestry, the Carmen (ll. 540-50), and Florence of Worcester (i. 227) put it late in the day (see Douglas, WC, p. 201). Very probably Orderic inserted this statement from William of Jumiéges in the middle of a passage based on William of Poitiers because William of Poitiers made no attempt to state exactly

when Harold was killed, and William of Jumiéges, rightly or wrongly, was

precise. The name of Earl Leofwine must have been taken from another source, possibly Florence of Worcester (FW i. 227).

^ From William

‘Normanni of Jumiéges;

autem

. . .' Orderic copies his own

but from

'fugientibus Anglis!

interpolations in

to ‘multi corruerunt

ac’

he inserts in the middle of a sentence a brief passage from William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 202) and a new fact about the death of Engenulf of Laigle.

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177

thrice, undaunted, he sprang to the ground and speedily avenged the death of his steed. Shields, helmets, and hauberks were shattered by his angry blade; tirelessly his shield smote against the enemy; he brought help and encouragement to countless of his followers and death and destruction to the enemy. ‘So the battle raged from the third hour, and Harold the king was slain in the first assault. Earl Leofwine his brother and many thousand others later suffered the same fate. At last as the sun was setting the English realized that their king had perished with the chief nobles of the kingdom and many of their troops, whilst the Normans grimly held their ground and dealt out destruction to all who attacked them; their ranks broke and they fled with all speed, to suffer divers fates. Some tried to escape on horses they had managed to catch, others on foot either on the roads or through the untrodden wastes.? When the Normans saw the English flying they pursued them relentlessly through the whole night till Sunday, to their own harm. For by chance long grasses concealed an ancient rampart, and as the Normans came galloping up they fell, one on top of the other, in a struggling mass of horses and arms. At this courage returned to the fleeing English. Seeing that they could be sheltered by the broken rampart and labyrinth of ditches they re-formed their ranks and unexpectedly made a stand, inflicting heavy slaughter on the Normans.? There Engenulf castellan of Laigle* and many others fell; and5 as survivors relate about fifteen thousand Normans met their doom. So on that fourteenth of October almighty God punished countless sinners in both armies in divers ways. For the Norman fury became uncontrollable, and on that Saturday they massacred many thousands of English who long before had unjustly murdered the innocent Alfred$ with his servants, and only a week earlier had slaughtered without mercy King Harold, Earl Tostig, and many 3 Cf, W. H. Stevenson, EHR xxviii (1913), 292-303. 4 Engenulf was the son of Fulbert de Beina, who had built the castle of Laigle, and the fortunes of the family were well known to Orderic. G. H. White (Genealogists’ Magazine, vi (1932-4), 53) calls him ‘the only prominent Norman

who lost his life in the battle’. 5 From ‘ut fertur! to ‘offenderunt’ Orderic resumes his quotation from his own interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 197). 6 William of Poitiers made much of the murder of King Edward’s brother Alfred, for which he held Godwin responsible, in 1036 (Foreville, pp. 8-10). C£. Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. Campbell (Camden Third Series, lxxii,

London, 1949), pp. Ixiv-lxvii. 822204

N

178

ii, 151

ii, 152

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Idem quoque iudex dominica nocte Anglos uindicauit? et furentes Normannos in cecam uoraginem przcipitauit. Ipsi enim contra preceptum legis rem alienam immoderate concupierunt, ac ueloces’ ut psalmographus dicit ‘pedes eorum ad effundendum sanguinem fuerunt'? ideoque 'contritionem et infelicitatem in uiis suis’ offenderunt.! Dux Guillelmus Anglorum? cohortes inopinato conglobatas cernens non substitit sed Eustachium comitem cum militibus quinquaginta auersum et receptui signa canere uolentem: ne abiret uirili uoce compellauit. Ille contra familiariter in aurem ducis reditum suasit; et proximam ei si pergeret mortem praedixit. Haec inter uerba percussus Eustachius inter scapulas ictu sonoro, cuius grauitatem statim sanguis demonstrabat ore et naribus? quasi moribundus ope comitum euasit. Dux autem uictoria consummata ad aream belli regressus est? ibique miserabilem stragem non absque miseratione uidendam intuitus est. Anglice nobilitatis et iuuentutis flos in cruore sordidatus late solum operuit. Heraldus quibusdam signis est non facie recognitus, et in castra ducis delatus" ac ad tumulandum prope littus maris quod diu cum armis seruauerat Guillelmo agnomine Maleto uictoris iussu traditus. 3Vergibili fortuna mortalibus in terris suppeditante ualde aspera et inopinata" quidam de puluere prosiliunt ad magnarum potestatum culmina, aliique de summo apice subito pulsi gemunt in ingenti mesticia. Sic Githa Goduini comitis relicta, quondam diuitiis gaudens et potentia? nunc nimio merore est affecta, quia grauibus infortuniis uehementer est afflicta. Nam septem filios uiro suo peperit, Suenum, Tosticum, Heraldum, Guorth? EIfgarum, Leofuinum et Winodum. Omnes hi comites fuerunt, magnoque corporis decore et seculari probitate uiguerunt? sed

diuersos et atroces euentus separatim experti sunt. Elfgarus et

Winodus Deum diligentes pie legitimeque uixerunt? et in uera confessione prior Remis peregrinus et monachus et alter Salesberiz uenerabiliter obierunt. Verum alii quinque diuersis in locis,

uariisque studiis intenti armis interierunt. Mesta igitur mater

Guillelmo duci pro corpore Heraldi par auri pondus optulit, sed t Adapted from Psalms xiii. 3 (Vulgate).

? From 'cohortes' to ‘iussu traditus' Orderic slightly abbreviates William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 202-4).

3 The first part of the passage on the sorrows of Gytha is from Orderic’s pen: the text from ‘pro corpore Heraldi' to "iurant et obsides dant’ is based very closely on William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 204, 208-12). Orderic’s independent information

on Gytha's family is unreliable:

no other source

mentions

a son

ZElfgar, and Wulfnoth, who was sent as a hostage to Normandy in 1051, died in captivity (Foreville, p. 32 n. 1; Freeman, NC, ii, Appendix, Note F).

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179

others. The same just judge avenged the English on the eve of Sunday, and plunged the fierce Normans into the abyss of destruction. For they had been guilty of coveting the goods of other men, contrary to the precept of the law, and as the psalmist says, “Their feet were swift to shed blood’, and so they encountered ‘sorrow and wretchedness in their ways’.! When Duke William? saw that the English forces had unexpectedly massed again he did not check his advance, but called out loudly to Count Eustace, who had turned tail with fifty knights and wished to sound the retreat, forbidding him to fly from battle. Count Eustace, however, whispered privately to the duke that he ought to turn back, prophesying speedy death for him if he advanced any further. Whilst he was urging this Eustace received a resounding blow between the shoulders; so gravely was he wounded that blood poured from his nose and mouth and he was helped, as if dying, from the field by his companions. Meanwhile the duke had finally routed the enemy and returned to the battlefield, where he gazed on a scene of destruction so terrible that it must have moved any beholder to pity. For the mangled bodies that had been the flower of the English nobility and youth covered the ground as far as the eye could see. Harold was recognized by some tokens, not by his face, and brought to the duke’s camp; the

conqueror commanded William Malet to bury the body near to the sea-shore, which in life he had defended so long with his armed forces. 3Changeable fortune often brings a hard and bitter fate to mortal men on earth, for some climb from the dust to the height of power, others are dashed from great prosperity to groan in the depths of despair. So Gytha, Earl Godwin’s widow, who had once enjoyed power and riches, now encountered bitter grief and was sorely afflicted by heavy misfortunes. For she had borne seven sons to her husband: Swein, Tostig, Harold, Gyrth, /Elfgar, Leofwine, and Wulfnoth. All became earls and were handsome to

behold and endowed with every manly virtue: but in their turn they suffered diverse and terrible fates. /Elfgar and Wulfnoth loved God, kept his law all their lives, and died honourably in the true faith, the one an alien and monk at Rheims, the other at Salisbury. But the other five took up a career of arms and perished in different places on various enterprises. Their sorrowing mother offered Duke William Harold's weight in gold for his body; but the

180 1-155

li. 154

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magnanimus uictor tale commercium respuit" indignum ducens ut ad libitum matris sepeliretur, cuius ob nimiam cupiditatem innumerabiles insepulti remanerent. Ipse suis ingentem sepeliendi curam exhiberi przecepit" Anglis quoque cunctis uolentibus quosque ad humandum liberam potestatem concessit. Suis autem prout tunc decuit sepultis Romaneium accessit, et expugnatis his qui intus erant cladem suorum uindicauit? quos illuc errore appulsos fera gens adorta przlio fuerat, et cum maximo utriusque partis detrimento fuderat. Deinde dux contendit Doueram, ubi multus populus congregatus erat pro inexpugnabili ut sibi uidebatur munitione? quia id castellum situm est in acutissima rupe mari contigua. Castellani autem dum obsidentem ducem metuerent, supplicesque deditionem pararent! Normannorum armigeri pro cupidine predz ignem iniecerunt, et uoraci flamma leuiter uolitante pleraque correpta et combusta sunt. Dux autem damno eorum qui sibi subdere se uolebant compassus est: preciumque restituendarum zedium dedit, aliaque amissa recompensauit. Recepto castro’ quo minus erat per dies octo muniuit. Milites uero recentibus illic carnibus et aqua utentes, multi profluuio uentris extincti sunt? plurimique usque ad finem uite debilitati sunt. Dux inibi custodiam relinquens et dissenteria languentes’ ad perdomandum quos deuicit proficiscitur. Vltro Cantuarii non procul a Douera occurrunt? fidelitatem iurant et obsides dant. Interempto Heraldo! Stigandus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus et praeclari comites Eduinus et Morcarus aliique primates Anglorum qui Senlacio bello non interfuerunt? Edgarum Clitonem filium Eduardi regis Hunorum? fili Edmundi Irneside id est Ferrei

Lateris regem statuerunt, et cum eo contra externos hostes pro

ii. 155

patria et gente se fortiter pugnaturos minati sunt. Porro Guillelmus dux? ubi frequentiorem conuentum eorum audiuit cum ualida manu appropians non procul a Lundonia consedit, equitesque quingentos illo praemisit. Qui egressam de urbe contra se aciem refugere intra moenia compulerunt: et multa strage filiorum et amicorum facta ciuibus ingentem luctum intulerunt. Incendium etiam urbana cedi addiderunt? et quidquid zdificiorum citra 1 ‘Interempto Heraldo

. . . minati sunt’ is based on William of Poitiers

(Foreville, p. 214) and Florence of Worcester

(FW, i. 228). Orderic's version

is slightly closer to Florence, except that Florence says that Archbishop Ealdred, not Stigand, chose Edgar Atheling. The Norman writers were using the name of Stigand to stress the unlawfulness of William's rivals for the crown. ? Orderic uses the term Huns for the Magyars. Edward Atheling was never

king of Hungary, but he was exiled by Cnut and brought up at the Hungarian court.

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high-minded conqueror refused to make such a bargain, for he thought it wrong that the man whose ambition had caused thousands to lie unburied should be buried wherever his mother chose. He ordered that his own men should be reverently interred, and that the English should be allowed freedom to bury their dead if they wished to do so. When his own dead had been given honourable burial he advanced to Romney, defeated the garrison, and avenged the slaughter of some of his men. 'They had landed there in error and been routed in the ensuing battle by the fierce defenders, with terrible losses on both sides. Next the duke invested Dover, where a great multitude had taken refuge, for since the castle was situated on a cliff falling sheer to the sea it was believed to be an impregnable fortress. But the garrison, terrified of the duke who led the attack, were already preparing to make humble surrender when some Norman men-atarms, greedy for gain, set fire to some buildings and the hungry flames spread rapidly, burning and destroying. The duke for his part regretted the harm done to men on the point of surrender and gave ample compensation, paying for the repair of the buildings. Occupying the castle, he spent eight days in fortifying it where it was weakest. Unfortunately whilst there the soldiers ate newly slaughtered meat and drank water, so that many died of dysentery and very many suffered the effects to the end of their lives. Leaving behind a garrison and the sick, the duke set out to subdue the people he had just defeated. The men of Kent came flocking to him just outside Dover, to swear fealty and give hostages. On the death of Harold, Stigand,! archbishop of Canterbury, the great earls, Edwin and Morcar, and the other lords of England who had not fought at the battle of Senlac elected as their king Edgar Clito, son of Edward king of the Hungarians,? son of Edmund called Ironside; and were preparing to fight valiantly with him against the invaders for their homeland and their own people. So Duke William? with a strong force approached the place where he knew they were assembled, and halting not far from London sent forward five hundred horsemen. They repulsed and drove back within the city walls a force that issued out to oppose them, plunging the city into mourning for the many citizens and others who perished there. Setting fire to the city 3 From ‘ubi frequentiorum conuentum’ to ‘Guarengefort peruenit! the text follows William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 214-16) very closely.

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flumen erat cremauerunt. Dux autem Tamesim fluuium trans-

ii. 156

meauit, et ad oppidum Guarengefort peruenit. 1TIluc Stigandus archiepiscopus aliique nobiles Angli aduenerunt? Edgarum abrogantes pacem cum Guillelmo fecerunt, ipsumque sibi dominum susceperunt: et ipsi ab eodem benigniter suscepti pristinas dignitates et honores receperunt. Lundonii nichilominus utile consilium percipientes sese in obsequium ducis tradiderunt?? et obsides quot et quos imperarat adduxerunt. Edgarus Adelinus qui rex constitutus fuerat ab Anglis? resistere diffidens humiliter Guillelmo se regnumque contulit. Ille uero quia idem puer mitis et sincerus erat, et consobrinus Eduardi magni regis filius scilicet nepotis eius erat’ amicabiliter eum amplexatus est" et omni uita sua inter filios suos honorabiliter ueneratus est. Omnia disponente Deo in spacio trium mensium per Angliam pacata sunt? cunctique przsules regnique proceres cum Guillelmo concordiam fecerunt, ac ut diadema regium sumeret sicut mos

Anglici principatus exigit orauerunt. Hoc summopere flagitabant Normanni, qui pro fasce regali nanciscendo suo principi, subierunt

ingens discrimen maris et prelii’ hoc etiam diuino nutu subacti optabant indigena regni, qui nisi coronato regi seruire hactenus erant soliti. Eo tempore Adelredus Eborachensis metropolitanus erat. Hic equitatem ualde amans, aeuo maturus, sapiens, bonus et eloquens? multis uirtutibus fulgebat, et per uestigia patrum regem regum adire iugiter appetebat. Stigandus autem Cantuariensis secularibus curis et actibus nimis intentus erat? et pro quibusdam reatibus ab Alexandro papa interdictus fuerat. Denique anno ab incarnatione Domini MLxvII indictione quinta in die natalis Domini? Angli Lundoniz ad ordinandum regem conuenerunt: et Normannorum turme circa monasterium in armis et equis ne quid doli et seditionis oriretur presidio dispositae fuerunt. Adelredus itaque archiepiscopus in basilica Sancti Petri apostolorum principis quz Westmonasterium nuncupatur ubi Eduardus rex uenerabilitr humatus quiescit, in praesentia t From 'Illuc Stigandus . . .' to the end of the account of William's coronation Orderic freely adapts William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 216-20). A few phrases —‘obsides quot et quos imperarat adduxerunt', *zquitatem ualde amans, zeuo maturus, sapiens, bonus et eloquens’, and ‘rem sinistram arbitrati, flammam...

imprudenter iniecerunt'—are taken over almost literally; but elsewhere Orderic interprets and dramatizes the facts independently. He disregards the evidence of Florence of Worcester, who said (FW i. 228) that Ealdred (not Stigand) submitted, and that the Norman army continued to ravage up to the submission at Berkhamsted.

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they burned all the houses south of the river. The duke himself crossed the Thames and continued to Wallingford. ‘Archbishop Stigand and the other English nobles came to him there. Renouncing allegiance to Edgar they made peace with William, acknowledged him their lord, and were graciously taken under his protection and reinvested with all their former offices and honours. The Londoners also took the wise course and surrendered to the duke,? bringing him all the hostages he named and required. Edgar Atheling, who had been proclaimed king by the English, hesitated to take up arms and humbly submitted himself and the kingdom to William. Since he was a boy who was gentle and honourable and a kinsman of the great King Edward— for he was his nephew's son—the duke received him with affection, and treated him as long as he lived like one of his own sons. So by the grace of God England was subdued within the space of three months, and all the bishops and nobles of the realm made their peace with William, begging him to accept the crown according to the English custom. No less insistent were the Normans, who had endured the great perils of sea and war to win the crown for their duke. And this too by God's will was the wish of the general populace, for they had never obeyed anyone except a duly crowned king. At the time Ealdred was archbishop of York. He was a man of sober years and a lover of justice: wise, good, eloquent, and full of virtue, following the way of the fathers towards the presence of the King of kings. Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, on the other hand, was immersed in worldly affairs and interests, and had been suspended by Pope Alexander for his misdeeds. So at last on Christmas Day in the year of Our Lord 1067,3 the fifth Indiction, the English assembled at London for the king's coronation, and a strong guard of Norman men-at-arms and knights was posted round the minster to prevent any treachery or disorder. And, in the presence of the bishops, abbots, and nobles of the whole realm of Albion, Archbishop Ealdred consecrated William duke of Normandy as king of the English and placed the 2 Orderic omits the movements of the army towards London: the Londoners

submitted at Berkhamsted, not at Wallingford (Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England,

=:Se

tes 1066. Orderic begins the new year on Christmas Day. This

was normal at the time, and appears to have been the custom

cf. the Martyrology in Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 10062, ff. 37-77".

at St. Évroul;

184 li. 157

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prasulum et abbatum procerumque totius regni Albionis Guillelmum ducem Normannorum in regem Anglorum consecrauit^ et diadema regium capiti eius imposuit. Interea instigante Sathana qui bonis omnibus contrarius est? importuna res utrique populo et portentum futurze calamitatis ex

ii. 158

improuiso exortum est. Nam dum Adeldredus przsul alloqueretur Anglos, et Goisfredus Constantiniensis episcopus Normannos, an concederent Guillelmum regnare super se? et uniuersi consensum hilarem protestarentur una uoce non unius linguz locutione, armati milites qui extrinsecus erant pro suorum tuitione? mox ut uociferationem gaudentis in ecclesia populi et ignote linguze strepitum audierunt, rem sinistram arbitrati flammam zdibus imprudenter iniecerunt. Currente festinanter per domos incendio plebs que in ecclesia letabatur perturbata est’ et multitudo uirorum ac mulierum diuersz dignitatis et qualitatis infortunio perurgente celeriter basilicam egressa est. Soli praesules et pauci clerici cum monachis nimium trepidantes ante aram perstiterunt, et officium consecrationis super regem uehementer trementem uix peregerunt? aliique pene omnes ad ignem nimis furentem cucurrerunt, quidam ut uim foci uiriliter ocarent’ et plures ut in tanta perturbatione sibi praedas diriperent. Angli factionem tam insperate rei dimetientes nimis irati sunt’ et postea Normannos semper suspectos habuerunt, et infidos sibi diiudicantes ultionis tempus de eis peroptauerunt. Susceptum itaque imperium Guillelmus rex in aduersis et prosperis

strenue

utiliterque

rexit/

eique uiginti annis

et octo

mensibus ac diebus sedecim laudabiliter praefuit. De cuius probitate et eximiis moribus, ac prosperis euentibus et strenuis admirandisque actibus? Guillelmus Pictauinus! Lexouiensis archidiaconus affluenter tractauit, et librum polito sermone et magni sensus profunditate przclarum edidit. Ipse siquidem praedicti regis capellanus longo tempore extitit, et ea que oculis suis uiderit, et quibus interfuerit, copioso relatu indubitanter enucleare

studuit" quamuis librum usque ad finem regis aduersis casibus impeditus perducere nequiuerit. Guido etiam przsul Ambianensis metricum carmen edidit? quo Maronem et Papinium gesta * Orderic in this passage and below, pp. 258-60, tells almost all that is known

of the life of William of Poitiers. See Foreville, pp. vii-xiii. ? Orderic (below, p. 214) says that Guy had already written this poem when

he came to England with Matilda in 1068. The Carmen de Hastingae Praelio, ed. F. Michel in Chroniques Anglo-Normandes (Rouen, 1836-40), iii. 1-38, and

J. A. Giles, in Scriptores rerum gestarum Willelmi conquestoris (London, 1845), pp. 27-52, has long been attributed to Guy of Amiens. The formula L.. W ...in the second line could be interpreted as Lanfrancum Wido, and Guy was known from the statement of Orderic to have written a poem of this kind.

BOOK III

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royal crown on his head. This was done in the abbey church of St. Peter the chief of the apostles, called Westminster, where the body of King Edward lies honourably buried. But at the prompting of the devil, who hates everything good, a sudden disaster and portent of future catastrophes occurred.

For when Archbishop Ealdred asked the English, and Geoffrey bishop of Coutances asked the Normans, if they would accept William as their king, all of them gladly shouted out with one voice if not in one language that they would. The armed guard outside, hearing the tumult of the joyful crowd in the church and the harsh accents of a foreign tongue, imagined that some treachery was afoot, and rashly set fire to some of the buildings. The fire spread rapidly from house to house; the crowd who had been rejoicing in the church took fright and throngs of men and women of every rank and condition rushed out of the church in frantic haste. Only the bishops and a few clergy and monks remained, terrified, in the sanctuary, and with difficulty completed the consecration of the king who was trembling from head to foot. Almost all the rest made for the scene of conflagration, some to fight the flames and many others hoping to find loot for themselves in the general confusion. The English, after hearing of the perpetration of such misdeeds, never again trusted the Normans who seemed to have betrayed them, but nursed their anger and bided their time to take revenge. So King William received the crown and reigned well and justly in prosperity and adversity for twenty years, eight months, and sixteen days. His virtue and high character, his successes and praiseworthy deeds of valour, have been treated eloquently by William of Poitiers, archdeacon of Lisieux, who has published a book wonderfully polished in style and mature in judgement. He himself was for many years the king's chaplain, and he set out to describe authentically, in detail, all the events which he had seen

with his own eyes and in which he himself had taken part. But unfavourable circumstances prevented him from continuing his narrative up to the king's death. Guy bishop of Amiens also wrote

a poem? describing the battle of Senlac in imitation of the epics of

The attribution of the Carmen to Guy was questioned by G. H. White (Genealogist? Magazine, ix (1944), 422 f., and GEC xii, part i, Appendix L) on the

grounds, first, that the author was ignorant of the hereditary situation in the

county of Ponthieu in 1066 and so cannot have been Bishop Guy, the uncle of

Count Guy I of Ponthieu; and secondly, that the author copied from William

186

ii. 159

ii. 160

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heroum pangentes imitatus Senlacium bellum descripsit? Heraldum uituperans et condempnans, Guillelmum uero collaudans et magnificans. Ioannes Wigornensis a puero monachus, natione Anglicus, moribus et eruditione uenerandus, in his qua Mariani Scotti cronicis adiecit, de rege Guillelmo et de rebus qua sub eo uel sub filiis eius Guillelmo Rufo et Henrico usque hodie contigerunt honeste deprompsit.! Marianus enim? in cenobio sancti Albani martiris apud Magonciam monachus fuit/ ibique Cesariensem Eusebium et leronimum,? aliosque chronographos pro modulo suo secutus sese benigniter exercuit, et dulcem fructum longi studii magnorumque laborum quos in longinqua peregrinatione pertulit, filiis ecclesize tanta rimari per se non ualentibus karitatiue protulit. Sollerter itaque perscrutatis ueteribus et modernis codicibus cronographyam edidit, in qua ab inicio mundi ex quo Deus Adam de limo terre plasmauit, per omnes libros Veteris et Noui Testamenti et Romanorum Grecorumque historias discurrens optima quaeque collegit, et enumeratis annis per regum et consulum tempora usque ad diem mortis suz annalem hystoriam laudabiliter distinxit. Quem prosecutus Iohannes acta fere centum annorum^ contexuit, iussuque uenerabilis Wlfstani pontificis et monachi supradictis cronicis inseruit! in quibus multa de Romanis of Poitiers, and so cannot have composed the poem before 1068. S. Kórner (The Battle of Hastings, pp. 93-96) has re-examined

the evidence, and shown

that

G. H. White has not proved the first point and that all that is certain about the relationship of the two authors is that one had seen the work of the other.

Recently, Professor Barlow has brought forward strong evidence to show that the Carmen was written before the end of the eleventh century, and was very

probably the work of Guy of Amiens between 1068 and 1070 (“The Carmen de Hastinge Proelio', Studies in International History, ed. K. Bourne and D. C. Watt (London, 1967), pp. 35-67). Butif the Carmen was the work of Guy, Orderic

took nothing from it that he could not also have found in William of Poitiers. ' There is no critical edition of the Worcester Chronicle attributed Florence, which has been published

in its entirety by W.

Howard

to

(London,

1592) and by B. Thorpe (2 vols., English Historical Society, London, 1848-9)

from A.D. 449. Florence of Worcester, whose existence is known only from the note on his death in the chronicle, may have collected materials, and perhaps written the early part. The continuation, from at least 1118 when Florence died and probably earlier, came from the pen of John of Worcester. 'The work

appears to have been in an early stage of composition in 1103 (The Chronicle of

John of Worcester, 1118-40, ed. J. R. H. Weaver (Oxford, 1908), p. 8); and if Orderic is right in saying that John began the work at the command of Bishop Wulfstan (d. 1095) he may conceivably, as Darlington suggests (The Vita Wulfstani of William of Malmesbury, ed. R. R. Darlington, Camden Third Series, xl (London, 1928), pp. xv-xviii), have written the whole of it. He was

certainly at work on it when Orderic visited Worcester, but the date of Orderic's journey is not known,

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Virgil and Statius, abusing and condemning Harold but praising

and exalting William. John, an Englishman by birth who entered the monastery of Worcester as a boy and won great repute for his learning and piety, continued the chronicle of Marianus Scotus and carefully recorded the events of William's reign and of his sons William Rufus and Henry up to the present.! This Marianus? was a monk in the abbey of St. Alban the martyr at Mainz and there, following to the best of his ability in the footsteps of Eusebius of Caesarea, Jerome,3 and other annalists, he devoted himself to his task and generously offered the sweet fruits of his protracted study and the great labour he had undertaken in the long exile of this life to the sons of the Church, who cannot investigate such things for themselves. So when he had read both ancient and modern books he skilfully shaped his chronography, in which, passing from the creation of the world when God fashioned Adam from the dust of the earth,

through all the books of the Old and New Testaments and the histories of the Greeks and Romans, he collected all the most notable events; and numbering the years by the reigns of kings and rulers he set out his annals exceedingly well up to the day of his death. After him John, at the command of the venerable Wulfstan bishop and monk, added to these chronicles events of about a hundred years,‘ by inserting a brief and valuable summary ? Marianus Scotus, an Irish monk who went into exile in 1056 to St. Martin's,

near Cologne, became a recluse at Fulda, and there began work on his Chronicle. In 1069 he moved to Mainz, where he died in 1082 or 1083; his Chronicle ends in 1073 and was continued by others. He disagreed with the era of the Incarnation established by Dionysius Exiguus, and his chronology is twenty-two years earlier. Although he found few followers for his dating on the Continent, his

Chronicle was brought to England by Bishop Robert of Hereford within a few years of its completion, and no doubt Robert gave it to his friend, Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester (W. H. Stevenson, ‘A contemporary description of the Domesday Survey’, in EHR xxii (1907), 72-84). 3 The Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea, with its continuation by St. Jerome, Prosper of Aquitaine, and others, became accepted as the standard universal

history of the early Middle Ages, and was widely disseminated. After the time of Bede most chroniclers confined themselves to recording the deeds of one region or one people; attempts to produce an acceptable universal church history on

the lines of Eusebius-Jerome began again in the eleventh century. Marianus Scotus,

Orderic

himself, and

Sigebert of Gembloux

were

among

those who

undertook the task. 4 The hundred years must be interpreted very freely: Orderic wrote this passage not more than fifty years after the death of Marianus, and there is material independent of Marianus relating to English affairs in the Worcester Chronicle from the fifth century.

188

ii. 161

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et Francis et Alemannis aliisque gentibus que agnouit" utiliter et compendiose narratione digna reserauit. In his utique cronicis continentur omnes iudices et reges et pontifices Hebreorum, a Moyse usque ad subuersionem Ierosolimorum: dum sub Tito et Vespasiano pro nece Saluatoris, et martirum eius iuste destructum est regnum Iudeorum. Omnes ibi nominantur consules et dictatores, imperatores et pontifices Romanorum. Omnes quoque reges qui regno Anglie prafuerunt? ex quo Hengist et Horsa Wortigerno regi Britanniz scandalo Gualorum militauerunt. His etiam omnes episcopi cronicis annotati sunt’ qui regimen zecclesiasticum in Anglia tenuerunt, ex quo Gregorius papa Augustinum et Mellitum aliosque przdicatores uerbi Dei in Angliam misit? per quos Deus Adelbertum regem Cantie et Eduinum regem Nordanhymbrorum aliosque principes eiusdem gentis ad fidem ueritatis perduxit. Ex his opusculis Engelbertus Gemblacensis monachus! quaedam preclara decerpsit, et multa de his que de insulanis Oceani scripta erant in eisdem insulis dimisit, et nichilominus de Gothis et Hunis ac Persis aliisque barbaris gentibus multa adiecit. Hzec ideo huic carte gratis indidi? ut istos codices auidi lectores inquirant sibi, quia magnum sapientie fructum ferunt, et uix inueniri possunt. A modernis enim editi sunt? et adhuc passim per orbem diffusi non sunt. Vnum eorum Wigornz uidi in Anglia, et alterum Cameraco in Lotharingia. Familiariter ostendit ilic michi Fulbertus prudens abbas coenobii Sancti Sepulcri, quod in septentrionali parte Cameraci, studio zedificatum est ac sumptibus Liberti eiusdem urbis episcopi, ubi idem praesul honorifice meruit sepeliri. 2Ad requiem iam fessus anhelo, et zecclesiasticze historia quam de contemporaneis et collimitaneis principibus atque didascalis ueraci deprompsi calamo? primum? libellum hic terminare dispono. In sequentibus uero latius de rege Guillelmo disseram, miserasque mutationes Anglorum et Normannorum sine adulatione referam, nullius remunerationis a uictoribus seu uictis expetens honorificentiam. Explicit liber tercius" ecclesiastice historie * tercius over primus erased

This must be an error for Sigebert of Gembloux, whose chronicle became

a widely accepted standard universal history in the twelfth century. Sigebert continued it till his death in 1112, but it was becoming known even before its completion, and Ekkehard, abbot of Aura, referred to it in 1105. See Manitius, lii. 332-46.

2 “Ad requiem . . . honorificentiam' is written over an erasure; from the

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189

of many deeds of the Romans and Franks, Germans and other peoples whom he knew. In these chronicles you will certainly find all the judges and kings and priests of the Hebrews from the time of Moses to the sack of Jerusalem, when on account of the death of our Saviour and his martyrs the kingdom of the Jews was justly destroyed in the reigns of Titus and Vespasian. There are recorded the names of all consuls and dictators, emperors and Roman pontiffs, and all the kings who ruled over England from the time when Hengist and Horsa fought against Vortigern king of Britain, and put the Britons to shame. In these chronicles too you will find lists of all the bishops who have ruled the church in England from the time that Pope Gregory sent to England Augustine and Mellitus and the other missionaries, through whom God brought Ethelbert king of Kent, Edwin king of Northumbria, and other princes of these peoples into the way of truth. Engelbert, a monk of Gembloux,! extracted some important events from these works; and, omitting much that had been written about the islanders of the western ocean in those same islands, he added many of the doings of the Goths, Huns, Persians, and other barbarians. I am

happy to mention these books in this record, so that would-be readers may seek the manuscripts out for themselves, for they are the fruits of great learning, and are hard to come by. They have been written by men of this age, and are not yet widely circulated. I saw one of them at Worcester in England and the other at Cambrai in Lorraine. It was kindly shown me by Fulbert, the worthy abbot of St. Sepulchre's, a monastery founded in the north part of Cambrai by Libertus, bishop of the city, who endowed it and is honourably buried there. 2And now, worn out, I sigh for rest; and am moved to bring to an end this first? book of the History of the Church, in which my pen has faithfully recorded the doings of lords and learned men of my own age and neighbourhood. In the following books I will tell more of King William, and will record without distortion the chances and changes of English and Normans alike, for I look to neither victors nor vanquished for the honour of any reward.

Here ends the third book of the History of the Church colour of the ink and the pen used it may actually have been written at the same 'time as Book IV, which is continued on the same page. 3 Orderic failed to change the primus to tercius in the text, though he changed it in the rubric.

Incipit liber quartus? Ordrici Vitalis Vticensis presbiteri et monachi li. 162

ii. 163

TEMPORIBUS Alexandri secundi papz plurima per orbem regna calamitatibus concussa sunt’ et multiplices populorum concursus in sui perniciem debachati sunt. Hzc in occiduis partibus terrigenz senserunt? et grauia subeuntes detrimenta nimis experti sunt. Defunctis enim optimis regibus Henrico Francorum, et Eduardo Anglorum" Franci et Angli diu luxerunt funus eorum, quia post illos uix adepti sunt dominos illis consimiles uirtutibus et nectare morum. Patribus patrie de medio ablatis" successere tiranni abutentes freno regie dominationis. Anglia tunc Heraldi seuicia periurioque polluta corruit, et genuinis haredibus orbata externis praedonibus Guillelmo uictori fauentibus subiacuit’ unde flebile tema de sua ruina piis historiographis ad dictandum tribuit. Copiosam faciendi plures libros materiam eloquentes sophista habuerunt, qui regis Guillelmi curie diutius interfuerunt? et gesta eius ac uarios et preclaros euentus ac intima et profunda consilia nouerunt, et diuitiarum eius participes ultra natales suos admodum promoti sunt. /Ecclesiz nempe quz sub eo uel ab eo ad laudem Dei in Neustria uel Anglia factz sunt? deuotionis eius et largitatis in Dei cultu laudabile testimonium asserunt, bonique studii exemplum imitabile posteris pariunt. Coenobia quoque plurima deuote construxit, et ab ipso uel ab aliis condita multum emendauit, multimodisque gazis tripudians ditauit, et patrocinio suo contra omnes aduersarios defensauit. Hzc utique palam attestantur in duobus monasteriis! ceenobitzee Cadomenses? in uno monachi et in altero sanctimoniales. Hzc duo ceenobia in ducatu adhuc zterno regi fauens zdificauerat? in quorum uno sibi et in altero coniugi suz sepulturam elegerat. Postquam bello peracto fortiter hostes subegit, et diadema regium apud Lundoniam suscepit? cenobium Sancte Trinitati Senlac ubi bellum factum est construxit, et multis opibus ac ? quartus over secundus erased

! St. Stephen's and Holy ? Battle Abbey. Among reform the English church regard for Marmoutier and which St. Évroul and other

Trinity. the abbeys to which William looked for men to were some outside Normandy: he had a special Cluny. Marmoutier was among the houses with Norman abbeys were linked by prayers and obits.

Here begins the fourth book of Orderic Vitalis of St. Évroul IN the time of Pope Alexander II many kingdoms far and wide were afflicted with divers catastrophes; and many thousands of men plunged into the pit of destruction. The inhabitants of the western lands endured grave tribulations and dire calamities. For when the virtuous kings, Henry of France and Edward of England, were dead the French and English long had cause to mourn them, since they received as successors lords little like them in virtue and graciousness. Once the fathers of the country were taken away, tyrants who abused the power of royal dominion took their place. England, desecrated by the cruelty and perfidy of Harold, was on her way to ruin; and once deprived of lawful heirs, fell under the sway of foreign invaders led by the conquering William. So she provided a mournful theme of ruin for the pen of true historians. Abundant material for writing many books lay to the hand of those learned and eloquent men who through long years dwelt in King William’s court, witnessed his deeds and all the great doings there, knew his deepest and most secret counsels, and were endowed by him with riches that raised them above the station they were born to. Moreover the churches, built by him and his men to the glory of God in Normandy and England, stand as noble witnesses to his piety and generosity in the service of God, and an example of good works for future generations to imitate. For he founded many monasteries, and enlarged and enriched other men’s foundations, lavishing treasure upon them and granting them his patronage against all their enemies. All this is clearly shown by the two monasteries of Caen, one for monks and the

other for nuns. Whilst he was still no more than a duke he founded these two abbeys to the glory of the eternal King, and chose the one as his own, the other as his wife's, place of burial.

After he had gone to war, triumphed over his enemies, and received a royal crown at London he built the abbey of the Holy Trinity at Senlac, the site of the battle,? and endowed it with See J. Laporte, "Tableau des services obituaires assurés par les abbayes de Saint-Évroul et de Jumiéges’, in Revue Mabillon, xlvi (1956), 152-3.

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fundis ut decet regalem munificentiam ditauit. Ibi Goisbertum

ii. 164

ii. 165

Maioris-Monasterii religiosum monachum abbatem constituit? quo monitore monasticus ordo et regularis disciplina commode uiguit. Maius enim Monasterium a sanctissimo Martino 'Turonorum archiepiscopo ceptum est: ibique bonorum hominum religio creuit inspirante Deo et multiplicata est. Nostris temporibus Albertus et Bartholomeus, Bernardus et Hilgotus ac Guillelmus Nanticensis abbates huic monasterio prefuerunt? qui sanctitate et probitate multis profuerunt, et longe lateque famosi uicinis et externis utiliter micuerunt. Post obitum Goisberti Henricus Cantuariensis prior abbatis officium suscepit? et Bellense ccenobium honorifice tenuit.! Quo defuncto Rodulfus Rofensis prior monachusque Cadomensis successit? studioque sanctitatis et salutaris doctrine sibi multisque coessentibus prodesse sategit/ et bona in senectute spiritualibus studiis feruidus adhuc insistit. Tandem anno Henrici regis Anglorum uicesimo quinto: religiosus senex feliciter ad Dominum transiit e mundo. Guillelmus rex? multa Lundoniz postquam coronatus est? prudenter, iuste clementerque disposuit, quadam ad ipsius ciuitatis commoda uel dignitatem, alia qua genti proficerent uniuerse, nonnulla quibus consuleretur ecclesiis terre. Iura quacumque dictauit’ optimis rationibus sanxit. Iudicium rectum nulla persona nequicquam ab eo postulauit. Neminem nisi quem non damnare iniquum foret damnauit. Suis quoque primatibus digna se et grauitate praecepit, et diligentia zequitatem suasit. Esse iugiter in oculis habendum zeternum regem" cuius uicerint przsidio. Nimium opprimi uictos non oportere, uictoribus professione christiana pares? ne quos iuste subegerint, iniuriis ad rebellandum cogerent. Seditiones interdixit" caedem et omnem rapinam frenans ut populos armis, ita legibus arma. Tributis et cunctis rebus ad regium fiscum reddendis? modum qui non grauaret posuit. Latrociniis, inuasionibus, maleficiis locum omnem intra suos terminos denegauit. Portus et quzlibet itinera negociatoribus patere, et nullam iniuriam fieri iussit. Sic omnino proba eius in ' Henry, prior of Canterbury, was elected abbot of Battle in 1096, and died in 1102. 2 From rrio2 to 1107 Battle was administered by Geoffrey of St. Carilef as custos; Ralph was elected only in 1107 (Chronicon Monasterii de Bello, pp. 47-51). He died on 29 August 1124 (ibid., pp. 59-60). If then Orderic had ended Book III when winter was closing in he had presumably begun Book IV in the spring of 1125.

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wealth and possessions in keeping with his royal munificence. There he appointed as abbot Goisbert, a monk of Marmoutier, under whose rule monastic life and regular discipline were firmly established. For Marmoutier had been founded by St. Martin, the blessed archbishop of Tours, and there by divine grace the worship of holy men took root and flourished. In our own times Albert and Bartholomew, Bernard and Hilgot, and William of Nantes, who have been abbots of this monastery, have been conspicuous for their holiness and virtue, renowned far and wide as shining lights to lighten the darkness of men both at home and abroad. After Goisbert's death Henry, prior of Canterbury, became abbot and directed the affairs of Battle with distinction.! On his death he was succeeded by Ralph, prior of Rochester and monk of Caen,? who strenuously furthered the pursuit of holiness and sound doctrine amongst his fellows, and has himself in his old age tirelessly sought the fruits of spiritual studies almost to the present day. Finally, in the twenty-fifth year of Henry king of England the good old man gladly passed from this life to the Lord. 3After his coronation King William made many wise, just, and merciful provisions whilst he was still in London; some were for the advantage and honour of the city, others of the people in general, others of the churches in the land. He ordained certain laws and established them firmly. No one sought a just judgement from him in vain. He punished none save those whom it would have been unjust not to punish. On his magnates he enforced as a lord conduct in keeping with his dignity, and as a friend counselled equity: warning them to be always mindful of the eternal King by whose aid they had conquered, not to overburden the vanquished who were Christians no less than they were, and to avoid at all costs oppressions that might goad to rebellion men whose defeat had been just. He forbade disorders, murder, and plunder, restraining the people by arms and the arms by laws. To the collection of tribute and all dues owed to the royal treasury he set a limit that was not oppressive. He forbade his own people to commit thefts, forcible entries, or crimes anywhere. He ordered that merchants should go freely in the harbours and on all high-

ways, and should suffer no harm. So all the first acts of his reign 3 multa Lundoniz ...in regnando initia fuere’ is taken almost verbatim from William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 230-6), omitting some details, a com-

parison with Scipio, and a comment on Archbishop Stigand. 822204 [0]

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regnando inicia fuere, et incrementa probitatum ad utilitatem

ii. 166

subditorum liquido fulsere? que in bonis perseuerantia laudabilisque finis euidentibus indiciis confirmauere. abi Egressus Lundonia rex dies aliquot in propinquo loco Bercingis morabatur? dum firmamenta quzdam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis ac feri populi perficerentur. Eduinus et Morcarus filii JElfgari comitis fere omnium Anglorum genere ac potentia maximi, ad regem ueniunt? ueniamque si qua in re contra eum senserant poscunt, et se cunctaque sua eius clementiz tradunt. Deinde Coxo? comes fortitudine et probitate singularis, et Tur-

chillus de Limis,3 Siwardus et Aldredus* filii ZEdelgari prone-

potes Eduardi regis, Edricus quoque cognomento Guilda id est siluaticus,5 nepos Edrici pestiferi ducis cognomento Streonz id est adquisitoris, aliique complures nobiles et opibus ampli Guillelmo pacificantur? datisque sacramentis omnes possessiones suas cum honore adipiscuntur. Rex inde progrediens diuersas regni partes accessit/ et ubique utilia sibi et incolis terre ordinauit. Custodes in castellis strenuos uiros ex Gallis collocauit, et opulenta beneficia pro quibus labores ac pericula libenter tolerarent distribuit. "Intra mcenia Guentz opibus et munimine nobilis urbis et mari ! From ‘Egressus Lundonia’ to ‘distribuit’ the account of William's encampment at Barking during the construction of the fortress, later to become the Tower of London, and the submission of further prominent Englishmen to him is taken from William of Poitiers. Orderic, however, adds the names of Thurkill, Siward, and Ealdred, and Edric the Wild. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle followed

by Florence of Worcester put the submission of Edwin and Morcar before the coronation, at Berkhamsted.

It is impossible to tell which version is nearer to

the truth; there must have been submissions from prominent Englishmen both before and after the coronation. It is even conceivable, as Douglas suggests (WC, p. 207) that William of Poitiers confused Barking with Berkhamsted. 2 Copsi, Tostig’s ally, was to be made earl of Northumbria by William in 1067, shortly before his death (Freeman, NC iv, Appendix, Note F). Orderic

frequently carries back the title by which a man was best known into the period before he held it.

3 Stapleton (Le Prévost, ii. 166 n. 1) and Round (VCH Warwick, i. 277, 283) have suggested that this Thurkill is Thurkill ‘of Arden’, a well-known Warwickshire landholder. But this is only a hypothesis (cf. E. O. Blake, Liber Eliensis,

p. 179 n. 4). + There has been much speculation on these two brothers, and possibly Orderic's information was faulty. Freeman thought (NC iv. 21 n. 2) that to answer the description they must have been descendants of Uhtred by his third

wife /Elfgifu, half-sister of Edward, but could find no trace of them in the genealogies of Simeon of Durham. Both Freeman and Le Prévost assumed that Siward was Siward Barn, who later took refuge at Ely with Morcar (for whom see Round, VCH Warwick, i. 283, 327, who thought him a Warwickshire landowner; and E. O. Blake, Liber Eliensis, pp. 173 n. 1, 291, who thought him Siward of Maldon; and F. S. Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 172, who brought

forward evidence that he was a Northumbrian noble, possibly of the family of

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were righteous, and his righteousness continued for the advantage of his subjects, with every outward indication of a happy outcome through his determined pursuit of good. ‘Leaving London, the king spent a few days at Barking near by, whilst a fortress was being completed in the city as a defence against the numerous and hostile inhabitants. Edwin and Morcar, the sons of Earl 7Elfgar, amongst the highest-born and the most powerful of all the English, came to the king, asked pardon for their hostility to him, and submitted themselves and all their goods to his mercy. Then Earl Copsi,? a man of great courage and integrity, and Thurkill of Limis,3 Siward and Ealdred,+ the sons of /Ethelgar, grandsons of King Edward, Edric known as the Wild,’ nephew of the infamous ealdorman Edric called Streona,$

or 'the Rapacious', and many other men of wealth and high birth made their peace with William, and were allowed to keep all their possessions honourably when they had sworn fealty. The king went on from there to other parts of his kingdom, and everywhere disposed affairs to the advantage of the inhabitants as well as of himself. He appointed strong men from his Norman forces as guardians of the castles, and distributed rich fiefs that induced men to endure toil and danger to defend them. 7He built a strong fortress within the walls of Winchester, the Northumbrian

earls). But this Siward cannot have been

Siward

Barn:

Orderic later mentions him as a Shropshire landowner in connection with the

foundation of Shrewsbury Abbey (Le Prévost, ii. 416), and he appears in the charters of the Abbey (Dugdale, Monasticon, iii. 518-22).

5 Florence of Worcester describes Edric the Wild in almost the same terms: ‘Edricus cognomento Silvaticus filius 7Elfrici fratris Edrici Streonae’, but says in direct contradiction to Orderic that Edric's land was overrun because he refused to submit to William (FW ii. 1). Florence places his reconciliation with William in 1070 (FW ii. 7). For Edric, who was a landholder in Herefordshire and Shropshire, see Freeman NC iv, Appendix, Note E. Domesday Book records that some land in Shropshire which had belonged to him passed to Earl Roger (VCH Shropshire, i. 329, 338). In view of Orderic's connexion with Shropshire and Earl Roger he may have based his statement on local traditions,

though these would not necessarily have been true. 6 Edric, ealdorman of Mercia 1007-17, went over to Cnut in rors. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (1016) speaks bitterly of his treachery, and the F version

says (1017) that he was ‘very rightly’ killed. 7 The pollebat

substance and many phrases from ‘Intra moenia! to seculari are taken from William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 238-40). William

fitzOsbern was steward of Normandy and a kinsman of the Conqueror (see D. C. Douglas, "The ancestors of William fitzOsbern', in EHR lix (1944), 62—79).

Odo

of Conteville,

bishop

of Bayeux

1049-97,

was

William's

half-

brother. The remainder of the paragraph comes from Orderic's own knowledge.

196 ii. 167

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IV

contigue ualidam arcem construxit? ibique Guillelmum Osberni filium in exercitu suo precipuum reliquit, eumque uice sua toti regno uersus Aquilonem przesse constituit. Doueram uero totamque Cantiam Odoni fratri suo commendauit, qui multa liberalitate et industria szculari pollebat. His duobus praefecturam Anglie commisit,! et cum eis Hugonem de Grentemaisnilio et Hugonem de Monteforti Guillelmumque de Guarenna aliosque acerrimos bellatores dimisit. Quidam eorum subiectos laudabiliter rexerunt?

nonnulli uero modestia carentes immoderate suos oppresserunt. ?Rex ita cura regni commissa Peneuesellum se recepit? ubi multus ad eum equitatus? Anglorum conuenit. Ibi militibus repatriantibus larga manu stipendia data sunt. Solutis itaque nauibus mense martio rex Guillelmus in altricem terram prospere peruehitur, secumque honorifice adduxit Stigandum archipraesulem, Edgarum Adelinum Eduardi regis consobrinum, et tres clarissimos

comites,

Eduinum,

Morcarum,

et Gualleuum,

Egelnodum quoque Cantuariensem satrapam aliosque complures altze nobilitatis et mirze pulchritudinis. Benigna calliditate est usus, ut ipsis auctoribus nichil sub decessum suum nouaretur? gens uero tota minus ad rebellionem ualeret spoliata principibus. Denique diuitias suas et honores eis in Normannia

ii, 168

ostendit, ut eos uelut

obsides in potestate sua secum teneret/ quorum auctoritas uel salus propinquis et compatriotis maximi esset. ^Adueniente Guillelmo rege cum magna szeculi gloria" admodum tota letata est Normannia. Dies erant hiberni et quadragesimales, sed in episcopiis et coenobiis ubi nouus ueniebat rex’ iniciabantur Paschalia festa. Nichil relinquebatur’ quod in studio talis honorificentiz agi solitum est. Praeterea si quid nouum adinueniri potuit addebatur. Quam pietatem ipse confestim multiplici dono recompensauit, donans pallia, libras auri, aliaque magna altaribus famulisque Christi. /Ecclesias autem quas presentia sua non uisitauit" muneribus missis lztificauit. Ad coenobium Sancte "Trinitatis Fiscanni Paschas celebrauit? ubi frequentia praesulum et abbatum nobiliumque uirorum * For the position of these two men cf. Francis West, The Justiciarship in England 1066-1232 (Cambridge, 1966), p. 4. *? ‘Rex itaque . . . maximi esset! is based upon William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 242-4). The name of /Ethelnoth of Canterbury is added to the noble hostages, probably on the authority of Florence of Worcester (FW ii. 1; cf. Round, VCH Surrey, i. 282-3).

3 The term 'equitatus' comes from William of Poitiers, and as he goes on immediately to name some of the men implied, including Archbishop Stigand, he cannot have meant it in any military sense. It may be an echo of a classical term, implying men of rank; or it may simply mean a party of leading Englishmen on horseback.

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sy

a wealthy, well-fortified city near to the sea, and left there William

fitzOsbern, one of the greatest of his followers, appointing him his vicar over the whole of southern England. To his brother Odo, a man conspicuous for his magnificence and activity in secular affairs, he entrusted Dover and the whole county of Kent. To these two men he gave the command in England,! leaving with them Hugh of Grandmesnil, Hugh of Montfort, William of Warenne, and other valiant soldiers. Some of these men governed their people well; others irresponsibly heaped heavy burdens on them. ?The king, having provided for the administration of the kingdom, betook himself to Pevensey, where many Englishmen of high rank? came to meet him. There he gave liberal rewards to those knights who were returning home. And so, putting to sea in the month of March, King William crossed safely to his native shore, taking with him in honourable captivity Archbishop Stigand, Edgar Atheling, a cousin of King Edward, and the three leading earls Edwin, Morcar, and Waltheof, Ethelnoth ‘governor’ of Canterbury, and other men of high rank and handsome person. By this friendly stratagem he ensured that they would cause no disturbances during his absence, and that the people in general, deprived of their leaders, would be powerless to rebel. And he displayed his wealth and honours in Normandy, whilst keeping with him virtually as hostages those men whose authority and safety counted for most with their kinsfolk and fellow countrymen. ^All Normandy was overjoyed at the arrival of King William with so splendid a train. It was winter still and Lent was not over; but wherever the king reached a cathedral or monastery the Easter festival began. Nothing was omitted that is customary on such occasions, and if anything new could be devised it was added. He straightway rewarded such piety with many gifts, giving altar cloths, large weights of gold, and other great gifts to the altars and ministers of Christ. Even the churches he was unable to visit in person were made to share in the rejoicings by receiving donations. He celebrated Easter5 at the abbey of the Holy Trinity at Fécamp, in the midst of a great gathering of prelates, abbots, and 4 *Adueniente . . . ob nouitatem przdicarent'; omitting a long comparison of William I with Julius Caesar, Orderic continues to follow William of Poitiers

(Foreville, pp. 254-6, 260-2). 5 Easter Sunday was on 8 April in 1067.

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conuenit. Tunc Radulfus comes Philippi regis Francorum uitricus! multaque nobilitas Francie affuit, et crinigeros Anglice Brittanize alumnos curiose intuebatur’ et regis regiorumque satellitum indumenta intexta atque crustata auro admirabatur, uasa uero aurea uel argentea seu bubalina cornua fuluo metallo circa extremitates utrasque decorata laude attollebat. Denique plurima huiuscemodi competentia regali magnificentia Franci magna notabant? quz reuersi domum ob nouitatem pradicarent.

Celebrata Paschz solennitate rex dedicari basilicam Sancte

ii. 169

Marie super Diuam? precepit! ubi ipse cum magno ccetu optimatum et mediocrium kal. maii reuerenter interfuit, et utillima totius populi commoditati edicta sub uoce preconis promulgauit.? Deinde kal. Iulii ecclesiam Sancte Marie apud Gemmeticum dedicari fecit? et ipse sacro misterio ueneranter affuit.* Vtranque nimirum ex praediis dominii sui largiter dotauit? suaque praesentia dum sanctum misterium celebraretur deuote sullimauit. Maurilius Rotomagensis archiepiscopus cum suffraganeis episcopis hanc dedicationem humiliter et deuote perpetrauit, et paulo post duodecimo episcopatus sui anno in lectum decubuit. Peracto autem quicquid religioso Dei uernule competit/ quinto idus augusti ad Dominum cui diu seruierat migrauit. Corpus uero eius in episcopali zcclesia quam ipse ante quinque annos5 indictione prima sancte Dei genitrici Marie dedicauerat delatum est’ et ante crucifixum honorifice tumulatum est. Epitaphium autem eius a Ricardo Herluini filio eiusdem zecclesize canonico editum est? et super ipsum in cupri laminis ex auro sic scriptum est, Humani ciues lacrimam nolite negare

Vestro pontifici Maurilio monacho. Hunc Remis genuit, studiorum Legia nutrix

Potauit trifido fonte philosophico. Vobis hanc zedem ceptam perduxit ad unguem, Laetitia magna fecit et encenia.

Cum tibi Laurenti uigilat plebs sobria Christi’ Transit, et in ccelis laurea festa colit. * Ralph, count of Crépy and Valois, had married Henry I's widow, Anne of Russia, probably in 1061. See Guibert de Nogent (De vita sua, i, c. 10; ed. G. Bourgin, p. 28) for a short sketch of his character. 2 The abbey of St. Mary, Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive.

3 The precise meaning of this statement is uncertain. William of Poitiers speaks of the good order that William maintained during the summer in Normandy, and he may have promulgated a peace edict. * Information about the dedication of the abbey church of Jumiéges and the death of Maurilius comes from William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 137). William's generosity to abbeys founded both by the ducal house and by his barons was conspicuous at this time; gifts included the manor of Pusey (Berks.) to

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lay lords. Count Ralph, the stepfather of Philip king of the French, and many of the French nobles were there, eyeing curiously the long-haired denizens of England, wondering at the splendid garments, interwoven and encrusted with gold, worn by the king and his court, and praising the gold and silver vessels, and horns of wild oxen decorated with gold at both ends. Indeed the French noted many such things, fitting the magnificence of a king, and, because they had not met them before, spread abroad accounts of them when they returned home. After the Easter celebrations the king gave orders for the consecration of the church of St. Mary on the Dive,? where he himself came with all due reverence, accompanied by many men of high and low degree, on 1 May, and had certain ordinances for the common good publicly promulgated.3 Then on 1 July he had the church of St. Mary of Jumiéges dedicated,* and was himself present with all reverence at the holy mysteries. He endowed both generously with estates diverted from his demesne, and exalted them by his presence during the celebration of the sacred mysteries. Maurilius archbishop of Rouen, with his suffragan bishops, devoutly performed the ceremony of dedication and shortly afterwards—being then in the twelfth year of his episcopacy—he fell sick. After accomplishing all the duties of a holy bondsman of God he passed to the Lord whom he had long served on 9 August. His body was carried to the episcopal church which he himself, five years before,’ in the first indiction, had dedicated

in honour of Mary the holy Mother of God, and was honourably buried before the rood. His epitaph was composed by Richard son of Herluin, canon of Rouen cathedral, and inscribed above his tomb in gold letters on bronze plates. It runs thus: O mortal men, do not deny a tear For Maurille, monk and bishop, buried here;

Nurtured by Rheims and schooled by Liége, he Drank from the triple fount philosophy. For you this fair cathedral, new begun,

He raised, and gave glad benediction. Then Laurence, on thy holy vigil, he Passed into heaven to keep thy feast with thee. Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive some time before 1086, and part of Hayling Jumiéges (see Matthew, Norman Monasteries, pp. 31-32).

5 Four years before, in October 1063.

Island to

200

li. 170

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IV

Post mortem antistitis sui Rotomagensis ecclesia Lanfrancum Cadomensium abbatem sibi przsulem elegit? et rex Guillelmus cum optimatibus suis omnique populo libentissime concessit. Sed uir Deo deuotus et humilitati studens tanti primatus sarcinam refutauit,! et sibi ad hunc apicem toto conatu Iohannem Abrincatensium presulem praeferre sategit.? Porro ut canonice fieret ista coniugatio Romam adiit, predicte ordinationis licentiam ab Alexandro papa impetrauit’ sacrum quoque pallium unde et ipsi et toti Normanniz gloriandum erat cum licentia deportauit. Iohannes itaque de sede Abrincatensi quam vii annis et iii mensibus rexerat assumptus est/ et metropolitanus Rotomagensis factus est. Hic ardore uirtutum in uerbis et operibus multipliciter feruebat’ nimioque zelo in uitia ut Phinees? seuiebat. Quantum

Se ip

uero ad seculi dignitatem attinebat’ magna nobilitatis lampade cluebat. Erat enim filius Radulfi comitis Baiocensium?^ qui frater fuerat uterinus Ricardi senioris ducis Normannorum. Decem itaque annis metropolitanum regimen fortiter et diligenter gessit" multumque contra impudicos presbyteros pro auferendis pelicibus laborauit, a quibus dum in sinodo5 concubinas eis sub anathemate prohiberet lapidibus percussus aufugit! fugiensque de ecclesia “Deus uenerunt gentes in hereditatem tuam'6 fortiter clamauit. In loco eius Michahel

natione

Italicus, eruditione

litterarum

imbutus, studio religionis uenerandus? ad culmen Abrincatensis episcopatus electione legitima est promotus.7 Qui plus quam xx annis laudabilis pastor floruit? et Rodberti ducis tempore beatus senex obiit. Quo defuncto Turgisus successit iamque presulatum ferme xxx annis tenuit. '* Lanfranc's refusal probably indicates that King William already intended

him for Canterbury when he could secure the removal of Stigand. ? John, bishop of Avranches from 1060 to 1067, and archbishop of Rouen 1067 to 1079, is best known for his important liturgical treatise, De Officiis Ecclesiasticis. See R. Delamare, Le ‘De Officiis Ecclesiastici? de Jean d' Avranches

(Paris, 1923); GC xi. 31, 32. Papal permission had to be sought for the translation of a bishop to another see. For Alexander's letter, written at the request of Lanfranc, see Acta Archiepiscoporum Rothomagensium, ed. Mabillon (Vetera Analecta (Paris, 1723), pp. 222-6), p. 224. Orderic certainly knew some early

lives of the archbishops of Rouen; cf. Delisle in Le Prévost, v. Ixxi-Ixxii. 3 Cf. Numbers xxv. 7-8.

^ Raoul (or Ralph) of Ivry; see Douglas, EHR

lix (1944), 72-74; and lxi

(1946), 131. 5 Orderic is the sole authority for this episode. Mansi prints the extract from Orderic under the year 1074, with the heading Synodus Rotomagensis' (Mansi,

xx. 442). But it most probably occurred during the Council of Rouen, dated by Orderic as 1072, when John attempted to enforce canons 2 and 3 of the 1064 Council of Lisieux (below, p. 290 n. 1). There were comparable disturbances

in 1074 in synods at Poitiers and Paris, when the papal decrees promulgated at the Lenten Synod of 1074 against clerical marriage were published (Hefele,

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After the death of its archbishop the church of Rouen elected Lanfranc, abbot of Caen, as its head, both King William with his magnates and the populace at large gladly consenting. But this man, who had given himself to God in all humility, refused the burden of such office,! and strove with all his might to have John

bishop of Avranches raised to this dignity in preference to him.? Finally, to ensure that the translation should be canonical he went to Rome to obtain licence for John's consecration from Pope Alexander, and with the licence brought back the sacred pallium, so giving himself and all Normandy alike just cause for congratulation. John therefore was translated from the see of Avranches which

he had ruled seven years and three months, and raised to the archbishopric of Rouen. He was a man who showed his zeal for virtue in both words and deeds, and like Phineas? led a merciless campaign against vice. As for worldly dignities, he belonged to the highest nobility; for he was a son of Ralph count of Bayeux,* who was a uterine brother of Richard I, duke of Normandy. For ten years he fulfilled his duties as metropolitan with courage and thoroughness, continuously striving to separate immoral priests from their mistresses: on one occasion when he forbade them to keep concubines he was stoned out of the synod,’ and fled exclaiming with a loud voice:

‘O God, the heathen

are come

into thine

inheritance.’ To replace him Michael, an Italian by birth and a man of considerable learning and piety, was lawfully promoted to the bishopric of Avranches.7 He remained a model bishop for over twenty years, and died at a good old age in the time of Duke Robert. On his death he was succeeded by Turgis, who has now occupied the bishopric for about thirty years. v. 89-90, 111-14). John also held a council in 1074 (Bessin, pp. 64-66) but the

decrees do not include any enforcing clerical celibacy. It has, therefore, some-

times been assumed (Hefele, v. 113; R. Delamare, Le ‘De Officiis Ecclesiasticis! de Jean d'Avranches (Paris, 1923), p. xxv) that John must have held a second

council in the same year, at which the disturbance occurred. This assumption

seems unwarranted.

John, a reformer of the temper of Phineas, need not have

waited for the renewed papal decrees before attempting to enforce the canons previously promulgated at Lisieux, to which as bishop of Avranches he must

have assented ; and if Orderic has correctly dated the Council in 1072 he did not wait. Douglas, WC, p. 333, shows some hesitation about accepting the date, but cites no positive evidence against it.

die ^ 6 Psalms Ixxviii (Ixxix). I. 7 Michael, bishop of Avranches c. 1068-c. 1094, was a chaplain of William I (Regesta, i. xix).

202

1i. 172

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IV

Interea Normannico fastu Angli opprimuntur? et presidibus superbis qui regis monitus spernebant admodum iniuriabantur. Prafecti minores qui munitiones custodiebant? nobiles et mediocres indigenas iniustis exactionibus multisque contumeliis aggrauabant. Odo nimirum episcopus et Guillelmus Osberni filius regis uicarii nimia ceruicositate tumebant? et clamores Anglorum rationabiliter audire eisque zequitatis lance suffragari despiciebant. Nam armigeros suos immodicas praedas et incestos raptus facientes ui tuebantur, et super eos qui grauibus contumeliis affecti querimonias agebant magis debachabantur. Amissa itaque libertate Angli uehementer ingemiscunt’ et uicissim qualiter intolerabile iugum sibique hactenus insolitum excutiant subtiliter inquirunt. Igitur ad Suenum regem Danorum dirigunt,? atque ut regnum Anglie quod Suenus et Chunutus aui eius armis optinuerunt reposcat expetunt. Vltro in exilium aliqui profugiunt, quo extorres uel a potestate Normannorum sint liberi? uel opibus alienis aucti contra eos ad recidiuum certamen reuertantur. Qui-

dam autem ex eis regiones adierunt, tani sese audacter dapsilitatis’ contra

pulchre iuuentutis flore uernantes longinquas et militia Alexii imperatoris Constantinopolioptulerunt. Erat idem multum sapiens et mirz quem Rodbertus Wiscardus Apulie dux cum

suis omnibus arma leuauerat in auxilium Michahelis, quem Danai de throno imperiali expulerant indignatione senatoriz potestatis.? Exules igitur Anglorum fauorabiliter a Grecis suscepti sunt? et Normannicis legionibus qua nimium Pelasgis aduersabantur oppositi sunt. Augustus Alexius urbem quae Cheuetot dicitur* Anglis ultra Bizantium condere cepit, sed postea nimium infestantibus Normannis eos ad urbem regiam reduxit, et eisdem principale palacium cum regalibus thesauris tradidit. Hac itaque de causa Saxones Angli Ioniam expetierunt, et ipsi ac haeredes ! Here Orderic, possibly drawing on childhood memories, departs completely from William of Poitiers, who praises the administration of William

fitzOsbern and Odo of Bayeux, and regards the English disturbances as unwarranted. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, 1066) agrees with Orderic: ‘And Bishop Odo and Earl William stayed behind and built castles far and wide throughout the country and distressed the wretched folk'; but Florence does not speak of oppression whilst William was in Normandy (FW ii. 2). 2 The statement that help was sought from the Danes comes from William of Poitiers, and the sentence beginning ‘ultro in exilium" is taken almost verbatim from him (Foreville, p. 264). Orderic is independent in his account of the

fortunes of the English amongst the Greeks. They formed an important element

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IV

203

But meanwhile the English were groaning under the Norman yoke, and suffering oppressions from the proud lords who ignored the king's injunctions. T'he petty lords who were guarding the castles oppressed all the native inhabitants of high and low degree, and heaped shameful burdens on them. For Bishop Odo and William fitzOsbern, the king's viceregents, were so swollen with pride that they would not deign to hear the reasonable plea of the English or give them impartial judgement.! When their men-atarms were guilty of plunder and rape they protected them by force, and wreaked their wrath all the more violently upon those who complained of the cruel wrongs they suffered. And so the English groaned aloud for their lost liberty and plotted ceaselessly to find some way of shaking off a yoke that was so intolerable and unaccustomed. Some sent to Swein, king of Denmark,? and urged him to lay claim to the kingdom of England which his ancestors Swein and Cnut had won by the sword. Others fled into voluntary exile so that they might either find in banishment freedom from the power of the Normans or secure foreign help and come back to fight a war of vengeance. Some of them who were still in the flower of youth travelled into remote lands and bravely offered their arms to Alexius, emperor of Constantinople, a man of great wisdom and nobility. Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, had taken up arms against him in support of Michael, whom the Greeks—resenting the power of the senate—had driven from the imperial throne. Consequently the English exiles were warmly welcomed by the Greeks and were sent into battle against the Norman forces, which were too powerful for the Greeks alone. The Emperor Alexius laid the foundations of a town called Civitot* for the English, some distance from Byzantium; but later when

the Norman threat became too great he brought them back to the imperial city and set them to guard his chief palace and royal treasures. This is the reason for the Anglo-Saxon exodus to Ionia; in the Varangian guard (cf. GM iii. 27 (p. 74)). Orderic anticipates somewhat;

Alexius Comnenus did not become emperor until 1081. 3 There are conflicting stories of the revolution in which

the Emperor

Michael VII lost his throne in 1078. Orderic's version in its broad outlines agrees with that of Geoffrey of Malaterra (GM iii. 13 (pp. 64-65), and Le

Prévost, iii. 166). The ‘senate’ probably refers to the centralized bureaucracy under the logothete Nicephoritzes. Cf. G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State (Oxford, 1956), p. 306. 4 Civitot, near Nicaea. Alexius also founded a Cluniac monastery there: cf. Giles Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable (Harvard, 1967), ii. 292.

204 ii. 173

BOOK

IV

eorum sacro imperio fideliter famulati sunt’ et cum magno honore inter Traces Cesari et senatui populoque kari usque nunc perstiterunt. Multimodis Normannorum oppressionibus Angli ad rebellionem lacessiti Boloniam legatos miserunt? et Eustachio! comiti ut cum classe diligenter militibus et armis instructa ad suscipiendam Doueram acceleraret mandauerunt. Olim cum eodem inimicicias

ingentes habuerant, sed nunc quia simultates inter illum et

li. 174

ii. 175

regem insurrexerant/ eumque bellandi peritum et in przlio felicem experimentis cognouerant, pacem cum illo fecerunt? et munitionem Douere contra regem illi tradere conati sunt. Eustachius autem suscepto Cantiorum ueredario classem paratam ascendit? noctisque conticinio ut oppidum ex insperato preoccuparet cum suis festinanter transfretauit. Milites multos secum duxit? sed equos praeter admodum paucos reliquit. Vicinia omnis fuit armata, et maxime Cantiorum caterua’ que toto nisu suffragari Eustachio erat conata. Przsul Baiocensis et Hugo de Monteforti qui primi munitionis custodes erant? ultra flumen Tamesim abierant, et maiorem militum partem secum duxerant. Auctior numerus hostium ex ulterioribus accederet? si biduana obsidio fieret. Sed dum hostes uehementer impetum facere in oppidum molirentur, custodes ad defensandum impigri reperti sunt? et feruentissime qua locus poterat impugnari restiterunt. Acerrime per aliquot horas diei utrinque certatum est. Sed dum Eustachius diffideret’ eruptionemque propugnatorum qua turpius abigeretur timeret, receptui ad naues cani signa iubet. Denique oppidani? confestim portas patefecerunt? auideque et caute sequentes nouissimos conciderunt. Fugientes uero Baiocensem episcopum cum agmine copioso subito superuenisse rati sunt’ eaque formidine uelut amentes per auiz rupis precipitium se deiecerunt, et tali compendio fedius quam ense uirorum perierunt. In illa fuga diuersis generibus mortis multi periere. Plerique abiectis armis acumine saxeo exanimati sunt? nonnulli telo suo se sociosque suos ! Eustace had been one of the ‘foreign favourites’ of King Edward, and had married

his sister Goda,

widow

of Dreux

count

of the Vexin.

William

of

Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 264-8) and William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 138) are obviously interdependent and agree in substance on Eustace of Boulogne's unsuccessful attempt to seize Dover. Both say that Eustace came at the invitation of the men of Kent: Orderic differs in attributing the appeal to Norman oppression. Otherwise his account is close to that of William of Poitiers, and frequently repeats phrases word for word. The raid probably took place in the autumn of 1067 (Douglas, WC, p. 212). 2 This refers to the conflict of Eustace's men-at-arms with the townsmen of

BOOK IV

tee

the emigrants and their heirs faithfully served the holy empire, and are still honoured among the Greeks by Emperor, nobility, and people alike. The English, goaded to rebellion by Norman oppression, sent ambassadors to Boulogne to urge Count Eustace! to equip a fleet with soldiers and arms and hasten to the attack of Dover. Once they had numbered him among their bitterest enemies,? but now, because there was jealousy between him and the king and they knew by experience his prowess in war and fortune in battle, they made peace with him and attempted to hand over Dover castle to him to hold against the king. When Eustace had received the envoy of the men of Kent he equipped his fleet, embarked, and made a hurried crossing with his men in the early part of the night, hoping to make a surprise attack on the castle. He took many knights with him, but left behind all but a few of the horses. All the neighbouring countryside was armed, especially a troop of Kentishmen who assisted Eustace by every means in their power. The bishop of Bayeux and Hugh of Montfort, who were the chief custodians of the castle, were away on the other side of the Thames and had taken the greater part of the garrison with them. The number of the enemy would have been swollen by men flocking from all sides, if the siege had lasted as long as two days. But whilst the enemy struggled furiously to breach the fortifications the garrison quickly rallied to defend them, and staunchly resisted wherever the attack was strongest. For some hours the battle was grimly fought. But Eustace hesitated, and fearing a counter-attack which might inflict shameful defeat on him ordered the sounding of a retreat to the ships. At once the garrison} opened their gates, and falling on the rearguard fiercely, but in good order, cut them to pieces. The fugitives, imagining that the bishop of Bayeux had suddenly arrived on the scene with a strong force, lost their heads, and in panic went rushing down the precipice of the trackless cliffs, to perish more shamefully through this short cut than from the enemy’s sword. Many died different deaths in that mad flight. Some, flinging away their arms, were dashed to pieces on the sharp rocks; some, clutching each other as they fell, killed themselves Dover in 1051, when he came to visit his brother-in-law, King Edward (AngloSaxon Chronicle, D, E, 1051). 3 C. Warren Hollister (The

Military

Organisation

of Norman

England,

p. 222) took ‘oppidani’ as ‘townsmen’; but the sense requires *garrison'. Cf.

J. O. Prestwich in EHR

l1xxxi (1966), 106.

206

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IV

una labentes necarunt, et multi letaliter uulnerati uel collisi spirantes ad mare deuoluti sunt. Plures etiam qui ad puppes propere anhelant, dum salutis nimium cupidi trepidant’ suaque multitudine naues deprimunt, subito submersi pereunt. Equites Normanni quantos consectari possunt/ comprehendunt uel occidunt. Eustachium! uero eripiunt uelocitas cornipedis, noticia tramitis, paratiorque nauis. Ibi nobilissimus tiro nepos eius captus est. Angli per diuerticula plura euaserunt? quia pauci multos insequi per diuersa castellani nequiuerunt. Non multo post Eustachius consul Willelmo regi reconciliatus est’ eiusque amicicia longo tempore postmodum perfunctus est.? Erat enim idem comes magne nobilitatis" ex prosapia scilicet Karoli Magni Francorum strenuissimi regis.? Erat quoque magnz potestatis" utpote sullimis princeps trium comitatuum, Boloniensis, Githnensis et Tarwanensis. Generosam et religiosam nomine Ittam habuit uxorem? Godefredi Lotharingie ducis sororem, que peperit ei tres filios, Godefredum et Balduinum ac Eustachium? et filiam que nupsit quarto Henrico imperatori Alemannorum.* ii. 176 Dum plurimi Anglorum pro amissa libertate pristina quam repetere peroptabant machinarentur rebellionem" multi ex eadem gente fuerunt Deo seruantes fidem, et constitutum ab ipso uenerantes regem, praecepto enim apostoli dicentis, ‘Deum timete" regem honorificate.'5 Coxo itaque comes prosapia et potentatu inter Anglos precelsus, animique magis singularitate prudentis et omnino honesti praecipuus? Guillelmo regi fideliter fauebat, et eius causam multo fauore probabat. Satellites uero sui ab eo dissidebant? quia factionum deterrimi fautores ac socii erant. Diuersis igitur modis eum appetebant/ et precibus minisque ac 1 The surviving text of William of Poitiers omits Eustace’s name and reads: *Eripiunt velocitas equi, notitia tramitis navisque paratior. Nobilissimus autem tiro, nepos ejus, comprehensus est.’ Without Eustace’s name the (nepos eius' hardly makes sense. It is likely that the printed text of William of Poitiers is corrupt, and that the version of Orderic is nearer to the original. William of Jumiéges wrote: Eustachius autem ad mare divertens cum paucis, indecenter

navigio aufugit', which suggests that he should be mentioned by name at this point. ? William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 268) speaks of the reconciliation of Eustace and William, which must therefore have taken place very soon afterwards, not later than 1074. Orderic supplies the descent of Eustace from an independent source. For his English property see J. H. Round, "The Counts of Boulogne as English Lords’, in Studies in Peerage and Family History (London, 1901),

pP. 147-81. 3 Eustace was descended from Charlemagne through his mother, Matilda of Louvain. See family tree in J. C. Andressohn, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (Indiana University Publications, Bloomington, 1947), p. 19.

BOOK IV

TT

and their companions with their own weapons; others, mortally wounded or battered, fell into the sea to drown. Others still, who succeeded in reaching the ships, were so eager to escape to safety that they overcrowded and swamped the boats, drowning the occupants. ‘The Norman knights gave chase and captured or slew all they could. Eustace! himself was saved by the speed of his horse, his knowledge of the path, and a ship ready to weigh anchor. One youth of high birth, his nephew, was captured. 'The English escaped by many different paths, because the garrison was too small to pursue such large numbers in different directions. Not long afterwards Count Eustace became reconciled to King William, and thereafter showed warm friendship towards him for many years.” For the count was a man of the very highest birth, sprung from the stock of Charlemagne, most renowned king of the Franks. He was very powerful as well, for he was the ruler of three counties: Boulogne, Guines, and Thérouanne. He had a highly born and pious wife named Ida, sister of Godfrey duke of Lorraine, who

bore him three sons—Godfrey,

Baldwin,

and

Eustace—and a daughter who married Henry IV, emperor of the Germans.‘ Although a large number of the English plotted rebellion through a desire to recover the liberty they had once enjoyed and now lost, many of the same people kept their faith to God and revered the king established by him, as the apostle commands when he says: ‘Fear God, honour the king.'5 So it came about that Earl Copsi$ one of the most nobly born and powerful of the English, who was a statesmanlike and honest man, was a faithful adherent of King William, and gave strong support to his cause. But his vassals were of a different opinion, and stirring up vile factions themselves, joined with other malcontents. They brought every kind of pressure to bear upon him, and besought him with 4 Eustace’s second wife, Ida of Lorraine, also a descendant of Charlemagne,

brought him the county of Bouillon. Their three sons were Eustace, who inherited his father’s extensive English honors, and the later crusading leaders, Godfrey and Baldwin of Bouillon. They had no other children, and Orderic’s statement about their daughter is wrong (Andressohn, op. cit., p. 22 n. 3). Site Petet it.) 17. 6 *Coxo itaque . . . subiectis fidelibus’ follows William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 268—70) very closely. For Copsi see above, p. 194. He was killed by Oswulf son of Eadwulf, a rival claimant to the earldom of Northumbria (Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 172).

