Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives from Romance Inflectional Morphology 0199589984, 9780199589982

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Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Title Pages (p.i) Morphological Autonomy (p.ii) (p.iii) Morphological Autonomy

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Title Pages by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © 2011 editorial matter and organization Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin © the chapters their various authors 2011 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available Typeset by SPI Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King's Lynn ISBN 978–0–19–958998–2 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2

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Preface and Acknowledgements

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.vii) Preface and Acknowledgements This book arises out of the research project ‘Autonomous Morphology in Diachrony: Comparative Evidence from the Romance Languages’, directed by Martin Maiden and John Charles Smith, at the University of Oxford, with a research team consisting of Silvio Cruschina, Maria Goldbach, Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin, Paul O'Neill, and Andrew Swearingen. The editors acknowledge funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (grant no. AH/ D503396/1). The volume has benefited greatly from discussions with Mark Aronoff and Michele Loporcaro. For indispensable comments on parts of the text we are indebted to Louise Esher and Steven Kaye, as well as to two anonymous referees. Finally, we wish to thank the editorial team at Oxford University Press, especially John Davey and Julia Steer, for their unflagging assistance and support. Oxford 11 March 2010

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List of Figures

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.viii) List of Figures Figure 1.1: ‘Raeto‐Rumantsch’ 14 Figure 4.1: Regular distribution of different types of morpho‐syntactic features 71 Figure 4.2: Different types of morpho‐syntactic features always producing the same form 72 Figure 4.3: The grammar model of Distributed Morphology 82 Figure 4.4: Morpho‐syntactic structure for vocabulary insertion of a preterite verb form 84 Figure 7.1: KSOM: a) spatial connection layer; b) spatial neighbourhood function 143 Figure 7.2: KSOM: a) dataset; b) untrained network; c) trained network; d) node labelling 144 Figure 7.3: THSOM: temporal connection layer 144 Figure 7.4: THSOM's temporal layer plasticity: a) Long Term Potentiation; b) Long Term Depression 145 Figure 7.5: T2HSOM's temporal layer plasticity: a) Long Term Potentiation; b,c) Long Term Depression 146 Figure 7.6: A T2HSOM trained on Italian present indicative verb forms 150 Figure 7.7: The underlying structure of Italian present indicative cells 151 Figure 7.8: Stem‐ending connections in the present indicative of ARRIVARE 152 Figure 7.9: The underlying structure of French present indicative cells 153 Figure 7.10: Stem‐ending connections in the present indicative of AIMER 153 Figure 7.11: Intra‐paradigmatic association strength in Italian and French 155 Page 1 of 2

List of Figures Figure 7.12: Average per‐word entropy in processing Italian and French verb forms 156 Figure 8.1: Reaction times (‘y’ axis) by priming and stem conditions 176 Figure 8.2: Reaction times (‘y’ axis) by prime type for the Formal Overlap Condition 178 Figure 11.1: Daman Creole Portuguese and Korlai Creole Portuguese, spoken in the west‐coast of India 237 Figure 13.1: The three ‘levels’ of Stump's model 294

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List of Maps

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.ix) List of Maps Map Map Map Map Map

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13.1: ALF 27 allons 299 13.2: ALF 28 iras 300 13.3: ALF 507 êtes 302 13.4: ALLR 1034 êtes 303 13.5: ALF 510 était 304

Notes on Contributors

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.x) Notes on Contributors STEPHEN R. ANDERSON is Professor of Linguistics and Cognitive Science at Yale University. He has been President of the Linguistic Society of America and is Vice‐President of the Comité International Permanent des Linguistes. His main research interests lie in general linguistic theory, historical linguistics, and the history of linguistics. He has developed a view of word structure known as A‐ Morphous Morphology. Currently, he is conducting research on the Surmiran form of Rumantsch. MARK ARONOFF is Professor of Linguistics and Vice‐Provost for Undergraduate Education at Stony Brook University, where he has taught since receiving his Ph.D. many years ago from MIT. The central focus of his research has always been on morphology. For the last decade, he has also worked on sign languages, with special interest in the emergence of structure in new sign languages. During the same period, he has been deeply involved in improving undergraduate education, especially within research universities. Besides undertaking research, he has served as Editor of the journal Language, President of the Linguistic Society of America, and Chair of the section on Linguistics and the Language Sciences of the AAAS. He is a Fellow of both the AAAS and the Linguistic Society of America. BASILIO CALDERONE (Ph.D. Linguistics, 2008, Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa) is a Post‐Doctoral Research Fellow at the MoDyCo laboratory at the University of Paris X. His interests include unsupervised machine language learning and the psycho‐computational modelling of linguistic knowledge with particular emphasis on the acquisition of morphology and phonology.

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Notes on Contributors MARCELLO FERRO (Ph.D. Automatics, Robotics and Bioengineering, 2006, Pisa University) was Post‐Doctoral Fellow in Bioengineering at the Interdepartmental Research Center E. Piaggio of the Faculty of Engineering of the University of Pisa and is currently a member of the Dynamics of Language Laboratory at the Antonio Zampolli Institute for Computational Linguistics of the CNR in Pisa. His areas of scientific interest include artificial intelligence for biomimetic robotics, computational neurosciences, artificial neural networks, sensing and actuation, interfaces, biometrics, data analysis, and signal processing. SASCHA GAGLIA is Junior Professor of Romance Linguistics at the University of Göttingen. He worked as a Research Assistant and as a Lecturer at the (p.xi) University of Konstanz, where he completed his dissertation (2009), entitled ‘Metaphonie in kampanischen Dialekt von Piedimonte Matese. Eine Analyse an der Schnittstelle zwischen Phonologie Morphologie und Lexikon.’ His main fields of research are the morphology–phonology interface as well as the interface between morphology and syntax in Italo‐ and Gallo‐Romance dialects. Further he investigates the morphology–prosody interface with respect to bilingual children (German–Italian). MARIA GOLDBACH studied the linguistics of the Romance languages at the Universities of Aix‐en‐Provence and Hamburg. She was Assistant Professor for the Linguistics of Romance Languages at the University of Hamburg. Currently, she is a Research Assistant on the research project ‘Autonomous Morphology in Diachrony: Comparative Evidence from the Romance Languages’ at the University of Oxford. MARC‐OLIVIER HINZELIN studied Romance (French, Spanish, Catalan, and Portuguese), German, General Linguistics, and Phonetics at the Universities of Hamburg and Lyon 2. He worked as a Research Assistant at Research Centres in Hamburg and Konstanz, where he completed his doctoral thesis on ‘The Position of Clitic Object Pronouns in Romance Languages’. He has worked in the research project ‘Autonomous Morphology in Diachrony: Comparative Evidence from the Romance Languages’ in Oxford and he is now Lecturer in Romance Linguistics at the University of Hamburg as well as an Academic Visitor and Consultant in Oxford. RAFAEL LINARES graduated in Arts from the Central University of Venezuela in 1996. His interest in semiotics (and mostly the linguistics behind it) led him to an MA in Applied Linguistics at the Simón Bolívar University (also in Venezuela), which he obtained in 2000. During his MA, a course in Psycholinguistics and Neurolinguistics decided his vocational destination in academic life. After securing a scholarship, he applied to do a Ph.D. in Psycholinguistics and Neurolinguistics under the supervision of Harald Clahsen at the University of Essex. He obtained his Ph.D. in 2007.

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Notes on Contributors MICHELE LOPORCARO is Professor of Romance Linguistics at the University of Zurich. His research interests include the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Italo‐Romance varieties, historical Romance linguistics, and linguistic historiography. ANA R. LUÍS is Assistant Professor in the Department of Languages, Cultures and Literatures at the University of Coimbra. She obtained her Ph.D. in Linguistics from the University of Essex and has been working primarily in (p.xii) the field of Portuguese inflectional morphology and cliticization, with additional interests in morpho‐syntax, morpho‐phonology, and language contact. MARTIN MAIDEN is Professor of the Romance Languages at the University of Oxford, Director of the Research Centre for Romance Linguistics, University of Oxford, Fellow of Trinity College at Oxford and a Fellow of the British Academy. His main research interests are historical and comparative linguistics of the Romance Languages, especially Romanian and Italo‐Romance linguistics, and morphological theory. JUDITH MEINSCHAEFER is a Professor of Romance Linguistics at the University of Würzburg. Her research interests lie in French, Italian, and Spanish phonology and morphology from a comparative Romance perspective. PAUL O'NEILL is a University Lecturer in Hispanic Linguistics at the University of Sheffield and is also completing his D.Phil. at the University of Oxford (Linacre College). His research interests include the history of Ibero‐Romance, Ibero‐Romance dialectology, and the interface between phonetics and phonology and morphological theory. VITO PIRRELLI (Ph.D. Computational Linguistics, 1993, Salford University) is Research Director at the Antonio Zampolli Institute for Computational Linguistics of the CNR in Pisa, where he is head of the Dynamics of Language Laboratory. He is the author of two monographs, two edited volumes, and several journal and conference articles on computational and theoretical linguistics, and his main research interests include computer models of the mental lexicon, psycho‐computational models of morphology learning and processing, and theoretical morphology. CINZIA RUSSI received a Ph.D. in General Linguistics from the University of Washington in 2003. She is currently Assistant Professor of Italian and Romance Linguistics at the University of Texas at Austin, specializing in historical linguistics. Her research interests lie in the grammaticalization of the Italian and Romance clitic pronouns, the origin and evolution of Italian verbi procomplementari, the analysis of Italian verbs denoting the notions of lack and necessity, and the comparative study of inceptive, continuative, and terminative aspectual verbs in Romance languages.

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Notes on Contributors JOHN CHARLES SMITH has been Fellow and Tutor in French Linguistics at St Catherine's College, Oxford since 1997. Before returning to Oxford, where he was an undergraduate and graduate student, he held appointments at the Universities of Surrey, Bath, and Manchester. He has also held visiting appointments in Paris, Limoges, Berlin, Melbourne, and Philadelphia. His main field of interest is historical morpho‐syntax, and he has published widely on (p.xiii) agreement, refunctionalization, deixis, and the evolution of case and pronoun systems, with particular reference to Romance, although he has also worked on other language families, including Germanic and Austronesian. He is Secretary of the International Society for Historical Linguistics, Deputy Director of the University of Oxford Research Centre for Romance Linguistics, and co‐ editor of The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages. In 2007, he was created chevalier dans l'ordre des Palmes académiques by the French Government, for services to the French language and French culture. ANDREW SWEARINGEN received a cand.mag. in Portuguese studies from the University of Copenhagen. He is currently a member of the Research Centre for Romance Linguistics at the University of Oxford, where he is the holder of an AHRC‐funded D.Phil. studentship working on the morphology of Romance imperatives, with particular focus on Gallo‐Romance, as part of the research project ‘Autonomous Morphology in Diachrony: Comparative Evidence from the Romance Languages’. Research interests include historical linguistics, morphology, and lexical semantics. CATHERINE TAYLOR was a software engineer before obtaining her MA in English Language and Linguistics from the University of Essex, where she is currently completing her Ph.D. in Linguistics. Her thesis focuses on stem relations in the paradigm of the Romance verb. ANNA M. THORNTON graduated from the University of Rome (La Sapienza) in 1983, and received a doctorate in Linguistics from the University of Pisa in 1989. She is currently Professor of General Linguistics at the University of L'Aquila. She has published on several aspects of inflectional and derivational morphology in Italian (inflectional classes, action nouns, conversion and zero‐ derivation, blending, word‐formation in onomastics, prosodic morphology, reduplicative compounds), on gender assignment, and on sexism in language. NIGEL VINCENT holds the Mont Follick Chair of Comparative Philology at the University of Manchester, where he is also Associate Vice‐President for Research and Graduate Education. He is a Fellow of the British Academy. His research interests include the modelling of morpho‐syntactic change, feature‐based approaches to morphology and syntax, especially Lexical‐Functional Grammar, and the history and structure of Latin and the Romance languages, in particular Italian and the dialects of Italy.

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Notes on Contributors MAX W. WHEELER taught linguistics at the universities of Liverpool (1973–89) and Sussex (1989–2007). His research has focused on the Catalan language, in particular phonology and inflectional morphology, synchronic and diachronic. He is author of Phonology of Catalan (Oxford University Press, 2005), of (p.xiv) Morfologia i fonologia catalana i romànica: estudis diacrònics (Valencia/ Barcelona, 2007), and joint author of Catalan: A Comprehensive Grammar (London, 1999). ZHENG XU is Assistant Professor of Chinese and Linguistics at the National University of Singapore. His research interests include morphology, phonology, historical linguistics, and Chinese linguistics. He received his Ph.D in linguistics from Stony Brook University in 2007, having obtained a BA in English from Fudan University, Shanghai, in 2000. He has published articles in Morphology, Proceedings of the British Academy, Linguistic Typology, Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics (2nd edition), and a special issue of International Journal of English Studies on advances in Optimality Theory.

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Abbreviations

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.xv) Abbreviations v or ℜ realization 1PL first person plural form 1SG first person singular form 2PL second person plural form 2SG second person singular form 3PL third person plural form 3SG third person singular form ABL ablative ABS absolutive ACC accusative ACT active ADJ adjective ADV adverb ANT anterior ART article AST adjectival stem Ast. Asturian ATR advanced tongue root AUX auxiliary B base BMU Best Matching Unit C consonant c. century Cat. Catalan COND Conditional CONJ conjugation class CL classical Latin Page 1 of 4

Abbreviations CLIT clitic (p.xvi) Coll. colloquial COLP continuants of the Latin perfective COMPL completive COND cond conditional CPF content paradigm function Cst. Castilian DAT dative DBS divergent bidirectional syncretism DCP Daman Creole Portuguese DEF definite DET determiner DIM diminutival suffix DM Distributed Morphology DO direct object ERP Event Related Potential FEM feminine FPF form paradigm function Fr. French FT foot / feet FUT future Gal. Galician GEN genitive GER gerund GND gender gov governed H heavy (syllable) IMP imperative IND indicative IO indirect object INF infinitive INFL inflected / inflectional ending INTER interrogative pronoun INTR intransitive (p.xvii) IPF imperfect IPFV imperfective It. Italian KCP Korlai Creole Portuguese KSOM Kohonen Self‐Organizing Map L light (syllable) / left edge L2 Second Language Lat. Latin Log. Logudorese LV long vowel Page 2 of 4

Abbreviations M masculine mod. modern mpn male personal name ms millisecond(s) N noun NEG negative NEUT neuter NOM nominative NP noun phrase NUM number O old OBJ object OBL oblique oblig. obligation Occ. Occitan occ. occurrence OCP obligatory contour principle OFr. old French OO output‐to‐output correspondence constraints OT Optimality Theory PASS passive PASS. REM. passato remoto (past perfect) PERF perfect (p.xviii) PERS person PF Paradigm Function PFM Paradigm Function Morphology PFV perfective PIR proto Ibero‐Romance PL plural PLPF pluperfect PN person‐number POS positive POSS possessive pronoun PRED predicate PROG progressive PRom. Proto‐Romance PRON pronoun PROS prospective PRS present PRT preterite PST past Pt. Portuguese PTCP participle PYTA ‘perfecto y tiempos afines’ Page 3 of 4

Abbreviations R root REFL reflexive Rom. Romance RR realization rule SBJV subjunctive SBJ subject SE (consonantal) stem extension SG singular SLA Second Language Acquisition SOM self‐organizing memory Sp. Spanish SPR strong preterite roots (p.xix) ST situation time SUP superlative T2HSOM Topological Temporal Hebbian Self‐Organizing Map TAM tense, aspect and mood affix THSOM Temporal Hebbian Self‐Organizing Map TM tense–mood affix TR transitive TT topic time TV theme vowel UNM unmarked UT utterance time V vowel VH vowel height VL vulgar Latin VOC vocative VPR ‘verbi procomplementari’ VSt verbal stem wk weak

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale Maria Goldbach Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin Martin Maiden John Charles Smith

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale A central issue of this volume is the extent to which the inflectional morphological component of grammar is autonomous of phonology, syntax, and semantics. Hypotheses of autonomy have arisen mainly in connection with phonology and syntax,1 but no general agreement has been reached. Nonetheless, morphology has lagged behind phonology and syntax in exploring which phenomena have been subject to autonomous processes. Since at least the structuralist period the objects of linguistic research have been located on the independent structural levels of phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics.2 In structuralist studies – especially of the American stamp – the analysis of semantics was not pursued, meaning was rather considered as something not belonging to linguistics proper.3 In consequence, it was not assumed that semantic factors have an influence on the processes acting on the other structural levels. Phonology and morphology (especially inflectional morphology) were the central concerns of structuralist research. In particular, morphological analysis was carried out in parallel to phonological analysis, the former presupposing the latter.4 On the other hand, no neat distinction was drawn between morphology and syntax.5 It was assumed that the morpheme was the minimal descriptive element in word structure as well as in phrase and sentence structure. When Chomsky (1957) directed linguistic research towards the analysis of syntax and the elaboration of syntactic theory, he put forward the controversial hypothesis of the autonomy of the language faculty in relation to other mental faculties6 and the autonomy of the syntactic component of the grammar. He states: (p.2) […] there is, at present, no way to show that semantic considerations play a role in the choice of the syntactic or phonological component of a grammar or that semantic features (in any significant sense of this term) play a role in the functioning of the syntactic or phonological rules. (Chomsky 1965: 226)

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale In these early years of generative grammar, morphology, especially inflectional morphology, is conceived of as an appendage of syntax. For example, Chomsky introduces inflectional material into sentence structure by phrase‐structure rules7 and subsequently models inflectional processes in syntactic tree diagrams.8 He assumes that the lexical component is ‘an unordered list of all lexical formatives’, distinct from the generative syntactic rule system.9 It was in Halle's sketch of a model of grammar (Halle 1973) that morphology was located in a single module, in the lexicon. Affixes are listed in an inventory of morphemes. Irregularities, e.g. non‐concatenative processes such as umlaut or ablaut, are dealt with by a filter which excludes their regularly formed counterparts from lexical insertion into the syntactic structure. In the 1970s and the 1980s, there was discussion of the extent to which morphological processes are independent, especially of syntactic factors.10 Anderson (1982) assumes that the derivational part of morphology is located in the lexicon and operates independently of syntactic factors, while the inflectional rules interact with syntactic structure. Di Sciullo and Williams (1987), in contrast, take a radical stance in that they reject any direct interaction of syntactic and morphological processes, even in inflectional morphology. Spencer (1988) proposes a multi‐ layered lexical representation and morpho‐lexical rules for root allomorphy. The polar opposite of this lexicalist conception is the model of a ‘distributed morphology’ proposed by Halle and Marantz's analysis (1993), influenced by Baker (1985, 1988), of the interaction of morphology and syntax in polysynthetic languages. In this model, there is no lexicon and no autonomous morphological component. Rather, the morphological rules are interspersed among syntactic processes–in other words, the morphology is distributed over the syntactic ‘structure building’ operations; there is no principled difference between morphological and syntactic processes.11 Carstairs‐McCarthy (2010) adduces several arguments for the autonomy of inflectional morphology. Yet (p.3) he does not explore Aronoff's morphomic level (see below). Instead, he correlates the autonomy of morphology very much with the principle of synonymy avoidance. The present volume enters into this ongoing debate and discusses the problems and potential of morphological autonomy from the perspective of Romance verb morphology. Several chapters are inspired by Aronoff's idea (e.g. Aronoff 1994) that for mismatches between morpho‐syntactic features and morpho‐phonological realization there must be an intermediate level, which effects the mapping, and which Aronoff calls the ‘morphomic’ level. He suggests that this level is the module of morphology proper, in between morpho‐ phonology and morpho‐syntax. Let us call the level of such purely morphological functions morphomic and the functions themselves morphomes. (Aronoff 1994: 25)

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale Aronoff's idea informs some more recent models of inflectional morphology, such as Paradigm Function Morphology12 or Network Morphology.13 As originally proposed by proponents of the Word‐and‐Paradigm perspective,14 they highlight the paradigmatic aspect of inflectional morphology and thus analyse inflectional phenomena independently of the role they have in syntax.15 The inheritance hierarchies of lexical items (where the inflectional – or paradigmatic – behaviour of lexical items is expressed in terms of inheritance trees) or the paradigm functions16 which map morpho‐syntactic properties on to morpho‐phonological realizations are presumably situated on this special morphological level, i.e. Aronoff's morphomic level.17 Maiden (2005) proposes that paradigmatic patterns structuring the distribution of stem allomorphy across Romance verb morphology belong to this level. At the present stage of the scholarly debate there is no consensus as to whether a special intra‐morphological (morphomic) level is (epistemologically) (p.4) justified, what principles and rules apply at this level, if it exists, and what phenomena or objects can be described or explained by the mechanisms operating at the morphomic level. In what respect and to what extent are inflectional classes, stem allomorphy, inflectional homonymies (syncretisms) structured by devices of the autonomous morphological component?18 The body of work presented here draws on different aspects of Romance inflectional morphology to shed light on these questions. The autonomy of morphology is not to be taken for granted, and is not universally accepted, but the chapters in this book seek to make the case for morphological autonomy and explore its nature and extent. The following paragraphs give an overview of the chapters included in this volume and their relevance to current theory. The book is divided into three parts: I. Autonomous Morphology – Corroborations and Challenges, II. Evolution of Stem Allomorphy, III. Interfaces with Syntax or Semantics.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale Part I opens with chapters by ANDERSON and MAIDEN offering different interpretations of a pattern of vocalic stem alternation in the Surmiran (Romansh) verb system. For Anderson, this phenomenon is an unprecedently clear and systematic instance of phonologically conditioned stem allomorphy in the sense of Carstairs[‐McCarthy] (1988). He argues that, while there is no alternative to listing the verb‐stem variants in the lexical entry for each verb, their distribution is governed by a purely phonological surface well‐formedness condition dependent on stress. The alternations in question are of a kind found in many Romance varieties, and for which Maiden (e.g. 2003; 2005) has proposed a purely morphomic analysis, denying any role to phonological conditioning. Anderson explicitly rejects Maiden's morphological analysis for the Surmiran data, pointing out that it misses a phonological generalization, and that the stress‐sensitive alternations in question are a general feature of Surmiran phonology, not restricted to the verb. Maiden's response is, in effect, that Anderson misses a morphological generalization, and that the patterns of alternation (whose counterparts in closely cognate dialects are morphomic) are really a subvariety of a much wider, and phonologically disparate, series of alternations in Surmiran, whose distribution is in Maiden's view morphomic. In fact, Anderson seeks to subjugate certain of these other types of alternation to the principle of stress‐conditioned allomorphy, by claiming that they are merely repair strategies resorted to in the absence of a ‘stressed’ vocalic alternant, an approach which Maiden in turn criticizes as circular, and unsupported by the evidence of closely related dialects. He also (p.5) questions Anderson's analysis of the alternations as operating systematically outside the verb paradigm. Acknowledging, however, the strengths of Anderson's analysis, Maiden asks whether the ‘classical’ definition of the morphome as wholly independent of phonological conditioning is really necessary, and whether the Surmiran data do not point towards a gradient notion of ‘morphomehood’, in which some degree of phonological conditioning may also be admitted. This is not incompatible with Aronoff's original conception of the morphome. MEINSCHAEFER investigates the interaction of phonological and morphological constraints governing the stress pattern in the Spanish and Italian verb systems. She assumes that the general stress pattern in both languages follows from foot and alignment constraints: both languages have binary trochaic feet and stress is rightmost in the lexical word. Italian differs from Spanish in that final syllables are extrametrical and stress is sensitive to syllable weight. In the Spanish verb system, stress is aligned with the morphological structure, i.e. the foot which is relevant for stress assignment is aligned with the stem or with the (so‐called) extended stem. In Italian, there seems to be a purely morphological, paradigmatic process which blocks the otherwise effective stress constraints. This chapter shows that morphological structure may exert pressure on the metrical structure of a language.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale O'NEILL's article tackles some crucial questions concerning the notion of the morphome. His primary concern is how to delimit this notion. In addition, he reopens the debate concerning the relative roles of stems and roots in the conception of the morphome and reflects on the function of inflectional classes with regard to morphomic structure. The chapter discusses the relative success of modern theories of inflectional morphology are in capturing the generalization of the morphome. GAGLIA's contribution is a study of metaphony, pretonic vowel variation, and laxing harmony in the Italo‐Romance verb system. He shows that all these types of variation may constitute morphomic patterns in the Italo‐Romance variants in question. Furthermore, he argues that metaphony in word‐final vowel‐retaining dialects is virtually morphomic, even if the relation between form and function may be explained by a one‐to‐one correspondence, which is typically the case for metaphony in 2SG. SWEARINGEN analyses Romance imperatives and their relation to the present indicative paradigm. In a wide range of Romance languages, the 2SG imperative form is syncretic with the 3SG present indicative. Does this syncretism constitute a morphome in its own right? The author correlates the irregularities in the imperative forms (i.e. 2SG imperative forms which are not syncretic with the 3SG present indicative), with their token‐frequency and (p.6) meaning. He concludes that frequency contributes to the independent status of a variant with respect to the morphome in which its paradigmatic cell is embedded. That is, his investigation supplies evidence for Bybee's assumption (1995 a) that high frequency leads to greater lexical autonomy. PIRRELLI, FERRO, and CALDERONE analyse Italian and French inflectional morphology on the basis of self‐organizing maps which are artificial neural networks consisting of a bidimensional grid of memory units. The topological organization of a map is derived from its exposure to a variety of distributed inflected forms, and it is not determined by category‐specific training on selected input–output pairs. Their investigation endorses the view that paradigmatic and syntagmatic dimensions of morphological organization co‐ determine each other. According to the authors, morphology is a functionally autonomous level of language processing, and is the domain of language knowledge where paradigmatic and syntagmatic principles of language organization interact with each other.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale LINARES's contribution to the volume is a psycholinguistic analysis of the processing of Spanish verb forms by adult native speakers of Spanish. His tests (an elicited production experiment, and a priming experiment) confirm that the 1st conjugation class is the default for stem formation. Interestingly, the unmarked forms of the 2nd conjugation class are treated similarly to the analogous 1st conjugation forms by subjects. An unexpected result is that the stem vowel distribution in the 2nd conjugation is responsible for this effect. Subjects are more likely to use forms of the 2nd conjugation when stem vowels / e/ and /i/ (typical of 2nd and 3rd conjugation stems) are present than when not. Linares shows that morphological structure does play a role in the lexical access of regular verb forms and concludes that regular forms have a rule‐based status, in accordance with the findings of Say and Clahsen (2002). Moreover, in the non‐ default classes, informants use conjugation‐class membership as information for the processing of verb forms. Part II contains three chapters on the diachronic development of stem alternation in Romance languages. WHEELER examines the diachronic development of the Catalan ‘velar morphome’. In Modern Catalan, velar stems are distributed along a mixture of two different paradigmatic patterns in the sense of Maiden (2005). Wheeler shows that in most instances the velar stem does not have any etymological source. In early medieval Catalan texts, the velar stem is found predominantly in the second conjugational class. The velar stem either emerges in one of (p.7) these patterns (i.e. in the 1st singular present indicative and in the present subjunctive) and then spreads to the other pattern (i.e. to the tenses related to the preterite) or vice versa. But etymologically, no verb has the velar stem in both patterns. Wheeler shows that, contrary to Maiden's claim (2005: 143), it is not the case that diachronic changes affect all paradigmatic cells collected in a pattern at the same time. Instead, he explains the changes in terms of markedness principles whereby more marked forms are replaced before less marked forms.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale GOLDBACH re‐examines so‐called metaphony in the Portuguese verb system. On the basis of medieval Galician‐Portuguese data, metaphony is shown to have its origin in free stem‐variation. From the beginning of the sixteenth century, many verbs came into the language by direct borrowing from Classical Latin, with consequences for the original free stem‐variation. Analysing various grammar books and child language data, the article concludes that the modern Portuguese metaphonic stem‐variation is the result of normative strategies and schooling. The unanswered question is then why some areas of the morphological system of a natural language can be heavily influenced by normative strategies and schooling, while other areas of the grammar are immune to those influences. It seems that the morphological component of grammar is particular in this respect, since the phonological and the syntactic component are more immune to normative influences. Romance‐based creoles have generally been thought to lose all traces of the inflectional morphology of Romance languages, and thereby all morphomic structure. Yet LUÍS describes the verb morphology of two Asian Portuguese creoles, Korlai and Daman, spoken south of Bombay. Not only have both languages (most unusually for creoles) preserved the three conjugational classes of the Portuguese verb system but they have actually developed a fourth class, not present in Portuguese, for verbs taken from the indigenous Indo‐Aryan languages Marathi and Gujarati. Luís analyses the new conjugation class as a marked strategy for integrating Marathi and Gujarati verb roots into the verb systems of the creole languages, concluding that autonomous morphological structure of the kind most normally found in inflectionally complex languages can emerge even in creoles. The third part of the volume contains eight chapters which deal with the interfaces with syntax or semantics. XU and ARONOFF analyse syncretism in Realization Optimality Theory. In order to explain divergent bidirectional syncretism in the Latin noun system and to account for partial identity in English plural forms of compound nominals they use both output‐to‐output correspondence constraints (p.8) and realization constraints. Their account does not need to invoke feature simplification or neutralization, which would in both cases give rise to contradictions.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale HINZELIN discusses the interaction of syncretism and suppletion in Gallo‐ Romance verb morphology. He shows that in the Gallo‐Romance varieties examined, person–number syncretism is a predominant pattern structuring the inflectional paradigm. Moreover, in some varieties, suppletive stem allomorphy is constrained by the predominant syncretism pattern. Hinzelin gives evidence that the emergence of these inflectional homonymies can be better classified as instances of a take‐over process rather than simply morphological neutralization. He suggests that the syncretic stem distribution is an example of a morphome in Aronoff's sense. SMITH's chapter is concerned with a person–number syncretism in Canadian French. He shows that the syncretism in question does not result from any phonological or syntactic process. Nor can it be assumed that a special person– number ending spreads throughout the verbal system in the relevant paradigmatic cells. Rather, the inflectional homonymy can be seen as a take‐over process whereby the cell of 3PL adopts the form of 1PL. His analysis supports the assumption of Baerman et al. (2005) that syncretism affects the whole item and not merely parts of a form. Furthermore, Smith shows that the syncretism is paradigmatically driven and therefore the result of an autonomously morphological process. LOPORCARO reviews different patterns of syncretism documented across Romance languages in the inflectional paradigm of past participle agreement in perfective periphrastic constructions. The agreement involves the features gender and number. In most of the languages considered these features have two values, spanning a four‐cell paradigm. However, in some Romance varieties the four‐cell paradigm contains syncretisms. These syncretisms are the result of regular sound change. Yet they follow the same hierarchy. The form for the feminine singular tends to be most resistant to syncretism, and gender syncretism tends to occur in the plural while number syncretism is found in the masculine. The author shows that this is a morphologically driven process, in the sense that the internal structure of the paradigm is relevant. THORNTON's chapter investigates a phenomenon quite opposite to syncretic and periphrastic realizations of paradigm cells. While the latter could be seen as parasitic – in that one paradigm cell adopts the form of another cell or takes an originally syntactic construction for its realization – the phenomenon of doublets, with which this chapter deals, is a paradigmatic redundancy. She assesses the occurrence of different kinds of paradigmatic doublets in (p.9) contemporary written Italian and classifies them with respect to a canonicity hierarchy. It turns out that the most canonical doublets are wholly arbitrary pairings devoid of any extra‐morphological conditioning.