593),

probably

on

12

March

1067

(Scott,

Arch.

208

BOOK

obtestationibus

inuadebant,

IV

ut extraneos

desereret? et bonorum

hominum suz nationis et consanguinitatis uoluntati obsecundaret. Sed dum mens in tenore boni firmiter fixa non posset a rectitudine dimoueri’ concitatis contra eum comprouincialibus per insidias

occisus est pro integritate fidei. Sic asseruit casu suo uir eximius

ii. 177

quod maiestas domini sui semper kara debeat esse subiectis fidelibus. "Tunc Adeldredus primas Eborachensis aliique pontifices quidam utilitati regize studebant" quia sapientis monitum scientes zequitati optemperabant. “Time’ inquit "Dominum fili mi et regem."? Tunc etiam aliquot sapientissimi ciuium urbanorum, et nonnulli ex militibus ingenuis quorum nomen et opes ualebant? et multi ex plebeiis contra suos pro Normannis magnopere insurgebant. Interea Willelmus rex dum moraretur in Normannia tranquillitati eius in longum prospiciebat sollicitudine maxima. Iustas leges et recta iudicia ex consultu sapientum diuitibus et pauperibus

zque

ii. 178

sanxit

optimosque

iudices

et rectores

per prouincias

Neustriz constituit. Sacra coenobia et fundos illis datos regalibus priuilegiis et tuitionibus ab iniustis exactionibus liberauit. Omnibus tam aduenis quam indigenis pacem in tota terra sua praeconis uoce propalauit’ et super fures ac seditiosos patrizque quietis contemptores graues iustasque ultiones rigide peruulgauit. Rumores interim de transmarinis partibus diuersi aduolitabant, et optatis molesta permiscentes regem inquietabant? et ex maliuolentia Anglorum cum nisu Danorum aliarumque barbararum gentium magnam cladem Normannis orituram intimabant. Rex igitur Mathildi coniugi suz filioque suo Rodberto adolescenti principatum Neustriz commisit: et cum eis religiosos prasules et strenuos proceres ad tutandam regionem dimisit. Deinde sexta nocte decembris ad hostium amnis Deppze ultra oppidum Archas accessit, primaque uigilia gelidze noctis Austro uela dedit, et mane portum oppositi littoris quem Vincenesium uocitant prosperrimo cursu arripuit. Iam aura hiemalis mare seuissimum efficiebat: sed sancti Nicholai Mirreorum presulis solennitatem ‘Ecclesia Dei celebrabat, et in Normannia pro deuoto principe fideliter orabat. Omnipotentia ergo diuina quz omnes ubique et semper quos uult ' The last sentence in the surviving text of William of Poitiers (Foreville, p. 270) runs: 'Sane pontifices quidam obsequio regio studebant, maxime Adelred primas Eboracensis . . . . 'Clearly, therefore, Orderic took the substance

of this passage from William of Poitiers. But from here to p. 258 the extent of his debt to this source can be judged only by inference. ? Proverbs xxiv. 21. 3 William of Jumiéges says (Marx, p. 139) that the duchy was entrusted to Robert.

BOOK

IV

209

prayers, threats, and entreaties to abandon the foreigners and come into line with the good men of his own nation and kindred. But since his mind was firmly set on the pursuit of good and he could not be moved from the right path, they stirred up the men of the district against him and he was murdered in an ambush for his steadfast loyalty. So by his death this famous man upheld the duty of faithful subjects to cherish the majesty of their lord in all things. ‘At that time Ealdred, archbishop of York, and some

of the

other bishops were acting in the king's interests, for they knew the just saying of the sage, which runs: ‘My son, fear thou the Lord and the king.'? At that time too some of the most able citizens of the towns, some native knights of wealth and good name, and many of the common people rose unequivocally on the Norman side against their fellow countrymen. Meanwhile King William remained in Normandy, giving all his thoughts to establishing an enduring peace in the country. With the advice of discerning men he laid down just laws, gave fair judgements to rich and poor alike, and appointed the best possible men as judges and officials in the provinces of Normandy. He took holy monasteries and their endowments under his protection, granting them royal charters of exemption from unjust exactions. He sent out heralds to proclaim peace for all men, denizens and foreigners alike, and threatened thieves, rebels, and

all disturbers of the peace with severe but just punishments. During this time various rumours from across the Channel were passing from mouth to mouth and causing alarm to the king, for they contained evil reports as well as good and hinted that the Normans were to be massacred by the hostile English, supported by the Danes and other barbarous peoples. So the king entrusted the duchy of Normandy to his wife Matilda and his young son Robert,? leaving God-fearing bishops and warlike lords to help them protect the province. Then during the night of the sixth of December he reached the mouth of the Dieppe river beyond the town of Arques, and, setting sail with a southerly wind in the first watch of a bitter night, made a good crossing and reached the harbour of Winchelsea on the opposite shore next morning. The wintry season made the sea rough; but the church of God was celebrating the feast of St. Nicholas, bishop of Myra, and all over Normandy prayers were offered for the good duke. And so divine providence, which at all times and in all places guides to prosperity 822204

P

210

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IV

prospere gubernat? beniuolum regem inter hiemales tempestates ad portum salutis cum gaudio dirigebat. Rex in illa transfretatione Rogerium de Monte-Gomerici quem tutorem Normanniz dum ad bellum transmarinum proficisceretur cum sua coniuge dimiserat secum minauit: eique primo Cicestram et Arundellum ac post aliquot tempus Scrobesburiensem comitatum donauit.! Aduentui regis Angli occurrerunt? ipsumque tam honorificentia monasteriali quam saecularibus officiis sullimauerunt.? Ipse

Lundoniz Dominicam Natiuitatem celebrauit: ibique pontificibus

ii. 179

Anglis proceribusque multa calliditate fauit. Ipse omnes officioso affectu demulcebat, dulciter ad oscula inuitabat, cunctis affabilitatem ostendebat, benigne si quid orabant concedebat, prompte si nunciabant aut suggerebant auscultabat. Desertores huiusmodi arte aliquoties reducuntur. Pari sedulitate et sollertia Gallos nunc instruebat’ nunc ut contra omnes dolos et insidias singulorum semper ubique parati forent clam Anglis commonebat. Cunctz urbes et regiones quas ipse adierat, uel prassidiis occupauerat^ ad nutum ei parebant. Circa terminos regni occidentem aut plagam septentrionalem uersus effrenis adhuc ferocia superbiebat: et Angliz regi nisi ad libitum suum famulari sub rege Eduardo aliisque prioribus olim despexerat. Exonia libertatem uendicare prima contendit? sed fortissimis

athletis fortiter eam inuadentibus uicta succubuit. Hec urbs diues est et antiqua, in plano sita, operose munita a littore marino quo ex Hibernia uel Britannia minore breuissimo aditur spacio, distans miliaria circiter duo. Ciues eam tenebant furiosi, copiosz multitudinis, infestissimi mortalibus, Gallici generis puberes ac senatus. Hi nimirum socios e pagis? finitimis inquiete arcessebant, mercatores aduenas bello habiles retinebant, et pinnas ac turres

et queque necessaria sibi censebant? in munimentis addebant uel * Orderic’s statement that Roger of Montgomery remained in Normandy and followed William to England only at the end of 1067 is borne out by the great charter of Troarn, issued in Roger's presence on All Saints’ Day, 1067, and confirmed in 1068 by King William (R. N. Sauvage, L'Abbaye de St. Martin de Troarn, p. 14 n. 6). S. Kórner (The Battle of Hastings, p. 246 n. 56) has recently tried to revive Freeman's assertion, inadequately based on the Roman de Rou and Robert of Torigni, that Roger of Montgomery fought at the Battle of

Hastings: but he offers no additional evidence and merely states 'there is no reason to suppose that Orderic had special knowledge', which is manifestly untrue. The exact extent of the lands he acquired in Sussex, probably at Christmas, 1067, is uncertain; he was given Shropshire in 1071 after Earl Edwin's

fall, and may possibly have held the title of earl from that date. See J. F. A.

BOOK

IV

21I

all whom it wills, brought the godly king rejoicing through the winter storms to the safety of the harbour. On this voyage the king was accompanied by Roger of Montgomery, whom he had left with his wife to act as regent of Normandy when he first sailed to conquer England; and who now received Chichester and Arundel, and a little later the county of Shropshire.! Crowds flocked to meet the king on his arrival, and he was welcomed with monastic and civil ceremonies. He celebrated Christmas at London, and made himself very gracious to the English bishops and lay lords. He was at great pains to appease everyone, invited them to receive the kiss of peace, and smiled on

them all; he willingly granted any favours they sought, and gave ear readily to their statements and proposals. Such skilful conduct often brings back to the fold persons whose loyalty is doubtful. As for the Normans, sometimes he would school them to behave with the same artful attention, sometimes he would warn them,

behind the backs of the English, never to relax for a moment. Every city and district which he had visited in person or occupied with his garrisons obeyed his will. But in the marches of his kingdom, to the west and north, the inhabitants were still barbarous,

and had only obeyed the English king in the time of King Edward and his predecessors when it suited their ends. Exeter was the first town to fight for liberty, but fell vanquished before the valiant forces that fiercely assaulted it. It is a wealthy and ancient city built in a plain, strongly fortified and only two miles away from the sea-shore and the shortest routes to Ireland and Brittany. A great force of citizens held it, young and old seething with anger against every inhabitant of Gaul. Further, they had repeatedly sent for allies from the neighbouring districts,3 had detained foreign merchants with any aptitude for war, and had built or restored their towers and battlements as they judged Mason, ‘Roger de Montgomery and his sons (1067-1102)', in TRHS, sth series, xiii (1963), 2-4.

2 The account of William's court at Christmas, 1067, and his campaigns in 1068 has many echoes of the style of William of Poitiers, and must be derived from him. 3 Round's translation ‘the neighbouring coasts’ (Feudal England, p. 433) is based on a misprint—plagis for pagis—in the earlier editions of Orderic. Since the term for a Gallo-Roman, and later Carolingian, administrative division is transferred to England the exact meaning is uncertain: technically it might conceivably

be applied to hundreds or shires, but probably it is used here in a general, nontechnical, sense.

212

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IV

restaurabant. Alias quoque ciuitates ad conspirandum in eadem legationibus instigabant? et contra regem alienigenam toto nisu se praparabant, cum quo antea de nullo negotio egerant. Rex uero ubi hzc certius comperit? primoribus ciuitatis iurare sibi fidelitatem. mandauit. At illi remandauerunt ei dicentes, ‘Neque sacramentum regi faciemus? neque in urbem eum intromittemus, sed tributum ei ex consuetudine pristina reddemus.'! E contra sic ii. 180

eis remandauit

rex dicens, ‘Non est michi moris ad hanc con-

ditionem habere subiectos. Deinde cum exercitu ad fines eorum accessit" et primo in ea expeditione Anglos eduxit. Maiores mox

ut regem

ii. 181

cum

exercitu

appropinquare

cognoscunt?

obuiam

aduenienti procedunt, pacem poscunt? portas ei patere dicunt, imperata quelibet sese facturos promittunt? et obsides ilico quantos rex iubet adducunt. Reuersi ad conciues qui supplicia pro reatu nimis metuebant? nichilominus machinantur hostilia que ceperant, multisque pro causis ad oppugnandum sese incitabant. Quod audiens rex qui ad quattuor miliaria consistebat ab urbe? ira repletus est ac admiratione. Inprimis itaque rex cum quingentis equitibus propere perrexit? ut locum et moenia uideret, et quid hostes agerent deprehenderet. Porte offirmate erant? denseque turbae in propugnaculis et per totum muri ambitum prostabant. Denique regio iussu exercitus ad urbem admotus est’ et unus ex obsidibus prope portam oculis priuatus est. Pertinacia furentis populi nullo timore, nec ulla reliquorum obsidum flectitur miseratione? sed acuitur ad defensandum se suosque lares tota obstinatione. Rex autem fortiter urbem obsidione concludit? militari feritate inuadit, et per plurimos dies? obnixe satagit ciues desuper impugnare? et subtus murum suffodere. Tandem municipes ingenti hostium instantia utile consilium coacti capiunt, ad deprecationem descendunt" et formosissima iuuentus maioresque natu cum clero gestante sacros libros et huiusmodi ornatum ad regem exeunt. Protinus princeps moderatus humiliter prostratis. clementer pepercit confitenti populo reatus indulsit? acsi nescisset quod illi eidem proterue restiterant’ et quod militibus crudeliter et contumeliose illuserant, quos ipse de Normannia miserat: et tempestas ad portum illorum * Domesday Book shows that TRE the farm was £18 annually; that geld of half a mark was paid only when London, York, and Winchester paid it; and that the city owed the same service for land and sea expeditions as five hides of land (VCH Devon, i. 407).

2 'The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, 1067 (for 1068)) says that the siege lasted for eighteen days.

3 The entry for Exeter in Domesday Book confirms this by showing that the obligations of the city to the king remained unchanged. See Round, Feudal England, pp. 446-50.

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IV

213

necessary. They sent envoys urging other cities to combine with

them in similar measures and prepared to fight with all their strength against the foreign king, with whom they had had no dealings before that time. When the king knew the truth of this he commanded the leading citizens to swear fealty to him. But they sent back the following message: "We will neither swear fealty nor admit him within our walls; but we will pay tribute to him according to ancient custom.’! The king in his turn replied as follows: 'It is not my custom to have subjects on such terms.' Thereupon he marched on them in force, and for the first time called out Englishmen in his army. When the chief citizens heard that the king was approaching with an army they went to meet him, begged for peace, offered to open their gates to him, promised to obey all his commands, and brought him all the hostages he demanded. But in spite of this, on returning to their fellow citizens, who were terrified of punishment for their previous disloyalty, they continued their hostile preparations, encouraging each other to fight for many reasons. On learning of this the king, now only four miles from the city, was filled with rage and astonishment. First of all he rode nearer with five hundred knights to reconnoitre the ground, examine the fortifications, and learn what measures the enemy were taking. The gates were closed, and a great force had manned the ramparts and the whole circuit of the walls. So by the king's command the whole army closed in on the city, and one of the hostages was blinded within sight of the gates. But neither fear nor any pity for the remaining hostages could shake the resolution of the angry citizens; instead their obstinate determination to defend themselves and their homes grew all the stronger. The king, however, closely besieged the city, attempting to storm it, and for many days? he fought relentlessly to drive the citizens from the ramparts and undermine the walls. . Finally, the citizens were compelled by the unremitting attacks of the enemy to take wiser counsel and humbly plead for pardon. 'The flower of their youth, the older men, and the clergy bearing their sacred books and treasures went out to the king. As they humbly threw themselves on his mercy that just prince graciously granted them pardon and forgave their guilt,? deliberately overlooking the fact that they had wantonly resisted him, and had insulted and ill-treated certain knights sent by him from Normandy,

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appulerat. Exonii gaudent gratesque Deo referunt? quod post tot iras terribilesque minas spe melius alienigenz regi pacificati sunt. Rex autem a rebus eorum abstinuit, et portas urbis ualente fidaque custodia muniuit? ne gregarii milites repente introirent, et pecunias ciuium uiolenter diriperent. Locum uero intra mcenia ad extruendum castellum delegit, ibique Balduinum de Molis filium Gisleberti comitis! aliosque milites przecipuos reliquit? qui necessarium opus conficerent, prasidioque manerent. Ipse postea ulterius in Cornu Britannie& contendebat. Composito ubique motu quem deprehendit, exercitum dimisit et Guentam ad uacandum illic

Paschali festo rediit.

ii. 182

Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLxviri? Guillemlus rex legatos honorabiles in Neustriam direxit, et Mathildem coniugem suam ad se uenire precepit. Protinus illa mariti iussis libenter obediuit? et cum ingenti frequentia uirorum ac nobilium feminarum transfretauit. In clero qui ad diuina ei ministrabat? celebris Guido Ambianorum praesul eminebat, qui iam certamen Heraldi et Guillelmi uersifice ediderat. Adelredus Eboracorum metropolitanus qui maritum inunxerat’ Mathildem ad consortium regii honoris die Pentecostes? anno secundo regni preefati regis inunxit. Decorata regio diademate matrona priusquam annus perficeretur flium nomine Henricum peperit’ quem totius terre suz in Anglia heredem constituit. Hic dum dociles annos attigisset litterarum scientiam didicit, et post utriusque parentis obitum militie agones fortiter exercuit. Tandem multimodz probitatis clarus titulis" principatum paternum tenuit pluribus annis. Eodem annos egregii iuuenes Eduinus et Morcarus filii Elfgari comitis rebellauerunt, et cum eis multi alii ferociter insurrexerunt?

quorum motus Albionis regnum uehementer turbauerunt. Guillelmus etenim rex quando Eduinus comes cum eo concordiam fecerat, eique fratrem suum et pene terciam partem Anglie subdiderat? filiam suam se in coniugem ei daturum spoponderat, sed postmodum fraudulento consultu Normannorum qui nimis ! Count Gilbert of Brionne. ? For Guy of Amiens see above, p. 184 n. 2. 3 11 May 1068. Cf. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, 1067 (for 1068)); FW ii. 2. * It was not uncommon at this time for the youngest sons of Norman lords, many of whom entered the Church, to be given some education. 5 Orderic, incorporating much material from William of Poitiers, gives the

most detailed account we have of King William's campaigns when he carried the conquest of England to the west and north in 1068-9. There are notices of a few episodes in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, 1067 (for 1068)), where the

chronology is very confused,

and in Florence

of Worcester;

but many

state-

ments cannot be checked in any other source. In view of William of Poitiers's position as one of the king's chaplains and the early date of his narrative, the

BOOK IV

dis

who had been driven by a storm into their harbour. The men of Exeter rejoiced and gave thanks to God that, in spite of their foreign king's wrath and terrible threats, they had succeeded in appeasing him far beyond their hopes. The king refrained from seizing their goods and posted a strong and trustworthy guard at the gates, so that the rank and file of the army could not suddenly break in and loot the city. He chose a spot within the walls where a castle was to be built, and left there Baldwin of Meules, son of

Count Gilbert,! and other leading knights to complete the building of the castle and remain as a garrison. He himself went on further into Cornwall. After putting down every disturbance that came to his notice he disbanded his army, and returned to Winchester to celebrate the feast of Easter there. In the year of Our Lord 1068 King William sent ambassadors to Normandy to summon his wife Matilda to join him. At once she gladly obeyed her husband's commands, and crossed with a great company of vassals and noble women. Among the clergy who ministered to her spiritual needs the most eminent was Guy bishop of Amiens, who had already celebrated the battle between Harold and William in verse.? Ealdred archbishop of York, who had anointed her husband, now anointed Matilda as queen consort on Whit Sunday? in the second year of King William's reign. The royal lady, within a year of her coronation, bore a son called Henry, whom she made heir to all her lands in England. When he reached the age for schooling, he acquired some literacy:+ and after the death of both his parents he became a valiant leader in war. Finally, distinguished by his numerous virtues, he has ruled his father’s dominions for many years. In the same year’ the noble youths Edwin and Morcar, sons of Earl /Elfgar, rebelled, and many others with them; so that the

realm of Albion was violently disturbed by their fierce insurrection. For when King William had made his peace with Earl Edwin, granting him authority over his brother and almost a third of England, he had promised to give him his daughter in marriage; but later, listening to the dishonest counsels of his envious and greedy Norman followers, he withheld the maiden from the noble accounts of the movements

of the Norman

army are likely to be substantially

rmed accurate; but neither Orderic nor William of Poitiers was always well-info

Conquest, or on on the political conditions in the marcher regions before the

the family connexions of the men involved.

216

ii. 183

BOOK

IV

inuidi sunt et cupidi? concupitam uirginem et diu expectatam denegauit nobilissimo iuueni. Vnde iratus cum fratre suo ad rebellionem incitatus est’ eumque magna pars Anglorum et Gualorum secuta est. Feruens affectus erat preefatis fratribus erga Dei cultum? et bonorum reuerentiam hominum. Erat eis ingens pulchritudo, nobilis et ampla cognatio? late ualens potentatus et nimia in eos popularium dilectio. A clericis et monachis ad Deum crebra pro illis fiebat oratio et a turbis pauperum cotidiana supplicatio. Elfgarus comes Couentrense cenobium construxit" et magnis redditibus ad uictum monachorum inibi consistentium largiter ditauit.! Godioua uero religiosa comitissa omnem thesaurum suum eidem zecclesiz contulit; et accersitis aurifabris quicquid in auro et argento habuit, ad construendum sacros textus et cruces ac imagines sanctorum aliaque mirifica zcclesize ornamenta? deuote distribuit. Deuoti Deo dignique religionis laude parentes elegantem et multa laude dignam ediderunt sobolem, Eduinum, Morcarum?

ii. 184

et unam filiam nomine Aldit que primo nupsit Gritfrido regi Gualorum, post cuius mortem sociata est Heraldo regi Anglorum.? Tempore Normannice cladis qua nimiis oppressionibus Anglos immoderate conquassauit/ Blidenus rex Gualorum ad auunculos suos^suppetias uenit, secumque multitudinem Britonum adduxit. Congregatis autem in unum multis Anglorum et Gualorum optimatibus, fit generalis querimonia de iniuriis et oppressionibus? quibus intolerabiliter Angli affligebantur a Normannis et eorum contubernalibus. Legationibus quoscunque poterant? per omnes Albionis terminos in hostes clam palamque stimulabant. Fit ex consensu omnium pro uendicanda libertate pristina procax conspiratio? et obnixa contra Normannos coniuratio. Exoritur in finibus Transhumbranis uehemens perturbatio.5 Seditiosi siluas, paludes? zstuaria et urbes aliquot in munimentis habent. Eborachensis ciuitas ardentissime furit" quam sanctitas pontificis sui sedare nequit. Plures in tabernaculis morabantur, in domibus ne ' The abbey of Coventry was founded in 1043 by Earl Leofric of Mercia, father of Earl /Elfgar, and his wife Godgifu or Godiva. Orderic is wrong in making her /Elfgar’s wife: she was his mother, and the grandmother of Edwin and Morcar.

2 These probably included some of the works of Mannig, abbotof Evesham, a skilled goldsmith, who is known to have made 'plurima opera . . . valde laudabilia' for Coventry (Knowles, Monastic Order, p. 536). 3 See above, p. 138.

BOOK IV

iig

youth, who greatly desired her and had long waited for her. At last his patience wore out and he and his brother were roused to rebellion, supported by a great many of the English and Welsh. These brothers were zealous in the service of God, and well-disposed to good men. Both were remarkably handsome, nobly connected with kinsfolk whose power and influence were widespread, and well-loved by the people at large. Clerks and monks ceaselessly offered prayers to God on their behalf; and throngs of the poor daily made supplication. Earl /Elfgar built a monastery at Coventry, and endowed it lavishly with revenues for the maintenance of the monks established there. And Godiva, his pious countess, lavished all her treasure upon the church: sending for goldsmiths she gave them her whole store of gold and silver to work into covers for gospel books,

crosses,

images

of the

saints,

and

other

marvellously

wrought ecclesiastical ornaments.? These parents, so devoted to God and beneficent to the church, had a progeny both fair and greatly to be praised: Edwin, Morcar, and one daughter called Edith, who married first Gruffydd king of the Welsh and after his death Harold king of England.? When the Norman conquest had brought such grievous burdens upon the English, Bleddyn king of the Welsh came to the help of his uncles,* bringing a great army of Welshmen with him. After large numbers of the leading men of England and Wales had met together, a general outcry arose against the injustice and tyranny which the Normans and their comrades-in-arms had inflicted on the English. They sent envoys into every corner of Albion to incite men openly and secretly against the enemy. All were ready to conspire together to recover their former liberty, and bind themselves by weighty oaths against the Normans. In the regions north of the Humber violent disturbances broke out.5 The rebels prepared to defend themselves in woods, marshes, and creeks, and in some cities. The city of York was seething with discontent, and showed no respect for the holy office of its archbishop when he tried to appease it. Many men lived in tents, * Orderic is wrong in making Bleddyn a son of Gruffydd. See J. E. Lloyd, History of Wales (3rd ed., London, 1939), ii. 368-9. 5 The disturbances in the north were due in part to local feuds, and only in part to resistance to the Norman nominee, Copsi, who was killed within a few

weeks of his appointment as earl. For conditions at this time see F. S. Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 171-4.

218

li. 185

BOOK

IV

mollescerent requiescere dedignabantur" unde quidam eorum a Normannis siluatici cognominabantur. Rex igitur secessus regni prouidentius perlustrauit? et opportuna loca contra excursiones hostium communiuit. Munitiones enim quas castella Galli nuncupant! Anglicis prouinciis paucissime fuerant, et ob hoc Angli licet bellicosi fuerint et audaces? ad resistendum tamen inimicis extiterant debiliores. Rex itaque castrum apud Guareuicum condidit? et Henrico Rogerii de Bellomonte filio ad seruandum commisit.! Tunc Eduinus et Morcarus cum suis anceps przlii discrimen perpendentes, et pacem bello non incongrue przponentes" gratiam regis petierunt, et specie tenus obtinuerunt. Deinde rex Snotingheham castrum construxit/ et Guillelmo Peuerello commendauit. Haec Eborachenses ut audierunt? extimentes maturata deditione uim declinauerunt, regique claues ciuitatis cum obsidibus dederunt. Ipse tamen quia fidem illorum suspectam habuit? in urbe ipsa munitionem firmauit? quam delectis militibus custodiendam tradidit. Tunc Archillus potentissimus Nordanhimborum cum rege concordiam fecit: eique filium suum obsidem tradidit. Praesul

quoque Dunelmi? regis in gratiam accessit et pro Malcomo rege Scotorum pacis mediator interuenit, et acceptas conditiones in Scotiam detulit. Malcomus autem licet ab Anglis requisitus fuerit, et ualidam expeditionem in eorum auxilium facere parauerit? audita tamen legatione pacis quieuit, et cum presule Dunelmi nuncios suos ouanter remisit/ per quos Guillelmo regi fidele obsequium iurauit. Sic utiliter sibi consuluit, populoque suo multum placuit? quod pacem bello praposuit. Nam Scotica gens licet in pralio aspera sit? ocium tamen et quietem diligit, nollet a uicinis inquietari regnis? christiane religionis plus quam armorum intenta studiis. Rex post hzc in reuersione sua Lincoliz, Huntendone, et Grontebruge castra locauit? et tutelam eorum fortissimis uiris commendauit. His temporibus quzdam Normannice mulieres seua libidinis face urebantur, crebrisque nunciis a uiris suis flagitabant ut cito reuerterentur? addentes quod nisi reditum maturarent, ipsze sibi alios coniuges procurarent. Non enim ad maritos suos propter !* It has been suggested (GEC xii (ii). 358) that Henry was probably too young, and Orderic may have antedated a later appointment. But this is a passage which is who had Though Hastings

almost certainly based on William of Poitiers (cf. Liber Eliensis, p. 190), an intimate knowledge of the Beaumont family (Foreville, p. 192 n. 2). Henry’s elder brother Robert only fought his first major battle at he took a leading part in it (ibid., p. 192), and if Henry was only

a year younger, or even a younger twin, he would have been quite capable of taking charge of the new castle at Warwick two years later,

BOOK IV

T"

disdaining to sleep in houses lest they should become soft; so that the Normans called them *wild men'. To meet the danger the king rode to all the remote parts of his kingdom and fortified strategic sites against enemy attacks. For the fortifications called castles by the Normans were scarcely known in the English provinces, and so the English—in spite of their courage and love of fighting—could put up only a weak resistance to their enemies. 'T'he king built a castle at Warwick and gave it into the keeping of Henry, son of Roger of Beaumont.! After this Edwin, Morcar, and their men, unwilling to face the

doubtful issue of a battle, and wisely preferring peace to war, sought the king's pardon and obtained it at least in outward

appearance. Next the king built Nottingham castle and entrusted it to William Peverel. When the men of York heard this they were terrified, hastened to surrender lest worse befell, and sent the king hostages and the keys of the city. As he was very doubtful of their loyalty he fortified a castle in the city? and left trustworthy knights to guard it. Then Archill, the most powerful of the Northumbrian nobles, made peace with the king and gave him his son as a hostage. 'T'he bishop of Durham? also returned to the king's favour, and became mediator for peace with Malcolm king of Scots, taking the terms

of peace to Scotland. Malcolm, although he had already been wooed by the English rebels and had prepared a strong force to send to their aid, was ready to listen to the envoys and lay down arms; he gladly sent back with the bishop of Durham ambassadors to swear fealty and obedience to King William on his behalf. Thus he took the wisest course, and greatly pleased his subjects, by preferring peace to war. For the Scottish people, though fierce in war, prefer ease and peace, seek no quarrel with their neighbours, and give more thought to the religion of Christ than the pursuit of arms. When this was done the king retired, building castles at Lincoln, Huntingdon, and Cambridge on his way, and garrisoning them strongly. At this time certain Norman women, consumed by fierce lust, sent message after message to their husbands urging them to return at once, and adding that unless they did so with all speed

they would take other husbands for themselves. For they dared

2 On the site of the existing Clifford's Tower. See VCH Yorks., The City of 3 Bishop ZEthelwine, 1056-71. York, p. 521.

220

ii. 186

ii. 187

BOOK

IV

inusitatam sibi adhuc nauigationem transfretare audebant, nec in Anglia eos expetere ubi iugiter in armis erant? et cotidianas expeditiones non sine magna sanguinis utriusque partis effusione frequentabant. Rex autem inter tot bellorum motiones secum milites suos retinere cupiebat, et terras cum redditibus et magnis potestatibus eis amicabiliter offerebat? et maiora dum totum regnum ab aduersariis undique liberatum esset promittebat. Legitimi barones strenuique pugiles multipliciter anxiabantur’ dum regem suum cum fratribus suis et amicis sociisque sedulis circundari bellis intuebantur, ipsique si discederent infidi proditores timidique desertores palam censeri uerebantur. Rursus honorabiles athlete quid facerent, si lasciuze coniuges thorum suum adulterio polluerent, et progeniei suz perennis macule notam et infamiam generarent? Vnde Hugo de Grentemaisnil qui przsidatum Gewissorum id est Guentanz regionis iam habuerat, et sororius eius Vnfridus de Telliolo' qui Hastingas a prima die constructionis ad custodiendum susceperat? aliique multi discesserunt? et regem inter exteros laborantem tristes et inuiti deseruerunt. Deinde famulari lasciuis dominabus suis in Neustriam reuersi sunt? sed honores quos iam nactos hac de causa reliquerunt, ipsi uel hzeredes eorum nunquam postea recuperare potuerunt.? Multimodis desolationibus Anglia nimis attrita est" et tam ab indigenis quam ab alienigenis ualde aggrauata est. Incendia, rapinz, et cotidiane cedes miseram gentem inuaserunt? percusserunt, deiecerunt et conquassauerunt. Aduersa fortuna miseros tam uictos quam uictores muscipula sua irretiuit? nunc ense, nunc fame, nunc peste irreuerenter precipitauit, prout omnipotens arbiter unicuique dispensauit. Rex uero perspectis importunitatibus terre solidarios milites conuocauit? omnesque regali munificentia pro militari seruitute muneratos domum abire benigniter permisit. Anno tertio regni sui Guillelmus rex Dunelmensem comitatum? Rodberto de Cuminis tradidit" qui mox cum militibus * On the evidence of this passage J. F. A. Mason has included the name

of

Humphrey of Tilleul among the companions of the Conqueror (“The companions of the Conqueror; an additional name’ in EHR lxvi (1956), 61—69). Humphrey had two sons who were monks at St. Évroul (Le Prévost, iii. 28 1) and Orderic was well-informed about his family. He was probably given charge of the first castle built at Hastings before the battle was fought (see L. C. Loyd, Anglo-Norman Families, p. 85).

:

* The evidence of Domesday Book confirms that Humphrey lost his English

estates, as he held nothing in 1086; but Hugh of Grandmesnil either retained or

recovered his.

BOOK IV

—

not join their men themselves, being unaccustomed to the seacrossing and afraid of seeking them out in England, where they were engaging in armed forays every day and blood flowed freely on both sides. The king, with so much fighting on his hands, was

most anxious to keep all his knights about him, and made them a friendly offer of lands and revenues and great authority, promising them more when he had completely rid the kingdom of all his enemies. His loyal barons and stalwart fighting-men were gravely perturbed, for they saw that continual risings threatened the king and their brothers, friends, and allies, and feared that if

they abandoned him they would be openly branded as traitors and cowardly deserters. On the other hand, what could honourable men do if their lascivious wives polluted their beds with adultery and brought indelible shame and dishonour on their offspring? As a result Hugh of Grandmesnil, who was governor of the Gewissae—that is, the region round Winchester—and his brother-inlaw Humphrey of Tilleul, who had held the castle of Hastings from the day of its foundation, and many others departed from the country heavy at heart, and unwilling to go because they were deserting the king whilst he was struggling in a foreign land. 'T'hey returned to Normandy to oblige their wanton wives; but neither they nor their heirs were ever able to recover the fiefs which they had held and chosen to abandon.? England was exhausted with tribulation after tribulation, suffering at the hands of Englishmen and foreigners alike. Fire, rapine, and daily slaughter brought destruction and disaster on the wretched people and utterly laid waste the land. Ill-fortune held victors and vanquished alike in its snare, bringing down on them war, famine, and pestilence as the omnipotent Judge thought fit.

So the king, seeing the sufferings of the land, assembled his mercenary soldiers; and, after rewarding them with royal munificence for their service in war, graciously allowed them to return to their homes. In the third year of his reign King William bestowed the county of Durham? on Robert of Commine, who shortly afterwards came 3 'This statement does not conflict with the fact that Robert of Commine

was known as Earl of Northumbria, since Orderic does not use the word 'comitatus! in the later sense of ‘earldom’ (cf. above, Introduction, pp. xxxv-xxxvi).

There are slightly varying accounts of the disturbances in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E, 1068 (for 1069)) and Simeon of Durham (RS ii. 186). See Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 175.

222

ii. 188

BOOK

IV

quingentis ciuitatem confidenter adiit. Prima uero nocte ciues collecti sunt’ et ipsum cunctosque milites prater duos fuga elapsos mactauerunt. Fortissimi uiri nequiuerunt defendere se: oppressi tempore, dolo et multitudine. Non multo post Rodbertus Ricardi filius Eborachensis przesidii custos cum multis peremptus est. Fiducia deinceps Anglis creuit contra Normannos’ a quibus uidebant nimium uexari suos collegas et amicos. Fides, sacramentum et salus obsidum uilia fuerunt iratis? pro amissis patrum suorum praediis, et occisis parentibus et compatriotis. Marius Suenus, Gaius Patricius, Edgarus Adelinus, Archillus et quatuor filii Karoli aliique potentes et factiosi conuenerunt? et consociata manu ciuium ac finitimorum munitionem regis in Eboracho impugnare ausi sunt. Willelmus cognomento Maletus? prases castrensis regi denunciauit se defecturum? nisi maturum obsessis conferat auxilium. Rex ocius aduenit? in obsidentes ruit, nec ulli pepercit. Multi capti, plerique interfecti, caeteri sunt fugati. Rex autem dies octo in urbe morans alterum presidium

condidit? et Guillelmum comitem Osberni^ filium ad custodiendum reliquit. Ipse uero letus Guentam rediit? et Paschale festum ibi celebrauit. Rursus Angli post regis discessum contra utrunque presidium congregati sunt’ sed Guillelmo comite cum suis uiriliter in quadam ualle5 dimicante non przualuerunt, sed pluribus eorum captis seu trucidatis alii fuga mortem distulerunt. Bellicis turbinibus undique insurgentibus admodum occupatus, coniugem sibi multum dilectam Mathildem remisit in Normanniam rex Guillelmus? ut ab Anglico tumultu seposita in pace religiosis actibus uacaret, incolumemque prouincie statum cum Rodberto puero seruaret.5 Hzc consanguinea Philippi Francorum regis erat, et ex regibus Galliz ac imperatoribus Germaniz ! Marleswein had been sheriff of Lincoln before the Conquest. Gospatric was descended from Earl Uhtred of Northumbria by his third wife ZElfgifu. This Latin form of his name also occurs in the Vita Edwardi (Barlow, VER, P. 35); it may be a corruption of the Old Welsh guas Patric (Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 173 n. 97). 2 For William Malet see D. C. Douglas, History, xxviii (1943), 138.

3 This castle was west of the Ouse, on the edge of the city, and later became known as the ‘Old Baile’ (VCH

Yorks., The City of York, p. 528).

4 See D. C. Douglas, ‘The ancestors of William fitzOsbern’, in EHR

lix

(1944), 62-79; and J. H. Round, Studies in Peerage and Family History, p. 205.

*Since the text implies fighting in the city, ualle is probably a mistake for uallo. $ William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 139) says that Normandy was entrusted

BOOK IV

a23

to the city with five hundred knights, suspecting nothing. But during the first night the citizens fell upon them in a body, slaughtering him and all his knights except two who managed to escape. Brave as they were the men had no chance to defend themselves, for they were attacked unawares, deceitfully, and by overwhelming numbers. Not long afterwards Robert son of Richard, guardian of the castle at York, was slaughtered with many of his men. The English now gained confidence in resisting the Normans, whom they saw as oppressors of their friends and allies. Fealty, oaths, and the safety of the hostages were forgotten in their anger at the loss of their patrimonies and the deaths of their kinsmen and fellow countrymen. Marleswein, Gospatric,! Edgar Atheling, Archill, the four sons

of Karl, and other powerful rebels met together, and joining forces with the citizens and men of the district dared to launch an attack on the royal castle in York. William called Malet, who was castellan there, sent word to the king that he would be compelled to surrender unless his beleaguered forces were speedily relieved. Swift was the king's coming; he fell on the besiegers and spared no man. Many were captured, more killed, and the remainder put

to flight. The king remained a further eight days in the city, built a second castle? and left Earl William fitzOsbern* as castellan there. He himself returned to Winchester with a thankful heart,

and celebrated Easter there. T'he English made one further attack on both castles after the king's departure; but they could not prevail against Earl William and his men who engaged them hotly in one of the baileys, killing and capturing many whilst the remainder prolonged their lives for a while through flight. Whilst he was quelling the storms of war that rose on every side, King William sent his beloved wife Matilda back to Normandy so that she might give up her time to religious devotions in peace, away from the English tumults, and together with the boy Robert could keep the duchy secure. She was a kinswoman of Philip king of France,” she sprang from the stock of the kings of Gaul to Robert when King William returned to England in 1068. If Robert was born in 1051, the earliest possible date, he would then have been seventeen years old.

There is charter evidence that might support Matilda’s visit to Normandy in the summer of 1069 (Douglas, WC, p. 218 n. 1).

7 Matilda and Philip Henry I’s sister.

I were

first cousins: Matilda’s mother

Adela

was

224

BOOK

IV

originem ducebat, eximiaque tam generis quam morum nobilitate ii. 189

cluebat. Egregio marito edidit utriusque sexus optatam sobolem,! Rodbertum et Ricardum, Guillelmum Rufum et Henricum, Agatham et Constantiam, Adelizam, Adelam et Ceciliam:’ quibus in hac uariabili uita sors diuersa prouenit, et dicacibus sophistis ingentes libros edendi uberem materiam tribuit. Reginam hanc simul decorauere forma, genus, litterarum scientia, cuncta morum

ii. 190

et uirtutum pulchritudo, et quod his laude immortali dignius est firma fides et studiosus amor Christi. Elemosina cui cotidie feruenter hzc era insistebat/ marito agonizanti in procinctu bellico plus quam fari norim succurrebat. Duo filii Heraldi regis Angliz, mesti pro patris occisione suique propulsione? confugerant ad Dyrmetum regem Hiberniz. Eius et principum regni suffragio adiuti sunt? et Ixvi naues armata manu oneratas ducentes Exonio appulerunt.? Deinde progredientes a littore terram audacius depopulari ceperunt: et ferro igneque furentes maxima patrare damna conati sunt. Protinus illis Briennus Eudonis comitis Britanniz minoris filius? et Guillelmus Gualdi cum

armis obuii fuerunt, et duobus

uno

die conflictibus

hor-

rendam multitudinem in eam paucitatem redegerunt? ut residui duabus scaphis subtracti aufugerent, et Hiberniam luctu replerent. At nisi nox przlium diremisset? ne nuncius quidem cladis repatriauisset. Iuste id omen comitatum est natos pro tiranno genitore uindictam quzrentes? et huic intentioni opem ferentes. Inter hec* Gisa Goduini uxor Heraldi genitrix ingentem gazam clanculum sumpsit? et pro timore Guillelmi regis in Galliam non reditura transmeauit. In illa tempestate Suenus rex Danorum magnam classem Danis et Anglis accuratissime instruxit, duosque filios suos et Osbernum fratrem suum pontificesque duos comitesque tres dilectissimos praefecit, et in Angliam misit. Multotiens enim pecuniis Anglorum et obnixis precibus fuerat sollicitatus, et ruina suorum qui nuper ! The sons are well known: Richard died young; Robert became duke of Normandy, and William and Henry kings of England. The daughters are enumerated with variations in different places, and Orderic is not consistent. See above p. 104 n. 4.

2 The sons of Harold made at least two raids from Ireland. This must be the attack of Midsummer 1069, described by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, 1069), when

Count

Brian turned

them back.

Florence (FW

ii. 3) like the D

chronicle gives the number of ships as sixty-four. Orderic's details are closer to the chronicle than to Florence. In describing an earlier raid in 1068 Florence names three sons of Harold: Godwin, Edmund, and Magnus; the first two

sometimes occur in later sources alone. Orderic exaggerates the number of the slain. 3 See EYC

iv. 16, 84-85 for Count Brian.

BOOK IV

dit

and emperors of Germany, and was renowned equally for nobility of blood and character. She bore her distinguished husband the offspring he desired, both sons and daughters: Robert and - Richard, William Rufus and Henry, Agatha and Constance, Adelaide, Adela, and Cecilia. They in this uncertain life met with

varying fortunes, and left abundant material for eloquent and learned men to compose mighty tomes. The queen herself was endowed

with fairness of face, noble birth, learning, beauty of

character, and—what is and ever will be more worthy of praise— strong faith and fervent love of Christ. The alms which this princess daily distributed with such zeal brought more succour than I can express to her husband, struggling on the field of battle. Two of the sons of Harold, king of England, mourning for the death of their father and their own defeat, fled to Dermot king of Ireland. Both he and the princes of his kingdom gave them support, and they landed at Exeter? in command of sixty-six ships loaded with armed men. Moving inland and gaining confidence they began to lay waste the land; and destroying with fire and sword they did all the harm they could. Forthwith Brian, son of Eudo count of Brittany,? and William Gualdi led an armed force against them, and in the course of two battles fought in one day reduced this fearful multitude to so few that the survivors escaped - in two light skiffs, and filled Ireland with mourning. Indeed if night had not put an end to the battle not one would have survived to carry home news of the disaster. How just that such a fate should befall sons seeking to avenge a tyrant father and all those who aided them in this enterprise! Whilst these events were taking place,^ Gytha, widow of Godwin and mother of Harold, secretly gathered together a great store of treasure and, through fear of King William, fled to France, never to return.

At this time Swein king of Denmark fitted out a great fleet of Danes and English; and giving the command to his two sons,

Osbern his brother, two bishops, and three earls whom he held in

high esteem, sent it to England.5 He had received many messengers from the English begging for help and sending subsidies; and ^ Orderic leaves the date vague. According to Florence (ii. 2) Harold’s mother Gytha fled overseas to Flanders when Exeter fell to the Normans early in 1068. 5 C£. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E, 1069);

FW ii. 3. The fleet, which first

appeared off the coast of Kent, arrived at the mouth of the Humber in early September 1069. 822204

Q

226

ji. 191

ii. 192

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IV

in Heraldi conflictu occisi fuerant motus? quin etiam proxima cágnatione ad regni cupidinem incitatus, utpote nepos Eduardi regis Hardecunuti filius.! Hic ingenti potentia pollebat. Vniuersas regni sui uires contrahebat: quibus a uicinis regionibus et amicis auxilia magna coaceruabat. Adiuuabant eum Polenia, Frisia necne Saxonia. Leuticia quoque pro Anglicis opibus auxiliares turmas mittebat. In ea populosissima natio consistebat, quae gentilitatis adhuc errore detenta uerum Deum nesciebat/ sed ignorantiz muscipulis illaqueata Guodenen et Thurum Freamque aliosque falsos deos immo damones colebat. Hzc gens terra marique preliari perita erat, quam Suenus cum rege suo sepe uicerat? suzque ditioni subegerat. Multis itaque triumphis sullimatus? ut sibi adhuc augeret potentiam et decus, contra Guillelmum regem ut praediximus? magnam classem in Angliam misit Suenus. Appulsos Doueram regiorum militum occursus reppulit. Itidem apud Sanguicum abacti sunt, sed a Normannis repulsi sunt. Nacti opportunitatem egrediendi apud Gepesuicum in praedam diffusi sunt? sed prouinciales congregati xxx necauerunt, et reliquos in effugium coegerunt. Egressus Northguici ad similem discursionem Radulfus de Guader inuasit" et multis ferro, multis aqua uitam ademit, et reliquos turpiter nauigium arripientes in pelagus abire compulit. Rex autem Guillelmus tunc in Dana silua erat, ibique pro more uenatui uacabat. Illic audito aduentu Dacorum, statim nuncium direxit Eborachum? monens suos ut sese cautius in eos prepararent, ipsumque si forte necessitas posceret aduocarent. Remandauerunt custodes prasidiorum? non indigeri subuentu eius ad annum. Iam Adelinus, Gualleuus, Siguardus aliique prapotentes Angli ad Danos contulerant se. Peruentum est ad Humbrz lati fluminis hostium. Adelinus ibi seorsum ab socia turba cum quibusdam suorum praedatum ierat. Quos insiliens familia regis e Lincolia cepit omnes? exceptis duobus cum Adelino elapsis, et nauim confregit, quam custodia pauens deseruit. Dani Eborachum accedunt? nimisque incolarum contubernio aucti sunt.

Gualleuus

enim,

Gaius

Patricius,

Marius

Suenus,

1 This is wrong: Swein was the son of Earl Ulf and Cnut the Great's sister Estrith; he was a first cousin of Hardacnut, the son of Cnut and Emma, but there was no blood kinship with Emma's son by her first marriage, Edward the

Confessor. The Scandinavian interest in the English throne derived from Cnut, and not from the children of Emma's first marriage.

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he was moved by the death and disaster that had overtaken his men in Harold's war; but he was influenced even more by his desire for the kingdom to which, as nephew of King Edward and son of Hardacnut,! he had a claim of inheritance. He was a man

who enjoyed great power and he strained all the resources of his kingdom as well as amassing numerous troops from the neighbouring regions, which were friendly towards him. Poland, Frisia, and Saxony all helped. Lithuania also sent many auxiliary troops to the aid of the English. In this region was a teeming race which was still blinded by heathen error and did not know the true God; ensnared by ignorance the people worshipped Wodin, Thor, Freya, and other false gods, or rather demons. They excelled in fighting on sea and land, but Swein had frequently gained victories over them and their king and reduced them to submission. And so, grown over-confident through his victories, and hoping to raise his power and reputation still higher, Swein—as I said before—sent a mighty fleet to England against King William. Landing at Dover they were attacked by royal forces and driven off to Sandwich, where they were again repulsed by the Normans. They seized an opportunity of landing and plundering around Ipswich, but the inhabitants rallied against them, killed thirty, and

drove the rest away. When they landed at Norwich on a similar foray Ralph of Gael fell upon them, killed many, drove others to their death by drowning, and forced the rest to take shameful flight to their ships and put to sea. King William at the time was enjoying one of his regular hunting expeditions in the Forest of Dean. The moment he heard of the coming of the Danes he sent a messenger to York to tell his men to prepare for an attack and send for him if they were hard-pressed. The custodians of the castles there replied that they could hold out without help for a year. But already the Atheling, Waltheof, Siward, and the other English leaders had joined the Danes. The enemy reached the wide estuary of the Humber. There the Atheling left the main body of troops to go on a foraging raid with some of his followers. The king’s garrison, sallying out from Lincoln, fell on them unawares, took all prisoner except the Atheling and two men who escaped with him, and broke up the ship, which was abandoned by its panic-stricken guards. The Danes reached York, and a general rising of the inhabitants swelled

their

ranks.

Waltheof,

Gospatric,

Marleswein,

Elnoc,

228

ii. 193

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IV

Elnocinus, Archillus et quattuor filii Karoli antesignani erant, et Danos Northwigenasque przcedebant. Castellani obuiam eis inconsultius exeunt? et intra urbis moenia infeliciter confligunt. Non ualentes resistere multitudini" omnes aut interimuntur aut capiuntur. Castella desolata patent. Securo regi casus suorum nunciatur, terribilitas hominum maior quam sit amplificante" fama refertur? et quod cum ipso dimicaturi confidenter prestolentur. Rex ergo tam dolore quam ira conturbatur? ac ad hostes cum exercitu properare conatur. Illi uero metu magni debellatoris in Humbram aufugiunt: et ripa que Lindissem attingit applicant. Ipse illuc cum equitatu contendit, nefarios quosdam in paludibus pene inaccessibilibus reperit, gladioque punit, et aliquot latibula diruit. In ripam alteram euadunt Dani, opperientes tempus quo se sociosque suos possent ulcisci. Eo tempore Saxones occidentales de Dorseta et Summerseta cum suis confinibus Montem-Acutum assilierunt’ sed diuino nutu impediti sunt. Nam Guentani, Lundonii, Salesberii, Gaufredo Constantiensi presule ductore superuenerunt, quosdam peremerunt, partim captos mutilauerunt, reliquos fugauerunt. Guali et Cestrenses presidium regis apud Scrobesburiam obsederunt? quibus incole ciuitatis cum Edrico Guilda potenti et bellicoso uiro aliisque ferocibus Anglis auxilio fuerunt. Idem apud Exoniam Exoniensis comitatus habitatores fecere? et undique coadunata turba ex Cornu Britannis. Nam supremi fines Anglorum occidentem uersus et Hiberniam Cornu Britanniz, id est Cornuallia nominantur. Exoniz ciues regi fauebant? non immemores pres-

surarum quas olim passi fuerant. Protinus rex ubi hac accepit? comites duos Guillelmum et Briennum? laborantibus subuenire przecepit. Verum priusquam illi Scrobesburiam peruenissent? urbe combusta hostes discesserant. Defensores quoque Exoniz subito 194 eruperunt? et impetu in se obsidentes abegerunt. Fugientibus obuii Guillelmus et Briennus grandi cede temeritatem punierunt. Rex interim apud Estafort quam plurimos factiosarum partium facili prouentu deleuit. In tot certaminibus sanguis utrinque multus effunditur? et tam inermis quam armata plebs diuersis infortuniis hinc inde miserabiliter concutitur. Lex Dei passim ? MS. amplicante * York fell on 20 September 1069. 2 William fitzOsbern and Count Brian.

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Archill, and the four sons of Karl were in the advance guard and led the Danish and Norse forces. The garrison made a rash sally to attack them and engaged them ill-advisedly within the city walls. Unable to resist such numbers they were all slain or taken prisoner.' 'The castles were left undefended. News of their fate reached the king who had thought himself secure, and rumour exaggerated the fearful numbers of the enemy, who were said to be confidently awaiting battle with the king himself. 'T'he king was filled with sorrow and anger, and mustering his army made all speed to join battle. But the enemy, fearing the conqueror, had fled across the Humber and landed on the Lindsey side. The king hastened to the spot with his knights, hunted out some of the illdoers who had taken refuge in the almost inaccessible marshes, put them to the sword, and wiped out their hiding-places. The Danes escaped back to the other shore, waiting for a suitable opportunity to avenge themselves and their comrades. About this time the West Saxons of Dorset and Somerset with their neighbours attacked Montacute, but by the will of God failed to take it. For the men of Winchester,

London, and Salisbury,

under the leadership of Geoffrey bishop of Coutances, marched against them, killed some, captured and mutilated others, and put

the rest to flight. The Welshmen and men of Chester besieged the royal stronghold at Shrewsbury, and were assisted by the native citizens, the powerful and warlike Edric the Wild, and other untameable Englishmen. 'T'he men of Devon were attacking Exeter in the same way, allied with hordes from Cornwall. This most westerly part of Britain, lying towards Ireland, is called the ‘horn of Britain', or Cornwall. The citizens of Exeter took the king's side, for they were not likely to forget the hardships they had once endured. As soon as the king had word of these happenings he sent two

earls, William

and

Brian,? to ‘help the hard-pressed

defenders. But before they could reach Shrewsbury the enemy had burned the town and scattered. The garrison of Exeter suddenly broke out, surprising the besiegers and driving them away; William and Brian, meeting the fugitives, punished their audacity with great slaughter. Meanwhile the king had had no difficulty in crushing large forces of rebels at Stafford. In all these battles much blood had flowed on both sides, and combatants and non-combatants alike

had been reduced to great wretchedness

by the disturbances.

230

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uiolatur? et zcclesiasticus rigor pene ab omnibus dissoluitur. Cedes miserorum multiplicantur, animzque cupiditatis et ire stimulis sauciantur et cateruatim hinc inde ad inferna raptantur, damnante Deo cuius iudicia iustissima esse comprobantur. Rex Guillelmus cum a Lindisse reuerteretur? reliquit ibi germanum

suum Rodbertum Moritoliensem comitem et Rodbertum Aucen-

ii. 195

sem, qui Danorum excursiones arcerent. Dani aliquandiu delituere. Verum postquam tuta sunt opinati? conuiuiis prouincialium qua uulgo firmam appellant illecti ad terram egrediuntur. Ambo comites ex improuiso eos inuadunt, epulas cruore confundunt" instant trepidis, ad naues usque cedendo fugientes persequuntur. Diuulgatur iterum eosdem latrunculos Eborachum aduenire? qua Natalem Dominicum celebrent, seque ad preliandum preparent. Properans illo rex e Snotingeham: prepeditur ad Fracti Pontis aquam, impatientem uadi nec nauigio usitatam. Reditum suadentibus non adquiescit. Pontem fieri uolentibus? id opportunum non esse respondet, ne hostis repente super eos irrueret? et inferendze cladis occasionem in ipso opere haberet. Tres ebdomadas illic detinentur. Denique Lisois audax miles quem de Monasteriis agnominabant flumen summopere attemptabat, et uadum supra infraque queritabat. Per multam demum difficultatem locum transmeabilem deprehendit? et cum Lx magnanimis equitibus pertransiuit, super quos hostium multitudo irruit? sed his acerrime repugnantibus non preualuit. Postero die Lisois reuersus prodit uadum, nec mora traducitur exercitus. Itur per siluas, paludes, montana,

ualles, artissimo tramite qui binos lateraliter

ire non patiebatur. Sic Eboracho appropinquatum est? sed Danos aufugisse nunciatum est. Rex autem tribunos et presides cum armatorum manu qui restaurarent in urbe castella direxit? et alios nichilominus in ripa Humbrz qui Danis resisterent reliquit. Ipse uero in saltuosa quadam et difficillime accessibilia loca contendit" et abditos illic hostes persequi summopere studuit. Spacio centum miliariorum castra eius diffunduntur. Plerosque gladio uindice ferit, aliorum latebras euertit’ terras deuastat, et domos cum rebus omnibus concremat. Nusquam tanta crudelitate usus est Guillelmus. Hic turpiter uitio succubuit’ dum iram suam regere

BOOK IV

35

Everywhere the law of God was broken, and ecclesiastical dis-

cipline universally undermined. Massacres of wretched people increased, souls were imperilled by the sins of envy and anger

and in their thousands swept away to Hell, damned by God whose judgement is assuredly most just. When King William returned from Lindsey he left behind his brother, Robert count of Mortain, with Robert count of Eu to prevent the Danes from breaking out. For a while the Danes lay in hiding; but when they judged it safe they came out of the marshes to share the feasts of the country people which are colloquially known as ‘feorms’. The two counts fell upon them unexpectedly and cut them to pieces as they sat at table; spreading panic they pursued and cut down those who fled for the ships. It was rumoured abroad that these brigands had returned to York to celebrate Christmas and prepare themselves for battle. As the king hurried there from Nottingham his way was barred at Pontefract by the river, which was neither fordable nor safe for navigation. He rejected all advice to turn back. To the suggestion that a bridge should be built he answered that it would be unsafe to give the enemy a chance of falling suddenly on them and inflicting heavy slaughter whilst they were engaged in bridgebuilding. They were delayed there for three weeks. At length a knight of outstanding courage, Lisois of Moutiers, made a determined effort to cross the river, riding up and down stream in search of a ford. At last he found a place that could be forded with great difficulty, and with sixty gallant knights made the crossing. The enemy attacked them in large numbers, but they fought back fiercely and beat off the attackers. Next day Lisois returned to point out the ford, and led the army over without delay. Their route now lay through woods, marshes, mountains, valleys, along

paths so narrow that two men could not walk abreast. So at last they approached York only to learn that the Danes had fled. The king assigned officers and castellans with armed retainers to repair the castles in the city, and left others on the bank of the Humber to ward off the Danes. He himself continued to comb forests and remote mountainous places, stopping at nothing to hunt out the enemy hidden there. His camps were spread out over an area of a hundred miles. He cut down many in his vengeance; destroyed the lairs of others; harried the land, and burned homes to ashes.

Nowhere else had William shown such cruelty. Shamefully he succumbed to this vice, for he made no effort to restrain his fury

232

ii. 196

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IV

contempsit, et reos innocuosque pari animaduersione peremit. Iussit enim ira stimulante segetibus et pecoribus cum uasis et omni genere alimentorum repleri, et igne iniecto penitus omnia simul comburi, et sic omnem alimoniam per totam regionem Transhumbranam pariter deuastari.! Vnde sequenti tempore tam grauis in Anglia late seuit penuria, et inermem ac simplicem populum tanta famis inuoluit miseria, ut christiane gentis utriusque sexus et omnis ztatis homines perirent plus quam centum milia. In multis Guillelmum nostra libenter extulit relatio,? sed in hoc quod una iustum et impium tabide famis lancea zque transfixit laudare non audeo. Nam dum innocuos infantes iuuenesque uernantes et floridos canicie senes fame periclitari uideo: misericordia motus miserabilis populi meroribus et anxietatibus

magis condoleo,

quam tantz cedis reo friuolis adulationibus

fauere

studeo."

inutiliter

Praterea

indubitanter

assero’

quod

impune non remittetur tam feralis occisio. Summos enim et imos

li. 197

intuetur omnipotens iudex’ et aeque omnium facta discutiet ac puniet iustissimus uindex, ut palam omnibus enodat Dei perpetua lex. Inter bella Guillelmus ex ciuitate Guenta iubet afferri coronam, aliaque ornamenta regalia et uasa, et dimisso exercitu in castris Eborachum pergit, ibique Natale Saluatoris nostri concelebrat. Rursum comperit hostile collegium in angulo quodam regionis latitare, mari uel paludibus undique munito.3 Vnicus aditus per solidum intromittit’ latitudine tantum uiginti pedum patens. 4Predam abundantem contraxerant, securi agitabant’ nullam sibi uim nocere posse putabant. At tamen ut agmen regium approximare audierunt? noctu quantocius abierunt. Rex ardens infestos sibi hostes ad flumen Tesiam insequitur, et auia perrumpit/ quorum asperitas interdum peditem eum ire compellit. Super Tesiam sedens quindecim dies transegit. Ibi reconciliati sunt Gualleuus presens et Gaius Patricius absens sacramento per legatos exhibito. Horum paulo ante contubernales iam periclitabantur Dani? ut uagi piratze fluctibus et uentis iactati. Vrgebat eos * magis and quam . . . studeo added later by Orderic. * "The severity of William's harrying of the north is shown by the amount of waste recorded in Domesday Book, though the waste areas were partly due to other causes (T. A. M. Bishop, “The Norman settlement of Yorkshire’, in Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke (Oxford, 1948), pp. 1-14).

? [n the condemnation of William it is certainly Orderic and not William of Poitiers who speaks.

3 The most likely site for the camp is Tod Point, near Coatham, on the southern shore of the mouth of the Tees, though Bamburgh has been suggested. See Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 181-3.

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and punished the innocent with the guilty. In his anger he commanded that all crops and herds, chattels and food of every kind should be brought together and burned to ashes with consuming . fire, so that the whole region north of Humber might be stripped of all means of sustenance.! In consequence so serious a scarcity was felt in England, and so terrible a famine fell upon the humble and defenceless populace, that more than 100,000 Christian folk of both sexes, young and old alike, perished of hunger. My narrative has frequently had occasion to praise William,? but for this act which condemned the innocent and guilty alike to die by slow starvation I cannot commend him. For when I think of helpless children, young men in the prime of life, and hoary greybeards perishing alike of hunger I am so moved to pity that I would rather lament the griefs and sufferings of the wretched people than make a vain attempt to flatter the perpetrator of such infamy. Moreover, I declare that assuredly such brutal slaughter cannot remain unpunished. For the almighty Judge watches over high and low alike; he will weigh the deeds of all men in a fair balance, and as a just avenger will punish wrongdoing, as the eternal law makes clear to all men. In the midst of the fighting William sent to the city of Winchester for his crown and other royal insignia and plate, left his army in camp, and came to York to celebrate Christmas there. He learned that another enemy band was lying hidden in a narrow neck of land sheltered on all sides by sea or marshes.? It could be reached only by one narrow causeway, no more than twenty feet wide. *They had laid in ample supplies and believed themselves safe, regarding their position as impregnable. In spite of this, on learning that a royal force was approaching, they instantly fled away by night. 'T'he king, raging, pursued his bitter enemies to the river 'l'ees, forcing his way through trackless wastes, over ground so rough that he was frequently compelled to go on foot. He spent fifteen days encamped on the bank of the Tees. There Waltheof and Gospatric submitted to him and took oaths of fealty, Waltheof in person and Gospatric by proxies. Their recent allies the Danes were now in grave peril as wandering pirates, at the mercy of ^ From ‘predam abundantem’ to ‘incolumem usque Cestram perduxit! on p. 236 Orderic’s text can be proved to be very close to William of Poitiers’, since many phrases occur also in the Liber Eliensis, whose author borrowed freely from William of Poitiers. See Liber Eliensis, pp. xxviii, 188-91.

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non minus fames quam tempestas. Pars naufragio periit. Residui uitam uilissima pulte sustentabant, nec solum milites gregarii, uerum ipsi quoque principes, comites atque pontifices. Carnes penitus defecerant? quibus diu rancidis et putridis uescebantur. Egredi ad comportandum rapinas non audebant? neque littus propter incolarum terrorem uspiam adtingere. Tandem magnae classis exiguze reliquie Daciam repetierunt, et Sueno regi suo magna discrimina que perpessi sunt’ nimiamque ferocitatem hostium suorumque ruinam sodalium flebiliter retulerunt. Mense ianuario rex Guillelmus Haugustaldam reuertebatur a Tesia,! uia que hactenus exercitui erat intemptata’ qua crebro acutissima iuga et uallium humillimz sedes, cum uicinia serenitate uerna gaudet, niuibus compluuntur. At ille in acerrimo hiemis

gelu transiuit? animosque militum alacritate sua confirmauit. Illud

ii. 198

iter difficulter peractum est’ in quo sonipedum ingens ruina facta est. Anxius pro sua quisque salute extitit" dominique parum aut amici meminit. In ea difficultate rex cum senis tantum equitibus aberrauit? et noctem integram ubinam essent quos ductabat ignarus exegit. Eborachum reuersus complura illic castella restaurauit/ et urbi ac regioni commoda ordinauit. Deinde mouet expeditionem contra Cestrenses et Gualos’ qui preter alias offensas nuperrime Scrobesburiam obsederunt. Exercitus autem qui dura tolerauerat/ in hoc itinere multo duriora restare timebat. Verebatur enim locorum asperitatem hiemis intemperiem, alimentorum inopiam et hostium terribilem ferociam. Andegaui, Britones et Cenomanni seruitiis ut dicebant intolerabilibus oppido grauabantur, unde pertinaciter a rege missionem petentes conquerebantur. Sui nimirum ad expurgationem depromebant non posse obsequi domino semper noua et immoderata audenti, nimiaque precipienti. Rex autem constantiam Iulii Cesaris in tali necessitate secutus est? nec eos multo precatu seu nouis promissis retinere 1 King William

had spent Christmas

at York;

this is the first mention

of

Hexham, and it is not on the route from the mouth of the Tees to York, where he was ‘returning’. There are consequently difficulties in taking the passage at its face value, and as William of Poitiers is unlikely to have had first-hand know-

ledge of the region, various possible errors have been suggested (see Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx. 182-4). (1) That Tees is a mistake for Tweed, and Waltheof's camp was at Bamburgh, not Coatham. (2) That William of Poitiers mistook Helmeslac (Helmsley), a place probably unknown to him, for the more familiar

Haugustaldam, and that William in fact marched from Coatham to York by way of Helmsley and the Hambledon Hills. On the other hand, Simeon of Durham

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IV

235

winds and waves. They suffered as much from hunger as from storms. Some perished through shipwreck. The remainder sustained life with vile pottage; princes, earls, and bishops being no better off than the common soldiers. Their supplies of meat— even of the rancid and putrid flesh they had long been eating— were completely exhausted. They dared not venture out to seek plunder, or even come to shore for fear of the inhabitants. Finally, the meagre remnants of the great fleet returned to Denmark and told King Swein the woeful story of all the hazards they had endured, the terrible savagery of the enemy, and the loss of their comrades. In January King William left the Tees and returned to Hexham,! following a route no army had hitherto attempted, where towering peaks and the precipitous valleys between them would be deep in snow even when the countryside around blossomed with the spring. Undeterred, he crossed them in the depths of a bitter winter, encouraging his soldiers by his own cheerfulness. With great difficulty they struggled on, losing many horses on the way. Every man thought only of his own safety, giving little heed to his lord or friends. During this difficult passage the king, accompanied by only six knights, lost his way and for a whole night wandered vainly in search of the men he was leading. Safely back at York he restored the castles there and established order in the city and surrounding district. Then he undertook an expedition against the Welsh and the men of Chester, who had recently crowned their many lawless acts by besieging Shrewsbury. His army, which had already endured great hardship, feared that even greater trials were in store in this journey. They feared the wildness of the region, the severity of winter, the scarcity of food, and the terrible ferocity of the enemy. The men of Anjou, Brittany, and Maine loudly complained that they were grievously burdened with intolerable duties, and repeatedly asked the king to discharge them from his service. They urged in defence of their conduct that they could not obey a lord who went from one hazard to another and commanded them to do the impossible. The king, however, maintained a calmness worthy of Julius Caesar in this crisis, and did not deign to attempt to hold them with prayers and promises. (Historia Regum, RS ii. 188) speaks of the king's army's being spread out to harry the country from York to Durham; and if this is so William may have returned

to York from the Tees indirectly by way of Hexham,

236

ii. 199

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IV

dignatus est. Audacter inceptum iter init, fidasque sibi cohortes se sequi precipit, desertores uero uelut inertes pauidosque et inualidos si discedant paruipendit. Post difficillimas fatigationes uictoribus requiem promittit nec ad honores posse pertingere nisi per labores asserit. Indefessim itaque pergit uia equiti nunquam ante experta, in qua sunt montes ardui et ualles profundissimze/ riui et amnes periculosi, et uoraginosa uallium ima. In hac uia gradientes sepe nimio uexabantur imbre? mixta interdum grandine. Aliquando prestabant cunctis usum equi in paludibus enecti. Ipse rex multoties agiliter pedes cunctos przcedebat, et laborantes manibus impigre adiuuabat. Tandem exercitum incolumem usque Cestram perduxit? et in tota Merciorum regione motus hostiles regia ui compescuit.^ 'Tunc Cestrz munitionem condidit et in reuersione sua apud Estafort alteram locauit:’ milites et alimonias abunde utrobique imposuit. Perueniens inde Salesburiam przmia militibus ibi pro tanta tolerantia largissime distribuit, bene meritos

collaudauit,

et cum

gratia multa

dimisit.

Desertores autem ad dies quadraginta ultra discessum commilitonum per indignationem retinuit eaque poena delictum quod peius meruit castigauit. Post hzc Guillelmus rex Dominicam Resurrectionem in urbe Guenta celebrauit’ ubi cardinales Romane ecclesiz coronam ei solenniter imposuerunt. Nam ex petitione! ipsius Alexander papa tres idoneos ei ut karissimo filio legauerat uicarios? Ermenfredum pontificem Sedunorum et duos canonicos? cardinales. Quos apud se ferme annuo spacio? retinuit? audiens et honorans eos tanquam angelos Dei. In diuersis locis in plurimis negociis sic egere? sicut indigas canonice examinationis et ordinationis regiones illas dinouere. Maxima uero ac utillima sinodus Windresoris celebrata est, anno millesimo septuagesimo ab incarnatione Domini. Rex et cardinales eidem concilio presiderunt’ et illic Stigandum pridem reprobatum anathemate deposuerunt.* Periuriis enim et homicidiis coinquinatus erat, nec per hostium in archipresulatum introierat. Nam a duobus episcopiis Norfulcano et Guentano * MS. compescucuit ! This passage has many phrases in common with the Vita Lanfranci (cap. 6, Migne, PL, cl. 40). See above, Introduction, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.

2 At this date the term ‘canonicus’ could be used simply of any secular clerk, as distinct from a monk. 3 Florence says that the cardinals John and Peter returned to Rome before Pentecost, and only the bishop of Sion (Sitten) remained (FW ii. 6). If this is

Peter Bibliothecarius he was certainly subscribing bulls by at least October. * According to Florence (FW ii. 5-6) Stigand was deposed in a Council held at Winchester at Easter, 1070, and Thomas was appointed to York and

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He continued on the venture he had so boldly undertaken, commanded his faithful troops to follow him, and counted any who chose to desert him as idle cowards and weaklings. He promised . that the victors should enjoy rest when their great labours were over, assuring them that they could not hope to win rewards without toil. And so he pushed on with determination along a road no horseman had attempted before, over steep mountains and precipitous valleys, through rivers and rushing streams and deep abysses. As they stumbled along the path they were lashed with rain and hail. Sometimes all were obliged to feed on horses which had perished in the bogs. The king himself, remarkably surefooted, led the foot-soldiers, readily helping them with his own hands when they were in difficulties. So at last he brought his army safely to Chester and suppressed all risings throughout Mercia with royal power. He built a castle at Chester and another at Stafford on his return, garrisoning both and supplying them with abundant provisions. Then going on to Salisbury he distributed lavish rewards to the soldiers for all they had endured, praised those who had shown prowess, and discharged them with warm thanks. But in his anger he kept back those who had wished to desert him for forty days after the departure of their comrades, and in this way punished a crime that had deserved far more. After these events King William celebrated Easter in Winchester, where he was solemnly crowned by cardinals of the Roman Church. For in reply to his petition! Pope Alexander had sent three suitable legates to this cherished son of his, Ermenfrid bishop of Sion and two cardinal priests.? He persuaded these men to remain with him for a year;? and listened to their counsels and honoured them as though they had been angels of God. They took part in much business up and down the country, as they found needful in regions which lacked ecclesiastical order and discipline. An important and influential synod was held at Windsor in the year of our Lord 1070. The king and cardinals presided over the council and Stigand, who had already been excommunicated, was deposed there.* He had defiled himself with perjury and homicide; and he had not honestly entered into the archbishopric by the

right door, but had climbed in from the two bishoprics of Norfolk Walchelin to Winchester on Whitsunday, 1070, in the king's court at Windsor, the day before the bishop of Sion held a synod. Orderic, possibly misled by

his source, has telescoped two courts.

238

ii. 200

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IV

infanda gradatione ambitionis ac supplantationis ascenderat.! Suffraganei quoque aliquot deiecti sunt: indigni pontificatu propter criminosam uitam et cure pastoralis inscitiam. Constituti autem sunt nominandi presules Normanni duo regii capellani, Gualchelinus Guentanorum et Thomas Eborachorum,? unus in loco depositi, alter defuncti, uterque prudens, plenus mansuetudine et humanitate, uenerabilis et amabilis hominibus, uerens et amans Deum medullitus. Item alii subrogati sunt traducti ex Gallia, litterati" decorati moribus ac studiosi diuinorum amatores.

li. 201

Multimodz honestatis studio in multis rex Guillelmus laudabilis claruit; maximeque in ministris Dei ueram religionem cui pax interdum et prosperitas mundi famulatur semper amauit. Hoc fama multiplex adtestatur" hoc operum exhibitione certissime comprobatur. Nam dum pastor quilibet completo uite suze termino de mundo migraret, et /Ecclesia Dei proprio rectore uiduata lugeret: sollicitus princeps prudentes legatos ad orbatam domum mittebat, omnesque res ecclesiz ne a prophanis tutoribus dissiparentur describi faciebat. Deinde praesules et abbates aliosque sapientes consiliarios conuocabat, et eorum consilio quis melior et utilior tam in diuinis rebus quam in secularibus ad regendam Dei domum uideretur summopere indagabat. Denique illum quem pro uitz merito et sapientie doctrina prouisio sapientum eligebat" beniuolus rex dispensatorem et rectorem episcopatus uel abbatie constituebat. Hanc nimirum obseruationem quinquaginta sex annis custodiuit? quibus regimen in ducatu Normanniz seu regno Angliz tenuit, et inde religiosum morem et exemplum posteris dereliquit. Simoniacam heresim omnimodis abhorrebat, et ideo in eligendis abbatibus uel episcopis non tam opes seu

potentiam

quam

sanctitatem

et sapientiam personarum

con-

siderabat. Probatas uirtute personas coenobiis Anglie praefecit, quorum studio et rigore monachatus qui iam aliquantulum tepuerat reuixit" et qui defecisse uidebatur ad pristinum robur surrexit.3 ! There were canonical grounds for the deposition of Stigand, who held the sees of Winchester and Canterbury in plurality and had received his pallium from an anti-pope. Some early writers make vague charges: Eadmer (Hist. Nov., p. 9) speaks of ‘multa mala et horrenda crimina’; but Orderic's accusations of

homicide and perjury have no basis in known fact. 2 Thomas, treasurer of Bayeux, was a protégé of Odo of Bayeux. He is also called king's chaplain by Hugh the Chantor (History of the Church of York, ed. Charles Johnson, p. 2). For his family see C. N. L. Brooke, ‘Gregorian reform in action’, in Camb. Hist. Journal, xii (1956), 12 n. 39. Walchelin is called king’s

chaplain by Florence of Worcester.

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448

and Winchester, up the shameful ladder of ambition and intrusion.! Some suffragans were deposed at the same time, because their sinful lives and ignorance of the pastoral cure made them un. worthy of episcopal office. Two Normans, chaplains of the king, were chosen to be nominated as bishops; Walchelin as bishop of Winchester in place of the deposed Stigand, and Thomas as archbishop of York,? where the see was vacant through death. Both were men of foresight, full of kindness and humanity, venerable and lovable to men, venerating and loving God in their inmost souls. Others were promoted and brought over from France; all were men of learning and virtuous life, devoted to the divine cult. King William was justly renowned for his reforming zeal; in particular he always loved true religion in churchmen for on this the peace and prosperity of the world depend. There is evidence of this in the reputation he enjoyed everywhere, and unquestionable proof in the works he performed. For when a bishop or abbot had come

to the end of his life and died, and God's widowed

church was mourning the loss of its head, this pious prince sent competent officials to the bereaved house and had all the church property inventoried to prevent its dilapidation by sacrilegious keepers. Then he summoned his bishops and abbots and other prudent counsellors, and with their advice tried to find the man most capable of governing the house of God in both spiritual and secular matters. Finally, the wise king appointed as administrator and ruler of the abbey or bishopric whoever seemed to his highest counsellors specially distinguished in life and doctrine. He followed this course for the fifty-six years that he ruled the duchy’ of Normandy and kingdom of England; so leaving a pious precedent for others to follow. The heresy of simony was detestable to him, and so in appointing abbots or bishops he gave less weight to wealth and power than to wisdom and a good life. He appointed abbots of known virtue to the English monasteries, so that by their zeal and discipline monasticism, which for a time had been lax and faltering, revived and was restored to its former strength.? 3 King William's church appointments were far more influenced by secular considerations than Orderic here implies: but it is true that respect for church

reform was one consideration that counted with him. Cf. David Knowles, “Les

relations monastiques entre la Normandie et l'Angleterre', in fumieges, i. 261-7. Orderic was well aware of criticisms of William's church policy; but he chose

to express them indirectly (cf. below, p. 272).