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Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale RUSSI's chapter on so‐called verbi procomplementari in Italian examines the categorial status of certain object clitics which have the effect of changing the verb meaning. After performing several morphological tests, Russi comes to the conclusion that the object clitics in verbi procomplementari cannot be classified as inflectional affixes and therefore do not belong to the inflectional morphology of the verb. Her article shows that the clitic object pronouns of the verbi procomplementari constitute an additional area of autonomous verb morphology which is orthogonal to inflectional morphology. In other words, even though object clitics belong with the verb on a syntagmatic level, clitic object pronouns and the inflectional morphology of the verb constitute two different autonomous morphological areas on a paradigmatic level. TAYLOR's chapter discusses and evaluates definitions and theoretical models of periphrasis. In particular, she applies Ackerman and Stump's criteria (2004) for periphrasis to the French passé composé and the Catalan analytic preterite. She concludes that none of their criteria is necessary or sufficient. Therefore, Taylor suggests that periphrasis should be integrated into the inflectional paradigm and that the relation between its form and morpho‐syntactic properties should be represented in terms of paradigm functions in the sense of Stump (2001). VINCENT analyses the status of non‐finite forms in the inflectional morphology of Latin and Romance. His approach is similar to Taylor's, since he assumes that periphrastic constructions with non‐finite forms belong to the inflectional paradigm. He suggests that periphrastic constructions serve as a principal mechanism for building new parts of paradigms. In contrast to Taylor, he suggests that pure morphology is restricted to the non‐periphrastic parts of a paradigm. Notes:

(1) See, for instance, Bromberger and Halle (1989). (2) See, for instance, Bolinger (1968: 518). (3) See Bloomfield (1933: 74f.), Harris (1951). European structuralism paid more attention to semantics; see, for instance, Greimas (1986/1966). For a detailed description of the American structuralist attitude towards meaning and semantics, see Matthews (1993). (4) See Harris (1951: 6, 22) and Hockett (1968: 28). (5) See Nida (1949: 6) and Harris (1951: ch. 12). (6) See Fodor (1983). (7) 1957: ch. 4. (8) 1965: 171f. Page 10 of 11

Introduction: The Concept of Autonomous Morphology. Background and Rationale (9) 1965: 84. (10) See Scalise (1984), Selkirk (1982), Di Sciullo and Williams (1987). (11) See Embick and Halle (2005). (12) Stump (2001). (13) See, for instance, Baerman, Brown, and Corbett (2005). (14) See Robins (1959), Matthews (1972), and subsequently Anderson's (1992) Extended Word‐and‐Paradigm model. (15) Spencer (2003) extends this analysis to Bulgarian periphrastic constructions. (16) Stump (2001). (17) Wunderlich (1996) also proposes inheritance trees of paradigmatic structure for inflectional morphology but his model does not include a special morphological level, apart from the lexicon. Rather, hierarchically organized paradigms are ‘checking device[s], filtering the morphological output’. Likewise Bybee (1995 a) dispenses with a special morphological level but integrates a network model into the mental lexicon. According to her proposal, lexical entries are organized with respect to phonological and semantic resemblance and frequency. Bybee assumes that high‐frequency items have a greater lexical autonomy in that they are more independent of other items in the network (of phonological and semantic similarities). Conversely, items of lower frequency are more strongly related to the network and are less lexically autonomous. (18) See, for instance, the principles and constraints proposed by Carstairs[‐ McCarthy] (1994; 1984).

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) Stephen R. Anderson

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0002

Abstract and Keywords An extensive system of stress‐conditioned vowel alternations has developed in the history of this form of Rumantsch from purely phonological status to that of phonologically conditioned allomorphy. Synchronically, Surmiran stems must in general have two listed forms, one used when primary stress falls on the last vowel of the stem and the other when this vowel will not bear primary stress. This pattern is most thoroughly exemplified in the verbal system. In my chapter I will discuss its effect elsewhere in the morphology of Surmiran as well. Keywords:   stress, stem, phonological, cyclic phonology, allomorphy

1.1 Introduction

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) I approach my topic here from a somewhat different perspective than that of several other contributors to the present volume. To be clear, my knowledge of the Romance languages and their comparative grammar is quite limited, and my knowledge of their histories even more so. The discussion below, with some limited exceptions, is thus not based on detailed historical and comparative analyses, but rather represents a somewhat self‐contained account of a single synchronic system. As Romance philology, therefore, it may be judged to be weak; but I submit that its weaknesses are similar to those of a child encountering the primary linguistic data provided by those around her, and forced to acquire the underlying linguistic system on that basis. If the analysis I offer differs in some ways from what one might be inclined to on the basis of the precedents set by other languages, I suggest that that is entirely appropriate. After all, linguistic systems do change, sometimes quite radically in their nature but with very little alteration in the surface forms they support, as a result of new generations of learners making different abductive inferences from the data at hand (Andersen 1973). To be more specific, the analysis offered and defended below has rather a different character from that proposed by Maiden (this volume) for some closely related languages. Since the facts I use to support my account are in some ways particular to the language under discussion here, they do not necessarily bear on the description of those other languages, and (perhaps more importantly) vice versa. Within a set of languages whose surface forms (p.14) are quite similar, even mutually comprehensible to a significant degree, the underlying bases of the observed patterns may be quite distinct. In particular, even if a primarily morphological account of certain alternations in some languages, based on purely morphological morphomic units, is appropriate for those languages, much the same patterns of alternation may have a phonological basis (not involving morphomes) in another.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) The language to be treated here is Surmiran, a Swiss Rumantsch language, and in particular the form of Surmiran spoken in Savognin, Salouf, and the surrounding area. This has some status as a local standard, and is codified in a normative grammar, a variety of pedagogical material, and locally available dictionaries.2 As shown in Figure 1.1, Surmiran is a member of the central subgroup of the Swiss Rumantsch languages. Other Swiss Rumantsch languages with literary standards are shown unparenthesized in Figure 1.1; the forms identified in parentheses are clearly identifiable, distinct languages but ones without the same official status. While Swiss Rumantsch is clearly a unit from a historical and comparative point of view, it is often grouped together with the various forms of Dolomitic Ladin and Friulian as part of a larger ‘Raeto‐ Romance’ unit within Romance, and the evidence for the unity of such a grouping is much more controversial. A review of the reasons to doubt the historical significance of ‘Raeto‐Romance’ can be found in Haiman and Benincà (1992), but these considerations will not be relevant in the discussion of Surmiran which follows.

(p.15) 1.2 Surmiran stem alternations The central point at issue here will be the analysis of stem alternations in Surmiran, particularly those in the verbal system. In order to make the theoretical points below clear, it will be necessary to go over the analysis of these facts FIGURE 1.1 ‘Raeto‐Romance’ presented in Anderson (2008, 2010, forthcoming). To begin, there are six basic conjugational types in Surmiran, differing in the endings found in the infinitive and elsewhere, as illustrated in Table 1.1. The most common (and most productive) of these is the first, and in (1) the present indicative of a representative verb of this type, cantar ‘sing’, is given. (1)

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1SG

(ia) cant

[kant]

2SG

(te) cantas

[′kantəs]

3SG

(el) canta

[′kantə]

1PL

(nous) cantagn

[kən′taɲ]

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

2PL

(vous) cantez

[kən′tɛts]

3PL

(els) cantan

[′kantən]

As will be seen in (1), the verb stem appears in two different shapes phonetically (here, [kant] and [kənt]). In the various forms of the verb other than the present indicative, as illustrated in (2), the stem always appears in one of these two shapes. (2) a. present subjunctive canta [′kantə], cantas [′kantəs], canta [′kantə],cantan [′kantən], cantas [′kantəs], cantan [′kantən] b. Other tenses: imperfect (ia) cantava [kən′tavə]; future (ia) cantaro [kəntə′ro]; imperfect subjunctive/conditional (ia) cantess [kən′tεs]

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

TABLE 1.1. Six basic conjugational types in Surmiran

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Infinitive

example

1PL

imperfect

future

conditional

participle

‐ar [‐ar]

cantar ‘sing’

‐agn

‐ava

‐aro

‐ess

‐o/ada

‐er [‐er]

lascher ‘leave’

‐agn

‐eva

‐aro

‐ess

‐ea/eda

‐ier [‐iər]

spitgier ‘expect’ ‐agn

‐iva

‐aro

‐ess

‐ia/eida

‐eir [‐ɛjr]

tameir ‘fear’

‐agn

‐eva

‐aro

‐ess

‐ia/eida

‐er [‐ər]

tanscher ‘reach’ ‐agn

‐eva

‐aro

‐ess

‐ia/eida

‐eir [‐ejr]

parteir ‘depart’

‐iva

‐iro

‐iss

‐ia/eida

‐ign

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) (p.16) c. Non‐finite forms: Gerund cantond [kən′tond]; past participle canto, cantada [kən′to, kən′tadə]

Cantar is a ‘regular’ verb, showing endings and alternations that pervade the verbal system. Many other verbs in Surmiran, including those in (3), are much less regular, and show a variety of idiosyncrasies – some of which fall into minority patterns of subregularity, but which need to be lexically identified as not conforming to the most broadly regular form. (3)

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

eir ‘go’

neir ‘come’

(vu)leir ‘want’

deir ‘say’

star ‘stay, live’

saveir ‘know’

1SG

vign

vign

vi

dei

stung

sa

2SG

vast

vignst

vot

deist

stast

sast

3SG

vo

vign

vot

dei

stat

so

1PL

giagn

nign

lagn

schagn

stagn

savagn

2PL

gez

niz

lez

schez

stez

savez

3PL

von

vignan

vottan

deian

stattan

son

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) A particularly common form of ‘irregularity’ is that shown by so‐called ‘Alternating’ verbs like those in (4), which show two distinct stem forms that are less predictably related than those of verbs like cantar: e.g. [lod]/[lʊd], [lεv]/[ləv], [fεt(t)]/[fΙt(t)]. (4)

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

ludar ‘praise’

durmeir ‘sleep’

lavar ‘get up’

fittar ‘finish’

1SG

′lod

′dorm

′lev

′fet

2SG

′lodas

′dormas

′levas

′fettas

3SG

′loda

′dorma

′leva

′fetta

1PL

lu′dagn

dur′mign

la′vagn

fit′tagn

2PL

lu′dez

dur′miz

la′vez

fit′tez

3PL

′lodan

′dorman

′levan

′fettan

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) The two alternants of the stem differ (both for alternating verbs like those in (4) and regular verbs like cantar) primarily in the quality of their last vowel, and their distribution can be described in terms of morphological categories. One alternant regularly characterizes a set of forms (apparently) based on the singular present indicative stem, as illustrated in (5). (5)

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

Present subjunctive

ludar ‘praise’

durmeir ‘sleep’

lavar ‘get up’

fittar ‘finish’

1SG ([-ə̆])

′loda

′dorma

′leva

′fetta

2SG ([-ə̆s])

′lodas

′dormas

′levas

′fettas

3SG ([-ə̆])

′loda

′dorma

′leva

′fetta

1PL ([-ə̆n])

′lodan

′dorman

′levan

′fettan

2PL ([-ə̆s])

′lodas

′dormas

′levas

′fettas

3PL ([-ə̆n])

′lodan

′dorman

′levan

′fettan

2SG imperative ([-ə̆])

′loda!

′dorma!

′leva!

′fetta!

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) (p.17) The other stem is found in forms (apparently) based on the first and second person plural of the present indicative, as shown in (6). (6)

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

infinitive:

dur′meir

la′var

fit′tar

1PL present ([-′aɲ]/[-′iɲ]) lu′dagn

dur′mign

la′vagn

fit′tagn

1SG imperfect ([-′evə]/[′ivə])

lu′deva

dur′miva

la′veva

fit′teva

1SG future ([-ə′ro]/[Ι′ro])

luda′ro

durmi′ro

lava′ro

fitta′ro

1SG conditional ([-′ɛs]/[′Ιs])

lu′dess

dur′miss

la′vess

fit′tess

2PL imperative ([-′e]/[′i])

lu′de!

dur′mi!

la′ve!

fit′te!

present participle ([′ɔnd])

lu′dond

dur′mond

la′vond

fi′ttond

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lu′dar

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) As indicated in (6), the infinitive generally shows the stem found in the other forms of (6), rather than that of the forms in (5). A systematic exception to this generalization is provided by verbs of the fifth conjugation type in Table 1.1, more traditionally the Romance third conjugation. As illustrated by the verb in (7), these verbs use the stem form of the singular present indicative in their infinitive, which is characterized by the ending [‐ə̆r]. (7) discorrer [dΙʃ′korər] ‘speak’; 1SG present dis′cor; 1PL present discur′rign At first glance, it appears that the distribution of the two stems might be an instance of the morphomic ‘N‐pattern’ of Maiden (1992, 2004c, 2005). A closer look, however, reveals a different generalization. The choice of stem is not determined by morpho‐syntactic features (as for genuinely suppletive irregular verbs, like (3)), but rather the distribution is phonologically based: one stem is used when main stress falls on the stem itself as in (5), fifth conjugation infinitives as in (7), and the singular and 3PL present indicative. The other is used when main stress falls outside the stem, as in 1PL, 2PL present indicative and the other forms in (6), and infinitives of other classes. One initial problem with the ‘N‐Pattern’ analysis is the fact that, according to Maiden's previous formulations, we would expect to see a stem alternation in the present subjunctive comparable to that in the present indicative. This is easily enough remedied, by simply saying that the morphological categories characterized by the stem of the singular (and 3PL) present indicative include all of the present subjunctive, and not simply the ones taking this stem in the indicative. Maiden (this volume) discusses other Rumantsch languages where comparable levelling of the subjunctive has occurred. This does make the point, however, that the (arbitrary) set of morphological categories defining a morphome is a language‐particular matter, and the comparison with other, distinct language systems is not necessarily probative. Perhaps more significant is the fact that there is no natural way to characterize the stem distribution in terms of lists of morphological category, because the same category (the infinitive) can be associated with different stems (p.18) depending on its phonology. Whether the infinitive takes one stem or the other, that is, depends on whether its ending happens to have a form requiring desinential stress on the one hand, or one that produces stress on the stem on the other. As we will see below when we go beyond the verbal system, the generalization based on the distribution of stress extends to a variety of other circumstances, while one based directly on morphological categories does not.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) To maintain that the location of stress in a verbal form is the determinant of the shape its stem should take requires that we provide an account of how stress is assigned in the language. Essentially, this is straightforward and quite regular: With the exception of some synchronically foreign words, main stress falls on the penult if the rhyme of the final syllable consists of [ə], possibly followed by [r], [l], [n], or [s]. If the final rhyme contains a full (non‐ə) vowel, or [ə] followed by some other consonant, the main stress falls on this syllable instead. Assuming that syllables whose rhyme is of the first sort (nucleus [ə] with coda limited to [r, l, n, s]) are prosodically weak, and others strong, we can describe this simply by the rule in (8). (8) Main Stress Rule: Build a quantity‐sensitive trochee at the right edge of the word. Secondary stress falls on initial syllables (usually) separated by at least one syllable from the main stress; parts of compounds are stressed separately with main stress on the stress centre of the final element. Other secondary stresses appear to be the result of cyclic word formation, although the principles have not yet been fully worked out. I do not attempt to formulate a complete system including secondary stresses, since these are not in general relevant to the problem of stem alternation. The difference between stressed and unstressed syllables in Surmiran is associated with a major difference in vowel inventories. Stressed syllables can contain a variety of vowels (long and short) and diphthongs. Unstressed syllables generally contain only short [ə] (written a or e), [Ι] (i) or [υ] (u), though unstressed [ε, ɔ] are not rare. When we examine regular verbs like cantar, we see that the difference between the stems [kə̆nt] and [′kant] looks as if it might simply be the product of a rule of vowel reduction, applying to unstressed syllables. Is it plausible, then, to suggest that the whole apparatus of stem alternation is purely a matter of stress‐ conditioned phonology? While initially appealing, this analysis cannot be sustained. The fundamental reason is the fact that the correspondence between stressed and unstressed vowels in the stems for a given lexical item is not unique in either direction, and thus not a candidate for expression as a phonological rule. (p.19) Considered first from the point of view of predicting the stressed vowel from the unstressed one, we see that this is not possible because unstressed [ə] in a stem can alternate with any of several vowels, as illustrated by the verbs in (9). (9)

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

Alternation

infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

[ə̆]/[′a]

l[ə]var

lava

‘wash’

[ə̆]/[′ai̯]

[ə]ntrar

aintra

‘enter’

[ə̆]/[′ɛ]

t[ə]dlar

tedla

‘listen’

[ə̆]/[′e]

l[ə]var

leva

‘get up’

[ə̆]/[′ɛi̯]

p[ə]sar

peisa

‘weigh’

[ə̆]/[′ei̯]

antsch[ə]dar

antscheida

‘start yeast’

[ə̆]/[′i]

surv[ə]gneir

survigna

‘receive’

[ə̆]/[′o]

cl[ə]mar

cloma

‘call’

The same is true for unstressed stem [Ι], as in the verbs of (10). (10)

Alternation infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND gloss

[ĭ]/[′a]

(sa) tgil[Ι]ttar

tgilatta

‘sit down (scornfully, as of a cat)’

[ĭ]/[′ai̯]

spisg[Ι]ntar

spisgiainta

‘feed’

[ĭ]/[′ɛ]

p[Ι]glier

peglia

‘take’

[ĭ]/[′e]

f[Ι]mar

fema

‘smoke’

[ĭ]/[′ei̯]

anv[Ι]dar

anveida

‘invite’

[ĭ]/[′i]

tg[Ι]rar

tgira

‘guard’

[ĭ]/[′iə̯]

s[Ι]var

sieva

‘sweat’

[ĭ]/[′o]

dum[Ι]gnar

dumogna

‘dominate’

And also for unstressed stem [υ], as illustrated in (11). (11)

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Alternation

infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

[ʊ̆]/[a]

v[ʊ]rdar

varda

‘watch’

[ʊ̆]/[ɔ]

d[ʊ]rmeir

dorma

‘sleep’

[ʊ̆]/[o]

cr[ʊ]dar

croda

‘fall’

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

[ʊ̆]/[o:]

p[ʊ]ssar

pôssa

‘rest’

[ʊ̆]/[oi̯]

l[ʊ]ier

loia

‘arrange’

[ʊ̆]/[ou̯]

ram[ʊ]rar

ramoura

‘roll, surge’

[ʊ̆]/[u]

p[ʊ]gnier

pugna

‘fight, box’

Unstressed stem [ε] and [ɔ] commonly either (a) alternate with long stressed (open or closed) similar mid vowels, or else (b) do not alternate, belonging to the class of verbs in esch (see the discussion of this pattern below). Approximately two dozen verbs (out of several hundred) with (p.20) stressed [′ε] or [′ɔ] show an unstressed vowel with the same quality, while in a few verbs, unstressed [ĕ] alternates with [′ai̯] or [′ei̯]. These patterns, like unstressed mid vowels in general, are quite marginal to the overall system. Predicting the unstressed vowel from the stressed one fares no better: obviously, the data in (9), (10), and (11) also establish that the correspondence between particular stressed vowels and their unstressed counterparts is non‐unique. The same stressed vowel can correspond to more than one unstressed vowel (for [a] and [o], to any of the three). There is no stressed vowel whose unstressed correspondent is unique. I conclude that the patterns of stem alternation cannot be reduced to the effects of a phonological rule of vowel reduction alone. While there is little doubt that the historical origins of the stem alternation patterns seen in contemporary Surmiran are to be sought in the phonology of reduction of unstressed vowels, as an account of the current system that cannot be correct. Complex phonological developments over time (cf. Lutta 1923: 120– 136; Grisch 1939: 76–94; Haiman and Benincà 1992: 56–63), plus the influx of German words with vowels other than [ə, Ι, υ] in unstressed syllables have made the original vowel reduction regularities opaque. Stem alternation is the morphologized remnant of a variety of processes, including vowel reduction, but the individual components have become inextricably merged in a set of patterns that can no longer be decomposed phonologically. In fact, the vowel alternations are only one aspect of the broader system of stem alternation in Surmiran: they form part of a more comprehensive set of patterns which are idiosyncratically associated with particular lexical items. Each verb has two listed stems, one used when stress falls on it, and the other when stress falls on an ending. The difference is often a matter of the quality of the last vowel in the stem, but other differences appear as well.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) In a number of verbs, gn ([ɲ]) or ng ([ŋ]) following the stressed vowel of the stressed alternant corresponds to n ([n]) in the unstressed alternant, as in the verbs in (12). (12)

Infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

ma′nar

′magna

‘lead’

cuschi′nar

cu′schigna

‘cook’

spla′nar

′splanga

‘plane’

amplu′nar

am′plunga

‘pile up’

Sometimes this is accompanied by vowel changes as well, as illustrated in (13). (p.21) (13)

Infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

(sa) sda′nar (sa)′sdegna

‘shrink from doing s.t.’

(s′)ancli′nar

(s′)an′clegna

‘bend’

smarscha′nar

smar′schunga

‘loaf’

The relation between palatal and velar nasals on the one hand and dental nasals in related forms was originally governed by phonological rules, but as in the case of vowel reduction, these rules have become opaque, leaving a morphologized residue. In a number of forms, we find complex patterns of alternation that are not confined to a single vowel, as in the examples of (14). (14)

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Alternation

infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

a‐ə~o‐e

flamma′ger

flom′megia

‘blaze’

e‐ə~ə‐e

decla′rar

da′clera

‘declare’

i‐i~ə‐e

angivi′nar

angia′vegna

‘solve’

i‐i~ə‐ei̯

misi′rar

ma′seira

‘measure’

i‐i~ə‐i

ghisi′gnier

ga′signa

‘taunt’

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

u‐ə~ə‐o

murma′gner

mar′mogna

‘murmur’

u‐ə~ə‐oi̯

sua′rar

sa′voira

‘smell’

u‐ə~ə‐u

ruscha′nar

ra′schunga

‘speak’

u‐Ø~ə‐ou̯

lu′vrar

la′voura

‘work’

Some verbs appear to show metathesis of /r/ with an adjacent (possibly altered) vowel, as in (15). (15)

Infinitive

3SG.PRS.IND

gloss

bar′geir

′bragia

‘cry’

patar′ger

pa′tratga

‘think’

sgar′tar

′sgratta

‘scratch’

sgar′mar

′sgroma

‘de‐cream (milk)’

glisnar′ger

glisna′regia

‘simulate’

′cresch[ə]r

[1pl] car′schagn

‘be brought up’

In historical terms, what is involved in these cases is actually an alternation between a vowel and Ø, with epenthesis subsequently repairing the resulting cluster. Synchronically, however, we just have another type of stem alternation pattern. Yet another alternation type has cognates in many of the other Romance languages. A great many verbs in the ‘productive’ [‐ar] and [‐ejr] conjugations form their ‘stressed’ stem with the extension ‐esch, similar to the isc of Italian fi′nisco/fini′amo ‘I/we finish’. An example of such a verb in Surmiran is luschardar ([lužər′dar]) ‘strut’, whose present indicative is given in (16). (p.22) (16)

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1SG

luschar′desch

2SG

luschar′deschas

3SG

luschar′descha

1PL

luschar′dagn

2PL

luschar′dez

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

3PL

luschar′deschan

1SG PRS. SBJV

luschar′descha

Since ‐esch itself bears the stress whenever this would fall on the stem, the stem itself is effectively always unstressed, and so no other alternation occurs in these verbs. As a result, verbs that take ‐esch have a single, uniform stem that is identical with that of the infinitive, as opposed to virtually all others in the language. This fact is surely related at least partially to the distribution of such verbs in Surmiran speakers' lexicons: if only one form of a verb is known, assigning it to this class avoids the issue of how to determine the stem alternation. Given the infinitive luschardar ‘strut’, for example, presumably a verb that is not often encountered, the 3rd singular present indicative form might be any of *luscharda, *luscheirda, *luschorda, *laschurda, *laschorda, among others. Treating it as a verb in ‐esch avoids this indeterminacy. Verbs in ‐esch include many recent borrowings. Some verbs listed as alternating in Sonder and Grisch (1970) appear in Signorell (1999) with ‐esch (and current speakers extend this trend to additional verbs). Sometimes when speakers do not know or cannot recall the correct alternation pattern for a given verb, they produce ‐esch forms instead. As will be discussed below, this view of formations in ‐esch as a sort of default that avoids the choice among an unpredictable range of alternation patterns is not intended as an analysis in itself. It does provide us with some understanding of why at least some verbs are assigned to this type, however. The analysis of these facts proposed in Anderson (2008) is as follows. First, let us distinguish in phonological representations between full vowels and those that are characteristic of reduced positions: [a] vs. [ə], [i] vs. [Ι], [u] vs. [υ]. The first member of each pair should only appear in stressed position, the second only in unstressed position. Following an analysis in the terms of Optimality Theory, constraints in the phonological system specify that stressed [ə, Ι, υ] are to be avoided, and also unstressed [a, i, u] (as well as unstressed long vowels and diphthongs). Unstressed mid vowels are also penalized, though this constraint is not ranked as highly as those against unstressed peripheral vowels, long vowels, or diphthongs.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) The lexical representations of stems then have two (listed) alternants. Ignoring the marginal cases of verbs with mid vowels in both stems, in one (p.23) of these the last vowel is from the set [ə, Ι, υ], and in the other the last vowel is a full vowel or diphthong. There are of course general patterns of stem alternation, with some types being common and others much rarer. The Surmiran lexicon describes a speaker's knowledge of the range of possible patterns and semi‐regularities of alternation. Although the need for a theory of this sort of lexical relation has long been recognized (notably in Jackendoff 1975; cf. also Anderson and Lightfoot 2002: ch. 7), it has not been a focus of theoretical discussion, and I will confine myself here to the observation that some formulation of such regularities as lexical, not phonological, in character must eventually be provided. Given a lexical representation with two alternative forms for a verb's stem, the phonology can in fact contribute to a determination of the unique surface forms of individual words based on that stem. The mechanism assumed for this purpose is approximately that proposed by Kager (2008). In essence, it involves computing the surface result obtained by pairing each of the alternatives with the other morphology of the required form, and then determining which of these is more harmonic with respect to the overall constraint system. The constraints that associate full vowels with stressed syllables and reduced vowels with unstressed ones also function in this way to choose one stem or the other on the basis of the location of main stress. Consider, for instance, the verb vurdar ‘watch’, 3SG varda. The two stems of this verb are {/vυrd/, /vard/}; the infinitive ending is /‐ar/ and the ending for the 3rd singular of the present indicative is /‐ə/. Tableaux of the traditional sort are provided in Table 1.2 to illustrate the choice of the correct surface forms in the two cases.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch)

TABLE 1.2. Choice of the surface forms a.

☞

/{vυrd, vard}-ar/

stress

*′υ, ′ɪ, ′ə

* ă, ĭ, ŭ

′vʊrdăr

!*

*

*

′vardăr

!*

*

vʊ̆r′dar văr′dar

b.

/{vʊrd, vard}-ə/

!* stress

′vʊrdə̆ ☞

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*′ʊ, ′ɪ, ′ə

*ă, ĭ, ŭ

!*

′vardə̆ vʊ̆r′də

!*

*

văr′də

!*

*

*

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) (p.24) There is one circumstance in which the apparatus developed thus far would not suffice to make a choice between the two possible stem forms. In stems with the shape /XσC0VC0/ ~ /XσC0v̆C0/, when there is no following suffix (as in the 1SG present indicative form [sυ′ter], *[′sutər], from sutarar/sutera ‘bury’), either stem would be well formed in terms of the relation between vowel quality and stress, since a final trochee could in principle be made up either of the single syllable [ter] (with a full vowel) or the two syllables [sutər]. In fact, however, it is the first of these footings that must be chosen. This can be accomplished if we add to the constraints governing prosodic structure a preference for final stress by ranking the constraint in (17) appropriately (but below the constraints requiring the main stress foot to be a quantity‐sensitive trochee). (17) Rightmost: The primary stressed syllable is at the right edge of the Prosodic Word. On this account, the vowel reduction regularities are entirely subsumed by the system of stem alternation. As a result, even ‘regular’ verbs have two lexical stem forms, because their regularity is not predictable from either shape. The stems of such verbs are as in the examples of (18). (18)

a.

cantar ‘sing’, 3SG canta: {/kənt/, /kant/}

b.

chintar ‘calculate’, 3SG chinta: {/kΙnt/, /kint/}

c.

cuntschier ‘tinker’, 3SG cuntscha: {/kʊntʃ/, /kuntʃ/}

Most ‘irregular’ verbs are integrated into the two‐stem system at least in part, though with some additional complications. For example, consider the verb pudeir ‘can, be able to’, with the present indicative paradigm in (19). (19)

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1SG

ia poss

2SG

te post

3SG

el pò

1PL

nous pudagn

2PL

vous pudez

3PL

els pon

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) This verb can be assumed to have two basic stem forms: {/pɔs/, /pυd/}. In addition, the idiosyncratic 2SG, 3SG, and 3PL present indicative forms (/pɔst/, / pɔ/, /pɔn/) must be listed, but the remainder of the paradigm follows from this information. Returning to the verbs that take ‐esch, these are analysed as having only a single stem: the ‘unstressed’ one found in the infinitive (and other forms with desinential stress), whose last vowel has a quality inappropriate to appearance (p.25) in a stressed syllable. The morphology includes the rule in (20), limited to [‐ar] and [‐ejr] verbs. ʃ

From an Optimality Theoretic perspective, the fact that this rule serves to realize no concrete morphological property (such as agreement or tense) means that its application is always dispreferred (by higher ranking Dep M: introduced phonological material should be the realization of morphological properties in the Input), with one exception: when it would result in a prosodically preferred form, by avoiding stress on an unstressable vowel. This result is achieved by ranking Dep M below those enforcing the relation between vowel quality and stress. The analysis offered here accommodates all of the facts of stem alternation in Surmiran verbs; support for that account from other areas of grammar will be adduced below. In the process, it attributes a great deal of variation that might seem quite low‐level and ‘obviously’ phonological in many other languages to relations among lexically listed stems; but this seems inevitable, given the unpredictability and lexical specificity of the alternations involved, in this language. Apart from the intrinsic interest of such a wholesale historical shift from the productive phonology into the lexicon, the system of alternations just discussed is significant from another perspective. On the one hand, the alternating forms are lexically listed allomorphs of individual stems, and on the other, the factors governing the choice of an allomorph in a particular circumstance are purely phonological (the predictably assigned stress pattern of the word). This is thus an especially pervasive system of phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy, of the sort highlighted some years ago in the work of Carstairs[‐ McCarthy] (1987; 1988).

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) Subsequent discussion of such cases of ‘phonologically conditioned suppletion’ have concentrated on instances in which the shape of an affix is conditioned by that of the stem to which it is attached, but Carstairs[‐McCarthy] had already envisioned instances in which the conditioning is in the opposite direction, as in Surmiran. Instances of phonologically conditioned affix alternation are certainly more common than stem alternation, but they are not the only examples that need to be considered in arriving at a theory of such phenomena. The Surmiran system constitutes a clear counter‐example to claims made about such phenomena in the recent literature, in particular those of Paster (2009; forthcoming). Paster contends (along with Bye 2008) that (p.26) phonologically conditioned suppletion can always be understood as a matter of differential subcategorization restrictions imposed on lexically listed alternants of a morphological element. She opposes this to a view on which multiple alternants are provided by the morphology, with the choice being made by the operation of the phonology – as proposed above for the Surmiran case. She cites four principles on the basis of which the subcategorization analysis is generally to be preferred to the phonological (which she identifies as the ‘P〉〉M’ approach, referring to the fact that on this line phonological conditions determine morphological realization). One of these is the claim that phonologically determined suppletion is always conditioned from the inside outwards, that is, from stems to affixes and from inner affixes to outer ones, rather than the other way around. The Surmiran example is a clear prima facie counter‐example to this, and not amenable to a subcategorization based description. In fact, Carstairs[‐McCarthy] (1987: 179– 188) also offered examples of such sensitivity in the opposite direction, examples which Paster does not discuss and which must be considered to pose further problems for her claim. A second claim is that the phonological factors conditioning allomorph choice will always be found in the input to the phonology, and not (as output‐directed frameworks such as Optimality Theory would have it) crucially in the surface form. Again, Surmiran counter‐exemplifies this claim: the distribution of stress in this language is completely predictable in terms of the shape of whole words, apart from obvious loan vocabulary, and thus not present in the phonological input. It is only in terms of the phonologically assigned prosody, and thus aspects of the output form that are not manifest in the input, that the stem choice can be made.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) Two other claims are not particularly probative here. One of these is the observation that phonologically conditioned allomorph choice is not uniformly in the direction of phonologically optimal surface forms. Examples which Paster discusses may well show this, but in the Surmiran case, the relation between vowel quality and stress is a natural one, a clear candidate for formulation as a set of Optimality Theoretic constraints, and it is this relation that the choice of stem allomorphs tends to render coherent. Finally, Paster claims that the subcategorization description is better suited than the ‘P〉〉M’ analysis to account for the fact that conditioning factors and the element whose shape is to be determined cannot be arbitrarily separated: the shape of a suffix cannot depend on that of a prefix, for example. This issue of the ‘locality’ of phonological relations and the role of variables in phonological expressions is one that has been raised at least since the early 1970s, in work such as Howard (1972), Jensen (1974), and others. Differences in the interpretation of such variables have been claimed to be associated with (p.27) differences among types of rules (Anderson 1975; 1992). Related issues have been a perennial concern of phonologists from a variety of points of view, but there is little to be had in the way of conclusive results (as opposed to strongly held intuitions) in this area. In particular, there is no obvious basis for the claim that the correct theory of locality will constrain subcategorization statements in a way that is palpably different from its effect on other sorts of phonological relations. I conclude, therefore, that the analysis of stem alternations in Surmiran constitutes strong evidence against the claim that phonologically conditioned suppletion is always appropriately analysed as phonological subcategorization of morphological alternants. This is not to deny that some examples are better seen in that way, rather than as matters of phonological optimization, but those examples do not exhaust the phenomena, as some have proposed.

1.3 Some objections The above analysis of Surmiran verbal alternations as phonologically conditioned allomorphy, originally offered in Anderson (2008), is objected to on a number of grounds by Maiden (2008; this volume). In this section, I will consider those objections and show how they are to be met. For reasons having to do with the logistics of preparing the present chapter, I will base my discussion on the formulation of these issues in Maiden (2008), though I believe the points raised by Maiden in his contribution to the present volume are similar in their essentials. Probably the most fundamental issue Maiden raises is the suggestion that once one goes beyond verbal inflection, the forms shown by stems are not uniformly those that would be predicted by the phonological analysis:

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) The alleged phonological conditioning is simply not purely phonological: the environment for the ‘unstressed’ alternant is not (as Anderson recognizes) always that selected by stressed derivational affixes […] To appreciate the issues here, and to put the relevant examples in an appropriate context, it is necessary to describe the overall framework assumed above in a bit more detail. While I assume that phonological relations between underlying inputs and derived forms are mediated by a system of ranked violable constraints of the type generally assumed in descriptions based on Optimality Theory, I do not adhere to all of the associated principles of that theory in its classical form. In particular, I wish to maintain an overall architecture of grammar similar to that of classical Lexical Phonology (Kaisse (p.28) and Shaw 1985; Kiparsky 1982 a; 1985). On this view, the morphology and the phonology of a language interact cyclically, with (some appropriate subsystem of) the phonology applying to adjust the results of each stage of morphological elaboration of a form. The constraint‐based implementation of this picture is essentially the model of ‘Stratal OT’ (Bermudez‐Otero forthcoming; Kiparsky 2000). Each cycle of morphological formation provides the input to an appropriate constraint system which determines the corresponding phonological form—a result which may in turn serve as the basis for further cycles of morphological formation. Within the system of Surmiran as outlined above, lexical items generally have two listed stem forms, with the exception of ‘‐esch verbs’, which have only one. The choice of one or the other of the two stem allomorphs takes place on the first cycle to which a stem is subject; and once the stem shape is determined, that decision is not revisited on subsequent cycles. As a result, if the ‘stressed’ base is chosen on the first stem cycle, and this form is subsequently extended by further endings so that the vowel stressed on the first cycle no longer bears stress, the original stem will appear to be inappropriate.3 This is not random or exceptional behaviour, however: it is rather a principled deviation from the simplest case, based on the motivated morphological structure of the form and its relation to the stratal organization of the language's morphology. These considerations do not in general arise in the description of the inflected forms of verbs, which have formed the basis of the discussion so far. When we turn to other word classes, however, they become relevant. In general, non‐verbs which are related to alternating verbs are built from the same stem set, and thus display the same stress‐based alternation. Some (of many) alternating verbs with related non‐verbs that illustrate this are given in (21). (21) a. burscha′nar ‘brush’ 3SG.PRS bar′schunga bar′schung ‘brush (N)’; (la) burscha′neda ‘(process of) brushing’ Page 27 of 35

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) b. cuglia′nar ‘swindle’ 3SG.PRS cu′gliunga cu′gliung ‘swindler’; (la) cuglia′nada ‘(act of ) swindling’ c. gut′tar ‘to drip’ 3SG.PRS ′gotta ′got ‘drop (N)’; gu′tella ‘drip (N), (eye)drop’; gutta′rada ‘sudden snowmelt’ (p.29) d. li′ier ‘to bind, tie, combine’ 3SG.PRS ′leia ′leia ‘union, alliance’; leiabar′schung ‘brush‐binder’; lia′deira ‘(ski) binding’; li′om ‘string; garter’ e. ′neiver ‘to snow’ 3SG.PRS ′neiva, PP na′via ′neiv ‘snow’; na′vaglia ‘big snowfall’; na′vada ‘(lots of) snow’ f. tschur′rar ‘to curl, frizz’ 3SG.PRS ′tschorra (erva) ′tschorra ‘curly mint, Mentha spicata var. crispa’; tshcur′richel ‘curl(N)’; tshcur′riglia ‘crumpled, as slept‐in clothes’ g. tuf′far ‘to stink’ 3SG.PRS ′toffa ′tof ‘fart’; tuf′fous ‘stinky’ h. ′veiver ‘to live’ 3SG.PRS ′veiva, 2PL pres vi′vagn ′veiv ‘alive’; vi′vent ‘one who lives’ These forms are completely straightforward, being derived from the same stem set as the corresponding verbs, but with appropriate derivational endings. The combination of a stem (with two possible forms) and the ending is then submitted to the phonology, where the same principles that are operative in the case of verbs determine the choice of stem allomorphs. At least one alternating verb has related non‐verbal forms with a distinct alternation, as shown in (22). (22) sua′rar ‘to smell’ 3SG.PRS sa′voira sa′vour ‘smell (N)’; savu′rous ‘fragrant’ In this case, we must assume that the noun and adjective forms are based on a distinct stem set from that underlying the verb. The principles determining the stem shape are the same in both cases, however, given this lexical difference. Thus far, there is no problem for the basic analysis as presented in section 1.2. The complexities arise in a significant number of more complex words, where the ‘stressed’ stem appears in a form where it does not take the stress, as illustrated in (23). (23) a. sa′tger ‘(to) dry [intr.]’ 3SG.PRS ′setga ′setg (a) ‘dry (Adj.)’; setgan′tar ‘(to) dry [trans.]’ b. preschen′tar ‘(to) present’ 3SG.PRS pre′schainta

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) preschentazi′un ‘presentation’; pre′schaint ‘present (ADJ)’; preschainta′maintg ‘presently’ c. accumpa′gner ‘accompany’ 3SG.PRS accum′pogna accumpa′gneder ‘accompanist’; accumpogna′maint ‘accompaniment’ d. acccuma′dar ‘adjust’ 3SG.PRS accu′moda accumo′dabel ‘adjustable’; accumoda′maint ‘adjustment’ (p.30) e. ′sfend[ər] ‘(to) split’ 1PL pres sfan′dagn sfan′dia ‘cracked (ADJ)’; sfen′dibel ‘splittable’ f. dur′meir ‘(to) sleep’ 3SG.PRS ′dorma durmi′gliun ‘late riser’; dormu′lent ‘sleepy’ g. anga′nar ‘defraud’ 3SG.PRS an′giona anga′nous ‘fraudulent’; an′gion ‘fraud (N)’; angiona′reia ‘deceit (coll.)’ If these deviations from the expected distribution of stem allomorphs were unprincipled, they would indeed pose a problem for the analysis being developed. That is not the case, however. The apparently exceptional appearance of ‘stressed’ stems in forms where they do not bear stress generally has a clear explanation in terms of the word′s cyclic morphological structure. Some of the words in (23) are clearly derived from other words in which the stressed base is motivated: setgantar ‘to make dry’ is deadjectival, from setg(a); preschaintamaintg and the other adverbs in ‐maintg are derived (as in other Romance languages) from the feminine form of the Adjective preschainta, and it is in this base form that the choice of the stem is determined, a choice which persists in words further derived from it. Similar explanations can be given for the forms of nominalizations in ‐maint and ‘ability’ adjectives in ‐a/ibel. Others of the words in (23) represent more compositional, word‐level derivation, as opposed to (sometimes semantically idiosyncratic) stem‐level derivation. This is comparable to the situation in English, where ‘Level II’ morphology is traditionally distinguished from ‘Level I’ morphology. Word‐level morphology is based on an input whose shape is determined at the stem level, where the stem choice (in the absence of any stress‐attracting stem extension) will favour the ‘stressed’ stem. Subsequent layers of word‐level morphology may render this choice opaque. Notice that such opaque or ‘incorrect’ stem choice never involves the appearance of the ‘unstressed’ stem in a word where it would in fact bear stress, something we would expect if the ‘incorrect’ stem choices were really arbitrary. I conclude, therefore, that far from compromising the analysis offered in section 1.2, non‐verbal forms, including those in which the stem choice seems unexpected, are actually entirely consistent with it, and in many cases offer significant support for the general point of view.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) Maiden considers remarks about the use of ‐esch forms as a fall‐back strategy, such as those above in section 1.1, to be misleading, and to miss the fact that this paradigm characterizes a morphological class in the language. [‐esch] is unconvincingly presented by Anderson merely as an ‘avoidance’ strategy resorted to when speakers cannot recall the correct stem allomorph. But (p.31) overwhelmingly (Maiden 2004a) the augment is an obligatory part of a verb's morphology: its use in cases of ‘doubt’ is at best secondary, not its primary function. This point is quite correct, but not in conflict with the analysis offered above. I note first that in verbal forms, the distribution of ‐esch is the same as that of stem‐stressed forms in other types of stem alternation. In verbs, the presence of ‐esch plays the same role as the choice of the ‘stressed’ stem, and in fact on the present analysis the same factors (stress pattern and preferred associations between vowel quality and level of stress) determine both the selection of that stem (where there are two stems in the lexical form) and the appearance of the ‘empty morph’ ‐esch (where there is only one stem form, and that form is not suitable to take the stress). The question, therefore, is not whether ‐esch is an obligatory component of the morphology of certain forms of certain verbs, but rather of how to distinguish those verbs from others that show stem alternation instead, with the same distribution. Verbs in ‐esch must be marked in some way, since it is not possible to predict which verbs (of the ‐ar and ‐éir conjugations) will be conjugated in this way and which will not. Instead of an arbitrary diacritic ‘[+εʃ]’ the present analysis represents them as having only a single stem, whose final syllable contains a vowel with quality appropriate for an unstressed syllable, a representation that triggers the introduction of ‐esch by the rule in (20). On this account, transfer of a verb to the ‐esch class consists in the loss of the ‘stressed’ stem (the one not attested in the infinitive) from the lexical representation, rather than the acquisition of the arbitrary feature ‘[+εʃ]’. The observation that there is a tendency for relatively infrequent alternating verbs to shift into the ‐esch class (but not vice versa), is thus represented as the loss of an unpredictable stem alternant, rather than as the acquisition of an arbitrary property. Similarly, the fact that a verb encountered only in a form based on its ‘unstressed’ stem may be treated as having only this shape, and thus falling into the ‐esch class, becomes a natural default behaviour. In both cases, the behaviour in question finds an explanation in the appropriate morphological representation, and is not itself treated as basic.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) There are good reasons to treat the morphological characterization of verbs in ‐esch as a property of specific lexical items. For a small number of verbs in ‐esch, a related non‐verbal form exists that could in principle supply the (missing) stressed stem, as illustrated in (24). (24) a. favo′réir ‘to favour’ 3SG.PRS favo′rescha fa′vour ‘favour’; favo′revel ‘favourable’ b. flu′drar ‘line (clothing)’ 3SG.PRS flu′drescha ′flodra ‘lining (of an article of clothing)’; flu′drader ‘one who lines (clothes)’ (p.32) c. murti′rar ‘to torment’ 3SG.PRS murti′rescha mar′toir ‘torment (N), trouble’; murti′rem, murti′rada ‘torments (coll.)’ d. sbli′tgier ‘to bleach’ 3SG.PRS sbli′tgescha ′sblatg ‘bleach(ed) (N, Adj.)’; sbli′tgider ‘one who bleaches’ e. saraman′tar ‘put s.o. under oath’ 3SG.PRS saraman′tescha (sara′mainta in Sonder and Grisch 1970) sara′maint ‘oath’; saraman′to ‘sworn’ In these cases, although semantically related words show a two‐stem pattern, the verbs themselves have only a single stem. These facts (along with verbs like the one in (22)) show that the lexical representations of verbs and related non‐ verbs are in principle separate and not based on a unitary, category‐neutral stem, contrary to views such as that of Marantz (1997). We might ask what would be the form of a verb that had only a single lexically listed stem form, but where this was one that was appropriate for use as the ‘stressed’ stem. While the ‐esch rule in (20) provides a default strategy for the case in which a single listed shape is only appropriate as the ‘unstressed’ stem form, there is no such default strategy for dealing with the opposite case. In fact, there are a few verbs that seem to have this character, as illustrated in (25). (25) a. bai′tar ‘blabber’ 3SG.PRS ′baita ′baita ‘blabberer’; ‫׀‬bai′tem, ‫׀‬bai′tada ‘blabbering (N)’ b. confron′tar ‘confront’ 3SG.PRS con′fronta confrontazi′ung ‘confrontation’