240

ii. 202

li. 203

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IV

lAugustinus enim et Laurentius aliique primi predicatores Anglorum monachi fuerunt, et in episcopiis suis uice canonicorum quod uix in aliis terris inuenitur monachos pie constituerunt. Conobia multa et preclara construxerunt? et conuersis instituta regularia uerbis et exemplis tradiderunt. Magnifice igitur monachilis ordo plus quam ducentis annis in Anglia floruit, et Christiana religio reges Anglorum Edelbertum et Eduinum, Osualdum et Offam aliosque plures feliciter cohercuit’ et salubriter in montem uirtutum sustulit, donec Edmundus Estanglorum rex cum duobus alis Anglie regibus paganorum gladio martir occubuit. lunc ethnici reges Danorum Oskytel et Gudrun, Anuind et Halfdene, Inguar et Hubba cum turmis suis Angliam inuaserunt, zcclesias monachorum et clericorum concremauerunt, populumque Dei ut bidentes mactauerunt. Post aliquot annos Elfredus Gewissorum? rex filius Edeluulfi regis in paganos surrexit, et uirtute Dei hostes aut peremit, aut expulit aut subegit, et primus omnium regum monarchiam totius Angliz solus obtinuit. Probitate et liberalitate laudabilique prouidentia omnes Angliz reges praecedentes et subsequentes ut reor excellit, annisque xxix laudabiliter in regno peractis Eduardo seniori filio suo sceptra reliquit. Pacificato itaque regni statu religiosi principes et episcopi ccenobia iterum ceperunt restaurare. Et quia omnes monachi totius Albionis perempti fuerant aut fugati supradicta rabie gentilium? miserunt egregium iuuenem Osualdum ad Floriacense cenobium, quod in Gallia Leodebodus Aurelianensis construxit supra Ligerim fluuium? tempore Lodouei filii Dagoberti regis Francorum.3 Locus ille admodum uenerabilis est, ossibus sancti Benedicti patris et magistri monachorum" quz Aigulfus monachus a Mummolo abbate destinatus de Beneuentana prouincia detulit in Aurelianensem pagum. Hoc nimirum contigit post depopulationem Cassiniensis monasterii, quam beatus pater Benedictus cum lacrimis predixerat Teoprobo monacho nobili 1 The account that follows of the early history of monasticism in England was composed as Orderic says (below, p. 246) from notes taken from earlier annals. The authors used include Bede and Florence of Worcester, and possibly

a Life of St. Oswald. ? The original name of the West Saxons. For the survival of this obsolete form, recorded by Bede, cf. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 21 n. tI.

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‘We must recall that Augustine and Laurence and the other first missionaries to the English were monks, and instead of canons established monks in their episcopal centres, a practice almost unknown elsewhere. They founded many great monasteries, and both by their lives and by their teaching established regular monastic customs amongst the converts. So the monastic order throve and prospered in England for over two hundred years, and Christian religion governed the lives of the English kings, ZEthelbert, Edwin, Oswald, Offa, and many others, guiding their steps to salvation by the arduous path of virtue, until Edmund king of the East Angles and two other English kings fell as martyrs under heathen swords. Then the heathen Danish kings, Oskytel and Guthrum, Anwend and Halfdene, Inguar and Ubba invaded England with their hordes, burning monasteries and churches and slaughtering the Christian folk like sheep. After some years Alfred king of the Gewisse,2 son of King ZEthelwulf, mustered his forces against the pagans, and by God's help either slew or drove out or conquered the enemy, so that he became the first king to hold sway over the whole of England. In goodness, nobility, and statesmanship he stood, I believe, head and shoulders above all the kings of England who came before and after him; and after a glorious reign of twenty-nine years he left the sceptre to his son, Edward the Elder. When order had been restored in the kingdom and religion revived, lords and bishops again began to found monasteries. And since all the monks throughout the whole realm of Albion had been either slaughtered or driven out by the heathen fury of which I spoke, they sent Oswald, a noble young man, to the monastery of Fleury, which Leodebod of Orleans had founded in France on the banks of the Loire in the time of Clovis son of Dagobert, king of the Franks.3 The place is hallowed by the bones of St. Benedict, father and teacher of monks, which brother Aigulf at the command of Abbot Mummolus carried off from the province of Benevento into the canton of Orleans. This I should mention happened after the sack of Monte

Cassino,^ which the blessed father Benedict foretold,

weeping, to brother Theoprobus, a worthy servant of God; as we 3 The monastery of Fleury (Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire) was founded c. 651 in the reign of Clovis II, son of Dagobert I. 4 Monte Cassino was sacked in 577; the translation of the relics to Fleury took place nearly a hundred years later, in 672-4 (P. Schmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre

de Saint-Benoit, i (Maredsous, 1942), 30). 822204

R

242

ii. 204

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IV

seruo Dei? ut in secundo dialogorum libro legimus, quem Petro subdiacono luculenter edidit insignis doctor papa Gregorius.! Defuncto Clepone rege antequam Autarith filius eius ad imperandum esset idoneus, et tota gens Langobardorum sine rege subiugata esset xxxiv ducibus? praedones Guinilorum furibundi noctu impetum fecerunt, et Cassiniense monasterium depopulati sunt? sed omnes monachi protegente Deo incolumes cum Bonito abbate suo euaserunt.? Deinde c et x annis eadem desolatio ibidem permansit? donec Petronax Brixensis episcopus Cassinum Montem adiit et ibidem auxiliante Zacharia papa nobile cenobium restaurauit: quod usque in hodiernum diem magnifice sullimatum cotidie crescit. Dum prafata itaque desolatio perduraret, et Cassinus Mons cultoribus careret? Floriacensis domus uolente Deo ditata est precioso corpore praecipui patris Benedicti, cuius translationem Cisalpini conobitze singulis annis solenniter et deuote celebrant v. idus iulii. Illuc Osualdus reuerendus adolescens accessit ut monachus

fieret et monachilem

normam

edisceret,

suamque uitam secundum uoluntatem Dei salubriter coherceret, aliosque huius ordinis amatores per apostolorum uestigia supernz uocationis ad brauium pertraheret. Quod ita factum est.

Post aliquot annos Osualdus a Floriacense archimandrita benigniter rogantibus Anglis redditus est’ et quia multiplici tam sagacitate quam bonitate pollebat omnibus Angliz cenobiis prepositus est.^ Venerabiles quoque uiri Dunstanus ac Adeluoldus eum summopere adiuuerunt, et Glastoniam ac Abundoniam primitus institutis regularibus instruxerunt. His doctoribus fideliter obedierunt reges Anglorum /Edelstanus, /Edredus, Edmundus et precipue Edgarus Edmundi filius. Quo regnante Dunstanus Doroberniz metropolitanus factus est? ac Adeluoldus Guentoniensis przesul intronizatus est. Osualdus autem prius Guigornensem episcopatum? ac postea rexit Eborachensem archipresulatum. Horum precibus Floriacensis Abbo sapiens atque religiosus coenobita missus est trans mare’ et monasticum usum docuit Ramesiz,5 et in alis monasteriis Anglie? sicuti tenebatur in ! St. Gregory the Great, Libri Dialogorum, ii. 17. ? 'The information about Lombard history comes from Paul the Deacon's History of the Lombards, ii. 31, 32; iv. 17. 3 The restoration took place about a hundred and forty years later, in 717-20, by Petronax, who came from Brescia but was not a bishop, with the help of Willibald. Pope Zachary sent a gift of books, including the Rule of St. Benedict (P. Schmitz, op. cit. i. 64-65). * Orderic over-emphasizes the importance of Fleury and Oswald in the tenth-century monastic revival: the Lotharingian houses, notably St. Peter's,

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may read in the second book of the Dialogues which the renowned scholar Pope Gregory addressed so eloquently to Peter the sub-

deacon.! After the death of King Cleph, when his son Autarith was a minor and the Lombard people, being kingless, were governed by thirty-four dukes, fierce Lombard brigands made a night attack on the monastery of Monte Cassino and sacked it; but God preserved the monks and all escaped safely with Bonitus their abbot.? Thereafter the place stood empty and desolate for a hundred and ten years, until Petronax bishop of Brescia went to Monte Cassino and there, with the help of Pope Zachary, restored the great monastery,? which has continued to grow in fame from that day to this. But during the period of devastation, whilst Monte Cassinolay deserted, the abbey of Fleury by God's will received the precious gift of the first father Benedict's body. His translation is solemnly and devoutly celebrated by monasteries north of the Alps every year on 11 July. It was to this place that the holy young man Oswald journeyed to take his vows, learn monastic discipline, and submit his life to the will of God to secure his salvation and lead others who sought this way of life in the footsteps of the apostles towards the prize of their heavenly vocation. His desires

were fulfilled. After some years the abbot of Fleury graciously sent Oswald back to the English who desired his return; and because he excelled no less in wisdom than in virtue he was put in authority over all the monasteries of England.+ With the help of Dunstan and ZEthelwold, both holy men, he first established regular discipline at Glastonbury and Abingdon. These doctors of the church were faithfully obeyed by the English kings, Athelstan, Edred, Edmund, and above all Edmund's son, Edgar. In Edgar's reign Dunstan became archbishop of Canterbury and ZJEthelwold bishop of Winchester. Oswald for his part governed first the see of Worcester and afterwards the see of York. At their earnest request Abbo, a holy and wise monk of Fleury, crossed the sea and taught the monastic customs observed in France at that time to Ramsey5 and other English monasteries. The pursuit of holiness Ghent and, to a lesser extent, Corbie, contributed customs. Cf. Dom T. Symons, ‘Sources of the Regularis Concordia’, in Downside Review, xl (1941), 14-36, 143-70, 264-89. For the work of Dunstan and /Ethelwold as well as Oswald see Knowles, MO, pp. 36-56.

5 Abbo was at Ramsey from c. 986 to 988.

244. ii. 205

li. 206

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IV

Gallia eodem tempore. Studium sanctitatis et totius honestatis preefatos antistites illuminauit’ et dogmatibus eorum ac miraculis per eos exhibitis commode irradiauit, multisque uulgaribus et litteratis profuit. Tunc cenobium Medeshamstede quod pridem tempore Vulferi regis Merciorum Sexuulfus pontifex construxit? Adeluoldus presul sub Edgaro rege in uico qui modo Burg dicitur restaurauit, et basilicam in honore sancti Petri apostolorum principis editam magnis opibus ditauit.! Deinde Torneiense, Eligense, et alia multa monasteria pluribus in locis fabricata sunt: et conuentus in illis monachorum aut clericorum aut sanctimonialium sollerter locati sunt. Copia reddituum singulis monasteriis largiter impartiebatur, unde sufficiens uictus et uestitus theoricis administraretur? ne pro penuria rerum necessariarum in diuino cultu aliquatenus uacillantes frangerentur. | Sic in Anglia monasticus ordo renouatus est, et in multis ceenobiis gloriosum agmen monachorum contra Sathanam uirtutum armis munitum est, et perseueranter dimicare in preelio Domini donec uictoria potiatur nobiliter edoctum est. Verum post aliquot tempus ad expurgandum triticum ubi exuberantia zizaniorum nimis multiplicata est’ iterum sub Egelredo rege filio Edgari grauissima tempestas ab aquilone Anglis oborta est. Nam uesanus ydolatra Suenus rex Danorum Angliz cum ualida classe paganorum applicuit, ac ut nimius turbo super improuidos ilico irruit? pauidusque rex Egelredus cum filiis suis Eduardo et Elfredo et Emma regina in Normanniam aufugit. Non multo post Suenus dum nimis in Christianos seuiret a sancto Edmundo iussu Dei peremptus est:? et Egelredus audita morte inimici ad sua regressus est. Deinde Chunutus rex Dacorum ut diuersos euentus patris sui comperit" duos reges Lacman Suauorum et Olauum Noricorum sibi asciuit, et cum ingenti exercitu Angliam adiit. Denique post multas strages defuncto Egelredo rege et Edmundo Irniside filio eius Angliam optinuit? et ipse postmodum filiique eius Heraldus et Hardecunutus plus quam xl annis possedit. His tempestatibus Cantuaria metropolis obsessa et combusta est" et sanctus Elfagus archiepiscopus diuersis suppliciis a gentilibus Danis martirizatus est. 'l'unc alie urbes concrematz sunt? et episcopales ac monachiles ecclesize cum libris et ornamentis destructze sunt. Grex quoque fidelium per diuersa tot procellis !* Peterborough was refounded in 966, Ely in 970, and Thorney in 972.

? Florence has the same story of Swein's sudden death at the instance of St. Edmund,

i. 168-9).

as a punishment

for levying tribute from

St. Edmundsbury

(FW

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and a good life distinguished these three bishops, inspired their teaching and the miracles they performed, and brought great comfort to learned and simple men alike. During King Edgar's reign Bishop /Ethelwold restored the monastery of Medeshamstede which had first been built by Bishop Seaxwulf in the reign of Wulfhere, king of the Mercians; he built in the town now called Peterborough a monastery in honour of Peter, chief of the apostles, and endowed it richly.! Afterwards Thorney, Ely, and many other monasteries were founded up and down the country, and convents of monks, clerks, or nuns were

duly established in them. An abundance of revenues was showered upon all these monasteries, so that their contemplation should not fail for lack of food and clothing, and they should not be found wanting in the service of God because they were without the necessities of life. So the monastic order was reformed in England; and in many houses a noble army of monks was armed with the power of virtue against Satan and taught to fight unremittingly in the Lord's battles until they should win a glorious victory. But after some years in the time of Ethelred son of Edgar a terrible storm swept on the English from the north, to winnow the wheat where numerous tares abounded. For a fierce idolater Swein, king of the Danes, landed in England with a great fleet manned by heathen followers; descending like a mighty whirlwind on the unsuspecting people he drove the terrified King Ethelred with his sons Edward and Alfred and his queen Emma into Normandy. Not long afterwards God suffered Swein to be slain by St. Edmund whilst he was raging against the Christians,? and Ethelred, on learning of his enemy's death, returned to his own land. But Cnut, king of

Denmark, on hearing of his father's fate allied with two other kings, Lacman of Sweden and Olaf of Norway, and with a mighty army invaded England. Finally, after much carnage, on the death of King Ethelred and his son, Edmund Ironside, he conquered England, which he and his sons Harold and Hardacnut ruled for more than forty years. During these wars the archiepiscopal city of Canterbury was besieged and burned, and St. /Elfheah the archbishop was tortured

and martyred by the heathen Danes. Other cities too were burned, and cathedrals and monasteries with all their books and treasures were destroyed. The Christian flock everywhere suffered in the

246 ii. 207

ii. 208

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IV

agitatus est’ et luporum dentibus patens uariis modis horribiliter dilaniatus est. Prolixam digressionem sed nisi fallor non inutilem protelaui? et de priscis annalibus collecta recensui, ut causa manifeste pateat studioso lectori" cur Anglos agrestes et pene illitteratos inuenerint Normanni,! quos olim optimis institutionibus sollerter instruxerunt pontifices Romani. Gregorius enim et Bonefacius eximios doctores cum libris et omnibus zcclesiasticis utensilibus Anglis miserunt? ac ut karissimos filios ad omne bonum educantes erudierunt. Deinde Vitalianus papa tempore Osuii et Egberti regum sapientissimos uiros Theodorum archiepiscopum et Adrianum abbatem in Angliam misit? quorum peritia studioque Anglicus clerus tam latina quam greca eruditione affatim imbutus mirabiliter uiguit. His sequenti tempore florentes Albinus abbas et Aldelmus praesul successerunt, quorum sollertia et religio multos docuerunt" scriptisque laudabilia uirtutum suarum monimenta posteritati effigiauerunt. Hos omnes et plures alios perspicax Beda laudibus extulit, et indagine liberalium artium rerumque secretarum perfectis equiparari laborauit. Salutiferum panem ueteris et noui testamenti pueris zecclesiz dilucidando confregit, abdita in explanationum libris plus quam Ix reserauit? et sic tam apud suos quam apud externos perennem sibi memoriam promeruit.? Preciosis lapidibus in muro ccelestis Ierusalem feliciter collocatis’3 triticeisque granis in apotheca ueri Ioseph diligenter reconditis, silices in plateis strate sunt? et palez in sterquilinium proiectz sunt, et irreuerenter a pratereuntibus conculcatz sunt. Sic omnipotentis Dei iusto nutu postquam electi de transitoriis ad zterna migrarunt, dum Daci ut iam descripsimus diuino et humano metu carentes per Angliam diu debachati sunt? innumerze contra Dei legem preuaricationes temere patratze sunt. Humana exercitia qua semper ad nefas prona sunt? subtractis rectoribus cum uirga discipline per infandos actus abominabilia facta sunt. Huiuscemodi dissolutio clericos et laicos relaxauerat: et utrunque sexum ad omnem lasciuiam inclinauerat. Abundantia cibi et potus luxuriem nutriebat, leuitas et mollicies gentis in flagitium quenquam facile impellebat. Destructis monasteriis monastica religio ' For a similar assessment of the illiteracy of the English cf. William of Malmesbury, GR ii. 304-5. ? St. Évroul possessed a number of the scriptural commentaries of Bede (cf. the 1140 Library catalogue in Delisle, Manuscrits autographes, pp. 16-17); and

Orderic had himself copied part of the Ecclesiastical History of Bede (Rouen, MS. 1343). 3 Cf. Revelation xxi. 19, 20.

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247

storms; and falling a helpless prey to heathen wolves was cruelly torn to pieces by them. I have digressed at length, but not I hope in vain, and have summarized notes taken from earlier annals so that the patient reader may clearly understand why the Normans found the English a rustic and nearly illiterate people,! although they had once been fully instructed in the best customs by the Roman pontiffs. For Gregory and Boniface sent eminent teachers with books and every kind of church fitting to England to instruct their beloved sons there and prepare them for a good life. Afterwards Pope Vitalian in the time of King Oswy and King Egbert sent two men of great learning, Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Adrian, to England; and through their skill and industry the English clergy became wonderfully well-versed in both Greek and Latin learning. As time went on Abbot Albinus and Bishop Aldhelm took over their work, and by their learning and piety taught many, in their writings fashioning worthy monuments of their talents. All these and many others have been commemorated by the judicious Bede, who strove to be their equal, perfect as they were in knowledge of the liberal arts and all recondite learning. He broke the saving bread of the Old and New Testaments among the children of the Church, illuminating and explaining the mysteries in more than sixty commentaries; and by so doing earned undying fame both at home and abroad.? When the precious jewels had been set in their places in the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem, and the grains of wheat carefully garnered into the barn of the true Joseph, the barren rocks were spread to mend the road, and the chaff scattered on the dunghill,

to be carelessly trodden underfoot by the passers-by. So by the just decree of almighty God, after the elect had left this transitory world for their eternal home, when the Danes—as I have already related—had long raged through England showing no respect for things human or divine, the law of God began to be shamelessly disregarded. Human activities always tend towards evil; and if rulers with power to enforce law are removed appalling acts and shocking desecrations are committed. This lack of discipline affected clergy and laity alike, and inclined both sexes to every kind of lust. Abundance of food and drink gave rise to luxury, the shallowness and flabbiness of the people made them all prone to crime. After the destruction of the monasteries regular life was

248

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debilitata est’ et canonicus rigor usque ad Normannorum tempora reparatus non est. Per longum itaque retro tempus transmarinorum monachatus deciderat, et parum a szcularitate conuersatio monachorum differebat. Habitu fallebant ac professionis uocabulo, dediti ganez, peculiis, innumeris foedisque prazuaricationibus. Hic itaque ordo Guillelmi regis instinctu ad instituta regularia corrigebatur, ac ad consuetudines beatificas perductus ualde honorabatur. Aliquanti abbates a rege nouiter ordinati sunt’ et complures ccenobitze in monasteriis Gallicis competenter edocti sunt. ii. 209

Qui regio

iussu Anglis pralati disciplinam instituebant^ et religiositatis exempla proponebant. Coenobio beati Petri apostolorum principis, quod Anglorum primus doctor construxerat Augustinus’ famosus abbas scientia et bonitate pollens prelatus est Scollandus. Hic ex nominato

stemmate

in Normannia

natus,! in Monte

Michahelis

archangeli ad periculum maris regulariter educatus" ad emendationem morum Cantuariis a Normannis est przlatus. Similiter in aliis monasteriis cita magistrorum mutatio facta est’ que quibusdam utilis et nonnullis periculosa tam magistris quam subditis facta est. Cantuariensis cathedra in qua sedens Augustinus decreto Gregorii papa prafuit omnibus episcopis Britanniz? deposito Stigando decreta est Lanfranco Cadomensium abbati regis et omnium optimatum eius beniuola electione. ?Hic ex nobili parentela ortus, Papia urbis Italie ciuibus? ab annis infantiz in scolis liberalium artium studuit, et secularium legum peritiam ad patrie suz morem intentione laica feruidus edidicit. Adolescentulus orator ueteranos aduersantes in actionibus causarum frequenter przcipitauit? torrente facundia apposite dicendo senes superauit. In ipsa ztate sententias depromere sapuit, quas gratanter iurisperiti aut iudices aut pretores ciuitatis acceptabant. At cum in exilio uelut Plato quondam achademicus phylosopharetur? ignis atternus mentem eius incendit, et amor uere ' Le Prévost (ii. 209 n. 1) suggests that he may have come from a family in Pontécoulant (Pons Scollondi). ? For the claims of Canterbury to the primacy see R. W. Southern, "The Canterbury Forgeries’, in EHR xxiii (1958), 193-226, and the forthcoming edition of the letters of Lanfranc by Mrs. V. H. Clover. This sentence is not in

Orderic's style, and is unpunctuated: it may be taken from William of Poitiers.

Cf.

Vita Lanfranci,

cap. vi: (remansit

vacua

Dorobernensis

cathedra,

in qua

pretiosus Christi confessor Augustinus omnibus praefuit Britanniae episcopis." * The account of Lanfranc's early life from ‘Hic ex nobili? to "illuxit! is very close to the Vita Lanfranci, cap. v, and is possibly taken by both writers from

William of Poitiers. See above, Introduction, pp. xix-xxi. The problem of Lanfranc's alleged early legal studies has been discussed by J. H. Wigmore in

Law Quarterly Review, lviii (1942), 61-81, and by R. W. Southern, ‘Lanfranc

BOOK IV

PE

undermined, and canonical discipline was not restored until the time of the Normans. Indeed for a long time previously monasticism had been declining on that side of the Channel, and monks differed very little from seculars in their way of life. They wore no habit and took no vows; they indulged in feasting and private property and countless foul transgressions. But by the governance of King William this order was brought back to a regular way of life and salubrious customs, so that it once again deserved respect. Some abbots were newly appointed by the king, and a number of monks were sent for instruction into French monasteries. When at the king's command they became abbots in England these men restored discipline and gave examples of sound monastic life. Scolland, a renowned abbot famed for his learning and virtue, was appointed to the monastery of St. Peter, first of the apostles, which Augustine the first missionary of the English had built. He came of renowned stock in Normandy,! and had been brought up to the monastic lifein Mont-Saint-Michel in peril of thesea, before being promoted by the Normans to restore the customs of Canterbury. In other monasteries too a change of master speedily took place which was profitable to many, but in some places fraught with dangers, for the abbots no less than the monks. The see of Canterbury—which in Augustine's time was given jurisdiction over all the bishops of Britain by decree of Pope Gregory?—was, after Stigand's deposition, by the wise choice of the king and his leading counsellors assigned to Lanfranc, abbot of Caen.? Sprung from noble parents who were citizens of Pavia in Italy, he had studied in the schools of the liberal arts from his childhood, and had become deeply learned in civil law, intending after the custom of his countrymen to pursue a lay career. Even as a young orator he frequently got the better of his experienced adversaries in lawsuits, and by his floods of eloquence and apt choice of words defeated his seniors. At that time he showed so much wisdom in interpreting judgements that lawyers, judges, and civic officials gladly accepted his opinion. But when in exile he turned, like Plato, the old Academician, to philosophy, then a light of Bec and Berengar of Tours’, in Studies in Medieval Powicke, pp. 27-32, especially 29-30. If, however, this than Orderic, but as early as c. 1074, then itis much account than R. W. Southern suggests. The story of

History presented to F.M. account is not only earlier nearer to a contemporary the brilliant young lawyer

at Pavia may well be a legend, but it seems at least to be a legend that was current in Lanfranc's lifetime.

250 ii. 210

BOOK

IV

sapientize cordi eius illuxit. Animaduertebat cum ZEcclesiaste quod nondum ZEcclesiasticee lectionis usu didicit" quia mundi bona uanitas. Repentino itaque animi contemptu iactans mundum ac se: arripiensque religionis professionem iugo regulari subdidit se. Ccenobiolum Beccense in Normannia loci situ et paupertate elegit, quod prudentia ipsius uigilantissimaque cura locupletauit, et in statum pulcherrimi ordinis prouexit’ dum seuera mitique disciplina regeret fraternum collegium, humilique et utili consilio sanctum abbatem nomine Herluinum. Neophitum exulem dum sese uitiis et mundo mortificaret, et pro intimis ac supernis maxime laboraret? publicauit Deus inspector cogitationum, ut lucerna poneretur super candelabrum, Dominique conuenienter illuminaret amplissimam domum.! Coactu obocedientie de claustrali quiete protractus magister processit, quo docente phylosophicarum ac diuinarum litterarum bibliotecha effulsit. In utraque nodos quaestionum soluere potentissimus erat. Hoc magistro primitus Normanni litteratoriam artem perscrutati sunt^ et de scola Beccensi eloquentes in diuinis et saecularibus sophista processerunt. Nam antea sub tempore sex ducum Neustriz uix ulus Normannorum liberalibus studiis adhesit? nec doctor inueniebatur donec prouisor omnium Deus Normannicis horis Lanfrancum appulit. Fama peritiz illius in tota ubertim innotuit Europa? unde ad magisterium eius multi conuenerunt de Francia, de Wasconia, de Britannia necne Flandria.

ii. 211

Admirandum cognoscerent ingenium sibi studiumque Lanfranci Herodianus in grammatica, Aristoteles in dialectica? Tullius in rethorica, Augustinus et Ieronimus aliique legis et gratize expositores in sacra pagina. Athenz quando incolumes florebant, et excellentissime ad pracipiendum sedebant? Lanfranco in omni genere eloquentiz aut disciplinarum assurgerent, et perceptis ab eo commodis allegationibus instrui cuperent. ?Studiosus fuit idem ccenobita gladio uerbi perimere sectas? si qu fidem lacesserent katholicam. Profecto Beringerium Turonensem quem nonnulli heresiarcham putabant, et eius dogma damnabant, quo de salutis hostia mortem animabus propinabat? spiritualis eloquii mucrone confodit in sinodo Romana et Vercellensi. Ibi sanctissime ! Cf. Matthew v. rs. > Cf. Vita Lanfranci, cap. v: 'Studiosus fuit idem coenobita verbi gladio perimere sectas, si quas advertisset catholicam laedere fidem." 3 For this controversy see R. W. Southern, ‘Lanfranc of Bec and Berengar of Tours’, in Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke, pp. 27-32. For the Councils of Rome (Easter 1050), Vercelli (September. 1050), Tours (1054), and Rome (1059) see Hefele, iv. 1040-61, 1108-10, 1169-77. The account given here seems to be based on Lanfranc’s De Corpore et Sanguine Domini (Migne, PL, cl. 409-10, caps. 1 and 2).

BOOK IV

251

eternal inflamed his mind, and love of true wisdom shone in his heart. He discovered with Ecclesiastes—though he had not yet studied the book of Ecclesiastes—that worldly goods are vanity. Suddenly, therefore, despising the world and himself, he took religious vows and submitted himself to regular discipline. He chose the tiny monastery of Bec in Normandy, because of its remoteness and poverty; and then enriched it by his wisdom and painstaking administration, raising it to a condition of perfect order, ruling the community of brethren with a discipline that was both strict and merciful, and humbly proffering sound counsel to the holy abbot, Herluin. When he was a novice in exile he strove by mortification to purge himself of his sins and worldly ambitions, toiling day and night for spiritual and heavenly things; but God, who sees into all hearts, decreed that the light should be placed on a candlestick to give light to all that is in the house of the Lord.! And so, forced by his vow of obedience to leave the peace of the cloister, he emerged as a master in whose teaching the fundamental texts of philosophy and the Bible were displayed. In both subjects he could unravel the most knotty problems with supreme skill. It was from this master that the Normans first learned the liberal arts, so that scholars well versed in both sacred and secular learning emerged from the school of Bec. For at an earlier period under the six dukes of Normandy scarcely any Norman spent his time in liberal studies, and no man of learning was to be found there until all-provident God sent Lanfranc to the borders of Normandy. The fame of his learning spread all over Europe, until many flocked from France, Gascony, Brittany, and Flanders to sit at his feet.

By intellect and learning Lanfranc would have won the applause

of Herodian in grammar, Aristotle in dialectic, Cicero in rhetoric, Augustine, Jerome, and the other commentators on the Old and

New Testaments in scriptural studies. The Athenians themselves, when they were at their most flourishing, and excelled in teaching, would have given place to Lanfranc in every branch of eloquence or learning, and after hearing his apt proofs would have been eager to learn from him. 2As a monk he was always quick to slash with the sword of the Word any sects that were damaging catholic doctrine. Certainly in synods at Rome and Vercelli his spiritual eloquence cut down Berengar of Tours,’ whom some judged a heresiarch and condemned his doctrine in which he administered

spiritual poison through his treatment of the host of salvation.

252

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exposuit, ueracissime comprobauit? panem et uinum quz domini-

cz mensz superponuntur, post consecrationem esse ueram car-

ll. 212

nem et uerum sanguinem Domini redemptoris. Profundissimis disputationibus Beringerium Rome Turonisque palam euicit? omnemque heresim anathematizare scriptoque ueram fidem profiteri coegit. Deinde blasphemus heresiarcha quia mestus erubuit, quod libellos peruersi dogmatis Rome suis ne ipse cremaretur manibus in ignem coniecerit" discipulis pecunia pariter ac fallacia corruptis recens scriptum domi condidit, et per eosdem peregre transmisit" ut uetus error approbatius fulciretur, et in futuros perdurabilior annos porrigeretur. Ad quod destruendum Lanfrancus dilucido edidit uenustoque stilo libellum, sacris auctoritatibus ponderosum" et indissolubiliter constantem consequentiis rationum, uerz intelligentiz astructione de Eucharistia copiosum? facundo sermone luculentum, nec prolixitate tediosum.! Multz ecclesiz abbatem uel pontificem incredibili desiderio sibi Lanfrancum petierunt, quem etiam Roma Christiani orbis caput sollicitauit epistolis, et precatu retinere conata est et ui. Sic omnibus emicuit honorabilis? quem uirtus et sapientia decorarat specialis. Sedunensis igitur episcopus postquam Stigandum ut iam dictum est deposuit, Lanfrancum ad regimen pontificale inuitauit: et in concilio episcoporum ac abbatum Normanniz petitionem zecclesize Dei denunciauit.? Ille autem perturbatus tam graue sibi onus extimuit? et inducias ad deliberandum petiit, indubitatum tenens quod simul ire non posset monachi ocium" et archipresulis negotium. Abbas Herluinus imperat? cui obsecundare uelut Christo solebat. Regina cum filio principe precatur? maiores quoque ideo collecti studiose hortantur. Non abnuit ille przcipiti sententia" quia omne factum et dictum eius discretionis dirigebat norma. Obcedientiam offendere cauet? simul tantos qui rogant, fauent, adhortantur. Mestus ergo trans mare uadit excusatum se’ sperans iocunditatem in reuersione. Rex cum gaudio adiutorem culture Christianz 1 The treatise De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, which Orderic could easily have seen at Bec.

? Lanfranc was nominated as archbishop on 15 August Lanfranc's

letter to Alexander

II (ed. Giles, no.

1070 (cf. FW

ii. 7).

3) refers to the council

in

Normandy, convened by the legates Ermenfrid and Hubert to persuade him to accept the see of Canterbury. The further details of the command of Herluin and the queen's plea are supplied by Orderic, and may be imaginary. Lanfranc's

BOOK IV

284

In these synods Lanfranc demonstrated by his holy learning and proved beyond all shadow of doubt that the bread and wine which are placed on the Lord’s table become after consecration the very body and blood of Our Lord and Saviour. In the most learned disputations he publicly worsted Berengar at Rome and Tours, forcing him to pronounce anathema on all heresy and to profess the true faith in writing. Afterwards the blasphemer and heretic, blushing for shame because at Rome he had burned the books containing his errors with his own hands for fear of being burned himself, composed a new work at home for the disciples he had partly bribed and partly corrupted by his errors, and secured its dissemination by them so that the old error should be revived, and take a new lease of life in future years. To destroy this new error Lanfranc composed a treatise in a lucid and elegant style, heavy with quotations from Scripture and the Fathers, strictly logical in its deductions from the premisses, abounding in proofs of the true meaning of the Eucharist, distinguished in eloquence, but containing nothing superfluous. Many churches appealed urgently to Lanfranc to become their bishop or abbot, and even Rome, the head of the Christian world, sent letters of invitation to him and

tried to persuade and even force him to remain. So, being distinguished by ability and wisdom, he was honoured above all. After the bishop of Sion had deposed Stigand, as I have already related, he invited Lanfranc to undertake the duties of archbishop,

and told him of the earnest wish of holy church in a council of Norman bishops and abbots.; Lanfranc, however, inwardly troubled, feared to undertake so heavy a burden, and asked for time to consider his reply; holding it for a fact that the contemplation proper to a monk could not be combined with the active duties of an archbishop. Abbot Herluin, whom he was accustomed to obey as implicitly as Christ, commanded him to go; the queen with the prince her son implored him; and the nobles who were assembled there added their prayers. He did not give a hasty refusal, because every word and deed of his was the outcome of considered judgement. He was unwilling to sin against obedience, or to offend so many who were asking, urging, and imploring him. So, sad at heart, he journeyed across the sea to excuse himself, hoping for a joyful return. The king gladly and reverently letter suggests that the obedience that made him yield was obedience to the Roman see.

254

ii. 213

BOOK IV

reuerenter suscepit et excusatione reluctantem humilitate et maiestate pulchre pugnans deuicit. Anno itaque Dominice incarnationis M?Lxx? Lanfrancus Cadomensium primus abbas diuinitus Anglis institutor datus est?

et honestissima electione ac fideli consecratione Cantuariensis ecclesie archiprzsul iv kal. septembris intronizatus est.‘ Cuius ordinationi multi przsules et abbates interfuere, cum maxima cleri populique multitudine. Presentes et absentes totius Albionis incole tripudiarent, atque multum leti Deo gratias agerent? si quantum boni coelitus sibi tunc impartiretur agnoscerent. In Cadomensi abbatia Guillelmus Radbodi Sagiensis episcopi filius Lanfranco successit? quem post nouem ut reor annos inde rex Guillelmus ad regendam Rotomagensem metropolim prouexit. Hic consobrinus Guillelmi presulis Ebroicensium filii Girardi Fleitelli fuit, cuius potentia tempore Ricardorum in Neustria maxime uiguit. Canonicus et archidiaconus Rotomagensis Maurilio pontifici paruit, magisque Dei amore feruens cum "Theoderico Vticensi abbate peregre perrexit? et gloriosum Saluatoris sepulchrum in Ierusalem reuerenter adiit. Inde reuersus pristinos precauens labores amittere, mundi lenociniis penitus subtraxit se? et in Beccensi coenobio diuinz gratanter inhesit militia. Dein cum Lanfranco ad instructionem neophitorum qui in Cadomense castrum ad Christi seruitutem confluebant protractus est? quorum ipse paulo post pater et magister laudabilis factus est. ii. 214

Defuncto Guillelmo Ebroicensium episcopo Balduinus ducis capellanus successit? et prasulatum

fere .vii. annis regulariter

rexit. Quo defuncto Gislebertus Osberni filius canonicus et archidiaconus Lexouiensis successit et episcopatum plus quam xxx annis utiliter tenuit, et res zcclesie multis modis auxit, sollertiaque sua emendauit. Iuone uero Sagiensium przsule defuncto Rodbertus Huberti de Ria‘ filius successit, qui fere xii annis przsulatui praefuit? et ipse circa Dei cultum feruens religiosos multum

dilexit.

* Cf. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (A, 1070). ? For William Bonne-Ame, son of Radbod, bishop of Séez, abbot of Caen (1070-9), and archbishop of Rouen (1079-1110), see Hist. litt. de la France, ix. 496; cf. above, p. 69. 3 For the character of the episcopate at this time see Douglas, WC, pp. 319-20.

Baldwin was bishop from before 18 June 1066 to 23 December

1070 (GC xi,

571-2): slightly less than five years, Gilbert was bishop from 1071 to 1112.

BOOK IV

in

welcomed this ally in the Christian cause; and meeting his excuses with humility combined with royal authority finally overcame his reluctance. And so in the year of Our Lord 1070, Lanfranc, the first abbot of Caen, was by God's will sent to instruct the English, and after his praiseworthy election and fitting consecration was enthroned as archbishop of Canterbury on 29 August.! Many bishops and abbots and a huge throng of clergy and people were present at this ceremony. But whether present or absent all the inhabitants of Albion would have rejoiced and given thanks to God with gladness, if they had known then how much good heaven was bestowing on them. As abbot of Caen Lanfranc was succeeded by William, son of Radbod bishop of Séez,? who nine years later, as far as I can remember, was translated by King William to be archbishop of Rouen. He was a kinsman of William, bishop of Évreux, the son

of Gerard Fleitel, who had been a most powerful lord in Normandy in the time of the Richards. As canon and archdeacon of Rouen he was subject to Archbishop Maurilius, and being filled with the love of God had accompanied Thierry, abbot of St. Évroul, on his pilgrimage, and had reverently visited the glorious tomb of the Saviour in Jerusalem. On his return, eager to discard his former duties, he withdrew entirely from the deceits of the world, and thankfully joined the army of God as a monk at Bec. Thence he was sent with Lanfranc to instruct the novices who were flocking to the service of Christ in the city of Caen; and not long afterwards he was wisely chosen to be their father and abbot. On the death of William bishop of Évreux, Baldwin, one

of

the duke's chaplains, succeeded him and for seven years competently administered the diocese. He was followed after his death by Gilbert fitzOsbern, canon and archdeacon of Lisieux, who for more than thirty years ably carried out his episcopal duties, increasing the church endowments in many ways, and carrying on the work of reform. After the death of Ivo bishop of Séez, Robert son of Hubert of Ryes^ succeeded him and occupied the see for about twelve years; he was zealous in the service of God and a very good friend to monks. 4 Hubert of Ryes became famed in legend for his loyalty to Duke William during the revolt of 1047 (Roman de Rou, vv. 3657—750). He was the father of Eudo the Steward as well as of Robert.

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His temporibus opitulante gratia Dei pax in Anglia regnabat: et securitas aliquanta procul repulsis latronibus habitatores terrze

H. 215

ii. 216

refouebat. Ciuiliter Angli cum Normannis cohabitabant in burgis, castris et urbibus? conubiis alteri alteros mutuo sibi coniungentes. Vicos aliquot aut fora urbana Gallicis mercibus et mangonibus referta conspiceres’ et ubique Anglos qui pridem amictu patrio compti Francis uidebantur turpes, nunc peregrino cultu alteratos uideres. Nemo przedari audebat? sed unusquisque sua rura tuto colebat, suoque compari sed non per longum tempus hilariter applaudebat. Fiebant et reparabantur basilicae" et in eis sacri oratores obsequium studebant Deo debitum persoluere. Regnans in rege diligentia boni uigilabat’ et quoscumque poterat, feruenter ad bona excitabat. Anglicam locutionem plerunque sategit ediscere, ut sine interprete querelam subiecte gentis posset intelligere: et scita rectitudinis unicuique prout ratio dictaret affectuose depromere. Ast a perceptione huiusmodi lectionis durior etas illum compescebat? et tumultus multimodarum occupationum ad alia necessario attrahebat. Verum quia humani generis aduersarius tanquam leo rugiens terram circumit, querens quem dente crudelitatis suze comminuere possit?! iterum ingens turbatio Anglis oritur atque Normannis, atque ad multorum detrimentum diu perfida seuit Erinis. Nam rex Guillelmus consilio prauorum male usus laudi suz dampnum ingessit! dum fraudulenter inclitum comitem Morcarum in Eliensi insula conclusit, sibique confederatum et nil mali machinantem uel suspicantem obsedit.? Versipelles autem inter eos nuncii discurrerunt, et dolosam conditionem nequiter pepigerunt: scilicet ut se comes regi redderet, eumque rex pacifice ut fidum amicum susciperet. Obsessus nempe diu poterat ibidem sese inaccessibilitate loci defendere? aut nimia ui accidente per circumfluens flumen usque in Oceanum nauigio diffugere. Sed ille falsis allegationibus simpliciter adquieuit? et cum suis ad regem pacifice de insula exiuit. Rex autem metuens ne Morcarus iniurias sibi et I Cf. r Peter v. 8.

? 'The basic facts are taken from William of Poitiers (cf. below, p. 258), though the interpretation and many details are probably Orderic’s. There is a slightly different version in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E, 1072 for 1071) and in Florence of Worcester (FW ii. 9), based partly on the Chronicles. These

sources suggest that Edwin was killed whilst Morcar was still in. Ely; and that the forces in Ely surrendered because King William had succeeded in cutting them off with land and sea forces. Both these discrepancies could be explained if Orderic had inflated the information in William of Poitiers with later legend.

BOOK IV

T

At this time by the grace of God peace reigned over England; and a degree of security returned to its inhabitants now that the brigands had been driven off. English and Normans were living peacefully together in boroughs, towns, and cities, and were intermarrying with each other. You could see many villages or town markets filled with displays of French wares and merchandise, and observe the English, who had previously seemed contemptible to the French in their native dress, completely transformed by foreign fashions. No one dared to pillage, but everyone cultivated his own fields in safety and lived contentedly with his neighbour. Unhappily this was not to last. Churches were built and restored; and in them pious men devoted their lives to rendering to God the prayers and praises due to him. The king’s passion for justice dominated the kingdom, encouraging others to follow his example. He struggled to learn some of the English language, so that he could understand the pleas of the conquered people without an interpreter, and benevolently pronounce fair judgements for each one as justice required. But advancing age prevented him from acquiring such learning, and the distractions of his many duties forced him to give his attention to other things. But in truth, since the enemy of mankind walketh about the earth as a roaring lion seeking whom he may devour! with his cruel teeth, another great and lasting disturbance arose among the English and Normans, and the false Furies stormed over the land, destroying thousands. For King William, ill-advisedly relying on evil counsellors, brought great harm to his reputation by treacherously surrounding the noble Earl Morcar in the Isle of Ely, and besieging a man who had made peace with him and was neither doing nor expecting any harm.? Crafty messengers went to and fro between them, and infamously proposed treacherous terms: namely, that the earl should surrender to the king, and the king should receive him in peace as a loyal friend. For the besieged could have held out almost indefinitely thanks to the inaccessibility of the place; or if the attacking forces seemed too great might have slipped away by boat along the surrounding rivers to the sea. But

he in his simple honesty believed these false stories, and peacefully

led his men out of the island to seek the king. The king, however, fearing that Morcar might wish to avenge all the wrongs that he

Legend rapidly gathered round the last stand of Morcar, Hereward, and others in Ely. S 822204

258

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IV

compatriotis suis nequiter illatas ulcisceretur, et per eum aliqua seditiones impacabiles in regno Albionis orirentur/ illum sine manifesto reatu uinclis iniecit, omnique uita sua in ergastulo cohercuit, et cautela Rogerii oppidani Belmontis mancipauit. Quod

ii. 217

ii. 218

formosissimus

iuuenis

Eduinus

comes

ut audiuit,

emori

quam uiuere peroptauit/ nisi Morcarum fratrem suum iniuste captum liberasset, aut uberrimo sanguine Normannorum sese uindicasset. Sex igitur mensibus a Scottis et Gualis uel Anglis auxilia sibi quzesiuit. Interea tres fratres qui ei familiares przcipuique satellites erant Normannis eum prodiderunt? et ipsi eundem cum xx equitibus toto nisu sese defendentem occiderunt. Tunc ad hoc facinus exestuatio marina Normannos adiuuit? qua ad riuulum quendam Eduinum morari coegit, eique fugam penitus ademit. Audita per Angliam Eduini morte, luctus ingens non solum Anglis sed et Normannis et Francis ortus est" qui eum uelut socium seu cognatum cum multis fletibus planxerunt. Nam idem ut supra dictum est fuerat ex religiosa parentela natus, multisque bonis deditus? prout poterat inter tanta saecularium curarum impedimenta positus. Corporis pulchritudine in multis milibus eminebat? et clericorum atque monachorum pauperumque benignus amator erat. Rex autem Guillelmus comperta proditione qua sepefatus Merciorum consul perierat pietate motus fleuit? et proditores qui pro fauore illius ei caput domini sui deferebant seuerus in exilium expulit. Huc usque Guillelmus Pictauinus historiam suam texuit? in qua Guillelmi gesta Crispi Salustii stilum imitatus subtiliter et eloquenter enucleauit.! Hic genere Normannus de uico Pratellensi fuit? ibique sororem quz in monasterio sancti Leodegarii sanctimonialibus praeerat habuit. Pictauinus autem dictus est? quia Pictauis fonte phylosophico ubertim imbutus est. Reuersus ad suos omnibus uicinis et consodalibus doctior enituit, et Lexouienses episcopos Hugonem et Gislebertum archidiaconatus officio in ecclesiasticis rebus adiuuit. In rebus bellicis ante clericatum asper extitit" et militaribus armis protectus terreno principi militauit. Ettanto certius referre uisa discrimina potuit" quanto periculosius inter arma diris conflictibus interfuit. In senectute sua taciturnitati et orationi studuit? et plus in dictando seu uersificando quam sermocinando ualuit. Subtiles et concinnos uersus atque 1 Cf. above, Introduction, p. xxxii; p. 184 n. r.

BOOK IV

259

and his fellow countrymen had endured, and might foment further hostile risings in the realm of Albion, flung him into fetters without any open charge, and kept him in prison to the end of his days under the charge of Roger castellan of Beaumont. When the fair youth Earl Edwin learned of this he determined to prefer death to life unless he could free his brother Morcar from unjust captivity, or avenge him fully in Norman blood. So for six months he sought support amongst the Scots, Welsh, and English. But during this period three brothers who were his most intimate servants betrayed him to the Normans; and they slew him with twenty knights, all fighting desperately to the last. The Normans owed their success in part to a high tide, which penned up Edwin beside a tidal stream and prevented his escape. When the news of Edwin's death spread through England, Normans and French alike joined the English in mourning and lamenting him as though he had been a close friend or kinsman. For he, as I have already told, came of pious parents, and had devoted himself to all the good works that were possible for one caught up in so many worldly duties. He was so handsome that few could compare with him: and was a generous friend to clergy and monks and to the poor. King William, when he heard of the treachery that had brought this Mercian earl to his death, was moved to righteous tears, and when the traitors brought the head of their master to him, hoping for a reward, he angrily commanded them to leave the country. William of Poitiers has brought his history up to this point, eloquently describing the deeds of King William in a clever imitation of the style of Sallust.! He was a Norman by birth, a native of Préaux, and had a sister there who became abbess of

the nunnery of St. Léger. We call him ‘of Poitiers’ because he drank deeply of the fountain of learning there. When he returned home he was conspicuous for his learning in his native parts, and as archdeacon helped the bishops of Lisieux, Hugh and Gilbert, in the administration of their diocese. He had been a brave soldier before entering the church, and had fought with warlike weapons for his earthly prince, so that he was all the better able to describe the battles he had seen through having himself some experience of the dire perils of war. In his old age he gave himself up to silence and prayer, and spent more time in composing narratives and verse than in discourse. He published many subtly linked verses,

260

ii. 219

BOOK

IV

ad recitandum habiles frequenter edidit? studioque iuniorum quibus ipsi emendarentur sine inuidia erogauit. Contextionem eius de Guillelmo et eius pedissequis breuiter in quibusdam secutus sum, non tamen omnia quz dixit nec tam argute prosequi conatus sum. Amodo iuuante Deo ea que succedenti tempore nostris in uiciniis euenerunt notabo? indubitanter ratus quod sicut ego ea que a prioribus edita sunt libenter reuoluo, sic iuniores eosque qui nondum nati sunt presentis temporis euentus sollerter inquisituros estimo. Rex Guillelmus deiectis ut diximus Merciorum maximis consulibus, Eduino scilicet interfecto, et Morcaro in uinculis constricto/ adiutoribus suis inclitas Anglia regiones distribuit, et ex infimis Normannorum clientibus tribunos et centuriones ditissimos erexit. Willelmo dapifero Normannia Osberni filio insulam Vectam et comitatum Herfordensem dedit?! eumque cum Gualterio de Laceio? aliisque probatis pugilibus contra Britones bellis inhiantes opposuit. Horum audacia Brachaniaunos primitus inuasit, et Gualorum reges Risen et Caducan? ac Mariadoth aliosque plures prostrauit. Cestram et comitatum eius Gherbodo Flandrensi iamdudum rex dederat/^^ qui magna ibi et difficilia tam ab Anglis quam a Gualis aduersantibus pertulerat. Deinde legatione coactus suorum quos in Flandria dimiserat, et quibus hereditarium honorem suum commiserat: eundi citoque redeundi licentiam a rege acceperat, sed ibi aduersa illaqueatus fortuna in manus inimicorum inciderat, et in uinculis cohercitus mundanaque felicitate priuatus longa miserie trenos depromere didicerat. Interea rex Cestrensem consulatum Hugoni de Abrincis filios Ricardi cognomento Goz concessit, qui cum Rodberto de Rodelento® et Rodberto de Malopassu aliisque proceribus feris multum Gualorum sanguinem effudit. Hic non dapsilis sed prodigus erat? non familiam secum sed exercitum semper ducebat. In dando uel ! For the position of William fitzOsbern see W. E. Wightman, ‘The palatine earldom of William fitz Osbern in Gloucestershire and Worcestershire (10661071)’, in EAR Ixxvii (1962), 6-17. 2 For the conquests of Walter of Lacy and William fitzOsbern in Wales see

J. E. Lloyd, “Wales and the coming of the Normans’, in Trans. Soc. Cymm. (1899-1900), pp. 146-61; and Hist. Wales, ii. 375; W. E. Wightman,

The Lacy

Family in England and Normandy, 1066-1194 (Oxford, 1966), pp. 167-8. Cf. also William of Malmesbury, GR ii. 314. A 3 Cadwgan was probably the last of the line of Hywel ap Rhys (J. E. Lloyd, in Trans. Soc. Cymm.

(1899-1900), p. 147 n. 1).

+ Gerbod cannot have held the county of Chester long, for Hugh of Avranches

BOOK IV

Tu

intended for declamation, and was so free from jealousy that he

invited his juniors to criticize and improve them. I have abridged his history of William and his followers for some matters, but I have not tried to include all that he says, or to imitate his artistry. Now by God's will I will record the events that later befell our neighbours, holding for certain that, just as I gladly read the narratives of my predecessors, so my younger contemporaries and those yet unborn will be eager to learn the events of this present age. After King William had defeated the leading Mercian earls as I have related—Edwin being dead, and Morcar languishing in prison—he divided up the chief provinces of England amongst his followers, and made the humblest of the Normans men of wealth, with civil and military authority. He gave William fitzOsbern, steward of Normandy, the Isle of Wight and county of Hereford,! and set him up in the marches with Walter of Lacy? and other proved warriors, to fight the bellicose Welsh. Since his followers would dare anything, fitzOsbern made a first attack on Brecknock, and defeated the Welsh kings Rhys, Cadwgan,3 Maredudd, and many others. The king had already given the city and county of Chester to the Fleming Gerbod,* but he was continually molested by the English and Welsh alike. At length he received a message from the men he had left behind in Flanders to administer his hereditary honor, urgently requiring his return, and obtained permission for a short visit from the king. But there by misfortune he fell into the hands of his enemies; and loaded with fetters and deprived of all earthly happiness he learned through long wretchedness to compose songs of lamentation. Meanwhile the king granted the county of Chester to Hugh of Avranches,

son

of Richard

called

Goz,

who

with

Robert

of

Rhuddlan,$ Robert of Malpas, and other fierce knights, wrought great slaughter amongst the Welsh. He was more prodigal than generous; and went about surrounded by an army instead of succeeded him before 22 February 1071 (R. H. George, "The contribution of Flanders to the Conquest of England’, in Revue Belge de Philologie et d' Histoire,

v (1926), 87 n. 28). His sister Gundreda married William of Warenne (EYC viii, ed. C. T. Clay (1949), 40-46).

5 Hugh, son of Richard vicomte of the Avranchin. 6 Robert

of Rhuddlan

was

a son

of Humphrey

of Tilleul.

His

brother

Arnold became a monk at St. Évroul, and it was through him as well as through members of Earl Hugh's household that Orderic derived his information (Le Prévost, iii. 286—7).

262

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IV

accipiendo nullam rationem tenebat.! Ipse terram suam cotidie deuastabat? et plus aucupibus ac uenatoribus quam terre culto-

ribus uel coli oratoribus applaudebat. Ventris ingluuiei nimis

ii. 220

seruiebat/ unde nimiz crassiciei pondere pragrauatus uix ire poterat. Carnalibus lenociniis immoderate inherebat. Ex pelicibus plurimam sobolem utriusque sexus genuit? quz diuersis infortuniis absorpta iam pene tota deperiit. Ermentrudem filiam Hugonis de Claromonte Beluacensi uxorem duxit, ex qua Ricardum Cestrensis comitatus haeredem genuit? qui iuuenis adhuc liberisque carens cum Guillelmo Adelino Henrici regis Anglorum filio et multa nobilitate vii kalend. decembris? naufragio periit. Rex Guillelmus Rogerio de Montegomerici in primis castrum Arundellum et urbem Cicestram dedit/ cui postea comitatum Scrobesburiz quz in monte super Sabrinam fluuium sita est adiecit. Hic sapiens et moderatus et amator zequitatis fuit, et comitatem sapientum atque modestorum dilexit. Tres sapientes

clericos Godebaldum et Odelerium ac Herbertum diutius secum

ii. 221

habuit?" quorum consiliis utiliter paruit. Warino autem Caluo corpore paruo sed animo magno5 Amieriam neptem suam et presidatum Scrobesburiz dedit/ó per quem Gualos aliosque sibi aduersantes fortiter oppressit, et prouinciam totam sibi commissam pacificauit. Guillelmum cognomento Pantulfum et Picodum atque Corbatum filiosque eius Rogerium et Rodbertum aliosque fideles fortissimosque uiros comitatui suo przefecit/ quorum sensu et uiribus benigniter adiutus inter maximos optimates magnifice effloruit.? Rex Guillelmus Gualleuo comiti filio Siuardi potentissimo Anglorum comitatum Northamtoniz dedit, eique Iudith neptem suam ut firma inter eos amicicia perduraret in matrimonio coniunxit:? quae duas filias speciosas marito suo peperit. Gualterio ! frationem tenere' may mean a formal reckoning. If this statement should be taken in a technical sense, it implies that some form of accounting was normal in a large baronial household at this date. 20Insz120: 3 See above, p. 210 n. 1.

+ Odelerius was the father of Orderic. For these clerks see J. F. A. Mason, "The officers and clerks of the Norman Earls of Shropshire’, in Transactions of the Shropshire Archaeological Society, lvi (1960),

Normandie, viii (1958), 113-14.

253; M. Chibnall in Annales de

:

* Eyton suggested (History of Shropshire, vii. 203) that this must be a boy-

hood reminiscence. Orderic may have remembered that Warin was small, but

BOOK IV

263

a household. He kept no check on what he gave or received.! His hunting was a daily devastation of his lands, for he thought more highly of fowlers and hunters than husbandmen or monks. A slave to gluttony, he staggered under a mountain of fat, scarcely able to move. He was given over to carnal lusts and had a numerous progeny of sons and daughters by his concubines; but almost all of them died miserably in one way or another. He married Ermentrude, daughter of Hugh of Claremont in Beauvaisis, by whom he had an heir to the county of Chester, named Richard;

but this youth perished without issue in the company of Prince William, son of King Henry, and many nobles, in the shipwreck on 25 November.? King William gave Roger of Montgomery first of all Arundel castle and the town of Chichester; and afterwards granted him the county of Shrewsbury, a town standing on a hill above the river Severn.3 He was a wise and prudent man, a lover of justice, who always enjoyed the company of learned and sober men. For many years he had in his household three learned clerks, Godebald, Odelerius, and Herbert, whose advice was very profitable to him.4 To Warin the Bald, a man small in body but great in spirit, he gave his niece Amieria and the sheriffdom of Shrewsbury,$ employing him to crush the Welsh and other opponents and pacify the whole province placed under his rule. He gave positions of authority in the county to William called Pantulf, Picot, Corbet and his sons Roger and Robert, and other brave and loyal men; and their judgement and courage helped to give him an assured place in the first rank of the nobility.” King William gave the county of Northampton to Earl Waltheof, son of Siward, one of the greatest of the English, and married him to his own niece Judith to strengthen the bonds of friendship between them; later she bore her husband two beautiful daughters. the contrasted

‘great in spirit’ is something of a commonplace.

Cf. William of

Malmesbury on Remigius of Lincoln, GP, p. 313. 6 See J. F. A. Mason in Trans. Shrop. Arch. Soc. lvi (1960), pp. 245-7. 7 'This means simply that they were made Earl Roger's leading tenants in Shropshire, not that they were given any administrative office (ibid., p. 247). 8 The marriage took place c. 1070. F. S. Scott in Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 158, suggests that Waltheof was already earl of Huntingdon before the Conquest.

But the implications of the office of earl are far from clear at this date; and whatever earlier rights he may have held in Huntingdon, Waltheof seems to have been granted or regranted the county after his rebellion, at the time of his

marriage.

264

ii. 222

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IV

quoque cognomento Gifardo comitatum Buchingeham:' et Guillelmo de Guarenna qui Gundredam sororem Gherbodi coniugem habebat dedit Suthregiam.? Odoni uero Campaniensi nepoti Tedbaldi comitis, qui sororem habebat eiusdem regis, filiam scilicet Rodberti ducis, dedit idem comitatum Hildernessz,? et Radulfo de Guader genero Guillelmi filii Osberni comitatum Northwici.t Hugoni uero de Grentemaisnilio municipatum Legrecestra5 commendauit/ aliisque nobilibus uiris municipatus urbium et prasidatus cum magnis honoribus et potestatibus prouide distribuit. Henrico Gualchelini de Ferrariis filio castrum Stutesburiz quod Hugo de Abrincis prius tenuerat concessit. alisque aduenis qui sibi coheserant magnos et multos honores contulit, et in tantum quosdam prouexit/ ut multos in Anglia ditiores et potentiores haberent clientes, quam eorum in Neustria fuerant parentes. Quid loquar de Odone Baiocasino przsule qui consul palatinus erat, et ubique cunctis Anglie habitatoribus formidabilis erat, ac ueluti secundus rex passim iura dabat ?? Principatum super omnes comites et regni optimates habuit, et cum thesauris antiquorum Cantiam possedit? in qua iamdudum ZEdilbertus Irminrici filius, Eadbald et Ercombertus, et Egbert atque Lotheris frater eius regnauerunt, primique regum Anglorum a discipulis Gregorii papz fidem Christi susceperunt, et diuinz legis obseruatione ! In 1086 Walter Giffard held land in ten counties with his principal estates in Buckinghamshire, where he was the leading lay tenant. He acted as one of the

Domesday commissioners (J. H. Round in VCH Buchs. i. 212-13). He is not called earl either by Orderic or in any record before 1097; and to translate this statement ‘conferred the earldom’, as does the Complete Peerage, is confusing (see GEC ii. 386; above, Introduction, pp. xxxv-xxxvi). ? 'There are difficulties in this statement, because in 1086 William of Warenne, whose principal estates lay in Sussex and Norfolk, was not a tenant-in-chief in

Surrey, and there is no hint of any comital dues being owed to him. He was made earl of Surrey just before his death

in 1088

(cf. Le Prévost, iii. 317; EYC

viii. 5), and probably the estates at Shere, Reigate, and Dorking, which were later members of the honor of Warenne, were granted at that time (W. Farrer, Honors and Knights’ Fees, iii. 355). In fact he is not known to have had any special authority in Surrey in the Conqueror’s lifetime. Orderic probably took

his information from William of Warenne’s nephew Roger, who was a monk at St. Evroul for forty-six years (Le Prévost, ii. 396; iii. 12, 16-1 8), and correctly names William’s wife, Gundreda, sister of Gerbod, earl of Chester (cf. above,

p. 260 n. 4; EYC viii. 40-46). Either William was granted by the Conqueror judicial and military rights in Surrey which have so far escaped notice, or Orderic has antedated the grant to him whilst writing this passage, though correctly dating it elsewhere. 3 Eudo,

the disinherited

count

of Champagne,

who

had

taken

refuge

in

Normandy, was the third husband of the Conqueror's sister Adelaide, countess

BOOK

IV

265

To Walter called Giffard he gave the county of Buckingham, and to William of Warenne who had taken Gherbod's sister Gundreda to wife he gave Surrey.? He also gave the county of Holderness to Eudo of Champagne, nephew of Count Theobald, who had married the king's sister, a daughter of Duke Robert;3 and the county of Norfolk to Ralph of Gael, a son-in-law of William fit£Osbern. He appointed Hugh of Grandmesnil castellan of Leicester:5 and he made a statesmanlike distribution of castellanies, sheriffdoms, great fiefs, and rights to other lords. Henry son of Walchelin of Ferriéres received the castle of Tutbury, which Hugh of Avranches had held before; and the king granted many great honors to other adventurers who had supported him, and favoured them so highly that they had many vassals in England wealthier and more powerful than their own fathers had been in Normandy. What shall I say of Odo, bishop of Bayeux, who was an earl palatine dreaded by Englishmen everywhere, and able to dispense justice like a second king?? He had authority greater than all earls and other magnates in the kingdom, and gained much ancient treasure, as well as holding Kent where in former times Ethelbert son of Ermenric, Eadbald and Erconbert, Egbert and Hlothere his brother had reigned and been the first English kings to receive Christian baptism from the disciples of Pope Gregory, and earn of Aumale. There is little doubt that she was the daughter of Duke Robert, though whether by Herleve or a different concubine is uncertain (GEC xii, pt. i, Appendix K). Her husband acquired Holderness after 1086 (GEC i. 351-2; EYC iii. 26; Chronica Monasterii de Melsa (RS), i. 89-90), a further indication

that this paragraph is a general account of the acquisition of wealth and honour by Norman families, not limited chronologically to 1070-1. Holderness had its own sheriffs, but was not in fact a shire (see Mason in T'RHS, sth series, xiii

(1963), 18). * Ralph was lord of Gael in Brittany, and a son of Ralph the Staller, who had also been earl before him. He is called earl of Norfolk, Norfolk and Suffolk, or the East Angles from 1069 (GEC ix. 571-3; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, D, E, 1076 for 1075; William of Malmesbury, GR ii. 313). Some years later, in 1075, he married the daughter of William fitzOsbern.

5 For Hugh's position as castellan see F. M. Stenton, The First Century of English Feudalism (1066-1166) (Oxford,

1932), p. 234 n. 2; L. Fox, ‘Leicester

Castle', in Transactions of the Leicestershire Archaeological Society, xxii (1944—5), 131-2. E Henry of Ferrers received a remarkably compact honor with the caput at Tutbury in Staffordshire, but the bulk of the estates in Derbyshire. Cf. VCH Staffs. iv. 30, 48; VCH Derby. i. 299-300. 7 Cf. above, Introduction, p. xxxv; Francis

England, pp. 4-6.

West,

The Justiciarship

in

266

li. 223

ii. 224

BOOK

IV

perennis uitze brauium mercati sunt. Permixta ni fallor in hoc uiro uitia erant cum uirtutibus? sed plus mundanis inherebat actionibus, quam spiritualis theoria karismatibus. Coenobia sanctorum ualde conqueruntur quod multa eis Odo detrimenta fecerit? et fundos sibi antiquitus a fidelibus Anglis datos uiolenter et iniuste abstulerit.! Gaufredus quoque Constantiniensis episcopus, de nobili Normannorum progenie ortus,? qui certamini Senlacio fautor acer et consolator interfuit, et in aliis conflictibus qui postmodum aduenas et indigenas utrinque contriuerant magister militum fuit? dono Guillelmi regis ducentas et octoginta uillas quas a manendo manerios uulgo uocamus optinuit quas omnes nepoti suo Rodberto de Molbraio propter nequitiam et temeritatem suam non diu possessuro moriens dereliquit. Eustachius quoque Boloniensis et Rodbertus Moritoliensis, Guillelmus Ebroicensis et Rodbertus Aucensis atque Goisfredus Rotronis filius Mauritaniensis,* aliique comites et optimates quos singillatim nominare nequeo: magnos redditus et honores in Anglia receperunt a rege Guillelmo. Sic extranei diuitiis Anglie ditabantur, pro quibus filii eius nequiter interficiebantur: uel extorres per extera regna irremeabiliter fugabantur. Ipsi uero regi ut fertur mille et Lx libre sterilensis monetz, solidique xxx et tres oboli ex iustis redditibus Anglie per singulos dies redduntur:5 exceptis muneribus regiis et reatuum redemptionibus aliisque multiplicibus negociis quae regis aerarium cotidie adaugent. Rex Guillelmus omne regnum suum diligenter inuestigauit, et omnes fiscos eius sicut tempore regis Eduardi fuerant ueraciter describi fecit.9 Terras autem militibus ita distribuit, et eorum

ordines ita dis-

posuit? ut Anglie regnum Ix milia militum indesinenter haberet,? ac ad imperium regis prout ratio poposcerit celeriter exhiberet. ! The charge of spoliation brought against Odo of Bayeux led to the great trial on Penenden Heath when Lanfranc defended against Odo the rights of his own church and of the churches of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, and Rochester, and Odo was ordered to make restitution. See D. C. Douglas, The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church Canterbury (London, 1944), pp. 30-31; Textus

Roffensis, ed. Hearne (Oxford, 1720), pp. 141-4; J. Le Patourel, "The reports of the trial on Penenden Heath' in Studies . . . presented to F. M. Powicke, pp. 15-26. ? For his career see J. Le Patourel, “Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances’, in EHR lix (1944), 129-60. He belonged to the family of Mowbray.

3 Allowing for the difficulty of defining all ‘manors’ with precision, the statement of the number of his manors is an accurate one, as Domesday Book shows. * Orderic here deals with a group of men who were already members of

comital families before the Conquest. If Geoffrey, son of Rotrou of Mortagne

BOOK IV

365

the prize of eternal life by their observance of the divine law. In this man, it seems to me, vices were mingled with virtues, but he

was more given to worldly affairs than to spiritual contemplation. Holy monasteries had good cause to complain that Odo was doing great harm to them, and violently and unjustly robbing them of the ancient endowments given them by pious Englishmen.! Then there was Geoffrey bishop of Coutances, of noble Norman stock;? who had fought in the battle of Senlac as well as offering up prayers, and had led his knights in various other battles between English and invaders. He received from King William two hundred and eighty vills, colloquially called *manors' from manere (to stay).? These he left on his death to his nephew, Robert of Mowbray, who soon lost them through his folly and treachery. Likewise

Eustace

count

of Boulogne,

Robert

of Mortain,

William of Évreux, and Robert of Eu and Geoffrey son of Rotrou of Mortagne* and other earls and magnates too numerous to name received great revenues and fiefs in England from King William. So foreigners grew wealthy with the spoils of England, whilst her own sons were either shamefully slain or driven as exiles to wander hopelessly through foreign kingdoms. It is said that the king himself received each day in sterling money a thousand and sixty-one pounds ten shillings and three halfpence from the ordinary revenue of England,’ not counting royal tribute and judicial fines and many other sources of revenue which daily swelled the royal treasures. King William carefully surveyed his whole kingdom, and had an exact description made of all the dues owed in the time of King Edward.® Also he allocated land to knights and arranged their contingents in such a way that the kingdom of England should always have 60,000 knights,” ready to be mustered at a moment’s notice in the king’s service whenever necessary. count of Perche, who had fought at Hastings, acquired any lands in England, he had apparently abandoned or exchanged them by 1086, for he was not a tenant-in-chief in Domesday Book (J. F. A. Mason, ‘The companions of the Conqueror: an additional name’, in EHR lxvi (1956), 66). His children, however, were to acquire English interests, as his daughter Margaret married Henry of Beaumont, earl of Warwick (GEC xii, pt. ii, 360), and his son Rotrou married Maud, illegitimate daughter of Henry I (GEC xi, Appendix D, p. 112).

5 In spite of the precision of the three halfpence, the figure as it stands is

much too large.

6 A reference to the Domesday Inquest. 7 This is an exaggerated figure: like the king's income it is approximately ten times the likely number.

268

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IV

Adeptis itaque nimiis opibus quas alii aggregarant" Normanni furentes immoderate tumebant, et indigenas diuino uerbere pro reatibus suis percussos impie mactabant. Manciadz Maronis disticon completum in illis cernimus Nescia mens hominis fati sortisque futurae? Et seruare modum rebus sullata secundis.!

ii. 225

Nobiles puelle despicabilium ludibrio armigerorum patebant" et ab immundis nebulonibus oppresse dedecus suum deplorabant. Matronz uero elegantia et ingenuitate spectabiles desolate gemebant? maritorum et omnium pene amicorum solatio destitute magis mori quam uiuere optabant. Indociles parasiti admirabantur, et quasi uecordes e superbia efficiebantur? unde sibi tanta potestas manasset, et putabant quod quicquid uellent sibi liceret. Insipientes et maligni cur cum tota contritione cordis non cogitabant, quod non sua uirtute sed Dei gubernantis omnia nutu hostes uicerant, et gentem maiorem et ditiorem et antiquiorem sese subegerant, in qua plures sancti prudentesque uiri regesque potentes micuerant, multisque modis domi militizeque nobiliter uiguerant? Sententia ueritatis iugiter eis timenda, et cordi medullitus inserenda esset dicentis, 'Eadem mensura qua mensi fueritis? remetietur uobis.'? Nonnulli etiam zecclesiastici uiri qui sapientes et religiosi uidebantur, regali curiz pro dignitatibus cupitis obnixe famulabantur? et diuersis assentationum modis non sine dedecore religiosz opinionis adulabantur. Sicut tironibus suz a principibus erogabantur stipendia militiz, sic quibusdam coronatis pro famulatu suo dabantur a laicis episcopatus et abbatie zecclesiarum prepositure archidiaconatus et decaniz alizque potestates et dignitates zecclesize, quas meritum sanctitatis et sapientize doctrina solummodo deberent optinere. Clerici et monachi nunc terreno principi pro talibus stipendiis inherebant: et pro temporali commodo multiplex seruitium quod diuino cultui non competit indecenter impendebant. Prisci abbates secularis comminatione potestatis terrebantur, et sine sinodali discussione de sedibus suis iniuste fugabantur’ pro quibus stipendiarii non monachi sed !* Virgil, Aen. x. 501-2 (correctly mens hominum).

? Luke vi. 38.

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So when the Normans had become over-wealthy on the spoils garnered by others, they arrogantly abused their authority and mercilessly slaughtered the native people like the scourge of God smiting them for their sins. Their conduct calls to mind the couplet

of the Mantuan Maro:

Flown with success, such men know no restraint,

Ignorant both of fate and things to come.! Noble maidens were exposed to the insults of low-born soldiers, and lamented their dishonouring by the scum of the earth. Matrons, highly born and handsome, mourned the loss of their loving husbands and almost all their friends, and preferred death to life. Ignorant men fell an easy prey to parasites, and, puffed up with pride beyond all reason, gloried in the power that had come to them and imagined that they were a law unto themselves. O fools and sinners! why did they not ponder contritely in their hearts that they had conquered not by their own strength but by the will of almighty God, and had subdued a people that was greater, and more wealthy than they were, with a longer history: a people moreover amongst whom many saints and wise men and mighty kings had led illustrious lives, and won distinction in many ways at home and on the battlefield? Instead they should have remembered with fear, and pondered in the depths of their hearts the true saying that is written: “With the same measure that ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again." 'There were even some churchmen, wise and pious in outward appearance, who waited on the royal court out of covetousness for high office, and, to the great discredit of their cloth, shamelessly pandered to the king. Like recruits who receive wages from their officers for their service in war some of these tonsured clerks accepted from laymen, as a reward for their service at court, bishoprics and abbeys, the provostships of churches, archdeaconries, deaneries, and other ecclesiastical offices and honours, which should have been granted only on grounds of piety and holy learning. Clerks and monks now served an earthly prince for such wages as these, and to secure worldly advancement undertook all kinds of business that prevented their proper performance of their spiritual duties. Venerable abbots, terrified by the threats of lay lords, were driven from their cures unjustly, without a hearing in any synod: and in their place hirelings, tyrants rather than monks,

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tiranni contra sanctorum scita canonum intrudebantur. Conuentio ii. 226

et profectus fiebat inter commissos greges et archimandritas huiuscemodi? qualis inter lupos et bidentes sine defensore solet

fieri, quod facile probari potest ab his qui interfuerunt in Turstino

ii. 227

Cadomensi et conuentu Glestoniensi.! Nam dum proteruus abbas cogeret Glestonios cantum quem Angli a discipulis beati Gregorii papz didicerant relinquere et ignotum sibi nec auditum antea cantum a Flandrensibus seu Normannis ediscere? orta est lis acerrima quam mox secuta est sacri ordinis ignominia. Dum enim monachi noua nollent suscipere instituta, et contumacis magistri persisteret pertinacia" laici ero suo suffragati sunt ferentes spicula. A quibus ex insperato monachorum concio est circumdata" et pars eorum crudeliter est percussa, ac ut fertur letaliter sauciata. Multa his similia referri possent’ si lectoris animum salubriter zedificarent, Verum quia hzc sunt minus leta" his omissis festinus stilum uertam ad alia. Guitmundus uenerabilis monachus coenobii quod crux Heltonis dicitur, ubi gloriosus confessor Christi Leudfredus tempore Hildeberti et Hilperici iuniorum regum Domino feliciter xlviii annis militasse legitur’3 regio iussu accersitus pontum transfretauit, et oblatum sibi a rege et proceribus regni onus zcclesiastici regiminis omnino repudiauit. Erat enim zuo maturus et religiosus, ac scientia litterarum eruditissimus? cuius ingenii preeclarum specimen euidenter patet in libro de corpore et sanguine Domini contra Berengarium et in aliis opusculis ipsius. Hic itaque cum a rege rogaretur, ut in Anglia secum moraretur, et congruum tempus eum promouendi prestolaretur’ secum subtiliter 1 This conflict is also described in Florence of Worcester

(FW

ii. 16-17);

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle E, 1083; and William of Malmesbury, GP, p. 197, and De Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae (ed. Gale, Scriptores, i. 331-2; see also J. A. Robinson, Somerset Historical Essays (London, 1921), pp. 2-3). Whilst

the account of Thurstan’s violence comes from the contemporary chronicle, the statement

that the new

chant

was

one

cause

of grievance

is first found

in

Florence. Worcester was a stronghold of the pure Gregorian tradition (Knowles, MO, pp. 553-5); Orderic certainly and William of Malmesbury probably took the liturgical details from the Worcester chronicle or the oral traditions of Worcester. William of Malmesbury's De Antiquitate contains the puzzling

BOOK IV

ài

were intruded, against the decrees of canon law. Between such shepherds and the flocks committed to their keeping existed such harmony as you would find between wolves and helpless sheep, as all who saw the conduct of Thurstan of Caen in Glastonbury Abbey know.! For when the tyrannical abbot tried to compel the monks of Glastonbury to abandon the chant that the English had received from the disciples of St. Gregory the Great, and learn an alien and novel chant from Flemings and Normans, a most bitter struggle broke out, which soon led to horrible sacrilege. The monks refused to accept the new customs; their master persisted in his obstinacy, and called armed retainers to his aid. They silently surrounded the choir of monks, and unexpectedly shot cruel arrows into their midst, so that some, as men tell, were mortally

wounded. Many similar episodes could be related, if they would be edifying to the reader. But since these make mournful reading, let us pass over them and go on to more cheerful things. Guitmund, a venerable monk of the abbey called the Cross of Helton,? where as the records tell us the glorious confessor of the faith, Leufroi, served God for forty-eight years in the time of the young kings Childebert and Chilperic,3 was summoned by royal command across the Channel, and emphatically refused the burden of ecclesiastical office which the king and his magnates wished to lay upon him. He was a man of mature age, pious, and most learned in letters, who has left a proof of his keen intelligence in the book that he wrote against Berengar ‘On the body and blood of Our Lord’, and in other lesser works.*

When the king asked him to remain with him in England until a suitable opportunity for his promotion came, he debated the statement ‘Huius rei testis est Orosius Anglorum historiographus':

the thirteenth-

century MS. (Trinity College, Cambridge, R 5. 33) contains some inaccuracies, and if Orosius were a misreading of ‘Ordricus’ the statement would make better sense. Unfortunately, proof is lacking that William of Malmesbury ever saw the work of Orderic (cf. above, Introduction, pp. xxiv-xxv).