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) Such verbs have only a single listed shape, which must be used as their ‘stressed’ and ‘unstressed’ stem. In the case of a verb like baitar, with a final diphthong, this leads to a disfavoured association of vowel quality with stress, which is improved somewhat by the assignment of secondary stress to the initial syllable. The result is not ideal, but the best that can be achieved with the resources at the language's disposal: this is what is meant by saying that Optimality Theoretic constraints are violable. Other verbs of this type involve a simple short mid vowel in the last syllable of the stem. Such vowels are less optimal in unstressed syllables than [ə̆, Ῐ, ῠ], but the constraint against their appearance in this position is less highly ranked than those militating against unstressed diphthongs, long vowels, and [a, i, u]. (p.33) Another of Maiden's objections to the analysis in Anderson (2008) appears to be based on a notion of prosodic structure other than the one I assume: In many cases the verb forms involved are actually monosyllables lacking inflectional desinences. […] ‘stress’ pertains to the relations between syllables in polysyllabic words, yet here we need to add (as Anderson does [sic]) that the same alternants occur with a ‘phonetically null’ inflectional desinence. I assume prosodic structure to be represented as a hierarchy of categories (Nespor and Vogel 1986; Selkirk 1995), as in (26). (26) segments⊂syllables⊂feet⊂Prosodic Words⊂Prosodic Phrases… A ‘stressed’ syllable is one that is the head of its foot, and the ‘primary stressed’ syllable is (grossly) the head of the foot that is the head of the Prosodic Word. Constraints enforcing the Prosodic Hierarchy require that every Prosodic Word contains a Foot, and every Foot contain a syllable: thus, the only syllable in a monosyllabic verbal form is ‘stressed’. There is thus no need to say anything about phonetically null desinences (such as the 1SG of the present indicative in verbs or the masculine singular of adjectives). A monosyllabic stem that is not extended by any overt phonetic material continues to be monosyllabic, and in consequence its only syllable is stressed. In Maiden's view, the phonological analysis presented here and the morphological one he advocates are at best equivalent. Any potential advantages of ‘economy’ presented by the ‘phonological’ account start to recede. On the one hand, we have the (uniformly morphological, if incoherent) specification ‘[pres. [sing + 3rd]]’, on the other the (mixed phonological and morphological) ‘unstressed (or null) verb inflectional ending’. Page 32 of 35

Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) But this apparent balance of descriptive apparatus is illusory. First of all, the phonological account has no need to invoke morphological factors in addition, as just noted. More importantly, however, the morphological view has intrinsic limitations that are not incurred by the present analysis. If stem alternation is to be associated with the distribution of arbitrary sets of morphological categories or ‘morphomes’ (Aronoff 1994) such as Maiden's ‘N‐ pattern’, it is still necessary to provide a substantive definition of the morphomes involved. As motivated in other Romance languages studied by Maiden, the N‐pattern is a set of inflectional categories delimiting a subspace of the paradigmatic space of verbs. But in Surmiran, at least, the alternations in stem shape are not at all confined to verbs, as we have already seen. Of course, we could simply add to the definition of the relevant morphome an inventory of the derivational categories that require the ‘stressed’ as opposed to the ‘unstressed’ stem, but the more of these we find, the more obvious (p.34) it becomes that the real generalization is based on the distribution of stress in the surface forms of words, not on an arbitrary collection of morphological categories. It is precisely the absence of a coherent alternative to such a listing that serves as the primary justification for the morphomic analysis in other languages, an argument Maiden has made quite compellingly elsewhere. Here, however, it has no real place, since a transparent basis is available for the relevant conditioning factor: stress. It should be noted again that stem alternation is not confined to verbs. Many alternating non‐verbal words exist, in fact, that are not based on any verb, and thus the Surmiran lexicon contains stems that alternate but to which the morphological categories of the verb are inapplicable (even if words built on these stem may in turn serve as the base of a denominal or deadjectival verb). Some examples are given in (27). (27) a. ′deir ‘hard’; di′raglia ‘hardness; di′rezza ‘very hard’ b. ′freid ‘cold (N, ADJ)’; far′daglia ‘great cold’; far′dour ‘coolness’ sfar′dar ‘to get cold’ 3SG.PRS ′sfreida; sfar′dour ‘frost‐shower’; sfardan′tar ‘to cool (transitive)’ 3SG.PRS sfar′dainta c. ′meir ‘wall’; mi′raglia ‘walling, stonework’; mi′rader ‘wall‐maker’

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) The principle of stem alternation in the present analysis (the constraints that prefer one stem or another as the input form, depending on the result of stressing a particular vowel or not) does not refer to any morphological property, and is purely phonological. As a result, the analysis extends without further stipulation to a full range of categories, and is not confined to inflected verbal forms. In particular, it does not refer to verb endings (since it also applies in non‐verbal forms) and does not need a special stipulation for monosyllabic forms. Stress‐based stem choice is not a universally valid generalization about surface forms, due to the limited opacity introduced by its cyclic interaction with the morphology, but it is purely phonological within the framework of the overall analysis.

1.4 Conclusion In section 1.2 above, I have offered what I think is a comprehensive analysis of the pattern of stem alternations in Surmiran, and in section 1.3 I have shown that certain reservations about this analysis are not well founded. In fact, what has happened in this language represents quite a remarkable restructuring of its grammatical system. What was undoubtedly a system of alternations governed by rather low‐level phonological rules gradually became opaque, (p.35) and was replaced by a system of lexically listed alternations conditioned by the surface phonological properties of prosodic structure. In the process, a pattern of phonologically conditioned suppletion was created that provides an unusually robust and pervasive example of the fact that such variation is not limited to affixal material conditioned by the shape of the stem to which it is attached. There is, I think, much to ponder here from a theoretical point of view, but the fundamental reorganization of the language's grammar has had only very limited consequences for its actual set of surface words. An analysis similar in character to that offered here may well be appropriate for some other forms of Swiss Rumantsch, but for other, superficially quite similar, related languages it may well be the case that the vowel reduction phenomena remain phonological in nature and the stem alternations morphological, as argued by Maiden. Languages do not wear their grammars on their sleeves, and very similar outer garments may conceal quite different natures. Notes:

(1) This work was supported in part by NSF awards #BCS‐0418410 and #BCS 98–76456 to Yale University, and by awards from the Social Sciences Research Fund at Yale.

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Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy in Surmiran (Rumantsch) (2) The Surmiran data here are drawn from dictionaries (Sonder and Grisch 1970; Signorell 1999, including the electronic edition of this work, version 2.0 [01.03.2004]), from the grammars of Signorell Wuethrich‐Grisch, and Simeon (1987) and Thöni (1969), and in part from my own fieldwork in Salouf and Savognin during the summers of 2002–2008. I am very grateful to the Surmiran speakers who have helped me with their language, especially Petra Uffer, who has spent many long hours going over the facts reported here (but who bears no responsibility for my possible misuse of her judgements). (3) See Kamprath (1987) for discussion of motivations for cyclic interaction in a closely related form of Rumantsch.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh Martin Maiden

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0003

Abstract and Keywords This study questions Anderson's arguments that patterns of allomorphy encountered in the Romansh verb are phonologically conditioned. While Anderson argues for vocalic alternations being conditioned by stress, I argue that the presence in the grammar of other types of alternation having the same distribution cannot be explained phonologically, and is evidence for autonomously morphological conditioning. Consequently, the patterns of vocalic alternation are likely themselves to be morphomic in nature. Keywords:   morphomic, distribution, alternants, comparative, historical

2.1 Introduction

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh This chapter is a reaction to the study by Anderson1 in chapter 1 of this volume, and to certain related studies by him. To avoid repetition I refer readers to Anderson's own expositions for a detailed overview of his position. In a nutshell, Anderson (henceforth ‘A.’) sees in the verb morphology of a Romansh2 dialect (the Surmiran variety of Savognin) a prime example of ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’: a situation in which certain types of vocalic allomorphy in the verb stem must be directly specified, and cannot be derived phonologically from any unique underlying representation, yet in which the distribution of those allomorphs in the paradigm appears explicable in purely phonological terms, one set being selected when the stem is stressed, the other when it is unstressed. The distribution of these allomorphs is of a kind which I have argued (for other Romance languages) to be autonomously morphological in nature – ‘morphomic’ in the sense of Aronoff (1994) – and not phonologically conditioned. While apparently accepting the general validity of my claim, A. argues that Savognin is different, and that only phonological conditioning is involved. A powerful argument for his view is that the same alternation patterns, equally correlated with stress, also appear elsewhere in the grammar. (p.37) Anderson's arguments are impressive, but not wholly right. In my view there are phenomena in the Surmiran verb having the same paradigmatic distribution as the vocalic alternations yet requiring analysis in terms of purely morphological (‘morphomic’) distribution. Given that these exist, we are at risk of losing an important generalization if we do not admit the same analysis for the patterning of the vocalic alternations. In A.'s analysis these phenomena are given an alternative and purely phonological explanation which I question, without rejecting entirely. I shall suggest that the Surmiran data require a ‘compromise’ analysis, in which both morphological and phonological factors determine the distribution of alternants. This difference of interpretation reflects a deeper methodological difference apparent at the beginning of A.'s study in the present volume (p. 14): As Romance Philology, therefore, [the discussion] may be judged to be weak; but I submit that its weaknesses are similar to those of a child encountering the primary linguistic data provided by those around her, and forced to acquire the underlying linguistic system on that basis. If the analysis I offer differs in some ways from what one might be inclined to on the basis of the precedents set by other languages, I suggest that that is entirely appropriate.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh I would say that, so far from being ‘weak’, A.'s study shows a level of descriptive thoroughness and rigour which Romanists would do well to emulate. And it is of course true that a native speaker of Savognin is not a comparative Romance linguist and (probably) knows only the linguistic data provided by those around her. I deeply disagree, however, that it is ‘appropriate’ to dismiss the insights and precedents provided by comparative knowledge of other, cognate and similarly structured, languages. Anderson says (this volume: p. 35) that ‘Languages do not wear their grammars on their sleeves, and very similar outer garments may conceal quite different natures’. The metaphor is infelicitous, because what we are observing is surely more akin to ‘physique’ than to clothing, and morphological similarities (in the anatomist's sense!) do point to deeper shared physical characteristics, especially in specimens that are not only cognate but closely so. In any case, while native learners of Savognin are obviously not Romance linguists, we linguists are not native learners of Savognin, and we presume too much if we believe that our observation of the adult grammar necessarily tells us exactly what input the learner is exposed to. It seems to me positively ‘inappropriate’ not to let comparative and historical insights inform and guide our analysis. Of course what happens in one variety is not, and cannot be, probative of what happens in another, but it surely gives an idea of what constitutes a possible and plausible analysis, when that other variety displays otherwise (p.38) very similar structure. It is for this reason that I shall not hesitate to appeal to comparative and historical data in what follows.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh I have argued (Maiden 2004 a, c; 2005; forthcoming) that Romance languages have been permeated for centuries by a morphological phenomenon whose remote origins are purely phonological, namely differentiation of vowel quality effected by stress alternation between the root and the inflectional endings. My argument has been that the effects of these phonological processes was to create an abstract and purely morphological ‘template’ within the inflectional morphology of the verb, to which novel types of alternant, quite alien to the original phonological process, were subsequently attracted. This template (called the ‘N‐pattern’, for reasons unimportant here) is ‘morphomic’ in that it is no longer phonologically conditioned, yet corresponds to no coherent set of morpho‐syntactic categories. Rather, it identifies the otherwise arbitrary array of cells of the paradigm which in Latin (for purely phonological reasons) had borne stress on the stem, namely the singular and third person cells of the present indicative and present subjunctive, together with the second person singular imperative (and third conjugation infinitives).3 Savognin belongs to a sizeable subgroup of Romance languages (encompassing central and eastern Romansh, many dialects of north‐western Italy, Corsica, various dialects varieties of the Pyrenees, and the Cantabrian cordillera as far as Galicia), in which the N‐ pattern has a variant distribution including the 1/2PL present subjunctive.4 Given this, the differentiatory effects of regular sound changes on unstressed vs. stressed syllables are extensively observable in Savognin. At their most extreme they can result in near or actual suppletion: (1)

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh

pudeir ‘be able’ Present indicative

poss

post

pò

pudagn

pudez

pon

Present subjunctive

possa

possas

possa

possan

possas

possan

Present indicative

vi

vot

vot

lagn

lez

vóttan

Present subjunctive

vígla

víglas

vígla

víglan

víglas

víglan

Present indicative

vign

vignst

vign

nign

niz

vígnan

Present subjunctive

vígna

vígnas

vígna

vígnan

vígnas

vígnan

(vu)leir ‘want’

neir ‘come’

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh (p.39) The main product of historical processes of stress differentiation is however the extraordinary range of stress‐conditioned vowel alternations (extensively illustrated in A.'s work) having the same paradigmatic distribution, e.g. ludár ‘praise’, lavár ‘get up’, fittár ‘finish’, durméir ‘sleep’: (2)

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh

Present indicative

lód

lódas

lóda

ludágn

ludéz

lódan

Present subjunctive

lóda

lódas

lóda

lódan

lódas

lódan

Present indicative

lév

lévas

léva

lavágn

lavéz

lévan

Present subjunctive

léva

lévas

léva

lévan

lévas

lévan

Present indicative

fétt

féttas

fétta

fittágn

fittéz

féttan

Present subjunctive

fétta

féttas

fétta

féttan

féttas

féttan

Present indicative

dórm

dórmas

dórma

durmígn

durmíz

dórman

Present subjunctive

dórma

dórmas

dórma

dórman

dórmas

dórman

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh It is on cases of the kind exemplified in (2) that A. bases his claim that what is involved is ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’: the alternants are specified as stressed or unstressed, the stressed set being selected where stress falls on the stem, and the unstressed where stress falls on the ending. An objection I have sometimes raised to proposals of stressed‐based alternant selection in other Romance languages, namely that the distribution of stress itself is sensitive to the morphomic N‐pattern, does not seem to apply here, since Anderson argues that in Savognin stress is wholly predictable from the segmental content of words. What I question, however, is whether the fact that the vocalic alternations lend themselves to description in terms of phonologically conditioned allomorphy necessarily means that an ‘N‐pattern’ morphomic distribution of the alternants plays no role. I believe that there is evidence that there are other types of alternant‐set in the Savognin verb, having exactly the same distribution, for which the most plausible account is morphomic.

2.2 Phonologically conditioned allomorphy and derivational morphology A powerful argument in favour of ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’ in Savognin is that the patterns of alternation seen in the verb are observed elsewhere in the grammar. A.'s phonological generalization is largely borne out by the derivational morphology, in that ‘unstressed’ stem alternants are very often selected before stressed affixes, and ‘stressed’ alternants where the stem is stressed. Example (3) gives just a few of the examples provided by A.: (p.40) (3)

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh

Verb

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Derived nouns

Infinitive

3SG.PRS

PST.PTCP

guttár ‘drip’

gótta

gót ‘drop’

gutélla ‘drip’

guttaráda ‘dripping’

liiér ‘bind’

léia

léia ‘union’

liadéira ‘binding’

lióm ‘string’

néiver ‘snow’

néiva

néiv ‘snow’

naváglia ‘big snowfall’

naváda ‘a lot of snow’

navía

Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh The derived forms are stated to be ‘derived from the same stem set as the corresponding verbs, but with appropriate derivational endings. The combination of a stem (with two possible forms) and the ending is then submitted to the phonology, where the same principles that are operative in the case of verbs determine the choice of stem allomorphs’ (Anderson 2008: 123). These principles hold in derivational morphology generally, and are not limited to cases where the alternation is made available by the verb: A. gives, among others, the example of the noun savóur ‘smell’, and its derived adjective savuróus, displaying a different alternation pattern from that of the verb suarár ‘smell’, 3SG.PRES. savóira. The fly in the ointment is that there are derived forms with stressed suffixes (and therefore unstressed roots) in which the stressed alternant occurs, among them: (4)

Verb

Derived forms

Infinitive

3SG.PRS

satgér ‘dry’

sétga

accumpagnér ‘accompany’

accompógna accumpagnedér ‘who accompanies’ accumpognamaint ‘accompaniment’

durméir ‘sleep’ dórma

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sétg ‘dry’ ADJ setgantár ‘dry’ INF

durmigliún ‘late riser‘ dormulent ‘sleepy’

Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh The conclusion that the ‘child encountering the primary linguistic data provided by those around her’ (this volume: 13) must surely reach, is that the alternations are not purely a matter of phonological conditioning. It looks, in fact, as if we are dealing with a phenomenon whose conditioning has, to some degree, been both morphologized (it seems to operate exceptionlessly within the inflectional morphology of the verb), and lexicalized in that it operates in many cases of derivation, but not all. A. seems to me to give no compelling reason why one should not say just this. He posits an architecture of the grammar in which morphology and phonology ‘interact cyclically, with (some appropriate subsystem) of the phonology applying to adjust the results of each stage of morphological elaboration of a form’ (this volume: 28). The choice of stressed or unstressed alternant takes place on the ‘first cycle’ to which (p.41) a stem is subject, and once that stem shape is determined the decision is not revisited on subsequent cycles. Consequently, if a ‘stressed’ base in chosen on the first cycle, it will persist on later cycles, even where stress no longer falls on that base; the derivational counter‐examples at issue can allegedly be explained in this way. I would feel more persuaded if it appeared that phonologically conditioned allomorphy simply did not operate at all after the first cycle. But the point is precisely that it does, as A. makes clear: for many, and perhaps a majority, of examples of derived forms with corresponding verb bases do indeed conform to the same stem‐selection principles that operate in those verbs. The argument that, say, setgantár is derived from the non‐alternating adjective sétg (rather than the corresponding verb), is persuasive: in the adjective, only a ‘stressed’ base is available. But A. does not explain why the unstressed alternant duly appears in, say, accumpagnedér or durmiglión, but not in accumpognamáint or dormulént. On what independent basis is the ‘stem set’ of the verb available to one derived form (and subject to phonologically conditioned allomorphy) but not to another? The answer is surely that the principle selecting alternants, which works exceptionlessly in the verb, does not do so exceptionlessly in derivation.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh A closer inspection of the ‘exceptions’ is revealing: the expected selection of the ‘unstressed’ alternant tends to occur in words which are part of semantically basic, inherited, vocabulary such as durmiglión, and not in more recent, and often learnèd, neologisms, such as the apparent Latinism dormulént. The pair ludével ‘praiseworthy, praisable’, with the expected ‘unstressed’ alternant, and accumodábel ‘adjustable’, with the unexpected ‘stressed’ alternant, are etymological doublets with regard to their suffixes, both of which continue Latin ‐ABILIS. But ‐ábel (also ‐íbel) is clearly a learnèd neologism, which has escaped the regular Romance sound change of Latin intervocalic B to /v/. Often,5 ‐ábel or ‐íbel selects the ‘stressed’ alternant: spénder ‘give out’ spendábel (not *spandábel), rénder ‘yield’ rendábel (not *randábel), sfénder ‘split’ sfendíbel (not *sfandíbel). There is also indigenous cartével ‘credible’, with the unstressed stem of créir ‘to believe’, but Latinizing credíbel. Other, probably Latinizing, affixes have the same effect: e.g., spérder ‘lose’, sperdént (not *spardént). What we see with regard to the suffixes carries a primarily diachronic implication: at one time the vocalic allomorphs clearly were sensitive purely to stress. By the time the neologistic derivational forms started to appear, they no longer were. And that is simply how things have stayed. (p.42) The hypothesis of ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’, if one still wishes to uphold it, clearly needs a refinement: that it operates systematically ‘within the inflectional morphology of the verb’, but not outside. A putative hard‐ line morphological reductionist might argue from all this that phonological conditioning is dead, and that the alternation is a ‘fossil’ whose modern synchronic manifestation is morphological and lexical. However, it would be rash to throw A.'s phonological baby out with the bathwater: it seems unlikely that native learners would fail to notice such a robust phonological generalization. It equally seems that they must add a morphological rider to any phonological statement, namely that the alternation occurs systematically in verb inflection but not elsewhere. We are in the presence not of pure phonological conditioning but of an idiosyncratic hybrid, that involves the heterogeneous combination of stress with the inflectional morphology of the verb. This does not show that the distribution of alternants is ‘morphomic’ in my sense, but we are clearly dealing with something which is at least in part morphological, and involves a heterogeneous conflation of stress and verb morphology. Further data suggest that morphomic distribution of alternation really is present.

2.3 The augment ‐esch

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh Perhaps the most prominent phenomenon which shares exactly the same paradigmatic distribution as the vocalic alternations is a type of formative which elsewhere I have termed the ‘augment’. The history of this formative is explored in Maiden (2004 a): it originates in two different derivational affixes, the Latin ingressive ‐ESC‐, continued in Romance fourth conjugation verbs, and an element *‐edj‐, derived from a Greek iterative‐intensive affix and characteristic, in Romansh, Romanian, and sundry other Romance languages, of the first conjugation. (In Surmiran and some other Romansh varieties there is evidence that the continuant of ‐ESC‐ has analogically replaced *‐edj‐ in first conjugation verbs.) The history of these affixes is testimony to the analogical power of the morphomic N‐pattern in many areas of Romance: their historical antecedents had no restrictions as to person, number, tense, or mood, yet they underwent a fundamental redistribution, adopting exactly the pattern of paradigmatic alternation as vocalic alternation in the root, with stress always falling on the augment. A. does not dispute the ‘morphomicity’ of the augment for other Romance varieties, but he claims that its distribution in Savognin is to be explained phonologically, and is a consequence of the fact that, in the verbs which show ‐esch, the stem lacks a stressed (p.43) alternant ‐esch‐ being deployed to provide the missing stressed alternant.6 In my view, it is more plausible that ‐esch‐ is underlyingly present, and that the reason there is no ‘stressed’ vocalic alternant is precisely because stress inherently falls on ‐esch‐. In other words, our assessments of cause and effect are reversed. Note that my view requires the morphomic ‘N‐pattern’ postulated for other Romance languages, because otherwise there is no way to account for the paradigmatic distribution of ‐esch‐. This is not to deny what A. clearly shows, namely that ‐esch is deployed by speakers as a kind of default in relatively unfamiliar words (e.g. in neologisms or loans). But it does not follow that what applies in cases where there is a clear motivation for absence of the stressed root – such as low frequency and/or, especially in some neologisms, exposure to the verb primarily in the (arrhizotonic) infinitive form – must be valid for all verbs where ‐esch appears. We run the risk of circularity: for the only evidence for claiming that the stressed root‐form is defective is precisely the presence of ‐esch. The comparative evidence of other Romance languages (see especially Maiden and O'Neill, 2010, and comments on the Surmiran verb dueir, below), shows that defectiveness can occur in parts of the verb paradigm where the stem is stressed, but that such defectiveness always has an identifiable reason. The absence of the ‘stressed’ alternant which A. invokes for every case of ‐esch does not seem to have any independent motivation. Let us examine more closely the particular example which A. chooses in order to illustrate the augment, the first conjugation verb luschardár ‘to strut, parade oneself’ (present indicative):

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh (5)

SG.

luschardésch

luschardéschas

luschardéscha

PL.

luschardágn

luschardéz

luschardéschan

A. (2008: 122) writes: ‘The use of this pattern […] has the advantage that the speaker does not need to retrieve any information about the specific alternation pattern of the stem in order to produce all of the correct forms. Otherwise, it (p. 44) would be necessary to choose […] among a variety of possibilities such as *luscharda, *luscheirda, *luschorda, *laschurda, *laschorda, etc. Each of these patterns is more or less secure with reference to at least some verbs in the Surmiran lexicon, but the availability of the paradigm in ([5]) makes it possible to avoid the choice when positive evidence is not readily available.’ Anderson's proposal would be more persuasive if evidence could be adduced that, in addition to deploying the augment, speakers really did produce forms such as those asterisked above, in their gropings to identify the ‘missing’ alternant. Whether they do remains for further research. The main objection to his proposal, however, is that ‘positive evidence’ actually is ‘readily available’. Luschardár is quite transparently related to the noun and adjective luschárd ‘dandy, fop, vain, proud’, a form which contains, by the way, a fairly widespread stressed pejorative suffix ‐árd (see DRG s.v. luschardar and luschard, especially §6). There could hardly be any doubt in this case about the ‘correct’ candidate for ‘stressed vowel’. The same applies to numerous verbs taking ‐esch, among them (examples from Signorell 1999): (6)

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Infinitive

3SG PRS. IND

Related noun/adjective

censurár

censuréscha

censúra

‘censure’

ciselár

ciseléscha

cisél

‘chisel’

chochettár

chochettéscha

cochét

‘(act the) coquette’

faxár

faxéscha

fáx

‘fax’

figurár

figuréscha

figúra

‘figure’

filmár

filméscha

fílm

‘film’

patentár

patentéscha

patént

‘patent’

pachetár

pachetéscha

pachét

‘pack’

telefonár

telefonéscha

telefon

‘telephone’

Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh My impression is simply that ‐esch is productive in derivation and in the accommodation of neologisms. It is not a function of inexplicably ‘missing’7 stressed vocalic alternants, for it applies so often in cases where the identity of that alternant is patent. The paradigmatic distribution of the augment therefore has to be recognized as morphomic, and not subjugated to any phonological principle. It will be objected that I am bartering one form of arbitrariness (the claim that some verbs lack a stressed alternant) for another (the unmotivated assignment of ‐esch to some verbs). Indeed, A. sees it as an advantage of his approach that it offers an exhaustive account of the distribution of ‐esch. But here comparative evidence is useful. Romansh and Romanian are very (p.45) similar in having N‐ pattern augments (in Romanian, ‐ez‐) in a substantial but unpredictable subset of first conjugation verbs. Native speakers of standard Romanian are (in my experience) virtually unhesitating and unerring in their knowledge of whether a given verb does or does not have an augment. This seems surprising to those who come to Romanian as second‐language learners, and for whom verbs are often introduced in the infinitive, but the explanation is surely that, quite simply, the augment is part of the lexical representation of the verb. After all, and like its Surmiran counterpart, the Romanian augment is characteristic of some of the least ‘marked’ forms of the verb (present, singular, third person), and is therefore encountered in forms to which native speakers are exposed first. What Romanian speakers probably have to learn is not where in the lexicon the augment needs to be introduced, but that is absent in a certain (morphomically defined) portion of the paradigm of every verb in which it appears. Note that this applies to almost all8 verbs with ‐ez. If this is what Romanian speakers appear to be perfectly capable of doing, why should Surmiran speakers behave any differently, especially when the alternative is to postulate negative knowledge, manifested indirectly by a special morph whose sole raison d'être is apparently to plug a phonological gap for which there is no independent evidence? It is also very curious, given the allegedly purely phonological motivation of ‐esch, that it should be restricted to something as exquisitely morphological as conjugation class (in Surmiran it is limited to continuants of Latin first and fourth conjugations; see the discussion of the verb dueir, below). The best account of ‐esch supported by the observable data, and by comparative evidence, is that it is part of the representation of the verbs that bear it – and that its paradigmatic distribution is morphomic.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh I add a final piece of comparative evidence, and from closer to home than Romanian. A.'s analysis implies that if, in a verb taking ‐esch‐, stress underwent an innovatory shift from the ending onto the root, then that stress shift would duly be accompanied by ‐esch. Such a stress shift is not (I think) directly observable in Savognin, but it is in the Engadine Romansh of the Val Müstair (cf. Schorta 1935; 1938: 132). Engadine dialects generally have the augment in the same paradigmatic distribution as Savognin, and therefore seemingly correlated with stress. What is distinctive of Val Müstair is systematic shift of stress onto the root in first conjugation infinitives, apparently analogically modelled on the inherited stress pattern of third conjugation infinitives. Schorta states that the stem that appears in the infinitive, in such cases, is identical to that of the 3SG present indicative: in other words, it always has the vocalism characteristic of the stressed alternant of the present (e.g. (p.46) 'jai̯ntər, or older jan'tar, ‘have breakfast’, alongside 3SG PRS. IND 'jai̯ntə). In fact, the augment never appears in first conjugation infinitives. If a verb has an augment (here, ‐'aj‐), stress always remains on the ending of the infinitive: e.g. infinitive bɐ'tjar ‘baptize’, 3SG present bɐ'tjaja; infinitive bΙ'ar ‘build’, 3sg present bΙ'aja; infinitive gu'jar ‘dare’, 3SG present gu′jaja. Not only, then, does the augment not enter the infinitive but stress shift is actually blocked in infinitives of verbs which take the augment. In A.'s terms, we might explain this blockage by the fact that verbs with augments ‘lack’ stressed stems. But if we take this view, then we have to accept that the augment is not selected by stress and, at least in this dialect, does not provide a ‘stressed’ alternant in verbs where a stressed vocalic alternant is otherwise missing. Actually, the augment never appears in any infinitive in any conjugation, and it seems clear that its absence in the first conjugation is because it is defined morphologically, not phonologically, over a set of cells excluding the infinitive.

2.4 Dueir

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh The verb dueir (‘must’ 〈 Latin DEBERE) is presented by Anderson as defective (cf. also Grisch 1939: 89f.n5; DRG s.v. dovair, p. 378; Decurtins 1958: 155, 158; Signorell, Wuethrich‐Grisch, and Simeon 1987: 165f.). These sources state without qualification that the ‘gaps’ are filled by forms of the near synonym stueir, and regularly present the paradigm of dueir as if it were suppletive, so that there are grounds to question whether the verb is really ‘defective’ at all. If it were merely suppletive, it would hardly be different from other suppletive verbs (such as those listed in example (1)) for which neither ‘defectiveness’ nor ‘phonological conditioning’ is proposed by A. However, A. is clear (p.c.) that native speakers really ‘feel’ this verb to be defective, and I shall accept that. He claims that this verb is defective because it lacks a stressed alternant, having only the inherently unstressed stem [dυ], and that stueir lends the ‘stressed’ stems. The alleged strategy in such cases, deployment of the morph ‐esch (see above), is unavailable because dueir belongs to an inflectional class which does not admit ‐esch. As I argued earlier with regard to ‐esch, alleged defectiveness of any kind needs to be motivated,9 especially when it occurs in (p.47) a basic item of vocabulary which (at least until becoming ‘defective’) presumably had a fairly high frequency. In fact it is possible to motivate the defectiveness of dueir, at least diachronically (I address the synchronic perspective shortly), but neither the motivation, nor the recourse to forms of stueir, have anything to do with phonology. Many dialects have a full paradigm for this verb (see Decurtins 1958: 152f.; DRG s.v. dovair), and the rhizotonic forms (usually dé‐) are robustly attested from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, including from central dialects (of which Savognin is one). The partial replacement of dueir by stueir needs to be viewed in the context of the general fate of the former in Romansh (and beyond). This verb – especially its present indicative – is widely subject to substitutions which attenuate the connotation of ‘moral obligation’. In Surmiran (DRG s.v. dovair, p. 378) and Signorell (1999: s.v. dueir), even where the verb is allegedly defective, the conditional forms (‘ought to’) are also available as alternative present tense forms (see also Gartner 1883: 107f.). The only present indicative forms given by DRG (p. 370) and Decurtins (1958: 153) for central Romansh varieties are conditionals (old imperfect subjunctives). In some Engadine varieties (Velleman 1924: 1060f.), the present of dovair has two sets of forms, one of which is originally the imperfect subjunctive / conditional (already found in a sixteenth‐ century text), and the other originally the present subjunctive; present subjunctive forms are also used for the indicative by Bifrun (sixteenth century) – see further Stürzinger (1879: 49) and Decurtins (1958: 153, 154n1, 157, 158, 164). In the Romansh of Vallader (Arquint 1964: 123) the only forms that survive are old imperfect subjunctive / conditional ones used in the present tense. See also Ganzoni (1977: 108f.), and Gartner (1883: 107f.) for the Ladin of Val Gardena.10

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh The main reason for this trend seems to be a preference for forms whose meaning attenuate the element of moral obligation / duty inherent in dueir, forms expressing ‘appropriateness’, or conditional meaning (‘ought to’ rather than ‘must’), or optative meaning (‘let it be the case that…’), or ineluctable necessity. To this last category belongs stueir, for the meanings of dueir and stueir seem to map respectively onto the meanings expressed by German sollen and müssen (e.g. Rieti 1904: 168; Hutschenreuther 1910: 390f.; Bernardi and Stricker 1994: 271, 861; Furer 2002: 137, 520): dueir is typically associated with (moral) obligation, stueir with absolute necessity (‘there is no alternative but…’). The preference for ‘attenuating’ alternatives is probably motivated, (p.48) in turn, especially in the present indicative, by a desire to avoid the face‐ threatening directness of asserting a present moral obligation (where one could ‘fail one's obligations’). In this connection, it is interesting that some Romansh dialects seem to limit the introduction of conditional forms just to the second person forms: e.g. the Surmiran dialect of Almen (DRG p. 370). See also Jud (1946–49: 54f.). Obviously, and crucially, the hypothesis of a ‘face‐saving’ motivation for the defectiveness, and the encroachment of stueir on dueir, in the Surmiran present, accounts very poorly for the modern paradigmatic distribution. ‘Face‐saving’ would lead one to expect defectiveness/suppletion to occur primarily in the second person (plural as well as singular), and perhaps least of all in the third person; and one would expect it to operate just in the present indicative rather than in the (inherently non‐assertive) present subjunctive. My interpretation is that forms of dueir tended to be avoided in the present for pragmatic reasons, but the distribution of the emergent ‘gaps’ in the paradigm, or of the encroachment of stueir into those gaps, was subsequently reorganized according to a familiar pattern which differentiates the forms of the present tense singular and third person indicative, and all subjunctive, from the rest of the paradigm. In short, pragmatic factors ‘weakened’ the present tense of dueir, and morphomic patterns intervened in tidying up the resulting gaps and suppletions. It might be objected that this diachronic account has no synchronic relevance for native learners today, but the emergence of this defective /suppletive paradigm in Surmiran shows signs of being recent, and if recent then it is reasonable to suppose that it emerged when the language was already substantially similar, in respect of stress and vocalic alternation, to what it is today. In this case, morphomic patterning of root allomorphy and alleged phonological conditioning of allomorphy should be capable of coexisting.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh Finally, there are other reasons to doubt A.'s purely phonological account. First, if dueir is ‘defective’, then stueir is simply ‘filling a gap’; there are no grounds to assume that it is filling that gap for any reason connected with phonology. Second, if we assume that the motivation is indeed provision of a phonologically acceptable replacement stem, then it ought to be the case that any stem of stueir which meets the phonological requirement should be available to supplete dueir. But stueir has more than one stem that meets the phonological conditions. As A. himself points out, ‘it is not just a single stem, but the full range of irregular forms of stueir (ia stò, te stost, el stò, els ston; subjunctive ia stoptga, etc.) that replaces those of dueir where stress would fall on the stem’ (Anderson 2008: 124). In fact the observed paradigmatic distribution of the suppleting stems can only be accounted for by making reference to the morpho‐syntactic specification of each of the cells (p.49) involved: ‘map indicative forms onto indicative cells, subjunctive forms onto subjunctive cells’, etc. Suppletion in dueir is a paradigmatic ‘incursion’ such that a morphomically defined ‘slab’ of cells of the paradigm of one lexeme is mapped, cell‐for‐cell, onto the corresponding set in the paradigm of another. The distributional facts cannot be described without reference to paradigm cells, and there is no reason to invoke phonology.

2.5 Conclusion At bottom, the issue is this. A purely morphological account obscures a major, but not exceptionless, phonological generalization, while a purely phonological account obscures a morphological one: namely that the vocalic alternation sets have exactly the same paradigmatic domain as certain other phenomena, argued to be morphomic. Anderson's treatment of ‐esch and dueir strives too hard to subjugate morphological phenomena to phonology.11 My sympathies lie with Aronoff (1994: 167), when he writes: [T]he strategy of rooting out morphological phenomena grounded in some other aspect of language and brandishing such phenomena as a vindication of the reductionist method makes little sense. There may be a myriad of these reductions, but it is precisely the opposite that attracts me: the morphological fact that is not easily reducible to another aspect of language and hence that is morphological in more than name.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh We should in fact be ready to allow room in our analysis for the purely morphological, and even for the possibility that the boundary between the purely morphological and the phonological conditioning of alternation may be fuzzy. I see no reason – on the available evidence – why we should not conclude that speakers of Savognin know both that the vocalic alternations are usually correlated with stress, and that their pattern of distribution is a morphomic one manifest outside the confines of vocalic alternation. This may dissatisfy those who abhor redundancy, but the question should be whether speakers share this abhorrence. That morphomic phenomena could retain a measure of phonological predictability is not, in the end, contrary to Aronoff's original vision of the morphome. In fact, he is explicit (1994: 28) that the cases he examines in his book are merely the ‘clearest’ examples of the purely morphological, and it seems implicit that he is opening the door to the (p.50) search for ‘morphomic’ phenomena in domains where the boundaries are less clear‐cut. The data which Anderson has so skilfully offered us from Savognin look to me as if they inhabit such a ‘grey area’, where ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’, and morphomic distribution of alternants, may well overlap. Notes:

(1) The final version of this chapter was completed too late for me to be able to show it to Stephen Anderson and take account of any responses he might have had. For the moment I have therefore rather unfairly managed to ‘have the last word’. Doubtless it is not really the last word… (2) This name has a number of different spellings, of which Anderson prefers ‘Rumantsch’. (3) In the past I have not always spelled out that the continuants of the third conjugation infinitive have to be included in the N‐pattern, simply as a matter of historical inheritance. Savognin is not different from other Romance languages by virtue of having the stressed stem in the infinitive (see Anderson this volume p. 17) of a particular inflectional class. (4) The historical reasons for this, rooted in the analogy of certain types of consonantal alternant found throughout the present subjunctive, are discussed in Maiden (in preparation). (5) There are however purtábel ‘portable’, bavábel ‘drinkable’, schliíbel ‘soluble’, and others, with the unstressed alternant of the corresponding verb. Such facts would make it rather difficult to claim that the suffixes ‐ével and ‐ábel/‐íbel are simply input to different cycles.

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Morphomes and ‘Stress‐conditioned Allomorphy’ in Romansh (6) Anderson argues (2008) that his interpretation is ‘indirectly supported by the description for native speakers given in Signorell et al. (1987: 72f.), which states that “[e]ssentially the ‐esch pattern is avoided when the correct alternation pattern is known”’. (But note that on this account, ‐esch is implicitly ‘basic’!) I am not convinced that ‐esch is there presented as a response to not knowing (or not knowing how to produce) ‘correct’ alternation patterns. Importantly, the verb form (nous) savagn, used several times in Signorell et al., is best understood as ‘we may’ (it is synonymous with the phrase é possebel, ‘it is possible’, used at one point). Saveir + infinitive has in Romansh a broader range of meanings than its cognates in other Romance languages (e.g. French savoir + infinitive ‘know how to’); see Liver (1989: 794f.). (7) A further problem with appeal to ‘defectiveness’ is that it seems arbitrarily asymmetrical: in almost every case it appears to be the ‘stressed’ alternant that is lacking, and at best only rarely the ‘unstressed’. (8) I am aware of only three exceptions. (9) Anderson (2010) motivates the alleged defectiveness of dueir by suggesting that the primary factor was the morphologization of the vowel alternations in Romansh which, combined with reduced use of the verb due to competition with others such as stueir, led to the situation with only one stem conserved. But (a) the Romansh verb pullulates with morphologized vocalic, and often also consonantal, alternations without any similar resulting defectiveness and, (b) this account seems in any case to make any phonological explanation redundant: there would simply be a gap that needs filling, not a gap that needs filling for phonological reasons. (10) Pace Anderson (2010: 31), I doubt this kind of distribution is ‘essentially the mirror image’ of the Surmiran situation, either in terms of paradigmatic distribution or in the sense that it ‘lacks all forms where stress would fall on the stem’. We have here a survival of DEBERE in a form in which, historically, the sense of direct moral obligation is most attenuated (cf. English ‘ought’). (11) See Maiden (2009) for a critical discussion of some ‘phonologizing’ approaches to morphological phenomena in Romance verb morphology.

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Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms Judith Meinschaefer

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0004

Abstract and Keywords What principles of morphology determine the locus of word stress in Spanish and Italian verb forms? It is argued that paradigmatic uniformity has played a crucial role in the evolution of verb stress from Latin to the modern languages. At the same time, phonological regularization is relevant, as well. The analysis is represented in a standard Optimality‐Theoretic model, drawing on alignment constraints (McCarthy and Prince 1993) for representing boundary effects and on McCarthy's (2005) optimal paradigms approach to represent paradigm uniformity effects. Keywords:   verbs, paradigmatic uniformity, Optimality Theory, optimal paradigms, phonological regularization

3.1 Introduction It has often been noted in research on stress assignment in Romance that stress in verbs cannot be accounted for by the same model that explains stress in non‐ verbs, because verb stress in many forms is phonologically irregular and seems to be morphologically determined (e.g. Núñez‐Cedeño 1985; Harris 1987; 1989; Roca 1990). The question of the present chapter is thus whether, and in what form, principles of morphology determine the form of inflected verb forms in Romance languages.

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Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms Locus of word stress in verbs can in principle be determined by four factors: first, the location of stress in a given form can be assigned by phonological rules or constraints. Second, stress can be lexically determined, meaning that the stem or an affix is lexically specified as stressed on a particular syllable. Third, location of stress in a given form or class of forms may be a so‐called boundary effect (Trubetzkoy 1989), i.e. it can arise from the mapping of morphological onto prosodic boundaries. Finally, autonomous morphological structure, arising from formal and semantic similarities between forms, can be relevant. A common version of the last option is the assumption that word form is determined in part by principles requiring that words which are members of the same morphological paradigm be phonologically uniform. The present study, in which I will compare patterns of stress assignment in inflected verb forms in two modern Romance languages, will show that all four factors have a role to play in determining Romance verb stress. Our point of reference will be stress assignment in Latin verbs. In a way, the zero hypothesis would be that stress in Romance verb forms is on the same segment as it was in Latin, i.e. that the Latin surface pattern has been preserved despite segmental and prosodic changes; thus, that nothing further (p.52) remains to be explained. In the course of this study, it will become clear that this view is too simple and that both phonological and morphological regularization of the locus of stress can be observed. The analysis will be represented in a standard Optimality‐Theoretic model, drawing on alignment constraints (McCarthy and Prince 1994) for representing boundary effects and on McCarthy's (2005) optimal paradigms approach to represent paradigm uniformity effects. After a brief introduction to the morphological structure of Romance verbs in section 3.2, I will analyse Spanish and Italian present tense forms in section 3.3. While Spanish present forms have phonologically regular stress, the analysis of Italian requires two additional constraints: a constraint on the alignment of morphological and metrical structure and a constraint requiring metrical uniformity of paradigms. As shown in sections 3.4 and 3.5, stress patterns in imperfect and perfect forms can be accounted for with the same constraint system such as is necessary for the present forms. Only the forms of the future and conditional require an additional alignment constraint, as shown in section 3.6.

3.2 Morphological structure of Romance verbs Following the traditional terminology, Romance verb forms are taken to consist of a root and an ending; see (1). The distinction between root and ending is essential for distinguishing between various stress patterns found in individual verbal sub‐paradigms. Under a more formal morphological perspective, a Romance verb form maximally consists of a root (R), possibly followed by a theme vowel (TV), a consonantal stem extension (SE), and a tense–mood (TM) and a person–number (PN) affix, as illustrated by (1).

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Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (1) a. Sp. cantaríamos ‘sing 1 PL COND’ b. [cant]root [aríamos]ending c. cant]R a]TV  r]SE ía]TM  mos]PN Given the inflecting nature of the Romance languages, it is often difficult to tell which segments are part of the TM affix and which are part of the PN affix, or whether a vowel is a TV or (part of) a PN affix. Due to limitations of space, the discussion of issues of morphological segmentation in this chapter shall, however, play only a minor role. The guiding principle is that allomorphy of TM and PN affixes as well of TVs shall be kept to a minimum. Crucially, I follow Oltra‐Massuet (1999), Arregi (2000), and others in assuming that a verb form may contain more than a single theme vowel. Hence, the (p.53) morphological structure of a form like Italian cantavamo ‘we sang’ is analysed as given in (2). (2) a. It. cantavamo ‘sing 1 PL IMPF’ b. cant]R a]TV v]TM a]TV  mo]PN With these prerequisites at hand, let us first consider present tense forms.

3.3 Forms of the present tense In Latin present tense forms, stress is on the penultimate syllable if it is heavy, otherwise, stress is on the antepenultima. If morphological structure, and in particular the distinction between root and ending, see (1) above, is considered, this gives rise to three different surface patterns in Latin verb forms; see (3). In the first pattern, stress is on the last syllable of the root in the singular and 3 PL and on the ending in the 1 PL and 2 PL, see (3) A; in the second, stress is on the antepenultima of the root in the singular and 3 PL and on the ending in the 1 PL and 2 PL, see (3) B; in the third, stress is on the root in all forms, see (3) C. In Latin the pattern of a given verb depends on the weight of the root‐final syllable and on the length of the theme vowel. Verbs follow the third pattern if their theme vowel is short; otherwise they follow the first pattern if the final syllable of the root is heavy, but the second if it is light. (3)

Latin Pattern A res.'pon.d‐et res.pon.'d‐ē.mus Pattern B 'in.di.c‐at

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Italian

Spanish

ris.'pon.d‐e

res.'pond‐e

ris.pon.'d‐ia.mo

res.pon.'d‐e.mos

'in.di.c‐a

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

in.di.'c‐ā.mus

in.di.'ch‐ia.mo

Pattern C 'quae‐r‐it 'quae.r‐i.mus

Not all of these patterns are preserved in the modern languages. All Spanish and Portuguese verbs follow pattern A; in Italian, both pattern A and B are attested, depending on the verb; finally, Romanian has preserved all three patterns. Note that in Spanish and in Italian, present forms of the indicative and of the subjunctive pattern alike with regard to stress assignment. 3.3.1 Phonological regularization in Spanish

The one and only pattern that has been preserved in Spanish (and Portuguese) has been extended to all verb forms, including those which in Latin (p.54) followed pattern B or C. In fact, this pattern is phonologically entirely regular1 in Spanish, as will be shown in the following. In Spanish, regular stress is on the penultima in nouns and adjectives (and verbs) ending in an inflectional affix, independently of syllable weight (Roca 1988; 1990; 1997; 2005, Oltra‐Massuet and Arregi 2005; Halle, Harris, and Vergnaud 1991); see (4). (4) Penultimate stress in words with inflectional ending

Final syllable is light

Final syllable is heavy

a. ma.ri.'po.s‐a ‘butterfly’

c. co.ra.'zo.n‐es ‘heart, PL’

b. a.ma.'ri.ll‐o ‘yellow’

d. fe.'li.c‐es ‘happy, PL’

Phonologically regular final stress in nouns and adjectives without inflectional ending (cf. Roca 1988; 1990; 1997; 2005; Halle et al. 1991) is not considered here; examples are given in (5). (5) Final stress in words without inflectional ending

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Final heavy syllable

Final light syllable

a. co.ra.'zón ‘heart’

c. me.'nú ‘menu’

b. hol.ga.'zán ‘lazy’

d. is.rae.'lí ‘Israeli’

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms The analysis of Spanish stress proposed here is based on the assumptions that Spanish feet are trochaic (Harris 1983; 1987; 1995; Roca 1997; 2005; but see Roca 1988; 1990; Harris 1989; Oltra‐Massuet and Arregi 2005 for analyses with iambic foot structure); that stress is not weight‐sensitive (Roca 1988; 1990; 1997; Bárkányi 2002; but see Foley 1967; Harris 1995; Hayes 1989 for the assumption that Spanish stress is weight‐sensitive); and that final extrametricality is irrelevant (Harris 1983; Den Os and Kager 1986; Lipski 1997; but see Harris 1989; Halle et al. 1991; Roca 1990; 1997 for analyses of Spanish stress based on final syllable extrametricality). To be sure, an analysis of final stress in uninflected words requires additional assumptions, which are not considered here (cf. Meinschaefer 2009 for a proposal). Spanish stress assignment can be represented in an Optimality‐Theoretic constraint system by means of the four constraints given in (6). How the constraint system derives metrical structure for Sp. in.'di.ca ‘indicate, 3SG PRES IND’ is shown in Table 3.1. The undominated constraints (p.55) FTTYPE=TROCHEE and ALIGN‐HEAD‐R are omitted here and in following constraint tableaux. (6) a. FTTYPE=TROCHEE: ‘Feet must be left‐headed’. [undominated] b. FT‐BIN σ: ‘Feet are binary under syllabic analysis’. c. ALIGN (Foot, Right; Prosodic Word, Right): ‘Every foot stands at the right edge of the Prosodic Word’. [ALL‐FT‐R] d. ALIGN (Prosodic Word, Right; Head of Prosodic Word, Right): ‘The Prosodic Word ends with the primary stress foot’. [ALIGN‐ HEAD‐R] [undominated] TABLE 3.1. Stress assignment to Sp. in.'di.ca ‘indicate, 3SG PRES IND’ /indic]R‐a]PN/

FT‐BIN σ

ALL‐FT‐R

☞   (x .)