2 La-Croix-Saint-Leufroi. Orderic's information on Guitmund was inaccurate on several points, and probably came from oral sources. 3 St. Leufroi (d. 738) was abbot of the community he founded during the reigns of Childebert III (694/5—711) and Chilperic II (715-21). Cf. the Vita in MGH, Scriptores Rerum Meroving. vii. 1-18. 4 De corpore et sanguine Christi libri III (PL cxlix. 1427-94) and Confessio Trinitatis (ibid. 1495-1502). He was a pupil of Lanfranc c. 1060, and wrote his

De corpore c. 1076 (cf. H. W. Klewitz, ‘Studien über die Wiederherstellung der rómischen Kirche in Süditalien durch das Reformpapsttum', in Quellen und Forschungen, xxv (1933-4), 122 n. 2).

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deliberauit, suique uotum respondit,!

propositi aliud esse demonstrans regi !

IV

‘Multz causz me repellunt ab ecclesiastico regimine? quas

omnes singillatim nolo nec decet exprimere. In primis infirmitates meas quibus in corpore et anima incessanter premor considero" quibus diligenter perspectis diuinum examen uehementer pertimesco, merens quod in uia Dei cotidie labor et a ueritate uacillo. Et dum meipsum salubriter moderari nequeo, qualiter aliorum uitam ad salutis uiam dirigere ualeo? Omnibus uigili mente perlustratis non uideo, qua lege digniter praeesse ualeam illorum cuneo? quorum extraneos mores barbaramque loquelam nescio, quorum patres karosque parentes et amicos occidistis gladio? uel exheredatos opprimitis exilio, uel carcere uel indebito intolerabilique seruitio. Scrutamini scripturas et uidete si qua lege sancitur/ ut Dominico gregi pastor ab inimicis electus uiolenter imponatur. ZEcclesiastica electio prius debet ab ipsis subiectis fidelibus cum sinceritate fieri? ac postmodum astipulatione patrum et amicorum si canonica est reuerenter confirmari. Alioquin? cum karitate debet ii, 228

emendari.

Quod

bello

et effusione

multi

cruoris

truculenter

rapuistis’ qua ratione michi aliisque contemptoribus mundi qui sponte pro Christo nudati sumus propriis, sine culpa impartiri potestis? Generalis omnium religiosorum lex est a rapinis omnino abstinere? et de prada etiam si offertur pro iustitia obseruantia nolle recipere. Dicit enim Scriptura: “Immolans ex iniquo? oblatio est maculata."? Et paulo post "Qui offert sacrificium ex substantia pauperum" quasi qui uictimat filium in conspectu patris sui" 3 Hzec et his similia diuinz legis praeconia pertractans expauesco:? et totam Angliam quasi amplissimam praedam diiudico, ipsamque cum gazis suis uelut ignem ardentem contingere formido. Et quia Deus iubet ut quisque proximum suum diligat sicut seipsum- sine dolo dicam uobis id quod michi coelitus est inditum. Quod michi utile reor? uobis quoque salubre arbitror. Ergo quod amicabiliter loquar non uideatur amarum: sed tu strenue princeps et commilitones tui qui graue tecum inierunt periculum, nostra admonitionis benigno corde suscipite eloquium. Opera Dei 1 Although this speech has been included amongst

Guitmund's

works in

Migne (PL cxlix, 1509-12) as Oratio ad Guillelmum I Anglorum regem it is plainly the work of Orderic, whose normal practice was to present a point of view in the form of a dramatic speech. In giving a reconstruction of the reasoning that might have led Guitmund to refuse preferment in England, Orderic voices

criticisms that he must have heard both of William's church policy from later reformers and of the justice of his claims in England. His whole handling of the episode is coloured by views that were more likely to have been held in Normandy in 1125 than in the reign of William I. ? Ecclesiasticus xxxiv. 21 ('Immolantis ex iniquo oblatio est maculata’).

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matter carefully in his own mind and finally showed the king that his intentions were very different by replying:! ‘I am unwilling to accept ecclesiastical office for many reasons which I do not wish to expound at length, even if it were proper to do so. First of all I must consider the weaknesses of both body and soul from which I suffer, the knowledge of which forces me to fear divine judgement since, alas, each day as I lose my footing on the way of God I wander from the narrow path. And since I cannot keep my own feet on the way of salvation how can I direct others along that way? After carefully examining the matter I cannot see what right I have to govern a body of men whose strange customs and barbarous speech are unknown to me, whose beloved ancestors and friends you have either put to the sword, driven into bitter exile, or unjustly imprisoned or enslaved. Read the Scriptures, and see if there is any law to justify the forcible imposition on a people of God of a shepherd chosen from among their enemies. We must first have a full ecclesiastical election by those who are to be governed, and then if that is canonical it must be confirmed by the fathers of the church and their fellows; otherwise it should be charitably corrected. How can you expect to avold sin if you bestow on me and others, who have fled from the world and renounced all temporal goods for love of Christ, the spoils that you have seized by war and bloodshed? It is a fundamental law for men of religion to abstain from all plunder and refuse to accept booty even when it is offered as a reward for just service. For Scripture says: “The sacrifice of injustice is a polluted offering";? and a little later, ‘““Whoso offereth a sacrifice of the

substance of the poor is like one that slayeth a son in his father's sight."3 Considering these and other precepts of the divine law I am sorely afraid; I deem all England the spoils of robbery and shrink from it and its treasures as from consuming fire. And since God commands that each one of us should love his neighbour as himself, I tell you simply what is enjoined on me from on high. This precept is necessary for my salvation, and, I consider, for yours also. Do not regard as harsh condemnation the words I speak out of affection, but do you, O mighty prince, and your companions in battle who have faced great perils with you, listen to the words of my counsel with well-disposed hearts. Give due 3 Ecclesiasticus xxxiv. 24. 4 Cf. Matthew xix. 19; xxii. 39. 822204

ay

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IV

cunctis diebus uitze uestrae sagaciter considerate, et iudicia eius quz incomprehensibilia sunt in omnibus operibus uestris timete? et sic uestram uitam zqua lance moderari ad uoluntatem Dei

satagite, ut ipse arbiter zeternus qui omnia iuste disponit placabilis

ii. 229

sit uobis in ultimo discrimine. Non uos decipiant adulatores uana securitate? nec insolentes pro secundis euentibus przsentis uitze, uos letaliter obdormire suadeant in mundana prosperitate. Si uicistis Anglos in congressione? super hoc superbire nolite, sed spiritualis nequitiz grauius ac periculosius certamen cautius agite, quod restat adhuc et imminet uobis cotidie. Mutationes regnorum frequenter facte, sunt in orbe terrarum" sicuti sparsim legimus multiplicium per campos scripturarum, quibus liberalium a Deo impertita est noticia litterarum. Babilonii sub Nabuchodonosor rege Iudeam et /Egiptum et alia regna sibi plurima subegerunt? sed post Ixx annos! ipsi cum Balthasar rege suo a Medis et Persis quibus przerant Darius? et Cirus? nepos eius uicti et subiugati sunt. Deinde sub Alexandro Magno Macedones post ccxxx annos Darium* regem Persarum cum multis legionibus deuicerunt? et ipsi nichilominus post aliquot annos Romanis per totum orbem phalanges suas destinantibus cum Perseo rege suo uicti succubuerunt. Greci sub Agamemnone et Palamede Troiam obsederunt, et Priamum regem Laomedontis filium ac liberos eius Hectorem et Troilum,

ii. 230

Paridem

et Deifebum,

Amphimacumque

trucida-

uerunt, et famosum Phrigiz regnum post decennem obsidionem ferro et flamma depopulati destruxerunt. Troianorum una pars sub Enea duce regnum Italia obtinuit, alia pars cum Antenore per longum iter ac difficile Daciam adiit? ibique sedem ponens usque in hodiernum diem habitauit Romani regnum Ierosolimorum quod Dauid aliique potentes successores eius spoliis allophilorum ditauerunt, et subactis barbaris gentibus quz in circuitu erant sullimauerunt? sub Vespasiano et Tito subuerterunt, et nobile templum post prima zdificationis eius annos mille lxxxix diruerunt? quando undecies centena milia Iudeorum ferro seu 1 The statements

about the four great Empires and the decline of the first

three are probably derived from the Chronicle of Eusebius—Jerome. Seventy years was the accepted length of the Babylonian captivity of the Jews. Cf. Eusebii Pamphili Chronici Canones, ed. J. K. Fotheringham pp. 176, 18o, 182, 206.

(London,

1923),

? Darius I. 3 Presumably Cyrus the Great, though he was not related to Darius. Cyrus the younger was a son of Darius II. * Darius III.

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consideration to the works of God all the days of your life, show fear of his judgements which pass human understanding in all your deeds, and so strive to bend your life to the will of God that the Eternal Judge who governs all things may be merciful to you in the last judgement. Let not vain flatterers deceive you into a false security, or persuade you to be satisfied with the good fortune of your present life, and stifle your soul with worldly prosperity. Do not allow your victory over the English to be a cause of pride to you: but instead gird yourself for the harder and more dangerous battle against the evils of the spirit, for that is a fight you must continue to wage every day. There are frequent revolutions in earthly kingdoms, as we find them scattered over the fields of many books in which God has chosen to supply us with knowledge of the liberal arts. Under King Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonians conquered Judea, Egypt, and many other kingdoms: but seventy years later! they themselves and their king Balthasar were conquered and enslaved by the Medes and Persians under Darius? and his kinsman Cyrus. And after another two hundred and thirty years the Macedonians led by Alexander the Great conquered Darius* king of the Persians and the mighty Persian army: yet nevertheless many years later they too together with their king Perseus fell defeated before the Roman legions who were being sent out over all the world. 'The Greeks under Agamemnon and Palamedes besieged Troy, and after a ten-year siege ravaged the renowned Phrygian kingdom with fire and sword, slaying King Priam son of Laomedon and his sons Hector and Troilus,

Paris,

Deiphobus,

and

Amphimachus.

One

band

of

Trojans under Aeneas won the kingdom of Italy; another band under Antenor journeyed by a long and difficult road to Denmark, where they settled and have remained to the present day.5 The kingdom of Jerusalem, which David and his mighty successors had enriched with the spoils of foreign peoples and raised above all the barbarian races who

dwelt around,

was, in the time of

Vespasian and Titus, overthrown by the Romans, who destroyed the noble ‘Temple one thousand and eighty-nine years after its first foundation, and caused 1,100,000 Jews to perish by famine and 5 The Trojan stories derive directly or indirectly from Dares Phrygius. For the legend of the Trojan origin of the Franks cf. Liber Historiae Francorum in MGH

Scriptores Rerum Meroving. ii. 241-4;

The Fourth Book of the Chronicle

of Fredegar, ed. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (London: Edinburgh, 1960), pp. xi-xii, xxvi.

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IV

fame perierunt. Franci! Gallis tempore Sunnonis ducis associati sunt? et Romanorum iugo de ceruice sua uiriliter excusso super

eos regnare ceperunt. Angli Saxones ducibus Hengist et Horsa

Britonibus qui nunc Guali uocantur? imperium dolis et fortitudine iam fere dc annis abstulerunt. Guinili qui de Scandinauia insula sorte eiecti sunt? regnante Albuino rege filio Audonis partem Italie que nunc Langobardia dicitur inuaserunt, et Romanis diutius resistentes nunc usque tenuerunt. Omnes hi quos uictoria turgentes recolui? paulo post miserz subiacuerunt perniciei, parique cum uictis contritione torti" irremediabiliter gemunt in cloacis Erebi. ‘Normanni sub Rollone duce Neustriam Karolo Simplici subtraxerunt’ iamque cxc annis? contradicentibus Gallis et cum bellico tumultu sepe calumniantibus tenuerunt. Quid de Gepidis et Wandalis,

Gothis et 'Turcis, Hunis et Herulis, quid de aliis

loquar barbaris, quorum conatus ad nichil est aliud nisi furari et rapere, et conculcata pace iugiter furere? Terram turbant, zedes concremant’ orbem uexant, opes dissipant’ homines iugulant, omnia fcedant et inquietant. His itaque signis mundi portenditur finis? sicut ipsius patenter edocemur uoce ueritatis, ““Exurget gens ii. 231

contra gentem, et regnum aduersus regnum, et erunt terraemotus magni per loca, et pestilentiz et fames, terroresque de cola et signa magna erunt.’’3 Cladibus innumeris premitur sic iugiter orbis. ‘His et multis huiuscemodi rotatibus in rebus humanis sollerter inspectis? non in se glorietur uictor de ruina comparis, quia nec ipse stabit nisi quantum iusserit dispositio conditoris. Conuersionem locutionis mez nunc ad te O rex faciam? quam tu queso tibi benigniter haurias propter salutem aeternam. Nullus patrum tuorum ante te regale stemma gessit, nec hereditario iure tantum decus tibi prouenit? sed gratuita largitione omnipotentis Dei, et amicicia Eduardi consanguinei tui. Edgarus Adelinus aliique plures ex linea regalis prosapiz orti" secundum leges Hebreorum aliarumque gentium propinquiores sunt hzredes diadematis Anglici. Illis nimirum remotis sors tibi cessit prouectionis? sed Dei iudicium quanto occultius tanto terribilius imminet tibi ad 1 The historical commonplaces that follow are stated too generally for their sources to be traced. ? As Rollo’s conquests were recognized in 911 this figure is inaccurate, both

for the date when Guitmund was supposed to be speaking and for the date when Orderic was actually writing. 3 Luke xxi. 11.

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the sword. 'The Franks,! allied with the Gauls in the time of their duke Sunno, shook the yoke of the Romans from their necks and began to rule over them. It is now about six hundred years since the Anglo-Saxons, under Hengist and Horsa, by their courage and guile won dominion over the Britons who are now called Welsh. The Lombards, driven by fate from the island of Scandinavia, were led by King Alboin son of Audoin into the part of Italy now called Lombardy, and after long struggles against the Romans they established a rule which still endures. All these proud conquerors whom I have enumerated soon themselves fell conquered by death; and now tormented by the same anguish as their victims groan hopelessly in the depths of Hell. “The Normans under their duke Rollo wrested Normandy from Charles the Simple, and have now held it for a hundred and ninety years against the attacks of the Gauls, who frequently claimed it at the point of the sword.? What shall I say of the Gepids and Vandals, Goths and Turks, Huns and Heruli and other barbar-

ians whose only thought is to plunder and ravage and destroy in despite of peace? They disturb the land, burn houses, harass old and young, destroy prosperity, butcher men, spread ruin and trouble everywhere. All these signs portend the end of the world, as we may learn from the words of truth: '*Nation shall rise against nation and kingdom against kingdom: and great earthquakes shall be in divers places and famines and pestilences and fearful sights and great signs shall be from heaven." So toils the world by countless wars oppressed. *By these and countless other revolutions in human affairs we may learn that the victor has no cause for glorying over his equal: for his power will last only as long as divine providence ordains. And now, O king, may I bring the substance of my discourse back to you, begging you in the name of charity to mark my words for your eternal salvation. Not one of your forebears before you has enjoyed royal authority, and such honour has come to you not by hereditary right but by the free gift of almighty God and the friendship of your kinsman Edward. Edgar Atheling and several others of the royal line are, according to the laws of the Hebrews and other peoples, nearer heirs to the English crown. When they were set aside the chance of advancement fell to your lot; but the

judgement of God, which is all the more terrible because it is

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reddendam rationem commissz uillicationis. Hac benigno ex corde sullimitati uestrae locutus sum: humiliter deposcens ut mens uestra semper sit memor nouissimorum, nec uos nimis implicet

prosperitas presentium, quam sequi solet intolerabilis dolor et

111232

ingens luctus ac stridor dentium. Gratiz Dei uos et amicos atque fideles uestros commendo? Normanniamque cum uestra licentia redire dispono, et opimam Anglie przdam amatoribus mundi quasi quisquilias derelinquo. Liberam paupertatem amo Christi quam Antonius et Benedictus amplexati sunt’ magis quam diuitias mundi quas Cresus et Sardanapallus nimis amauerunt, et postmodum misere pereuntes hostibus suis deseruerunt. Christus enim pastor bonus ue diuitibus huius mundi minatur qui uoluptatibus uanis et superfluis hic perfruuntur. Pauperibus uero spiritu promittit beatitudinem in regno colorum! quam nobis det ipse qui uiuit et regnat per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.’ Admiratus rex cum proceribus suis insignis monachi constantiam, supplex ac deuotus impendit ei decentem reuerentiam" et competenter honoratum iussit eum remeare in Neustriam, ibique quo uellet suam preestolari presentiam. Auditum est passim postquam Guitmundus ad septa monasterii sui remeauit? quod ipse monachilem pauperiem diuitiis episcoporum prazposuerit, et quod obtentum Anglie in presentia regis et optimatum eius rapinam appellauerit/ et quod omnes episcopos uel abbates qui nolentibus Anglis in ecclesiis Anglie pralati sunt rapacitatis redarguerit. Verba igitur eius per Angliam late diuulgata sunt? et subtiliter uentilata multis displicuerunt, qui sequaces eius esse spernentes ingenti liuore contra eum exarserunt. Non multo post defuncto Iohanne Rotomagensium archiepiscopo rex et alii plures Guitmundum ad archiepiscopatum elegerunt:2 sed emuli eius quos idem uituperauerat ne archipresul fieret quantum potuerunt impedierunt. In tanto uiro nil obiciendum inuenerunt? nisi quod filius esset presbiteri. Ille autem ab omni auaricia purgari uolens, et inter exteros paupertate premi quam inter suos dissensiones fouere malens?

Odilonem

monasterii

sui abbatem

reuerenter

adiit, et

! Cf. Matthew v. 3.

2 There is no confirmation William would have proposed emphatically refused preferment is certainly wrong, as Guitmund 1077, and the see of Rouen was

of this statement, and it is doubtful if King him for the archbishopric of Rouen if he had in England a little while before. The chronology appears in the circle of Gregory VII as early as not vacant until 1079.

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hidden from sight, waits till the day when you must render account of your stewardship. I have spoken to your majesty in good faith, from the heart: humbly beseeching you always to be mindful of things to come, and not to be entirely immersed in present prosperity, which is often followed by unspeakable grief and great mourning and gnashing of teeth. I commend you and your friends and vassals to the grace of God; I am ready, with your permission, to return to Normandy; and I abandon the rich plunder of England as so much trash to the men of the world. I prefer the free poverty of Christ, which Anthony and Benedict embraced, to the worldly wealth which Croesus and Sardanapalus loved too well and after their wretched deaths left to be enjoyed by their enemies. For Christ the good shepherd warns us, Woe to the rich men of this world who enjoy vain and useless pleasures. To the poor in spirit he promises blessedness in the kingdom of Heaven;! and may he who lives and reigns for ever and ever grant this to us. Amen.’ The king, who with his chief magnates marvelled at the steadfastness of the redoubtable monk, humbly and devoutly treated him with the reverence he deserved; he sent him back to Normandy with due honours to await his coming in any place he chose. But after Guitmund had returned to the shelter of his own monastery the report spread abroad that he had preferred monastic poverty to episcopal riches, and that in the king's presence he had called the conquest of England and its riches plunder, and had charged with rapacity all the bishops and abbots who had been promoted to English churches against the will of the English. His words were repeated all over England, and reached the ears of many who had no wish to follow his example, but took offence and harboured resentment against him. Not long afterwards when John archbishop of Rouen died the king and many others chose Guitmund as archbishop;? but the enemies whom he had denounced did everything in their power to prevent him from obtaining the see. They could find nothing to criticize in this good man, except that he was the son of a priest. He, however, wishing to be cleared of all suspicion of avarice, and preferring rather to endure poverty abroad than to be a cause of strife at home, reverently approached Odilo, the abbot of his monastery, and humbly sought and obtained 3 This would hardly have prevented his preferment in 1079. William Bonne-

Áme, who in fact became archbishop of Rouen at this date, was the son of a bishop.

280 li. 233

li. 234

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IV

humiliter ab illo licentiam peregrinandi petiit et accepit. Porro illitteratus abbas metiri nesciebat" quantus sapientiz thesaurus in praefato doctore latebat. Ideo desiderabilem philosophum de monasterio suo facile dimisit, quem Gregorius septimus papa uenientem ad se gaudens suscepit" cardinalem sancte Romane ZEcclesize prafecit et Vrbanus papa iam probatum in multis metropolitanum Aduersis urbis solenniter ordinauit.2 Hzec urbs tempore Leonis pape noni a Normannis qui primo Apuliam incoluerunt constructa est: et a Romanis quia ab aduersis sibi cotibus zdificabatur Aduersis dicta est Hzc utique diuitiis opulenta, Cisalpinorum prompta strenuitate bellicosa’ hostibus metuenda, fidis clientibus sociisque colenda? Normannorum optione soli pape gratanter obedit, a quo Guitmundum sophistam mistici decoris pallio insigniter redimitum pontificem accepit. Prafatus archipresul zecclesiam sibi commissam diu rexit? et apostolicis priuilegiis ab omni mortalium exactione liber plausit. Plebem studiose docuit, meritis et orationibus protexit? atque post multos agones in uirtutum exercitiis ad Dominum perrexit.^ Anno quinto regni sui Guillelmus rex Guillelmum Osberni filium misit in Normanniam’ ut cum Mathilde regina tueretur prouinciam. Tunc nimia dissensio inter principatus haeredes in Flandria surrexit. Balduinus enim gener Rodberti regis Francorum fortissimus Flandrensium satrapa fuit/ et ex Hadala coniuge sua filios ac filias plures multimoda indole pollentes habuit. Rodbertus Fresio, Arnulfus,

Balduinus,

Vdo Treuerum

archiepiscopus

et

Henricus Clericus, et Mathildis regina, atque Iudith uxor Tostici comitis soboles Balduini et Hadalz sunt’s de quorum moribus et uariis euentibus sophistzee magna uolumina componere possunt. Rodbertus primogenitus iamdudum patrem offenderat, a quo repulsus et eiectus ad Florentium ducem Fresionum patris sui hostem secesserat, eique fauorabiliter seruiens filiam eius in ! Guitmund was never a cardinal. The confusion may have arisen because in 1077 he went to Germany with the legates of Gregory VII, Cardinal-deacon Bernard and Bernard, abbot of St. Victor, Marseille (G. Meyer von Knonau,

Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich IV. und Heinrich V. (Leipzig, 1894), ii. 778 n. 55). ? Urban II consecrated him bishop of Aversa in 1088. 'The see was not an

archbishopric (cf. P. Kehr, IP viii. 281-3). Orderic's mistake may have arisen because, owing to the rivalry of the churches of Naples and Capua for jurisdiction over Aversa, the bishopric had at the time no clear superior, and for a while stood in a special relationship to the pope.

3 The city was rebuilt by Rainulf Drengot soon after 1022 (A. Gallo, Aversa

Normanna (Naples, 1938), pp. 3-4). Leo IX, however, established a bishopric there c. 1053 (Kehr, IP viii. 281). The etymology is fanciful, since the re-

stored city had already been called Aversa or Adversa for thirty years; and

BOOK IV

ay

from him permission to journey abroad. As it happened his illiterate abbot could not judge what a treasure of wisdom was concealed in this learned man. So he made no effort to retain the worthy philosopher in his monastery; Pope Gregory VII, however, gladly welcomed him when he came to him, and made him a cardinal of the holy Roman Church;! later Urban II solemnly consecrated him, a man of proven worth, as archbishop of the city of Aversa.? This city was built in the time of Pope Leo IX by the Normans who first settled in Apulia; and was called Aversa by the Romans because it had been built by their adversaries.? It was resplendent with wealth, and endowed with the warlike courage of the races north of the Alps, an enemy to be feared and a friend and ally to be sought. The Normans, with the consent of its citizens, had made it subject to the pope alone, and he appointed the philosopher Guitmund as pontiff and conferred on him the pallium with its symbolic meaning. As archbishop he ruled the church entrusted to his care for many years, and rejoiced in the exemption from all impositions granted by the Pope. He zealously taught his people, interceded for them by his prayers and merits, and after striving long in the battle of righteousness passed to the Lord.* In the fifth year of his reign King William sent William fitzOsbern to Normandy to act as regent of the province with Queen Matilda. At that time there was great strife amongst the heirs of the county of Flanders. For Baldwin, a son-in-law of King Robert of France, was a very powerful count of Flanders, and had by his wife Adela a numerous progeny of gifted sons and daughters. Robert the Frisian, Arnulf, Baldwin,

Odo archbishop of Trier,

Henry the clerk, Queen Matilda, and Judith the wife of Earl Tostig were the children of Baldwin and Adela,’ and scholars could fill many volumes with the story of their deeds and merits. Robert, the eldest, had already quarrelled with his father, and being disowned and exiled went over to his father's enemy Florence duke of Frisia, who gave him his daughter in marriage the suggestion that it was called Adversa because it was a rampart of Naples against Capua is unacceptable since the city was founded this (Mathieu, p. 345, Appendix to p. 267).

4 He died before 1097 (Kehr, JP viii. 282-3).

too early even for

:

5 There are many mistakes in Orderic's account of Flemish affairs. Judith, Tostig’s wife, was the daughter of Baldwin IV, not Baldwin V; and Arnulf was

the elder son of Baldwin VI.

282

ii. 235

Gallorum

li. 236

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IV

coniugium acceperat. Vnde Flandrensis dux uehementer iratus infremuit, Fresionem eum pre ira cognominauit/ et eum omnino extorrem denuncians Arnulfum iuris sui heredem constituit. Non multo post Balduinus dux defunctus est’ et Arnulfus Morinorum ducatum paruo tempore nactus est. Nam Rodbertus Fresio ingentem Fresionum aliarumque gentium cateruam aggregauit? et Flandriam obnixe expugnauit. Philippus autem rex Francorum, qui consanguineus erat eorum? ad auxilium Arnulfi exercitum adunauit, et Guillelmum

comitem Normanniz

custo-

dem accersiit. Ille uero cum decem solummodo militibus regem adiit" et cum eo alacriter quasi ad ludum in^ Flandriam accessit.? Rodbertus autem Fresio exercitum Henrici imperatoris cuneis suis sociauit,* et dominico septuagesimz x kal. martii manes imparatos praoccupauit/ et Philippo rege cum Francis fugiente Arnulfum fratrem suum et Balduinum nepotem suumé et Guillelmum comitem telis suorum occidit. Postea Morinorum ducatum diu tenuit’ moriensque filiis suis Rodberto Ierosolimitano et Philippo reliquit." Guillelmi uero comitis corpus in Normanniam a suis delatum est? et in coenobio Cormeliensi cum magno suorum luctu sepultum est. Duo quippe ccenobia monachorum in suo patrimonio construxerat in honore sanctz Dei genitricis Marize. Vnum quidem erat Lire secus Riselam fluuium ubi Adeliza uxor eius tumulata est? aliud uero Cormeliis ubi ipse ut diximus conditus est. Normannorum maximum strenuitate baronem ualde omnes planxerunt" qui largitates eius et facetias atque mirandas probitates nouerunt. Hereditas eius a rege Guillelmo filiis eius distributa est. Willelmus maior natu Britolium et Paceium et reliquam partem ^ alacriter quasi ad ludum in substituted by Orderic for one word, erased

! Robert was the second, not the eldest, son of Baldwin V. There is a good critical study of his life in C. Verlinden, Robert I le Frison (Antwerp: Paris, 1935).

Little is known of his early life: his connexion with Frisia seems to have begun with his marriage with Gertrude, widow (not daughter) of Florence I, in 1063. This marriage led to his nickname ‘the Frisian’, The marriage was not opposed by his father (Verlinden, op. cit., pp. 16, 27-28). ? Baldwin V died in 1067 and his son Baldwin VI in 1070. It was after the

death of Baldwin VI that Robert the Frisian challenged the authority of his son, Count Arnulf, a boy of fifteen. 3 Philip intervened as overlord and kinsman: in addition he was given the town of Corbie. His army was made up of feudal contingents from his vassals;

and William fitzOsbern certainly attended as deputy of William of Normandy

to fulfil the feudal obligations of the duke, not for the various personal reasons assigned to him by different chroniclers. The number of knights may be

correctly stated, since ten is a possible number for a token feudal contingent at

this date: in rror Count Robert II of Flanders agreed to provide ten knights

BOOK

IV

283

as a reward for meritorious service.' At this the duke of Flanders flew into a violent rage, called Robert ‘the Frisian’ in derision, disinherited him completely, and recognized Arnulf as his lawful heir. Not long afterwards Duke Baldwin died, and Arnulf secured the duchy of Flanders for a short while only.2 For Robert the Frisian gathered together a huge army of Frisians and other peoples, and launched a violent attack on Flanders. Philip, king of France, who was a kinsman, mustered an army of Frenchmen to aid Arnulf, and summoned Earl William as regent of Normandy to accompany him. He in fact took only ten men to the king’s army, and rode off gaily to Flanders as though he were going to a tournament. Robert the Frisian, however, secured the support of the Emperor Henry’s army for his forces,+ and on the morning of Septuagesima Sunday, 20 February,’ fell upon his enemy unawares, putting King Philip and his Franks to flight, and slaying in battle his own brother Arnulf, his nephew Baldwin,$ and Earl William. Afterwards he held the duchy of Flanders for a long time, and on his death left it to his sons, Robert of Jerusa-

lem and Philip.” The body of Earl William was borne back to Normandy by his men and buried with great mourning in the abbey of Cormeilles. For he had founded two monasteries on his estates in honour of Mary, the holy mother of God. One was at Lyre, beside the river Risle, where his wife Adeliza was buried ;and the other at Cormeilles where, as I have related, he himself was in-

terred. The bravest of the Normans, renowned for his generosity, ready wit, and outstanding integrity, he was universally mourned. King William divided his inheritance amongst his sons: William the elder received Breteuil and Pacé and the remainder of the for King Henry

I of England in certain’ circumstances

(Verlinden, op. cit.,

pp. 59-64).

4 Relations between Robert the Frisian and Henry IV were hostile at the

time, and there can have been no question of an alliance (Verlinden, op. cit.,

. 64). À 5 E. (op. cit., pp. 65-66) argued from the charter of foundation of St. Peter's, Cassel, that the battle was fought on the feast of St. Peter on 22 February

1071. Orderic is at least correct in stating that 20 February was Septuagesima Sunday in 1071. 6 Robert's

nephew

Arnulf was

killed at Cassel;

but his nephew

Baldwin

survived to become count of Hainault and take part in the First Crusade. 7 He died on 13 October

1093 and his son Robert, who had been associated

with him in the government of the county since 1086, succeeded him as count. The suggestion that Philip had some share in the county is false (Verlinden, op. cit., pp. 136-7).

284

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IV

paterni iuris in Normannia optinuit" et omni uita sua fere xxx annis tenuit. Rogerius autem iunior frater comitatum Herfordensem totumque fundum patris in Anglia optinuit? sed paulo post propter perfidiam et proteruiam suam ut in sequentibus enodabitur perdidit. Regine Mathildi licet potenter regnaret, et innumeris opibus

abundaret? luctus ingens ortus est de morte patris, de desolatione

ii. 237

matris? de crudelitate unius fratris, qui ruina subito facta est alterius fratris? et kari nepotis cum multis amicis. Sic omnipotens Deus immemores sui terrigenas percutit, superbos deicit/ et quod dominetur excelsus super omnem terram lucide ostendit. Rodbertus itaque Fresio totam sibi Flandriam subegit, et fere xxx annis possedit, amiciciamque Philippi regis Francorum facile promeruit. Ipsi nempe maiorum origine erant consobrini? et ambo coniuges habebant filias Florentii Fresionum marchisi,? et fili eorum uinculo huiusmodi necessitudinis huc usque tenentur constricti. Porro inter Normannos et Flandritas recidiua dissensio prodiit? et propter necem fratris reginz aliorumque affinium et maxime pro casu Guillelmi comitis diu perdurauit.3 Turbatis in Normannia rebus rex Anglie regnum optime disposuit’ et ipse in Normanniam ut ibidem omnia recte et utiliter edomaret properauit. Audito undique regis aduentu pacis amatores letati sunt" sed filii discordia et foedi sceleribus ex conscientia nequam adueniente ultore contremuerunt. Tunc Normannorum et Cenomannensium maiores congregauit’ et omnes ad pacem et iusticiam tenendam regali hortatu corroborauit. Episcopos quoque et ecclesiasticos uiros admonuit ut bene uiuerent/ ut legem Dei iugiter reuoluerent, ut ecclesia Dei communiter consulerent, ut subditorum mores secundum scita canonum corrigerent, et omnes

caute regerent.

ii. 238

Anno igitur ab incarnatione Domini millesimo septuagesimo secundo congregatum est concilium in metropolitana Rotomagensis urbis sede,* in basilica beate et gloriose Dei genitricis semper uirginis Mariz cui Iohannes eiusdem urbis archiepiscopus * His rule lasted a little over twenty-two years. ? Philip's wife was Bertha, only daughter of Count Florence; Robert married Florence's widow (above, p. 282 n. 1). 3 Relations between England and Flanders did not improve till the reign of William Rufus (Verlinden, op. cit., pp. 78—79, 107-12).

* The acts of the 1072 Council of Rouen are preserved only by Orderic. There is no reason to doubt their substantial accuracy. Orderic àlso copied the canons of the Council of Lillebonne,

1080, which can be checked by a sealed

copy of the Acta, and are known to be accurate (Delisle, in Le Prévost, v.

BOOK IV

285

paternal inheritance in Normandy, and held it for the remainder of his life which lasted about thirty years. But Roger the younger brother, who received the county of Hereford and all his father's . estates in England, soon lost them through his treachery and perversity, as will appear in due course. Although Queen Matilda was now a powerful ruler with vast

resources at her command she was overwhelmed with grief at her father's death, her mother's bereavement, and the cruelty of her brother, who had brought about the ruin of another brother,

a dear nephew, and many friends. So omnipotent God strikes mortal men who are unmindful of him, overthrows the proud, and shows that he reigns on high over all the earth. Robert the Frisian

established his rule over all Flanders, held it for about thirty years, and easily won the friendship of Philip, king of France. These two men were cousins by blood, and both had married daughters of Florence, marquis of Frisia,? and their sons are still bound to one another by the ties of kinship. But mutual and lasting hostility arose between the Normans and Flemings, partly because of the slaying of the queen's brother and other kinsfolk, but chiefly because of the fate of Earl William. Whilst Normandy was in a disturbed condition the king of England admirably disposed the affairs of his kingdom and then hurried to Normandy in order to make a just and statesmanlike settlement there. At the news of the king's coming peace-lovers everywhere rejoiced, but troublemakers and criminals trembled in their evil hearts and quailed before the approaching avenger. He assembled the nobles of Normandy and Maine and used all his royal powers of persuasion to move them to peace and just government. He admonished the bishops and churchmen to live good lives, meditate continually on the law of God, take common action for the good of God's Church, correct those subject to their jurisdiction according to canon law, and govern all with discrimination. As a result in the year of Our Lord 1072 a council was assembled in the archiepiscopal city of Rouen,* in the church of the blessed and glorious Mother of God, the Virgin Mary. John, archbishop of the city, presided over it, and following in the footsteps of the Ixxxviii). T'hey were among the extracts copied from Orderic in Bibl. Nat. MS.

Lat. 4861, a thirteenth-century MS. of St. 'T'aurin d'Évreux, possibly made at Fécamp. 'They have been printed with the detailed notes of Dom Godin in Bessin, pp. 54-62, and Mansi, xx. 33-48. See also R. Delamare, Le ‘De Officiis Ecclesiasticis! de Jean d' Avranches (Paris, 1923), pp. xv-xviii.

286

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IV

praerat, et uestigia patrum secutus utilitati acclesiastice omni-

modis

consulebat?

cum

suffraganeis

suis

Odone

Baiocensi,

Hugone Luxouiensi? Rodberto Sagiensi, Michahele Abrincatensi et Gisleberto Ebroicensi. In primis disputatum est de fide sanctae et indiuiduze "Trinitatis" quam secundum instituta sanctorum conciliorum scilicet Niceni, Constantinopolitani, primi Ephesini, Calcedonensis concilii corroborauerunt, sanxerunt, se toto corde

credere professi sunt. Post hanc katholice fidei professionem? annexa sunt hzc subscripta katholicz doctrine fidei capitula. In primis statutum est a nobis, ut secundum statuta patrum crismatis et olei baptismatis et unctionis consecracio competenti hora id est post

nonam

secundum statuta sanctorum patrum fiat. Hoc etiam debet

episcopus prauidere? ut in ipsa consecratione xii sacerdotes sacerdotalibus uestibus indutos uel quamplures secum habeat. Item. In quibusdam prouinciis mos detestabilis inoleuit? quod

quidam archidiaconi pastore carentes ab aliquo episcopo particulas olei

ii. 239

et crismatis accipiunt, et ita oleo suo commiscent, quod et dampnatum est. Sed unusquisque archidiaconus chrisma et oleum suum totum episcopo a quo consecrabitur? ut proprio episcopo presentet. Item. Chrismatis et olei distributio a decanis summa diligentia et honestate fiat, ita ut interim dum distribuerint albis sint induti? et talibus uasculis distribuatur, ut nichil inde aliqua negligentia pereat. Item statutum est ut nullus missam celebret qui non communicet.

Item. Nullus sacerdos baptizet infantem nisi ieiunus et indutus alba et stola nisi necessitate. Item. Sunt quidam qui uiaticum et aquam benedictam ultra octauum

diem reseruant? quod et dampnatum est. Alii uero non habentes hostias, consecratas iterum consecrant’ quod terribiliter interdictum est.

Item. Donum sancti Spiritus ut non detur nisi ieiunis et a ieiunis, neque ipsa confirmatio absque igne fiat statutum est. Hoc etiam statutum est ne in dandis sacris ordinibus apostolice auctoritatis uiolatores inueniamur. Legitur enim in decretis Leonis papz,! quod

non passim diebus omnibus sacri ordines celebrentur, sed post diem sabbati in eius noctis exordio quz in prima sabbati lucescit his qui

consecrandi sunt ieiunis a ieiunantibus sacra benedictio conferatur. Quod eiusdem obseruantiz erit" si mane ipso dominico die continuato * Leo I to Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria (Migne, PL liv, Epist. 9, cols. 625-6); cf. Ivo of Chartres, Decretum (Migne, PL clxi), part vi, cap. 7o. Leo

prescribed the day and the necessity of fasting, but not the candles.

BOOK IV

287

Fathers ordained all things for the general good of the Church, with the concurrence of his suffragans, Odo of Bayeux, Hugh of Lisieux, Robert of Séez, Michael of Avranches,

and Gilbert of

Evreux. First of all they debated the doctrine of the holy and undivided Trinity, which they approved, confirmed, and professed to believe with their whole hearts, according to the definitions of the holy councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus I, and Chalcedon. After this profession of Catholic faith the following chapters on Catholic doctrine were added: First, it is ordained by us that according to the statutes of the Fathers the consecration of the chrism and oil for baptism and unction shall take place at a suitable time, namely after Nones, as the Fathers decreed.

The bishop should see to it that to perform this consecration he is accompanied by twelve priests or more if possible, clad in sacerdotal vestments.

Again: In some provinces an abominable custom has grown up, that certain archdeacons in the absence of their own bishop obtain drops of

oil and chrism from another bishop and mix them with their own oil, which is utterly forbidden. Each archdeacon is to offer the whole of his chrism and oil to the bishop who is to consecrate it, as he would to his

own bishop. Again: The distribution of chrism and oil is to be made by the deans with great care and reverence, and whilst they are distributing it they are to be clad in albs; and it is to be distributed in such vessels that nothing is lost through carelessness.

Again it was ordained that no one should celebrate Mass without himself taking communion.

Again: No priest is to baptize an infant unless he is fasting and dressed in alb and stole, except in cases of necessity. Again: There are some who keep the viaticum and holy water longer than the eighth day, which is forbidden. Others having no bread for consecration consecrate the consecrated host a second time, which is

utterly prohibited. Again: It was ordained that the gift of the Holy Spirit should be given

only by and to those who are fasting, and that confirmation should not take place without lighted candles. This was ordained so that we might

not be found guilty of violating papal authority in giving holy orders. For it can be read in the decretals of Pope Leo! that holy orders are not to be celebrated at any time on any day; but after Saturday in the beginning of the following night holy benediction shall be given to those destined for consecration, both those who give and those who receive fasting at the time. The same thing is to be observed if it is celebrated

288

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IV

sabbati ieiunio celebretur. A quo tempore pracedentis noctis inicium non recedit" quod ad diem Resurrectionis sicut etiam in Pascha Domini declaratur pertinere non dubium est.! Item. Quattuor temporum obseruatio competenti tempore secundum diuinam institutionem communi obseruantia a nobis seruetur,? id est prima ebdomada martii, secunda iunii, tercia septembris, eadem decembris ob reuerentiam Dominic Natiuitatis. Indignum enim ualde

ii. 240

est ut sanctorum institutio aliquibus occupationibus uel mundiali sollicitudine destituatur. Item. Clerici qui non electi nec uocati aut nesciente episcopo sacris ordinibus se subintromittunt, aliquibus uero episcopus ut diaconibus manum imponit, alii ceteros ordines non habentes diacones aut presbiteri consecrantur: hi digni sunt depositione. Item. Qui coronas benedictas habuerunt et reliquerunt? usque ad dignam satisfactionem excommunicentur. Clerici qui ordinandi sunt? in v feria ueniant ad episcopatum.

Item. Monachi et sanctimoniales qui relictis suis zecclesiis per orbem uagantur, alii pro nequitiis suis a monasteriis expulsi, quos pastorali auctoritate oportet compellere, ut ad monasteria sua redeant. Et si expulsos abbates recipere noluerint uictum eleemosinz eis tribuant, qua etiam manuum labore adquirant/ quousque si uitam suam emendauerint uideantur. Item. Emuntur et uenduntur cure pastorales scilicet zcclesie parrochianz tam a laicis quam a clericis, insuper etiam a monachis? quod ne amplius fiat interdictum est. Item. Ne nuptiz in occulto fiant neque post prandium" sed sponsus

et sponsa ieiuni a sacerdote ieiuno in monasterio benedicantur, et antequam copulentur progenies utrorumque diligenter inquiratur. Et si infra septimam generationem aliqua consanguinitas inuenta fuerit, et

si aliquis eorum dimissus fuerit! non coniungantur.3 Sacerdos qui contra hzc fecerit" deponatur. * The celebration of the Office for Easter Sunday begins by ancient custom

immediately after Vespers on Holy Saturday. For the Easter ritual see David Knowles,

pp- 43-47;

The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc (London:

R. Delamare,

pp. cexxvii-cxxix.

Edinburgh,

1951),

Le ‘De Officiis Ecclesiasticis de $ean d'Avranches,

2 Cf. the enforcement of the Ember Day fasts by the Council of Mainz, 1049

(Hefele, iv. 1032).

BOOK IV

486

on the morning of the Sunday, Saturday's fast being continued. The beginning of the preceding night is certainly reckoned part of this day,

as at Easter the same part of the night is reckoned part of the Day of Resurrection.! Again: We are to observe Ember days at appropriate times, as they have been divinely instituted and are commonly observed:? namely, the first week of March, the second of June, the third of September, and

the third of December so as not to clash with the celebration of Christmas. For it is not fitting that a holy festival should be desecrated by any business or worldly cares.

Again: There are some clerks who, without being elected or appointed or without the bishop's knowledge, intrude themselves into holy orders, by getting themselves ordained priests when they are not yet deacons, or deacons or priests when they are not even in minor

orders: all these are to be deposed. Again: Those who have received the tonsure and abandon it are to be excommunicated until they make satisfaction. Clerks who are to be ordained [on a Sunday] are to come to the bishop's seat on the T'hursday before.

Again, concerning monks and nuns who have left their monasteries and are wandering at large, and those who have been expelled from their monasteries for their sins and ought to be forced to return there by episcopal authority: If the abbot will not take them back, alms shall be provided for them, which they shall earn by the labour of their own

hands until it can be judged whether they have amended their way of life. Again: Pastoral cures, that is, the cure of parish churches, are being bought and sold by laymen and clergy and even by monks; this practice

is to cease. Again: Marriages are not to be celebrated in secret or after dinner: the husband and wife, both fasting, shall be united in a church by a priest

who is also fasting, and before the marriage is consummated careful inquiry shall be made into the ancestry of both. And if any consanguinity

is found within the seventh degree, and if either of them has been repudiated, they are not to be married.* Any priest who disobeys this rule is to be degraded. 3 At this date canon

law was

far from clear on the subject of divorce and

repudiation, and the right of either party to remarry after repudiation. Repudia-

tion on grounds of adultery, or enslavement, or long absence was accepted in practice: on the possibility of remarriage both practice and theory varied. This

canon is in line with the hardening of canon law in favour of the indissolubility of the marriage tie, which was characteristic of the late eleventh century. See

A. Esmein, pp. 68-79. 822204

Le Mariage

en droit canonique U

(Paris,

1891), ii, ch. 2, especially

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De sacerdotibus et leuitis et subdiaconibus qui feminas sibi usurii. 241

pauerunt, concilium Luxouiense! obseruetur: ne zcclesias per se neque

per suffraganeos regant, nec aliquid de beneficiis habeant. Archidiaconi qui eos regere debent, non permittantur aliquam habere nec concubinam nec subintroductam mulierem, nec pelicem, sed caste et iuste uiuant,

et exemplum castitatis et sanctimonize subditis prebeant. Oportet etiam ut tales decani eligantur, qui sciant subditos redarguere et emendare? quorum uita non sit infamis, sed merito preeferatur subditis.

Item. Interdictum est ne aliquis qui uiuente sua uxore de adulterio calumniatus fuerit" post mortem illius unquam de qua calumniatus fuerit accipiat. Multa enim mala inde euenerunt. Nam plurimi de causa hac? suas interfecerunt. Item. Nullus cuius uxor uelata fuerit" ipsa uiuente unquam aliam accipiat.

Item. Si uxor uiri qui peregre aut alias profectus fuerit, alii uiro nupserit? quousque prioris mortis certitudinem habeat, excommunicetur

usque ad dignam satisfactionem. Item statutum est ne hi qui publice lapsi in criminalibus peccatis

ii. 242

inueniuntur citissime in sacris ordinibus restituantur. Si enim lapsis ut ait beatus Gregorius? ad suum ordinem reuertendi licentia concedatur? uigor canonica procul dubio frangitur discipline, dum per reuersionis spem prauz actionis desideria quisque concipere non formidat. Vnde hoc ratum manere oportet, ut in crimine publice lapsus ante peractam poenitentiam in pristino gradu nullatenus restituatur? nisi summa necessitate post dignam quidem longe pcenitentiz satis-

factionem. Item. Si aliquis lapsus dignus depositione repertus fuerit, et ad eum deponendum tot coepiscopos quot auctoritas postulat? scilicet in sacerdotis vi? in diaconi depositione iii? unusquisque qui adesse non poterit, uicarium suum cum sua auctoritate transmittat.

Item statutum est ut nullus in quadragesima prandeat/ antequam nona hora peracta uespertina incipiat. Non enim ieiunat? qui ante manducat.

Item statutum est ut in sabbato Paschz officium ante nonam non incipiatur. Ad noctem enim Dominicz Resurrectionis respicit ob cuius reuerentiam Gloria in excelsis Deo et Alleluia cantatur, quod etiam in ? The sense requires uxores ' This is Canon 2 of the Council of Lisieux, 1064: ‘Postea sancitum est de villanis presbiteris atque diaconibus, ut nullus abinde uxorem vel concubinam seu introductam mulierem duceret: qui vero a tempore Rotomagensis concilii

BOOK IV

2x

Let the ruling of the council of Lisieux! be observed concerning priests and deacons and subdeacons who keep women: that they are not to govern churches themselves, nor appoint substitutes, nor receive

any profits from their benefices. The archdeacons who ought to govern them are not allowed to have any concubine or supposed wife or harlot,

but are to live chastely and properly giving an example of chastity and

holiness to the clergy under them. Deans should be chosen from men able to correct and guide those under them, whose own life is not evil,

but is more virtuous than that of the men they rule.

Again: It is forbidden that any man accused of adultery with another woman during his wife's lifetime should ever marry this woman after

the death of his wife. For many evils can arise from allowing this, since many men have murdered their wives with this intent. Again: No man whose wife has taken the veil shall marry another as

long as she lives. Again: If any wife whose husband has gone on a pilgrimage or elsewhere take another husband without proof of the death of the first, she is to be excommunicated until she has made amends. Again: It is ordained that any priests who have been found guilty of grave sins shall not be prematurely reinstated in holy orders. For if, as

St. Gregory says,” lapsed clerks are allowed to resume their orders, the strength of canonical discipline will be undermined; since some men will not hesitate to commit evil deeds if they can hope for reinstatement. So this decree is to be observed, that any clerk who has publicly fallen into grievous sin shall not be restored to his previous status until he has completed his penance, except in cases of great necessity ;and even then only after he has made amends by a very long penance. Again: If any clerk has been condemned to deposition for his faults, and it is impossible for all the bishops required by law3*— namely, six

for priests and three for deacons—to be present, then any one who cannot come in person shall send his vicar to represent him.

Again, it is decreed that no one shall dine in Lent before the ninth hour is past, and Vespers begin. For a man cannot be said to fast if

he has already dined. Again, it is decreed that on Holy Saturday the office shall not be begun before the ninth hour. For it is held to be part of the night of Our Lord's resurrection, when out of reverence Gloria in excelsis Deo and

Alleluia are sung, as appears in the beginning of the office in the blessing duxerat perderet." See Delisle, Journal des Savants, 1901, pp. 516-21, reprinted Hefele, iv, Appendix IX, pp. 1420-3.

2 Gregory I to Constantine, bishop of Milan: cf. Gratian, Decretum, i. 50, c. i, ‘Si lapsis’. 3 The numbers were laid down by the Second Council of Carthage, 387 or 390, canon 10 (Hefele, ii. 78).

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officii initio cerei scilicet benedictione! demonstratur. Narrat liber officialis? quod in hoc biduo non fit sacramenti celebratio. Vocat autem hoc biduum sextam feriam et sabbatum: in quo recolitur luctus et

mesticia apostolorum. Item. Si alicuius sancti festiuitas in ipsa die euenerit in qua celebrari non possit? non ante sed infra octauum diem celebretur. ii. 243

Item iuxta sanctorum Patrum decreta scilicet Innocentii papz et Leonis statuimus,? ne generale baptisma nisi sabbato Paschz et Pentecostes fiat. Hoc quidem seruato, quod paruulis quocumque tempore, quacumque die petierint regenerationis lauacrum non negetur. Vigilia uel die Epiphanize ut nullus nisi infirmitatis necessitate baptizetur? omnino interdicimus.

ii. 244

Huic concilio consenserunt Iohannes archiepiscopus Rotomagensis zcclesiz, Odo Baiocensis episcopus, Michahel Abrincatensis episcopus, Gislebertus Ebroicensis episcopus, et quamplures etiam uenerabiles abbates? quibus eo tempore caenobia Normanniz nobiliter pollebant, et monachicum rigorem seruabant. Operz precium esse reor patrum memoriam posteris intimare? qui Normanniz monasteria sub rege Guillelmo prudenter rexere, et eterno regi qui incommutabiliter regnat studuerunt usque ad mortem digniter obsecundare. Sequaces eorum multa de eis ut reor scripta posteritati dimisere? sed tamen quosdam quos prez caeteris amo non pro temporali mercede, sed pro solo amore sapientize et religionis sibi ccelitus inditee? dulce michi est cum magistris meis in hac saltem pagina nominare. Fiscannense cenobium in prospectu maris positum, creatrici et gubernatrici omnium sanctae et indiuiduz "Trinitati dicatum" a Ricardo primo duce Normannorum nobiliter fundatum, a secundo multis honoribus et diuitiis largiter ampliatum? post Guilllmum Diuionensem uirum sapientem et in religione feruentissimum, Iohannes uenerabilis abbas* annis quinquaginta et uno rexit? post quem Guillelmus de Ros Baiocensis clericus sed Cadomensis monachus fere xxvii annis tenuit. Hic ut mistica nardus in domo Domini fragrauit karitate, largitate, multimodaque * For the blessing of the Easter candle cf. R. Delamare, Le ‘De Officiis Ecclesiastici? de Jean d' Avranches, p. 35. ? [bid., pp. 31-32.

3 Cf. the letter of Leo I to the bishops of Sicily, prescribing the celebration of general baptism at Easter and Pentecost, not at Epiphany (Migne, PL, liv. 695—705,

Ep. xvi)

This

and

similar

decretals

of Pope

Gelasius

and

Pope

Siricius were preserved in eleventh-century canonical collections: there appears

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IV

293

of the candle.' The Book of Offices relates? that there should be no celebration of the sacrament during these two days—namely, Friday

and Saturday, when we commemorate the mourning and sorrow of the apostles. Again: If any saint's day fall on a day when it cannot be celebrated,

it is to be celebrated within the week following, but not in advance.

Again, in accordance with the decrees of the holy fathers, popes Innocent and Leo;? we decree that general baptism shall be celebrated

only on the Saturdays of Easter and Pentecost, always provided that the baptism of salvation shall not be refused to infants at any time or

on any day. But we forbid anyone to be baptized on the Vigil or day of Epiphany, except in cases of illness.

The decrees of this council were approved by John archbishop of Rouen, Odo bishop of Bayeux, Michael bishop of Avranches, Gilbert bishop of Évreux, and a number of venerable abbots who

at that time brought fame to the Norman abbeys and preserved monastic discipline. I consider it a worthy task to preserve for later generations the memory of those fathers who governed the monasteries of Normandy so wisely in the time of King William, and strove all their lives to serve the eternal King whose reign is immutable. I believe their followers have left long accounts of their lives for future generations, but nevertheless it is a pleasing task for me at least to name here with my own masters a few whom I love above all the rest, not for any worldly profit, but simply for love of the wisdom and piety with which heaven endowed them. 'The monastery of Fécamp, standing within sight of the sea and dedicated to the holy and undivided Trinity, creator and governor of all things, which was amply founded by Richard the first, duke of Normandy, and further endowed with many estates and riches by the second Richard, was ruled first by William of Dijon, a wise and deeply religious man, and then for fifty-one years by the venerable Abbot John.* After him William of Rots, a clerk of Bayeux and monk of Caen, held office for about twenty-seven years. He, like the mystical spikenard in the house of the Lord, to be no relevant letter of Innocent I. Cf. Burchard of Worms, Decretorum Libri XX (Migne, PL, cxl), iv, capp. 2, 4, 5.

4 For John, abbot of Fécamp 1028—78, see Dom Leclercq and J. P. Bonnes, Un maitre de la vie spirituelle au .XI* siécle, Jean de Fécamp (Paris, 1946); also L. Musset, ‘La vie économique de l'abbaye de Fécamp sous l'abbatiat de Jean de Ravenne’, in Fécamp, i. 67-79; Dom A. Wilmart in Auteurs spirituels (Paris, 1932), pp. 126-37.

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benignitate. Opera quz palam sedulo fecit, uel in occulto coram paucis arbitris omnipotenti Deo libauit’ attestantur quis spiritus in illo habitauit, ipsumque totum possidens ad solium Domini Sabaoth coronandum perduxit.

De

Fontanelle

monasterio

Guntardus'

ccenobita

electione

sapientum assumptus est: et post obitum Rodberti abbatis Gemmeticensibus rector datus est. Spiritualis doctrine pabula commissis ouibus curiose impendit’ et rigorem monastici ordinis uiriliter tenuit. Mansuetos et obedientes ut pater filios mulcens honorauit/ in reprobos autem et contumaces reguleque contemptores ut seuerus magister discipline uirgam exercuit. Denique ad concilium quod Vrbanus papa anno ab incarnatione Domini Mxcv indictione 111 apud Clarummontem tenuit? praefatus pater cum ceteris collegis suis Normanniz pastoribus perrexit,

ibique iubente Deo finem uitz sexto kal. decembris accepit, cui Tancardus? Fiscannensis prior ferus ut leo successit. Defuncto Herluino qui fundator et primus abbas Beccensis monasterii ii. 245

extitit, et multis karismatibus

florens zcclesiz filiis

in uita sua sine dolo profuit? uenerabilis Anselmus? multiplici literarum scientia pleniter imbutus successit, et prefatum ccenobium doctis ac religiosis fratribus donante Deo laudabiliter repleuit. Deinde aucto seruorum Dei numero copia rerum non defuit, sed confluentibus amicis nobilibus ac necessariis fratribus necessaria ubertas honorifice prouenit. Ad consilium probatissimi sophiste clerici et laici concurrebant, et dulcia ueritatis uerba qua de ore eius fluebant, fautoribus iusticiz quasi sermones angeli Dei placebant. Hic natione Italus Lanfrancum secutus Beccum expetiit? et instar Israhelitarum auro diuitiisque Agiptiorum id est szculari eruditione philosophorum onustus terram repromissionis desideranter adiit. Monachus autem factus coelesti theoriz omnimodis inhesit? et de uberrimo fonte sophyz melliflua doctrine fluenta copiose profudit. Obscuras sacrz Scripture sententias sollerter indagauit, strenue uerbis aut scriptis dilucidauit? !* For a brief study see G. Gontard, ‘Saint Gontard, moine de Fontenelle, abbé de Jumiéges', in Fumiéges, i. 69—72. This is, however, mainly based on the information supplied by Orderic.

? The appointment of Tancard aroused considerable opposition at Jumiéges, and he appears to have been forced to give up active administration of the abbey within a few years, though he may have remained titular abbot till his death.

Cf. J. Laporte, “Les listes abbatiales de Jumiéges’, in Fumiéges, i. 458. 3 Orderic had read the Vita Anselmi of Eadmer, but did not have a copy of it by him. Most of his information came from his friends at Bec, or from a rather

BOOK IV

oe

gave forth a sweet savour of charity, beneficence, and every kind of goodness. The works which he daily performed for all to see, or offered in secret to omnipotent God before few witnesses, testify to the spirit that dwelt in the man and, possessing him wholly, brought him to a crown of glory before the throne of the Lord of Hosts. The monk Gontard! was transferred from the abbey of St. Wandrille by the choice of wise men; and became abbot of Jumiéges after the death of Abbot Robert. He carefully fed the sheep committed to his charge with the food of spiritual doctrine, and steadfastly upheld the discipline of monastic life. He tended and loved the obedient and gentle as a father loves his children; but to the reprobate and contumacious and breakers of the rule he was a stern master, wielding the rod of discipline. In time this same abbot, together with other abbots and bishops of Normandy, attended the council held by Pope Urban at Clermont in the year of Our Lord 1095, the third Indiction; and there by God's ordinance he ended his life on 26 November. He was succeeded by Tancard? prior of Fécamp, a man fierce as a lion. On the death of Herluin, the first founder of the abbey of Bec, a man of many spiritual gifts who had given his life to the service of the sons of the church, the venerable Anselm,? who was dis-

tinguished by his remarkably wide learning, succeeded him, and with God's help filled the monastery of Bec with learned and pious monks. However, as the number of God's servants increased they did not want for material sustenance, for rich gifts flowed in as noble friends and brethren flocked to the abbey. Clerks and laymen came to sit at the feet of the renowned philosopher, and the sweet words of truth that fell from his lips were as welcome to righteous men as if they had come from an angel of God. He was a native of Italy, who had followed Lanfranc to Bec; and like the Israelites laden with the gold and treasures of Egypt—that is the learning of secular philosophers—he had eagerly approached the promised land. After becoming a monk he gave himself up entirely to spiritual learning and a sweet stream of doctrine poured abundantly from the unfailing fountain of his wisdom. He pondered deeply on the obscure statements in the Scriptures, illuminating them in his teaching and writing, and explained the inaccurate recollection of the contents of the Vita (cf. R. W. Southern, St. Anselm

and his Biographer (Cambridge, 1963), p. 144 n. 3).

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et perplexa prophetarum dicta salubriter enodauit. Omnia uerba

eius utilia erant? et beniuolos auditores zdificabant. Dociles discipuli epistolas tipicosque sermones eius scripto retinuerunt:! qui-

bus affatim debriati non solum sibi sed et aliis multis non

li. 246

mediocriter profecerunt. Hoc Guillelmus et Boso successores eius multipliciter senserunt? qui tanti doctoris sintagmata insigniter sibi hauserunt, et sitientibus inde desiderabilem potum largiter propinauerunt. Anselmus affabilis et mansuetus erat, et cunctis simpliciter interrogantibus karitatiue respondebat. Inquirentibus amicis pie libros edidit mire subtilitatis ac profunditatis De "Trinitate, De ueritate, De libero arbitrio, De casu diaboli, et Cur Deus homo factus est.? Fama sapientie huius didascali per totam latinitatem diuulgata est? et nectare bonz opinionis eius occidentalis ecclesia nobiliter debriata est. Ingens in ecclesia Beccensi liberalium artium et sacrz lectionis sedimen per Lanfrancum

coepit, et per Anselmum magnifice creuit? ut inde plures procederent egregii doctores et prouidi nautz ac spirituales aurigz,

quibus ad regendum in huius seculi stadio diuinitus habenze commissz sunt zcclesi;m. Sic ex bono usu in tantum Beccenses coenobitze studiis litterarum sunt dediti, et in questione seu prolatione sacrorum enigmatum utiliumue sermonum insistunt seduli? ut pene omnes uideantur philosophi, et ex collocutione eorum etiam qui uidentur inter eos illiterati et uocantur rustici? possint ediscere sibi commoda spumantes grammatici. Affabilitate mutua et karitatis dulcedine in Domini cultu gaudent, et infatigabili religione ut uera docet eos sapientia pollent. De hospitalitate Beccensium sufficienter eloqui nequeo. Interrogati Burgundiones et Hispani aliique de longe seu de prope aduentantes respondeant? et quanta benignitate ab eis suscepti fuerint sine fraude proferant, eosque in similibus imitari sine fictione satagant. lanua Beccensium patet omni uiatorij eorumque panis nulli denegatur karitatiue petenti. Et quid plura de eisdem loquar? Ipsos in bonis perseuerantes custodiat, et ad portum salutis incolumes perducat? qui gratis ccepit peragitque bonum quod in eis choruscat. ii. 247

Gerbertus Fontinellensis,? et Ainardus Diuensis,* ac Durandus ' For records of Anselm's sayings cf. R. W. Southern, St. Anselm and his Biographer, p. 222.

? The works of St. Anselm have been edited by F. S. Schmitt, O.S.B., Sancti Anselmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia (6 vols., Edinburgh, 1946-61). 3. Gerbert, abbot of St. Wandrille (1062-89), was honoured as a saint in the

liturgy of his monastery. Cf. G, Gontard in Jumiéges, i. 70.

dark sayings of the prophets for men's spiritual good. All his words were precious, and edified his eager pupils. They kept copies of his letters and figurative sayings! from which they and many others were to drink deeply and slake their thirst for knowledge. His successors, William and Boso, were fully aware of this, and

having themselves been refreshed by the works of this great scholar they prepared an abundant draught for all who thirsted after them. Anselm was gentle and affectionate, and always gave a kind reply to those who questioned him in true sincerity. To satisfy the queries of his friends he published books of remarkable depth and penetration, Oz the Trinity, On Truth, On Free Will,

On the Fall of Satan, and Why God was made Man.? 'The fame of this master's learning was spread all over the Latin world, and the western Church was wonderfully refreshed by the nectar of his true knowledge. A great store of learning in both the liberal arts and theology was assembled by Lanfranc in the abbey of Bec, and magnificently increased by Anselm so that the school sent out many distinguished scholars and also prudent pilots and spiritual charioteers who have been entrusted by divine providence with holding the reins of the churches in the arena of this world. So by good custom the monks of Bec are so devoted to the study of letters, so eager to solve theological problems and compose edifying treatises, that almost all of them seem to be philosophers; and by association with them, even with those who pass as illiterates and are called rustics at Bec, the most erudite doctors

can learn things to their advantage. The whole community is full of joy and charity in the service of God, and because true Wisdom is their teacher they are unfailing in their devotions. I cannot speak too highly of the hospitality of Bec. If you ask Burgundians and Spaniards and others coming from far and near they will reply by giving you a full account of the kindness they have received, and thereafter they do their best faithfully to imitate it. The doors of Bec are always open to any traveller, and their bread is never denied to anyone who asks for it in the name of Christ. What more shall I say of them? May He who freely creates and sustains the good that shines forth in them keep them in their holy ways, and bring them safely to the harbour of salvation. Gerbert of St. Wandrille? and Ainard of Dive* and Durand of 4 Abbot of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive 1046-c. 1078, and a close friend of Durand of Troarn.

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Troarnensis,! quasi tres stelle radiantes in firmamento cceli? sic

isti tres archimandrite multis modis rutilabant in arce Adonai. Religione et karitate multiplicique peritia pollebant, studioque diuinz laudationis in templo Dei iugiter inhiabant. Inter praecipuos cantores scientia musicze artis ad modulandum suauiter potiti sunt? et dulcisonos cantus antiphonarum atque responsoriorum ediderunt. De summo Rege quem laudant cherubin et seraphim et omnis militia coelorum, de intacta uirgine Maria qua nobis peperit saluatorem seculorum, de angelis et apostolis ac martiribus’ de confessoribus ac uirginibus, mellifluas laudes ex dulcissimo corde manantes prompserunt: et /Ecclesize pueris ad concinendum Domino cum Asaph et Eman, /Ethan et Idithun et filiis Chore? fideliter tradiderunt. Nicholaus

ii. 248

Ricardi tercii ducis Normannorum

filius, a puero

Fiscannensis monachus? coenobium Sancti Petri principis apostolorum in suburbio Rotomagensi fere Lx annis rexit, miraque magnitudinis et elegantiz basilicam cepit" in qua corpus sancti Audoeni eiusdem urbis archiepiscopi cum aliis multis sanctorum reliquiis requiescit. Alii quoque plures tunc erant monachorum patres in Neustria? quorum numerosa praeterire compellor karismata, ne lectori generet fastidium prolixitas nimia. Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLxxrin indictione xi^ Alexander papa secundus postquam Romanam et apostolicam sedem XI annis rexit, e mundo migrauit? et Gregorius septimus qui in baptismate Hildebrannus dictus est successit, et in kathedra pontificali xvii* annis sedit. Hic a puero monachus’ in lege Domini ualde studuit? multumque feruidus propter iusticiam multas persecutiones pertulit. Passim per orbem apostolica edicta destinauit, et nulli parcens coelestibus oraculis terribiliter intonuit: omnesque ad nuptias regis Sabaoth minis precibusque inuitauit. Poscenti papa uenerandus Hugo Cluniacensis abbas Odonem prefati monasterii priorem,® qui Remensis ecclesia canonicus ' Durand,

abbot

of Troarn

1059-88,

had studied

philosophy,

music, and

theology under Isembert at Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont, Rouen; he also wrote against Berengar. For his life see R. N. Sauvage, L’ Abbaye de Saint Martin de Troarn (Caen, 1911), pp. 287-9; R. Heurtevent, Durand de Troarn (Paris, 1912). ? Cf. 2 Chronicles v. 12; Psalms passim. 3 Nicholas was abbot of St. Ouen c. 1036-c. 1091 or 1092. Enough of the romanesque church begun by him in 1056 or 1066 has survived to justify the

praise of Orderic. See A. Masson, L' Église Saint-Ouen de Rouen (Paris, 1927), pp. 10, 28-29.

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396

Troarn! may be compared to three stars shining in the firmament of heaven, so brightly did these three abbots glow in the temple of the Lord. They were talented men, distinguished by piety and true religion, and they devoted themselves unceasingly to the praise and worship of God in the liturgy. They stood out among the most skilled masters of the art of musical composition, and wrote melodious chants for antiphons and responses. They had music in their souls, and composed praises of the King of kings, whom cherubin and seraphin and all the host of heaven adore; of the pure Virgin Mary who bore the Saviour of the world, of angels and apostles and martyrs and of confessors and virgins; and these they handed on to the choristers of the Church for singing the praises of the Lord with Asaph and Heman, Ethan and Jeduthun, and the sons of Korah.? Nicholas, son of Richard III duke of Normandy, who became a monk at Fécamp whilst still a boy, ruled the abbey of St. Peter, chief of the Apostles, in the suburb of Rouen for almost sixty years, and began a church of remarkable size and beauty where the body of St. Ouen, archbishop of that city, rests with many other relics of the saints. There were very many other true fathers of their monks in Normandy whose innumerable spiritual gifts I am compelled to pass over for fear that too long a catalogue might weary the reader. In the year of Our Lord 1073, the eleventh Indiction, Pope Alexander II died after governing Rome and the Holy See for eleven years; and Gregory VII, who had been called Hildebrand at baptism, succeeded him and remained in the papal chair for seventeen^ years. He was a man who had been a monk from boyhood,5 profoundly learned in the law of God, and because of his great zeal for justice he endured many persecutions. He sent papal mandates all over the world, and relentlessly thundered out his holy judgements, sparing no man, but with prayers and threats inviting all to the wedding feast of the King of Hosts. This pope asked the venerable Hugh, abbot of Cluny, to send to Rome Odo, prior of Cluny,$ who had been a canon of Rheims, with other * Probably a slip of the pen for twelve (x11). 5 Gregory had been a monk only for a very short time, probably in 1047-8 (see Christopher Brooke, Europe in the Central Middle Ages 962—11 54 (London, 1964), p. 250 n. 1). 6 Odo became cardinal bishop of Ostia in 1078, and was later elected pope as Urban II.

300

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fuerat, cum aliis idoneis coenobitis Romam transmisit? quos papa uelut a Deo sibi missos adiutores ouanter suscepit. Odonem nempe pracipuum sibi consiliarium elegit, et Ostiensi zecclesize pontificem constituit cuius sedis prarogatiua est a Romano electum clero suscipere, et papam benedicere. Alios quoque monachos papa prout ratio dictabat promouit’ et diuersarum zcclesiarum tutelz digniter preefecit. Defuncto Ernaldo Cenomannorum episcopo?! Guillelmus rex dixit Samsoni Baiocensi capellano suo,? ‘Cenomannensis episcopatus sedes suo uiduata est antistite? in qua uolente Deo te nunc uolo subrogare. Cenomannis a canina rabie dicta urbs est antiqua, et plebs eius finitimis est procax et sanguinolenta, dominisque suis semper contumax et rebellionis auida. Pontificales igitur habenas tibi tradere decerno, quem a puericia nutriui et amaui sedulo" et nunc inter maximos regni mei proceres sullimare desidero.' Samson respondit, "Secundum apostolicam traditionem oportet episcopum irreprehensibilem esse. Ego autem in omni uita mea sum ualde reprehensibilis, omnibusque mentis et corporis ante conspectum deitatis sum pollutus flagitiis?" nec tantum decus contingere possum pro sceleribus meis miser et despicabilis.’ Rex dixit, ‘Callidus es et perspicaciter uides’ quod tu rite peccatorem te confiteri debes. Fixam tamen in te statui sententiam, nec a te

ii. 250

statutum conuellam? quin episcopatum suscipias, aut alium qui pro te praesul fiat porrigas.' His auditis gauisus Samson ait, ‘Nunc domine mi rex optime locutus es? et ad hoc agendum adminiculante Deo me promptum inuenies. Ecce in capella tua est quidam pauper clericus? sed nobilis et bene morigeratus. Huic presulatum commenda in Dei timore? quia dignus est ut estimo tali honore.' Regi autem percunctanti quis esset" Samson respondit, ‘Hoellus dicitur et est genere Brito? sed humilis est et reuera bonus homo.’ Mox iubente rege Hoellus accersitur, ignarus adhuc ad quid uocaretur. Cumque rex iuuenem in humili habitu macilentum uidisset despexit/ et conuersus ad Samsonem dixit, ‘Istene est quem tu tantopere prefers?’ Samson respondit, ‘Etiam domine. Hunc sine dubio fideliter effero? hunc michi meique similibus iure przpono. Mitis est et benignus? inde magis presulatu dignus. Pro macie corporis? non sit contemptibilis. Humilis habitus" gratiorem t Arnold bishop of Le Mans died in 1081. 2 For the life and character of Samson see V. H. Galbraith, ‘Notes on the career of Samson, bishop of Worcester (1096-1112)', in EHR xxxii (1967),

86-101. If the conversation is accurate in substance Samson later either changed his views or amended his life, for he became bishop of Worcester in 1096. But cf. above, Introduction, p. xxxviii. 3 1 Timothy iii. 2.

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chosen monks; and welcomed them as if they had been sent from God to help him. He chose Odo as his chief counsellor and made him bishop of Ostia, a see which has the traditional right of acknowledging as pope the man chosen by the Roman clergy and crowning him. The pope promoted the other monks also according to their talents, and gave them authority over various churches. When Arnold bishop of Le Mans died! King William said to his chaplain, Samson of Bayeux:? “The church of Le Mans is widowed by the loss of its bishop, and to this I desire, God willing, to promote you. The city of Le Mans took its name of old from canine madness, and its people are insolent and bloodthirsty neighbours, and disobedient and rebellious subjects to any master they may have. Therefore I think it wise to hand the reins of episcopal power to you, whom I have educated from boyhood and loved dearly, and now wish to raise to equal rank with the greatest lords of the land.’ Samson replied: ‘By apostolic precept a bishop must be blameless. But I am a man who has been guilty of sin all my life, and am stained in the sight of God with every kind of vice of the flesh and the spirit; I could never deserve this honour since my sins make me wretched and despicable.’ The king made answer, “You are shrewd and clear-sighted and do well to describe yourself as a sinner. Nevertheless I have laid a charge on you and will not abandon it: either you must accept the bishopric or you must find another man to become bishop in your place.’ At these words Samson was cheered and said, ‘Now, my lord King, you are talking sense, and with God’s help you will find me ready to obey forthwith. You have in your chapel a certain clerk who is poor but well-born and obedient. Entrust him with the bishopric as you fear God; for I judge him worthy of this honour.’ When the king inquired who he was, Samson replied, ‘His name is Hoel and he is a Breton; but he is a humble and truly good man.’ At the king’s command Hoel was sent for, without being told the cause of the summons. But when the king saw an emaciated youth in mean apparel he felt only contempt, and turning to Samson asked, ‘Can this be the man whom you wish to advance so highly?’ Samson replied, ‘Even so, my lord. I bring forward this man in all good faith: and rightly do I prefer him to myself and men like me. He is meek and gentle and therefore all the more deserving of episcopal dignity. He is not to be despised for his wasted body. His humble dress makes him more acceptable to men of true wisdom.