√

√

√

*

*

√

a.  in.'di.ca (x .) b.  'in.di.ca (x) c.  in.di.'ca It is easy to see how the analysis works for phonologically regular in.di.'ca. mos; in Spanish present forms, no other patterns are attested. 3.3.2 Italian present tense forms Page 5 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms In contrast to Spanish, the Latin etymological pattern B has been preserved in Italian, due to the fact that Italian has preserved the relevant aspects of the Latin stress system, that is, weight sensitivity and final syllable extrametricality. The Latin pattern C, however, has likewise been lost in Italian. Modern Italian verbal paradigms contain verb forms with regular stress as well as forms which cannot be analysed as regular. Let us first develop an account of regular stress in Italian. The first observation to make is that, in general, stress is on the penultima if it is heavy, i.e. if it contains a coda consonant; otherwise, stress is on the antepenultima; see (7) and (8). (7) a. es.'per.to ‘expert’ b. le.o.'par.do ‘leopard’ (8) a. 'li.be.ro ‘free’ b. 'ul.ti.mo ‘last’ (p.56) Numerous exceptions to this generalization immediately come into mind, e.g. a.'mi.co ‘friend’, co.'lo.re ‘colour’, with stress on an open penultima. Note, however, that vowels in open stressed penultimate syllables are lengthened. The surface generalization that a stressed penultima is always heavy is thus not violated. Seen this way, the Italian stress system shares the basic properties of the Latin system (see also Jacobs 1994; Vincent 1988; D'Imperio and Rosenthall 1999; Krämer 2009 a, b; Montermini 2006; Guerzoni 2000; Sluyters 1990). Therefore I assume that in Italian feet are trochaic (Chierchia 1986; Jacobs 1994; Vincent 1988; D'Imperio and Rosenthall 1999; Krämer 2009 b; Sluyters 1990; Guerzoni 2000); stress is weight‐sensitive (Chierchia 1986; Vincent 1988; D'Imperio and Rosenthall 1999; Krämer 2009 a, b; Sluyters 1990); and final syllables are extrametrical (Sluyters 1990; Vincent 1988). Italian stress can be analysed as proposed for Spanish stress above, by the constraints given in (9). Note that in Spanish, where final stress is regular in words without inflectional ending, the constraint (9e), NON‐FINALITY, is not relevant or ranked low. By contrast, in Italian it is ranked high (but violable), dominating ALL‐FT‐R. (9) a. FTTYPE=TROCHEE [undominated] b. FT‐BIN μ: ‘Feet are binary under moraic analysis’. c. ALL‐FT‐RIGHT d. ALIGN‐HEAD‐R [undominated] Page 6 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms e. NON‐FINALITY: ‘A foot may not be final in the lexical word’. How stress is assigned to a 3 SG verb form with a light penultima is shown in Table 3.2. TABLE 3.2. Stress assignment to It. 'in.di.c‐a ‘indicate, 3 SG PRES IND’ /indic]R‐a]PN/

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

√

√

**

√

*

√

*

*

√

☞ (x) HLL a.  'in.di.ca (x .) HLL b.  in.'di.ca (x) HLL c.  in.di.'ca (p.57) Not all forms of the present tense of verbs like indicare are phonologically regular, though. First, penultimate stress in 1PL and 2PL forms do not fall into the pattern because the open penultima should not be stressed; see (10). In fact, these forms have preserved the etymological Latin stress on a long theme vowel; see (11). (10)

Attested

Expected

1PL

in.di.'chia.mo

*in.'di.chia.mo

2PL

in.di.'ca.te

*in.'di.ca.te

(11)

Morphological structure

indich]R ia]TV mo]PN

〈 Lat. in.di.'cā.mus

indic]R a]TV te]PN

〈 Lat. in.di.'cā.tis

Second, in 3PL forms, stress is on the preantepenultima rather than on the antepenultima; see (12). These forms likewise continue the Latin stress pattern. Page 7 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (12) a. 3PL attested

3SG

3PL expected

'in.di.ca.no

'in.di.ca

*in.'di.ca.no

‘indicate’

b. Lat. 'in.di.cant 〉 It. 'in.di.ca.no The Italian case is interesting in that in the 1PL and 2PL, stress is farther to the right than expected, while in the 3PL, it is farther to the left than expected. The next section considers possible analyses for this irregularity. 3.3.3 Phonological irregularities in inflected forms

It has long been noted that apparent phonological irregularities in word forms can often be related to their being morphologically similar to other, phonologically regular, word forms. In the linguistic tradition of the nineteenth century, analogy was taken to be the principle responsible for some word forms being exceptions to otherwise regular phonological rules (Paul 1880). In more recent derivationally oriented generative linguistics, the fact that some phonologically irregular forms share the irregular feature with morphologically related, regular forms is taken to result from the two forms sharing part of their derivational history (Kiparsky 1979; 1982 a). Hence, in morphological derivation, the metrical structure constructed in earlier strata of the derivational history is taken to be respected in later strata. In surface‐oriented, monostratal approaches like Optimality Theory, the insight that irregularity in word forms may stem from similarity with regular forms is often represented by means of constraints enforcing ‘correspondence’ (McCarthy and Prince 1995) between surface forms. The relations between surface forms can thereby be conceived of as symmetrical, i.e. all outputs have the same status in determining the direction of enforcing (p. 58) similarity (e.g. Burzio 1996; Kenstowicz 1996), or as asymmetrical, so that one of the outputs is designated as the base which functions as an attractor to which all other forms must conform (Benua 1995; 2000; Xu and Aronoff, this volume). A different, but complementary, approach to phonological irregularities in morphological complex forms assumes that certain phonological properties of word forms should be considered as relating to the presence of morpho‐syntactic boundaries. This idea goes back to early structuralism (Trubetzkoy 1989), and it has been central to numerous Optimality‐Theoretic studies drawing on the notion of alignment (McCarthy and Prince 1994; Selkirk 1995).

Page 8 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms In the following, I will show that symmetric paradigm uniformity constraints are of crucial relevance in analysing stress patterns in Romance verb forms. Conceptions relating irregularities to the metrical structure of a morphological base or to an earlier derivational stage, in contrast, cannot explain forms in which irregular stress is farther to the right than expected. These forms, however, constitute the majority of metrical irregularities in Romance verb stress. Paradigm uniformity constraints can handle both unexpected leftwards and rightwards deviations with a single constraint. The analysis proposed here adopts certain concepts from McCarthy's (2005) Optimal Paradigms model, complemented by the idea that some irregularities are in fact an effect of alignment between morphological and metrical boundaries (McCarthy and Prince 1994; Selkirk 1995). 3.3.4 Italian 1PL and 2PL present tense forms

Concerning the unexpected rightward shift of stress in Italian 1PL and 2PL present tense forms, stress can neither be the residue of an earlier stage in the derivation, because in this case stress would be expected further to the left, nor a paradigm uniformity effect, since under a standard conception of inflection there is no form or class of forms in an inflectional paradigm that could plausibly serve as an attractor for other forms. Broadening the perspective beyond present tense forms, it seems, however, that irregular stress in these forms is due to the morphological nature of the stressed vowel: Italian verb forms are always stressed on the theme vowel.2 (p.59) One may, however, object that in 3PL forms like cantano, the vowel ‐a‐, which looks just like the theme vowel ‐a‐ in 2PL cantate, is not stressed. The generalization is therefore only valid if the segment ‐a‐ in cantano is not a theme vowel. For the following reasons I believe that ‐a‐ in cantano is in fact not a theme vowel, but part of the PN‐affix. If ‐a‐ in cantano were a theme vowel, then we would expect that other forms occurring in the 3PL are ‐i‐no in class II verbs and ‐e‐no in class III verbs; see (13). Of these forms, however, ‐e‐no never occurs, and ‐i‐no occurs only in the 3PL present subjunctive of class I, but not in class II. Furthermore, the ending occurring in the 3PL indicative forms of class II and III is ‐ono. ‐o‐ is, however, not plausibly a theme vowel, because it occurs in more than one inflectional class, but only in one cell (3PL). Hence, it seems more plausible to assume that in the 3PL, there is no theme vowel, just as in the SG forms; rather, the 3PL affix has four different allomorphs, whose distribution depends only in part on the inflectional class; see (14). (13)

Page 9 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

PRS

I

II

III

2PL

cant‐a‐te

part‐i‐te

vend‐e‐te

3PL

cant‐a‐no

*part‐i‐no

*vend‐e‐no

Expected

3PL

cant‐ano

part‐ono

vend‐ono

Attested

Page 10 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (14) The distribution of ‐ano/‐ono/‐ino a. ano  PRS IND I, IMPF I–III, PRS SBJV II–III, FUT I–III (anno) b. ono  PRS IND II–III, PERF I–III (only regular forms) c. ino  PRS SBJV I d. ero  IPF SBJV I–III, COND, PERF I–III (only irregular forms) Under the assumption that the theme vowel is always stressed, how should this generalization be represented in the model? One alternative would be to say that the stressed elements, i.e. all Italian theme vowels, are lexically specified as being stressed. Under this approach, the observation that all theme vowels pattern alike would simply be a coincidence. Another option, recognizing the morphological basis of metrical structure and therefore explanatorily more adequate, might draw on morphology–prosody alignment: the theme vowel is always stressed because of a constraint requiring a specific type of alignment of morphological constituency with prosodic constituency. The relevant constraint is formulated in (15). (15) ALIGN (Theme vowel, L; Head of Foot, L): ‘The left edge of every theme vowel is aligned with the left edge of the head of a foot’.3 [ALIGN (TV, H/F)] (p.60) Table 3.3 shows that if the constraint in (15) is integrated into the constraint system, stress can be assigned correctly to the 1PL and 2PL form in.di.'chia.mo and in.di.'ca.te.

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Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

TABLE 3.3. Stress assignment to It. indicate ‘indicate, 2PL PRS IND’ /indic]R a]TV te]PN/

ALIGN (TV, H/F)

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

*

√

√

*

***

√

√

*

*****

√

√

***

☞   (x) HLHL a.  in.di.'c]R a:]TV .te]PN (x .) HLLL b.  in.'di.c]R a]TV .te]PN (x) HLLL c.  'in.di.c]R a]TV .te]PN

Page 12 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms 3.3.5 Italian 3 Pl present tense forms and optimal paradigms

In Italian 3PL present tense forms we find an unexpected leftward shift of stress, as in 'in.di.ca.no, rather than expected *in.'di.ca.no, see (12) above. It seems that similarity to 3SG 'in.di.ca is somehow responsible for the irregular stress pattern. In fact, all Italian 3PL verb forms are stressed on the same syllable as corresponding 3SG verb forms; but it is only in the present tense of certain verbs that this leads to phonological irregularity in 3PL forms. Now, we certainly do not want to say that 3PL indicano is derived from 3SG indica and therefore preserves its stress pattern. Hence, neither a derivational account nor its non‐ derivational counterpart, asymmetrical correspondence theory, appears to be an appropriate analytical tool. In contrast, McCarthy's (2005) model of Optimal Paradigms offers a way of formally expressing this generalization. As will be seen in following sections, it is also appropriate to account for unexpected stress patterns in non‐present tense forms. The basic idea of the Optimal Paradigms model (which it shares with previous approaches to paradigm uniformity within OT) is that candidates to evaluate consist of entire inflectional paradigms. In a given event of evaluation, all members of a paradigm are evaluated against markedness and input–output correspondence constraints, and violation marks incurred by each paradigm member are added up to a violation profile for the entire paradigm. As to output–output correspondence, what matters is the stem of (p.61) the shared lexeme in its surface form. The stem of every candidate stands in correspondence with the stem of every other candidate in that paradigm. Output–output correspondence constraints, like MAX or DEP, thus evaluate a set of pairs of paradigm members. The optimal paradigm, finally, is the one which as a whole best satisfies markedness and input–output correspondence constraints and whose members receive the minimal number of violation marks for the relevant output–output correspondence constraint. With respect to the question of which forms are contained in a paradigm, McCarthy (2005) assumes that paradigms may be flat, containing all forms of a given lexeme, or may be hierarchically organized, consisting of separate sub‐ paradigms of forms sharing a given feature, such as FUTURE for verbs or PLURAL for nouns or adjectives. For reasons of transparency, I will work with hierarchically organized paradigms, considering only the Italian present tense forms to begin with.

Page 13 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms What could be the relevant correspondence constraint forcing unexpected preantepenultimate stress in 'in.di.ca.no? Let us assume that the generalization behind the uniform stress assignment to 3SG and 3PL forms is a constraint requiring that in the entire Italian present paradigm, stress should be on the same syllable (unless a higher‐ranked constraint enforces violation of this metrical uniformity). More precisely, edges of metrical categories should align in every member of the paradigm. To achieve the kind of metrical uniformity attested here, it is sufficient to restrict alignment to left edges of feet, since this assures that stress is on corresponding syllables. In correspondence theory, the formulation given in (16) seems to be an appropriate constraint. (16) OPTIMAL‐PARADIGM LEFT‐ANCHOR‐FOOT: ‘In the stems of every member of the paradigm, left edges of feet stand in correspondence’. [OP‐ L‐ANCHOR‐F] The constraint OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F is violated whenever, in a given pair of forms, the left edges of feet do not correspond (relative to the sequence of segments that constitute the stem). Hence, considering candidate set (a) in Table 3.4, we can say that the pairs given in (17) conform to OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, while the pairs given in (18) violate it.4 (17) Twenty pairs do not violate OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F 〈'in.di.co, 'in.di.co〉, 〈'in.di.co, 'in.di.chi〉, … 〈'in.di.chi, 'in.di.co〉, 〈'in.di.chi, 'in.di.chi〉, … (p.62) 〈'in.di.ca, 'in.di.co〉, 〈'in.di.ca, 'in.di.chi〉, … 〈in.di.'chia.mo, in.di.'chia.mo〉, 〈in.di.'chia.mo, in.di.'ca.te〉, … (18) Sixteen pairs violate OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F 〈'in.di.co, in.di.'chia.mo〉, 〈'in.di.co, in.di.'ca.te〉 〈'in.di.chi, in.di.'chia.mo〉, 〈'in.di.chi, in.di.'ca.te〉 〈'in.di.ca, in.di.'chia.mo〉, 〈'in.di.ca, in.di.'ca.te〉 〈'in.di.ca.no, in.di.'chia.mo〉, 〈'in.di.ca.no, in.di.'ca.te〉, …

Page 14 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms Hence, Table 3.4, set (a) is assigned sixteen violation marks for this constraint. Set (b) in Table 3.4, which has uniform stress on the syllable in, does not at all violate OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F. Still, (b) is sub‐optimal because it violates the higher‐ ranked constraint ALIGN (TV, H/F), which in Italian is never violated. Set (c) in Table 3.4, which differs from the optimal paradigm (a) only in that the 3PL has phonologically regular stress on the penultima (in.'di.ca.no), is assigned twenty‐ two violation marks for OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, because in.'di.ca.no stands in correspondence with no other element (but itself) of the sub‐paradigm with respect to OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F. Finally, (d) in Table 3.4, in which the 3PL form is stressed on the penultima (in.di.'ca.no), like the 1PL and 2PL, receives fewer violation marks than (b), but still two more than the optimal candidate set (a).

Page 15 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

TABLE 3.4. Stress assignment to It. indicare, PRES IND ‘indicate’ /indic-/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …}

ALIGN (TV, H/F)

OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

a.☞ 〈 'in.di.co,'in.di.chi,'in. di.ca, in.di.'chia.mo, in.di.'ca.te, 'in.di.ca.no〉

2

16

√

√

11

b. 〈 'in.di.co,'in.di.chi,'in. di.ca, 'in.di.chia.mo, 'in.di.ca.te, 'in.di.ca.no〉

10!

√

√

√

15

c. 〈 'in.di.co,'in.di.chi,'in. di.ca, in.di.'chia.mo, in.di.'ca.te, in.'di.ca.no〉

2

22!

√

√

9

Page 16 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

/indic-/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …}

ALIGN (TV, H/F)

OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

d. 〈 'in.di.co,'in.di.chi,'in. di.ca, in.di.'chia.mo, in.di.'ca.te, in.di.'ca.no〉

2

18!

√

√

9

Page 17 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (p.63) 3.3.6 Summary

To conclude, an analysis of Spanish and Italian present tense forms has shown that both phonology and morphology have a role to play in Romance verb stress. Stress in present tense forms in Spanish has been regularized, so that autonomous morphology plays no role. In Italian present tense forms, in contrast, stress is morphological to a larger degree. On the one hand, theme vowels have a special status in being always stressed. No corresponding effect can be seen in Spanish. On the other hand, the unexpected 3PL forms of verbs of pattern B have been analysed by introducing McCarthy's model of Optimal Paradigms (2005), which has been shown to be empirically adequate for the present tense forms. In following sections, however, we will see that the OP‐ constraint formulated above, OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, is useful in explaining stress assignment in other Italian tenses and in Spanish non‐present tenses as well.

3.4 Imperfect tense forms Concerning stress in the forms of the imperfect tense, Spanish and Italian diverge, showing again that Italian inherits the Latin pattern, while Spanish (and Portuguese) have diverged from it. In Latin and Italian, stress is on the first syllable of the ending in the 1SG (and 2SG, 3SG, and 3PL), but on the second syllable of the ending in 1PL (and 2PL). In contrast, in Spanish stress is uniformly on the first syllable of the ending (already described by Harris 1973 as a paradigm uniformity effect); see (19). (19)

Latin

Italian

Spanish

1SG

can.'tā.bam

can.'ta.vo

can.'ta.ba

1PL

can.tā.'bā.mus

can.ta.'va.mo

can.'ta.ba.mos

The Italian pattern can be derived with the formal mechanisms developed for the present tense forms, as shown in the following. Candidate set (a) in Table 3.5, with stress on the rightmost theme vowel in all forms, is optimal, because it minimally violates ALIGN (TV, H/F) and OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, as compared to its competitors. As spelled out in (20) below, canta'vamo with stress on the rightmost of the two theme vowels violates ALIGN (TV, H/F) only two times, because in total only two segments intervene between the left edges of theme vowels and the left edge of a foot, but *can'tavamo with stress on the leftmost theme vowel violates it four times, because four segments intervene altogether. The entire paradigms receive eight and twelve violation marks, respectively. Considering OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, candidate set (c) in Table 3.5, (p.64)

Page 18 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

TABLE 3.5. Stress assignment to It. cantare, IPF. IND ‘sing’ /cant‐/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …} + IPF

ALIGN (TV, H/F)

OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

a.☞ 〈can.'ta.vo, can.'ta.vi, can.'ta.va, can.ta.'va.mo, can.ta.'va.te, can.'ta.va.no〉

8

16

√

√

6

b. 〈can.'ta.vo, can.'ta.vi, can.'ta.va, can.'ta.va.mo, can.'ta.va.te, can.'ta.va.no〉

12!

√

√

√

6

c. 〈can.'ta.vo, can.'ta.vi, can.'ta.va, can.ta.'va.mo, can.ta.'va.te, can.ta.'va.no〉

8

18!

√

√

6

Page 19 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms where stress in the 3PL is similar to the 1PL and 2PL rather than to the singular forms, receives two additional violation marks, as compared to (a).

(20) Violations of ALIGN (TV, H/F) in candidate (a, b) in Table 3.5. a. can.ta.'va.mo: two violations Metrical structure

(c a n) . t a . (v a:) . m o

Morphological structure

cant]R |a]TV v]TM |a]TV mo]PN

b. can.'ta.va.mo: four violations Metrical structure

(c a n) . (t a . v a) . m o

Morphological structure

cant]R |a]TV v]TM |a]TV mo]PN

( ) indicate edges of feet, | indicates the left edge of the theme vowel

At this point, it is easy to see that in the absence of the constraint ALIGN (TV, H/ F), candidate set (b) of Table 3.5 is optimal because it does not violate OP‐L‐ ANCHOR‐F. Now, this is exactly the situation we find in Spanish, where theme vowels have no special status as far as stress is concerned. This is shown in Table 3.6. TABLE 3.6. Stress assignment to Sp. cantar, IMPF IND ‘sing’ /cant‐/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …} + IPF

FT‐ BIN

σ

OP‐L‐ ANCHOR‐F

ALL‐FT‐ RIGHT

a. 〈can.'ta.ba, can.'ta.bas, can.'ta.ba, can.ta.'ba.mos, can.ta.'ba.is, can.'ta.ban〉

√

16!

√

b.☞ 〈can.'ta.ba, can.'ta.bas, can.'ta.ba, can.'ta.ba.mos, can.'ta.ba.is, can.'ta.ban〉

√

√

**

(p.65) Concerning the Spanish present tense forms, however, it is clear that paradigmatic uniformity effects are irrelevant, since stress is phonologically regular. In Spanish, OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F has thus to be properly restricted. Restricting it to non‐present tenses only will give us the right result; later we will see that this constraint is in fact relevant in all non‐present tenses.

Page 20 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms The same pattern is shown by the Spanish imperfect subjunctive (e.g. can.'ta.ra.mos) and by the Italian imperfect subjunctive (e.g. can.'tas.si.mo). For the Italian imperfect subjunctive, an analysis parallel to the one proposed in Table 3.5 is only possible if the vowel /i/ in cantassimo is not a theme vowel – but in this article I will not discuss this solution.

3.5 Perfect tense forms It is obvious that the regular perfect tense forms can be analysed in the same way. The regular pattern is common to Italian and Spanish, and also to Portuguese and Romanian. In regular perfect tense forms, stress is uniformly on the first syllable of the ending. In Italian, stress is phonologically irregular only in the 3 SG; in Spanish, it is phonologically irregular in the 1SG, 3SG, and 2PL. With the constraint OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F integrated into the constraint system as shown above for Italian and Spanish, this pattern is predicted by the algorithm without additional constraints; see Tables 3.7 for Italian and 3.8 for Spanish. For Italian, I contrast only the attested forms, with stress uniformly on the first syllable of the ending, with a single alternative candidate set with phonologically regular stress in the 3SG. Since in the 3SG there is no theme vowel, ALIGN (TV, H/F) is not relevant in deciding between the two forms. The 3 SG form in Table 3.7 (a) is phonologically irregular because the foot is not binary, but monomoraic; yet, the paradigm does not violate

Page 21 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms

TABLE 3.7. Stress assignment to It. cantare, PERF IND ‘sing’ /cant‐/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …} + PERF

ALIGN (TV, H/F)

OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F

FT‐BIN μ

NON‐FIN

ALL‐FT‐RIGHT

a.☞ 〈can.'ta.i, can.'tas.ti, can.'tò, can.'tam.mo, can.'tas.te, can.'ta.ro.no〉

5

√

*

2

4

b. 〈can.'ta.i, can.'tas.ti, 'can.to, can.'tam.mo, can.'tas.te, can.'ta.ro.no〉

5

10!

√

*

5

Page 22 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (p.66)

TABLE 3.8. Stress assignment to Sp. cantar, PERF. IND ‘sing’ /cant‐/ +{[1SG], [2SG], …} + PERF

OP‐L‐ ANCHOR‐F

FT‐

a.☞ 〈can.'té, can.'tas.te, can.'tó, can.'ta.mos, can.'tas.te.is, can.'ta.ron〉

√

**

*

b. 〈'can.te, can.'tas.te, 'can.to, can.'ta.mos, can.'tas.te.is, can.'ta.ron〉

16!

√

*

c. 〈can.'té, can.'tas.te, can.'tó, can.'ta.mos, can.tas.'te.is, can.'ta.ron〉

10!

√

√

BIN

σ

ALL‐FT‐ RIGHT

OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F. Table 3.7 (b) does not violate FT‐BIN μ, but it is not metrically uniform as required by OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F. Thus, we see that OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F in Italian must be higher ranked than FT‐BIN μ.

The same holds for Spanish, as shown in Table 3.8. The paradigmatically uniform candidate set wins, despite its violating the phonological constraints FT‐BIN σ and ALL‐FT‐RIGHT. The regular perfect forms go back to Latin perfects, with stress likewise on the ending. In addition, in Latin there were perfect forms with stress on the stem in some cells of the paradigm; see (21). These verbs have been the basis for modern Spanish and Italian irregular perfect forms, which differ from the regular forms in having a special perfect stem and in being stressed on the root in the 1SG and 3SG. In Spanish, irregular perfect forms thus have just the stress pattern of candidate set (b) of Table 3.8, which for a regular verb is sub‐optimal. (21)

Page 23 of 28

Spanish

regular perfect forms

irregular perfect forms

1SG

can.'té 〈 Lat. can.'tā.vī

'di.je 〈 Lat. 'dī.xī

3SG

can.'tó 〈 Lat. can.'tā.vit

'di.jo 〈 Lat. 'dī.xit

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms While we have seen that for Spanish regular perfect forms, OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F must dominate FT‐BIN σ, the irregular perfect forms require the reverse ranking. The difference in stress assignment between regular and irregular perfect forms may be analysed as a case of morpheme‐specific constraint ranking, with the handful of Spanish irregular perfect stems like dij‐ ‘say’, traj‐ ‘bring’, anduv‐ ‘go’, etc., selecting a constraint ranking with OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F dominating FT‐BIN σ. Due to space limitations, I will not elaborate on the formal representation of such morpheme‐specific ranking; see Inkelas and Zoll (2003) and Anttila (2002) for discussion. Note that it would not do to simply exclude the irregular perfect forms from being subject to (p.67) OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F (as was argued for Spanish present forms in section 3.4), since in the 2 PL irregular perfects do show a uniformity effect, in that stress is on the antepenultima (di.'jis.te.is 2PL PERF ‘say’) rather than, in phonologically regular fashion, on the penultima (*di.jis.'té.is, like co.'mé.is 2PL PRES ‘eat’).5 Italian irregular perfect forms are particularly interesting for the approach sketched here, since what alternates in these forms is not only root stress with suffix stress, but also selection of the perfect stem with selection of a present stem; see (22) and (23). (22)

Latin

Italian: Stress on root; perfect tense stem

1SG

'dī.xī

'dis.si

3SG

'dī.xit

'dis.se

3PL

dī.'xē.runt

'dis.se.ro

(23)

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Latin

Italian: Stress on ending; present tense stem

2SG

dī.'xis.tī

di.'ces.ti

1PL

'dī.xi.mus

di.'cem.mo

2PL

dī.'xis.tis

di.'ces.te

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms While I cannot consider the reasons why different stems occur in the irregular perfect paradigm (see Maiden 2000; 2001b for discussion), it is clear that the Italian irregular perfect paradigms do not violate the constraint OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐ F as formulated above, because for the forms built on each of the two stems diss‐ and dic‐, edges of feet do stand in correspondence. Hence, the forms in (22) and (23) may violate a constraint requiring forms within a (sub‐)paradigm to be built on the same stem, but they do not violate the constraint requiring metrical uniformity for a given stem. Furthermore, stress assignment to these forms is phonologically regular, with stress falling on a heavy penultima in all forms but in the 3PL, where it falls on the antepenultima. Thus, it becomes evident now that both regular and irregular perfect forms can be analysed straightforwardly with the constraint OP‐L‐ANCHOR‐F, which was introduced to account for Italian 3PL present forms and for Spanish imperfect forms, with no additional assumptions but morpheme‐specific constraint ranking for the irregular Spanish imperfect stems. Finally, it should be emphasized that stress assignment in many of the modern Spanish and Italian perfect forms is not a continuation of the Latin pattern, but has arisen from a reorganization, consisting in both phonological change and morphological reorganization to satisfy paradigm uniformity.