302

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eum assignat sapientibus. Ad exteriora tantum non respicit Deus? sed intuetur ea que latent extrinsecus. Rex igitur prudens sapientis uerba intente percepit et sagaciter examinare coepit. Diffusas autem cogitationes suas in se reuersus rationis ligamine paulatim restrinxit? nominatumque clericum statim ad se accersiit, eique curam et szculare ius Cenomannensis episcopatus commisit. Decretum regis clero insinuatum est’ et prafati clerici bonz uitz testimonium ab his qui nouerunt uentilatum est. Pro tam pura et simplici electione deuota laus a fidelibus Deo reddita est/ et electus pastor ad caulas ouium suarum ab episcopis et reliquis fidelibus quibus hoc a rege iussum fuerat honorifice perductus est. At ille non minus obstupuit in tam subita promotione ad presulatum’ quam Dauid reprobatis a Samuhele primogenitis fratribus in prouectione ad regnum. Sic Hoellus Cenomannorum presul factus est: et pontificali stemmate per xv annos sancte perfunctus est. Episcopalem basilicam in qua corpus sancti Iuliani confessoris primi Cenomannorum presulis requiescit, et alia bona opera ecclesiz Dei necessaria condere cepit/ et pro temporis opportunitate quz cepta erant perficere studuit. Quo defuncto egregius uersificator Hildebertus successit? et fere xxx annis przsulatum laudabiliter tenuit. Basilicam uero episcopii quam predecessor eius inchoauerat consummauit^ et cum ingenti populorum tripudio ueneranter dedicauit. Qui non multo post anno scilicet ab incarnatione Domini MCxxv. indictione Iv’ ut Gislebertus Turonensis archiepiscopus cum Calixto secundo papa Rome obiit, sub Honorio papa metropolitanam sedem Turonicz urbis sancta ecclesia precibus et iussis cogente ascendit? ibique laudabilibus studiis et actibus adhuc insistit. Sicut mare nunquam tutum certa soliditate quiescit, sed inquietudine iugi turbatum more suo defluit? et quamuis aliquando tranquillum obtutibus spectantium appareat, solita tamen fluctuatione et instabilitate nauigantes territat’ sic praesens szeculum uolubilitate sua iugiter uexatur, innumerisque modis tristibus seu letis euidenter uariatur. Inter proteruos mundi amatores quibus ipse mundus non sufficit’? immanis altercatio frequenter oritur et in immensum crescit. Et dum quisque superior esse emulumque ! Hoel became bishop of Le Mans in 1081/2, but owing to the opposition of Fulk of Anjou his consecration did not take place until 1085. See Latouche, Maine, pp. 79, 86; GC xiv. 374-5. 2 Hildebert of Lavardin, bishop of Le Mans

1096-c. September

1125, was

one of the first men of letters of his age. See F. J. E. Raby, A History of ChristianLatin Poetry (Oxford, 1953), pp. 265-735; F. J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1934), i. 317-29; P. van Moos, H. von Lavardin (Stuttgart, 1965), and the forthcoming edition of his poetry by

A. B. Scott.

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For God does not regard outward things, but looks into the things which are outwardly hidden.' The king was shrewd enough to note these words of wisdom and ponder them in his heart. Recovering himself, he mastered his scattered thoughts as reason dictated; and at once calling back the clerk Hoel he invested him with the cure of the bishopric of Le Mans and all secular right in it.! The king’s decision was made known to the clergy, and evidence of Hoel’s good life was spread abroad by those who knew him. True Christians praised God and gave thanks to Him for so just and straightforward an election, and the chosen shepherd was escorted with honour to his sheepfold by the bishops and other churchmen who had been appointed by the king to do this. He for his part was no less astounded by his sudden promotion than David when Samuel set aside his elder brothers and raised him to the kingship. So Hoel became bishop of Le Mans and devoutly performed his episcopal duties for fifteen years. He began to build the cathedral church where lies the body of the holy confessor Julian, the first

bishop of Le Mans, and also began other good works for the profit of the church of God, doing his best as far as opportunities arose to complete these undertakings. After his death the famous poet Hildebert succeeded him,? and for almost thirty years honestly discharged his episcopal duties. He finished the cathedral church which his predecessor had begun, and solemnly dedicated it amidst great popular rejoicing. Not long after this, in the year of Our Lord 1125, the fourth Indiction, when Gilbert archbishop of Tours had died at Rome at the same time as Pope Calixtus the second, and Honorius was pope, he rose to the metropolitan see of Tours in response to the prayers and commands of good churchmen; and there, notable both for his studies and his life, he still

remains. Just as the sea is never wholly still and safe, but is tossed continually as it ebbs and flows; and although it may seem calm sometimes to those who are safe on shore nevertheless by its continual movement and tossing fills sailors with fear: so this present age is continually troubled by change and fluctuates ceaselessly through all the changing moods of joy and sorrow. Amongst the perverse lovers of the world, who can never be wholly satisfied by the world, disputes frequently arise and grow to immense proportions. And when everyone strives to raise himself and become 3 The cathedral of Le Mans was consecrated in 1120.

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suum proterere nititur, zquitatis immemor

ii. 252

li. 253

legem Dei trans-

greditur? et pro adipiscendo quod unusquisque ambit humanus cruor crudeliter effunditur. Hoc historicorum antiqui codices copiose referunt! hoc moderni rumores per uicos et plateas indesinenter asserunt, unde quidam ad presens laetantur? alii nichilominus flent et contristantur. De casibus huiusmodi quaedam in hoc nostro libello breuiter tetigi" et ueraciter adhuc addere libet alia prout a senioribus edidici. Herbertus Cenomannorum comes ex prosapia ut fertur Karoli Magni originem duxit? et uulgo sed parum latine cognominari Euigilans-canem pro ingenti probitate promeruit. Nam post mortem Hugonis patris sui quem Fulco senior sibi uiolenter subiugarat, in eundem arma leuans nocturnas expeditiones crebro agebat? et Andegauenses homines et canes in ipsa urbe uel in munitioribus oppidis terrebat, et horrendis assultibus pauidos uigilare cogebat.! Hugo filius Herberti postquam Alannus Britannorum comes a Normannis in Normannia impotionatus occubuit? Bertam ipsius relictam Tedbaldi Blesensium comitis sororem in coniugium accepit, que filium nomine Herbertum et tres filias ei peperit. Vna earum data est Azsoni marchiso Liguriz. Alia nomine Margarita Rodberto filio Guillelmi ducis Neustriz desponsata est? qua uirgo in tutela eiusdem ducis defuncta est. Tercia uero Iohanni domino castri quod Flecchia dicitur nupsit" que marito suo tres liberos Goisbertum, Heliam et Enoch peperit. Defuncto Goisfredo Martello fortissimo Andegauorum comite? successerunt ex sorore duo nepotes eius fili Alberici comitis Wastinensium e quibus Goisfredus qui simplex et tractabilis moribus erat iure primogeniti nactus est principatum. Guillelmus autem Normannorum princeps post mortem Herberti iuuenis hereditatem eius optinuit? et Goisfredus comes Rodberto iuueni cum filia Herberti totum honorem concessit, et hominium

debi-

tamque fidelitatem ab illo in presentia patris apud Alencionem recepit) Non multo post Fulco cognomento Richinus contra Goisfredum fratrem dominumque suum rebellauit, eumque per 1 For a different explanation of the nickname ‘Wake-dog’ see above, p. 116. ? Orderic’s information about the family of the counts of Maine was un-

reliable, and his mistakes have been corrected by Latouche, Maine, Appendix III, pp. 113-15. Hugh and Bertha had a son Herbert and a daughter Margaret, but the other two daughters attributed to Count Hugh IV were in fact his sisters. Gersendis married Azzo of Este, and Paula married John of La Fléche.

Her three sons are correctly named by Orderic 3 Orderic’s account, like that of William of Poitiers, is designed to show the legitimacy of William’s position in Maine, though he clearly states the point of

BOOK IV

sae

better than his equals, he forgets justice and defies the law of God; and as all snatch at the same things human blood is cruelly shed. The old history books are full of stories that prove this; and in our own day it is shown by the many rumours that pass through towns and villages, bringing to some momentary joy, to others weeping and mourning. I have briefly mentioned some events of this kind in my book, and now I can add true accounts of others as I have learned them from my elders. Herbert count of Maine, who was said to be descended from the

stock of Charlemagne, came to be called colloquially but not very elegantly ‘Wake-dog’ because of his remarkable valour. Not long after the death of his father Hugh, whom the elder Fulk had defeated by force of arms, he raised an army against this same Fulk and secretly led a series of night attacks, terrifying the men and dogs of Anjou alike in Le Mans and other fortified towns, and by his fierce attacks forcing them to keep anxious vigil.! After Count Alan of Brittany had been poisoned in Normandy by the Normans, Herbert’s son Hugh took to wife Bertha, widow of Alan and sister to Theobald count of Blois; and she bore him

a son named Herbert and three daughters.” One of these was given in marriage to Azzo marquess of Liguria. Another, called Margaret, was betrothed to Duke William’s son Robert, but died whilst still

a maiden in the guardianship of the duke. The third married John, lord of the stronghold called La Fléche, and bore her husband three children: Goisbert, Elias, and Enoch.

On the death of Geoffrey Martel, the redoubtable count of Anjou, two nephews, sons of his sister by Aubrey count of Gátinais, were next in succession; and of these Geoffrey, who was

gentle and easily led, acquired the county by right of primogeniture. But William, duke of Normandy, secured young Herbert’s inheritance after his death, and Count Geoffrey granted the whole fief and the hand of Herbert’s daughter to his young son Robert, receiving Robert's homage and fealty at Alencon in the presence of his father. Not long afterwards Fulk called Le Rechin rebelled against his brother and lord, Geoffrey, captured him view of the rebels. Latouche, Maine, p. 54 n. 1, has cited evidence to show that Maine was in a relation of vassalage to Anjou throughout the eleventh century. Both Latouche, Maine, p. 35 n. 2, and Halphen, Anjou, p. 180, date the homage of Robert Curthose to Geoffrey le Barbu in 1063, after William's victory. Latouche suggests that Geoffrey gave up his claim to effective possession of the county to preserve the rights of suzerainty. 822204

X

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proditionem comprehendit, et plus quam xxx annis in carcere Chinonis castri clausum tenuit. In tanta permutatione res mun-

danz in Andegauensi prouincia et in confiniis eius turbatze sunt?

li. 254

et proceres patrize ad diuersa studia prout quenque propria uoluntas agitabat conuersi sunt. Fulcone nimium mesto quod Normanni Cenomannicis imperarent/ et consulatum sui iuris illo nolente possiderent, seditiosi ciues et oppidani confines gregariique milites in exteros unanime

consilium ineunt? arcem urbis et alia munimina uiriliter armati ambiunt, et Turgisium de Traceio! Guillelmumque de Firmitate aliosque regis municipes expugnant et eiciunt.^ Quosdam fortiter sibi resistentes perimunt’ aliosque uinculis crudeliter iniciunt, et cum libertate talem de Normannis ultionem triumphantes

assumunt. Deinde regio tota perturbatur, et ibidem Normannica

li. 255

uis offuscatur" ac pene ab omnibus quasi generalis lues passim impugnatur. Goisfredus Meduanensis aliique optimates Cenomannorum pari conspiratione contra Normannos insurgunt? aliqui tamen licet pauci pro uariis euentibus et causis Guillelmo regi fauent et obcediunt. Magnanimus rex Guillelmus diris rumoribus de trucidatione suorum auditis iratus est? acad compescendam hostium inuasionem et proditorum rebellionem armis meritam ultionem facere molitus est. Regali iussu Normannos et Anglos celeriter asciuit, et multas armatorum legiones in unum conglomerauit, prudenter ad bellum milites peditesque cum ducibus suis disposuit, et cum eis Cenomannensem pagum terribilis adiuit. In primis Fredernaicum castrum cum phalange sua obsedit,3 ibique Rodberto de Belesmia cingulum militie pracinxit. Hubertus autem oppidanus pacem cum rege pepigit, castra sua Fredernaicum et Belmontem reddidit? eique aliquanto tempore postmodum seruiuit. Deinde rex Silleium obsedit, sed castrensis erus regem supplex expetiit, et optatam pacem impetrauit. Regi nimirum cum nimia uirtute properanti nullus audebat resistere" sed omnes oppidani ac pagenses cum clericis et omnibus religiosis pacificum marchionem decreuerunt digniter suscipere, eiusque dicioni legitimae colla gratanter summittere. Tandem rex Cinomannis uenit, pluribus cateruis urbem obsedit? edicta regalia suis opportune intimauit, et urbanis * For Turgis of Traci see Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Vincent du Mans, ed. R. Charles and S. Menjot d'Elbenne (Le Mans,

1886), nos. 252, 597, and

Latouche, Maine, p. 36 n. 3. He returned to Le Mans after the revolt and became seneschal. ? For this revolt in 1069 see Douglas, WC, p. 223; Latouche, Maine, p. 36.

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through treachery, and kept him imprisoned in the castle dungeon at Chinon for more than thirty years. This civil strife greatly disturbed the province of Anjou and its neighbours, and the local nobility took different sides entirely as their own interests dictated. Whilst Fulk resented the lordship of the Normans in Maine and their arbitrary dominance of a county that was rightly his, the unruly citizens and men from the neighbouring towns and mercenary soldiers united in a general conspiracy against the foreigners; with a strong army they surrounded the citadel and other defences of the city, and defeated and drove out Turgis of Traci! and William of la Ferté and the rest of the royal garrison.? They cut down some who resisted gallantly and brutally imprisoned others in fetters, and so took vengeance on the Normans whilst winning their liberty. Consequently the whole district was thrown into disorder: the Norman power there grew weak and was attacked by all and sundry as a general curse. Geoffrey of Mayenne and other nobles of Maine joined the conspiracy and rose against the Normans; some, however, though only a few, remained faithful to King William for various reasons. When terrible rumours of the slaughter of his men reached the great King William he flew into a rage, and began preparations to drive back and subdue the invading enemies and disloyal rebels by force of arms, and punish them as they deserved. By royal command he speedily brought together a great force of Norman and English soldiers, assembled knights and foot-soldiers with their leaders in battle array, and descended like a scourge on the county of Maine. First of all he besieged the castle of Fresnay? and there knighted Robert of Belléme. However, Hubert the castellan sought peace with the king, surrendered his strongholds of Fresnay and Beaumont, and for some time afterwards remained in his service. The king next besieged Sillé, and here the leader of the garrison begged for peace and obtained it. For no one dared to resist the king as he advanced with so mighty an army; but townsmen and countrymen, clerks and monks alike deemed it wise to accept him as a ruler who brought peace, and cheerfully bow their necks to the yoke of his lawful sway. Finally, the king reached Le Mans, and surrounding it with his numerous army he let his own men hear the royal ultimatum which he peremptorily 3 Fresnay was Maine, p. 38.

besieged

in 1073.

See Halphen,

Anjou,

p. 181; Latouche,

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IV

imperiose mandauit? ut prudenter sibi consulerent, et urbem ante assultus et cedes atque concremationes sibi cum pace redderent. In crastinum autem accepto salubri consilio ciues egressi sunt? et

ii.

ii.

supplices regi claues ciuitatis detulerunt, seseque dedentes a rege benigniter suscepti sunt. Reliqui uero Cenomannenses territi sunt? ut tantam inundationem immanis exercitus per fines suos diffundi uiderunt, iamque suos complices et fautores defecisse ante faciem probatissimi bellatoris nouerunt. Ipsi quoque pacis legatos uictori destinauerunt? et datis ab utrisque dextris ipsi regalibus signis sua uexilla gaudentes associauerunt, et exinde in domo sua et sub uite! sua morari et ludere si libet quiete permissi sunt. Pacatis itaque sine magno discrimine Cenomannensibus, et 256 pacifice sub Guillelmi regis dicione degentibus, Fulco comes noxio liuore nequiter infectus est? et contra quosdam Normannis fauentes insurgere conatus est.? 'T'unc ei Iohannes de Flecchia potentissimus Andegauorum precipue infensus erat’ quia Normannis adherebat. ' Qui ubi prefatum comitem cum ferratis agminibus festinare super se pro certo comperit? confcederatos sibi affines expetiit, auxiliumque Guillelmi regis requisiuit et impetrauit. Nam rex impiger Guillelmum de Molinis et Rodbertum de Veteri Ponte aliosque fortissimos et multoties probatos bellatores Iohanni destinauit? quos ille ad defendenda cum satellitibus suis oppida sua diligenter composuit. Hoc audiens Fulco uehementer doluit, et undecumque contractis uiribus castrum Iohannis obsedit. Hoellus quoque comes cum multitudine Britonum Fulconi suppetias aduenit? et cum eo Iohannis uim et opes acriter coartare studuit. Guillelmus autem rex ut tantam multitudinem girasse suos agnouit? regali edicto Normannos et Anglos iterum exciuit, aliasque sibi subditas gentes ut fortis magister militum conglobauit/ ac ut ferunt Lx milia 257 equitum contra hostiles cuneos secum eduxit. Andegauenses uero et Britones comperto regis et agminum eius aduentu non fugerunt? sed potius Ligerim fluuium audacter pertransierunt, et transuecti ne timidiores spe fugiendi segnius przliarentur scaphas suas destruxerunt. Dum utraque acies ad ambiguum certamen pararentur, horribilesque pro morte et miseris qua mortem ! Cf. Micah iv. 4. ? It seems very likely that Orderic here confuses the events of two campaigns of Fulk against La Fléche. The first took place in late 1076 or early 1077; Hoel, count of Brittany, had a Breton rebellion on his hands at this date, and he is more likely to have been fighting with Fulk during the second attack in 1081. See Douglas, WC, Appendix E (pp. 401-7).

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issued to the townsmen, warning them to save their own lives by surrendering the town peacefully before the assault, bringing destruction by fire and sword, could begin. Next day the citizens, choosing the wiser course, came out and humbly offered the keys of the city to the king, who graciously accepted their surrender. The remaining men of Maine were now terrified by the invasion of this huge army which was overrunning their whole territory, and the knowledge that their friends and supporters had collapsed at the sight of the renowned war-leader. They too sent ambassadors to ask the conqueror for peace; and when pledges of peace had been given they thankfully joined their standards with the royal banners, and were allowed to return home and live quietly, each man under his vine!, as he chose.

When the men of Maine had been subdued without any serious fighting, and allowed to live peacefully under King William's rule, Count Fulk became bitterly jealous, and tried to attack the supporters of the Normans.? At that time John of La Fléche, the most powerful of the Angevin lords, was particularly obnoxious to him because of his friendship for the Normans. When John knew for certain that the count was leading strongly armed forces against him, he sought support from his neighbours and sent to ask King William for help, which came at once. The indefatigable king sent William

of Moulins,

Robert

of Vieux-Pont,

and

other

brave

veterans to John's aid, and he carefully disposed them with his own men for the defence of his stronghold. This news caused Fulk great anxiety, and concentrating his scattered forces he invested John's castle. Count Hoel too came with a strong force of Bretons to support Fulk, and the two joined forces and endeavoured to overwhelm John's defences. But when King William learned that such a powerful force had surrounded his men, once again he took action like the great military leader he was, and mustered an army of Normans and English and all his other subject peoples, so that—as men tell—he was able to lead 60,000 knights against the opposing forces. The Angevins and Bretons did not give flight when they heard of the approach of the king and his armies, but instead boldly crossed the river Loire and when the crossing was completed burned their boats to prevent the fainthearted from merely putting up a show of fighting in the hope of retreat. Whilst both forces were preparing for the uncertain verdict of battle, and many were enduring the pangs of fear at the thought

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reproborum sequuntur, timores mentibus multorum ingereren-

ii. 258

tur? quidam Romanz zcclesiz cardinalis presbiter et religiosi monachi diuino nutu adsunt, principes utriusque legionis diuinitus animati adeunt, obsecrant et redarguunt. Viritim ex parte Dei bellum prohibent? admonendo et rogando pacem suadent. Gratanter his iunguntur Guillelmus Ebroicensis et Rogerius aliique comites strenuique optimates, qui sicut erant prompti et audaces ad legitimos agones: sic nimium perhorrebant per superbiam et iniusticiam subire conflictus detestabiles. Veredariis itaque Christi semina pacis serentibus’ ambitiosorum tumor conquiescit nimius, et formidantum timor paulatim decrescit pallidus. Multa demum consilia fiunt. Diuersi tractatus aguntur? uerba uerbis obiciuntur? Deo tamen uincente legati pacis utrinque suscipiuntur. Rodberto iuueni regis filio comes Andegauensis Cenomannense ius concedit, cum toto honore quem idem a comite Herberto cum Margarita sponsa sua suscepit" denique Rodbertus Fulconi debitum homagium ut minor maiori legaliter impendit. Iohannes autem aliique Andegauenses qui hactenus pro rege contra consulem rebellauerant principi suo reconciliati sunt’ et Cenomannenses nichilominus qui contra regem pro comite insurrexerant pacificati sunt. Sic gratia Dei mitigante corda principum reatus penitentium utrobique indulti sunt? et beniuole plebes serena pace tempestuosam nigredinem tumultuum procul pellente palam letate sunt. Hzc nimirum pax que inter regem et praefatum comitem in loco qui uulgo Blancalanda uel Brueria dicitur facta est? omni uita regis ad profectum utriusque prouinciz permansit.! Verum eodem tempore? alia tempestas grauissima orta est’ quae seua nimis et damnosa multis in Anglia facta est. Duo potentissimi Anglorum comites Rogerius Herfordensis, et sororius eius Radulfus Nortiwicensis, pariter decreuerunt ut palam rebellarent? et principatu Anglie Guillelmo regi surrepto sibi ius immo tirannidem assumerent. Castella igitur sua certatim offirmant, arma przeparant, milites aggregant? uicinis et longinquis in quibus confidebant, legatos suos frequenter destinant? et in suum adminiculum quoscumque possunt promissis et precibus inuitant. Consideratis rerum permutationibus, et temporum opportunitatibus: ' This pact between William and Fulk is also mentioned in the Angevin

annals (Halphen, Annales Angevines, p. 88); and if, as Orderic says, it initiated

a lasting peace between the two, it must have taken place in 1081. See Douglas,

WC, pp. 404-5.

The rebellion of the earls took place in 1075: Orderic must therefore have

BOOK IV

3

of death and the woes that come to sinners after death, there chanced to be present by God's will a certain cardinal priest of the Roman church and some holy monks who were inspired by God to approach the leaders of both sides and plead with them. They forbade the battle in the name of God, and pleaded the cause of peace. William of Évreux and Roger and other counts and magnates readily took up the same theme, for though they were bold and ready for action in any just struggle they shrank from entering into ignoble conflicts which had begun through pride and injustice. Once the ambassadors of Christ had sown the seeds of peace, the arrogance of the bold evaporated and the pallid fears of the cowardly gradually subsided. Many parleys took place; various terms were proposed; there was a battle of words. But the final victory lay with God, and the peacemakers were supported by both sides. The count of Anjou recognized the claim of young Robert, the king's son, to Maine, with the whole fief which he had

received from Count Herbert when he was betrothed to Margaret. Afterwards Robert did homage to Fulk as a vassal to his lord. John and the other Angevins, who up to this time had been in rebellion against the count on the king's behalf, were reconciled with their lord; and the men of Maine who had risen for the count against the king were pardoned. So by the grace of God who softens the hearts of princes the sins of the repentant in both armies were forgiven; and the innocent populace gave rein to their rejoicing as the clear skies of peace succeeded the black storms of war. Indeed this peace, which was made between the king and the count of Anjou in the place called in the vernacular Blancheland or Bruyére, lasted all the king's life, to the great profit of both provinces.! At the same time? another grave disturbance broke out, which brought sorrow and disaster to many in England. T'wo powerful English earls, Roger of Hereford and his brother-in-law Ralph of Norwich, plotted together to stir up rebellion, wrest the realm of England from King William, and assume authority—or rather tyranny—over it. To this end they fortified their castles, prepared weapons, mustered their knights, and sent messengers to all far and near whom they trusted, using prayers and promises to persuade potential supporters to help them. Considering the changes of fortune and the advantages of the present moment they said to been very confused about the chronology of the wars between Fulk and William

that he had just described.

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ii. 259 dicunt sibi confcederatis et assentantibus,

(Cuncti sapientes def-

finiunt congruum tempus prestolandum esse? et dum tempus adest gratum et habile, famosum opus a probis insigniter inchoari debere. Ad regni decus optinendum, tempus nunquam uidimus magis idoneum? quam nunc confertur nobis per ineffabile Dei donum. Degener utpote nothus est qui rex nuncupatur, et in propatulo diuinitus monstratur" quod Deo displicet, dum talis erus regno presidet. Transmarinis conflictibus undique circumdatur: et non solum ab externis sed etiam a sua prole impugnatur, et a propriis alumnis inter discrimina deseritur. Hoc eius nequitiae promeruerunt: quz per totum orbem nimis propalate sunt. Nam ipse Guillelmum Guarlengum Moritolii comitem! pro uno uerbo exhareditauit/ et de Neustria penitus effugauit. Gualterium Pontesii comitem Eduardi regis nepotem cum Biota uxore sua Falesiz hospitauit’ et nefaria potione simul ambos una nocte ii.260 peremit. Conanum quoque strenuissimum consulem ueneno infecit, quem mortuum Britannia tota pro ingenti probitate in'effabili luctu defleuit. Hzec et alia multa erga cognatos et affines suos scelera Guillelmus peregit" qui super nos et compares nostros adhuc similia perpetrare non desistit. Nobile regnum Angliz temere inuasit, genuinos heredes iniuste trucidauit: uel in exilium crudeliter pepulit. Suos quoque adiutores per quos super omne genus suum sullimatus est non ut decuisset honorauit, sed multis qui sanguinem suum in eius satellicio fuderunt ingratus extitit" et pro friuolis occasionibus ad mortem usque uelut hostes puniit. Vulneratis uictoribus steriles fundos et hostium depopulatione desolatos donauit? et eisdem postmodum restauratos auaricia cogente abstulit seu minorauit. Omnibus igitur est odio? et si periret multis esset gaudio. Ecce maior pars exercitus trans pontum moratur assiduisque bellis acriter occupatus detinetur. Angli sua solummodo rura colunt, conuiuiis et potationibus non preliis intendunt" summopere tamen pro suorum exitio parentum ultionem uidere concupiscunt. Hzc et his similia seditiosi dicentes, et sese ad concupitum nefas omnimodis cohortantes? ii. 261 Gualleuum Northamtoniz comitem ad colloquium accersiunt, et * William Werlenc, count of Mortain, was disinherited in 1055 or 1056. See

Douglas, WC, pp. 99, 138; Marx, pp. 171-2. These speeches are imaginary, but

they embody criticisms of King William that must have been widely circulated. Cf. above, Introduction, pp. xxxviii-xxxix. ! 2 Cf. above, p. 118 n. 2.

* Orderic gives a more detailed account of the alleged poisoning of Conan in

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their allies and supporters: ‘All thinking men believe that an opportune moment must be seized; and that the brave should set their hands to a great venture when the time is ripe. We have

never known a time more apt for winning the realm than that

which has now come to us through the grace of God. The man who now calls himself king is unworthy, since he is a bastard, and heaven has made it plain that it is not God's pleasure that such a leader should govern the kingdom. He is harassed on every side by wars overseas; he is attacked as much by his own kin as by strangers, and is deserted by his closest followers in the thick of battle. This is his just desert for his sins, which are all too well known everywhere. For he disinherited William Werlenc, count of Mortain,' for a hasty word and drove him out of Normandy; he entertained Walter count of Pontoise, a nephew of King Edward, and his wife Biota at Falaise, and murdered both in one

night with a poisoned draught.? He also poisoned that most valiant count, Conan, a man of such valour that his death cast the whole

of Brittany into deep mourning.? These and many others are the crimes of William against his kindred and connexions, and he does not hesitate to commit similar evil deeds against us and our peers. He presumptuously invaded the fair kingdom of England and unjustly slew its true heirs or drove them into harsh exile. He did not reward the supporters who raised him above his own people as he ought to have done, but showed ingratitude to many who had shed their blood in his service and on the slightest pretext punished them with death as if they had been enemies. To victors who had endured wounds he gave barren estates, wasted and depopulated by his army; and after they had made these lands fertile he began to covet them, and either took them back or appropriated part of them. All men hate him; and his death would cause great rejoicing. Consider now; the greater part of his army is detained overseas, heavily engaged in continual fighting. The English are concerned only in tilling their fields: feasts and convivialities are more to their taste than battles; nevertheless they yearn to see the ruin of their kinsmen avenged.' With these and similar arguments, urging each other to undertake the treachery they had conceived, the conspirators sought the ear of Waltheof earl of Northampton and tempted him with such reasoning as this: his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 193-4); but the story is

unconvincing and unsupported elsewhere. Cf. Douglas, WC, pp. 409-10.

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multis eum modis temptantes talia promunt, ‘Ecce peroptatum tempus O strenue uir modo uides? ut tibi recuperes exemptos

honores, et accipias iniuriis tibi nuper illatis debitas ultiones. Adquiesce nobis et indesinenter inhere? et terciam partem An-

gliz nobiscum sine dubio poteris habere. Volumus enim ut status

ii. 262

regni Albionis redintegretur omnimodis? sicut olim fuit tempore Eduardi piissimi regis. Vnus ex nobis sit rex et duo duces: et sic nobis tribus omnes Anglici subicientur honores. Guillelmus innumeris bellorum ponderibus transmare pregrauatus est? et pro certo scimus quod in Angliam ulterius rediturus non est. Eia nobilis heros, consultus obserua tibi generique tuo commodissimos, omnique genti tuze quz prostrata est salutiferos.' Walleuus respondit, ‘Maxima in talibus negociis cautela necessaria est’ et integra fides in omnibus gentibus ab omni homine domino suo seruanda est. Guillelmus rex fidem meam ut maior a minori iure recepit? ac ut ei semper fidelis existerem in matrimonium michi neptem suam copulauit. Locupletem quoque comitatum michi donauit? et inter suos familiares conuiuas connumerauit. Et tanto principi qualiter infidus esse queam, nisi penitus mentiri uelim fidem meam? In multis notus sum regionibus? et magnum quod absit fiet dedecus, si publice diuulger ut proditor sacrilegus. Nusquam de traditore bona cantio cantata est. Omnes gentes apostatam et proditorem sicut lupum maledicunt, et suspendio dignum iudicant et opprimunt* et si fors est patibulo cum dedecore multisque probris affigunt. Achitophel et Iudas traditionis scelus machinati sunt’ parique suspensionis supplicio nec celo nec terra digni semetipsos peremerunt. Anglica lex! capitis obtruncatione traditorem multat: omnemque progeniem eius naturali haereditate omnino priuat. Absit ut mea nobilitas maculetur proditione nefaria?" et de me tam turpis per orbem publicetur infamia. Dominus Deus qui Dauid de manu Goliz et Saulis, Adadezer et Absalon potenter liberauit? me quoque de multis periculis in mari et in arida gratuito eripuit. Ipsi me fideliter commendo, et in ipso fiducialiter spero? quod traditionem in uita mea non faciam, nec angelo Sathanz similis efficiar per apostasiam.’ Radulfus igitur Brito atque Rogerius hzc audientes ualde contristati sunt’ eumque coniuratione terribili ne consilium eorum detegeret constrinxerunt. Non multo post coniurata rebellio per regiones Anglie subito erupit? et manifesta contradictio contra ! This is correctly stated (Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, i. 51-52). The punishment in Norman law was forfeiture and imprisonment. Cf. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 604, and above, Introduction, p. xxxix.

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‘See, gallant lord, now is the appointed hour for you to recover your lost fiefs and take just vengeance for the injuries you have suffered. Join our party and stand with us; we can promise you a third part of England. We wish to restore all the good customs that the realm of Albion enjoyed in the time of the virtuous King Edward. One of us shall be king and the other two dukes; and so all the honors of England shall be subject to the three of us. William is overwhelmed by countless wars overseas, and we know for certain that he will never return to England. Come, noble lord: respect the counsels that hold out the greatest hope for you and your descendants, and will bring salvation to your people, now sunk in slavery.’ Waltheof replied: ‘In such affairs the greatest caution is necessary; and every man in every country owes absolute loyalty to his liege lord. King William has lawfully received the oath of fealty which I his vassal rightly swore, and has given his niece to me in marriage as a pledge of lasting loyalty. He has given me a rich earldom and counted me among his closest friends. How can I be unfaithful to such a lord, unless I utterly desecrate my faith? I am known all over the country, and it would cause great scandal if—which Heaven forbid—I were publicly proclaimed a sacrilegious traitor. No good song is ever sung of a traitor. All peoples brand apostates and traitors as wolves, and consider them worthy of hanging and—if they can—condemn them to the gallows with every kind of ignominy and insult. Achitophel and Judas committed the crime of treachery, and both took their own lives by hanging themselves, as men unworthy of either earth or heaven. The law of England! punishes the traitor by beheading, and deprives his whole progeny of their just inheritance. Heaven forbid that I should stain my honour with the guilt of treachery, and that such shame should be voiced abroad about me. The Lord God, who delivered David out of the hand of Goliath and of Saul, Adarezer, and Absalom, has by his grace delivered me also from many dangers by sea and land. To him I commend myself in all faith; and in him I faithfully hope that I may never be guilty of treachery in my life nor imitate the apostasy of the fallen angel

Satan.’ When Ralph the Breton and Roger heard these words they were bitterly disappointed and bound him by a terrible oath not to reveal their conspiracy. Not long afterwards the rebellion they had

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regales ministros late processit.! Guillelmus itaque de Guarenna et Ricardus de Benefacta filius Gisleberti comitis, quos rex przecipuos Angliz iusticiarios? constituerat in regni negotiis? rebellantes conuocant ad curiam regis. Illi uero przeceptis eorum obsecundare contempnunt: sed proteruiam prosequi conantes in regios satellites preliari eligunt. Nec mora Guillelmus et Ricardus exercitum Angliz coadunant/ acriterque contra seditiosos in campo qui Fagaduna dicitur dimicant.3 Obstantes uero uirtute Dei superant? ii. 263 et omnibus captis cuiuscumque conditionis sint dextrum pedem ut notificentur amputant. Radulfum Britonem ad castrum suum fugientem persequuntur? sed comprehendere nequeunt. Conglobata deinceps multitudine Northguicum obsident et impugnant, socios fortitudine et industria militari corroborant? et crebris assultibus uariisque machinationibus inclusos hostes circumdant, et per tres menses importune premunt et fatigant. Vindex deforis exercitus cotidie crescit et confortatur: et copia uictus aliarumque rerum eis ne deficientes abscedant abunde administratur. Radulfus autem

de Guader

ut sese

sic inclusione

constrictum

uidit, et

nullum adiutorium a suis complicibus sperauit" munitionem suam fidis custodibus caute commisit, et ipse proximum mare ingressus Daciam pro auxiliis nauigio adiit.* Interea uicarii regis Guillelmus et Ricardus municipes oppidi ad deditionem coartant, et regem cito missis transpontum nunciis pro suprascriptis motibus accelerant: ut uelociter redeat ad sui tuitionem regni obsecrant.5 Impiger igitur rex ut legationes suorum audiuit, Normannicas et Czenomannicas res prouide disposuit? et omnibus optime locatis in Angliam celeriter transfretauit. Qui postquam omnes ad curiam suam regni proceres conuocauit/ legitimos heroes et in fide probatos blandis affatibus latificauit, rebellionis autem incentores et

fautores cur mallent nefas quam iusticiam rationabiliter interrogauit. Custodibus regi pacificatis Norguicum redditum est? et ! Orderic's account of the rebellion agrees in some points with Florence of Worcester (FW ii. 10-12) and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, D, E; but has some details not found elsewhere. 'l'he source for these is unknown: they may have been part of the Crowland tradition. For a discussion of events see F. S. Scott, Arch, Aeliana, xxx (1952), 205-7.

2 The term justiciar later acquired a technical sense: at this date it implies an ad hoc authority (cf. Francis West, The Fusticiarship in England, p. 8). 3 Florence says the place was near Cambridge: Orderic alone gives the name

*Fagaduna'. This has not been identified: Le Prévost suggests Beechamwell (Norfolk), but this is an unlikely derivation. Whereas Orderic names William of

Warenne and Richard of Clare, Florence states that the royal army was led by Geoffrey of Coutances and Odo of Bayeux: a letter of Lanfranc to King William (d'Achery, no. xxxv; Giles, no. 38), describing the suppression of the rebellion,

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plotted broke out all over England and the king's servants met with open opposition everywhere.! William of Warenne and Richard of Bienfait, son of Count Gilbert, whom the king had appointed among his chief ministers? for all business in England, summoned the rebels to the king's court. They, however, scorned the summons, preferring to continue in their evil ways, and joined battle with the king's men. Without delay William and Richard mustered the English army and engaged in a hard-fought battle with the rebels in a plain called Fagaduna.3 Holding their ground they won the field by God's help, and left their mark on all prisoners of whatever rank by cutting off their right foot. They pursued Ralph the Breton to his castle, but could not capture him. Then concentrating their forces they besieged and attacked Norwich, encouraging their friends by their bravery and military skill, and harrying their besieged foes by continual assaults with every kind of engine of war. For three months they continued their relentless pressure, wearing out the enemy. The avenging army was daily strengthened by reinforcements, and an abundant supply of food and other necessities was provided for all their needs so that they could continue the siege indefinitely. When Ralph of Gael realized that he was shut in without hope of receiving any help from his accomplices, he entrusted the defence to a loyal garrison and himself took to the sea near by and boarded a ship to seek help in Denmark.* Meanwhile the king's ministers, William and Richard, urged the

garrison of the town to surrender and sent messengers post-haste across the sea to tell the king of these events and implore him to return with all speed to the defence of his kingdom.5 When the tireless king received these reports from his men he quickly settled affairs in Normandy and Maine, and leaving everything in excellent order sailed at once to England. After summoning all the magnates of the kingdom to his court he warmly praised the men who had kept the law and remained true to him, and formally asked the fomentors and supporters of rebellion why they preferred iniquity to justice. The garrison of Norwich made peace names Geoffrey of Coutances and William of Warenne among those at Norwich. Very probably all four were actively engaged in defeating the rebels. 4 As Cnut of Denmark led a fleet of over 200 ships to pillage the English coast shortly afterwards it is possible that Ralph did visit Denmark, as Orderic says, before returning to Brittany. 5 Lanfranc in fact wrote to the king to say that the situation was well in hand,

and that there was no need for him to return (Epistolae, ed. Giles, nos. 37, 38).

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Radulfus de Guader comes Nortguici de Anglia perpetualiter exhereditatus ii. 264 repetiit

li. 265

est. Expulsus

patrium

ius quod

itaque cum

uxore

sua Brittaniam

ei sceptriger Anglicus

auferre

non

potuit. Ibi Guader et Monsfortis optima castella eius dicioni subiacent? quz liberi eius hereditario iure usque hodie possident.! Ipse autem post multos annos tempore Vrbani papa crucem Domini suscepit, et cum Rodberto secundo Normannorum duce contra Turcos lerusalem perrexit, et in uia Dei poenitens et peregrinus cum uxore sua obiit. Rogerius uero comes^ ad curiam regis uocatus uenit? et inquisitus manifestam toti mundo proditionem negare non potuit. Igitur secundum leges Normannorum iudicatus est’ et amissa omni hereditate terrena in carcere regis perpetuo damnatus est.? Ibi etiam regi multoties nequiter detraxit" et contumacibus actis implacabiliter regem offendit. Nam quondam dum plebs Dei Paschale festum congrue celebraret, et rex structum preciosarum uestium Rogerio comiti per idoneos satellites in ergastulo mitteret? ille piram ingentem ante se iussit praeparari, et ibidem regalia ornamenta? clamidem sericamque interulam et renonem de preciosis pellibus peregrinorum murium subito comburi. Quod audiens rex iratus ait, "Multum superbus est qui hoc michi dedecus fecit? sed per splendorem Dei de carcere meo in omni uita mea non exibit.'* Sententia regis tam fixa permansit" quod nec etiam post mortem regis ipse nisi mortuus de uinculis exiit. Rainaldus et Rogerius filii: eius optimi tirones Henrico regi famulantur? et clementiam eius quae tardissima eis uisa est in duris agonibus preestolantur.5 Vere gloria mundi ut flos foeni decidit et arescit" ac uelut fumus deficit et transit. Vbi est Guillelmus Osberni filius, Herfordensis

comes et regis uicarius? Normanniz dapifer et magister militum bellicosus? Hic nimirum primus et maximus oppressor Anglorum

extitit" et enormem causam per temeritatem suam enutriuit, per quam multis milibus ruina miserz mortis incubuit. Verum iustus

^ de Britolio has been added after uero and Herfordensis after comes, both in

a later hand. Though Orderic

printed in earlier editions they were not written by

* The Breton fiefs descended to Ralph's eldest son William; on his death in

III9 they passed to the second son, Ralph, in whose line they: remained (GEC

1X: 574);

2 See above, p. 314 n. 1.

3 In view of the pretensions of the conspirators the gift that Orderic regards

as a courtesy may well have been taken as an insult. + The date of his death is unknown: Vl. 450).

it must

have been after 1087 (GEC

BOOK IV

a5

and surrendered to the king, and Ralph of Gael earl of Norwich forfeited his English fiefs. So he was forced into exile; and returning to Brittany with his wife took up his patrimony, which the English monarch had no power to confiscate. In Brittany he was lord of the two strong fortresses of Gael and Montfort, and his children hold them by hereditary right to this day.! He himself many years later, in the time of Pope Urban, took the cross and set out for Jerusalem with Robert the second, duke of Normandy,

to fight against the Turks; as a pilgrim and penitent following the way of God he died, together with his wife. However, Earl Roger obeyed the summons to the king’s court, and when questioned could not deny the treachery that was plain for all to see. Consequently he was judged by the laws of the Normans, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment after forfeiting all his earthly goods.? Even in prison he continued to abuse the king in many ways, and give him still greater offence by his provocative behaviour. For once, whilst the Christian populace was reverently celebrating the Easter feast, the king sent honourable servants with a store of valuable garments to Earl Roger in his prison; whereat he commanded that a huge pyre should be prepared and the royal finery?—cloak and silken tunic and mantle of ermine skins from distant parts—burned at once. At the news of this the king exclaimed in wrath, 'It is a proud man who insults me in this way ;but by God's glory he shall never leave my prison as long as he lives.’ The king’s sentence was so lasting that even after the king's death nothing but death released him from his fetters. His sons Reginald and Roger became some of the best soldiers in the service of King Henry; and are still awaiting his pardon which seems to them in their bitter conflicts too long delayed.5 Truly the glory of this world falls and withers like the flower of grass: even as smoke it fades and passes. Where is William fitzOsbern,

earl of Hereford,

regent of the king, steward of Nor-

mandy, and gallant leader in battle? He indeed was the first and greatest oppressor of the English, and harshly supported a huge following, which caused the ruin and wretched death of many 5 Reginald at some date found favour with Henry I, for he married Emmeline,

daughter of Hamelin of Ballon, and by 1130 held the Ballon fief in Wiltshire zure uxoris (J. H. Round, Studies in Peerage and Family History, pp. 201-5). It is

possible that when Orderic wrote this book in 1125-6 he had not yet acquired the property; on the other hand, Orderic's information may not have been up to date. Nothing further is known of Roger.

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iudex omnia uidet! et unicuique prout meretur digne redibet. Proh dolor ecce Guillelmus corruit audax athleta recepit quod promeruit. Vt multos ense trucidauit, ipse quoque ferro repente interiit. Denique post eius occasum, antequam lustrum compleretur annorum spiritus discordiz filium eius et generum contra dominum suum et cognatum hostiliter exciuit, qui Sicchimitas contra Abimelech quem occisis Lxx filiis Ierobaal sibi prafecerant commouit.! En ueraciter a me descripta est offensa pro qua Guillelmi progenies eradicata sic est de Anglia? ut nec passum pedis nisi fallor iam nanciscatur in illa, Gualleuus comes ad regem accersitus est? et per delationem Iudith uxoris suz accusatus est’ quod predicte proditionis conscius et fautor fuerit, dominoque suo infidelis extiterit. Ille autem intrepidus palam recognouit, quod proditorum nequissimam uoluntatem ab eis audierit, sed eis in tam nefanda re nul-

ii. 266

lum omnino assensum dederit. Super hac confessione iudicium indagatum est/ et censoribus inter se diuersa sentientibus per plures inducias usque in annum protelatum est. Interea prefatus heros apud Guentam in carcere regis erat, et multoties peccata sua deflebat’ quae ibidem religiosis episcopis et abbatibus sepe flens enarrabat. Spacio itaque unius anni iuxta sacerdotum consilium peenituit’ et cotidie centum quinquaginta psalmos Dauid, quos in infantia didicerat in oratione Deo cecinit.? Erat idem uir corpore magnus et elegans: largitate et audacia multis milibus praestans. Deuotus Dei cultor, sacerdotum et omnium religiosorum supplex auditor? zcclesiz pauperumque benignus amator. Pro his et multis aliis karismatibus quibus in ordine laicali specialiter fruebatur, a suis et ab exteris qui Deo placita diligere norunt multum diligebatur? et ereptio eius a uinculis in annua procrastinatione omnimodis expetebatur. Denique praualens concio emulorum eius in curia regali coadunata est" eumque post multos tractatus reum esse mortis deffinitum est’ qui sodalibus de morte domini sui tractantibus consenserit, nec eos pro erili exitio perculerit? nec aperta delatione scelerosam factionem detexerit. Nec mora Gualleuus a Normannis qui euasionem eius ualde timebant sibique praedia eius et largos honores adipisci cupiebant, extra urbem ! Judges ix.

? If Waltheof had learned the psalms of David as a boy he may have been intended to be a monk before the death of his elder brother. Cf. Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx (1952), 156. But at this point Orderic, who was using Crowland

traditions, begins to pass from history into hagiography.

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321

thousands. Verily the just judge sees all things and rewards each one according to his deserts. For alas! see how the brave warrior William fell and received just retribution. He who slew many by the sword himself perished suddenly by the sword. And within five years of his death the spirit of discord moved his son and son-in-law to rebellion against their lord and kinsman, as it had stirred the men of Shechem against Abimelech whom they had made their leader after he slew the seventy sons of Jerubbaal.: See now, I have truthfully related the crime for which the whole progeny of William was obliterated in England so thoroughly that, unless I am mistaken, they no longer possess a foot of English ground. Earl Waltheof was summoned before the king and accused, on the deposition of his wife Judith, of being a party to the conspiracy and proving unfaithful to his lord. He, however, fearlessly and openly admitted that he had learned from the traitors of their infamous intention, but had refused to give them any support in such a shameful affair. Judgement was demanded on the grounds of this confession: but as the judges could not agree among themselves a decision was postponed several times and delayed a year. During this time the brave earl was kept in the king's prison at Winchester, where with tears and lamentations he repeatedly confessed his sins to holy bishops and abbots. There for the space of a year he did penance as the priests advised, chanting to God daily the hundred and fifty psalms of David which he had learned in childhood.? He was a handsome man of splendid physique, exceptional for his generosity and courage: a devoted Christian

who showed humble obedience to all priests and monks and truly loved the Church and the poor. On account of these spiritual virtues and many others in which he surpassed most laymen he was dearly loved by his own subjects and by god-fearing men everywhere; and it was generally supposed during the year's delay that he would be released from imprisonment. But a powerful group of his enemies met in the king's court and after long discussions judged him worthy of death, because he had given tacit consent to his companions in their plot to kill their lord and had neither resisted their attempt to destroy their master nor openly revealed the conspiracy. Without delay the Normans, who coveted

the wealth and wide fiefs of Waltheof and were deeply concerned

lest he should escape, led him out of the town of Winchester early 822204

Y

322

ii. 267

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IV

Guentam mane dum adhuc populus dormiret ductus est’ in montem ubi nunc ecclesia sancti Egidii abbatis et confessoris constructa est. Ibi uestes suas quibus ut consul honorifice indutus processit" clericis et pauperibus qui forte aderant ad hoc spectaculum deuote distribuit, humoque procumbens cum lacrimis et singultibus Dominum diutius exorauit. Cumque carnifices trepidarent, ne ciues exciti praeceptum regis impedirent? et tam nobili compatriotz suo suffragantes regios lictores trucidarent, ‘Surge’ inquiunt prostrato comiti" ‘ut nostri compleamus iussum domini.' Quibus ille ait, 'Paulisper expectate propter omnipotentis Dei clementiam" saltem ut dicam pro me et pro uobis orationem dominicam.' Illis autem permittentibus surrexit" et flexis tantum genibus oculisque in colum fixis et manibus tensis ‘Pater noster qui es in colis! palam dicere cepit. Cumque ad extremum capitulum peruenisset, ‘Et ne nos inducas in temptationem' dixisset" uberes lacrima cum eiulatu proruperunt, ipsumque preces inceptas concludere non permiserunt.

Carnifex autem ulterius przestolari noluit? sed mox exempto gladio fortiter feriens caput comitis amputauit. Porro caput postquam prasectum fuit/ cunctis qui aderant audientibus clara et articulata uoce dixit, ‘Sed libera nos a malo amen.’

ii. 268

Sic Gualleuus

comes

apud Guentam ii. kal. maii! mane decollatus est? ibique in fossa corpus eius uiliter proiectum est’ et uiridi cespite festinanter coopertum est. Expergefacti ciues compertis rumoribus ualde contristati sunt? uirique cum mulieribus ingentem planctum de casu Gualleui comitis egerunt. Post quindecim dies rogatu Iudith et permissu regis Vlfketelus Crulandensis abbas uenit, et cadauer quod adhuc integrum cum recenti cruore acsi tunc idem uir obisset erat sustulit, ac in coenobium Crulandense cum magno luctu multorum detulit, et in capitulo monachorum reuerenter sepeliuit. Nunc michi libet huic opusculo nostro quandam adbreuiationem inserere? quam rogante uenerabili Vulfuino priore, nuper feci de uita sancti Guthlaci heremitz. Felix quidam orientalium Anglorum episcopus,? natione quidem Burgundus" sed sanctitate uenerandus, edidit gesta sanctissimi anachorite prolixo et aliquantulum obscuro dictatu? que pro posse meo breuiter dilucidaui ! A slip for Iunii: elsewhere Orderic gives the date as 31 May, which agrees with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, D, 1077 (for 1076).

? Little is known of Felix, author of the Life of St. Guthlac, but he was

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im

in the morning whilst the people slept, and took him up the hill where the church of St. Giles, abbot and confessor, now stands. There he piously divided among the clergy and poor who happened to be present the rich garments which he wore as an earl, and prostrating himself on the ground gave himself up for a long time to prayer, with weeping and lamentation. But since the executioners feared that the citizens would wake and prevent them carrying out the royal will, and show sympathy for their noble fellow countryman by murdering the royal guards, they addressed the prostrate earl in these words: ‘Get up,’ they said, ‘so that we may carry out our lord's orders. To this he replied, “Wait a little longer, for the love of almighty God, at least

until I have said the Lord’s prayer on your behalf and mine.’ As they agreed he rose, and kneeling with his eyes raised to heaven and his hands stretched out he began to say aloud, ‘Our Father, which art in Heaven’. But when he reached the last sentence and said,

‘And lead us not into temptation,’ such tears and lamentations broke from him that he could not finish his prayer. The executioner refused to wait any longer, but straightway drawing his sword struck off the earl’s head with a mighty blow. Then the severed head was heard by all present to say in a clear voice, ‘But deliver us from evil. Amen.’ This was the manner in which Earl Waltheof was executed at Winchester on the morning of 30 April,! his body being flung unceremoniously into a ditch and hastily covered with freshly cut turf. As the citizens woke and heard the sad story they were plunged into mourning, and men and women alike loudly bewailed the fate of Earl Waltheof. A fortnight later at the request of Judith and with the king’s permission Ulfketel, abbot of Crowland, came and disinterred the body, which still remained incorrupt with the blood as fresh as if he had just died. It was carried to Crowland amidst general mourning and reverently buried in the monks’ chapter-house. And now I am able to include in this modest work of mine a summary which I recently made of the life of St. Guthlac the hermit at the request of the venerable Prior Wulfwin. A certain Felix, bishop of the East Angles,? of Burgundian origin and

revered for his sanctity, wrote the deeds of this most holy hermit in a lengthy book somewhat obscure in style, which to the best of certainly not Bishop Felix, who died before Guthlac was born. See Felix’s Life of St. Guthlac, ed. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 8, 15-16.

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fratrum benigno rogatu, cum quibus quinque septimanis Cru-

landiz commoratus sum uenerabilis Goisfredi abbatis karitatiuo iussu. Occasio loquendi de beato heremita sese optulit nostra narrationi, per Gualleuum comitem qui fidus frater et adiutor

extitit Crulandensis

ii. 269

monasterii?

sicut ex relatione

seniorum

ueraciter intimabo in calce huius epitomi. Indubitanter credo quod non minus proderunt fidelibus Cisalpinis sancta gesta transmarinorum Saxonum uel Anglorum, quam Graecorum uel 7Egiptiorum’ de quibus prolixe sed delectabiles commodzque collationes crebro leguntur congestz sanctorum studio doctorum. Praeterea reor quod quanto res hzc minus olim nostratibus patuit? tanto karitatis igne feruentibus et pro transactis reatibus ex intimo corde dolentibus gratiosius placebit. Tempore Ethelredi regis Anglorum, Guthlacus ex patre Penualdo ab origine Icles eri Merciorum, matre uero Tetta natus est? quo nascente celeste prodigium populis palam ostensum est. Manus enim e nubibus ad crucem porrecta est: quz ante hostium domus parientis 'lettze stare uisa est. Post octo dies infans baptizatur? et Guthlacus id est belli munus a tribu quam Guthlacingas dicunt appellatur. Post mitem puericiam dum adolescentiz calorem sensisset, et heroum fortia gesta considerasset’ aggregatis satellitum

turmis

ad arma

se conuertit,

sibique aduersantium,

uillas et munitiones igne ferroque deuastat et disperdit? immensisque predis direptis terciam partem sponte his quibus ablatum est pro amore Dei remittit. Deinde transcursis nouem annis in quibus hostes ualde afflixerat cedibus et rapinis? considerata mortalis uite fragilitate, et

caducarum rerum instabilitate’ territus ad seipsum redit, seque acsi mortem prz oculis uideret discutit" et emendatioris uite uiam aggredi satagit. Igitur complices suos relinquit, parentes et patriam comitesque adolescentiz suz pro Christo contempnit, et xxiv etatis sue anno abrenunciatis seculi pompis Ripadum monasterium adiit, ibique sub abbatissa nomine Elfdrid tonsuram

habitumque

clericalem

suscipit. Postea ab ebrietate omnique

lasciuia toto nisu declinauit?" omnique honestati et religioni pro humano posse studuit. Per biennium sacris litteris et monasticis

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325

my ability I abbreviated and clarified at the kind request of the brethren and loving command of Abbot Geoffrey, with whom I passed five weeks at Crowland. An opportunity of speaking of the blessed hermit occurs at this point in my narrative, since Earl Waltheof was a good friend and brother of the abbey of Crowland as I have learned from the senior monks and shall truthfully relate in a postscript to this abridgement. I steadfastly believe that the holy deeds of the Angles and Saxons of England could be no less edifying to northern Christians than the deeds of Greeks and Egyptians, which devoted scholars have fully recorded in lengthy narratives that are freely studied and give much pleasure. Moreover, I believe that, little as these things are known amongst our own countrymen, they must prove all the more pleasing and full of grace to men of ardent charity who lament their past sins from the bottom of their hearts. In the time of Ethelred king of the English Guthlac was born. His father was Penwalh, of the stock of Icel, a Mercian lord; and

his mother was Tetta. At his birth a heavenly portent appeared to all beholders; for a hand was stretched out from the clouds towards

the cross standing in front of the house where T'etta was in labour. Eight days later the child was baptized and called Guthlac, meaning 'gift of war', from the tribe which are called Guthlacingas. After a gentle childhood he felt the passions of youth, and fired by the brave deeds of heroes he gathered together bands of followers and gave himself up to the pursuit of arms, wasting and destroying the towns and villages of his foes by fire and sword, and winning great booty; but he always freely gave back a third

part of it for the love of God. At the end of nine years in which he had troubled his enemies with slaughter and pillage he began to reflect on the frailty of mortal life and the transience of temporal things, and awoke in terror to his plight. He felt as though death stared him in the face, and resolved to turn towards a better way of life. So he left his fellow warriors, rejecting his kinsmen and home and the companions of his youth for the love of Christ: and in the twentyfourth year of his life renounced the empty show of the world and entered the monastery of Repton, where he received the tonsure under the abbess /Elfthryth. After this he turned away from all feasting and fleshly lusts, applying himself with his whole mind to

religious devotions. For two years he lived a life of holy learning

ii. 270

disciplinis imbutus est’ sed his tantum contentus non est. Nam heremitice uitze singulare certamen arripere conatus est? ubi cum hoste comminus luctatus est. Adepta tandem a senioribus licentia! a quodam nomine Tatuuino ad insulam que dicitur Crouland scafula adductus est piscatoria. 1Est in mediterraneis Anglie partibus immense magnitudinis acerrima palus, quz a Grontz fluminis ripis incipit, nunc stagnis, nunc flactris, interdum nigris? laticibus et crebris insularum nemoribus et flexuosis riuigarum anfractibus ab austro in aquilonem maritenus longissimo tractu protenditur. Illic plures inhabitare temptauerant’ sed pro incognitis heremi monstris et diuersarum terroribus formarum atram habitationem reliquerant. Guthlacus itaque estiuis temporibus Crulanda perscrutata, fratres suos et magistros quos insalutatos dimiserat reuisere profectus est? iterumque post tres menses cum duobus pueris ad electam heremum viii kal. septembris cum iam ipse xxvi annorum esset regressus est. Tunc sancti Bartholomei apostoli solennitas celebratur? quem socium sibi et adiutorem in cunctas aduersitates summopere

precatur.

Quindecim annis non laneis uel lineis sed pelliceis solummodo

ii. 271

tegminibus indutus est/ et ordeiceo pane ac lutulenta* aqua et ex his parum post solis occasum usus est. Innumeris illum modis Sathan temptauit,? et irretire uel de heremo expellere laborauit. Quondam dum per tres dies incepti operis desperatione lassaretur? en Bartholomeus fidus adiutor matutinis uigiliis instanti palam apparet, et preceptis spiritualibus trepidantem confortans auxilium in omnibus ei spondet, et in multis temptationibus promissa sua fideliter complet. “Alia die duo demones in hominum specie ad eum ueniunt" eumque temptantes ut nimium ieiunando Moysen et Heliam aliosque Egyptios patres imitaretur incitant. At ille psallens in contemptum illorum ordeicei panis particula uesci cepit. Aliquando dum uir Dei peruigil precibus intempesta nocte insisteret? cateruas daemonum undique ingredi cellam suam uidet. ? From ‘et irretire’ to ‘ei spondet! and ‘Alia die’ to ‘uesci cepit' the MS. is in a hand quite different from Orderic’s. ‘Et in multis . . . complet’ is added by Orderic

* From ‘Est in’ to ‘protenditur’ Orderic, who began by abbreviating Felix, follows the text very closely, though ‘aterrima’ is spelt ‘acerrima’ (cf. Colgrave,

p. 86). His version is nearest to MS. Harleian 3097 (Colgrave, p. 30).

^ Because of large deposits of peat the waters of the fens, though very clear,

often appear dark in colour. This can still be seen at Wicken F: en, where a small

area of uncultivated fen is preserved.

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and monastic discipline, but this could not satisfy him; he wished instead to undertake the single-handed struggle of a hermit's life, where a man may wrestle with the enemy face to face. So after obtaining permission from his superiors he was taken to the island of Crowland in a fishing boat by one named Tatwine. "There is in the midland region of England a forbidding fen of great dimensions, which begins at the banks of the river Granta and extending in a waste of pools and marshes, interspersed with the black? waters of streams, the wooded growth of islands, and

the tortuous windings of rivers, stretches endlessly from the south to the sea-shore in the north. Many had tried to live there, but other hermits had been forced by strange monsters and all manner of terrible shapes to abandon their dismal habitation. Guthlac surveyed the isle of Crowland in the summer months, and then returned for a final visit to his brethren and masters, whom he had ..

left without a word of farewell. Three months later he came back with two boys, on 25 August, to his chosen hermitage, being then twenty-six years old. It was then the feast of St. Bartholomew the apostle,? whom he always called upon as his friend and comforter in his many trials. For fifteen years he wore neither woollen nor linen garments, but only the skins of beasts, partaking of nothing but barley bread and clear water,^ and of these only very little, after sunset.

And in countless ways Satan tempted him, trying to ensnare him or drive him out of his hermitage. Once, when he had passed three whole days in weariness and despair of ever completing the work which he had begun, behold, suddenly Bartholomew his faithful comforter appeared to him as he kept his morning vigil, allaying his fears with spiritual consolation, and promising him unfailing help—which later he faithfully gave him during his many temptations. Another day two demons came to him in the shape of men and tempted him to imitate Moses and Elijah and the Egyptian fathers also by excessive fasting. But he continued to chant psalms and defied them by partaking of his morsel of barley bread. Another time when the man of God kept vigil, lost in prayers at dead of night, he saw bands of demons crowding into his cell 3 This date, instead of the usual 24 August, is taken from Felix (cf. Colgrave,

Pp. 91).

4 Possibly ‘muddy’; but cf. above, p. 326 n. 2.

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Quem ligatis membris extra cellam ducunt: et in cenosam paludem immergunt. Deinde per paludis asperrima loca inter densa ueprium uimina asportant, et post dilacerationem membrorum de heremo illum discedere imperant. Quo nolente? ferreis eum flagris uerberant, ac post ingentia tormenta inter nubifera gelidi aeris spacia subuectant, indeque a septentrionali plaga innumeris dzemonum turmis aduentantibus usque ad Tartari fauces minant. Tunc Guthlacus uisis gehennz poenis terretur? sed minis daemonum contemptis ad Deum medullitus suspirat. Nec mora sanctus Bartolomeus coelesti luce splendidus illi adest" et cum magna quiete ab ipsis hostibus reduci ad propriam sedem iubet. Illi uero gementes apostoli iussis obsecundant? et angeli gaudentes dulciter ei obuiam cantant, ‘Ibunt sancti de uirtute in uirtutem." li. 272

Multoties et multis modis daemones Guthlacum terrere nitebantur: sed ipse Domino iuuante illos et cuncta molimina eorum frustrabatur. Imperterritus in uirtutum arce stetit duros labores in agone pertulit" diabolicosque conatus pessundedit. Tempore Ceenredi regis Merciorum Becelmus clericus ad occidendum uirum Dei a daemone stimulatus dum ipsum tonderet:’ ab eodem increpatus est cur tantum facinus in corde gestaret. At ille mox ut se prauentum uidit, erubescens ad pedes sancti cecidit? scelus fatetur, ueniamque precatur? perceptaque indulgentia se socium illius fore pollicetur. Coruus raptam cartulam in medio stagni dimisit, nec illam in

arundine pendentem aqua meritis uiri Dei lesit? quam idem scriptori mesto saluam reddidit. ‘Duo corui in insula degentes beato Guthlaco ualde infesti erant, ita ut quicquid frangere, mergere, diripere, contaminare potuissent" irreuerenter intus forisque damnantes perderent, quos uir Dei pro uirtute patientiz benigniter tolerabat. Incultz solitudinis uolucres et uagabundi cenosz paludis pisces ad uocem eius'uelut ad pastorem ocius natantes uolantesque ueniebant: et de manu eius uictum prout uniuscuiusque natura indigebat accipiebant. Presente uenerabili uiro Wilfrido, duabus irundinibus gaudenter * ‘Duo corui . . . accipiebant follows the text of Felix very closely (Colgrave, pp. 118-2o).

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329

from all sides. Binding his limbs they dragged him from his cell and plunged him into the foul marsh. Then they dragged him through the wildest parts of the fen, through dense thickets of thorns, and when his body was torn and bleeding commanded him to depart from his hermitage. Since he refused they beat him with iron rods and after subjecting him to cruel tortures, swept him through the cloudy reaches of the chilly sky, and there with countless swarms of devils who joined them from the northern regions they drove him before them to the jaws of Hell. Then at the sight of the pains of Hell Guthlac trembled inwardly, but scorning the threats of the demons he cried to God from the depths of his heart. And at once St. Bartholomew, shining with heavenly glory, stood beside him and quietly ordered his enemies to take him back to his hermitage. They obeyed the commands of the apostle with groans, and glad throngs of angels came to meet him singing: “The saints shall go from strength to strength.’ On many occasions and in many ways demons tried to terrorize Guthlac, but with God’s help he defeated all their efforts. He stood unafraid in the citadel of his strength, endured agonizing labours, and defeated all the wiles of the devil. In the time of Coenred king of the Mercians a clerk named Beccel was tempted by the devil to slay the man of God whilst he was shaving him; but Guthlac inquired why he contemplated such a deed in his heart. Seeing his thoughts discovered, he instantly fell, confused, at the saint’s feet, confessed his crime and sought pardon; and when this was granted promised to become Guthlac’s companion. A jackdaw dropped a document it had seized into the middle of a pool; yet by the merits of the man of God it was undamaged by the water as it caught on a reed, and Guthlac restored it safely

to the anxious scribe.

Two jackdaws who nested in the island gave Guthlac great trouble by breaking, dropping in the water, tearing, and fouling everything they could, and impudently damaging or carrying off everything they could find inside and outside the cell. But the man of God endured them kindly, through the virtue of patience. The wild birds of the waste and the untamed fishes of the marshy pools came swiftly flying and swimming at his call, as a flock of sheep to their shepherd; and each received the food proper to his

kind from Guthlac’s hand.! Whilst the venerable Wilfrid was with him two swallows came

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illum secundum suam naturam uisitantibus, et cum cantu brachiis

et genibus pectorique illius insidentibus’ festucam in uentinula posuit, et sic auibus nidum in sua cella designauit. Non enim in li. 273

casa Guthlaci sine licentia eius nidificare audebant. Quondam dum prefatus Wilfridus exulem Edelbaldum

ad

hominem Dei adduxisset? manicasque suas in naui qua aduecti fuerant oblitus fuisset, rapace scorui rapuerunt. Quod mox uir Dei in uestibulo domus sedens in spiritu Dei agnouit, et inter colloquia Wilfrido intimauit? nec multo post uirtute fidei et orationis gementi pro damno restaurauit. Wehtredus inclitus iuuenis orientalium Anglorum a demonio inuasus est? et quattuor annis miserabiliter uexatus est. Se et quoscumque poterat, ligno, ferro, unguibus et dentibus laniabat. Quondam dum multitudo illum ligare temptaret’ arrepta bipenne tres uiros occidit. Post quattuor annos Crolandiam adductus est? quem uir Dei manu arripiens intra oratorium suum duxit, et illic continuis tribus diebus ieiunans et orans ab omni inquietudine maligni spiritus curauit. Egga preefati exulis Edelbaldi comes dum ab immundo spiritu peruasus est: ita ut quid esset uel quo sederet uel quid ageret omnino nesciret, a sociis suis ad Guthlaci limina perductus est. Deinde mox ut se cingulo uiri Dei succinxit’ integrum sensum recepit, omnique postmodum uita sua idem cingulum et sanam mentem habuit. Preterea uir Dei Guthlacus spiritu prophetiz pollens? futura

praedicere et prasentibus absentia narrare solitus est. Cuidam

ii. 274

abbati qui ad eum causa piz locutionis uenerat? de duobus clericis qui ad casam uidu zante horam terciam pro appetenda ebrietate diuertissent, cuncta per ordinem intimat. Alios duos fratres quod binas flasculas celia impletas sub palustri sablone abscondissent increpat, eisque pro tanta uiri Dei sagacitate stupentibus et ad solum prostratis benigniter indulsit. Fama de beato Guthlaco longe lateque celeriter uolante? multi ad eum ueniunt diuersorum ordinum gradus, abbates, monachi,

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Bak

fluttering in to converse with him in their own way, twittering as they perched on his arms and knees and breast; and he placed some straw in a basket to indicate to the birds where they could nest in his cell. For they dared not build their nest in Guthlac’s hut without his permission. Once when this same Wilfrid brought the exiled thelbald to the man of God greedy jackdaws stole the gloves which he had carelessly left in the boat that had brought them there. At once the man of God, inspired by the Holy Spirit as he sat in the porch of his cell, knew this, and interrupted his discourse to tell Wilfrid;

soon afterwards by the strength of his faith and prayers he restored them to Wilfrid who was lamenting his loss. Hwaetred, a noble East Anglian youth, was possessed by a devil and had been miserably tormented for four years. He continually wounded himself and any others he could reach with his nails and teeth and any pieces of wood or metal that lay to hand. Once when a great number of men were struggling to bind him he snatched a double-winged axe and slew three men. After four years of madness he was taken to Crowland, where the man of God took him

by the hand and led him into his cell: and after three days of continual prayer and fasting he was entirely delivered from the evil spirit. Ecga, a companion of the exiled ZEthelbald, being troubled by an unclean spirit so that he had no idea of who or where he was or what he was doing, was brought by his companions to Guthlac’s threshold. As soon as he girded himself with the belt of the man of God he recovered his senses, and for the rest of his life he kept the belt and enjoyed his sanity. Further

the man

of God,

Guthlac,

possessed

the spirit of

prophecy, and could foretell the future and relate what was then happening in other places. He told a certain abbot who was visiting him for holy discourse all the details of the behaviour of two clerks, who had gone to a widow’s house for a drinking bout before the third hour. Again he upbraided two brothers who had hidden two flasks full of beer in the sandy soil of the marsh, and when they humbly prostrated themselves before the man of God, amazed at his knowledge, he gently forgave them. As the fame of St. Guthlac spread far and wide a great multitude of different ranks and orders came flocking to him: abbots, monks,

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comites, diuites, uexati, pauperesque de proximis Merciorum finibus, et de remotis Britanniz partibus pro salute corporis aut animze. Et quisque id pro quo fideliter uenerat? salubriter optinebat. /Egrotus enim remedium" tristis gaudium, poenitens consolationem, et quisque anxius recipiebat alleuationem, per uiri Dei allocutionem, et efficacem orationem.

Obba comes incliti exulis Edelbaldi dum per agrestia rura

li. 275

graderetur, spine latentis sub herbis inculte telluris fixura in pede lesus est" ita ut a planta usque ad lumbos totum corpus eius tumesceret, nec eum nouus dolor sedere uel stare uel iacere quiete sineret. Vnde uix Crulandiam peruenit. Mox ut ad uirum Dei perductus est: et causa uexationis ex ordine relata est" Guthlacus luterio melotinz in quo solebat orare ipsum circumdedit, statimque dicto citius spinula de pede eius uelut sagitta ab arcu demissa resiliit. Eadem itaque hora omni humore sedato zger conualuit? et Deo gratias cum his qui hoc uiderant letus retulit. Quondam Headda praesul cum quibusdam clericis et laicis ad Guthlacum uenit? inter quos de beato uiro uaria locutio obiter fuit. Preedictus autem episcopus comperta in uenerabili uiro diuinz gratiz luculentia, et in exponendis sacris Scripturis sapientiz affluentia" postquam insule Crolandiz zcclesiam xii kal. septembris dedicauit, eundem seruum Dei suscipere sacerdotii stemma inuiolabili obeedientize praecepto coegit. Dein ad prandium pontificis sanctus uir contra morem suum uenire coactus est. Vbi dum Wigfridum librarium uideret procul sedere? cepit ab eo inquirere de hesterna promissione? qua sociis in uia iactauerat se examinaturum utrum idem uera potiretur an simulata religione. Mox ille erubuit? soloque prostratus ueniam petiit et optinuit, cunctis mirantibus quod illorum in uia locutio per spiritum uiro Dei lucide tota patuerit. Reuerentissima Egburg abbatissa Aldulfi regis filia per legatum suppliciter rogante, Guthlacus sarcofagum plumbeum et in eo linteum ad inuoluendum se post obitum suscepit? et scissitanti

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earls, men of wealth, the troubled in spirit, and the poor from the

near-by regions of Mercia and the remote parts of Britain, all seeking to be healed in body or soul. And each one obtained whatever, having faith, he had come to seek for his salvation. For through the discourse and prayers of the man of God the sick were made whole, the sorrowful were gladdened, the penitent forgiven, and the oppressed comforted. Ofa, a retainer of the famous 7Ethelbald in his exile, chanced whilst walking through the country fields to be wounded in the foot by a sharp thorn hidden under the grasses of the fallow field, so that his whole body swelled from the sole of his foot to his loins, and he was in such anguish that he could neither sit nor stand nor lie without pain, and could scarcely drag himself to Crowland. As soon as he had been brought to the man of God, and the cause of his suffering explained, Guthlac placed round him the sheepskin covering which he wore at prayer, and instantly, swifter than words, the sharp thorn sprang from his foot like an arrow shot from a bow. At the same moment the swelling subsided and the sick man recovered and joyfully gave thanks to God, as did all who saw the miracle. At one time Bishop Headda came to Guthlac with a number of clerks and laymen who expressed different opinions of the saint as they journeyed there. But the bishop found in the holy man such a store of divine grace and such abundance of wisdom in expounding the Holy Scriptures that after he had dedicated the church of Crowland on 21 August he compelled the servant of God by virtue of his vow of obedience to receive the dignity of priesthood. Afterwards the holy man was obliged against his custom to dine with the bishop. When he saw the scribe Wigfrith sitting far off he began to remind him of his promise made the day before, when he had boasted to his comrades on the road that he would examine Guthlac to discover if he were a man of true religion or a fraud. Covered with confusion, Wigfrith flung himself on the ground and begged for pardon, which was granted; whilst all present marvelled that their conversation on the journey should have been revealed by the Holy Spirit to the man of God. The very reverend Abbess Ecgburh, daughter of King Aldwulf, sent a messenger begging Guthlac to accept from her a leaden coffin and linen shroud to wrap round him after his death. He did so, and when she asked who would inherit the place after him he

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quis hzeres post se loci illius esset, adhuc paganum esse respondit. Quod ita factum est. Nam Cissa qui post eum sedem eius possedit" post aliquot annos in Britannia baptismum percepit.

Clito Edelbaldus quem Ceolredus rex huc et illuc ualde persequebatur: inter dubia pericula exinanitis uiribus suis suorumque ad uirum Dei ut solebat uenit, ut ubi humanum defecisset?" ii. 276

diuinum

adesset.

Quem

beatus

blande

consolatus est? eique per Spiritum Dei promisit dominationem gentis suze et principatum populorum et conculcationem inimicorum, et hec omnia non armorum ui nec effusione sanguinis sed de manu Domini habiturum. Eo cuncta ordine completa sunt? quo a uiro Dei uaticinata sunt. Nam Ceolredus rex mortuus est? ac Edelbaldus regnum eius nactus est. Completis in heremo xv annis uenerabilis Guthlacus ante Pascha quarta feria zgrotare ccpit, die tamen Paschz contra uires exurgens missam cantauit. Septima uero die infirmitatis Beccel famulo suo iussit? ut post obitum suum Pegam sororem suam illuc aduenire faceret, et ab illa corpus eius sindone in sarcofago quam Egburg illi miserat inuolueretur. Tunc ille cepit uirum Dei cum adiuratione rogare, ut ante suum funus sibi intimaret, quis cum eo uespere et mane loqui cotidie audiebatur. Almus Dei athleta post modicum interuallum anhelans ait, ‘Fili mi de hac re sollicitari noli. Quod uiuens ulli hominum

li. 277

consilium

Guthlacus

indicare

nolui? nunc tibi manifestabo. A secundo etenim anno quo hanc heremum habitare ceperam, mane uespereque semper angelum^ consolationis mez ad colloquium meum Dominus mittebat, qui michi misteria quz non licet homini narrare monstrabat/ qui duriciam laboris mei celestibus oraculis sulleuabat, qui absentia michi monstrando ut przsentia preesentabat. O fili, heec dicta mea conserua? nullique alii nunciaueris nisi Pegz aut Egberto anachoritz.’ His dictis suauis odor de ore eius processisse sentiebatur, ita ut totam domum nectareus odor repleret. Nocte uero sequenti dum praefatus frater nocturnis uigiliis incumberet? a media nocte usque in auroram totam domum igneo candore circumsplendescere uidebat. Oriente uero sole uir Dei sulleuatis paulisper membris uelut exurgens, et manus ad altare extendens?" communione corporis et sanguinis Christi se muniuit, et eleuatis oculis ad * angelum omitted in MS.; supplied from Felix

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gave answer saying that the man was still a pagan. This was found to be true. For Cissa, who was to occupy the seat after him, was baptized in Britain a few years later. The atheling ZEthelbald, who was being hunted out by King Ceolred and had exhausted both his own strength and his men's in dire peril, came as he had done before to the man of God; so that spiritual counsel might sustain him when human help failed. And indeed the blessed Guthlac gently consoled him, promising him through the Holy Spirit that he should win the crown, govern his people, and defeat his enemies, and that all these things should come about not by armed force and bloodshed, but as a free gift of God. And all came to pass as the man of God had prophesied. For King Ceolred died and 7Ethelbald acquired the kingdom. After fifteen full years in his hermitage Guthlac fell sick on the Wednesday before Easter; but on Easter Sunday he summoned his failing strength to rise and sing Mass. On the seventh day of his illness he instructed his servant Beccel that after his death he should send for his sister Pega to wrap his body in its shroud and lay it in the coffin which Ecgburh had sent him. Then Beccel began earnestly to conjure the man of God to tell him, before he died, who it was that could be heard speaking with him every morning and evening. 'T'he beloved soldier of God, after hesitating for a moment, said with a sigh: ‘My son, do not trouble yourself on that account. The truth which, while I lived, I would tell to

no man, I will now reveal to you. Ever since the second year after I took up my dwelling in this hermitage, the Lord has sent an angel every morning and evening to converse with me for my consolation and reveal mysteries that no man may tell. He lightened the burden of my toil with heavenly revelations, and showed me things far off as though they were present. O my son, keep these words of mine in your heart and reveal them to none save Pega and the anchorite Ecgberht. When he had finished speaking a sweet odour came from his mouth, so that the whole house was filled with the heavenly fragrance. On the following night, whilst the same brother was keeping the night watches, he saw the whole house aglow with a white fire from midnight till dawn. At sunrise the man of God raised himself slightly as if about to rise, and stretching out his hands towards the altar strengthened himself with the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ: then as he lifted up his eyes to heaven and raised his hands on high

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colum

et extensis

in altum

IV

manibus,

anno

ab

incarnatione

Domini pccxy! animam ad perenne gaudium emisit. Inter haec Beccel conspicit celesti splendore domum repleri, turrimque uelut igneam e terra in celum erigi? ad cuius comparationem sol quasi lucerna in die pallescere uidebatur. Cantibus quoque angelicis spacium totius aeris detonari audiebatur" insula etiam diuersorum aromatum odoriferis spiraminibus fragrat. Predictus itaque frater ualde tremefactus eximiam choruscationem sufferre non ualens, arrepta naui uirginem Christi Pegam adiuit, eique fraterna mandata seriatim retulit. Quibus auditis? illa uehementer ingemuit. Postera uero die cum predicto fratre Crolandiam uenit, et tercia die felicia membra in oratorio secun-

ii. 278

dum iussionem eius sepeliuit, ubi Dominus postea propter amici sui merita in sanandis zgrotis plura miracula fecit. Ad anniuersarium sancti Guthlaci soror eius Pega presbiteros et alios zecclesiastici ordinis uiros aggregauit, et sepulchrum eius aperuit, ut corpus eius in aliud mausoleum transferret. Tunc totum corpus integrum quasi adhuc uiueret inuenerunt, et uestimenta omnia quibus inuolutus erat antiqua nouitate et pristino candore splendebant. Mirantibus cunctis et stupentibus ac trementibus pra miraculo quod uidebant: Pega spiritualiter commota sacrum corpus reuerenter in sindone quam eo uiuente Egbert anachorita in hoc officium miserat reuoluit, et sarcofagum super terram quasi quoddam memoriale posuit, ubi usque hodie honorabiliter requiescit. Illuc praefatus exul Edelbaldus audita sancti uiri morte merens adiit" cui post lacrimas et longam orationem in proxima casula dormienti sanctus uir apparuit, eumque consolans sceptrum regni antequam annus finiatur promisit. Signum quoque poscenti dedit" quod in crastinum ante horam terciam habitatoribus Crolandiz insperata uictus solatia darentur. Nec mora effectus dicta sequitur. Vnde idem Edelbaldus postquam regnum adeptus est? miris ornamentorum structuris mausoleum uenerabilis Guthlaci decorauit. Quidam paterfamilias in prouincia Wisa oculorum lumen per annum perdidit" nec illud ullis pigmentorum fomentis recuperare potuit. Tandem cum fide Crolandiam perductus colloquium uirginis Christi Pegae appetiit, cuius permissu intra oratorium ad * The date is not in the early MSS. of Felix (Colgrave, p. 158). It occurs in MS. Douai 852, which made use of Orderic's epitome.

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his soul departed to eternal bliss. This was in the year of Our Lord 715.1 All this time Beccel saw the house filled with heavenly light, and a tower as it were

of fire stretched from earth to heaven,

beside which the sun grew as pale as a lamp in the daytime. The whole sky rang with the songs of angels; the island was perfumed with the sweet scent of different spices. This same brother, trembling and unable to look upon a light so dazzling, leaped into a boat and went to the Christian virgin, Pega, to tell her all her brother’s behests. On hearing them she was deeply moved. The next day she journeyed to Crowland with the same brother and on the third day buried the blessed body in the oratory as Guthlac had commanded. There the Lord afterwards, through the merits of his servant, performed divers miracles in healing the sick. On the anniversary of St. Guthlac his sister Pega assembled a number of priests and other clergy and opened the tomb, so that his body might be translated to another sepulchre. Then they found his whole body incorrupt as if he were still alive, and all the old vestments in which it was wrapped new and shining with their first whiteness. Whilst all wondered and were silent, trembling at the miracle they beheld, Pega, deeply moved in her heart, reverently wrapped the holy body once more in the shroud which, during his lifetime, the holy recluse Ecgberht had sent for the purpose, and placed the coffin on the ground as a monument to him; and there it is revered to the present day. There the exiled /Ethelbald came mourning when he heard of the saint’s death; and when after much prayer and weeping he fell asleep in a neighbouring hut the holy man appeared to him, offering him consolation and promising him the throne of the kingdom before the end of the year. On /Ethelbald’s request he gave him as a sign that next day before the third hour an unexpected gift of food should come to the inhabitants of Crowland. His words were soon proved true. So when /Ethelbald ascended the throne he beautified the tomb of St. Guthlac with richly decorated ornaments. The head of a certain family of the peoples of Wissa was blind for a whole year, and the application of poultices of various kinds utterly failed to restore his sight. At length, having faith, he was brought to Crowland and sought speech with the holy virgin Pega, by whose permission he lay down beside the holy body in the 822204

Z

338 ii. 279

ii. 280

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IV

corpus sanctum recubuit. Illa uero partem glutinam salis a sancto uiro ante consecratam in aquam rasit: et inde aquam intra palpebras ceci guttatim stillauit. Ad tactum prime gutte oculis lumen redditum est? unde illuminatus paterfamilias per merita sancti Guthlaci Deo gratias egit. Multi quoque alii diuersis infirmitatibus grauati, auditis rumoribus miraculorum beati Guthlaci? palustrem Crulandiam ubi sanctum corpus quiescit adeunt, eiusque meritis sanitatem integram adepti Deo gratias referunt. Huc usque Felicis episcopi scripta de uenerabili Guthlaco breuiter secutus sum: et huic opusculo inserui ad laudem Dei et fidelium edificationem morum. Cetera quz restant de constructione Crulandensis coenobii et habitatione monachorum" ex ueraci relatione Ansgoti subprioris aliorumque proferam seniorum. Rex Edelbaldus ut beatum consolatorem suum miraculis choruscare comperit, locum sepultura eius gaudens expetiit? et ea qua beato uiro iam regnum adeptus donauerat seruientibus ei perenniter concessit. Nam quodam tempore dum idem rex causa uisitandi patronum suum antequam migraret? Crulandiam adiret, et uir Dei quietam mansionem in eadem insula sibi ab eo concedi postularet?" quinque miliaria ad orientem id est ad fossam que Asendic dicitur et tria ad occidentem duoque ad meridiem et duo ad aquilonem concessit, et ab omni redditu atque consuetudine seculari omnibus modis absoluit, et inde cartam sigillo? suo signatam in presentia episcoporum procerumque suorum confirmauit, Et quia palustris humus Crulandiz ut ipsum nomen intimat, Crulandia enim crudam id est cenosam terram significat? lapideam molem sustinere non poterat, praefatus rex ingentes ex quercu palos innumerz multitudinis humo infigi fecit" duramque terram nouem miliariis per aquam de Vppalonda id est superiori terra scaphis deferri et paludibus commisceri statuit, et sic lapideam quia sacer Guthlacus oratorio contentus est ligneo basilicam coepit et consummauit. Deinde religiosos ibi uiros aggregauit? coenobium condidit, ornamentis et fundis aliisque diuitiis locum ditauit? ad honorem Dei et sancti anachoritz quem ualde dilexerat, pro dulci consolatione quam ab eo dum exulabat multoties perceperat. ! For the sources and reliability of Orderic's epitome of early Crowland history see above, Introduction, pp. xxv-xxix. ? If Orderic used the same forged charter as the Pseudo-Ingulf he has here slipped in a variation of his own—'sigillo' for ‘signo’. Cf. W. G. Searle, Jngulf and the Historia Croylandensis, p. 157. Whilst ‘sigillo’ could be, as Searle points out, thought of as a diminutive of 'signo', Orderic probably thought in terms

BOOK

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oratory. Meanwhile she scraped into some water a block of glutinous salt which had once been consecrated by the saint, and then let the water drip between the eyelids of the blind man. As . the first drop touched him his sight returned, and the father, restored to sight by the merits of St. Guthlac, rendered thanks to God. Many others who were sick of various diseases, on hearing stories of the miracles of St. Guthlac, came to the marsh of Crow-

land where his holy body rested, and being restored to health by his merits gave thanks to God. So far I have abridged and followed the Life of St. Guthlac by Bishop Felix, and included it in my modest work for the glory of God and edification of the faithful. I add what follows of the building of Crowland abbey and establishment of the monks there from the trustworthy account of the subprior Ansgot and other senior monks.! When King 7Ethelbald heard glowing reports of the miracles of his most blessed spiritual comforter, he gladly sought out the place of his burial and there granted in perpetuity to those who guarded it everything that he had given the saint himself when he won his kingdom. For on one occasion when the king came to Crowland to visit his patron before his death the man of God asked to be given a peaceful dwelling-place in that island, and he then granted him the land for five miles to the east as far as the ditch called Asendic, three to the west, two to the north, and

two to the south, exempted it from every kind of due and secular obligation, and confirmed his charter to this effect sealed and subscribed? in the presence of his bishops and lay lords. And since the marshy ground of Crowland—as the name implies, for Crowland means rough or boggy land—could not support the weight of a stone building, the king had a great number of enormous oaken piles driven into the ground; he also had solid earth brought by boat from the higher ground of Upland nine miles away and mixed with the marshy soil; and on these foundations completed a stone church to replace the wooden oratory which had contented St. Guthlac. Then he assembled men of religion and founded a monastery which he enriched with ornaments and estates and all manner of wealth to the honour of God and the holy hermit who had frequently brought sweet consolation to him in the years of his exile, and whom he had loved dearly. He loved the place all of the sealed charter normal in his day; and so, even at the cost of stretching

the syntax, the phrase has been translated 'sealed and subscribed".

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Eundem itaque locum omni uita sua dilexit, nec unquam post primam instaurationem quam idem rex fecit" sedes Crulandie

ii. 281

religiosorum habitatione monachorum usque in hodiernum diem caruit.! Kenulfus quidam in diebus illis magnze famze fuit, qui monasterium sancti Guthlaci per aliquot tempus rexit" a quo Kenulfestan adhuc dicitur lapis quem ipse pro limite contra Depingenses posuit. Variis bellorum tempestatibus Anglia postmodum perturbata, et barbaris sub ducibus Inguar et Halfdene ac Gudrun aliisque tirannis superuenientibus a Dacia uel Norregania, Angligenarum regum qui naturaliter Anglize praefuerant mutatione facta, Crulandense monasterium depopulatum est, sicut alia plurima, ornamenta sua sibi sunt sublata, et uilla: deuastatz, laicisque contra

canonicum ius in dominium redactae. Sed diuina pietas quz permittit propter peccata populi hypochritas per aliquot temporis regnare? nouit etiam castigatis filiis tempora serena per administrationem legitimorum principum redintegrare. Vnde praefatis tirannis qui sanctum Edmundum Estanglorum regem cum multis aliis fidelibus uiris occiderunt, et zecclesias sanctorum et habitacula

ii. 282

Christianorum igne succenderunt? diuino nutu peremptis, uel alio quolibet modo deiectis? Alfredus Adeluulfi regis filius Deo iuuante preeualuit, et primus omnium regum monarchiam totius Anglize solus optinuit. Post hunc Eduardus filius eius qui senior cognominabatur diu utiliter regnauit? moriensque tribus filiis suis Edelstano et Edmundo ac Edredo regnum reliquit. Qui regnum Anglie omnes per ordinem tenuerunt? et quisque tempore suo laudabiliter regnare et subiectis prodesse studuit. Tempore Edredi regis T'urketelus quidam clericus Lundoniensis fuit, qui a preefato rege ut sibi Crulandiam donaret expetiit:? cui rex quod petierat libenter annuit. Erat enim idem clericus de regali progenie, cognatus Osketeli Eborachensis metropolitz multas habens diuitias magnasque possessiones, quas omnes paruipendebat propter zternas mansiones. Crulandiam quippe ut diximus non pro augendis fundis a rege poposcerat, sed quia religiosos ibi uiros in solitudine scilicet que undique paludibus et stagnis circumdabatur cognouerat/ contemptis omnibus huius szculi delectamentis diuino cultui se mancipare decreuerat. Ordinatis itaque prudenter rebus suis, Crulandize monachus factus est? et aucta ibidem studio eius monachorum congregatione magister ! Cf. William of Malmesbury, GP, p. 321. ? From this point Orderic's account of the refoundation of Crowland is more firmly based on ascertainable fact, though the date is probably erroneous, and there may be confusion with the founding of Bedford. Crowland was most probably refounded after 971. See D. Whitelock, "The Conversion of the

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his life, and from the day of its first foundation by the king to the present the island of Crowland has never been without holy monks.' A certain Kenulf, who was abbot of the monastery of St. Guthlac, had a great reputation in his own day; and the stone, still called Kenulf's stone, which he set up as a boundary between his lands and those of Deeping, takes its name from him. Later England was much troubled by various storms of war, and the native English kings who ruled the country were supplanted by the barbarous rulers Inguar and Halfdene and Guthrum and other tyrants coming from Denmark and Norway. The monastery of Crowland was sacked like many others; its ornaments were stolen and its estates laid waste and converted into lay demesnes contrary to canon law. But divine mercy, which suffers pretenders to reign for a short time as a punishment for the sins of the people, knows when the people of God have been sufficiently chastised, and restores the peaceful government of rightful rulers. So these tyrants—who had martyred St. Edmund, king of the East Angles, and many other Christian men and burned holy churches and the houses of the faithful—were by God's will themselves slain or overthrown in some other way, and Alfred son of /Ethelwulf triumphed with the help of God and became the first king to rule over the whole of England. Afterwards his son Edward called the Elder reigned well for many years, and on his death left the kingdom to his three sons Athelstan and Edmund and Eadred. They all ascended the throne in turn, and each one devoted himself throughout his whole reign to good and just government.

In the time of King Eadred a clerk called Thurketel of London asked the king to grant Crowland to him.? The king readily granted his request. This clerk was of royal blood, a kinsman of Oscytel archbishop of York, owning many great and wealthy estates all of which he abandoned for his eternal home. As I said, he asked

the king for Crowland, not to increase his property but because he knew the holy men who dwelt in that wilderness in the heart of the watery fen, and rejecting all the joys of the world wished to devote himself to the service of God. So after putting all his own affairs into order he became a monk of Crowland, and after

the numbers of the community had grown through his zeal he Eastern Danelaw',in Saga Book of the Viking Society, xii (1937-45), 174-5. For Thurketel cf, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (B, C, 971); Liber Eliensis, pp. 96, 105.

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eorum et abbas nutu Dei et bonorum electione effectus est. Hic familiarissimus fuit amicus sanctis presulibus qui tunc temporis regebant zcclesiam Dei, Dunstano archiepiscopo Cantuariensi? Adelwoldo Wintoniensi, et Oswaldo Wigornensi et postmodum archiepiscopo Eborachensi? eorumque consilis summo nisu sategit famulari. Hic ut diximus magne generositatis fuit, et lx maneria de patrimonio parentum suorum possedit? pro quorum animabus sex uillas' scilicet Wenliburg et Bebi, Wiritorp et Elmintonam, Cotenham et Oghintonam, Crulandensi zcclesiz dedit, et testamentum inde sigillo strenuissimi regis Edgari filii Edmundi regis signatum confirmauit. Dunstanus etiam archiii. 283 episcopus cum suffraganeis episcopis praedictarum rerum donationem facto crucis in carta signo corroborauit? et quisquis praefatae zcclesiz de prenominatis abstulerit, nisi digna satisfactione emendauerit’ zeternze maledictionis anathemate excommunicauit. Denique post multum temporis Turketelo iv idus iulii defuncto? Egelricus nepos eius successit, et completo uitz suz cursu alii Egelrico qui de cognatione eius erat abbatiam Crulandiz dimisit. Quo

defuncto?

Osketelus

magnz

nobilitatis monachus

eiusdem

zecclesize abbas effectus est. Porro Leuioua soror eius Enolfesburiz

ii. 284

domina erat’ ubi tunc temporis corpus sancti Neoti abbatis et confessoris iacebat, sed dignum tanto uiro seruitium ibi tunc non fiebat. Vnde praefata mulier Witheleseiam accessit, et fratrem suum Osketelum abbatem cum quibusdam Crulandensibus monachis illuc accersiit, ibique corpus sancti Neoti quod reuerenter secum detulerat monachis quos digniores se credebat tradidit. At ili munus a Deo sibi collatum gratanter susceperunt, et iuxta altare sancte Dei genitricis Mariz in aquilonali parte honorabiliter collocauerunt. Ibi usque hodie a fidelibus ueneranter excolitur:? eiusque festiuitas ii kal. augusti celebratur. Osketelo autem xii kal. nouembris defuncto Godricus successit? quo uiam uniuersze carnis xiv kal. februarii ingrediente Brihtmerus abbatiam suscepit. Tunc temporis Pegelandae cenobium erat? cui nobilis uir Wifgeatus abbas praeerat. Illic etenim sancta Pega soror sancti * Orderic uses the terms manerium and villa interchangeably. Cf. F. M. Page, The Estates of Crowland Abbey (Cambridge,

1934), p. 18.

2 There are conflicting traditions about the movements of the relics of St. Neot, and the Crowland story is incompatible with that of the restored Priory of St. Neot's. The Crowland tradition, first written down by Orderic, is the only source for Crowland's claims: the claims of St. Neot's are supported by

a list of saints and their resting-places (ante 1020) which suggests that the body

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rose to the fore and became abbot by the will of God and election of good men. He was a close friend of the saintly bishops who ruled God's Church at that time: Dunstan archbishop of Canterbury, /Ethelwold of Winchester, and Oswald, first bishop of Worcester and later archbishop of York; and he always strove to be guided by their counsels. He was as I haverelated of the highest nobility, possessing sixty manors in his patrimony; and for the souls of his ancestors he gave six of them!—Wellingborough, Beeby, Wothorpe, Elmington, Cottenham, and Oakington—to the church of Crowland, confirming the gift under the seal of the valiant King Edgar son of King Edmund. Archbishop Dunstan and his suffragans also confirmed the gift of this property by making the sign of the cross on the charter and excommunicating eternally anyone who robbed the church of these possessions unless he made full amends. When at length Thurketel died on 28 June his nephew Egelric succeeded him, and after his death left the abbey of Crowland to another Egelric who was his kinsman. When he died Oscytel, a very highly born monk of Crowland, became abbot. At that time his sister Leofgifu was lady of Eynesbury where lay the body of St. Neot, abbot and confessor, but insufficient reverence was

shown there to this great man. So the lady came to Whittlesea, sent for her brother, Abbot Oscytel, and some monks of Crowland to meet her there, and handed over the relics of St. Neot which she

had reverently carried with her to the monks whom she believed to be more worthy. They gladly accepted the gift bestowed on them by God, and placed it reverently on the north side of the church, by the altar dedicated to Mary the blessed mother of God. There it is reverently adored by the faithful to this day,? and his anniversary is celebrated on 31 July. Oscytel died on 21 October and Godric succeeded him, and after his death on 19 January Brihtmer became abbot. At that time there was a monastery at Peakirk under the noble Abbot Wulfgeat. For in that place the holy Pega, sister of St. was still at St. Neot's in the early eleventh century (Liebermann, Die Heiligen Englands, p. 13, ii, no. 24); and the testimony of St. Anselm himself, who certified c. 1080 that he had found it intact at Eynesbury (Sancti Anselmi Opera Omnia, ed. Schmitt, iii, Ep. 473). Possibly it was temporarily transferred for safety to Crowland in the late tenth century. Anselm may have hoped to silence contradictory rumours; but he did not silence the monks of Crowland, who

tried, through Orderic, to provide a written record of their claims.

344

ii. 285

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Guthlaci diu Domino militauerat. Quz postquam uenerandus frater suus defunctus est’ austeriori labore uitam suam pro amore Christi examinare satis conata est. Vnde Romam adiit, sanctorum apostolorum limina supplex pro se suisque requisiuit" ibique vi idus ianuarii uitam gloriose finiuit.' In zecclesia que ibidem in honore eius a fidelibus condita est tumulata quiescit? multisque uirtutibus his qui fideliter eam deposcant pie succurrens ueneranda nitescit. Postquam Brihtmerus Crulandiz abbas vii. idus aprilis obiit? Wifgeatus Pegelande pater Eduardum regem Egelredi filium petiit, ut greges duorum ccenobiorum permitteret adunari, Deique ad laudem sub uno abbate et sub una lege unum conuentum effici. Quod ille mox benigniter concessit. Wlfgeatus itaque postquam longo tempore Crulandiz curam gessit, nonas iulii obit? et Vlfketelus Burgensis ecclesie. monachus Crulandize regimen a rege Eduardo iubente Leofrico abbate suo suscepit. Hic xxiv annis Crulandiz praefuit" zcclesiamque nouam quia uetus ruinam minabatur construere cepit. Eius ad hoc opus inspirante Deo Walleuus comes Northamtoniensis filius Siwardi ducis Northumbrorum adiutor fuit" et uillam que Bernecha dicitur seruientibus Deo et sancto Guthlaco dedit. Qui non multo post malignitate Normannorum qui ei nimis inuidebant? eumque pro ingenti probitate eius metuebant, iniuste cum luctu multorum pridie kal. iunii Guintoniz decollatus est? et corpus eius Iuditha uxore illius rogante et Guillelmo rege permittente ab Vlfketelo abbate Crulandiam delatum est. Post non multum temporis praefatus abbas quoniam Angligena erat et Normannis exosus ab emulis accusatus est: et a Lanfranco archiepiscopo depositus et Glestoniz claustro deputatus est.3 Deinde Ingulfus Fontinellensis monachus abbatiam Crulandiz dono Guillelmi regis recepit, et xxiv annis per plurimas aduersitates rexit. Hic natione Anglicus erat, scriba regis fuerat/ ! For Pega see Colgrave, pp. 192-3.

2 There is no corroboration of this alleged gift of Barnack, though PseudoIngulf in repeating the story adds the date 1061 which is not in Orderic (ed. W. Fulman in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum, i (Oxford, 1684), 67). In 1066 Barnack was held by Bondi, who was Earl Waltheof’s man (cf. Scott,

Arch. Aeliana, xxx. 163-4), and Waltheof may have made a grant of stone from the quarries to Crowland.

3 Wulfketel probably came under suspicion for his friendship with Waltheof, though he was not finally deposed and sent to Glastonbury until c. 1085. See

Knowles, MO, pp. 105-6. There is some uncertainty about the date. But the

unpublished

Thorney annals, written in an early twelfth-century hand (St.

John’s College, Oxford, MS.

17, f. 29), say that he was deposed at a Council

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Guthlac, had served God for many years. After the death of her venerable brother she wished to undergo a more severe discipline for the love of Christ; and so going on pilgrimage to Rome to pray for herself and her people at the threshold of the apostles she brought her life to a glorious close there on 8 January.! She now rests at peace in the church which the faithful built there in her memory, and is greatly revered by those who faithfully seek her intercession and are succoured by her many miracles. After the death of Brihtmer abbot of Crowland on 7 April, Wulfgeat, father abbot of Peakirk, petitioned King Edward son of Ethelred to allow the two communities to be united, so that

they might become one convent for the glory of God under one abbot and one law. This request was graciously conceded. So Wulfgeat had charge of Crowland for many years, and when he died on 7 July Wulfketel a monk of Peterborough was made abbot of Crowland by the choice of King Edward with the permission of Abbot Leofric of Peterborough. He governed Crowland for twenty-four years and began to build a new church, for the old one was on the point of falling down. Waltheof earl of Northampton, the son of Siward, earl of Northumbria, was inspired by God to help him in this work by granting the manor of Barnack? to the monks serving God and St. Guthlac. A little later, through the malice of the Normans who were envious of him and feared him for his great integrity, he was unjustly beheaded at Winchester on 31 May, amidst general mourning; and his body, at the request of Judith his wife and with the permission of King William, was taken to Crowland by Abbot Wulfketel. Not long afterwards the same abbot, who was an Englishman hated by the Normans, was accused by his enemies, deposed by Lanfranc, and sent to the monastery of Glastonbury.3 Then Ingulf, monk of St. Wandrille, received the abbey of Crowland

from the hand of King William, and ruled it for twenty-four years through many adversities. He was English by birth and had been held at Gloucester at Christmas, and that Folcard was deprived of the administration of Thorney at the same time. This marginal entry could be meant to refer to any of the years 1083, 1084, or 1085; possibly this obscurity is the source of

the statement made later in the Red Book of Thorney (Camb. U. L. MS. Add. 3021, vol. ii, ff. 415"—16) that Folcard was removed in 1084. But since according

to the Acta Lanfranci (V. H. Clover, The Correspondence of Archbishop Lanfranc, unpublished Cambridge Ph.D. thesis, Appendix III, p. 7) this council was the

one which took place at Christmas 1085, that is the most likely date for the entry in the Thorney annals, and therefore for the deposition of Wulfketel.

346

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ii. 286 postmodum Ierusalem perrexerat. Vnde reuersus Fontinellam expetiit, et a uiro eruditissimo Gerberto eiusdem coenobii abbate monachilem habitum suscepit" sub quo iam in ordine instructus prioratum amministrauit. Hunc ab abbate suo rex quia prius eum nouerat requisiuit’ et Crulandensibus praeposuit. Qui postquam Crulandiz regimen habuit? praedecessori suo precibus beniuolis apud Willelmum regem subuenire sategit. Vlfketelus itaque permissu regis Burgum ad suam scilicet zcclesiam rediit" ibique post aliquot annos vii idus iunii obiit. Porro abbas Ingulfus prout potuit! suscepto monasterio prodesse studuit, sed aduersa nutu Dei quamplurima pertulit. Nam pars zcclesiz cum officinis et uestibus et libris multisque aliis rebus necessariis repentino igne combusta est. Ipse quoque graui morbo podagra detentus? diu ante mortem suam languit, sed uiuaci animo subditis prodesse non desiit. Hic corpus Gualleui comitis de capitulo iussit in ecclesiam transferri" et aquam unde ossa lauarentur calefieri. Sed postquam sarcofagi opertorium reuolutum est? corpus xvi. dormitionis suz anno integrum sicut in die quo sepultum fuerat et caput corpori coniunctum repertum est. Filum tamtummodo quasi pro signo decollationis rubicundum uiderunt? monachi et laici quamplures qui affuerunt. Translato ii. 287 autem in zecclesiam corpore et honorabiliter sepulto prope altare? miracula ibidem facta sunt sepissime. Hoc ueraciter zgri experiuntur? qui cum fide petentes optatz sanitatis gaudium crebro adipiscuntur. Tandem Ingulfo abbate xvi kal. decembris defuncto Goisfredus successit" et in multis ecclesie Crulandensi et habitatoribus eius studio bonitatis et honestatis profuit. Hic genere fuit Francigena

ex urbe Aurelianensi,

scolas liberalium

artium secutus

ab zuo

puerili? affatim imbutus peritia litterali, mundum perosus desiderioque flagrans coelesti" monachile scema in coenobio sancti

Ebrulfi abbatis suscepit, quod idem sanctus tempore Childeberti regis Francorum apud Vticum construxit. Ibi nimirum quia locus idem magis religione quam diuitiis secularibus abundat, Goisfredus tiro sub Mainerio abbate qui magni feruoris fama pollebat? monachile iugum suscepit diuque gessit, et per diuersa officia

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a royal clerk; but after his return from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem he had gone to St. Wandrille and received the monastic habit from the learned scholar Gerbert, who was abbot of the monastery ;and after receiving instruction in the monastic life he became prior under him. This was the man whom the king, knowing his worth, demanded from his abbot and put in charge of Crowland. After

he became abbot of Crowland he used all the influence he had on King William on behalf of his predecessor; with the result that the king allowed Wulfketel to return to his own abbey of Peterborough, where he died some years later on 7 June. During this time Abbot Ingulf did all in his power for the monastery committed to him, but God permitted him to suffer several misfortunes. For part of the church with the domestic buildings and vestments, books, and other necessary furnishings was suddenly destroyed by fire. And he himself was grievously crippled with gout for many years towards the end of his life: but he continued to work for the welfare of his flock with his active mind. It was he who ordered the body of Earl Waltheof to be translated from the chapter-house to the church, and had water heated for washing the bones. But after the lid of the coffin had been opened the body, which had been buried for nearly sixteen years, was found as incorrupt as on the day of its burial, and moreover the head was joined to the body. The monks and numerous laymen who were present saw only a thin red mark as a sign of his execution. After the body had been transferred to the church and honourably buried near to the altar many miracles were wrought there. The truth of this is proved by the sick, for those who come in faith often receive the welcome gift of healing. When at length Abbot Ingulf died on 16 November Geoffrey succeeded him and brought great gain to the monks of Crowland by his love of goodness and virtue. He was a Frenchman from the town of Orleans, who had studied in the schools of liberal arts

from boyhood and was deeply learned in letters; but, hating the world and burning with divine love, he took the monastic habit in the monastery of St. Évroul the abbot, which the saint had built in the region of Ouche during the reign of Childebert king of the Franks. Choosing the place because it was richer in holiness than in worldly wealth, the novice Geoffrey took up and carried the monastic yoke for many years under Abbot Mainer, whose zeal was rightly renowned; and when his ability had been proved in

348

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probatus post annos xv conuersionis suz ad prioratus ministerium promoueri meruit. Denique anno ab incarnatione Domini McIx iussu Henrici regis Anglorum Crulandensis ecclesia regimen suscepit, nouamque basilicam pulcherrimi operis et alia bona 288 § quamplurima iam inchoauit/ et per xv annos quibus abbatis officium gessit, ad salutem sui sibique subiectorum iuuante Deo consummare studuit. Huius regiminis anno tercio ad tumbum Gualleui comitis miracula demonstrari primitus ceperunt" quorum auditis rumoribus Angli ualde letati sunt? et Anglice plebes ad tumulum sui compatriotee quem a Deo iam glorificari signis multiplicibus audiunt, tam pro gaudio nouz rei quam pro suis necessitatibus deprecaturi frequenter accurrunt. Quod ut quidam de Normannis monachus nomine Audinus uidit, uehementer stomachatus aduenientes

ii. 289

derisit, et prafato comiti cum irrisione detraxit, dicens quod nequam traditor fuerit, et pro reatu suo capitis obtruncatione multari meruerit. Hoc ut Goisfredus abbas audiuit? dulciter eum quia extraneus erat redarguit, dicens quod diuinis operibus non deberet detrahere? quia Deus pollicitus est usque ad consummationem seculi presentiam suam fidelibus suis exhibere,! et promittit ex intimo corde paenitentes potare de fonte suz infatigabilis misericordize. Protinus dum idem abbas talia dicendo temeritatem insipientis compescere uellet? et ille magis magisque incongrua uerba proferret, in praesentia sepedicti patris subita infirmitate in praecordiis percussus est: et post paucos dies in ecclesia sancti Albani prothomartyris Anglorum ubi monachilem professionem fecerat defunctus est. ^[S]equenti uero nocte Goisfredus abbas dum in lecto quiesceret, et de supradictis euentibus plura secum subtiliter tractaret? mox in uisu se astare loculo Walleui comitis uidet, sanctosque Dei Bartholomzeum apostolum et Guthlacum anachoritam in albis nitentes secum astare uidet. Apostolus uero ut uidebatur caput comitis corpori redintegratum accipiens dicebat, ‘Acephalus non est. /Econtra Guthlacus qui ad pedes stabat? respondit, “Comes hic fuit Apostolus autem inceptum monadicon? sic perfecit, ‘At modo rex est.’ Abbas his auditis et relatis fratres letificauit, Dominumque Deum glorificauit? qui omni tempore credentibus in se clementiam suam

impendere non desistit. Consummatis

in regimine quindecim

? Space for rubric

! Cf. Matthew xxviii. 20. 2 An unusual adaptation of the Greek word povddirds.

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various offices he was promoted to the priorate, fifteen years after his profession. Finally, in the year of Our Lord 1109 he was ordered by Henry king of England to accept the charge of the church of Crowland. He began the building of a new church of exquisite workmanship and undertook various other good works, which he strove with God's help to bring to completion for his salvation and that of the monks under him throughout the fifteen years he held office. In the third year of his rule miracles first began to take place at the tomb of Earl Waltheof; the news of them gladdened the hearts of the English and the populace came flocking in great numbers to the tomb of their compatriot, knowing from many signs that he was already favoured of God. They were moved as much by thanksgiving for the new miracles as a desire to pray for succour in their own troubles. When a certain Norman monk called Ouen saw this he was greatly vexed and began to mock the pilgrims and denigrate the earl, saying that he was a false traitor who had deserved execution as a punishment for his guilt. When Abbot Geoffrey heard of this he rebuked the monk gently because he was a foreigner, saying that the works of God ought not to be mocked, for God has promised to give proofs of his presence to his faithful people until the end of the world,! and still promises that all who are penitent at heart shall drink at the fountain of his inexhaustible mercy. Then whilst the abbot strove by such words as these to check the fool's tirade and he became more and more offensive in his speech, he was suddenly struck down with severe sickness in the abbot's presence, and a few days later died in the church of St. Alban the first English martyr, where he had made his monastic profession. On the following night whilst Abbot Geoffrey lay in bed turning over these events curiously in his mind he suddenly saw himself in a vision by the coffin of Earl Waltheof, and two saints of God, Bartholomew the apostle and Guthlac the hermit, standing beside him arrayed in shining white. The apostle, so it seemed, perceiving that the earl’s head was joined once more to the body said, ‘Headless no more.’ Guthlac who was standing at the foot of the coffin said in reply, "That was earl heretofore,’ and the apostle completed the verse? with the words, ‘Now is king evermore.’ When the abbot had heard and recounted these things he gladdened the hearts of the brethren, and glorified God for his unfailing mercy at all times to true believers. When the

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IV

annis uenerandus abbas et sacerdos Goisfredus nonas iunii obiit? cui Gualleuus Angligena Crulandensis cenobii monachus frater Gospatricii! de magna nobilitate Anglorum successit. Miraculis siquidem Crulandie crebrescentibus monachi gauisi sunt’ et tanti comitis corpus pro posse suo gratanter honorauerunt, et Vitali Angligenz? uersibus heroicis epitaphium eius edere iusserunt. Mox ille iussis paruit; et corde meditata sic ore protulit, En tegit iste lapis hominem magna probitatis, Danigenz comitis Siwardi? filius audax Walleuus comes eximius iacet hic tumulatus. Vixit honorandus, armis animisque timendus, ?[E]t tamen inter opes corruptibiles et honores? Christum dilexit, Christoque placere sategit, ?[7E]cclesiam coluit,* clerum reuerenter amauit’

Precipue monachos Crulandenses sibi fidos, ?[D]enique iudicibus Normannis ense peremptus? Luce sub extrema maii petit artubus arua,

?[C]uius eri gleba Crulandia gaudet aquosa’

ii. 290

Quam dum uiuebat, ualde reuerenter amabat, ?[O]mnipotens animz requiem det in zetheris arce.

Pro interfectione Gualleui comitis Guillelmus rex a multis reprehensus est: et multis contra eum insurgentibus iusto Dei iudicio multa aduersa perpessus est’ nec unquam postea diuturna pace potitus est. Ipse quidem contra omnes quia animosus erat uiriliter restitit sed prosperis euentibus ad uotum ut antea non tripudiauit, nec crebris uictoriarum titulis exultauit. In tredecim annis quibus postmodum uixit, armatorum aciem de campo non fugauit’ nec oppidum obsidens bellica uirtute cepit. Omnipotens arbiter omnia iuste disponit" nullumque facinus impunitum relinquit, quia hic aut in futuro seculo omnia punit. Guillelmus rex cupiens fines suos dilatare, sibique Britones ut sibi obsecundarent sicut olim Rolloni et Willelmo aliisque ducibus Normannicis seruierant uolens subiugare? cum ingenti exercitu % Space for rubric

1 Gospatric and Abbot Waltheof were sons of Earl Gospatric of Northumbria, who, after losing his earldom, went to Scotland and became earl of Dunbar (Simeon of Durham, Opera Omnia, ed. Thomas Arnold (RS), London, 1882-5, ii. 199).

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fifteen years of his rule were completed the venerable abbot and priest Geoffrey died on 5 June, and was succeeded by Waltheof, an English monk of Crowland and brother of the nobly born Englishman Gospatric.! The monks of Crowland rejoiced as the miracles grew daily more frequent, and showed all reverence to the relics of the earl. They asked the Englishman Vitalis? to compose his epitaph in heroic verse. He speedily obeyed their commands, and after meditating in his heart recited these lines: Beneath this stone a man of highest virtue— The valiant son of Siward,? earl and Dane— Waltheof, most glorious earl, lies nobly buried. Honoured in war, revered by all, he flourished; Yet knowing worldly wealth and fame are shadows He gave his love to Christ, and sought to please him, Cherished his Church,* and humbly loved his clergy,

Cherishing most the faithful monks of Crowland. Sentenced to die by cruel Norman judgement, At the last dawn of May he fell, beheaded. The marshy soil of Crowland which, while living, He had so deeply loved received his body.

God grant his soul eternal rest in Heaven. King William was censured by many men for the execution of Earl Waltheof and by the just judgement of God he had to face many rebellions and suffer great adversity; so that he could never again enjoy lasting peace. Because of his remarkable courage he stoutly stood up to all enemies, but he did not invariably enjoy success as before, nor was he cheered by frequent victories. In the thirteen years of life which remained to him he never once drove an army from the field of battle, nor succeeded in storming any fortress which he besieged. ‘The omnipotent judge orders all things rightly and leaves no sin unpunished, for he never fails to mete out punishment either in this world or in the world to come. As King William wished to extend his frontiers and to subdue the Bretons who had once obeyed Rollo and William and the other dukes of Normandy, he besieged the town of Dol with a huge 2 i.e. Orderic Vitalis himself. 3 Siward was a Danish adventurer who acquired the earldom of Northumbria

and married the daughter of Earl Ealdred II. 4 There is charter evidence of Waltheof’s gifts to

Jarrow, Bury St. Edmunds,

and the see of Lincoln. See Scott, Arch. Aeliana, xxx. 197-202.

352

li. 291

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Dolense oppidum obsedit,! multisque terroribus et minis castrenses terruit, nec se inde discessurum nisi munitionem optineret cum iuramento asseruit. Denique nutu Dei regentis omnia res aliter euenit, Nam sepedictus rex dum in tentoriis suis superbe moraretur, et in diuitiis suis ut potens gloriaretur’ Alannum Fergannum? comitem Britanniz cum multis armatorum agminibus suppetias obsessis properare audiuit, territusque cum castrensibus qui de auxilio sibi aduenienti nichil adhuc nouerant pacem iniit? et confestim non sine magno rerum damno recessit. Tentoria et manticas cum uasis et armis et multimoda suppellectili celeriter abeuntes reliquerunt, quarum rerum dispendium ad quindecim milia librarum sterilensium perdentes cum multis gemitibus estimauerunt.? Deinde prudens rex ut se uincere uirtute Britones non posse perspexit" aliud consilium sibi posterisque suis commodum sollerter przcogitauit5 Cum Alanno Fergano fedus amicicie firmauit, eique Constantiam filiam suam in coniugium Cadomi honorifice copulauit. Qua cum uiro suo fere xv annis uenerabiliter uixit? et toto affectu subiectis et coessentibus prod-

esse studuit. Semper enim nectari pacis inhiauit, pauperes amauit, omnesque Dei cultores ueneranter honorauit? quos nimirum sine liberis moriens contristauit. Amatores zquitatis in Britan-

li. 292

nia multum exultarent, si de fortunata progenie laudabiles sibi heredes imperarent qui genuina bonitate indomitis Britonibus iusticie libram insinuarent, eosque secundum normam diuina legis et humanz rationis ire cogerent. Fergannus comes post obitum Constantiz filiam comitis Andegauorum uxorem duxit, ex qua filium nomine Conanum genuit? cui nuper Henricus Anglorum rex filiam suam? in matrimonio pro connexione pacis coniunxit. Circa hec tempora reuerendus Ainardus Diuensium primus abbas in lectum decidit? et completis in eo quz seruo Dei competunt xix kal. februarii obiit.9 Hic fuit natione Teutonicus, geminaque scientia pleniter imbutus: uersificandi et modulandi cantusque * The

attack

on

Dol

in September-October

of 1076 was

directed

partly

against Earl Ralph and his Breton followers. William was defeated by the arrival of the king of France and some Angevin forces. There are better accounts in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E, 1077 for 1076); Annales dites de Renaud (Halphen, Annales, p. 88).

FW

ii. 12; and the

^ A mistake for Hoel. Alan Fergant did not succeed his father until 1084. 3 The figure is inflated; but the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle agrees that there was a serious loss of men, horses, and treasure.

* Orderic's account of Breton affairs is very confused,

and all efforts to

reconcile it with other evidence have failed (cf. Freeman, NC iv, Appendix WW; Douglas, WC, Appendix E). Many details must be tejected as inaccurate.

Constance married Alan Fergant in 1086 and died in 1090, after less than five years as his wife. Stapleton suggested (Le Prévost, iii. 29-30) that Constance

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army,! terrorizing the garrison with his acts of cruelty and threats and swearing that he would never retreat until he had taken the fortress. But by the will of God who directs all things the outcome was different. For whilst the king was proudly encamped there, making a great show of his wealth and power, he heard that Alan Fergant,? count of Brittany, was hastening to the help of the besieged with a huge force of men-at-arms; greatly alarmed he negotiated for peace with the garrison who as yet did not know that help was at hand, and hastily and not without damage to his property withdrew. In their precipitous retreat the soldiers abandoned tents and baggage, with vessels and arms and furnishings of all kinds. They ruefully estimated the loss of these goods at fifteen thousand pounds sterling.3 Then the statesman king, recognizing that he could not conquer the Bretons by force, devised another plan to profit himself and his heirs.* He made a treaty of friendship with Alan Fergant and gave him his daughter Constance in marriage with great ceremony at Caen. She lived with her husband as a faithful wife for fifteen years and did everything in her power to further the welfare of her subjects and fellow creatures. For she longed for sweet peace wherever she went, loved the poor, and showed great reverence to all the servants of God, who were deeply grieved when she died leaving no issue. All peace lovers in Brittany would have been overjoyed if there had been any heirs of this blessed union to rule them, to hold the balance of justice virtuously for the unmastered Bretons and govern them according to the precepts of divine law and human reason. After the death of Constance Count Fergant married the daughter of the count of Anjou, by whom he had a son called Conan. This son has recently been joined in matrimony with the daughter of King Henry of England,’ as a bond of peace between them. About this time the venerable Ainard, first abbot of Dive, sickened and, when all the rites fitting for a servant of God had been performed, died on 14 January. He was a German by birth, well versed in the twin sciences of poetry and music, and a most may have been betrothed in infancy to Alan Fergant in 1076 and married ten

years later: nothing is known of her age and there is no supporting evidence for this theory. 5 Conan III married Maud, an illegitimate daughter of Henry I (GEC xi, Appendix D, p. 114). 6 For Ainard cf. above, pp. 296-8. He died c. 1078. 822204

Aa

354

suaues

BOOK

edendi

peritissimus.

Hoc

IV

euidenter

probari potest in

historiis Kiliani Guirciburgensis episcopi et Katerinz uirginis:

ii. 293

aliisque plurimis cantibus quos eleganter idem edidit in laudem Creatoris. In iuuentute uero studio religionis flagrans uenerabilem Isembertum abbatem expetiit, eiusque disciplinis pro amore Dei se gratanter submisit, et in ccenobio sancte "Trinitatis! quod Goscelinus de Archis in monte Rotomagi ad orientalem plagam construxerat monachatum suscepit. Inde nutu diuino ab ecclesiz rectoribus anno dominice incarnationis MXLVI pertractus est? ac super candelabrum ut luceret omnibus qui in domo sunt positus est.? Ordinatus autem Diuensis abbatize quam Lezscelina comitissa Guillelmi Aucensis comitis uxor construxerat curam suscepit annisque triginta et uno bene uiuens et docens utiliter tenuit, et senex plenusque dierum cursum presentis uite compleuit. Venerabilis Durandus Troarnensis abbas corpus eius in basilica sanctae Mariz sepeliuit, et memorabile carmen quod super laminam mausolei eius sculperetur edidit; in quo mores et uirtutes prefati archimandrite et karismata que diuinitus inserta illi fuerant luculenter sic patefecit, Hic iacet Ainardus redolens ut pistica nardus? Virtutum multis floribus et meritis, A quo fundatus locus est hic et zedificatus

Ingenti studio nec modico pretio. Vir fuit hic magnus probitate suauis ut agnus, Vita conspicuus, dogmate precipuus,

Sobrius et castus, prudens, simplex et honestus Pollens consilio, clarus in officio. Mentis huic grauitas erat et maturior zetas, Canaque cesaries, sed tenuis facies.

>

Quem nonas decimas februo promente kalendas

Abstulit ultima sors et rapuit cita mors. Pro quo qui transis supplex orare memor sis?

Vt sit ei saties alma Dei facies.

Diuensis ecclesia rectore proprio uiduata Fulconi Vticensium priori’ ad regendum data est: et ipse a Rodberto Salariensi episcopo abbas consecratus est. Prafata domus ab ipso tempore Guillelmi regis et Rodberti secundi ducis pluribus annis gubernata est’ et magnifice secundum opportunitatem temporis prouecta est. ! Later Ste-Catherine-du-Mont, Rouen. 2 Cf. Matthew v. 15. 3 Abbot of St. Pierre-sur-Dive, c. 1078-92, 1099-1106, with seven years’ exile, 1092-9 (see Le Prévost, iv. 19, 215).

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skilled writer of melodious songs. This is plain to all from the offices of Kilian, bishop of Würzburg, and the virgin Catherine and many other sweet songs which he composed to the glory of . his Creator. Whilst still a young man thirsting after the life of religion he sought out the venerable Abbot Isembert and willingly submitted to his discipline for the love of God, and made his profession in the monastery of Holy Trinity,! which Goscelin of Arques had built on the hill at Rouen in the western quarter of the city. From there by God's will he was removed by the rulers of the Church in the year of Our Lord 1046, and set on a candlestick so that he might give light to all who are in the house.? After being ordained he was given the cure of the abbey of Dive, which Countess Lesceline, wife of William count of Eu, had founded. He held this office for thirty-one years of good life and salutary teaching and when he was old and full of days he finished the course of his earthly life. The venerable Durand abbot of Troarn buried his remains in the church of St. Mary, and composed a memorable poem which was engraved on a metal plate on his tomb. In this the character and virtues of the abbot and the spiritual gifts which heaven had bestowed on him were described in glowing terms: Here Ainard lies: his many virtues bloom Fragrant as purest spikenard round his tomb. 'Through him this house was first to Heaven vowed

And by his patient skill richly endowed. A man of meekness and great probity, Of upright life, skilled in theology, Sober and chaste he was, mature in age; Wisdom and honour were his heritage.

In counsel most profound, he ruled this place Firmly, with hoary locks and gentle face. Swift death and cruel fate snatched him away

In January, on the fourteenth day. O passer-by, be mindful in thy prayer That he the sweet delights of Heaven may share.

Fulk, prior of St. Évroul,? was appointed to govern the widowed

church of Dive, and was consecrated abbot by Robert bishop of Séez. For several years in the time of King William and Duke Robert II the church was governed by him and nobly fostered as far as the difficult times allowed. This same leader took with him

356 li. 294

ii. 295

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IV

Quattuor praedictus heros secum duxit Vticenses monachos, Bernardum cognomento Matheum cognatum suum et Ricardum, Guillelmum de Mosterolo et Turchetillum promptos et utiles librarios, et in diuino cultu peritissimos. Hi nimirum pacifici adiutores ei fuerunt? et primi ad iugum Domini ferendum nocte dieque humeros suos auide supposuerunt, aliisque alacriter ‘Venite nobiscum in Bethel’! uerbo et indeficienti exemplo coessentibus suis dixerunt. [T]¢urbulentis tempestatibus quas a Cenomannensibus et Normannis permotas esse diximus? fomes ut ferunt et causa fuit Rodbertus regis filius. Nam Guillelmus princeps ante Senlacium bellum et post in quadam sua zgritudine Rodbertum primogenitam sobolem fecerat suum haeredem" et iussit omnes optimates ei facere homagium et fidelitatem.? At illi gratanter imperanti adquieuerunt. Adolescens autem post mortem Margaritze sponsa sue? ambitione iuuenili noxioque sodalium instinctu debitos honores requisiuit a patre, principatum uidelicet Cenomannorum et Neustriz. Porro prouidus pater hinc inde multa circumspiciens postulata denegauit/ filioque suo ad nanciscendum quz petierat tempus opportunum bene prestolari persuasit. Ille uero quod nil

a patre consequi poterat egre tulit" et arroganter contra eum plerunque litigauit. Erat enim loquax et prodigus, audax et in armis probissimus, fortis certusque sagittarius, uoce clara et libera, lingua diserta, facie obesa, corpore pingui breuique statura, unde uulgo Gambaron cognominatus est et Breuis-ocrea. Quondam dum rex contra Corbonienses? expeditionem facere prepararet, et in oppido Richerii quod pro nido aquilz ibidem in quercu reperto dum castrum a Fulberto fieret, Aquila dicitur in domo Gunherii hospitaretur’ lis inter filios regis oritur dzmonica, unde postmodum multa pullulauerunt lites et facinora.* Nam duo fratres Guillelmus Rufus et Henricus patri fauebant, ? Space for rubric.

1 Cf. Luke 11. 15. ? William formally recognized Robert as his heir in Normandy on more than one occasion, the first time being just before the invasion of England (cf. C. W. David, Robert Curthose (Harvard, 1920), pp. 12-18). There is some charter evi-

dence that he may have been formally invested with the duchy about 1077, but he enjoyed no real power. 3 Orderic does not specify the names of the lords of the CODO

against

whom this attack was being prepared. But this frontier was in a constant state of war, and William's enemies must have been encouraged by his defeat at Dol

BOOK

IV

357

four monks of St. Évroul: Bernard called Matthew, his kinsman, and Richard, William of Montreuil, and Thurkill, who were

quick and conscientious scribes, very well versed in the liturgy. They were his chief helpers in the work of peace, always the first day and night to take the yoke of the Lord on their own shoulders, gladly saying to their other fellow monks by word and unfailing example, ‘Come with us to Bethlehem. It is said that the real instigator of the disturbances we have described between the Normans and the men of Maine was Robert the king's son. For Duke William, both before the battle of Senlac and afterwards when he was sick, had named his firstborn son Robert as his heir, and ordered all the nobles to do

homage and swear fealty to him.? They were ready enough for their part to accept his rule. But in his adolescence, after the death of his betrothed, Margaret, he was moved by youthful ambition and the fatal advice of his comrades to ask his father for Maine and Normandy as honors that were rightly his. However, his prudent father, after considering all the circumstances, refused the

request and persuaded his son to wait for a more opportune time to acquire them. He, however, took offence because he could get

nothing out of his father, and arrogantly came to blows with him on a number of occasions. He was talkative and extravagant, reckless, very courageous in battle, a powerful and sure archer with a clear, cheerful voice and a fluent tongue. Round-faced, short and

stout, he was commonly nicknamed ‘fat-legs’ and ‘curt-hose’. Once when the king was preparing an expedition against the men of the Corbonnais? and was lodging in Gunher's house in Richer's town called Laigle—because of an eagle's nest found in an oak tree whilst Fulbert was building the castle—a fiendish dispute arose amongst the king's sons, which gave rise to many battles and outrages later.* For two of the brothers, William Rufus and Henry, were on good terms with their father, and deeming and the active hostility of King Philip. The later reference to making peace with Count Rotrou of Mortagne is usually taken to mean that the hostile preparations were aimed at him (cf. Douglas, WC, p. 238; David, Robert Curthose, p. 22). But see below, p. 360 n. I. * Orderic here treats for the first time the first quarrel of Robert Curthose with his father, which began in late 1077 or early 1078 and culminated in the

siege of Gerberoi in 1079. He returns to the subject more fully in Book V (Le

Prévost, ii. 377-90), where he seems to introduce into the earlier period events which must have taken place during Robert's second quarrel and second exile. Cf. David, Robert Curthose, pp. 19-20.

358

BOOK

IV

uiresque suas fraternis uiribus equas arbitrantes indignum ducebant? quod frater eorum solus habere patrium ius ambiebat, et agmine clientum sibi obsequente patri par estimari peroptabat. Vnde in Aquilensi castro ad hospitium Rodberti quod in domo Rogerii Calcegii susceperat uenerunt, ibique super solarium sicut ii. 296

ii. 297

militibus moris est tesseris ludere ceperunt. Deinde ingentem strepitum fecere, et aquam super Rodbertum et asseclas eius qui subtus erant fudere. Tunc Iuo et Albericus de Grentemaisnilio dixerunt Rodberto, ‘Vt quid tantam pateris iniuriam? Ecce fratres tui super caput tuum ascenderunt, et immundiciis in contemptu tuo nos tecum polluunt. Nonne uides quid hoc significat? Lippis etiam liquido patet. Nisi festinanter infectum tibi dedecus punieris deiectus es? nec ultra resurgere uales.' His siquidem auditis furibundus surrexit/ et in cenaculum contra fratres suos irrepere accelerauit. Mox orto clamore de hospitio suo rex accurrit/ et regali auctoritate filiorum iurgia suorum ad tempus compescuit. Sequenti uero nocte Rodbertus cum pedissequis suis equitatum regis deseruit, Rotomagum expetiit, et arcem regiam furtim preoccupare sategit. Verum Rogerius de Iberico pincerna regis qui turrim custodiebat, ut conatus insidiantium preecognouit/ contra fraudes malignantium diligenter arcem pramuniuit, missisque legatis ordinem rei domino suo regi celeriter intimauit. At ille nimis iratus factiosos omnes comprehendi iussit. Illi uero edictum huiusmodi audientes admodum territi sunt’ et quibusdam captis alii extorres fugerunt, et extera petentes saluati sunt. Tunc Hugo de Nouocastello nepos et heres Alberti Ribaldi primus praedictos exules suscepit? eisque Nouumcastellum, Raimalast atque Sorellum, aliaque municipia sua pro depopulanda Neustria patefecit. Erat enim gener Rogerii comitis, habens in matrimonio Mabiliam sororem Roberti Belesmensis’ qui regis filium secutus fuerat cum Radulfo de Conchis aliisque plurimis. Prauo quippe ausu desertores detestabile nefas exorsi sunt: et oppida diuitesque fundos pro inani spe et promissis floccipendendis reliquerunt. Rex autem terras eorum manu propria sibi subegit? et de redditibus eorum stipendiarios dimicantes contra eosdem

remunerauit, His motionibus incolz et uicini terribiliter agitati sunt? et arma passim contra regem seu pro rege leuauerunt. Galli et Britones,

BOOK IV

459

their strength equal to that of their brother Robert thought it shameful that he aimed at the whole inheritance and, surrounded

by a swarm of obsequious sycophants, considered himself equal to his father. So they came to the town of Laigle, where Robert had taken up residence in the house of Roger Cauchois, and began to play dice in the upper gallery, as soldiers do. They made a great noise about it and soon began to pour down water on Robert and his sycophants underneath. Then Ivo and Aubrey of Grandmesnil said to Robert, ‘Why do you put up with such insults? Just look at the way your brothers have climbed up above your head and are defiling you and us with filth to your shame. Don't you see what this means? Even a blind man could. Unless you punish this insult without delay it will be all over with you: you will never be able to hold up your head again.’ Hearing these words he leaped to his feet in a towering rage, and dashed to the upper room to take his brothers unawares. The noise issuing from his lodging quickly brought the king to the spot, and he patched up the quarrel for the time being. But on the next night Robert and his followers deserted the king's army, hastened to Rouen, and attempted to seize the royal citadel by stealth. However, Roger of Ivry the king's butler, who was guarding the tower, got wind of the attack and carefully fortified the citadel against the wiles of the miscreants, and sent messengers speeding to carry a full report of the situation to the king. He flew into a terrible rage, and ordered all the conspirators to be seized. They, however, were greatly alarmed at the news of this edict, and though a few were captured the rest fled into exile and saved their skins by taking refuge abroad. Hugh of Cháteauneuf, nephew and heir of Aubert Ribaud, was the first to offer protection to the exiles, and he placed a number of his fortresses including Cháteauneuf, Rémalard, and Sorel at their

disposal, so that from there they could raid Normandy. He was as it happened a son-in-law of Earl Roger, having as his wife Mabel the sister of Robert of Belléme, who together with Ralph of Conches and many others had followed the king's son. With misguided daring these deserters embarked on a wicked enterprise,

leaving their towns and rich estates for vain hopes and worthless

promises. 'The king replied by confiscating their estates, and using the revenues to pay mercenaries to fight against them. The inhabitants of these regions and their neighbours suffered terribly from the disturbances; and now one and now another took

360

BOOK

IV

Cenomanni et Andegauenses: aliique populi fluctuabant, et quem merito sequi deberent ignorabant. Bellis itaque passim insurgentibus cordatus rex exercitum aggregauit, et in hostes pergens cum

Rotrone Mauritaniensi comite pacem fecit. Hic nimirum dum

ii. 298

terras Carnotensis ecclesia quze perpetue Virgini Marie dedicata est plerumque predaretur, et ab episcopo cum clero frequenter ob hoc redargueretur, et incorrigibilis perseuerans excommunicaretur? animaduersione diuina obsurduit, et sic ad mortem usque surdus permansit. Rex Guillelmus hunc precio conduxit? secumque ad obsidionem quia Raimalast de feudo eius erat minauit. Quatuor castra in giro firmauit: ibique milites ad arcendos castrenses apte locauit.2 Interea dum quadam die Haimericus de Vilereio dapiferum regis Francorum? qui ad eum diuerterat deduxisset, et cum tribus militibus ad castrum suum ubi hostes regis tutabantur remearet/ forte de regia phalange quatuor equites exierunt, eique obuiantes aditum iam proxime munitionis suze opturauerunt/ ipsumque percutientes ilico peremerunt. Deinde cadauer infausti predonis uelut occisum suem super equum sustulerunt, et delatum ante mappalia Rogerii comitis* contra quem diu hostiliter seuierat proiecerunt. Gulferius autem filius eius tam diro patris infortunio territus pacem cum rege pepigit? eique postmodum et haeredibus eius per annos ferme quinquaginta fidelis extitit. Multa terrigenis imminent infortunia, quz si diligenter scriberentur omnia" ingentia replerent uolumina. Nunc hiemali frigore rigens aliis occupationibus uacabo/ przsentemque libellum hic terminare fatigatus decerno. Redeunte uero placidi ueris sereno, ea qua minus plene disserui siue que restant in sequentibus replicabo" Deoque iuuante casus guerre pacisque nostratuum ueraci stilo copiose dilucidabo. Explicit liber quartus Vitalis Ordrici Vticensis presbiteri et monachi ' This is usually taken to mean that William was at war with Rotrou (cf. above, p. 356 n. 3). But

there is no other evidence of hostilities between the

two, and the meaning may be rather that the king formed an alliance with Rotrou and bought his active support.

? This was William’s characteristic method of investing an inexpugnable fortress with the minimum of men. Cf. the sieges of Brionne and Domfront (Foreville, pp. 18, 36).

3 The reference to a steward of the king of France suggests that Philip I was already encouraging William's enemies. Cf. David, Robert Curthose, pp. 23-24. 4 Roger of Montgomery.

BOOK

IV

361

up arms either for or against the king. Frenchmen and Bretons, men of Maine and Anjou and other peoples vacillated, not knowing which side they ought to support. And so whilst fighting broke out sporadically here and there the prudent king mustered his army, and set out against his enemies after making a peace with Rotrou count of Mortagne.! This man had repeatedly plundered the lands of the cathedral

church

of Chartres,

which

was

dedicated

in

honour of the Virgin Mary, and by remaining obdurate in spite of frequent remonstrances by the bishop and clergy had incurred excommunication ;by divine judgement he became deaf and never again recovered his hearing. King William secured his support by a subsidy and took him with him to the siege of Rémalard which was in his fee. He built four fortifications around it,? and placed in them soldiers to invest the garrison. At this time it chanced that while Aymer of Villerai, who had been giving safe escort to the steward of the king of France? after a visit, was returning with three knights to his castle—where the enemies of the king lodged safely—four knights rode out from the king's forces and encountered him by chance. They barred the way to his near-by stronghold, struck him from his horse and slew him on the spot. Then slinging the carcass of the luckless bandit like a slaughtered sow across a horse, they carted it to the tents of Earl Roger,‘ against whom he had fought for many years, and flung it on the ground. Gouffier, his son, was so horrified by his father’s miserable

fate that he made his peace with the king and has remained faithful to him and his heirs for almost fifty years since. Mortal men are oppressed by many misfortunes, which would fill great volumes if the whole tale of them were written down. But now, numbed by the winter cold, I turn to other pursuits; and, weary with toil, resolve to end my present book here. When the warmth of sweet spring returns I will relate in the following books everything that I have only briefly touched upon, or omitted altogether ;and with the help of God, I will fully and truly describe the fortunes of our people in war and peace.

Here ends the fourth book of Orderic Vitalis of St. Evroul, priest and monk

APPENDIX

I

The Descent of the Lands of the Lords of Belléme THE lands which the house of Belléme assembled during the early eleventh century occupied a key position along the southern frontiers of Normandy, from Brittany to the county of Chartres.! Whilst the

lords of the honors aimed at establishing a quasi-independent territory they profited from the possibility of being vassals of several lords. From the first quarter of the eleventh century William I of Belléme held Alencon as a fief of the duke of Normandy;

but the castle of

Domfront was held until the mid-century wars of Normandy and Maine as a fief of the count of Maine. The lordship of Belléme itself was incorporated in the county of Perche, which was feudally dependent on Normandy for a time, but ultimately became a fief of the king of France.

Ecclesiastically, Le Mans was almost a family bishopric until the death of Avesgaud of Belléme c. 1040, but as Angevin pressures increased in Maine the bishopric of Séez in Normandy was successfully restored by William I of Belléme, and his fourth son, Ivo, became bishop of Séez

in 1035. The lordship of Belléme has aptly been described by Lemarignier as ‘un bastion avancé de la Normandie, que les ducs normands n'ont jamais pu incorporer définitivement à leur état'. But they came nearest to doing so in the middle years of the eleventh century. The

marriage of Mabel of Belléme to Roger of Montgomery, vicomte of Exmes and favourite of Duke William, was the most important single step in the increase of Norman authority in this region. Since, then, the succession in the lands of Belléme was an important element in the power politics of the mid-eleventh century, the fate of the inheritance

is of more than antiquarian interest. The critical years were those between the death of William I of Belléme c. 1028 and the death of Ivo of Belléme, bishop of Séez, in 1070, which left Mabel and her husband Roger of Montgomery in sole control of the whole complex of fiefs. Since Orderic spent his life in a monastery almost on the frontiers of the Belléme lands, and had a profound, though hostile, interest in the family who were the bitterest enemies of the founders of St. Évroul, his testimony for this period is important, but not always reliable. ; m ces. F. Lemarignier, Recherches sur l'hommage en marche et les frontiéres

féodales (Lille, 1945), pp. 63-67; J. Boussard,

‘La seigneurie de Belléme

X* et XI° siécles’, in Mélanges . . . Halphen, pp. 43-54.

aux

APPENDIX I

363

William of Belléme had six sons:! Fulk and Warin, who died before their father, Benedict, who became a monk, Robert, who apparently

succeeded to his father's estates but was murdered c. 1033, Ivo, and William Talvas. The family fortunes reveal the violence and dangers of the times: the surviving legitimate issue of all these sons consisted only of Warin's

daughter, Adeline, who married

Rotrou, count of

Mortagne, and William Talvas’s children: Arnold and Mabel by his first wife, and Oliver, probably by his second wife but possibly illegiti-

mate, who became a monk of Bec in his old age. A few facts can be established by charter evidence. Ivo was lord of

Belléme before he became bishop of Séez in 1035 ;? his younger brother William Talvas was never called William of Belléme. William's son Arnold attests a charter of October 1048 which G. H. White regards with some suspicion but M. Fauroux accepts as genuine;? he was therefore probably still living at this date. For the date of the death of William Talvas there is conflicting charter evidence. He appears to

have been living in 1053;* and G. H. White dates a charter of Ivo of Belléme attested by William Talvas as between the death of Geoffrey

Martel (14 November 1060) and 1062. But this is later than the foundation charter of Mabel of Belléme and Roger of Montgomery for the abbey of Séez, dated before the death of King Henry of France on 4 August 1060, which refers to William Talvas as though he were

already dead.5 The evidence of his being alive after 1053 is therefore too slender to bear much weight. In any case, he seems to have lost control of any fiefs he formerly held before 1053. Apart from these few shreds of evidence, events can be reconstructed only from the chroniclers. Of the information given by Orderic some is

manifestly false. He alleges in his Interpolations in William of Jumiéges that after Robert's murder in prison William Talvas successit in honore

paterno’, and again that William Talvas ‘omnem patris sui fundum adeptus est'.6 In the Historia Ecclesiastica he describes the expulsion of William from his whole honor by his son Arnold as a punishment

for his crimes,7 and Ivo's succession as lord of Belléme ('hereditario iure ex paterna successione,

fratribus suis Warino

et Rodberto at-

que Willelmod eficientibus Belesmense oppidum possidebat"). Since 1 See G. H. White, ‘The first house of Belléme’, in TRHS, 4th series, xxii (1940), 67—99. A different, but more subjective, interpretation of the evidence

is given by Du Motey, Alengon, pp. 111-306. ? G. H. White, op. cit., p. 81.

3 [bid., p. 86; Fauroux, no. 115. 4 Du Motey, Alengon, pp. 216-17. 5 GC xi, Instruments, p. 151, no. 1, ‘Dederunt ergo supradictae ecclesiae pro redemptione animarum suarum et predecessoris sui Willelmi, et aliorum

parentum, terram quam Willelmus eorum predecessor tenuit in suo dominio . . .'. $ Marx, pp. 155, 161. 7 Above, p. 14. 8 Above, p. 46.

364

APPENDIX

I

charters show that William never had Belléme, but certainly held some fiefs including Séez, the only possible explanation seems to be some

form of division. Orderic, I would suggest, is blinded to this by his obsession with primogeniture.! The facts can only be explained if more

allowance is made for division of an inheritance by family settlement and seignorial pressure than would have been easy or readily acceptable

at the time Orderic was writing. But exactly how, or on what principle, the lands were divided remains a matter for conjecture;? the fact that Ivo, the elder of the two brothers, was a priest added to the complications. It is possible, as G. H. White suggests, that William Talvas was left to hold any of the family lands in Normandy that he could win by the sword. The rights of his children are even more uncertain.

Orderic alleges that William's son Arnold rebelled against his father and drove him out of his estates; and there seems to be some indirect

evidence in support of this in the Gesta of William of Poitiers. Although

William never mentions Talvas or Arnold in discussing the seizure of the castle of Alencon by Geoffrey Martel, he speaks of traitors within the stronghold; and later he refers also to treachery at Domfront.*

Arnold's ‘rebellion’ may have been one element in the struggle of the count of Anjou and duke of Normandy for control of Maine and the

frontier fortresses. All dates in these campaigns are highly controversial.5 On one or two points, however, Orderic's evidence seems relevant. He alleges that after the death of Arnold of Belléme the disturbances occurred which led to the burning of the cathedral of Séez and Bishop

Ivo's reprimand at the Council of Rheims, in 1049.5 If his chronology is correct Arnold's death must have occurred in late 1048 or early 1049.7 From the time of Arnold's death Mabel and her half-brother Oliver were the likely heirs of the Belléme lands once William Talvas and Ivo were either dead or set aside.

Nothing explicit is heard at this time of any claims by Warin's daughter Adeline and her husband Rotrou of Mortagne; and why Oliver, if a legitimate son, was excluded we do not know, as he became

a monk of Bec only in his old age.8 But Mabel’s marriage to Roger of * Above, Introduction, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. 2 Cf. Du Motey, Alengon, pp. 169-70; G. H. White, TRHS xxii (1940), 83.

3 Foreville, p. 34. William of Malmesbury (GR ii. 288) also speaks more circumstantially of treachery, but he may only be elaborating information he had taken from William of Poitiers. * Foreville, p. 36. Halphen thought that Domfront was an error for Alengon,

but J. un regards it as an independent and valuable piece of evidence (Marx, pau125 nod) 5 See Douglas,

WC, Appendix B, pp. 383-90, for a summary of the present

state of the controversy.

? He was alive in October 1048; cf. Fauroux, no. 115.

8 G. H. White, TRHS xxii (1940), 85.

$ Marx, pp. 164-8.

APPENDIX I

ds

Montgomery, who played a conspicuous part in the Domfront campaign,’ cannot have taken place much later than 1050, since their

daughter Emma occurs as abbess of Almenéches c. 1074.? Orderic, in

describing the difficulties of the community that Mabel and Roger tried to establish at Séez under Thierry of St. Évroul, speaks of the almost continuous fighting in which they were involved. Very likely, as G. H.

White has suggested, the inheritance passed to Mabel through a private

arrangement of her father and Roger of Montgomery, approved by the duke of Normandy. William Talvas, whatever the date of his death,

never appears in possession of his fiefs after Arnold's rebellion, and Roger had to fight to establish his position in them. By 1060 when St.

Martin's, Séez, was founded he was secure in this region: in 1070, when Ivo died, he and Mabel entered into the remainder of the Belléme inheritance. The result was a strengthening of Norman influence on the frontiers of Maine and Perche, and there can be no doubt of the active approval and encouragement of Duke William in achieving this.

It marks the furthest advance of Norman power into the region of Belléme, from which later it had to recede. The question of Arnold's rebellion raises one chronological difficulty;

if it occurred about 1048 and was associated with the campaigns around Domfront and Alencon described by William of Poitiers, then it is one argument against the later date suggested for these campaigns, namely Iogi-2 rather than 1048-9, which is supported by Prentout and Douglas.? There are in fact some difficulties in accepting the evidence for either date. T'he answer to an almost insoluble problem may lie in the suggestion of M. de Bouárd that the fighting in this area may have been of some years' duration.* William of Poitiers after all only highlights a few incidents in campaigns that may have been prolonged; and Duke William's later career showed that he was perfectly capable of carrying on more than one campaign at once, so that it is not necessary to assume that the fighting forced on him in this region could only have occurred when his hands were free elsewhere. Hostilities could very well have broken out in this region in 1048-9, and been renewed in 1051. William of Poitiers, after all, was highly selective even when not

over-writing his hero. In dealing with a period where the evidence is so exiguous and warfare was almost continuous, it is important not to

imagine that the few engagements of which we have some knowledge, even if accurately reported, were the only things that happened. I Foreville, pp. 38-40. 3 See above, p. 364 n. 5.

? Marx, p. 124 n. 2.

4 Guillaume le Conquérant (Paris, 1958), pp. 38-42.

APPENDIX

II

The Life and Legend of St. fudoc (St. Fosse) SINCE the feast of St. Judoc falls on

13 December his life has not yet

come under the critical eye of the Bollandists. Mabillon edited the

earliest and best life of the saint, by an anonymous monk of the early ninth century, from a manuscript of Jumiéges.! This describes the life

and early cult of the saint. A later version was written by Isembard, monk of Fleury-en-Vexin, about the year 1000.? Its purpose was almost certainly to publicize the ‘discovery’ of the saint’s body in 977. Since the monastery of St. Judoc had been raided by Vikings and the relics taken to Winchester for safety in go1,3 and there is evidence that they were still there later than 977, the circumstances of this discovery have

justifiably been described by P. Grosjean as 'suspicious'.* Isembard's Life has never been published. It was written after the restoration of the abbey of St. Judoc with the aid of Cluniac monks from Fleury-enVexin, and was certainly intended to affirm the authenticity of the relics. An 8B the life

eleventh-century manuscript in the British Museum (MS. Royal xiv)5 contains the 'Invencio corporis' and miracles; but unfortunately beginning is damaged and the first five chapters containing the are missing. I have not been able to trace the Life referred to by

Delisle$ as part of a Vitae et Acta Sanctorum among the manuscripts of the Résidu St. Germain; but there is a volume of seventeenth-century

transcripts of materials relating to St-Josse-sur-Mer from the same collection (Bibl. nat., MS. Lat. 11926, formerly Résidu St. Germain 164, p. 19, no. 9), which contains a copy of Isembard's version of the Life. This begins ‘Dominis et patribus sub patrocinio Sancti Judoci consistentibus'. Orderic certainly used both these lives: the early part

of his account is an abbreviation of the anonymous

Life, with a

few names added from Isembard; and an abbreviation of Isembard

carries on the story.? The third part is based on a work by William of * Mab. AA.SS. ii. 565-71. Cf. also BHL, no. 4504; T. D. Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 265 (no. 688); and Bibl. nat., MS. Lat. 1864, ff. 164Y—7".

? BHL, no. 4505. 3 P. Grierson, ‘Relations between England and Flanders before the Norman Conquest', in TRHS, 4th series, xxiii (1941), 78. * Analecta Bollandiana, lxx (1952), 404.

5 Cf. Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 266-8, no. 689. $ *Notice sur Orderic Vital', in Le Prévost, v. Ixxxvi. " Above, pp. 158-64.

APPENDIX

II

367

Merlerault, monk of St. Évroul, which has not survived.

This in-

cludes a second ‘discovery’ of the body during a siege of Gomerfontaine (in Trie-la-Ville), probably about the year 1050, and explains its translation to the church of St. Martin at Parnes, where a cell of St. Évroul was established a little later. If the circumstances of the first ‘discovery’ were suspicious those of the second are doubly so: this alleged translation is not mentioned in other authorities, and the monks of St-Jossesur-Mer continued to secure repeated certifications of the authenticity

of their relics.? 'T'he fate of these relics after their removal to Winchester is a matter of great uncertainty. The most recent account of St. Josse by J. Trier? is unfortunately neither sufficiently accurate nor sufficiently

critical, and many problems await the experienced hands of the Bollandists when they reach the final stages of their great work. ! For his works see Hist. litt. de la France, vii. 602-3. Collections of his homilies were in the Library of St. Évroul; cf. Catalogue of c. 1140, printed by

Delisle, ‘Notes sur les manuscrits autographes d'Orderic Vital’, p. 15; and Catalogue

of 1682 (Bibl. nat., MS.

Orderic's

statement

Lat.

nothing is known

13073, nos.

65, 66). But apart from

of this work on the translation and

miracles of St. Judoc (BHL, i. 669).

2 Cf. Bibl. nat., MS. Lat. 11926, f. 115’. 3 Der heilige Fodocus, sein Leben und seine Verehrung (Breslau, 1924).

4 Cf. review in Analecta Bollandiana, xliii (1925), 193-4.

APPENDIX

III

Early Narrative Sources for the Norman Conquest ALTHOUGH

the Norman

Conquest is fairly well documented for an

event of the eleventh century, the sources are difficult to handle and far from satisfactory. In attempting to assess their accuracy, and the value of Orderic's narrative in relation to them, it is important to appreciate the date and purpose of their composition, and their relationship to each other. Two of the earliest narratives were written to justify and exalt King

William. They are the Gesta Normannorum

Ducum of William of

Jumiéges (ed. Jean Marx, Société de l'Histoire de Normandie, Rouen: Paris, 1914), dedicated to King William and completed not long after 1070, probably in 1071-2; and the Gesta Guillelmi ducis Normannorum

et regis Anglorum of William of Poitiers (ed. Raymonde Foreville, Les classiques de l'histoire de France au moyen áge, Paris, 1952), composed probably a little later. The latter was written at King William's command and contains strong elements of rhetoric and panegyric. There is a useful critical introduction to R. Foreville's edition, but the evidence for the date of composition needs reconsideration in the light of new evidence on the date of the dedication of St. Stephen's, Caen (above, p. 148 n. 3), and the events of 1073-4 in Byzantium (see M. Mathieu, Guillaume de Pouille (Palermo, 1961), p. 339). These two writers are certainly interdependent; the controversial problems of their relationship are discussed with reference to earlier literature by R. Foreville (‘Guillaume de Jumiéges et Guillaume de Poitiers’, in Fumiéges, pp. 64353); the evidence on balance suggests that William of Poitiers wrote a little later than William of Jumiéges, probably in 1073-4, and made use of his much briefer and balder narrative.