(p.68) 3.6 Future and conditional tense Let us end with a short note on the future and conditional forms, in which stress has moved to the right (relative to the proto‐Romance pattern), falling invariably on the vowel following the consonantal stem extension ‐r‐; see (24) and (25). Again, change consists in an evolution from a phonologically regular, but morphologically alternating, pattern, to a phonologically irregular, but morphologically uniform, pattern. (24)

Spanish

Italian

3SG can.ta.'rá

can.te.'rà

〈 Proto‐Romance *cantárabet,

1PL can.ta.'re.mos

can.te.'re.mo

〈 Proto‐Romance *cantarabémus

(cf. Lausberg 1962: 216) (25) Morphological structure

Page 25 of 28

Spanish

cant]R a]TV r]SE e]TV mos]PN

Italian

cant]R e]TV r]SE e]TV mo]PN

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms In Spanish, stress is – phonologically irregular – on the final syllable in four forms, but phonologically regular penultimate stress is found in the 1 PL and 2PL; hence, the irregularity cannot be a paradigmatic uniformity effect. In Italian, all forms have at least one theme vowel, but stress is on a vowel which is not a theme vowel in the 1SG and 3SG (and possibly also 3PL). In Italian, the irregularities are thus not due to high‐ranked ALIGN (TV, H/F). Rather, the constraint forcing stress to fall to the right of the stem extension ‐r‐ must (at least in Italian) be ranked higher than ALIGN (TV, H/F). In analogy to ALIGN (TV, H/F), which is responsible for stress on a theme vowel, the constraint forcing stress to fall to the right of the stem extension may be formulated as in (26). (26) ALIGN (Stem extension, Left; Head of Foot, Left): ‘The left edge of every stem extension is aligned with the left edge of the head of a foot.’ [ALIGN (SE, H/F)] An alternative analysis might assume the stressed endings in the future and conditional to be lexically stressed. Given that the same endings which bear final stress in the 1SG, 3SG, and 3PL of the future occur without stress in present forms and in irregular perfects, representing these affixes as lexically stressed does not seem a plausible option. Finally, since stress in the future and conditional, as well as in many perfect forms, is on the word‐final affix, the irregular stress pattern cannot be a base‐induced effect.

(p.69) 3.7 Conclusion

Page 26 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms Starting from the observation that verb stress in Spanish and Italian is often not a continuation of Latin verbal stresses, the analysis presented here has shown that paradigmatic uniformity, as an autonomous morphological principle, has played a crucial role in the shaping of the modern stress patterns in verbs. At the same time, phonological regularity is relevant, as well. It has a more important role to play in Spanish verb stress as compared to Italian. In particular, in Spanish, but not in Italian, certain (sub‐) paradigms have been argued to be exempt from paradigm uniformity, specifically, the present tense and the irregular perfect forms. Paradigmatic uniformity is, however, the most important factor in determining stress patterns in non‐present tenses. Stem‐ forming elements, like theme vowels and stem extensions, have a special status with respect to stress assignment. In Italian, theme vowels are (nearly) always stressed, but no such effect is seen in Spanish. In both languages, consonantal stem extensions, like ‐r‐ in the future and conditional, influence stress assignment. The effect of stem‐forming elements on stress assignment has been represented by means of constraints on the alignment of morphological and metrical structure. The Italian stem extension ‐sc‐, as in finisco ‘finish, 1 SG PRES’, presents a remaining difficulty which, however, could probably be covered by a further constraint. Finally, I have argued that the peculiar pattern of stem allomorphy in Italian irregular perfect forms may be seen as a means to conform to both phonological regularity as well as to paradigmatic uniformity in stress assignment, though at the price of introducing allomorphy. Notes:

(1) It should be noted that 2 PL forms ending in ‐áis (e.g. indicáis ‘you PL indicate’) are analysed as follows. We assume that the ending contains the hiatus /a.i/ in the underlying form. The form in.di.'ca.is has thus regular penultimate stress, with glide formation to [aj] taking place at a later level, after stress assignment. The general conception of the grammar, as conceived of here, is thus one where constraint evaluation takes place on more than a single stratum, along the lines of Bermúdez‐Otero (1999; 2003; 2007) and Kiparsky (2000). (2) In forms with more than one theme vowel, like canta]TV va]TV mo, it is the rightmost of the theme vowels which bears main stress; we come back to this issue in section 3.4. Note that there is one exception to this generalization, i.e. theme vowels of certain infinitives of ‐e‐class verbs, like 'es.se.re ‘be’, 'met.te.re ‘put’, etc. In all other forms of these verbs, however, stress is on the theme vowel if there is one. (3) For each segment that intervenes between the left edge of a theme vowel and the left edge of the nearest head of a foot, the candidate form receives one violation mark.

Page 27 of 28

Accentual Patterns in Romance Verb Forms (4) I follow McCarthy (2005) in assuming that every element of a paradigm stands in correspondence with every other element, including itself. Hence, a sub‐paradigm of six forms corresponds to thirty‐six pairs to evaluate for correspondence. (5) See note 1.

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The Notion of the Morphome

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

The Notion of the Morphome Paul O'Neill

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0005

Abstract and Keywords This chapter deals with the notion of the morphome as originally proposed by Aronoff (1994) and refined by Maiden (2005). The chapter investigates two questions: (a) to what extent is the concept of ‘identity of form’ an important factor for the morphome? And, (b) how successful are modern theories of inflectional morphology (Paradigm Function Morphology; Stump 2001) and Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993) in capturing the generalization of the morphome? Keywords:   perfective tenses, identity of form, morphological segmentation, psychological reality, historical development

4.1 Introduction Aronoff (1994) draws attention to lexemes which display recurrent similarities of forms between whole words or parts of words within the inflectional paradigm and beyond, the most interesting aspect of these similarities being that they cannot be reduced to any functional or formal common denominator, that is they consist of phonologically disparate forms whose distribution within the paradigm does not obey any semantic or syntactic criteria. Such is the case of the forms of the English past participle which are used in perfective verb forms with an auxiliary verb, e.g. he has seen, and also in passives, it is seen; synchronically passives and analytical perfects cannot be said to share a constant significant functional property since they correspond to different syntactic and semantic values (cf. Aronoff 1994: 25); however, they always share the same phonological form, as shown in the examples in Table 4.1.

Page 1 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome This sharing of the same morphological element by a group of semantic and phonological heterogeneous word forms with no syntactic motivation is what Aronoff (1994) refers to as the morphome, which is to be understood as a morphologically abstract function relating to the distribution of a morphological entity. His claim is that speakers are aware of such distributional generalizations and that thus the morphome is a linguistic reality which acts as a type of function that groups together morpho‐syntactic categories or word forms and marks them as sharing a common element. TABLE 4.1. Form identity between the perfect and passive participle in English Present perfect

Passive

he has seen

it is seen

he has bitten

it is bitten

he has sought

it is sought

(p.71) An important problem with this analysis, however, as Maiden (2005) has pointed out, is determining the validity of this claim merely on the basis of the synchronic data. A semantically aberrant distribution of root allomorphs could purely be some inert residue from a previous état de langue when there existed a raison d'être for such a distribution. At the synchronic level it could very well be the case that speakers have merely memorized the particular forms separately without ever making the link and linguistic generalization which the notion of the morphome presupposes. This is exemplified pictorially in Figures 4.1 and 4.2, in which the morphome is represented, following Aronoff (1994), as a function. In Figure 4.1 we have an example of two different types of morpho‐syntactic features which map onto two different functions which by chance happen to coincide on the same form. This would be an example of a regular formal distribution which did not constitute a psychological reality. In Figure 4.2 we have an example of two different types of morpho‐syntactic features which map onto the same function and thus always produce the same phonological form. This would be an example of a psychological reality. Maiden (2005) has shown that it is in historical linguistics where one can find evidence for morphomic structure, since there are a number of diachronic developments in languages which presuppose the existence of the morphome. One such case is the distribution of the allomorphs which are the continuants of the Latin perfect stem, which Maiden has termed the PYTA morphome. This particular morphome is of particular importance, and so in what follows I describe, with particular reference to Castilian Spanish, the

Page 2 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome (p.72) historical development and genesis of this morphome and the arguments which Maiden advances for its psychological reality.

4.2 Latin strong perfects and their development in Romance Latin marked aspectual differences1 on verbs morphologically by way of a distinction between what were traditionally termed the infectum and perfectum stems; the former referring to imperfective forms and the latter to perfective ones. For 1st, 2nd, and 4th conjugation

FIGURE 4.1 Regular distribution of different types of morpho‐syntactic features

verbs the most common way to form a ‘perfectum stem’ was via the increment‐U‐ [w] at the end of the root or stem. For 3rd conjugation verbs and an array of verbs from other classes this semantic distinction could also be marked by way of vowel lengthening, reduplication, and modifications of the final root consonant. This is shown in the examples in Table 4.2 for a regular 1st conjugation verb and in Table 4.3 for an irregular 3rd conjugation verb.2 (p.73) FIGURE 4.2 Different types of morpho‐ syntactic features always producing the same form

Page 3 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.2. Latin regular 1st conjugation verb Infectum stem

Perfectum stem

Present

amo

‘I love’

amavi

‘I have loved’

Future

amabo

‘I will love’

amavero

‘I will have loved’

Infinitive

amare

‘to love’

amavisse

‘to have loved’

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.3. Latin irregular 3rd conjugation verb Infectum stem

Perfectum stem

Present

facio

‘I do’

feci

‘I have done’

Future

faciam

‘I will do’

fecero

‘I will have done’

Infinitive

facere

‘to do’

fecisse

‘to have done’

Page 5 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome In the transition from Latin to Romance, a number of developments occurred which disturbed this system,3 the cumulative result of which was that the semantic aspectual distinction aligned with a different stem was lost. Despite these facts, Romance still inherits a number of verbs with allomorphs which are reflexes of the original Latin strong perfective roots, which I shall term SPR roots (strong preterite roots) and whose distribution is limited to those tenses which are the continuants of the Latin perfective ones; I shall refer to these tenses as the COLP tenses (continuants of the Latin perfective). For Castilian, the root allomorphs are given in Table 4.12 in the Appendix, in which, in order to appreciate the allomorphomic differences the forms of the 3sg present indicative are given beside the forms in the 3SG preterite in both Old Castilian and Modern Castilian. For the modern language, those forms which have not been regularized are presented in bold. In Table 4.13 in the Appendix, the Latin perfective tenses are listed with their corresponding evolution in both Old and Modern Castilian; a dash (–) is used to represent the fact that a particular tense form dropped out of usage.

It is Maiden's claim that the systematic distribution of the SPR of these verbs over the particular COLP tenses constitutes a morphome in that, despite the loss of functional heterogeneity to hold the forms together, i.e. they are no longer aligned with any coherent morpho‐syntatic property (p.74) (cf. Maiden 2001a, 2005 for a full discussion), the same allomorph always occurs in these tenses for a particular lexeme. As such, these forms represent a morphome which Maiden terms PYTA, an acronym of the use of the phrase ‘perfectos y tiempos afines’ employed by Spanish grammarians to refer to the tense forms in which an inherited irregular Latin perfective root occurred. Maiden argues that the psychological reality of this morphome is evident, in diachrony, through the behaviour of the SPR, in that they adhere to a principle which proves that these forms are mentally connected and a linguistic generalization is made, as opposed to the forms merely being memorized. This principle is that of coherence,4 which states that forms which are in a morphome ‘show persistent resistance to any morphological change liable to disrupt their peculiar paradigmatic distribution. If an analogical change affects one “cell” of the paradigm in which the relevant allomorph occurs, it affects all the others in the same way. The relationship of mutual implication between “cells” always survives intact’ (Maiden 2005: 139).

Page 6 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome Within the present context of the PYTA morphome, the principle of coherence implies that any change which affects the root of preterite, imperfect subjunctive and future subjunctive will affect the root in all of these tenses. Basically, the root must be identical in all forms. This, as Maiden (2001a) has shown for Castilian, is actually borne out in diachrony. Thus when, as a result of a following high vowel, the root vowel of a particular SPR was metaphonically raised to /i/, e.g. FĒCĪ 〉 fiz(e), this form did not merely spread to the other forms of the preterite only but crucially to the rest of the forms of the PYTA morphome. Furthermore, when a SPR was replaced by the root of the present (e.g. when in the verb escribir ‘to write’ the SPR escris‐ changed to escrib‐), this process did not only take place in the preterite or only the imperfect subjunctive or future subjunctive but in all the COLP tenses. Maiden's arguments and data do indeed seem to corroborate the psychological reality of the morphome, in that all verb forms in the COLP tenses must share the same root. However, what is the exact definition of a morphome? From the above data, Maiden's definition of a morphome seems to be one of a regular distribution of identical form within the inflectional paradigm which does not correspond to any coherent semantic or syntactic function and which can historically be proven to be a psychological reality. Thus in the Spanish verb saber ‘know’, as illustrated in Table 4.4, the COLP tenses are all members of the morphome because they share exactly the same root sup‐ whilst the phonologically similar present subjunctive stem sepa is (p.75)

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.4. Preterite and present subjunctive stems of modern Spanish saber ‘to know’ PRS.SBJV

preterite

IPF.SBJV‐RA‐

IPF.SBJV‐SE‐

1SG

sepa

supe

supiera

supiese

2SG

sepas

supiste

supieras

supieses

3SG

sepa

supo

supiera

supiese

1PL

sepamos

supimos

supiéramos

supiésemos

2PL

sepais

supistes

supiérais

supiéseis

3PL

sepan

supieron

supieran

supiesen

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The Notion of the Morphome not considered to be part of this morphome primarily because there is no identity of form.

Thus, the hallmark of the morphome seems to be identity of form across a semantically and syntactically heterogeneous set of cells in the inflectional paradigm. In what follows I show that this notion of identity in the morphome across a paradigm for a particular lexeme is problematic on analysis of the data. Indeed, it is uncertain to what extent ‘identity’ is the determining principle of the morphome.

4.3 The case of Portuguese SPR For the PYTA morphome in modern Portuguese, there are twelve verbs which have a SPR, that is an irregular allomorph exclusively in the COLP tenses. These tenses in Portuguese are the preterite, the imperfect subjunctive, the pluperfect, and the future subjunctive. This can be exemplified by the verb querer ‘want’, as demonstrated in Table 4.5, in which the COLP tenses are in grey. The difference between the Portuguese and Spanish data, however, is that whilst the Spanish COLP tenses always share the same root, this is only the case for six of the twelve SPR in Portuguese. Although these six verbs show a coherent root in all forms of the COLP tenses, four display the same root in all forms except the 3SG preterite and two, the verb ser ‘to be’ and ir ‘to go’, have a different root in the 1SG, as shown in Table 4.6. The generalization for the first group of alternating verbs seems to be that the root of the COLP forms is characterized by a high vowel but in the 3SG preterite there occurs a mid vowel,5 whilst for the verbs ser ‘to be’ and ir ‘to go’ (p.76)

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.5. Modern Portuguese querer ‘to want’ PRS.IND

PRS.SBJV

FUT

COND

INFL.INF

quero

queira

quererei

quereria

querer

2SG

queres

queiras

quererás

quererias

quereres

3sg

quer

queira

quererá

quereria

querer

1PL

queremos

queiramos

quereremos

quereríamos

querermos

2PL

quereis

queirais

querereis

quereríeis

quererdes

3PL

querem

queiram

quererão

quereriam

quererem

IPF. IND

PRT. IND

IPF. SBJV

PLPF. IND

FUT.SBJV

1SG

queria

quis

quisesse

quisera

quiser

2SG

querias

quiseste

quisesses

quiseras

quiseres

3SG

queria

quis

quisesse

quisera

quiser

1PL

queríamos

quisemos

quiséssemos

quiséramos

quisermos

2PL

queríeis

quisestes

quisésseis

quiséreis

quiserdes

3PL

queriam

quiseram

quisessem

quiseram

quiserem

infinitive

gerund

participle

IMP

NEG IMP

querer

querendo

querido

quer

não queiras

1SG

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.6. Distribution of strong preterite roots in Modern Portuguese Non‐alternating SPR

Alternating SPR

Gloss

INF

COLP root

Gloss

INF

COLP root

3SG PRT

‘to give’

dar

de

‘to do’

fazer

fiz

fez

‘to say’

dizer

diss

‘to be’

estar

estiv‐

estev‐

‘to want’

querer

quis

‘to have’

ter

tiv‐

tev‐

‘to have’

haver

houv

‘to come’

vir

vi‐

vei‐

‘to know’

saber

soub

Gloss

inf

COLP root

1SG PRET

‘to bring’

trazer

troux

‘to be’

ser

fo‐

fu‐

‘to go’

ir

fo‐

fu‐

Page 11 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome the COLP root is characterized by a mid vowel which alternates with a high vowel in the 1SG forms.

Now, if we take the conception of the morphome as one based on identity, then we are forced to say that for these alternating types the two different allomorphs do not correspond to the same morphome. Indeed, for the three classes of roots one would be forced to admit that there are three different, and therefore unrelated, PYTA morphomes. This, however, loses the (p.77) generalization that these COLP forms all share the same root consonants and the pattern merely seems to be that the 1SG and 3SG preterite stand out from the other COLP forms as being different only with regard to the root vowel. This is in stark contrast to the other forms of the same lexemes which have very different stem allomorphs, as is exemplified in Table 4.14 in the Appendix for the verb ter ‘to have’, in which the COLP tenses are in grey and the aberrant 3SG preterite root more heavily shaded. This generalization could be maintained if the 3SG form of the verb were to be derived from the other SPR through a realization rule which merely lowered the root vowel but left the consonants intact. The problem here is that there are still two morphomes and the outcome of the realization rule of one morphome is the input of another. It is assumed that the other COLP forms are more basic than the 3SG and that the latter is derived from the former. This is not only at odds with what we know about the 3SG preterite as being the most autonomous member of the preterite (cf. Bybee and Brewer 1980) but also there is no real proof that this ought to be so. The idea of deriving one form from another is akin to Zwicky's (1985) notion of rules of referral, in which there is a basic form and a derived form. This point of view has been argued against at length and convincingly by Aronoff (1994). His argument is that in the languages which he analyses there is no way to determine the directionality of the derivational process, in the sense that there is no reason to suppose that speakers on producing a form Y have done so from a form X. Indeed, the Modern Portuguese data support this argument in that for the first type of alternating verbs the 3SG preterite would be less basic and thus derived; in other verbs it would be the 1SG, whilst in others neither would be the more basic and thus no derivation is needed. This seems excessively ad hoc and also misses an important descriptive generalization of Portuguese – that these tenses all display very similar types of allomorphy. In order to maintain this generalization, then, it seems necessary to admit that there can be allomorphy within the morphome. Indeed, I would go as far as to say that the allomorphy in the Portuguese cases ought to include not only different roots but also different stems. That is, that the morphome is sensitive to stems and not roots.

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The Notion of the Morphome The SPR of Portuguese display this point nicely in that they are special on two accounts: first, they display root allomorphy, and second (with the exception of the 1SG and 3SG preterite) they all share the same particular thematic vowel [έ]. The presence of this theme vowel is problematic since the traditional view is that this language has three conjugations which are distinguished by different thematic vowels /a, e, i/ for the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd conjugations respectively, as shown in Table 4.7, in which the endings in the (p.78)

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.7. Inflectional endings of the COLP tenses in Portuguese Preterite

Imperfect subjunctive

1SG

‐éi

‐í

‐í

‐

‐ásse

‐[é]sse

‐ísse

‐[έ]sse

2SG

‐áste

‐[é]ste

‐íste

‐[έ]ste

‐ásses

‐[é]sses

‐ísses

‐[έ]sses

3SG

‐óu

‐[é]u

‐[í]u

‐

‐ásse

‐[é]sse

‐ísse

‐[έ]sse

1PL

‐ámos

‐[é]mos

‐ímos

‐[έ]mos

‐ássemos

‐[é]ssemos

‐íssemos

‐[έ]ssemos

2PL

‐ástes

‐[é]stes

‐ístes

‐[έ]stes

‐ásseis

‐[é]sseis

‐ísseis

‐[έ]sseis

3PL

‐áram

‐[é]ram

‐íram

‐[έ]ram

‐ássem

‐[é]ssem

‐íssem

‐[έ]ssem

Pluperfect

Future subjunctive

1SG

‐ára

‐[é]ra

‐íra

‐[έ]ra

‐ár

‐[é]r

‐ír

‐[έ]r

2SG

‐áras

‐[é]ras

‐íras

‐[έ]ras

‐áres

‐[é]res

‐íres

‐[έ]res

3SG

‐ára

‐[é]ra

‐íra

‐[έ]ra

‐ár

‐[é]r

‐ír

‐[έ]r

1PL

‐áramos

‐[é]ramos

‐íramos

‐[έ]ramos

‐ármos

‐[é]rmos

‐írmos

‐[έ]rmos

2PL

‐áreis

‐[é]reis

‐íreis

‐[έ]reis

‐árdes

‐[é]rdes

‐írdes

‐[έ]rdes

3PL

‐áram

‐[é]ram

‐íram

‐[έ]ram

‐árem

‐[é]rem

‐írem

‐[έ]rem

Page 14 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome COLP tenses for the three regular conjugations are given beside the endings for the SPR verbs which are in grey.

Since in this language /ε/ and /e/ are phonemically distinct, the presence of this vowel cannot be determined by the conjugation of the verb unless one were to claim that Galician‐Portuguese had four conjugations. This example corroborates the view adumbrated by Aronoff (1994: 45–54) with regards to Latin that the thematic vowel cannot be associated with the lexeme of a verb but rather with a particular stem. This is evident in Portuguese by the fact that the verbs which exhibit this theme vowel in the COLP tenses can belong to any of the three conjugations, as shown in Table 4.15 in the Appendix for the verbs estar ‘to be’, fazer ‘to do’, and vir ‘to come’, which each belong to a different conjugation but all have the same theme vowel in the COLP tenses. The only way to explain the presence of such a theme vowel is to allow it to be an allomorph of the stem. However, this increases the allomorphy in the morphome of Modern Portuguese since, for example, fazer, ‘to do’ now has three allomorphs: [fi∫], [fe∫], and [fi∫ε]. This I would argue is necessary, and to reinforce the point of allomorphy in the morphome and thematic vowels being considered part of this allomorphy I shall use an example from a morphome in Catalan.

(p.79) 4.4 A Catalan morphome There is a class of verbs in Catalan which share an allomorph that is characterized by containing a velar consonant and having a semantically incoherent distribution across a number of cells in the paradigm (1SG present indicative, the present subjunctive, the preterite, and the imperfect subjunctive). The history of this morphome in Catalan is a complex matter and shall not be analysed here (cf. Wheeler, this volume, for a detailed historical account). For the present aims it must be noted that whilst all the cells within this morphome share the same velar root they do not all share the same stem, or rather the same thematic vowel. This is exemplified by the relevant forms of the verb escriure ‘write’ in Table 4.8. Here [i] could be considered to be a marker of present subjunctive, [r] and tonic [i] a marker of preterite, and [s] a marker of imperfect subjunctive. It should also be noted that in Catalan voiced occlusives undergo devoicing in final position. What we have here, therefore, is the situation whereby some forms share the same root whilst others the same stem, both groups not being able to be reduced to any semantic common denominator or phonological conditioning.6 It should also be noted that this thematic vowel is in no way predictable by the conjugational class of the verb but rather it is totally predictable from the combination of the velar allomorph in a particular paradigmatic cell. This is apparent with the verb escriure, a 3rd conjugation verb which traditionally is considered to have the theme vowel /i/ (cf. 1PL present indicative escrivim); Page 15 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.8. Modern Catalan escriure ‘write’

Page 16 of 37

PRS.IND

PRS.SBJV

PRT.

IPF.SBJV

1SG

escric

escrigu‐i

escrigu‐í

escrigué‐s

2SG

escrius

escrigu‐is

escrigue‐res

escrigué‐ssis

3SG

escriu

escrigu‐i

escrigué

escrigué‐s

1PL

escrivim

escrigue‐m

escrigué‐rem

escrigué‐ssim

2PL

escriviu

escrigue‐u

escrigué‐reu

escrigué‐ssiu

3PL

escriuen

escrigu‐in

escrigue‐ren

escrigué‐ssin

The Notion of the Morphome (p.80) however, in the COLP tenses the theme vowel is /e/. The fact that this is derivable from the presence of the velar root is evident from those varieties in which there is variation as to whether the velar allomorph occurs, that is, escric alternates with escriv‐. When the non‐velar root occurs the theme vowel is /i/ (cf. 1PL preterite escrivirem and 1PL imperfect subjunctive escrivíssem), whilst when the velar root is present the theme vowel is always /e/ (escriguérem, escriguéssim) and in no varieties of Catalan is it possible to have the velar element followed by the expected theme vowel /i/, *escriguírem, escriguíssim.7 It should also be noted that this sequence presents no phonological problem, as demonstrated by the 1SG.PRT escriguí.