A third literary source, the Carmen de Hastingae proelio attributed to Guy of Amiens (ed. Fr. Michel in Chroniques anglo-normandes (Rouen, 1836-40), iii. 1-38, and J. A. Giles, Scriptores, pp. 27-51), has never

been critically edited. It certainly has some material in common with the narrative of William of Poitiers, but which of the two was the

borrower has never been conclusively proved. G. H. White (GEC xii, pt. i, Appendix L) suggested a date early in the twelfth century; but F. Barlow (cf. above, p. 184 n. 2) has recently put forward very

strong evidence to show that the poem was written before the end of the eleventh century, and has made a good case for its composition by

APPENDIX III

369

Bishop Guy of Amiens c. 1068—7o, to further the cause of Eustace of Boulogne after his disgrace. Whatever its date it is of limited value as evidence because of its literary structure and rhetorical flourishes. Closely connected with this group of written sources is the unique record of the Bayeux Tapestry, of which the best edition is The Bayeux

Tapestry, ed. Sir Frank Stenton (London, Phaidon Press, 1957). This volume contains a valuable survey of the historical background by Sir Frank Stenton. If it was made, as the evidence suggests, for Bishop Odo

of Bayeux, possibly for display in one of his palaces, it must have been

executed before Odo’s death in 1097 (see C. R. Dodwell, ‘The Bayeux Tapestry and the French secular epic’, in The Burlington Magazine, cviii (Nov. 1966)). The workmanship and artistic design appear to be English; in historical presentation it ‘is clearly following a story parallel to that of William of Poitiers’ (Stenton, op. cit., p. 22). Its

value as independent evidence depends on whether the story depicted was derived from selective use of William of Poitiers supple-

mented by legend or local tradition, or whether the material commonto the two was derived by both independently from reliable witnesses. Because of the difficult and still unsolved problems of interrelationship between these four sources it cannot be assumed that their agreement on any statement strengthens the probability of its truth. Perhaps the most important way in which they corroborate each other is by rough agreement on an event, which could be seen, and disagreement on the hidden motives of the men involved in it. One example of this can be found in the accounts of Harold’s oath (cf. above, p. 135 n. 5). Completely independent of this group of sources is a group of English chronicles (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, versions C, D, E), of which one at least, D, was written very soon after the events described. These various versions can conveniently be compared in the text of B. Thorpe, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Rolls Series, London, 1861);

and in translation in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Dorothy Whitelock, with D. C. Douglas and S. I. Tucker (London, 1961); this edition contains useful references to recent critical literature. The chronicles are very valuable, but brief, and with unfortunate gaps; all

versions, for example, have nothing at all to record for the crucial year 1064, which is the probable date of Harold’s visit to Normandy. Another completely independent source is the Vita ZEdwardi Regis, written in England, most probably by a Flemish monk in 1066-7. This

very difficult work is now available in the critical edition of Frank Barlow (London: Edinburgh, 1962); its special value lies in the fact that it was written for Queen Edith, and probably reflects her views. A few facts can be gleaned from a group of brief Latin annals, written in various Norman and a few English monasteries from the closing years 822204

Bb

370

APPENDIX

III

of the eleventh century, and based on the annals of Rouen for the period up to 1087. Not all have been critically edited, and they are best approached through the careful introduction of Dom J. Laporte to his

edition of the annals of Jumiéges (Les annales de l'abbaye Saint-Pierre de Fumiéges, Rouen, 1954). Some, notably the Annals of Caen, include a few facts and dates drawn from local tradition, but not written down

until about forty years after the events, and so not wholly reliable. Twelfth-century histories at times incorporate material drawn from earlier sources, and this may be valuable if it can be isolated from unreliable legend and tradition. In particular the chronicle known as Florence of Worcester made use possibly of a brief life of Archbishop

Ealdred, and of versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle very like C and D (cf. above, p. 186 n. 1; and S. Korner, The Battle of Hastings, pp. 43, 47). Eadmer's Historia Novorum in Anglia is independent of surviving earlier written sources for some aspects of its treatment of the events of the Conquest, and important for the English side; it gives a convincing interpretation of Harold's motives. 'T'he text has been printed

by M. Rule (Eadmeri Historia Novorum in Anglia (Rolls Series, London, 1884); but Rule's Introduction on the date and plan of the work has been entirely superseded by R. W. Southern, Saint Anselm and his Biographer, pp. 298-313.

Some of the shorter narratives, notably the Brevis relatio written in the reign of Henry I (printed by Silas Taylor from MS. Bodl. Hyp. 93 in History of Gavelkind (London, 1663), pp. 185-210, and in an uncritical and conflated version by J. A. Giles, Scriptores, pp. 1-23), still await accurate editing.

Detailed discussion of the problems raised by these sources and the way in which they handle particular topics has produced voluminous literature. A useful select bibliography will be found in D. C. Douglas, William the Conqueror, pp. 427-47.

Mtem Arnold

Hiltrude of (1) == William == (2) Emma of Laigle

'Tannée

obert == Ade cous: Willi

Fulk i

Con

?William

Emma, = Arnold of daughter

of Thurstan

Echauffour

= William of

| Giroie

Fulk

Robert

Montreuil

Haldup

e

Lombard — William of wife Échauffour

|

Reginald (Benedict), monk of St. Évroul

Petronilla, nun at Angers

Geva, nun at Caen

(1) Agnes of = Rol Briquessait (2) Emma of

Etouteville (3) Lucy d.

of Savaric, son of Ralph, vicomte of Maine

|

GIROIE (GERE)

=

—

Ralph ‘malacorona’,

————4

Heremburge == Walchelin of Pont

monk of

fer cer: Hugh

Mae. Giroie

ee.

Robert of (1) ==! Grandmesnil

Echanfray

Marmoutier

Sie,

William

Ec

Ralph

lE

|

Hugh == Adeliza of Beaumont

Robert, abbot of

|

Arnol

St. Evroul

1i

EN

cis

William = Mabel, daughter of Robert

|

Ivo = daughter of Gilbert of Ghent

|

Agnes = William of Sai

|

Adelina = Roger of Ivry

Guiscard

The Family of Giroie (Géré)

| Ro*

= (2) William

Emma = Roger of Merlerault

son of

Adelaide == Solomon of Sablé

Archbishop Robert

a

gnes = Robert

Adelina == Humphrey

of Moulins La Marche

Judith = Roger I

of Tilleul

|

24

|

|

tobert

Robert of

William,

Roger,

Arnold,

f Courcy

Rhuddlan

abbot of

monk of

monk of

St. Eufemia

Emma

Ralph

William

Reginald

of Sicily

^ St. Evroul

St. Évroul

x

Lisiard

INDEX OF QUOTATIONS A. THE

AND ALLUSIONS

BIBLE

References to the Authorized Version are stated in parentheses where they differ from those of the Vulgate page

Numbers: xxv. 7-8

200

Judges:

age i 278

Matthew: v. 3

V. I5

chap. ix, passim

2 Chronicles: v. I2 oe

320

298

250, 354

IX. 4

160

Ses de, eat: 39 : Er 20

272 272 348

xiii. 3 (Vulgate)

178

129

9" 38

d

xlviii. 3 (Vulgate) Ixvii (Ixviii). 3

II2 170

Er 38 eee

a Bor

xxxiii (xxxiv). 20 (19)

Ixxviii (Ixxix). 1

Ixxxiii (Ixxxiv). 11 (10) Ixxxix (xc). 6 Proverbs: iv. 23 XXIV. 21

T 5

6

200 | John: 40 40]

1

xxi. 15-17 parans: xii. 19

riz 66

52 | 1 Corinthians: 208 V. I3

44

Ecclesiastes: ii. 1 Ecclesiasticus:

vii. I5 250 | 1 Timothy: Hb,

300

xxxiv. 21 xxxiv. 24

272 | 2 Timothy: 272 aie

52

Wisdom: V. 15 Isaiah: v.2 Micah: iv. 4 B.

170 5 308 CLASSICAL,

PATRISTIC,

44

E Peter: ijr? Vus 1 John: iii. 15 Revelation: XXi. I9, 20 AND

MEDIEVAL

206 E IIO 246 SOURCES

References are given only to citations or passages showing clear verbal echoes: for sources of factual information see General Index

Benedict, St.: Pm en xlviii Ixii

Cassian: Institutes, x. 23

at 50 18

Gregory the Great: Ep. v. 4 Libri Dialogorum 10807

50 290 240-2

372

INDEX

OF

QUOTATIONS

Horace:

44

ED do S31 227] Odes, ii. 16. 27-28

64

John of Avranches:

‘De officiis Ecclesiasticis, p. 35

292

Lanfranc:

De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, capp. 1, 2

250-2

Leo I:

Ep. ix Ep. xvi Virgil: Aeneid, vii. 1—4 X. 501-2

286

292 60 268

William of Jumiéges: Gesta Normannorum ducum

VII. xiii (xxxi) VII. xiv (xxxiv-xxxv) VII. xv (xxxvi)

VII. xviii (xxxix)

134

170 176 204

William of Poitiers:

Gesta Guillelmi ducis jd

II. 6, 7

140 168-70

AND

ALLUSIONS

II. 9 DIDA d5.416

417 . 18

. I9 . 22 124 .24 - 25 2127 .28

170 172 172 174 174 174 174-6 176 176-8 178-80

180 180-2 182-4 192-4

194 194

194-6 196 196 196 196-8 202 204-6 206-8 208

GENERAL INDEX Persons and places named in the text are indexed under the form given in the

translation. English places are identified by the county; French places by the department and, where necessary, the canton and commune Abbo, Se

monk of Fleury, 242, 243 n.

JElfgar,

Abimelech, 320.

Abingdon (Berks.), abbey, 242. Abruzzi, 126 n. 2.

of

Mercia,

of

wrongly said to have founded Coventry, 216 and n. 1; his sons, see Edwin,

Accounting, in baronial households, 262 n. 1. Achitophel, 314.

JElfgar,

Acta Archiepiscoporum sium, 200 n. 2. Adarezer, 314.

JElfgifu,

daughter

father

138, 194, 214;

Morcar;

his daughter,

see

Edith.

Absalom, 314.

Adela,

earl

Edwin and Morcar,

|Rothomagen-

of Giroie,

called

son

of

Godwin

by

Orderic, 178 and n. 3; ? monk Rheims, 178. wife

of Earl Uhtred,

at

half-

sister of Edward the Confessor, 194 11145222 17 1: wife of

Solomon of Sablé, 22, 30.

JElfheah, archbishop (1005-12), 244.

of Canterbury

Adela, daughter of King Robert I of

ZElfthryth, abbess of Repton, 324.

France, wife of Baldwin V count of Flanders, 88, 280; mother of Queen Matilda 223 n. 7. Adela, daughter of William the Con-

Aeneas, 60, 274. fEthelbald, king of Mercia

queror, 104, 224.

(716-57),

xxvi, xxviii, 330, 332, 334, 336, 338;

his charter to Crowland, xxvii, xxix, 338 and n. 2.

of Normandy, countess of Aumále,

ZEthelbert I, king of Kent (560-616), 240.

marries

fEthelnoth

Adelaide, daughter of Duke Robert I (3) Eudo

of Champagne,

264 and n. 3. Adelaide, daughter of Roger Guiscard and Judith, 104 n. 1. Adelaide, daughter of William the Conqueror, 104, 224; possibly the same person as Agatha, 104 n. 4; said to have been betrothed to Harold, 136 n. 1. Adelaide, wife of Robert son of Giroie, cousin of William the Conqueror, 28, 79 n. 3, 8o; her son Robert, 28.

Adelard, priest, later monk of St. Évroul, 46. Adeline, daughter of Warin son of William of Belléme, wife of Rotrou of Mortagne, 363, 364. "Adeliza, wife of William fitzOsbern, buried at Lyre, 282. Adrian, abbot of SS. Peter and Paul, Canterbury, 246.

of Canterbury,

196

and

n. 2. ZEthelwine, bishop of Durham (1056TA 2Lo, 220). 3)

ZEthelwold,

bishop

of

Winchester

(963-84), 242 and n. 4, 244, 342.

ZEthelwulf, king of the West Saxons (839-58), father of Alfred, 240, 340. Africa, 56. Agamemnon,

274.

Agatha, (?) daughter of William Conqueror, possibly the same Adelaide, 104 n. 4, 214; said Orderic to have been betrothed Harold, 136 n. 1.’

the as by to

Agon(? Heugon), given to St. Evroul, 36 and n. I.

Aigulf, monk, 240. Ainard, abbot of St. Pierre-sur-Dive, 12 and n. 1; 296, 297 n. 4; his life

and works, 352-4; his epitaph, 354.

GENERAL

374

Alan III, duke of Brittany, his death, 304; his wife

Bertha of Blois, 117

n. 4, 304.

Alan Fergant, duke of Brittany, 352 and nn. 2, 4; his wife Constance of Normandy,

352 and n. 4.

Alban, St., martyr, 348. Albert, abbot of Marmoutier,

28, 76,

192. Albinus, abbot of SS. Peter and Paul,

Canterbury, 246. Alboin, king of the Lombards, 276. Alcuin, his punctuation, xli. Aldhelm, abbot of Fleury-en-Vexin,

158, 164. Aldhelm, bishop of Sherborne (705-9), 246. Aldhelm, monk, 160.

Aldwulf,

king

of the

East

Angles

of, 364. Alexander the Great, 274. Alexander II, pope (1061—73), xxxiii, 90 and n. 1, 98, 100, 182, 190, 200 and n. 2, 252 n. 2, 298; letter of Osbern abbot of St Évroul to, 108-12, 132; sends standard to William duke of Normandy, 142; sends legates to England, 236. Alexius Comnenus, emperor, 100 and n. 2, 202 and n. 2, 203 n. 4. Alfred, king of the West Saxons (871-

99), 240, 340. of

Falaise-Sud), 32. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,

xxvii,

134

Nn. 2, 138 n. 1, 140 n. 2, 142) nes, 170 n. 2,194n. I, 195 n. 6, 202 n. 1, 212 n. 2, 214 n. 3, 5, 221 n. 3, 224 n. 2, 225 n. 5, 254 n. 1, 256 n. 2, 265 n. 4, 316 n. 1, 322 n. 1, 340 n. 2, 352

nn. I, 3, 369, 370. Anglo-Saxons, 276. Anjou, xxxvi, 116, 304 n. 3; count of,

118 n. 4; counts of, see Fulk Nerra, Fulk le Rechin, Geoffrey II (Martel), Geoffrey III (le Barbu). Annals of Caen, 170 n. 2, 370. Annals of Jumiéges, 10 n. 1, 370.

King

Ethelred

Annals of St. Evroul, xvii, 4 nn. 1, 3, 6n.3,7n.4,9n.6,10n.1,

146 n.2.

Anne of Russia, wife of King Henry I of France and later of Ralph count of Crépy, 131 n. 5, 198 n. 1. Anquetil of Noyer, son of Ascelin,

knight of St. Évroul, 60-64, judged in the court of St. Évroul, 62-64.

Anquetil (Asclettin) of Quarrel, father

of Richard prince of Capua, 58 and n. 2, 98, 99 n. 4; his brother, see Gilbert Buatére. Anselm, St., abbot of Bec-Hellouin, archbishop of Canterbury (1093-

and

1109), xix, I2, 342 n. 2; becomes

Emma, 244; his murder, 176, 177

prior of Bec, 146 n. 2; becomes abbot of Bec, 294; his character and learning, 294-6; Life of, see Eadmer. Ansered, priest of Le Sap, monk at St.

n. 6. Amatus

son

28; wars with King Henry I, 30; in army of William the Conqueror, 234. Angloischeville (Calvados, cant.

Annals of Rouen, xvii, 369-70.

(663/4-713), 332.

Alengon (Orne), 304, 362, 365; castle

Alfred,

INDEX

of Montecassino,

xxiii, xxx,

Xxxi, 56 n. 3, 57 n. 4, 58 n. 1, 59 n. 4, 98 n. 3.

Ambriéres (Mayenne), captured by the Normans,

Ansgot, subprior of Crowland, xxvi,

118, 119 n. 5.

Ambrose, St., his works in library of St. Évroul, 50 and n. 1. Amiens, bishop of, see Guy. Amieria,

wife

of

Warin

the

Bald,

niece of Roger of Montgomery, 262. Amphimachus, 274. Anceins,

(Orne,

cant.

Évroul, 44-46.

Ansfrid, abbot of Préaux, 66, 9o.

La

Ferté-

Frénel), 36. Angers, abbey of St. Mary (Le Roncerai), 128. Angevins, 360; wars with Normans,

338.

Ansgot, kinsman of Roger of Tosny, 68. Antenor, the Trojan, 274. Anthony, St., 278. Antioch, 7o.

antiphons, 298; composed by monks

of St. Évroul,

ro8; peccata mea

Domine, 90.

antiphonaries, 48, 108. Anwend, Danish king, 240.

GENERAL Apulia, 26, 30, 56, 58, 60, 62, 94, 100, 102, 122, 126, 280. Aquino, 98 and n. 3. Aquitaine, men from, in William the Conqueror's army, 145 n. 2, 174. archdeaconries, territorial, 78 n. 1. archdeacons, duties of, 286, 290.

INDEX

375

Asclettin, brother of Gilbert Buatére, xxxi; see Anquetil of Quarrel. Asendic, boundary of Thorney’s land,

338. Atcham

(Salop),

St. Eata’s

church,

xiii.

Athelelm, priest, 34.

archidiaconal rights, 26, 152, 153 n. Bs

Athelstan,

Archill, 218, 222, 228.

Athenians, 250. Aubrey, count of Gátinais, not the father of Geoffrey le Barbu and Fulk

Argentan (Orne, cant. Argentan), 32. Aristotle, xx, 250.

Arlette (see Herleve). Arnoch, nephew of St. Judoc, 158. Arnold, bishop of Le Mans, 118 and N. 3, 300. Arnold, son of Giroie, 22, 24. Arnold, son of Heugon, father of Berengar abbot of Venosa, 100, SIOP n6: Arnold, son of Humphrey of Tilleul, becomes a monk at St. Évroul, 261 n. 6. Arnold, son of Robert of Grandmesnil, 30, 32, 38; goes to Apulia, 58. Arnold,

son

of William

Talvas,

14,

363-5.

Arnold of Courceraut, father of Giroie, 22. Arnold of Échaffour, son of William son of Giroie, 26, 32, 34, 36, 8o, 82; disinherited, 79 n. 3, 90; attacks abbot Osbern, 92-94; recalled from exile in Apulia, 106, 122; becomes

a monk

at St. Évroul,

124; his

alleged murder, 98 n. 1, 122-4; not the father of Berengar abbot of Venosa, rior n. 5; his wife, see Emma; his sons, see Reginald

king of the West

Saxons

(924—39), 242, 340.

le Rechin, 104 and n. 5, 304. Aubrey, son of Hugh of Grandmesnil,

358. Augerons (Les) (Eure, cant. Broglie), 34, 86 and n. 1.

Augustine, St., archbishop of Canterbury (597-604), 188, 240, 248 and n52; Augustine, St., bishop of Hippo, 250; his writings, 50 and n. 1. Augustus, emperor, 88. Autarith, king of the Lombards, 242. Authie, river, 156.

Aversa, city built, 280 and n. 3. Aversa, count of, see Richard, son of Anquetil.

Avesgaud

of Belléme, bishop of Le

Mans, 362.

Avranches,

bishop

of, see Michael,

Turgis.

Avre, river, church of St. Michael on, 38.

Aymer, monk of St. Evroul, 154. Aymer, vicomte Hastings, 174.

of

Thouars,

at

(Benedict), William of Échauffour;

Aymer of Villerai, 360; his son Gouffier, 360. Azzo of Este, marquess of Liguria, 304

his daughters, see Geva, Petronilla.

and n. 2; his wife, see Gersendis.

Arnulf, abbot of Troarn, 22. Arnulf I, count

of Flanders,

betrays

William Longsword, 8. Arnulf III, count of Flanders, son of

Baldwin VI not Baldwin V, 280, 281 n. 5, 282 and n. 2. Arnulf, precentor of Chartres, 108. Arques, vicomte of, see Goscelin. Arundel, 210.

Asaph, 298. Ascelin, father of Anquetil of Noyer, 60.

Babylonians, 274. Baldwin, bishop of Evreux,

254 and

n. 3; chaplain to King William I, 254. Baldwin IV, count 151,281 n- 5.

of Flanders,

140

Baldwin V, count of Flanders, 88 and n. I, 138-40, 140 n. 1, 280, 281 n. 5, 282 and n. 2; his wife, see Adela; his sons, see Baldwin VI, Henry, Odo,

archbishop of Tréves, Robert the

GENERAL

376

Baldwin V (cont.) Frisian; his daughter, see Matilda, queen of England. Baldwin VI, count of Flanders, 281 n,355282:n.::2-

Baldwin, count of Hainault, not killed at Cassel, 282 and n. 6. Baldwin of Bouillon, king of Jerusalem,

INDEX Beaumais (Calvados, cant. MorteauxCoulibeeuf), 32. Beaumont (Seine-et-Oise, cant. ÍleAdam), 306. Beaumont, family of, 218 n.r, See Henry, Roger, Robert. Beauvais (Oise), men of, 130. Beccel, 328, 334, 336.

206,

Bede, 187 n. 3, 240 nn. r, 2; his Ecclesiastical History, xvii, 246 and

Baldwin of Meules, son of Count Gilbert of Brionne, 140; at Exeter, 214. Ballon, castle of, 26 n. 3. Balthasar, king, 274.

n. 2; his Scriptural commentaries, 246 and n. 2. Bedford, abbey, 340 n. 2. Bec, chronicle of, 146 n. 2.

Bamberg, Gunter bishop of, 9o. Bamburgh (Northumberland), 232 n. 25523411). 01.

Bec-Hellouin (Eure) abbey, 12, 14, 16, 96, 250, 252 n. 1, 294-6; library of, xvii; school of, 250, 296; abbots of,

son of Eustace of Boulogne, 207 n. 4.

baptism, canons concerning, 286, 292. Bari, 58, 7o n. 3.

see Anselm, Boso, Herluin, Letard,

Barking (Essex), 194 and n. 1.

William of Beaumont; precentor of, see Miles Crispin; priors of, see

Barnack (Northants.), xxviii, 344 and

Anselm,

nuo Bartholomew, St., 326, 328, 348.

Lanfranc,

Bartholomew,

abbot

of Marmoutier,

192. Battle Abbey (Sussex), founded, 1902, 190 n. 2; abbots of, see Goisbert, Henry, Ralph. Baudri of Bocquencé, son of Baudri the German, 26, 8o, 82 and n. 2, 84;

Duke William’s archer, 34 and n. 1. Baudri the German, 82; his brother, see Viger; his sons, see Baudri of Bocquencé, Fulk of Aunou, Nicho-

las of Baqueville, Richard of Neuville, Robert of Couci, Viger of Apulia; his daughter, see Elizabeth.

Baudri de Guitri, not Baudri of Bocquencé, 82 n. 2. Bavaria, bishop from,

accompanies

Abbot Thierry to the Holy Land, 68-72. Bavarians, 68.

Bayeux (Calvados), 6, 135 n. 5. —archdeacon of, see William of Rots. —bishop of, see Odo. —

cathedral, canon of, see Thomas; cantor and dean of, see William of Rots.

— Tapestry, 135 n. 5, 138 n. 1, 176 n. I, 369.

Beatrice of Hugueville, abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen, 130 n. 1.

Lanfranc;

monks

of, see

Oliver, Robert of 'l'ori-

gni, William Giroie.

Bonne-Ame,

William

Beeby (Leicester), 342. Belléme, family of, xvi, xxix, xxxv, xxxvi, 26 n. I, 362-5; lands inherited, xxxvii; lords of, 22 n. 1; lordship of, 362; see Arnold, Avesgaud, Fulk, Ivo, Mabel, Warin, William I; town of, inherited by Ivo of Belléme, 363. Benedict,

St., 240,

278;

relics, 240,

241 n. 4, 242; Rule of, 18, 40, 44 n.

3, 46, 50, 242 n. 3.

Benedict VIII, pope (1012-24), xxx, xxxi, 56. Benedict (Reginald), son of Arnold of Échauffour, monk of St. Évroul, xv, xxii, 124 n. 2, 126-8. Benedict, son of William I of Belléme, 363.

Benevento, 56, 57 n. 4; region of, 240. Benignus, 82. Benoit of St. Maur, 58 n. 1.

Berengar, count of Bayeux, killed by Rollo, 6. Berengar, son of Arnold son of Heugon, bishop of Venosa, monk of

St. Evroul, 20, 50; goes to Italy, 96; becomes abbot, then bishop of Venosa, 100-2; not the son of Arnold of Echauffour, 101 n. 5.

GENERAL Berengar of 'lours, his controversy with Lanfranc, 250-2; opposed by Durand of T'roarn, 298 n. 1; opposed . by Guitmund

of Aversa,

270, 271

n. 4. Berkhamsted (Herts.), 182 n. 1, 183 13256194. I: Bernard, abbot of Marmoutier, 192. Bernard, abbot of St. Victor, Marseille, papal legate, 280 n. 1. Bernard,

cardinal

and

papal

legate,

280 n. 1. Bernard, monk of St. Évroul, 20, 50. Bernard called Matthew, monk of St. Évroul, 108; goes to St. Pierre-sur-

Dive, 356; kinsman

of Fulk

the

prior, 356.

Bernard (Michael), monk of St. Évroul, 154. Bernay, abbey, founded, see Vitalis.

8; abbot of,

Bernfrid, monk of Cluny, 74. Bertha, wife of Philip I king of France, daughter

of

Florence

count

of

Frisia, 284 and n. 2. Bertha of Blois, wife of Alan III of Brittany, and subsequently of Hugh

IV of Maine, 116, 117 n. 4, 304; her brother, see Theobald, count of Blois. Bertsenda, daughter of Alsinda, healed by St. Judoc, 160. Biota, wife of Walter of Pontoise, 116, i18 and n. 2, 312; daughter of Herbert ‘Wake-dog’, not Count Hugh, 117 n. 5.

Bigne (La) (Orne, cant. Trun), 32. Bithynia, 10. Bjorn, companion of Rollo, 6 n. 3.

Bjorn Ironsides, son of Lotbroc, 6 and boyy eis Blancheland, peace between Normandy and Anjou at, 310.

Bleddyn, king of Gwynedd and Powis, F35u139 0. 2:217: Bocquencé (Orne, cant. La FertéFrénel), 34; fee of, 82; see Baudri of. Bois-Hébert (Le) (Eure, cant. Broglie, commune

Verneusses), 34.

Bondi, man of Earl Waltheof, 1329 Boniface V, pope (619-25), 246.

344

INDEX

377

Bonitus, abbot of Monte Cassino, 242. Bonneville-Aptot (Eure, cant. Mont-

fort-sur-Risle), 12 n. 2. Bonneville-sur-Touques

(Calvados,

cant. Pont-l'Évéque), 135 n. 5, 144, 146. Boscherville, abbey of St. George, re-

formed by monks from St. Évroul, 116 n. 1; imitates 114-16.

their customs,

Boso, abbot of Bec, 296. Bouillon, county of, 207 n. 4; see Baldwin, Godfrey. Boulogne, county of, 206; count of, see Eustace. Brecknock, 260. Brescia, 100 n. 3. — Petronax of, 242 and n. 3.

Breteuil-sur-Iton (Eure), 282. Bretons, 360; their wars against the Normans, 104, 122; in William the

Conqueror's army, 144, 145 n. 2, 174, 234; among the pupils of Lanfranc, 250. Brevis relatio, 144 n. 1, 370.

Brian, son of Eudo count of Brittany (Count Brian), 224 and nn. 2 and 3, 228.

Brihtmer, abbot of Crowland, 342-4. Brionne (Eure), 360 n. 2; see Gilbert. Britons, 276. Brittany, xxxvi, 210, 317 n. 4, 318; dukes of, see Alan III, Alan Fergant,

Conan,

Hoel; kings of, see Hoel,

Judicail.

Brixia, 100 and n. 3. Broye, La (? Braic), 156 and n. 4. Buckingham, county of, 264 and n. 1. Burgundians, 296; in William the Conqueror's army, 144. Burgundy, 6. Burnendus, land-holder in Verneuces, 20:

Bury St. Edmund's, abbey, 350 n. 4. butler, king's, see Roger of Ivry.

Byzantium, 202. Cadalus, anti-pope, 98 n. 3. Cadwgan, Welsh king, 260 and n. 3. Caen (Calvados), 352.

— abbey of Holy founded, ro, 190;

Trinity, 130; consecrated in

1066, 146 n. 2; abbesses, see Beatrice

GENERAL

378

— abbesses of Holy Trinity (cont.): of Hugueville, Cecilia, Matilda; nun

of, see Geva. — abbey of St. Stephen's, founded, IO, 146, 190; church

dedicated

on

13 Sept. 1077, 148 and n. 3, 368; abbots of, see Lanfranc, William Bonne-Ame; monks of, see Ralph,

abbot of Battle, Thurstan, abbot of Glastonbury, William of Rots.

Calabria, 56, 58, 96, 100, 112, 128. Calixtus II, pope (1119-24), 302. Cambrai, xxi, 188; Libertus, bishop of, 188; abbey of St. Sepulchre's 188. Cambridge, castle built at, 218.

Campania, 58, 98 and n. 3. Canche, river, 156 and n. 1. Canterbury, archbishopric of, 146, 200 n. 1; rights over other English sees, 248 and n. 2. — Christ Church cathedral priory, its

lands, 266 n. 1; prior of, see Henry, —

abbot of Battle; monk of, see Eadmer. St. Augustine's abbey, 266 n. 1; abbot of, see Scolland; formerly

abbey of SS. Peter and Paul, abbots of, see Adrian, Albinus. —archbishops of, see /Elfheah, Anselm, Dunstan, Lanfranc, Mellitus,

Capua, 57 n. 4, 58, 280 n. 3; archbishopric of, 280 n. 2.

of, see

Richard,

at Exeter, 214; at Fresnay, 307; at Gomerfontaine, 164—6; at Hastings, 220, 220 n. 1; at Huntingdon, 218; at Laigle, 26, 177 n. 4; at Leicester,

264, 265 n. 5; at Lincoln, 218; at London, 194; at Montaigu, 28; at Nottingham, 218; at Rémalard, 358; at La Roche Mabille, 80; at Rouen, 358; at St. Céneri-le-Gérei, 26 n. 4, 28, 80; (?) at Shrewsbury, 228; at Sorel, 358; at Stafford, 236; at Tutbury, 264, 265 n. 6; at Warwick, 218; at Winchester, 194-6; at York, 218 and n. 2, 222, 228, 230; second castle built at York, 222.

Castleguard, service at Echauffour and St. Céneri-le-Gérei, 82 and n. 1.

Castro Giovanni, 58. Catania, 58; abbey of St. Agatha, xxii; troper of, 103 n. 4.

Catherine, St., office of, 354. Cecilia, daughter of William the Conqueror, 104, 224; abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen, 130 n. 1.

Ceolred, king of Mercia (709—16), 334. Cérisy, abbey, founded, 10. Chalcedon, council of, 286.

Chapelle-en-Vexin, La (Oise), cell of

St. Évroul, 150 and n. 3; 152 and

Robert, Stigand, ''heodore. Canterbury (Kent), 244. — prince

INDEX 306; at Domfront, 360 n. 2; at Dover, 180, 204; at Échauffour, 92;

Caen (Calvados) (cont.):

son

of

Anquetil.

n. I. chaplains, of William the Conqueror, 184, 214 n. 5, 238 and n. 2, 254, 300. Charentonne, river, 34, 76.

Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, 170 n. 2, 171 n. 4, 176 n. 1; possibly the work

of Guy, bishop of Amiens, 184 n. 2, 368-9.

Charlemagne,

emperor,

4;

descen-

dants of, 206 and n. 3, 207 n. 4.

Charles

the

Bald,

king of France,

6 n. 1.

Carthage, council of (387 or 390), 291m. Cassel, battle of, 282, 283 n. 5.

Charles III (the Simple), king of France, 6, 276; charter of, 36 n. 1.

Cassian, 50 n. 3. Cassiodorus, his rules for punctuation, xli. castles, 194, 202, 310; as siege-works,

— cathedral,

360; terms used to describe, xxxvi ; built by William the Conqueror in England, 218; at Ballon, 26 n. 3; at

Brionne

360 n. 2; at Cambridge,

218; at Cháteauneuf-en- T'imerais, 358; at Chester, 236; at Chinon, 104,

Chartres, 94; bishop of, see Ivo.

360; precentor

of, see

Arnulf.

— county of, 362. Cháteauneuf-en-Thimerais (Eure et Loir), castle of, 358. Chaudry (Oise, cant. Chaumont), 152 n.2i Chaumont-en-Vexin (Oise), 155 n. 4; see Eudo, Otmund, Robert the Eloquent.

GENERAL Chester, 232 n. 4, 236; castle built at, 236; county of, 262; given to Gerbod,

260;

given

to

Hugh

of

Avranches, 260; earl of, see Hugh of Avranches; men of, 228, 234. Chichester (Sussex), 210. Childebert II, king of the Franks (error for Childebert

III), 4, 148

and n. 2, 346. Childebert III, king of the Franks, 270, 271 n. 3; see also Childebert II. Chilperic I, king of the Franks, (?) 4, 148 and n. 2.

Chilperic II, king of the Franks, 270, 271 n. 3. Chinon, castle of, 104, 306. Chlotar II (the Great), king of the Franks, 158. Cicero, xx, 250. Ciral (Orne, cant. Carrouges), 36. Cissa, 334. Civetot, near Nicaea, 202, 203 n. 4. Cleph, king of the Lombards, 242. Clermont, council held there in 1095,

294. Clovis II, king of the Franks, 4, 240, 241 n. 3. Cluny, abbey, 74, 96, 106, 190n.2; its

influence on St. Évroul, xxx; customs of, 74, 96 and n. 1; abbots of,

see Hugh I, Odo; prior of, see Odo; monk of, see Bernfrid.

Cnut, king of England, king of Denmark, 180 n. 2; 202, 226 n. 1, 244; his sons, see Hardacnut, Harold I.

INDEX

379

Constantinople,

202; council of, 286.

cope, 128, 129 n. 2; used by cantor, 64; use in divine office, 148. Copsi, earl of Northumbria, 206, 207

n. 6, 208; submits to William, 194 and n. 2; killed 207 n. 6, 217 n. 5. Corbet, man of Roger of Montgomery,

262, 263 n. 7; his sons Roger and Robert, 262.

Corbonnais, men of, 124; lords of, 356 and n. 3. Cormeilles, abbey, founded, 12; William fitzOsbern buried there, 282; prior of, see Osbern; monks of, see

Guitmund,

Osbern,

abbot

of St.

Évroul.

Cornwall, men of, 228. Cotentin, 140 n. 2, 142; vicomte of, see Thurstan Haldup.

Cottenham (Cambs.), 342. Couesnon, river, 156 n. 3. Coulonces (Orne, cant. Trun), 32. councils, summoned by William the Conqueror, at Winchester and Windsor (1070), xxxiii-xxxiv, 236-8; at Lillebonne (1080), 284 n. 4. — ecclesiastical, xliij 250 n. 3, 252;

legatine, in Normandy (1070), 252 and n. 2; at Rouen (1072), canons of, 284-92; doctrinal affirmations made in councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus I, Chalcedon, 286; see also Carthage, Clermont, Lisieux, Mainz, Paris, Poitiers, Rheims, Rome, Rouen, ‘Tours, Vercelli.

Cnut, son of King Swein of Denmark, 317 n. 4.

Courville (Eure-et-Loir), 122, 124.

Coatham (Yorks.), 232 n. 3, 234 n. I.

Coventry, abbey, 216 n. 2; founded, 216 and n. 1.

Coenred, King of Mercia (704-9), 328. Colleville-sur-Mer (Calvados, cant. Tréviéres), 32. Cologne, 187 n. 2. Conan III, duke of Brittany, 135 n. 5,

136, 312

and n. 3, 352; his wife

Maud, 353 n. 5.

Conches, abbey of, founded, 10; abbot

Coutances, bishop of, see Geoffrey.

Crispiniacum,

158.

Croesus, 278. Croix-St-Leufroi,

La,

abbey,

270;

Odilo, abbot of, 278-80. Crowland, abbey, early history and legends of, xxiv—xxix, 338-50; traditions of, 316 n. 1, 320 n. 2; church

of, see Gilbert; monk of, see Rainer.

rebuilt, 348 ;abbots of, see Brihtmer,

Conrad II, emperor, his son Henry III, 66. Constance, daughter of William the Conqueror, 104, 224; marries Alan Fergant, 352 and n. 4.

Egelric I, Egelric II, Geoffrey, Ingulf, (?) Kenulf, Oscytel, Thur-

ketel, Ulfketel, Waltheof, Wulfgeat, Wulfketel; subprior of, see Ansgot; monks of, 350.

GENERAL

380

Crowland, Guthlac’s church at, dedicated, 332. —

island

of,

326,

330,

336,

332,

338.

Crusade, First, 283 n. 6, 318. Cyprus, 7o. Cyrus the Great, king, 274 and n. 1. Cyrus the Younger, king, 274 n. 3.

Dagobert I, king of the Franks, 4, 158, 240, 241 n. 3. invade England under

Swein

and Cnut, 244; their devastations in England,

246;

La Ferté-Frénel, commune St. Evroult-N.-D. du Bois), 34. Douet Villers (unidentified), 82. Dover (Kent), 120, 196; occupied by the Normans, 180; castle attacked by Eustace

Culley, see Rabodanges.

Danes,

INDEX

attack

England,

1069, 224 f.; return to Denmark, 232-4.

of Boulogne,

204 and

n. 1; Danes repulsed at, 226. — garrison of, 204 and n. 3. — townsmen of, 204 n. 2, 205 DS Dreux (Eure-et-Loir), men of, 124. Dreux, count of the Vexin, 204 n. 1.

Drochtric, duke of Ponthieu, 158. Drogo, count of the Vexin, father of Walter of Pontoise, 116; pilgrimage, 116. Drogo, Norman pilgrim, 56.

dies

on

Danube, route to Holy Land, 68 n. 3. Dares Phrygius, 275 n. 5. Darius I, king, 274 and n. 2.

Drogo, son of Tancred of Hauteville,

Darius III, king, 274 and n. 4. David, 274, 314; psalms of, 320 and

8 nn. I, 2. Dunstan, St., archbishop

n2 Dean, forest of, 226.

bury (960-88), 242 and n. 4, 342. Durand, abbot of Troarn, 22, 296-8,

58 and n. 3, 100.

Dudo of St. Quentin, 2 and n. 1, 6 n. 2, of Canter-

297 n. 4, 298 n. 1, 354.

Deeping (Lincs.) 340.

Deiphobus, son of Priam, 274.

Durand, monk of St. Evroul, 20.

Delisle, Léopold, xliii.

Durazzo, 1oo n. 2.

Denmark, 234, 274, 316, 317 n. 4, 340;

Durham, 234 n. 1; given to Robert of

kings of, see Cnut, Swein Estrithson,

Commine,

220.

— bishop of, see ZEthelwine.

Swein Forkbeard. Derbyshire, 265 n. 6.

Dermot, king of Ireland, 224.

Eadmer,

of Canterbury,

Desiderius, see Victor III, pope.

Christ

Devon, men of, 228. Dionysius Exiguus, 187 n. 2.

Novorum,

Dioscorus,

bishop

of

Alexandria,

286 n. I. Dive, abbey, see St. Pierre-sur-Dive. Dive, estuary of, 168. Dol (Ille-et-Vilaine), 356 n. 3; besieged, 352. Domesday Book, 212 nn. 1, 3, 220 n. 2, 232 n. 1, 266 nn. 3, 4. Domesday commissioners, 264 n. 1. Domesday Inquest, 266 and n. 6. Domfront (Orne), 360 n. 2, 364, 365;

castle of, 362.

Church,

xli;

monk

his

of

Historia

135 n. 5, 136 n. 1, 3703

his Vita Anselmi, xvii, 294 n. 3. Eadred, king of the West Saxons (946-

55), xxvii, 340.

Ealdred, archbishop of York (1061-9), 180 n. 1, 182 and n. 1, 208 and n. 1;

(?) crowns Harold, 138 n. 1; crowns William

I, 182-4;

crowns

Queen

Matilda, 214; lost Life of, 370. — son of 7Ethelgar, 194 and identity uncertain, 194 n. 4.

Earls, xxxv-xxxvii,

262-6;

n.

1;

palatine,

264; see also Chester, East Anglia, Hereford, Kent, Mercia, Norfolk,

Dorking (Surrey), 264 n. 2. Dorset, men of, 228.

Northumbria, Shropshire, Surrey. Easter ritual, canons regulating, 290-2.

Douet-Artus (Le) (Orne, cant. La Ferté-Frénel, cne. Heugon), 120. Douet-Moussu (Le) (place that has now disappeared) (Orne, cant.

Ecga, healed by St. Guthlac, 330.

Ecgberht, anchorite, 334, 336. Ecgburh, abbess, daughter of King Aldwulf, 332, 334.

GENERAL Échauffour (Orne, cant. Le Merlerault) 22, 34, 80, 122; castle of, 92; service of castle guard at, 82; Essart-Henri in, 34; ecclesiastical rights in, 26; parish of, 78 n. 1; church and tithe of, 34; church of St. Germain in, 30; church of St. . Andrew, 24; William, priest of, 112; town of, 148; see Arnold of.

Edgar,

king

of England

(957-75),

XXiX; 242; 244; 342.

Edgar Atheling, son of Edward Atheling, 180, 182, 196; his claim to the English crown, 138 n. 1, 276; rebels

in 1069, 222, 226. Edith, daughter of

Earl

/Elfgar,

marries (1) King Gruffydd, 138, 139

n. 4, 216; (2) Harold son of Godwin, 139 n. 4, 216; mother of Nest, 138; not the mother of Bleddyn, 139 n. 2.

Edith,

queen,

wife

of Edward

the

Confessor, 369.

(855-70), 240, 244 and n. 2, 340. king of the West

Saxons

(939-46), 242, 340, 342.

Edmund, son of Harold, 224 n. 2. Edmund

Ironside,

(April-Nov.

king

of England

1016), 244; father of

Edward Atheling, 180.

Edred, king of the West Saxons, 242. Edric Streona, 194, 195 n. 6.

Edric the Wild, 194 and n. 1, 195 n. 5, 228. Edward the Elder, king of the West

Saxons (899-924), 240, 340. Edward

Atheling,

Harold

381

in 1066,

138; submits

father

of Edgar,

180; not king of Hungary, 180 n. 2. Edward the Confessor, king of England (1042-66), 138, 139 n. 4, 182, 190, 194 and n. 4, 196, 204 n. I, n. 2, 210, 344; in exile in Normandy, 244; elected king, 138 n. 1; makes Duke William his heir, 134, 276; dies, 134, 135 n. 3, 136; buried at Westminster, 184; uncle of Walter, count of the Vexin, 118n. 2; not the uncle of Swein Estrithson, 226 n. 1;

revenues of England in his time, 266. Edwin, earl of Mercia, son of Earl

Egbert I, king of Kent (664-73), 246, 264. Egelric I, abbot of Crowland, 342. Egelric II, abbot of Crowland, 342.

Egypt, 274.

Ekkehard, abbot of Aura, 188 n. 1. Elbert, son of Roger of Tosny, 40. Elias, son of John of La Fléche, 304. Elijah, 326.

Elinant, son of Roger of Tosny, 40. Elizabeth, sister of Baudri of Bocquencé, wife of Fulk of Bonneval, 84.

Elmington (Northants.), 342. Ely, 194 n. 4; abbey, 244 and n. 1; isle of, 256 and n. 2.

Ember days, fast of, 162-4; canons concerning, 288 and n. 2. Emma, queen, daughter of Duke Richard I of Normandy, wife of (1) King Ethelred, (2) King Cnut, 42, 134, 226 n. 1, 244. Emma, daughter of Giroie, wife of Roger of Merlerault, 26 n. 2, 30, 36.

Emma, daughter of Robert I of Grandmesnil, 76 n. 3; takes the veil at St. Évroul, 102, 103 n. 5; marries in Italy, 102. Emma, daughter of Roger Guiscard and Judith, 104 n. 1.

Emma, daughter of Roger of Montgomery, abbess of Almenéches, 365.

Emma, daughter of Walchelin Tannée, wife of William son Giroie, 26.

126; becomes a nun, at Lessay, 126.

Emmeline, wife of Goscelin of Arques, L1n36. Emmeline, wife of Reginald son of Roger

Earl

Hamelin of Ballon, 319 n. 5.

n. 1; supports

of of

Emma, wife of Arnold of Échauffour, daughter of ''hurstan Haldup, 124,

ZElfgar, 139 n. 4, 196; grandson of

Leofric, 216

to

William in 1066, 194 and n. 1; rebels in 1068, 214-16; makes peace in 1068, 218; his fall in 1071, 210n. 1; his death, 256-8, 260. Edwin, king of Northumbria (616-32), 188, 240.

Elnoc, 228.

Edmund, St., king of the East Angles Edmund,

INDEX

of

Hereford,

daughter

of

GENERAL

382

Empires, four great, 274 and n. 1. Engelbert, monk of St. Evroul, at St. Martin's, Séez, 48.

Engenulf of Laigle, 82; son of Fulbert de Beina 177 n. 4; killed at Hastings, 176 and n. 2; his son Roger, 82; his wife Richvereda, 82.

England, Norman conquest of, 168 f., narrative sources for, 368-70.

— pacification of, 256. — kings of, see under names of individual kings. English church, reform of, 190 n. 2, and see William the Conqueror.

Englishmen,

at William

I's corona-

tion, 184; rebelagainst the Normans, see Normans and William the Conqueror; at Constantinople, 202 and n.2;some support William the Conqueror, 206-8; serve in his army in

INDEX Eu, count of, see William. Eudo, count of Brittany, his son Brian, 224. Eudo, son of Thurstan Haldup, 124 and n. 2. Eudo of Champagne, nephew of Count Theobald, 264 and n. 3; acquires Holderness, 264 and n. 3; his wife, Adelaide, countess of Aumále, 264 and n. 3.

Eudo of Chaumont, father-in-law of Herbert the Butler, 152. Eudo the Steward, son of Hubert of Ryes, 124 n. 2, 255 n. 4.

Eusebius of Caesarea, xxi, 186, 187 n. 3; his works in library of St. Evroul 50; his chronicle, 187 n. 3, 274 n. 1. Eustace II, count of Boulogne, 206 and nn. 1, 2, 3, 207 n. 4, 369; at

Hastings, 174, 178; attacks Dover,

England, 212, 228; and in Maine,

204, 206; his lands in England, 266; his mother, Matilda of Louvain, 206 n. 3; his wife, Ida of Lorraine, 207 n. 4; his sons, Baldwin, Eustace, and Godfrey, 206, 207 n. 4.

306, 308. Enguerrand, count of Ponthieu, r2. Enoch, son of John of La Fléche, 304. Entremont, see St. Pierre-d'Entremont.

Ephesus, first council of, 286. Epte, river, 132.

Erconbert,

king of Kent

(640-64),

264. Ermenfrid, bishop of Sion (Sitten), papal legate in England, xxxiii, 236 and 53, 252 11.2.

Ermengard, sister of Geoffrey Martel, wife of Geoffrey, count of Gátinais,

IO4 n. 3. Ermenric, king of Kent, 264. Ermentrude wife of Hugh of Avranches, daughter of Hugh of Claremont, 262. Essart-Henri, see Échauffour. Essarts-en-Ouche (Les) (Eure, cant. Broglie, commune Verneusses),

church

of St. Peter, 34.

Ethan, 298.

Ethelbert I, king of Kent (560-616), 188, 264. Ethelred, king of England (978-1016),

42, 134, 244, 344; his wife, see Emma; his sons, see Alfred, Edward the Confessor.

Ethelred, king of Mercia (674-704), 324.

Eustace, son of Eustace II, count of Boulogne, 206, 207 n. 4. Evesham, abbot of, see Mannig.

Évrecin, 38. Évreux, 74. —

abbey of St. Taurin, belonging to, 284 n. 4.

manuscript

—

bishops of, see Baldwin, Gilbert fitzOsbern, William son of Gerard Fleitel. — bishopric of, 76, 78. — dean of, see Fulk. Evroul, St., confessor

and

abbot,

founds a monastery in the forest of Ouche, 4, 14—16, 148 and n. 2, 346;

his retreats,

76; office of, in the

abbey of St. Evroul, 108.

Exeter (Devon), 224, 225 n. 4; farm of, 212 and n. 1; rebels in 1068, 210-

14; castle built at, 214; attacked by rebels in 1069, 228; citizens of, remain loyal in 1069, 228; garrison of, 228.

Exning, marriage-feast at, xxxviii. Eynesbury (Hunts.), 342 and n. 2. Ezekiel, Commentary on, 48. Fagaduna (unidentified),

316 and n. 3.

GENERAL Falaise (Calvados), 312. Fécamp (Seine-Inférieure), abbey, 196, 292; founded by Duke Richard I, 8; Margaret

of Maine

buried

at,

118; abbots of, see John, Remigius, William of Dijon, William of Rots;

priors of, see Tancard; monk of, see Nicholas; manuscript copied at, 284 n. 4. — Merovingian nunnery at, 4. Felix, author

of Life of St. Guthlac,

xxvi, 322; his Life abbreviated, 324—

INDEX

383

Hugh, Louis, Philip; men from, in Duke William’s army, 144, 145 n. 2,

174; pupils of Lanfranc from, 250. Franco, archbishop of Rouen, 8. Franks, 276; legend of Trojan origins

051275: 5. Fredelende, his sons, Fulk, 30.

Lupetius

and

Fredesenda, wife of Tancred of Hauteville, 100. Frenchmen, 360; see France, men from.

French

nobles,

at

Fécamp,

Easter

1067, 198.

38; not Bishop Felix, 322 n. 2.

*feorms', name for country feasts, 230.

Fresnay, castle of, 306, 307 n. 3.

Flanders, 138, 140 n. 1; Gerbod returns to, 260; war in, xxxvi, 280—

Friardel (Calvados, cant. Orbec), 46. Frisia, 226. Fulbert, abbot of St. Sepulchre’s, Cambrai, 188.

2; relations with England, 284 and n.3; pupils of Lanfranc from, 250. — count of, see Arnulf I, Arnulf III, Baldwin IV, Baldwin V, Baldwin VI, Robert I, Robert II.

Fléche, La (Sarthe), 308 n. 2; see John. Fleury, abbey (St. Benoit-sur-Loire), 240, 241 n. 3, 242

monk of, 242. Fleury-en-Vexin,

and n. 4; Abbo

Fulbert, chancellor (?) of the archbishop of Rouen, 66 and n. 3. Fulbert de Beina, 177 n. 4, 356; his son, see Engenulf. Fulcuin, priest, 30, 32. Fulda, 187 n. 2.

Fulford (Yorks,), battle of, 168 n. 1. abbey,

abbot

of,

see Aldhelm; monks of, 366.

Florence I, duke of Frisia, 280, his wife Gertrude, 282 n. 1; his daughter Bertha, 284 n. 2. Florence of Worcester, chronicle

known as, xxi, xxv, xxxiii, 138 n. 1, 140 n. I, I42 n. 3, 168 n. 1, 176 n. 1, 180n. 1, 182 n. 1, 186-8, 194n. 1, 196

n. 2, 202n. I, 214N. 3, 224 n. 2, 225 n. 5, 236 nn. 3,4, 240 n. 1, 256 n. 2,

270 n. I, 316 n. I, 316 n. 3, 370. Folcard, administrator of Thorney,

344 n. 3.

of Guernanville. Fulk, monk of St. Evroul, goes to Italy with Robert of Grandmesnil, go. Fulk, prior of St. Evroul, becomes abbot of St. Pierre-sur-Dive, 354. Fulk, son of Giroie, 22, 28; his sons, see Fulk, Giroie.

Fulk, son of Fredelende, 30. Fulk, son of Fulk son of Giroie, 28,

34-

Fulk, son of William

I of Belléme,

363.

Fontenelle, see St. Wandrille. forest, of Dean, 226; see Ouche. Foucher of Chaudry, son of Ralph of Chaudry, 132, 152-4; his wife Ita, 154; his sons, Walter, Mainer, Hugh, Gervase, Heremar, Foucher, 154; his daughter Luxovia, brother, Walchelin, 152.

Fulk, dean of Evreux, his son, see Fulk

154;

his

Foucher, son of Foucher of Chaudry, 154. Fougy (Orne, cant. Exmes, commune Bourg-St.-Léonard), 32. France, king of, 362. France, kings of, see Charles, Henry,

Fulk, uncle of Richard of Hendicourt, 132. Fulk of Aunou, son of Baudri the German, 82. Fulk of Bonneval, 84; his wife, see Elizabeth; his son, see Thierry. Fulk of Guernanville, son of Fulk the

dean, monk of St. Evroul, 20, 62, 124 and n. 1, 146. Fulk of Montreuil, his son Giroie, 96.

Fulk le Rechin, count of Anjou, 104 and n. 3, 302 n. 1, 304-6; attacks La

Fléche,

308 and

n.

2; makes

peace with William the Conqueror,

GENERAL

384

Fulk le Rechin (cont.) 310 and n. 1; his daughter marries Alan Fergant, 352.

Fulk Nerra, count of Anjou, 304.

INDEX Geoffrey Mancel, brother of Hubert the vicomte, 120 and n. 2. Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, 28 n. 2, 78 n. 2, 364; invades Normandy,

Gael (Ille-et-Vilaine, cant. Méen), 318; see Ralph.

Saint-

Gaéta, 60; cathedral of St. Erasmus in,

62. Gaimar, prince of Salerno, xxx, xxxi;

56, 58.

Gandelain (Mount Gandelain) (Orne, cant. Alengon-Ouest), church of St. Mary in, 36.

Gascony, pupils of Lanfranc from, 250. Gaul, schools of, 76. Gelasius I, pope (492-6), 292 n. 3.

Geoffrey, castellan of Gomerfontaine, 164-6. Geoffrey, count of Gátinais, 104 n. 3; his wife, see Ermengard; his sons,

see

Fulk

le Rechin,

Geoffrey

le

dies,

14

Nov.

1060,

xxi, 296 and n. 3, 346. Á Gerbert, first superior of 'Troarn, 22. Gerbod of Flanders, receives the county of Chester, 260 and n. 4;

his sister Gundreda, 260 n. 4, 264 and n. 2.

Géré, family of, see Giroie. Gerold the steward,

130, 131 n. 3.

Gersendis, daughter of Herbert *Wakedog’, not of Hugh IV of Maine, 304

Barbu.

Geoffrey, monk of St. Évroul, 20.

n. 2, wife

Geoffrey, son of Guy ‘Bollein’, 84. Geoffrey, son of Rotrou count Mortagne, 174, 266 and n. 4.

of

ville, father of Robert count of Loritello, 126 n. 2. Geoffrey of Malaterra, xxii, xxiii, xxxi,

1OO, IO4 n. I, 202 n. 2, 203 n. 3. Geoffrey of Mayenne, 118 and n. 4, 306; lord of William Giroie, 22 n. 1, 26, 28.

of

Mowbray,

bishop

of

Coutances, 140, 185, 316 n. 3; fights at the battle of Hastings, 172, 266; his lands in England, 266 and n. 2;

leads an army

of Englishmen

in

Geoffrey of Neufmarché, 130. Geoffrey of Orleans, abbot of Crowland, previously monk and prior of St. Evroul, xv, xxv-xxvi, 324, 346-8, 350. Geoffrey of St. Carilef, custos of of Anjou,

304 and n. 3; son of Geoffrey (not Aubrey) count of Gátinais, 104 and n. 3; deposed and imprisoned, 104 and n. 3, 306.

of of

of Azzo

Robert the Frisian, 282 n. 1, 284 n. 2. Gervase, son of Foucher of Chaudry,

154. Gervase of Cháteau-du-Loir, bishop of Le Mans, later archbishop of Rheims, 62 and n. 2.

Geva, daughter of Arnold of Echauf-

four, 124; becomes a nun at Holy Trinity, Caen, 128-30, 130 n. 1. Gewissae, 220, 240.

Giffard, see Walter. Gilbert, abbot of Conches, 10, 20-22, 38.

Gilbert,

1069, 228.

Battle Abbey, 192 n. 2. Geoffrey le Barbu, count

marquess

Liguria 304 and n. 2. Gertrude, wife (not daughter)

Florence I duke of Frisia, marries

Geoffrey, son of Tancred of Haute-

Geoffrey

78;

104 and n. 3, 304; his nephews, see Geoffrey le Barbu, Fulk le Rechin. Gepids, 276. Gerard Fleitel, father of William bishop of Évreux, 254. Gerberoi (Oise, cant. Songeons), 357 n. 4; men of, 130. Gerbert, abbot of St. Wandrille, xx-

archbishop

of

Tours,

his

death, 302.

Gilbert, archdeacon of Lisieux, 142. Gilbert,

brother

of Roger

of Mont-

gomery, 122.

Gilbert, monk of St. Evroul, 20. Gilbert Buatére, xxxi, 57 n. 4; brother of Anquetil of Quarrel, 58 n. 2, 99 n. 4; his brothers, see Asclettin

(Anquetil),

Osmund,

Rainolf, Ro-

dulf.

Gilbert Crispin, his Vita Herluini, xx, T231..2.

GENERAL Gilbert fitzOsbern, bishop of Évreux,

power

254. and n. 3, 258, 292; canon and

see

archdeacon of Lisieux, 254, (?) 142.

xliixliii, 34 n. 1, 96; in Italy, xxii. son of Abbo, 20, 22-24, 26; his wife, see Gisla; his sister, see Hildiard;

his sons, see Arnold, Fulk, Giroie,

Giroie, son of Fulk son of Giroie, 28,

34

Giroie, son of Giroie, 22, 30. Giroie, (?) son of William Giroie, 34. Giroie de Logis, 30.

Giroie of Courville, 122, 124. Gisla, daughter of Charles the Simple,

Gyrth,

Goisbert,

son of John of La Fléche,

304. Goisbert

the

doctor,

monk

of St.

Gospatric, ear] of Northumbria,

possibly wife of Rollo, 8. Gisla, daughter of Thurstan of Bastembourg, wife of Giroie, 22.

222

and n. 1, 226; submits to William,

232; later becomes earl of Dunbar, 350 n. I.

Thiberville),

Gospatric, son of Gospatric, earl of Northumbria, brother of Waltheof abbot of Crowland, 350 n. 1.

Glastonbury, abbey, 242, 344 and n. 3; disturbances at in 1083, xxiv, 270

Goths, 276. Gouffier, son of Aymer of Villerai, 360. Goulafriére (La) (Eure, cant. Broglie)

and n. 1; abbot, see Thurstan of Caen. Glos-la-Ferriére (Orne, cant. La Ferté-Frénel), church of St. Peter, 24.

(previously Le Mesnil-Bernard), 32

and n. 3; church of St. Sulpice in,

34. Grandmesnil (Calvados, cant. Pierre-sur-Dive), 14, 32.

Gloucester, council of (1085), 344 n. 3.

Goda, wife of Eustace of Boulogne,

Grandmesnil,

Confessor,

widow of Dreux count of the Vexin, 204 n. I. Godebald, clerk of Roger of Mont-

St.

family of, xxix, xxxv;

see Hugh, Robert. Granta, river, 326. Greeks, 202, 204, 274; in Calabria, 56;

in S. Italy, 100.

gomery, 262. Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, 206.

Gregorian chant, 270 and n. x. Gregory I, the Great, St., pope (590604), 188, 242, 246, 248, 264, 270, 290 n. 2; complete works in library of St. Évroul, 50; Dialogues of, 242, in library of St. Evroul, 48, 49 n. 3;

Godfrey, son of Herbert the Butler, I52. Godfrey of Bouillon, 206, 207 n. 4. Godiva, wife of Earl Leofric (not Earl ZElfgar), 216 and n. r.

Moralia of, in library of St. Evroul,

Godwin, Earl of Wessex, 177 n. 6; father of Harold, 134; restored to 822204

see

and abbot of Jumiéges, 294 and n. 1. Goscelin, monk of St. Evroul, companion of Ralph ‘Ill-tonsured’, 76. Goscelin, monk of St. Evroul, trained in the school under Thierry, 20, 50. Goscelin of Arques, founds abbey of La-Trinité-du-Mont, Rouen, 10, II n. 6, 106, 354; his wife, Emmeline, rr'n. 6.

ise, Heremburge. Giroie, son of Fulk of Montreuil, 96.

the

sons,

Gontard, St., monk of St. Wandrille

Hugh, Ralph, Robert, William; his daughters, see Adela, Emma, Haw-

Edward

his

Évroul, prior of Maule, prior of Parnes, 154 and n. 3. Goliath, 314. Gomerfontaine (in Trie-la-Ville), siege of, 164—6, 367; castle of, 166.

Giroie, son of Arnold of Courceraut,

of

Gytha;

Goisbert, abbot of Battle, formerly a monk at Marmoutier, 192.

Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Évreux, 286. Giroie (Géré), family of, xvi, xxix,

sister

385 in 1052, 135 n. 4; his wife,

Harold, Leofwine, Swein, Tostig, Wulfnoth, (?) ZElfgar. Godwin, son of Harold, 224 n. 2.

Gilbert of Brionne, count, 12, 82; murdered, 24, 28, 120 and n. 1; his son, Baldwin of Meules, 140, 214 and n. 1; his son Richard, r4o.

Giverville (Eure, cant. 25 n. 4.

INDEX

48, 49 n. 4. cc

GENERAL

386

Gregory VII, pope (1073-85), 100, 278 n. 2, 280 and n. 1; early life and

election as pope, 298, 299 n. 5. Gruffydd, king of Gwynedd and Powis, 138, 139 n. 2, 216.

Guarembert, vassal of Count Hilduin, 160. Guéprei (Orne, cant. Trun), 32. Guines, county of, 206.

INDEX n. 4; his wife, see Hodierna, his sons, see Geoffrey, Norman, Walter, William Gregory. Gyrth, earl of East Anglia, son of Godwin, xxiv, 170-2, 178. Gytha, wife of Earl Godwin, 170-2, 178-80, 178 n. 3; goes to France

and then to Flanders in 1068, 224, 225 n. 4.

Guiscard, see Robert, Roger. Guitmund, bishop of Aversa, monk of La-Croix-St.-Leufroi, 270, 271 n. 2; criticizes William the Conqueror’s church policy, 272-8; his writings, 270, 271 n. 4, 272 n. 1; be-

comes

bishop, not archbishop,

of

Aversa, 280 and n. 2; not a cardinal, 280 n. I. Guitmund, monk of St. Évroul, formerly monk of Cormeilles, accom-

panies Osbern to St. Évroul, 108; buried in the chapter-house, 134. Gundreda, wife of William of Warenne, sister of Gerbod of Flanders, 260 n. 4; 264 and n. 2.

Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, 68 Dr Gunfrid, monk of St. Evroul, 20; dies at Rome, 60. Gunher, inhabitant of Laigle, 356.

Gunnor, 8.

wife

Gunscelin

of Duke

Richard

of Échauffour,

I,

his son,

Mainer, 74. Gunter, bishop of Bamberg, 9o.

Gunzo, Lotharingian priest, 162. Guthlac, St., his life, xxvi, 322-38, 348; see Felix. Guthlac Roll, the, xxvi-xxvii. Guthrum, king of the Danish kingdom

of East Anglia (880-90), 240, 340. Guy, abbot of St. Judoc, 162, 164.

Guy, bishop of Amiens, author of a poem

on

the

battle

of Hastings,

xxiii, 184-6, 214 and n. 2; his poem possibly

the Carmen

de Hastingae

Praelio, 184 n. 2, 368-9; uncle of Guy I, count of Ponthieu, 184 n. 2; accompanies Queen Matilda in 1068, 214.

Guy I, count of Ponthieu, 184 n. 2. Guy ‘Bollein’, great-nephew)

great-grandson (or of Giroie, 84, 85

Haimo, duke of Ponthieu, 156-8. Halfdene,

king

of the

Scandinavian

kingdom of York (875/6-83), 240,

340. Halley's comet,

134 and n. 2.

Hambledon Hills (Yorks.), 234 n. 1. Hamelin of Ballon, his daughter Emmeline, 319 n. 5. Hardacnut, king of England and Denmark, son of Cnut, 244; dies, 138 n. I; cousin, not father of Swein Estrithson, 226 and n. 1. Harold Godwinson, king of England (Jan.—Oct. 1066), 186,190, 226, 370; son of Godwin earl of Wessex and

Gytha, 178; his visit to Normandy in (?) 1064, 134-6, 369; his oath to

William the Conqueror, xxiv, 134— 6, 170-2, 369; possibly betrothed to William’s daughter, 136 and n. 1; becomes king of England, 134,

135n. 3, 144; crowned by (?)Stigand, 136-8; his quarrel with Tostig, 138, 139n. 4, 144; his defence of England, 142, 170; his victory at Stamford Bridge, 168; defeated and killed at Hastings, 176-80; buried by the seashore, 178; his mother, see Gytha; his brothers, see Gyrth, Leofwine, Tostig; his (second) wife, see Edith,

daughter of Earl /Elfgar; his sons, 224 and n. 2, see Edmund, Godwin, Magnus.

Harold

Hardrada,

king of Norway

(not Harold Fairhair), 142 and n. 3; defeated and killed at Stamford Bridge, 168 and n. 1, 176. Harold Harefoot, king of England (1037-40), son of Cnut, 244.

Hasting, (?) son of Thor-Wolf, 6 and n3: 8. Hastings (Sussex), 168, 170 and n. 2; castle at, 220 and n. x -

GENERAL Hastings, 210 n. batants Hauterive

INDEX

387

battle of, 145 n. 2, 172-8, I, 266 n. 4; Norman comnamed, xxiv ;see also Senlac. (Orne, cant. Le-Méle-sur-

Herbert I (Wake-dog), count of Maine, 22, 116, 117 n. 3, 304; his son, see Hugh IV; his daughters, see

Sarthe), 34; church of St. Martin,

Hector, son of Priam, 274. heirs, see inheritance.

Herbert II, count of Maine son of Hugh IV count of Maine, 304 and n. 2; dies, 116 and n. 2, 117 n. 5. Herbert of Montreuil, monk of St. Evroul, 20, 68; his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, 68, 70; goes to Italy, 96. Herbert of Serans (also called Herbert the Butler), 132 and n. 1, 152; his wife Rollande, 152; his sons, Godfrey, John, Peter, Walo, 152. Herbold, monk, 158. hereditary tenure, 22, 120 n. 3, 130 n. 2; see also inheritance.

Helmsley (Yorks.), 234 n. 1. Heman, 298.

Hereford, bishop of, see Robert. Hereford, county of, given to William

24, 34-

Hawise, daughter of Giroie, wife of (1) Robert I of Grandmesnil, (2) William son of Robert Archbishop of Rouen 22, 30, 32, 40; her dowry acquired for St.Évroul, 40-42. Hayling Island (Hants), 198 n. 4.

Headda, bishop of Lichfield and Leicester, 332. Hebrews, laws of, 276.

Hengist, king of Kent (c. 455—c. 488),

188, 276.

Biota, Gersendis, Paula.

fitzOsbern, 260; given to Roger, son of William fitzOsbern, 284.

Henrede, lord of the church of Ternant, 36.

Heremar, son of Foucher of Chaudry, 154.

Henry, abbot of Battle, formerly prior of Canterbury, 192 and n. r.

Heremar

Henry III, emperor, 66. Henry IV, emperor, 66, 282; son of Emperor Henry III and Agnes, 88. Henry I, king of England (1100-35), xxxvii, 28, 30, 120, 186, 192, 282 n. 3, 318, 348, 356-8, 370; son of

Heremburge, daughter of Giroie, wife of Walchelin of Pont-Echanfray, 22, 26 1142,.30?

William

the Conqueror,

104, 224

and n. r; his birth and education, 214; his grant of offices, xxxvi; his son Willam drowned, 262; his daughter Maud marries Conan III of Brittany, 353 n. 5.

Henry I, king of France, 18, 78 and n. 2, death, 131 n. I; his Henry,

104, 130, 164, 190, 363; his 88; his wife, Anne of Russia, 5, 198 n. 1; his son, see Philip sister Adela, 223 n. 7. son of Roger of Beaumont,

218 and n. 1. Henry, son of Walchelin of Ferriéres, castellan of Tutbury, 264, 265 n. 6. Henry of Avranches, his verse history of Crowland, xxvii.

Herbert, bishop of Lisieux, 106. Herbert, brother of Richard wounded', 152. Herbert,

clerk

of Roger

gomery, 262 and n. 4.

‘the

of Mont-

of Pontoise,

father

of Ita

wife of Foucher of Chaudry, 154.

heresy, charges of, against Berengar of Tours, 250-2; of simony, 238. Hereward, his last stand at Ely, 256

n. 2. Herfast, father of Osbern abbot of St.

Évroul, a native of the Pays de Caux, 106.

Herfred, lord of the church of Réville, 34Herleve (Arlette), mother of William the Conqueror, possibly not the mother of Adelaide, 264 n. 3. Herluin, abbot of Bec-Hellouin, 12, I4, 250, 252and n. 2; his death,

294. E Herman, cellarer of St. Evroul, 92. Herman, wrongly called son of Tancred of Hauteville, 58 and n. 3. Herodian, xx, 250.

Heruli, 276. Heudicourt (? Eure, cant. Thiberville), 132, 150 and n. 3; see Richard.

Heugon, modern name for St. Martinsur-Guiel (Orne, cant. La FertéFrénel), 36 and n. 1.

GENERAL

388

INDEX

and

dicates the chapel of St. Evroul, 76

Hexham (Northumberland), 234 and Dno Hildebert of Lavardin, bishop of Le

of St. Evroul, 92; advises Duke

Heugon,

lord

of

Montreuil

Échaffour, 22, 26, 34 n. 1.

and n. 2; blesses Osbern

Mans, 302 and n. 2; becomes archbishop of 'T'ours, xv, 302. Hildebrand, see Gregory VII.

Hildiard,

daughter

of

Arnold

of

Courceraut and sister of Giroie, 22. Hilgot, abbot of Marmoutier, 192.

Hiltrude,

daughter

Beina, wife Giroie, 26.

of

of

Fulbert

William

son

de of

Hlothere, king of Kent (673-85), 264. Hodierna, wife of Guy ‘Bollein’, 84.

Hoel, Hoel, 352 Hoel, St.

bishop of Le Mans, 300-2. duke of Brittany, 308 and n. 2, Nn. 2: king of the Bretons, father of Judoc, 156.

Holderness (Yorks.), 264 and n. 3; sheriffs of, 264 n. 3. concerning, Holy Orders, canons

286-8. Honorius II, pope (1124-30), 302. Horsa, brother of Hengist, 188, 276. hostages, 196 and n. 2, 212, 218. households, baronial, xxxv, 132, 260 n.

6, 262. Hubert, castellan of Fresnay, 306. Hubert, papal legate, 252 n. 2. Hubert of Anceins, 36, 37 n. 2. Hubert of Montreuil, monk of St. Évroul, goes to Italy, 96.

Hubert of Ryes, father bishop of Séez and

of Robert Eudo the

Steward, 254, 255 n. 4; his loyalty in 1047, 255 n. 4. Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne, 118, vicomte of Le Mans, 118 n. r.

Hubert the vicomte, possibly Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne, 120 n. 2; his brother, Geoffrey Maucel, 120 and

nn. 2, 3: Hugh I, abbot of Cluny, 74, 96, 298. Hugh IV, abbot of St. Denis, 94.

Hugh, bishop of Lisieux, son of William count of Eu, 26, 38, 66, 78, 90, 94, 258, 286; brother of Robert count

of Eu, 140; blesses Thierry

as abbot of St. Evroul, 18; receives

Abbot Thierry’s resignation, 68; de-

as abbot

William, 144; blesses Mainer abbot of St. Evroul, 146. Hugh, count of Meulan, 12. Hugh IV, count of Maine,

son

as

of

Herbert ‘Wake-dog’, 304 and n. 2; his wife Bertha of Blois, 117 n. 4, 304 and n. 2; his son, see Herbert;

his daughter, see Margaret. Hugh, son of Foucher of Chaudry, 154. Hugh, son of Fulcold, 120. Hugh, son of Giroie, 22, 28-30. Hugh Capet, king of France, 22, 160, 164.

Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester, 144 n. 1; his character, 260-2; given

the county of Chester, xxxv, 260 and n. 4, 261 n. 5; his household, 261 n. 6, 262; holds castle of Tutbury,

264; his wife Ermentrude, 262; his son Richard, 262. Hugh of Cháteauneuf, 358; his wife Mabel, daughter of Roger of Mont-

gomery, 358. Hugh of Claremont in Beauvaisis, father of Ermentrude wife of Hugh of Avranches, 262. Hugh of Grandmesnil, son of Robert I

of Grandmesnil,

12-16, 20, 30, 32,

38 n. 3, 46, 64, 120, 130, 140, 196, 220 and n. 2; his gifts to St. Évroul, 38; inherits a share of his father's land, 40; exiled, 90; recalled from exile, 106; lord of Richard of Heudicourt, 132; at Hastings, 174; made

castellan IDE

of

Leicester,

264,

265

Hugh of Montfort, 120, 196; castellan of Dover, 121 n. 5, 204.

Hugh the Butler, 140. Hugh the cantor, monk of Jumiéges and later of St. Évroul, 18; copies books for the library, 48. Hugh the constable, at Hastings, 174. Humber,

river,

216,

228,

230,

232;

estuary of, 168 n. 1, 225 n. 5, 226. Humphrey, son of Tancred of Hauteville, 58 and n. 3, 100.

Humphrey

of Tilleul (Le), 220 and

nn. I, 2; his son Arnold, 260 n. 6;

GENERAL his son Robert of Rhuddlan, 260 n. 6; his son William, 128. Humphrey of Vieilles, son of Turold, 12; his son, see Roger of Beaumont. Huns, 68 and n. 3, 276. Huntingdon, castle built at, 218; earl of, see Waltheof. Hwaetred, healed by St. Guthlac, 330.

Hywel ap Rhys, Welsh king, 260 n. as Icel, early Mercian leader, 324.

Ida of Lorraine, second wife of Eustace of Boulogne, sister of Godfrey duke of Lorraine, 206, 207 n. 4. Ingran, clerk, of St. Peter's, Ouche,

I4.

340. Ingulf, abbot of Crowland, previously

xxv, 344,

inheritance, Orderic’s views on, xxxvixxxvii; patrimony inherited, 46, 64, 80, 98, 282-4, 318; lands divided, 40, 282-4, 364; patrimony held, 260; monasteries endowed out of inherited lands, 12-14, 120, 132, 342; heirs disinherited, 8o, 130, 138, 144, 280-2, 312; heirs reinstated, 106, 122; Robert Curthose recognized as William I’s heir in Normandy, 356 and n. 2; family settle-

ments, 364; see also hereditary tenure. Innocent I, pope (401-7), 292 and Nase investiture, lay, xv n. 1, 18, 74, 92, 144-6, 302. Tonia, 202.

Ipswich (Suffolk), Danes repulsed at, 226. Ireland, 210, 224 and n. 2. Isembard, monk of Fleury-en-Vexin, author of a Life of St. Judoc, xxix, 156 n. 2, 157 n. 6, 158, 159 nn. 3, 4, 160 n. 1, 164, 366.

Isembard, monk of St. Evroul, 154. Isembert, abbot of La-Trinité-duMont, (later Sainte-Catherine-duMont), Rouen, 10, 11 n. 6, 106, 298

n. I, 354-

Isidore, St., works

St. Évroul, 5o.

389 of, in library of

Isle of Wight, 140 n. 2, 260.

Ita, wife of Foucher of Chaudry, 154; daughter of Heremar of Pontoise, 154. Italy, schools of, 76. Ivo, bishop of Chartres, his Decretum,

286 n. 1. Ivo of Belléme, bishop of Séez, son of William I of Belléme, 46—48, 74, 78,

140, 362-5; his death, 254. Ivo of Grandmesnil, 358.

Jarrow, abbey, 350 n. 4.

Jeduthun, 298.

Inguar (Ivar), joint-king of the Scandinavian kingdom of York, 240,

monk of St. Wandrille, 346; see Pseudo-Ingulf.

INDEX

Jerome, St., 250; his works in library of St. Évroul, 5o and n. 1; his continuation of the chronicle of Eusebius, xxi, 186, 187 n. 3, 274 n. 1. Jerubbaal, sons of, 320. Jerusalem, kingdom of, 274; pilgrimages to, 10, 14, 44, 48 n. 2, 56, 68, 70, 90, 116, 254, 318, 346; sack of, 188. Jews, Babylonian captivity of, 274 and

T2590 Jews, history of, 188. John, abbot of Fécamp, 292, 293 n. 4. John, cardinal, papallegate in England, xxxiii-xxxiv, 236 and n. 3. John, monk of St. Évroul, 154. John, son of Herbert the Butler, 152. John of Avranches, archbishop of Rouen, son of Ralph of Ivry, pre-

viously bishop of Avranches,

140;

translated to the see of Rouen, 200; attacks clerical marriage, 200; his

De Officüs Ecclesiasticis, 200 n. 2; holds council at Rouen in 1072, 200 n. 5, 284-6, 292; and in 1074, 200 n. 5; his death, 278. John of Beaunai, monk of St. Évroul,

130. John of Chartres, doctor to Henry I, 88. John of La Fléche, 304, 308, 310; his wife, see Paula; his sons Goisbert, Elias, Enoch, 304. L John of Rheims, monk of St. Evroul, teacher of Orderic, xvii; his writings, XVil. John of Salisbury, xxi-xxii.

GENERAL

390

John of Worcester, his share in the Worcester Chronicle, xv, xxi, 186-8,

INDEX Kilian St., bishop office of, 354. England,

266

and

Judea, 274.

Korah, sons of, 298. Lacman,

Judith, sister of Geoffrey count of Brit-

tany and wife of Duke Richard II, 8 Judith, wife of Roger

Guiscard,

xxii

n. 4, xxiii, 104 n. 1; half-sister of of Grandmesnil,

76 n.

3;

takes the veil at St. Évroul, 102, 103 n. 5; her daughter,

xxii n. 4; her

daughters, Adelaide and Emma, 104 D. Judith, wife of Tostig, daughter of Count Baldwin IV (not Baldwin V) of Flanders, 140 and nn. 1, 2, 141 n. 3, 280, 281 n. 5. Judith, wife of Earl Waltheof, niece of William the Conqueror, 262, 263

n. 8, 320, 322, 344. Judoc, St. (St. Josse), life and miracles

of, xvi, xxix, 156-66; sources for his life, 366-7; relics at Winchester, 366; his father, see Hoel; his brother, see Judicail. Julia, healed by St. Judoc, 156. Julian, St., first bishop of Le Mans,

King

n.

7; see

St.

Évroul.

Judicail, king of the Bretons, brother of St. Judoc, 156.

302. Julius Caesar,

Würzburg,

knights, owed to King William from

186 n. I.

Josse, St., see Judoc, St. Judas Iscariot, 314.

Robert

of

William

com-

imaginary

person, not king

of Sweden, 244. Lacy, see Walter. Laigle (Orne), 356, 358; castle built at5265::177.0-945.356: Laillerie, priory at, 154 and n. 4. Lampetia, ancient city, 100 n. 3. Landelles (Les) (Eure, cant. Broglie, commune Verneusses), 36.

Lanfranc,

archbishop of Canterbury

(1070-89),

previously prior of Bec

and abbot of St. Stephen's, Caen, his early life, 248 and n. 3; his learning, 248-50; monk

his controvery

at Bec, 12, 14;

with

Berengar

of

Tours, 250-2; his teaching at Bec, 294, 296; as prior of Bec, 66, 90, 96; made abbot of St. Stephen’s, Caen, 146 and n. 2; refuses the archbishopric of Rouen, 200 and n. 1;

appointed

archbishop

of Canter-

bury, 248, 252 and n. 2; consecrated

archbishop of Canterbury, 254; defends the lands of Canterbury and Rochester, 266 n. 1; deposes Wulfketel of Crowland, 344; his gift to St. Evroul, 148; letters of, 248 n. 2,

252 n. 2; letters of, to William I,

pared to, 234. Jumiéges, abbey, founded, 4; restored by William Longsword, 8; provides

of, 146 n. 1; his De corpore et san-

the first monks for St. Evroul, 16,

guine Domini, xvii, 250 n. 3, 253 and

18, 48; church

consecrated,

1 July

316 n. 3, 317 n. 5; monastic statutes

n. 1 ; biography of, see Miles Crispin.

1067, 198 and n. 4; abbots of, see

Lanmailmon,

Gontard, Robert, Tancard, Thierry;

Lattakieh (Laodicea in Syria), 7o and n. I.

monks of, see Hugh, Ralph, Thierry of Mathonville, William Calculus of Jumiéges.

156.

Laurence, St., 198. Laurence, archbishop

of Canterbury

(604—19), 240.

Karl, the sons of, 222, 228.

legates, papal, 94; in England, xxxii-

Kent, 148; county of, given to Odo of Bayeux, 196, 264; coast of, 225 n. 5; men of, 204; kingdom of, 264; kings

xxxiv, 236-8; in Germany in 1077, 280 n. 1; in Normandy, 252 n. 2. Leicester, castle of, 264, 265 n. 5.

of, see Erconbert, Ermenric, Ethelbert, Hengist, Hlothere. Kenulf, reputed abbot of Crowland, xxviii, 340.

Leo I, pope (440-61), 292 and n. 3.

286 and n. 1, :

Leo IX, pope (1049-54), 280 and n. 3. Leo of Ostia, xxiii n. 1.

GENERAL Leofgifu, lady of Eynesbury, sister of Abbot Oscytel of Crowland, 342. Leofric, abbot of Peterborough, 344. Leofric, earl of Mercia, founds Coventry Abbey, 216 n. 1; his wife Godiva

216 and n. r. Leofwine, son of Godwin, 178; killed at Hastings, 176 and n. 1. Lessay, abbey, 124 n. 2, 126; abbot of, see Roger.

Lesseline, wife of William, count of Eu} 10; 12 n: 1,354. Letard, abbot of Bec-Hellouin, xix. Leufroi, St., founds abbey of Helton (La Croix-Saint-Leufroi), 270, 271

noa: Liber Eliensis, 219 n. 1, 233 n. 4, 340

n2. Libertus, bishop of Cambrai, Liége, 198.

188.

INDEX

surrenders to the Normans, 180-2; men of, 228; Tower of, 194 and n. 1. Lothair, king of France (954-86), 158. Louis IV, king of France, 8. Louis the Pious, king of the Franks, 4. Louvigny, (Calvados, cant. Caen-

Ouest), 32. Lupetius, son of Fredelende, 30. Luxovia, daughter of Foucher Chaudry, 154. Forét), 40. Lyre, abbey of, founded, 12, 282. Mabel, wife of Hugh of Cháteauneuf, daughter of Roger of Montgomery,

358. Mabel of Belléme, daughter of William

Lietbert, bishop of Cambrai, 7o n. r.

Talvas,

gomery,

(Seine-Maritime),

94;

council of (1080), 284 n. 4.

Limbeuf bourg,

(Eure,

cant.

commune

Le

of

Lyons-la-Forét (Eure, cant. Lyons-la-

Lieurre, river, 40.

Lillebonne

391

its share in royal elections, 138 n. 1;

Neu-

Criquebeuf-la-

Campagne), 32. Lincoln, 226; castle built at, 218. Lincoln, bishopric of, 350 n. 4. Lincoln, sheriff of, see Marleswein. Lindsey, 228, 230. Liniéres-la-Quarrel (Ligniéres-la-

wife

of Roger

46-48, 362,

of Mont-

363-5;

her

character, 48; founder of St. Mar-

tin's, Séez, 66-68; her hostility to the family of Giroie, 90, 122; her enmity towards St. Évroul, 54; respects Abbot Thierry, 54—56 ;date of her death, 54 n. 2; her son, see Robert of Belléme. Macedonia, 100. Macedonians, 274. Maélmon, St., 156 n. 2.

Carelle) (Sarthe, cant. La Fresnay),

Maginard, two men of the same name,

99 n. 4.

162. Magnus, son of Harold, 224 n. 2. Magyars, 68 n. 3, 180 n. 2. Maine, Orderic and history of, xxxvi; struggle of Normans to control, 362; invaded and conquered by William the Conqueror (1062-3), 78 n. 2, 104, 105 n. 5, 116-18; Anjou

Lisiard, son of Rainard, 30. Lisieux (Calvados), 68. —archdeacons of, see Gilbert fitzOsbern, Osbern, William of Poitiers.

— bishop of, 78; see Herbert, Hugh, Roger. — cathedral of, lands of, 30; canons of, see Gilbert fitzOsbern, Osbern

abbot of St. Évroul. — council

of (1064),

200

n.

5, 290

nom. — diocese of, 76, 78, 142 n. 1; boun-

daries changed, 26 n. 1. Lisois of Moutiers, 230. Lithuania, 226. Loire, river, 308.

Lombards,

242, 276; in Apulia, 56;

126; in Calabria, 100. London, 136, 190, 192, 210, 212 n. 1;

retains

suzerainty

over,

304

and

n. 3; revolts against the Normans, 306-8. Maine, men of, 360; hostility to Normandy, 122; at Hastings, 174; Maine, men of (cont.) in William the Conqueror's army in England, 234. Maine, count of, 362; see Herbert, Hugh. — vicomte of, see Hubert of Sainte-

Suzanne.

GENERAL

392

Mainer, monk, prior, and abbot of St. Évroul, son of Gunscelin of Échauffour, 74; becomes a monk at St. Évroul, 74; made claustral prior of St. Évroul, 96, 106, 144; visits Cluny, 96 and n. 1, 106; invested and blessed as abbot of St. Evroul,

144-6; his work as abbot, 116, 146— 50, 154, 346; rebuilds the abbey church and cloister, 134 and n. 1, 148; receives Orderic Vitalis as an oblate monk, xiv; receives Adelard as a monk, 46.

Mainer, son of Foucher of Chaudry, 154. Mainz, abbey of St. Alban at, 186, 1870303 — archbishop of, 9o; see Siegfried. — council of, 288 n. 2. Malcolm, king of Scots, 142 n. 3, 218. manerium, Orderic's use of the term, 266, 342 n. 1. Mannig, abbot of Evesham, 216 n. 2. Mans, Le, submits to William the Conqueror, 118, 308; bishopric of, xxxviii, 362; bishops of, see Arnold, Avesgaud of Belléme, Hildebert of Lavardin, Hoel, Julian (St.), Vougrin; cathedral of, built, 302; consecrated, 303 n. 3; vicomte of, see

Hubert of Sainte-Suzanne. Manselles (Eure, cant. commune Ajou), 32.

Beaumesnil,

Maredudd, Welsh prince, 260. Margaret, daughter of Hugh IV, count of Maine, betrothed to Robert Curthose, 116, 304, 310, 356; dies, 118, 304.

Marianus

Scotus,

187 nn. 3, 4; his

chronicle, xxi, 186 and n. 2. Marleswein, sheriff of Lincoln, 222 and n. 1, 226. Marmoutier, abbey (St. Martin's, Tours), 28, 29 n. 3, 76, 104, 190 n.

2, 192; abbots of, see Albert, Bartholomew, Bernard, Hilgot, William of Nantes; monks of, see Goisbert,

Ralph *Ill-tonsured'. Marriage, canons concerning, 288, 289 n. 3, 290. — of clergy forbidden, at Lisieux (1064), 200 n. 5; at Rouen (1072), 200 and n. 5, 290.

INDEX Martin, St., archbishop of Tours, 156, 192. Mathonville

(Seine-Inférieure,

cant.

St. Saéns), see Thierry. Matilda, abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen,

I30 n.r. Matilda, queen of England, wife of William the Conqueror, 140 n. 2, I4I n. 3, 252 and n. 2, 284; daughter

of Baldwin V, count of Flanders, 88; marries William the Conqueror,

104; regent in Normandy, 208, 210, 222 and n. 6, 280; crowned at Pentecost, 1068, 214; founds Holy Trinity, Caen, 130; her gifts to St.

Évroul,

148-50;

her mother,

see

Adela; her children, 104 and n. 4, 224. Matilda of Louvain, mother of Eustace I of Boulogne, 206 n. 3. Matthew of Vitot, 120, 121 n. 6; his brother Richard, 120. Maud, wife of Conan III of Brittany, illegitimate daughter of Henry I,

352, 353 n. 5. Mauger, archbishop of Rouen, 16, 38.

Maule (Seine-et-Oise, cant. Meulan), church and priory of, 154 n. 3. Maule, prior of, see Goisbert the doctor. Maurilius, archbishop of Rouen, xxxxi, 66, 92, 140, 254; his death and

epitaph, 198 and n. 4. Medes, 274. Medeshamstede, see Peterborough.

Melk, hospital at, 68. Mellitus, bishop of London (601/4617), archbishop of Canterbury (619-24), 136, 137 n. 3, 188. Melo, his rebellion against the Greeks, XK, XXX

mercenary soldiers, in the papal service, 59 n. 4, 98 and n. 3, in William

the Conqueror's army, 144, 145 n.2, 220. Mercia, 332; rebellions in, 236. — earls of, 139 n. 4; see /Elfgar, Edwin,

Leofric. Merlerault, Le (Orne, cant. Le Merle-

rault), stone-quarries of, 148;

see

Roger, William. Mesnil Bernard, see Goulafriére (La).

Mesnil-Dode (Le) (name of place now

GENERAL disappeared, Orne, cant. La FertéFrénel, commune Heugon), 32, 42. Mesnil- Rousset (Le) (identification uncertain), 120.

Meulan, count of, see Hugh. .Michael, bishop of Avranches, 200, 286, 292. Michael VII, emperor, 100 n. 2, 202, 203): 3: Miles Crispin, his Vita Lanfranci, SXWIMXX)) xxxdid-xxxiv, 249./1n./25.3,250:n- 2.

2360" n2,

Mileto, abbey of, 102; abbot of, see William, son of Ingran. military

service,

34

n.

1;

owed

to

William the Conqueror from England, 266; owed to the king of France, 282 n. 3; owed to St.

Evroul, 82; extra service demanded,

INDEX

393

n. 1; rebels in 1068, 214-16; makes peace with William in 1068, 218; his revolt at Ely and imprisonment, 194 n. 4, 256-8, 260. Morinus, monk of St. Évroul, at St. Martin's, Séez, 48. Mortagne (Orne), men of, 124; coun of, see Rotrou. Mortain, count of, see Robert, William Werlenc.

Mortemer (Seine-Inférieure, cant. Neufchátel), battle of (1054), 78 n.2. Moses, 188, 326. Moulin d'Olivet (Le) (Orne, cant. 'Trun, commune Saint-Gervais-desSablons), 32. Mount Gandelain, see Gandelain. Mowbray, see Geoffrey, Robert, Roger. Mummolus, abbot, 240.

236.

Milli (Oise, cant. Marseille-le-Petit), men of, 130. mills, 32, 34, 36, 152. Monnai (Orne, cant. La Ferté- Frénel), church of St. Mary in, 34. Montacute (Somerset), 228. Montaigu, castle of (? St. Pierre-desNids (Mayenne, cant. Pré-en-Pail)),

26 n. 4, 28. Montchauvet (Calvados, cant. BényBocage), 32. Monte Cassino, abbey, 240, 241 n. 4, 242; abbot of, see Bonitus, Petro-

nax.

Naples, 280 n. 3. — archbishopric of, 280 n. 2. Nebuchadnezzar, King, 274. Neot, St., relics of, 342 and n. 2. Nest, daughter of Gruffydd, 138. Netrevilla, 158, 159 n. 3. Neufmarché (Seine-Inférieure, cant. Gournay), 132; castle of, 130. — church of St. Peter, 32, 130; priory

of St. Évroul established at, 130, QnA. Nicaea, 10, 203 n. 4. — council of, 286. Nicephoritzes, logothete, 203 n. 3.

Montfort (Ille-et-Vilaine), 318. Montgomery, Roger of, see Roger of Montgomery. Montreuil-l’Argillé (Eure, cant. Broglie), 22, 30, 34, 76, 80; attacked by Gilbert of Brionne, 24; ecclesiastical rights in, 26; fee of, 28; vill of, 34; ovens and burgess in, 36; parish of, 78 n. 1. church of St.

Nicholas, abbot of St. Ouen, Rouen, TA4 num.

George, 24, 34. — see William of.

of St. Ouen, Rouen, 298 and n. 3. Nicholas of Baqueville, son of Baudri the German, 82.

Mont-St-Michel, abbey, founded by Duke Richard I, 8; manuscripts at, xxii; abbot of, see Robert of Torigni;

monk of, see Scolland. Morcar, earl of Northumbria, son of Earl ZElfgar, 139 n. 4, 196, 216 n. 1;

supports Harold, 138; submits to William the Conqueror, 194 and

Nicholas

II, pope (1059-61),

88, 94,

98. Nicholas, St., bishop of Myra, 70 and n. 3, 124; chapel dedicated to, 150; feast of, 208. Nicholas, son of Richard III, duke of

Normandy, monk of Fécamp, abbot

Nigel, kinsman

of Robert

120; his son-in-law, Breton, 120.

of Vitot,

Rualon

the

Noireau, see Touquettes. Norfolk, 264 and n. 2, 265 n. 4; earls

of, 265 n. 4. Norman, son of Guy ‘Bollein’, 84.

GENERAL

394

Norman Mica, 82. Normandy, frontiers of, 362; invaded by French and Angevins, 78 n. 2; foundation of monasteries in, 4—16; see also under names of monasteries; lack of learning in before the time of Lanfranc, 250; King Ethel-

red takes refuge in, 244; bishops and magnates of, 140. Normandy, dukes of, see Richard

I,

Richard II, Richard III, Robert Curthose, Robert the Magnificent, Rollo, William Longsword, William the Conqueror. Normans, Danish origin suggested, 2, 6 and n. 2; established in Normandy, 6-8, 276; in southern Italy, xxii-xxiii, xxx—xxxii, 56—60, 96—104, 122, 126-8, 280; their conquest of England, see England and William

the Conqueror;

at the coronation

of William I, 184; in England: some settle peacefully, 256; some oppress the English, 202-4, 268-

70, 318-20; some lands, 218-20.

abandon

their

Norrey-en-Auge (Calvados, cant. Morteaux-Couliboeuf), 14, 20; church of St. Mary at, 32, 40.

Northampton, county Waltheof, 262. Northumbria,

—

of, given

to

rebellion in, 139 n. 4.

earls of, see Copsi, Morcar, Robert of

Gospatric, Commine,

Siward, Tostig, Uhtred. — kings of, see Edwin, Oswald, Oswy. Norway, 142 n. 3, 340. — king of, see Harold Hardrada. Norwich, 226, 316 and n. 3. Notre-Dame-du-Bois, church of, see St. Évroul. Notre-Dame-du-Hamel, see PontÉchanfray. Nottingham, 230; castle built at, 218. Noyer-Ménard (Le) (Orne, cant. Gacé, commune La 'Trinité-desLaitiers), 32, 42. Noyon (Oise), sacked by the Vikings, 6. Noyon-sur-Andelle (now Charleval (Eure, cant. Granville)), priory of St. Évroul at, 116 and n. 1.

INDEX Oakington (Cambs.), 342. oblates, xiii-xiv, 84-86, 126, 154. Odelerius of Orleans, father of Orderic

Vitalis, xiii-xiv; clerk of Roger of Montgomery, 262 and n. 4. Odilo, abbot of La-Croix-St.-Lenfroi, 278-80. Odo, abbot of Cluny, 60 n. 1. Odo, archbishop of Trier, son of Bald-

win V, count of Flanders, 88. Odo, prior of Cluny, 298, 299 n. 6; previously a canon of Rheims, 298; becomes

300;

cardinal

elected

bishop

pope

as

of Ostia,

Urban

II,

299 n. 6.

Odo of Conteville, bishop of Bayeux, half-brother of William the Conqueror, 38, 120, 121 n. 5, 140, 144 n. I, 195 n. 7, 286, 292; at the battle of Hastings, 172; granted Dover and the county of Kent, 196; vicegerent in England, 202 and n. 1; guards Dover castle, 204; his au-

thority in Kent and the kingdom of England, 264-6; helps to suppress rebellion in England, 316 n. 3; his spoliations, 266 and n. 1; possibly commissioned the Bayeux Tapestry, 369.

Odo Rufus, 30. Ofa, retainer of

King

Ethelbald,

332.

Offa, king of Mercia, 240. Olaf II (St. Olaf), erroneously said to have allied with Cnut, 244. Oliver, son of William Talvas, monk

of Bec, 54 n. 1, 363, 364. Olivet, see Moulin d'Olivet (Le). Olric, monk of St. Évroul, 20. Orderic Vitalis, monk of St. Évroul, author of the Historia ZEcclesiastica, his birth and upbringing, xiii—xiv; his writings, xiv-xvi; sources used,

xvi-xxix; his language, xxxv—xxxvi; his hand-writing, punctuation, and style, xxxix—xlii; visits Cambrai, xxi, 188; visits Crowland, xxvi, xxxix, 324, 350; visits Worcester, xxi, 186

n. 1, 188; probably visits Thorney, xxxix; condemns William’s harrying of the North,

232

and

n.

2;

composes an epitaph for Earl WalO (dep. Orne, cant. Mortrée), 32.

theof, 350; his father, see Odelerius

GENERAL of Orleans; his master, see John of Rheims. Orleans, 240, 346. Orosius, works in library of St. Évroul,

50.

Osbern, abbot of St. Évroul, 94, 96, 126, 132; son of Herfast, 106; previously canon

of Lisieux, monk

of

La-Trinité-du-Mont, Rouen, and of Cormeilles, 106; prior of Cormeilles, 92; made abbot of St. Évroul, 92; his character, 106; excommunicated, 94, 96; appeals to Rome, 108—14; his work as abbot, 106-8; establishes a general anniversary for benefactors, 114; alms dispensed under him,

116;

acquires

property

for

St.

Evroul, 120; prepares to build a mews church, 132, 4134*-n. 1; dies, 27 May 1066, 134, 144. Osbern, archdeacon of Lisieux, 18. Osbern, brother of Swein Estrithson,

224. Osbern, the priest, 36. Oscytel, Oscytel, xxvli, Oskytel, Osmund

Osmund

abbot of Crowland, 342. archbishop of York (956—71), 340. Danish king, 240. Basset, 30.

Drengot,

? brother of Gil-

bert Buatére, xxxi, 56 and n. 3. Ostrehilda, converted by St. Judoc, 160. Oswald, king of Northumbria (633-

41), 240. Oswald,

St.,

bishop

of

Worcester

(961—72), archbishop of York (97292), 240 and n. I, 242, 342; viously monk of Fleury, 242.

pre-

Oswulf, son of Eadwulf, 207 n. 6. Oswy, king of Northumbria (654—70), 246.

Otmund of Chaumont, son of Robert

INDEX

395

Palamedes, 274. Palermo, 58.

pallium, received from pope, 200; from anti-pope, 138 n. 1, 238 n. I. Paris, besieged by Rollo, 6. — synod at in 1074, 200 n. 5. Paris, son of Priam, 274. parish churches, built, 22-24; to be

offered for sale to St. Évroul, 30; sale of forbidden, 288. Parnes (Oise, cant. Chaumont), n. 3; settlers in, 152-4.

150

— church of St. Martin, relics of St. Judoc there, 156, 166, 367; given to St. Évroul, 152; priory of St. Evroul established at, xxix, 152 n. 1, 156, 367; priors of, see Goisbert the doctor, Roger of Hauterive. patrimony, see inheritance.

Paul the Deacon, his History of the Lombards, 242 n. 2. Paula, wife of John of La Fléche, daughter of Herbert ‘Wake-dog’, not of Hugh IV of Maine, 304 and n. 2; her sons, 304.

Pavia, birthplace of Lanfranc, xix-xx, 248; Lanfranc's alleged studies at, 248 and n. 3. Peakirk (Northants.), monastery of, 342; united to Crowland, 344. Pega, sister of Guthlac, 334, 336-8,

342, 344 and n. I. Penenden Heath (Kent), 266 n. 1.

trial

on,

Penwalh, father of Guthlac, 324. Perche, county of, 362; count of, see Rotrou. Perseus, king, 274. Persians, 274. Peter, cardinal, papal legate in England, xxxiii-xxxiv, 236; possibly Peter Bibliothecarius, 236 n. 3.

— forest of, 16, 64, 148 and n. 2.

Peter, St., miracle of, 136, 137 n. 3. Peter, son of Herbert the Butler, 152.

— region of, 14, 346. — river, 78.

Peter, subdeacon, 242. Peter Bibliothecarius (?), see

‘the eloquent’, 154. Ouche, see St. Evroult-en-Ouche.

Ouen, Norman monk, 348. Ouen, St., archbishop of Rouen, 4, 298. Ouilly-le-Tesson

(Calvados,

Bretteville-sur-Laize),

32.

cant.

Peterborough,

abbey,

346;

replaces

former abbey of Medeshamstede, 244 and n. 1; abbot of, see Leofric. Petronax,

Pacé, (Eure) 282.

Peter,

cardinal.

abbot

of Monte

Cassino,

242; not bishop of Brescia, 242 n. 3.

GENERAL

396 Petronilla,

daughter

of Arnold

of

Échauffour, 124; becomes a nun at Angers, 128. Pevensey (Sussex), 168, 196; William the Conqueror lands at, 170 and

standard-bearer

of, 98; mercenary

soldiers of, 59 n. 4, 98 and n. 3. — See also legates, pallium, and names

of individual popes. Poppa, daughter of Berengar, 7.

Préaux (Eure, cant. Pont-Audemer),

Nya Philibert, St., founds a monastery at Jumiéges, 4, 8. Philip I, king of France, 126, 166, 108, 222, 223 ns7, 252-and) ny) 3;

284, 356 n. lost

INDEX

diploma

stepfather,

see

3; minority of, 88; of,

166

Ralph

n.

4;

his

of Crépy;

Poitiers abbess there, 258. Préaux, abbey of St. Peter, founded, 12 and n. 3; abbot of, see Ansfrid. Priam, king of Troy, son of Laomedon,

274.

his steward, 360 and n. 3.

Philip, son of Robert the Frisian, 282, 283 n. 7. Picot of Sai, man gomery, 262.

92; William of Poitiers born at, 258.

Préaux, abbey of St. Léger, founded, 12 and n. 3; sister of William of

of Roger of Mont-

Pridian Sigeman, successor to St. Judoc, 158, 159 n. 4, 160, 164; later called Sigebrand, 160 n. 1.

Prosper of Aquitaine, 187 n. 3.

pilgrimages, to Compostella, 44 n. 4; to Jerusalem, 10, 14, 44, 48 n. 2, 56,

psalter, given by Queen Emma to Robert, archbishop of Rouen, 42.

68-70, 90 and n. 2, 116, 254, 318,

Pseudo-Ingulf,

346; to Rome, 44 n. 4, 156, 344; to

xxvii, 338 n. 2, 344 n. 2. Pusey (Berks.), 198 n. 4.

Saint-Gilles, 44 and n. 4. pilgrims, Norman, in the Gargano, xxx; assist Gaimar of Salerno, xxxi; Normans disguised as, 100. Pippin the Short, king of the Franks,

4-

chronicle

of,

xxv,

Rabodanges (Orne, cant. Putanges) (previously Culley), 32 and n. 2.

Radbod,

bishop

of Séez,

father of

William Bonne-Ame, archbishop of

Placidus, monk, 36. Plato, xix, xx, xxi; compared to Lanfranc, 248. Pontefract (Yorks.), 230.

Rouen, 254 and n. 2. Radon (Eure, cant. Alengon-Est), 38.

Poesté-des-Nids, La, see St. Pierre des Nids.

30. Rainer, abbot of La-Trinité-du-Mont,

poisoning, accusations of, 60, 79 n. 3, 8o, 118 and n. 2, 122-4, 304, 312 and n. 3. Poitiers (Vienne), sacked by the Vikings, 6; synod at (1074), 200 n. 5; William of Poitiers studied there, 258. Poitou, men of, in William the Conqueror's army, 144. Poland, 226. Pont-Echanfray, early name of Notre-

Dame du Hamel (Eure, cant. Broglie), 36.

Ponthieu, counts of, see Enguerrand, Guy.

Ponthieu,

dukes

of, see

Drochtric,

Haimo.

pope,

appeals to, 94,

108-14,

142;

banner of, 58, 59 n. 4, 142 and n. 2;

Ragnulf, 58. Rainard, son

of Solomon

of Sablé,

Rouen, go, 106.

Rainer, monk of Conches, prior of St.

Évroul, 9o.

Rainulf Drengot, brother of Gilbert Buatére, xxxi, 280 n. 3. Ramsey, abbey, 242, 243 n. 5.

Raoul Glaber, his account of the Normans in southern Italy, xxx. Ralph, abbot of Battle, xv, 192 and n. 2; formerly monk

of Caen

and

prior of Rochester, 192. Ralph, count of Crépy and Mantes, stepfather of King Philip I, 130, 198; his wife, Anne of Russia, 131 7.5, TOS: 1:

Ralph, monk of St. Évroul, trained in the school under Thierry, 20, 50, (?) 108.

Ralph, nephew of 'Thierry, monk of

GENERAL Jumiéges and later of St. Évroul, copies a Heptateuch and a Missal, Ralph, son of Godfrey, vassal of Robert son of Giroie, 38. Ralph, son of Ralph of Gael, 318 n. 1. Ralph, son of Roger of Merlerault, 30. Ralph, son of Walchelin of PontEchanfray, 30.

Ralph, son of William son of Roger of and William, 36. Ralph ‘Ill-tonsured’, son of Giroie, later monk of Marmoutier, 22, 28,

29 n. 3, 32-34, 38, 62; at St. Évroul,

74; his early studies, 76; becomes a monk at Marmoutier, 28, 76; re-

turns to Marmoutier, 104; dies, 104. Ralph of Chaudry, 166; his son, see Foucher.

Ralph of Conches, see Ralph of 'T'osny. Ralph of Gacé, son of Robert archbishop

of Rouen,

assassination

118;

of

instigates

Gilbert

of

Brionne, 24 n. 3; his son, see Robert

of Gacé. Ralph of Gael, earl of Norfolk, 264; son of Ralph the Staller, son-in-law of William fitzOsbern, 265 n. 4; defeats the Danes in 1069, 226; rebels against King

William,

310-16; his

sons, William and Ralph, 318 n. r. Ralph of Ivry, count of Bayeux, father of John of Avranches,

140, 200 and

ne 4: Ralph of La Roussiére, monk

of St.

Evroul, 130.

Reginald

(Benedict),

son

of Arnold

Tosny, 140; exiled, 90; recalled from exile, 106; standard-bearer of

the Normans,

140; at the battle of

Hastings, 174; supports Robert Curthose, 358; his doctor Goisbert,

154 n. 3. Ralph Teison, 38. the

monk of St. Évroul.

Reginald, son of Roger earl of Hereford, 318, 319 n. 5; his wife Emme-

line, 319 n. 5. Reginald Chamois, monk of St. Evroul, goes to Italy, 96. Reginald of La Roche, monk of St. Reginald

of Le

Evroul, 20, 62.

Sap,

monk

of St.

Reginald the Bald, monk of St. Evroul, 108. Reginald the Great, monk of St. Evroul, goes to Italy, 96. Reigate (Surrey), 264 n. 2. Rémalard (Orne), 122, 358, 360. Remigius, abbot of Fécamp, 144 n. 1. Repton (Derby), 324. Restold, clerk, of St. Peter's, Ouche,

I4. Réville (Eure, cant. Broglie, commune La-Trinité-de-Réville), 36; church

of St. Léger, 34. Rheims, 62, 178, 198; archbishop of, see Gervase; canon of, see Odo, prior

of Cluny. — council of (1049), 364. Rhiwallon, ruler of North Wales, 139

ins Be Rhys, Welsh king, 260.

Richard, abbot of Verdun, 74. Richard, count of Evreux, son of Archbishop Robert, 140; his son,

William, 174. Richard I, duke of Normandy, 8, 292;

Ralph of Tosny (also called ‘of Conches’), 38; son of Roger of

Staller,

earl

of Norfolk,

father of Ralph of Gael, 265 n. 4. Raye

Reginald, monk of St. Évroul, 154.

Evroul, 146.

Merlerault, 30.

Ralph Fraisnel, 36, his sons Richard

Ralph

397

of Échauffour, 124; see Benedict,

48.

the

INDEX

(Pas-de-Calais,

cant.

(?Brahic), 156 n. 4. Reginald, duke of Orleans, 6. Reginald, monk, xiii.

Hesdin)

half-brother of Ralph of Ivry, 200; his wife, see Gunnor; his sons, see Richard II, Robert, archbishop of Rouen; his daughter, see Emma. Richard II, duke of Normandy, xxx, 2, 8, 23 n. 3, 292; uncle of Count Gilbert of Brionne, 82; father-in-law of Baldwin IV of Flanders, 140 n. 1; his wife, see Judith; his sons, see Richard III, Robert I, Mauger, archbishop of Rouen.

Richard III, duke of Normandy, 8-10, 23 n. 3, 26, 68; his son, Nicholas, 298. 4 Richard, monk of St. Evroul, 20, 50.

GENERAL 398 Richard, monk of St. Évroul and later of St. Pierre-sur-Dive, 356. Richard I, prince of Capua, count of Aversa, son of Anquetil of Quarrel, xxiii, 58 and n. 2, 98 and n. 3, 99

n. 4. Richard, son of Gulbert, 30.

Richard,

son of Herluin,

canon

of

Rouen, 198. Richard, son of Hugh of Avranches, drowned in the White Ship, 262 and n. 2.

Richard, son of Ralph Fraisnel, 36. Richard, son of William the queror, 104, 224 and n. 1. Richard Haldup, see Thurstan.

Con-

Richard of Avranches, son of Thurstan Goz, 62, 63 n. 3, 120, 260 and n. 5; his son, see Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester. Richard of Beaufour, 38. Richard of Bienfait, see Richard of Clare. Richard of Clare, son of Count Gilbert of Brionne, also called Richard of Bienfait, 140, 316 and n. 3.

Richard

(‘the wounded’)

court, monk

of Heudi-

of St. Évroul, 132,

150; his brother, see Herbert.

Richard of Neuville, son of Baudri the German, 82.

INDEX Flanders, son of Baldwin V, count of Flanders, xxxvii, 88, 280-2, 284 and nn. 1, 2; his wife, see Gertrude; his sons, see Robert II, Philip.

Robert II (of Jerusalem), count of Flanders, 282 and n. 3, 283 n. 7. Robert, count of Loritello, son of Geoffrey of Hauteville, 126 and n32: Robert (of Conteville), count of Mortain,

half-brother

of William

the Conqueror, xxxv. n. 3, 140, 230; his English lands, 266. Robert I (the Magnificent), duke of Normandy, son of Richard II, father of William the Conqueror, xxxi, 10, 12, 24, 26, 28, 56, 68; his daughter Adelaide, 264 n. 3. Robert II (Curthose), duke of Nor-

mandy,

son of William

the Con-

queror, 104, 120, 200, 224 and n. 1,

354;

betrothed

to

Margaret

of

Maine, 116, 304, 310; does homage

for Maine to Geoffrey le Barbu, 304 and n. 3; and to Fulk le Rechin, 310 and n. 1; regent in Normandy, 208 and n. 3, 222 and n. 6; his quarrel

with his father, 356-60; goes on the First Crusade, 318. Robert II (the Pious), king of France, 22, 164.

Richard of Ste. Scholasse, 40.

Robert, son of Corbet, 262.

Richer, monk, 160.

Robert, son of Giroie, 16, 22, 30; one of the assassins of Gilbert of Brionne, 24 n. 3; his share in the

Richer I of Laigle, 356. Richvereda, wife of Engenulf Laigle, 82. Riculf, monk of St. Evroul, 20. Rigaud, archbishop of Rouen,

of

endowment of St. Évroul, 32, 34,

152

nsu Robert, healed by St. Judoc, 160-2. Robert III, abbot of Jumiéges, 16, 18; his death, 294. Robert, archbishop of Rouen, son of

36, 38; rebels against William I, 28 and n. 2, 78, 79 n. 3; dies, c. 1060, 79 n. 3, 80; buried at St. Évroul, 8o; his wife, see Adelaide; his son, see Robert; his vassal, see

Ralph, son of Godfrey. Robert, son of Heugon, 36, 96, 98 n. 1.

Richard I, duke of Normandy, 30, 42; his sons, see Ralph of Gacé,

Robert, son of Richard, governor of

Richard, count of Evreux, William.

Robert, son of Robert son of Giroie,

Robert, bishop of Hereford, 187 n. 2. Robert, bishop of Séez, son of Hubert

of Ryes, 254, 255 n. 4, 286, 354. Robert, count of Eu, son of William

of Eu, brother of Hugh, bishop of Lisieux, 140, 230, 266.

Robert

I (the

Frisian),

count

of

York, 222. 28.

Robert, son of Roger of Beaumont, 225mm Robert, son of ''heodelin, 36.

Robert, son of William I of Belléme,

26, 46, 363.

Robert Champart, abbot of Jumiéges,

GENERAL archbishop of Canterbury (1051-2), 134, 135 n. 4. Robert de Torp, 30.

Robert Gamaliel, monk of St. Évroul, goes to Italy, 96. Robert

Guiscard,

son of Tancred

of

Hauteville, duke of Apulia and Calabria, 30, 58 and n. 3, 84 n. 3, 112, 126 and n. 2, 202; his victories in Calabria, 100; his war against Alexius

Comnenus,

roo and n. 2,

202; founds the monastery of St. Eufemia, 98-100; subjects the abbeys of Venosa and Mileto to St.

Eufemia, 100, 102. Robert of Beauvais, son of Robert 'the

eloquent’, 154. Robert of Belléme, son of Roger of Montgomery, baptized, 48 ; knighted at Fresnay in 1073, 306; supports Robert Curthose, 358.

Robert (‘the eloquent’) of Chaumonten-Vexin, 132, 154; his sons Otmund of Chaumont, Robert of Beauvais, Wazo of Poissy, 154. Robert of Commine, earl of Northumbria, 220, 221 n. 3.

Robert of Couci, son of Baudri the German, 82.

Robert of Gacé, son of Ralph son of Archbishop Robert, 118. Robert I of Grandmesnil, 30, 32; his

share

in the

foundation

of

St.

Evroul, 12-16, 20, 36; killed in an

INDEX

399

Osbern's appeal against him, 11014; receives gifts in Calabria, 98— 100; renounces his claim to St. Évroul, 112-14; becomes abbot of St. Eufemia, 100-2. Robert of La-Haye-du-Puits, 124 n. 2.

Robert of Malpas, 260. Robert of Monnai, 34; lord church of Monnai, 34-36.

of the

Robert of Mowbray, nephew Geoffrey of Mowbray bishop

of of

Coutances, 266. Robert of Rhuddlan, son of Humphrey of Tilleul, 260, 261 n. 6. Robert of Thérouanne, healed by St. Judoc, 162-4. Robert of Torigni, monk of Bec and abbot of Mont-St.-Michel, his use of Orderic’s writings, xvii-xvill; his use of Sigebert of Gembloux, xxi; cited, 12 n. 1, 13 n. 3, 146. n. 2,

210/n. Robert of Vieux-Pont, 308. Robert of Vitot, 120. Robert Maslin, 166.

Robert the Bald, monk of St. Évroul, 130, 154. Roche-Mabille, La (Orne, cant. Alencon-Ouest), castle of, 80. Rochester, cathedral priory, lands of, 266 n. 1; prior of, see Ralph.

Rodulf,

brother of Gilbert Buatére,

XXX, XXXÍ.

attack on Roger of Beaumont, 40;

Roger, abbot of Lessay, 126 and n. 1. Roger, bishop of Lisieux, 26.

his wife, see Hawise; his sons, see Arnold, Hugh, Robert.

Roger, earl of Hereford, son of William fitzOsbern, xxxvii, xxxix;

Robert II of Grandmesnil, abbot of St.

inherits his father's English lands,

Evroul, son of Robert I of Grandmesnil, xiv, xv, xxii, 30, 32; his character, 64-66; his gifts to St. Evroul, 38 and n. 3; his early life, 40; becomes a monk at St. Evroul in 1050, 40; his visit to Cluny, 74;

284; rebels against king William, 310-18; his sentence and death in prison, 318 and n. 4; his sons Reginald and Roger, 318, 319 n. 5. Roger, monk of St. Évroul, formerly a country priest, 20; (?) at St. Martin's, Séez, 48.

prior of St. Evroul, 60; his opposition to abbot Thierry,

66; elected

abbot of St. Evroul in 1059, 74; his work as abbot, 80-82, 108; plans to

rebuild the church of St. Evroul, 88, 134 n.

1; expelled

from

St.

Evroul in 1061 and driven into exile, 79 n. 3, 90, 94-96, 104, 108, 132-4; appeals to the pope, 94, 98; Abbot

Roger, son of Corbet, 262. Roger, son of Engenulf of Laigle, killed, 82. Roger, son of Roger earl of Hereford, 318, 319 n. 5. Roger, son of William son of Roger of Merlerault, 30. Roger Cauchois, 358.

GENERAL

400

Roger Faitel, lord of the church of Le Bois-Hébert, 36.

Roger Goulafré, 96-98, 98 n. 1; lord of the church of Mesnil Bernard, 34; chamberlain of Arnold of Echauffour, 122.

Roger Guiscard, Hauteville,

son of Tancred

count

of Sicily,

of

xxii,

xxx, 58, 84 and n. 3, 100, 102; his wife, see Judith.

Roger

of Beaumont,

son

of Hum-

INDEX Roger of Mortemer, 144 n. I. Roger of Mowbray, 140. Roger of Tosny, called the Spaniard, 68, 140; founds the abbey of Conches, 10; killed, 40; his sons,

see Elbert, Elinant, Ralph of Tosny; his kinsman Ansgot, 68. Roger Sowsnose, 54. Roland, standard-bearer of the Franks, killed by Rollo, 6. Rollande, wife of Herbert ‘the Butler’, daughter

phrey of Vieilles, 12, 40, 140; Morcar imprisoned in his charge, 258;

his sons, Henry and Robert, 218 and n. 1.

174,

Roger of Hauterive, monk of St. Évroul, at the chapel of St. Nicholas, 150; prior of Parnes, 152-4. Roger of Ivry, king's butler, 358. Roger of Jumiéges, monk of St.

Évroul, 48, 60.

2

Roger of Le Sap, abbot of St. Evroul, (1091-1123), 116, 126-8; as monk

of St. Évroul composes hymns, 108; praised for his learning, 148; at La

Chapelle,

152; Orderic’s

Ecclesia-

stical History written at his command, xiv. Roger of Merlerault, 26, 30; his wife, see Emma, daughter of Giroie; his sons, see Ralph, William. Roger I of Montgomery, 20; his sons, see Roger II of Montgomery, Gilbert

310, 360 and n. 4, 362-5; founds the abbey of Troarn, 20-2; founds the abbey of St. Martin, Séez, 48 and

of Chaumont,

Rollo, duke of Normandy, 276 and n. 2, 350; his invasions, 6; baptized, 8; his wives, see Gisla, daughter of Charles the Simple, Poppa, daughter of Berengar; his

son, see William Longsword. Romans, 60, 100, 274, 276, 280. Romanus, monk of St. Évroul, 42-44. Rome, 57 n. 4, 60, 94, 108, 112, 114, 142, 236 n. 3, 298, 344; pilgrimages to, 44 n. 4, 156-8, 344; council at (1050), 250 and n. 3; council at (1059), 250 n. 3, 252; Lenten Synod (1074) at, 200 n. 5.

Rome, church of St. Paul without the walls, 60 and n. r, 98. Romney (Sussex), 180.

Rotrou

I, count

of Mortagne

and

Perche, 266 and n. 4, 356 n. 3, 360 and n. 1, 363, 364; his wife, Adeline, 363, 364; his son, see Geoffrey.

Roger II of Montgomery, vicomte of the Hiémois, later earl of Shrewsbury, 38, 90, 120, 130, 140, 144 n. 1,

of Eudo

52?

Rouen (Seine-Maritime), 22, 134, 135 n. 5, 358; sacked by the Vikings, 4, 6; synod at (1061), 92; castle at,

358. —

council of 1072 at, 200 n. 5, 284;

the county of Shropshire, 211 and n. I, 262; his lands in Shropshire, I95 n. 5; his household, xiii, 262

canons of, 286-92; of 1074 at, 200 n5 — archbishop of, 152; see Franco, John of Avranches, Mauger, Maurilius, St. Ouen, Rigaud. — archbishopric of, 278 n. 2. — archdeacon of, see William BonneAme.

and

— cathedral,

n. 2,66—68; his marriage with Mabel

of Belléme,

46-48;

protects

St.

Evroul, 54; regent in Normandy in 1066, crosses to England 1067, 210; receives Chichester, Arundel, and

n. 4; his wife, see Mabel

Belléme;

his son,

see Robert

of

of

Belléme; his daughters, see Emma, Mabel; his brother Gilbert, 122; his

niece Amieria, 262 ; his men, 262, 263 D

284;

Maurilius

buried

there, 198; canons of, see Richard, son

of Herluin,

William

Bonne-

Ame. — abbey of Ste. Catherine-du-Mont (originally La-Trinité-du-Mont),

GENERAL

401

built, 148-50; feudal court of, 62-64;

of, see Isembert, Rainer; monks of,

military service due to, 82; knights of, see 'Theodelin of ‘'Tanaisie, Anquetil of Noyer; persecuted by

25 n. 4, see Osbern, abbot of St. Evroul. — abbey of St. Ouen, founded by

Mabelof Belléme, 541, and see Mabel

Duke Richard I, 4, 8; abbey church

of Belléme; difficulties after the expulsion of Robert, 96-98. — abbots of, see Mainer, Osbern, Robert of Grandmesnil, Roger of

built, 298 and n. 3; abbots of, see —

INDEX

298 n. 1, 354; founded, 10; abbots

Nicholas, son of Richard III. See also Annals of Rouen.

Roussiére

(La)

(Eure,

cant.

Beau-

Le Sap, Serlo, Thierry of Mathonville. — cellarer of, see Herman.

mesnil), 16. Rualon the Breton, 120.

Runiacum (? Villiers St. Josse), and n. 5.

156

— monks of, 42, 98, 114, 220 n. 1. and passim; see Adelard, Ansered, Arnold of Échauffour, Benedict (Reginald), Berengar son of Arnold, Bernard, Bernard called Matthew, Bernard called Michael, Durand, Engelbert, Fulk of Guernanville,

Sabine region, 98 n. 3. St. Agatha of Catania, abbey, daughterhouse of St. Eufemia, xxii, 103 n. 4.

St. Alban's (Herts.), abbey, 348. St. Céreri-le- Gérei (Orne, cant.

Geoffrey, Geoffrey of Orleans, Gil-

Alengon-Ouest), castle of, xliii, 26 n. 4, 28, 82; besieged by William I €. 1059-60, 79 n. 3, 80; church of, 36. St. Denis, abbey, 94; Hugh IV, abbot

of, 94 and n. 1. St. Eufemia (Calabria), abbey of xxii, xxx, xxxii, 128; founded by Robert Guiscard, 100; abbots of, see Robert

Reginald

of Grandmesnil, William; abbeys subject to, see Venosa, abbey of La

22

No

J,

26

Robert Gamaliel, Robert the Bald,

Romanus, Thierry, Thierry, son of Fulk of Bonneval, Thomas of Anjou, Thurkill, Ursus, Walter the Bald, Walter the Small, William, William Gregory, William of Caen (Alexander), William of Merlerault, William of Montreuil. —priories of, see La Chapelle-en-

n:-4;

foundation charter, 30-38; property acquired,

xvii,

30-40,

40-42,

58,

80-86, 130-4, 150-4; rights of free election at, 38, 146 and n. 1; eccle-

siastical privileges of, 26, 78 n. 1; library

of,

xvi-xvii,

48-50,

Vexin, Maule, Noyon-sur-Andelle,

108;

school of, 20, 50; Cluniac influence on customs, 74, 96 n. 1; liturgy at,

—priors

108; liturgical contacts with monasteries in south Italy, 102, 103 n. 4;

Orleans, Rainer. St. Evroul, canons

general

anniversary

at,

Parnes.

planned,

88,

of

of, endowment

in

64; burnt by Arnold of Échauffour, 92.

132;

church and monastic buildings re822204

Geoffrey

St. Évroul, chapel of, 76—78, 104. St. Évroul, church of Notre-Dame-duBois, 36. St. Évroul, town granted to monks,

St. Peter, 14, 134 and n. 1; building church

of, see Fulk,

900, 34 n. I, 36 n. 1.

114-16;

general roll of benefactors, 150; hospitality of, 62; alms dispensed, 116; church originally dedicated to of new

Reginald

Riculf, Roger, Roger of Hauterive,

'Trinità, Mileto, abbey of.

10-15,

of La Roche,

of Le Sap, Reginald the Great, Richard, Richard of Heudicourt,

St. Eufemia, church given to Robert of Grandmesnil, 100. St. Evroul, abbey of, refounded in TO50;

bert, Goisbert the doctor, Goscelin, Guitmund, Gunfrid, Herbert, Hubert of Montreuil, Hugh of Montreuil, Isembard, John, John of Beaunai, John of Rheims, Morinus, Olric, Orderic Vitalis, Ralph, Ralph of La Roussiére, Reginald, Reginald the Bald, Reginald Chamois,

pd

GENERAL

402

Saint - Evroult- Notre- Dame- du- Bois

INDEX Saracens, routed by Norman pilgrims

(Orne), see St. Évroul.

XXX-XXXi, 56.

Saint-Georges-de-Boscherville, Seine-

Inférieure, cant. Duclair), 116 and A ito

Sardanapalus, 278. Sarthe, river, 116; fisheries in, 36. Saxony, 226.

to,

Scandinavia, 276. schools, of Gaul, 76; of Italy, 76; at

St. Josse-sur-Mer, abbey, claims the

Liége, 198; at Orleans, 346; medical, at Salerno, 76; see Bec-Hellouin,

St. Germer, monks of, 154.

Saint-Gilles

(Gard),

pilgrimage

44. and n. 4. relics of St. Judoc, ofr 56 nur.

366—7;

Scolland,

St. Neot's (Hunts.), priory, 342 n. 2. St. Nicholas-des-Laitiers (Orne, cant. La Ferté-Frénel), church of, 84 and

n2 St.-Pierre-sur-Dive, abbey of St. Mary at, I2 and n. 1, 198 and nn. 2, 4, 354;

abbots of, see Ainard, Fulk; monks of, see Bernard called Matthew, Richard, Thurkill, William of Montreuil.

St.-Pierre-d'Entrement Tinchebray), 32. St.-Pierre-des-Nids

Poitiers, St. Évroul.

monks

(Orne,

cant.

abbot

of St.

Augustine's,

Canterbury, 248 and n. 1; previously monk of Mont-St.-Michel, 248. Scotland, 142 n. 3, 168 n. 1, 218, 350 n. 1; king of, see Malcolm.

Seaxwulf, bishop of Lichfield (675— c. 691), 244. Séez, bishop of, see Ivo of Belléme, Robert, son of Hubert of Ryes; bishopric of, 362. — —

cathedral of, 364. church of St. Martin, reform of entrusted to Abbot Thierry of St.

Poesté-des-

Evroul, 48, 54-56; abbey of St.

Nids) (Mayenne, cant. Pré-en-Pail),

Martin, early stages of foundation, €. 1055-60, 48, 66-68, 365; formally founded in 1060, 363, 365.

(La

36. St. Riquier, abbey, 160.

Sainte-Suzanne

(Mayenne),

see Hu-

bert of.

— diocese of, 78; boundaries changed, 26413 1:

St. Symeon, on the Orontes, 70.

Senlac,

St. Valéry-sur-Somme (Somme), 16870; abbey of, 170 and n. 1. St. Wandrille (Fontenelle), abbey, restored, 8; abbot of, see Gerbert; monks of, see Gontard, Ingulf. Salerno, xxiii, xxx, 56, 58; medical schools in, 76; prince of, see Guai-

Hastings, 172 and n. 3, 180, 186, 190, 266, 356. Sérifontaine (Oise, cant. CoudraiSaint-Germer), 32.

mar. Salisbury (Wilts.), 178; 236; men

of,

228.

of site of Battle

of

Serlo, abbot of St. Évroul (1089-91), 116.

Serlo, son of Tancred of Hauteville, xxxi. Shere (Surrey), 264 n. 2.

Shrewsbury

Sallust, 258.

Samson

name

(Salop),

Orderic Vitalis

born near, xiii; attacked by rebels,

of Bayeux,

bishop of Wor-

Sandwich (Kent), 226.

228; besieged, 234; earl of, see Roger of Montgomery. Shrewsbury, abbey of St. Peter at, xiii. Shropshire, county of, 210 and n. Tx

Sap (Le) (Orne, cant. Vimoutiers), 32,

Shropshire, earldom of, xxxv.

cester (1096-1112), chaplain of William the Conqueror, refuses the bishopricof Le Mans, xxxviii, 300-2; later bishop of Worcester, 300 n. 2.

34, 44; surrendered to the sons of Giroie, 24; churches of St. Martin

and St. Peter, 34, 46. Sap-André

(Le) (Orne,

36; church of, 36.

cant.

Gacé),

Sicily, 30, 58, 84, 96, 100. Sieburge, wife of Bertrand, healed by St. Judoc, 162. Siegfried, archbishop of Malan, 90. Sigebert of Gembloux, wrongly called

GENERAL Engelbert,

chronicle

of, xv,

xvii,

xxi-xxii; 187 n. 3, 188 and n. r. Sigebrand, abbot, 160 and n. Pridian Sigeman.

1; see

Sigeman, sacristan, 160; not Pridian Sigeman, 160 n. 1.

Sillé (Sarthe), 306. Simeon of Durham, 221 n. 3, 234 n. 1.

INDEX

403

Swein, son of Godwin, 178. Swein Estrithson, king of Denmark, 202, 224-6, 234; his claim to the English throne, 226 and n. r; his family, 226 n. 1 ; his brother Osbern,

224. Swein Forkbeard, king of Denmark, 202, 244 and n. 2.

Simon of Montfort, 106.

Sion (Sitten), bishop of, see Ermenfrid.

‘Tackley (Essex), 170 n. 1.

Siricius, Pope (384-99), 292 n. 3.

Talou (Le), 8 n. 1, 42. 'Ianaisie (La) (Eure, cant.

Siward, earl of Northumbria, father of Waltheof, 344, 350 and n. 3.

Siward, son of ZEthelgar, 194 and n. 1; Siward Barn, 194 n. 4. Siward of Maldon, 194 n. 4.

of Sablé, 30, his wife, see

Adela, his son, see Rainard. Somerset, men of, 228. Sorel (Eure-et-Loir, cant. Anet),

358. Soulangy (Calvados, cant. FalaiseNord), 32. Spaniards, 296. Stafford, rebels defeated at in 1069, 228; castle built at, 236. Staffordshire, 265 n. 6. Stamford Bridge (Yorks.), battle of, 168 and n. 1. Statius, 184. Stephen, finds the relics of St. Judoc, 158, 160. Stephen, count of Blois, his daughter Bertha, 117 n. 4. Stephen IX, pope (1057-8), 88. stewards, of William the Conqueror, 124 and n. 2; see Eudo, Gerold, William fitzOsbern; of the king of France, 360.

Stigand,

archbishop

Broglie,

La Goulafriére), 32, 42;

Theodelin of, 60-62.

Tancard, prior of Fécamp and abbot of Jumiéges, 294 and n. 2.

identity uncertain, 194 n. 4.

Solomon

commune

of Canterbury

Tancred of Hauteville, 58; his wife, Fredesenda, 100; his family, 98; his sons, see Drogo, Humphrey, Robert Guiscard, Roger Guiscard, Serlo,

William. Tatwine, 326. Tees, river, 232

and n. 3., 234 and

31: Ups Ternant (Orne, cant. La Ferté-Frénel, commune Monnai) church of, 34; fishermen at, 36. Tescelin, clerk, 32. Tetta, mother of Guthlac, 324. Thames, river, 182, 204. Theobald, count of Blois, his sister Bertha, 304. Theobald, count of Champagne, 264.

Theodelin of Tanaisie, knight of St. Évroul, 60-62. Theoprobus, 240. Thérouanne, county of, 206. Thierry, abbot of Jumiéges, 18, 74. Thierry, monk of St. Évroul, 154. Thierry, son of Fulk of Bonneval, monk of St. Évroul, 82 n. 2, 84.

1, 182 and

Thierry of Mathonville, abbot of St.

n. I, I93 n. 3, 196 and n. 3, 200 n. 1;

Évroul (1050-7), xiv, 58, 60, 62, 80, 102; his character and early

(1052-70), (?) crowns

180 and n. Harold,

138 and n.

1;

excommunicated, 138 n. 1; deposed, xxxii-xxxiv, 236-8, 236 n. 4, 238 n. I, 248. Stigand of Mésidon, 118, 119 n. 6.

Sunno, Frankish leader, 276. Surrey, county of, given to William of Warenne,

xxxvi,

265;

William of Warenne. Sussex, 264 n. 2.

earl

of, see

career,

16-18,

42;

brought

from

Jumiéges to be abbot of St. Evroul,

16; invested

as

abbot

by Duke

William, xv n. 1, 16-18; acquires property for St. Evroul, 34, 36; his insistence on monastic discipline,

42-52;

his skill as a calligrapher,

48; builds up a library at St. Evroul,

xvi, 48-50;

relations with Cluny,

404

GENERAL

Thierry of Mathonville (cont.) 74; respected by Mabel of Belléme, 54—56; baptizes Robert of Belléme, 48, and 'Thierry, son of Fulk of Bonneval, 84; attempts to establish

INDEX 139 n. 3; his rebellion and banishment,

xxxvii,

138-40;

his

move-

ments in exile, xxiv, 140 and n. 1, 142-4; defeated and killed at Stamford Bridge, 168 and n. 1, 176.

a cell at St. Martin's, Séez, 48 and n. 2, 66, 365; criticized for his unworldliness, 52; gives up his pastoral

Touquettes

charge and leaves for Jerusalem, 48 n. 2, 66, 68, 84 n. 5; his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 68—72, 254; his death in Cyprus, 72; celebration of his

council at (1054), 250 n. 3, 252. — abbeyof St. Martin, see Marmoutier. — archbishop of, see Gilbert, Hildebert of Lavardin. Toustain le Bégue, see Thurstan Scitel. treason, different penalty for in Nor-

obit, 74. 'Thomas, canon of Bayeux, archbishop

of York (1070-1100), xxxiii, 236 n. 4, 238 and n. 2. Thomas of Anjou, monk of St. Évroul, goes to Italy, 96. Thorney, abbey, 244 and n. 1; visited by Orderic, xxxix; annals of, 344

Du»

(? Noireau) (Orne, cant.

La Ferté-Frénel), 34, 35 n. 2. Tours, sacked by the Vikings,

6;

man and English law, xxxviii-xxxix, 314 and n. r. Troarn (Calvados) abbey of St.

20 and n.

1;

charter of, 210 n. 1; abbots, Arnulf, Durand, Gerbert (?).

Martin’s,

founded,

see

Thurketel, abbot of Crowland, xxvixxviii, 340-2.

Troia, abbey of, troper of, 103 n. 4.

Thurkill,

Trojans, legends of, 274, 275 n. 5.

monk

of St. Évroul

and

later of St. Pierre-sur-Dive, 356; trained in the school under Thierry,

50.

Troilus, son of Priam, 274. Tronchet (Le) (Eure, cant. sur-Iton, commune Le

BreteuilChesne),

120.

'Thurkill of Arden, 194 n. 3. Thurkill of Limis, 194; possibly

Thurkill of Arden, 194 n. 3. Thurstan, monk to Italy, 97.

of St. Évroul, goes

tropers, 103 n. 4, 108 and n. 2.

Troy, siege of, 274. Turgis, bishop of Avranches, xv, 200. Turgis of Traci, 306 and n. 1.

Thurstan of Bastembourg, 23 n. 4; his daughter Gisla, 22.

Turks, 276, 318. Tutbury (Staffs.), 265 n. 6; castle of, 264.

Thurstan of Caen, abbot of Glaston-

Tweed, river, 234 n. 1.

bury, 270 and n. 1. Thurstan (Richard) Haldup, vicomte of the Cotentin, 124 and n. 2. Thurstan Scitel (Citellus), called Toustain le Bégue, 58 and n. 1. Thurstan, son of Rollo (fitzRou), carries Norman banner at Hastings, 172 and n. 4. Tiber, river, 58. tithes, given to St. Evroul, 30, 32534,

36, 46, 150,

152; taken from

St.

Evroul, 96.

Titus, emperor, 188, 274. Tod

Point,

near

Coatham

(Yorks.),

23233: Tosny, see Ralph of, Roger of. Tostig, son of Godwin, 170, 178, 194

n. 2; not the eldest son of Godwin,

Ubba, Danish leader, 240.

Uhtred, earl of Northumbria, 194 n. 4, 222 n. 1; his wife 7Elfgifu, 194 n. 4, 222 n. I. Ulf, earl, father of Swein Estrithson, 226 n. 1; his wife, Estrith, 226 n. 1.

Ulfketel, abbot of Crowland, 322. Ulmar, servant of St. Judoc, 156. Upland, near Crowland, 338.

Urban

II, pope (1088-99),

n. 2, 294, Cluny.

318;

see Odo,

280 and prior of

Ursus, monk of St. Évroul, goes to Italy, 9o. Vandals, 276.

GENERAL Varangian guard, 202 n. 2. Varaville, battle of, 28 n. 2. Venosa, abbey of La Trinita, subjected

to St. Eufemia,

100; abbot of, see

Berengar.

—

bishopric

of, 50;

Berengar. Vercelli, council

bishop

at (1050),

of, see 250

and

0253. Verneuces (Verneusses) (Eure, cant. Broglie), 36; churches of St. Mary and St. Paul, 24, 34. Vespasian, emperor, 188, 274. Vexin (French), 132 n. 2. Vexin (Norman), 132, 150, 152. Vexin, count of, see Walter. Victor III (Desiderius), pope (10867), 100. Vieux-Mesnil (Le) (Orne, cant. Le Merlerault, commune Échauffour), 32, 42.

(also called of

Apulia), son of Baudri the German, 8o, 82, 84. Villers-Canivet (Calvados, cant. Falaise- Nord), 32. Villiers St.-Josse (Pas-de-Calais), possibly Runiacum, 156 n. 5. Vimeu, Le, 12. Virgil, 184. Vita ZEdwardi Regis, 135 nn. 3, 5, 137 n. 3, 139 n. 4, 140 n. I, 369. Vita Lanfranci, see Miles Crispin.

Vitalian, pope (657—72), 246. Vitalis, abbot of Bernay, 134. Vortigern, king of Britain, 188. Vougrin, bishop of Le Mans,

118

n3. Wado of Dreux, 38.

Walchelin,

bishop

of

Wallingford (Berks.), 182, 183 n. 2. Walo, son of Herbert the Butler, 152. Walter, count of Pontoise (the Vexin), son of Count Drogo, 116, 118 and n. 2, 312; his wife, see Biota.

Walter, son of Foucher of Chaudry, 154. Walter, son of Guy ‘Bollein’, 84. Walter Giffard, at Hastings, 174; granted the county of Buckingham,

264 and n. 1; not called earl before 1097, 264 n. 1. Walter of Lacy, 260 and n. 2.

Walter the Bald, monk of St. Évroul, 154. Walter the Small, monk of St. Evroul,

goes to Italy, 96.

Victor II, pope (1055-7), 66.

Viger of Bocquencé

405

INDEX

Winchester,

chaplain of William the Conqueror, xxxiii, 236 n. 4, 238 and n. 2. Walchelin, brother of Foucher of

Chaudry, 152. Walchelin of Ferriéres, hiss on Henry, 264.

Walchelin of Pont-Echanfray, 26, 30; his sons, see Ralph, William.

Waltheof, abbot of Crowland, 350; son of Gospatric, earl of Northumbria,

350

I

Waltheof, earl of Northampton, son of Siward, earl of Northumbria, 196,

262; receives the county of Huntingdon, 263 n. 8; marries Judith, niece of William the Conqueror, 262, 263 n. 8; takes part in the Northern Rebellion of 1069, 226; submits to William, 232; implicated in the rebellion of 1075, 312-20; sentenced and beheaded, xxxviii, 320-2; benefactor of Crowland, xxviii, 324, 344 and n. 2; buried at Crowland, 322,

344, 346; his epitaph, 350; miracles at his tomb, 346, 348; his wife, see Judith; his daughters, 262. Wandelmar, Lotharingian, 162. Wandrille, St., founds a monastery at Fontenelle, 4.

Warenne, family of, xxxv; see William. Warenne, honor of, 264 n. 2. Warin, his land in Les Landelles, 36. Warin, son of William I of Belléme, 46, 363; his daughter Adeline, 363.

Warin the Bald, sheriff of Shropshire, 262 and n. 5; his wife Amieria, niece of Roger of Montgomery, 262. Warwick, castle built at, 218; castellan of, 218 and n. 1. Wazo of Poissy, son of Robert 'the eloquent', 154.

Waleran of Breteuil, 106.

Wellingborough (Northants.), 342.

Wales, Norman conquests in, 260 and Teeze

Welsh,

216, 234; attack Shrewsbury

228; originally the Britons, 276.

GENERAL

406

Westminster, abbey, dedication of, 136, 137 n. 3, 138 n. 1; coronation

of William I in, 184. Wigfrith, 332. Wilfrid, 328, 330. William, abbot of St. Eufemia,

Fleitel,

38,

74,

78,

son

140,

254. William

I, count of Eu, 10, 12 n. 1,

140, 354; his wife, see Lesseline; his sons, see Hugh, bishop of Lisieux, Robert. William, count of Évreux, son of Richard, 266, 310; at Hastings,

174. « William, monk of St. Evroul, 20. William, priest of St. Andrew

William, son of William of Belléme, his death, 46. William, son of William fitzOsbern, inherits his father’s Norman 282.

of Humphrey of Tilleul, 128 and nde William, bishop of Évreux, son of Gerard

INDEX

lands,

William Bonne-Ame, archbishop of Rouen, son of Radbod bishop of Séez, 68, 254 and n. 2, 279 n. 3; his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, 68—70, 254; previously canon and archdeacon of Rouen, monk of Bec,

abbot of Caen, 254 and n. 2. William fitzOsbern, steward of Normandy, xxxvi, 36, 38, 140, 144 n. 1,

195 n. 7, 196, 228, 284; at Hastings, 174; vicegerent in England, 202 and n. I; castellan at York in 1069,

222; receives the Isle of Wight and county of Hereford, 260 and nn. 1 of

Échauffour, 112-14. William, son of Arnold of Montreuil,

25 n. 4. William, son of Giroie, 22, 24, 26-28, 36, 40, 64; blinded and mutilated by William Talvas, 14; becomes a monk at Bec, 12, 14; begins to found an abbey (St. Evroul), 14-16; his

gifts to St. Evroul, 30, 32-34, 38; goes to Apulia, 52, 58; his death, 60, 62, 66; his wives, see Emma, Hiltrude; his sons, see Arnold of Echauffour, William of Montreuil. William, son of King Henry I, drowned in the White Ship, 262 and n. 2. William, son of Ingran, abbot of Mileto, 102; previously prior of St. Eufemia, 103 n. 3.

William, son of Ralph Fraisnel, 36. William son of Ralph of Gael, 318 DATs William, son of Robert archbishop of Rouen, 30, 42; his wife, see Hawise; his daughters, see Emma, Judith,

wife of Roger Guiscard. William, son of Roger of Merlerault, 30; his sons, Ralph, 30, Roger, 30. William, son of Tancred of Hauteville, 58 and n. 3. William, son of Walchelin of PontEchanfray, 30, 38; his gifts to St. Evroul, 36.

and 2; acts as regent in Normandy, 280; founds abbey at Cormeilles, 12, 108, 282; and at Lyre, 12, 282; killed at the battle of Cassel, 282 and n. 3; buried at Cormeilles, 282; ruin of his descendants, 318-20; father-in-

law of Ralph of Gael, 264, 265 n. 4; his sons,. see Roger, William. William Gouet of Montmirail, 122. William Gregory, son of Guy ‘Bollein’, monk of St. Évroul, xv, 84, 86.

William Gualdi, 224. William of Apulia, xxii, xxx, 100 n. 2. William 296.

of Beaumont,

abbot of Bec,

William I of Belléme, 22, 26 n. 3, 362, 363; his sons, see Benedict, Fulk, Ivo bishop of Séez, Robert, Warin, William Talvas. William of Bonneval, 84. William of Caen (Alexander), monk of St. Évroul, 154. William of Dijon, abbot of Fécamp,

I9:n..4;. 74,292. William of Échauffour, son of Arnold of Echauffour, 124; goes to Apulia, 126 and n. 3, 128; his Lombard wife, 126. William (Calculus) of Jumiéges, 2; dedicates his work to William I, 78, 368; his Gesta Normannorum Ducum, XIV, xvii, xxiv, xxxix, 6 n. 2, 134 n. 2, 169 n. 2, 176 n. 1, 198 n. 4, 204 n. 1, 206. n. 1, 208 n. 3, 222/36;

GENERAL 368; Orderic's interpolations in, xiv n. 2, Xvi, xvii, xxiii, xxiv, I3 n. 3, I4. 25,22). 3, 24, 11. 3,) 100m. 3, 136 n. 1, 140 n. 2, 171 n. 4, 176 n. 2,

177 n. 5, 312 n. 3, 363, 364. of Malmesbury,

XXV,

xxvi, xxvii, xxviii,

xiv, xxiv, 138 n.

1,

171 n. 4, 246 n. 1, 265 n. 4, 270 n. 1, 340 n. I. William of Merlerault, monk of St. Évroul, his lost work on St. Judoc, xxix, 166, 366—7. William of Montreuil, monk of St.

Évroul and later of St. Pierre-surDive, 356. William of Montreuil, son of William

son of Giroie, 26, 32; his gifts to St. Evroul, 34-36; his career in Italy, xxiii, 58, 59 n. 4, 98 and n. 3. William of Moulins, 308.

William of Nantes, abbot of Marmoutier, 192. William of Poitiers, archdeacon of Lisieux, chaplain of William the Conqueror, 78, 184 and n. 1, 258-

60; dedicates his work to William, 78; his Gesta Guillelmi ducis, xviii, xx-xxi, xxiii, xxxii, xxxiv, xlii, 135 015,130 Dn» 1,339, 14F40 nr AT

T1 5/8112 11-52 74411251. 345901712; 169 n. 2, 170 n. 2, 172 nn. I, 4, 175 n. 2, 176 nn. 1, 2, 177 n. 6, 178 nn. 2, 3, 180 n. 1, 181 n. 3, 182 n. 1, 184

nn. I, 2,193 n. 3, 194 D. I, I95 n. 7, THO Tif» 2, 3,197)

1-14,

William

Malet,

308:-/3;

202 nn. I, 2, 204 n. I, 206 nn. 1, 2, 208 n. I, 211 n. 2, 214 n. 5, 218 n. 1, 232 n. 2, 233 n. 4, 234 n. 1, 248

nn. 2, 3, 256 n. 2, 304n. 3, 364-5, 368-9. William of Rots, abbot of Fécamp, previously cantor, dean, and archdeacon of Bayeux, and monk of Caen, 151, 292-4. William of Roumare, 131 n. 4. William I of Warenne, 140, 174, 196, 264, 316 and n. 3; granted Surrey,

Pantulf,

Montgomery,

son

of William

his wife,

of Roger

of

see

Gundreda. William Longsword, duke of Normandy, son of Rollo, 6, 8, 350.

the

Conqueror,

of Les Essarts, 36. William the Conqueror, king of England, duke of Normandy, son of Rob-

ert the Magnificent, 2, 18, 34, 40,

46, 82-84, 186, 188, 292, 354, 362; his minority, 24 n. 3;the importance of the Belléme lands in his campaigns, 365; his campaigns around Domfront and Alengon, 365; his campaigns against Geoffrey Martel and Henry I, 78; his victory at Mortemer, 78 n. 2; exiles members

of the Giroie-Grandmesnil family after troubles in the duchy, 78, 79 n. 3, 8o, 90; recalls them from exile, I22, 130; invades and conquers Maine (1062/3), 104, 105 n. 5, 116 and n. 2, 118; invades Brittany (1064), 105 n. 5; his claim to the kingdom of England, 134-6; his alleged agreement with Tostig (1066), xxiv, 140-2; consults his vassals on the invasion of England, 140-2; seeks papal support for his invasion of England, 142; prepares to invade England, 144; invades England, 168-70; his victory at Hastings, 172-80; advances to London, 180— 2; crowned king of England at in

2;

man

262, 263 n. 7.

XXXVi, 104, 120, 186, 224 and n. 1, 284 n. 3, 356-8. William 'l'alvas, son of William I of Belléme, 14, 26 and n. 4, 28, 122, 363-5; his sons, see Arnold, Oliver, his daughter, see Mabel. William the priest, lord of the church

Westminster,

n.

178;

ham, 218. William Provost, lord of the church of Les Augerons, 36; uncle of William Gregory, 86 and n 1. William Repostel, his murder, xxxi, 56. William II (Rufus), king of England,

in

264

Hastings,

castellan of York, 222 and n. 2.

William

xxxvi, 264 and n. 2; earl of Surrey 1088,

at

William Peverel, castellan of Notting-

William of La Ferté, 306.

William

407

INDEX

1067,

182-6; in Normandy

196-202,

208;

appoints

regents in Normandy and returns to England, Dec. 1067, 208; at London, Christmas, 1067, 210, 211 n. 2;

408

GENERAL

William the Conqueror (cont.) his campaign against Exeter, 1068, 210-14; at Winchester, Easter 1068, 214; his campaigns in 1068— 7o, xxxii, suppresses the rebellion of 1068, 218 f.; at Winchester at Easter 1069, 222; resistance to his rule, 224 f.; celebrates Christmas 1069; 5 atm Yorkos232)02349 n^ vr: his campaigns against the rebels in 1069, 228 f.; harries the North, 2302, 232 n. 1; puts down the revolt at Ely, 256-8; appoints regents in Normandy in 1071, 280; rebellion

of the earls against him, 1075, 31018; his attempt to subjugate Maine, 300-10; makes peace with Fulk le Rechin of Anjou, 310 and n. 1; invades Brittany, 350; his quarrel with his son Robert, 356-60; his measures to pacify England, 192-4; his castle-building in England, 194-6, 218, and see castles; reconciled to Count Eustace of Boulogne, 206 and n. 2; his maintenance of justice in England, 256; and in Normandy,

INDEX chester in 1070, xxxii-xxxiv, 236; holds council at Windsor in 1070, xxxii-xxxiv,

236;

appoints

Lan-

franc archbishop of Canterbury, 252-4; his church appointments in England, 238, 248-54, 268—70, 344; his interest in historical writing, 78,

368; diers, 168; 184,

his army, see, mercenary solmilitary service; his fleet, 144, his chaplains, xxxiii, xxxviii, 201 n. 7; his clerks, 344-6;

his stewards, 124 n. 2; see also stewards; his wife, see Matilda; his sons, see Henry I, Richard, Robert Curthose, William Rufus, his daughters, see Adela, Adelaide,

(?) Agatha, Cecilia, Constance. William Werlenc, count of Mortain,

the execution of Waltheof, 350; distributes lands and offices in England after 1070, xxxv, 260-8; his revenues in England, 266; his court

disinherited, 312 and n. 1. Willibald, 242 n. 3. Winchester (Hants), 212 n. 1, 214, 220, 320-2, 344; men of, 228; relics of St. Judoc at, 366, 367. — bishop of, see /Ethelwold, Stigand, Walchelin; bishopric of, 238 n. r. — castle built at, 194-6. — council at (1070), xxxii-xxxiv, 236 and n. 4. Windsor, council and court at (1070), xxxiii-xxxiv, 236 and n. 4. Winnoch, nephew of St. Judoc, 158; not St. Winnoch, 158 n. 2.

as duke of Normandy, 62; at Lille-

Wissa, ‘provincia’ of, 336.

bonne, 94; at Bonneville in June 1066, 144-6; founds St. Stephen's and Holy Trinity, Caen, 10, 191; founds Battle Abbey, 190-2; his church appointments in Normandy, 146, 200, 254; his relations with the abbey of St. Evroul: invests Thierry as abbot, xv n. 1, 18; Thierry wishes to return the staff, 66; confirms the election of Robert of Grandmesnil, and invests him, 74; appoints and invests Osbern, 90-92, 110; appoints and invests Mainer, 144-6; confirms charters to St. Evroul, 16, 38, 120; confirms charter to Troarn,

Worcester, Orderic’s visit to, 186 n. 1, 188; Gregorian chant at, 270 n. 1. Worcester, bishop of, see Ealdred, Oswald, Samson of Bayeux, Wulf-

284; opposition to his rule in England, xxxviii; criticized for

stan. Worcester chronicle, 186 n. 1, see Florence of Worcester, John of Worcester.

Wothorpe (Lincs.), 342. Wulfgeat, abbot of Peakirk and Crowland, 344.

210 n. 1; invests Hoel as bishop of Le Mans, 302; his church policy

Wulfhere, king of Mercia (657—74), 244. Wulfketel, abbot of Crowland, 344 and n. 3, 346. Wulfnoth, son of Godwin, 178; died in captivity in Normandy not at

in England, 236 f.; criticized, 272— 8; his reform of monastic life in

Salisbury, 178 n. 3. Wulfstan, St., Bishop

England, 248; holds council at Win-

of Worcester

(1062-95), xxxiv, 186 n. 1, 187 n. 2.

GENERAL York, 212 n. 1; rebels in 1068, 216; surrenders in 1068, 218; attacked by the Danes, 226-8, 230; King William at, 232, 234 and n. 1; castles

in, 218, 222 and n. 3, 230.

INDEX York, archbishop of, Oswald, Thomas. Yorkshire, 168.

409 see

Ealdred,

Zachary, pope (741- 52), 242 and n. 3.

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