It is clear, then, that the only way to explain the presence of this element is to assert that there is allomorphy in the morphome and there are morphomic roots and morphomic stems. However, the result of this is that it is unclear as to what the morphome and morphomic structure is: the abstract paradigmatic collection of cells bereft of any coherent semantic and morpho‐syntactic features or the actual phonological roots and stems themselves? I would like to suggest that the word ‘morphome’ ought not be used to refer to meaningless stems or roots, but rather used to refer to an abstract collection of cells which is made overt via the distribution of a particular regular type of allomorphy. In this way the morphome captures and is defined by the fact that within the inflectional paradigm there are a certain number of cells which are linguistically marked to display a particular special type of allomorphy all the relevant cells have certain salient features in common but not always total identity of form. That is, the morphome itself is not directly associated with a particular root allomorph but rather the collection of cells. Current theories of inflectional morphology are incapable of capturing this generalization since either (a) there is no place in the theory for purely morphological generalizations or (b) in those theories which do accept morphological generalizations, morphomic factors are conceived as corresponding to identical forms and are formalized as morphomic stems, and thus the emphasis is on the actual exponents rather than the paradigmatic distribution. In order to illustrate this point I shall analyse how two distinct morphological theories, Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993) and Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001) would explain the different (p.81) forms of the SPR verbs in the COLP tenses of Modern Spanish: the PYTA morphome. These forms have been chosen on account of the fact that they constitute a bona fide morphome (cf. section 4.2) whose cells not only share the same root but a subset of these cells (3PL preterite and all the cells of the imperfect subjunctive) share the same thematic vowel, [je].8 Thus these verbs are similar to the Portuguese and Catalan cases analysed previously. The reason for choosing to analyse the Spanish PYTA morphome over the Catalan and Portuguese cases is due to the fact that for Spanish there is a more extensive literature on the phenomena. Page 17 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome 4.5 Two different theoretical accounts of the PYTA morphome in Modern Spanish In Modern Spanish the tenses of this morphome are the preterite and the imperfect subjunctive in ‐ra and ‐se. This is illustrated in Table 4.9 for the verb estar ‘to be’, a first conjugation verb whose SPR is estuv‐. These SPR verbs in Spanish are special on account of three factors: (a) they display identical root allomorphy only in the COLP tenses and also stem allomorphy in a subset of these tenses as stipulated above; (b) they are rhizotonic in the 1SG and 3SG preterite; and (c) their endings do not correspond to any conjugation – the endings of the 1SG and 3SG preterite forms (estuve, estuvo) are the same as those of 1st conjugation verbs whilst the endings of the other forms are common to 2nd/3rd conjugation verbs. For present purposes attention shall not be paid to matters of accentuation and thus the focus of the analysis shall be on explaining factors (a) and (c). TABLE 4.9. Modern Spanish estar ‘to be’ Preterite

IPF.SBJV (‐ra)

IPF.SBJV (‐se)

1SG

estuve

estuviera

estuviese

2SG

estuviste

estuvieras

estuvieses

3SG

estuvo

estuviera

estuviese

1PL

estuvimos

estuviéramos

estuviésemos

2PL

estuvisteis

estuvierais

estuvieseis

3PL

estuvieron

estuvieran

estuviesen

(p.82) 4.5.1 The Spanish PYTA morphome and Distributed Morphology

In Distributed Morphology, the assumption is that word structure is governed by the rules of syntax which produce hierarchical trees from abstract syntactico‐ semantic features. These features reside in terminal tree nodes, are termed morphemes, and are of two types: f‐morphemes and l‐morphemes, which correspond approximately to the distinction between functional and lexical categories. These syntactic trees pass through the morphological level, where syntactic operations pertaining to the internal structure of words can take place and subsequently the morphemes are inserted with phonological features from a list of vocabulary items which are subcategorized for such features. This model of grammar is illustrated in Figure 4.3.

Page 18 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome One fundamental difference between the two different types of morphemes is that it is assumed that there is no choice in the selection of l‐morphemes. In the context of verbal morphology, this means that each lexeme cannot have different stems but must correspond to one vocabulary item. The different phonological forms, both bound and free, of a lexeme are the result of either: (a) a readjustment rule which usually produces a different allomorph of the verb (thus the verb saber ‘to know’ which has the root allomorphs sab‐, sep‐, sup‐, and se would supposedly have the more general form sab‐ ‘underlyingly’, which would be readjusted to the other forms in certain morpho‐syntactic contexts); or (b) the combination of the terminal node corresponding to the root with another terminal node carrying other semantico‐syntactic features which correspond to a different vocabulary item. Thus the form cantó ‘he sang’ of the verb cantar ‘to sing’ corresponds to the combination of the terminal root node cant‐ and another node in which the features for past tense and agreement have fused and have been matched with the vocabulary item /o/ (Arregi 2000). (p.83) With regard to the Spanish SPR verbs the different root allomorphs which they display in these tenses in comparison with other forms of the verb (cf. Table 4.12) could not correspond to an optional root for this verb since, as stated, lexemes (or rather l‐morphemes) can only FIGURE 4.3 The grammar model of correspond to one vocabulary Distributed Morphology item. Thus the different root allomorphs X and Y for a lexeme L would both correspond to the same vocabulary item which when realized as a verb would have two different phonological realizations stipulated by an ad hoc readjustment rule of the type X 〉 Y. In the case of the verb estar ‘to be’, the root est‐ would be phonologically readjusted to estuv‐ at the level of Phonological Form.

The fact that the same root is shared by both the preterite and imperfect subjunctive would be a mere coincidence and thus no psychological reality would be supposed between these two tenses. It would merely be the case that a number of unrelated morpho‐syntactic features A B C (preterite and imperfect subjunctive) triggered exactly the same readjustment rule (X 〉 Y) for a number of vocabulary items (the SPR verbs). Thus the common root shared by the two different tenses in modern Spanish and the four different tenses in old Spanish is treated as a mere coincidence and the psychological reality behind the grouping of tenses is denied.

Page 19 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome With regard to the explanation of the presence of the other formatives in the inflectional forms of these SPR verbs I shall briefly summarize the account offered by Arregi (2000).9 This author claims that, due to the fact that the patterns of agreement in the preterite are very different from those for the other tenses, then it must be the case that tense and agreement are realized cumulatively in the preterite tense or in the vocabulary of Distributed Morphology, tense and agreement are fused in the perfective10 (Arregi 2000: 19). Thus the syntactic tree which is fed into the Morphological Component for verbs in the preterite is that in Figure 4.4. Here it must be noted that in order to explain the presence of the purely morphological thematic vowel, the author is forced to add an extra terminal node in the syntactic tree which corresponds to no syntactic or semantic features but rather to the stipulation, following Oltra‐Massuet's (p.84) (1999) analysis of Catalan, that in the morphological component all syntactic functional heads require a theme position.

Disregarding, for simplicity, matters of accentuation, the 2SG, 1PL, and 2PL forms follow from the syntactic tree in Figure 4.4 only if it is stipulated that SPR verbs belong to the 3rd conjugation in the preterite and supposedly also the imperfect subjunctive (although SPR verbs are not treated in this tense) and that the theme vowel for this conjugation is /i/.

FIGURE 4.4 Morpho‐syntactic structure for vocabulary insertion of a preterite verb form

The instances of the 1SG, 3SG, and 3PL, preterite forms and all the forms of the imperfect subjunctives cannot be explained, however, since adhering to the syntactic tree and the stipulations regarding the realization of the features for Tense and Agreement and the thematic vowel the forms would be estuv‐i, estuv‐i‐ o, estuv‐i‐ron, estuv‐i‐ra, estuv‐i‐se, respectively. In order to explain the 1SG preterite forms recourse is made to an ad hoc and unmotivated phonological rule which lowers the thematic vowel /i/ to /e/ in posttonic position: thus estuvi 〉 estuve. This rule also applies to the 3SG preterite forms thus: estuv‐i‐o 〉 estuveo; the /e/ is then deleted via another phonological rule which stipulates that a non‐high thematic vowel is deleted when followed by another non‐high vowel, providing the form estuvo.

Page 20 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome Regarding the 3PL preterite forms and the imperfect subjunctive forms which have not only an identical root but also an identical stem, it is merely stipulated that the vocabulary item for the thematic vowel in these forms corresponds to the phonological features of /ie/. No explanation is advanced as to why it should be these forms only. Thus, in Distributed Morphology, the generalization of the PYTA morphome is expressed as a series of unrelated coincidences; namely: (p.85) (i) SPR verbs undergo the same readjustment rule in the preterite and imperfect subjunctive tenses; (ii) SPR verbs belong to the same conjugation in both the preterite and imperfect subjunctive tenses; (iii) SPR verbs have the same theme vowel [je] in both the 3PL preterite and all the imperfect subjunctive forms. 4.5.2 The Spanish PYTA morphome and Paradigm Function Morphology

Within the framework of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001) inflectional morphology is conceived as a paradigm function in which inflected word forms are given substance via the mapping of a lexeme to a particular morpho‐syntactic property set of a cell in a paradigm. To give an oversimplified and summarized account, the paradigm function triggers realization rules which occur in blocks and produce the fully inflected phonological word forms. Not all phonological material apart from the common root of a lexeme are considered to be inflectional affixes and exponents of some morpho‐syntactic property and derived by rule of exponence. Rather, each lexeme has an inventory of stems which consist of the root and other phonological material. The stems are indexed and the realization rules interact with these indexed stems so that certain cells in the paradigm (or rather morpho‐syntactic property sets, which do not necessarily need to be related) trigger particular stems. With reference to the Spanish PYTA morphome, in Paradigm Function Morphology the different root allomorphs of the SPR verbs would be lexically stored as different stems and would be given an index. In order to capture the generalization that the same root occurred in all of the COLP tenses, each individual cell of these tenses would have the same stem index and thus it is stipulated that they share the same stem despite the fact that the collection of tenses do not form a semantic or morpho‐syntactic natural class.

Page 21 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome In Stump's work direct reference is made to the morphome in that the term ‘morphomic rules’ is given to the set of rules of stem formation and stem indexing for a particular language (Stump 2001: 1999). In this way, unlike Distributed Morphology, Paradigm Function Morphology can account for the morphomic distribution of the SPR roots in a non‐coincidental way; that is, it can explain why a heterogeneous group of cells A B C all share the same root allomorph Y and not root allomorph X for a lexeme L: they are all indexed for the same root. In this way Stump's model has the capability to describe, and thus supposedly can capture, the generalization of the morphome. (p.86) However, as Carstairs‐McCarthy (2005) has pointed out regarding Stump's analysis of stems in Sanskrit, whilst this author recognizes that morphomic factors are at work in this language, the formalization of such factors is too permissive; in the sense that if morphomic structure is loosely defined as the presence of a special root X in a group of semantically and morpho‐ syntactically heterogeneous cells A B C, what Stump's model does is to relate each cell with the special root X. Formalized in this way, it means that ‘there is nothing in Stump's framework to guarantee the consistency of distribution’, that is, the generalization that the cells A B C share the same root and act en bloc and comprise a morphological reality for that language (Carstairs‐McCarthy 2005: 267). The analysis of the morphome within this framework thus merely relates the individual cells in the morphome with the same root but says nothing about the bloc of cells which constitute the morphome as a linguistic reality in itself. In this sense Stump's formalization of morphomic structure is akin to the pictorial model in Figure 4.1 in that each type of morpho‐syntax (Syntax 1 and Syntax 2) is subject to a function which relates it to the same phonological form α; that is, each morpho‐syntactic property set undergoes a function which contains the same stem index. However, the generalization behind the morphome, that illustrated in Figure 4.2, i.e. that the random group of paradigmatic cells containing different morpho‐syntactic properties are somehow linguistically marked as constituting a unit, is not captured.11

Page 22 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome Regarding the formalization of the rest of the inflectional material which follows the root, within this framework these formatives can be formalized either by way of realizational rules of exponence or via a stem choice. For example the form cantó, the 3SG preterite of the regular verb ‘sing’ cantar, could either be the result of a realization rule which affixed /o/ to the root of the verb, thus /o/ would be an exponent of 3SG preterite for first conjugation verbs; or the form could correspond to a stem which was formed via the root + o, and the pairing of the root of CANTAR and the morpho‐syntactic property set would trigger a realization rule choosing this stem. Generally speaking rules of exponence are assigned to those formatives which consistently coincide with morpho‐syntactic features. In Spanish, the person and number formatives for 2SG, 1PL, 2PL, and 3PL would be prime candidates for such rules since across the paradigm they consistently correspond to the phonological strings /s/, /mos/, /is/, and /n/, respectively. Taking this into account for the COLP forms of the SPR verb estar, this still leaves a number of inflectional formatives which need explaining: the thematic vowels (‐ie‐, ‐i‐), the endings in the 1SG preterite (‐e‐), 3SG preterite (‐o‐), 3PL preterite (‐iero), and the imperfect (p.87) TABLE 4.10. Stem formation in the PYTA tenses in modern Castilian Form

Stem Index

Stem Formation

estuve

PYTA 1

PYTA + e

estuviste

PYTA 2

PYTA 4 + ste

estuvo

PYTA 3

PYTA + o

estuvi

PYTA 4

PYTA + i

estuvieron

PYTA 5

PYTA* + ro

estuviera

PYTA 6

PYTA* + ra

estuviese

PYTA 7

PYTA* + se

subjunctive formatives (‐ra‐, ‐se‐). These endings could be formalized as different stems for this lexeme, as in Table 4.10, where PYTA when used as a stem index refers to the bare root and PYTA* refers to the bare root + [je]. In the case of the verb estar this would correspond to the forms estuv‐ and estuvie‐, respectively.

Page 23 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome A crucial difference between this theory and that of Distributed Morphology is that in the latter all phonological material which does not correspond to the root must conform to some semantico‐syntactic feature; in Paradigm Function Morphology, however, such formatives can merely be allomorphs of the lexeme and are thus in a sense meaningless. In this way all the COLP tenses can share the same meaningless SPR stem (here called PYTA) and the 3pl preterite and imperfect subjunctive forms can share the same PYTA stem (here called PYTA*) which comprises the root + [je]. However, as before, there is no formal mechanism in the theory which, independently of the stem indexing and the actual stems themselves, captures the generalization that these set of cells posses a distributional uniformity, rather there is a stipulation for each cell, independent of any sense of grouping. The conclusion from the analysis of the suitability of both Distributed Morphology and Paradigm Function morphology in explaining morphomic factors is that the former has no mechanism through which to capture such factors since it is basically an item and arrangement theory of morphology whereby each formative must correspond to some motivated semantic or syntactic feature. In this way Distributed Morphology is orthogonal to the concept of the morphome since the hallmark of the morphome is a shared formal property across a number of word forms of a lexeme which lack any semantic or syntactic congruence. In Distributed Morphology this distributional regularity is regarded as merely coincidental, even though diachronically it is clear that this is not the case. Paradigm Function Morphology, however, does take account of morphomic factors and provides a formalization as to why a formal phonological property (p.88) can be purely morphological in the sense that it is not correlated with any semantic, phonological, nor syntactic features but rather morphological ones. This is achieved by having the same stem index for a number of different cells. Furthermore, since stems are not limited in number and can be built on one another, this model can also formalize why inflectional forms share not only the same root but also the same thematic vowel. The problem with this theory, however, is that it merely formalizes a distributional pattern but does not explain or capture the generalization behind the morphome: that a number of paradigmatic cells which do not form a syntactic or semantic natural class are grouped together in the paradigm and constitute a linguistic unit which is the domain for a particular type of allomorphy. In short, it captures the generalization that lexemes can have morphomic stems in the sense that certain stems are meaningless; it does not capture the generalization of the morphome: the paradigmatic distribution independent of any phonological substance.

Page 24 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome In what follows I provide data from Ibero‐Romance to support this view of the morphome, as a theoretical construct which corresponds to a grouping of paradigmatic cells.

4.6 The morphome as a linguistically marked set of paradigmatic cells In Table 4.11, under the heading of PIR, I give the endings of the COLP tenses in proto‐Ibero‐Romance and a number of other modern varieties which will be important for my argument. From the proto‐endings both the old Castilian and old Galician‐Portuguese forms can be explained via regular sound change: the diphthong in the 3SG being reduced to /o/ and the diphthong in the 1sg being reduced to /e/ in old Castilian whilst in old Galician‐Portuguese, the diphthongs remained but were changed to [ej] and [ow] respectively. The Asturian dialectal data, however, cannot be explained via regular sound change but rather by analogy. It is clear that the vowel /e/ in the 1sg was analogically extended to other forms of the preterite. Thus in some varieties12 it passes to the 2SG (Astur 1), in other varieties it passes only to the 1PL13 (Astur 2), whilst in other varieties it is present in all the forms of the preterite save the third person forms; in which the 3PL is the only person to (p.89) retain the etymological theme vowel /a/14 (Astur 3). Common to all these paradigms is that the theme vowel for the COLP tenses is still what is considered to be the conjugation vowel /a/. However, in those varieties in which there is no longer any /a/ in the preterite15 (Astur 4), the vowel /e/ then passes to the other COLP tenses. This phenomenon is also present in the speech of the Trás‐os‐Montes region of Portugal and also in Mirandês, the Asturian‐Leonese variety spoken in Portugal.16 In these examples it is clear that the speakers have not considered the vocalic element to be an independent part of the word form which corresponds to a certain morpho‐syntactic category, be it the thematic vowel /a/

Page 25 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.11. Inflectional endings of the COLP tenses in some Ibero‐Romance varieties PIR

OCast OPort

Astur 1

Astur 2

Astur 3

Astur 4

Trás‐os‐Montes

Continuant of Latin perfect 1SG

‐ái

‐é ~ ‐éi

‐éi

‐é

‐éi

‐é

salté

2SG

‐asti

‐aste

‐éiste

‐ásti

‐éisti

‐ísti

saltéstes

3SG

‐aut

‐ó ~ óu

‐óu

‐ó

‐ó

‐ó

saltóu

1PL

‐amus

‐amos

‐ámos

‐émos

‐éimus

‐émos

saltémos

2PL

‐astis

‐astes

‐ásteis

‐ástis

‐éistis

‐éstes

saltémos

3PL

‐arunt

‐aron

‐ánun

‐ánon

‐ánun

‐óren

salteram

‐ára, ‐éra

saltéra

–

saltése

–

saltér

Continuant of Latin pluperfect indicative 3SG

‐ára

‐ara

‐ára

‐ara

‐ara

Continuant of Latin pluperfect subjunctive 3SG

‐ase

‐áse

‐áse

‐áse

–

Continuant of Latin future perfect indicative and perfect subjunctive 3SG

Page 26 of 37

‐ári

‐are

–

–

–

The Notion of the Morphome (p.90) phonologically modified to /e/ or the cumulative marker of 1SG preterite for 1st conjugation verbs. It seems that speakers have treated it as an allomorph of the lexeme, a meaningless stem. This allomorph has then spread to other forms of the verb, however crucially the domain for this analogical spread has been the PYTA morphome.

This analogical spread of /e/ is proof that the linguistic reality of the paradigmatic grouping of cells is independent of the actual stem allomorphy in these cells. This is because the analogical extension in Asturian has taken place in regular 1st conjugation verbs which, as can be seen in the full verbal paradigm for the verb falar in Astur 1 (Table 4.16 in the Appendix), do not display root allomorphy in the COLP tenses. Indeed, the general trend is that these verbs display an invariable root throughout the whole of the paradigm17 and the stem is generally that of the root + thematic vowel /a/. In order to explain this analogical spread, then, it must be assumed that even though the roots and stems in the COLP tenses of these verbs are identical to that of the roots and stems of the rest of the paradigm (except the 1SG and 3SG preterite), and thus there are no formal properties which united these verb forms, the PYTA morphome, however, is still active. This can be the only reason why all these verbs come to share the vocalic element /e/. Bybee (1985: 64) on the topic of morpho‐phonemic changes states that they ‘tend to be of a very specific type: they tend to eliminate alternations among closely related forms. Thus the more closely related two forms are, the more likely that an alternation between them is eliminated.’ However, this author only takes into account cases of semantic relatedness as attested in the following quote in which the author describes the kind of relations which hold between different members of a paradigm and concludes that ‘some forms can be said to be more closely related to one another than they are to other forms. This degree of relatedness is based on common membership in the more relevant verbal categories, i.e. those that have more of an effect on the meaning of the verb stem. Therefore, the more closely related two forms are semantically, the more closely related they will be in the form of their expression.’ The Asturian data, however, is special in that the different COLP tenses are not exclusively semantically related (cf. Maiden 2001a for a full discussion), nor is it the case that they are exclusively formally related, as would be the case of the SPR verbs which all share the same root allomorph. These tenses before (and after) the extension of /e/ must have been related in a purely (p.91) morphological way. This was the result of the SPR verbs (which are very similar to those in Spanish) which through their identity of form have established a purely morphological relationship between theses tenses and this has become a linguistic reality for the language; even for verbs which do not exclusively display any exclusive formal characteristics in these tenses. Therefore there is a need to recognize the linguistic unity of the COLP tenses as the PYTA morphome independently of the SPR verbs which display allomorphy in these tenses. This is a challenge for all theories of inflectional morphology. Page 27 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome 4.7 Appendix TABLE 4.12. Castilian root allomorphs for the continuants of the Latin perfective tenses 3SG.PRS.IND

3SG.PRT. OCast

3SG.PRT. MCast

ve

vido

vió

quiere

quiso

quiso

viene

vino

vino

tiene

tovo

tuvo

haze

hizo ~ hezo

hizo

escribe

escriso

escribió

conduce

condujo

condujo

place

plogo

plació

sabe

sopo

supo

pone

puso

puso

puede

podo

pudo

está

estovo ~ estivo

estuvo

ha

ovo

hubo

remane

remanso

–

nasce

nasco

nació

vive

visco

vivió

yaze

yago

yació

trae

trajo

trajo

ciñe

cinxo

ciñó

conoce

conuvo

conoció

dice

dijo

dijo

mete

miso

metió

es

fue

fue

cabe

copo

cupo

(p.92)

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The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.13. Latin perfective tenses and their correspondences in old and modern Castilian Tense in Latin

Tense in OCast

Tense in MCast

perfect

preterite

preterite

future perfect indicative future subjunctive

–

pluperfect indicative

pluperfect indicative

imperfect subjunctive (‐ra)

perfect subjunctive

future subjunctive

–

pluperfect subjunctive

imperfect subjunctive imperfect subjunctive (‐se)

perfect active infinitive

–

Page 29 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.14. Verbs with very different stems like ter ‘to have’ PRS.IND

PRS.SBJV

FUT

COND

INFL.INF

1SG

tenho

tenha

terei

teria

ter

2SG

tens

tenhas

terás

terias

teres

3SG

tem

tenha

terá

teria

ter

1PL

temos

tenhamos

teremos

teríamos

termos

2PL

tendes

tenhais

tereis

teríeis

terdes

3PL

têm

tenham

terão

teriam

terem

IPF.IND

PRT

IPF.SBJV

PLPF

FUT.SBJV

1SG

tinha

tive

tivesse

tivera

tiver

2SG

tinhas

tiveste

tivesses

tiveras

tiveres

3SG

tinha

teve

tivesse

tivera

tiver

1PL

tínhamos

tivemos

tivéssemos

tivéramos

tivermos

2PL

tínheis

tivestes

tivésseis

tivéreis

tiverdes

3PL

tinham

tiveram

tivessem

tiveram

tiverem

infinitive

gerund

participle

IMP

NEG. IMP

ter

tendo

tido

tem

não tenhas

Page 30 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome (p.93)

Page 31 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.15. Verbs with ‘theme’ vowel [έ] in the COLP tenses estar (1st class)

fazer (2nd class)

vir (3rd class)

1SG

estive

fiz

vim

2SG

estiv[έ]ste

fiz[έ]ste

vi[έ]ste

3SG

esteve

fez

veio

1PL

estiv[έ]mos

fiz[έ]mos

vi[έ]mos

2PL

estiv[έ]stes

fiz[έ]stes

vi[έ]stes

3PL

estiv[έ]ram

fiz[έ]ram

vi[έ]ram

Pluperfect

1SG

estiv[έ]ra

fiz[έ]ra

vi[έ]ra

indicative

2SG

estiv[έ]ras

fiz[έ]ras

vi[έ]ras

3SG

estiv[έ]ra

fiz[έ]ra

vi[έ]ra

1PL

estiv[έ]ramos

fiz[έ]ramos

vi[έ]ramos

2PL

estiv[έ]reis

fiz[έ]reis

vi[έ]reis

3PL

estiv[έ]ram

fiz[έ]ram

vi[έ]ram

Pluperfect

1SG

estiv[έ]sse

fiz[έ]sse

vi[έ]sse

subjunctive

2SG

estiv[έ]sses

fiz[έ]sses

vi[έ]sses

3SG

estiv[έ]sse

fiz[έ]sse

vi[έ]sse

1PL

estiv[έ]ssemos

fiz[έ]ssemos

vi[έ]ssemos

2PL

estiv[έ]sseis

fiz[έ]sseis

vi[έ]sseis

Perfect

Page 32 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

estar (1st class)

fazer (2nd class)

vir (3rd class)

3PL

estiv[έ]ssem

fiz[έ]ssem

vi[έ]ssem

Future

1SG

estiv[έ]r

fiz[έ]r

vi[έ]r

perfect

2SG

estiv[έ]res

fiz[έ]res

vi[έ]res

3SG

estiv[έ]r

fiz[έ]r

vi[έ]r

1PL

estiv[έ]rmos

fiz[έ]rmos

vi[έ]rmos

2PL

estiv[έ]rdes

fiz[έ]rdes

vi[έ]rdes

3PL

estiv[έ]rem

fiz[έ]rem

vi[έ]rem

Page 33 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome (p.94)

Page 34 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

TABLE 4.16. Paradigm for the verb falar in Astur 1 present indicative

present subjunctive

future

conditional

1SG

fálo

fále

falaréi

falaría

2SG

fálas

fáles

falarás

falarías

3SG

fála

fále

falará

falaría

1PL

falámos

falémos

falarémos

falaríamos

2PL

faláis

faléis

falaréis

falaríais

3PL

fálan

fálen

falarán

falarían

imperfect indicative

preterite

imperfect subjunctive

pluperfect and imperfect subjunctive

1SG

falába

faléi

faláse

falára

2SG

falábas

faléiste

faláses

faláras

3SG

falába

falou

faláse

falára

1PL

falábamos

falámos

falásemos

faláramos

2PL

falábais

falásteis

faláseis

falárais

3PL

falában

falánun

falásen

faláran

infinitve

gerund

participle

imperative

falár

falándo

faláo, faládo

fála, falái, faláde

Note that there is variation as to the 2PL marker which can either be ‐is or ‐des

Page 35 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome

Notes:

(1) The exact nature of these aspectual distinctions is a complex matter, cf. Pinkster (1990) for a comprehensive account. (2) It was not only the forms given above in which this perfectum root occurred; the forms which required this root were also the PERF, PERF.SBJV and PLPF.SBJV, since these tenses also expressed a completed action. (3) Firstly, proto‐Romance underwent a process, already incipient in Latin, whereby the intervocalic glide [w], a marker of the perfective forms, was lost. Thus PORTĀVISTĪ 〉 *PORTASTE, AUDĪVĪ 〉 *AUDI. Secondly some tenses in which the perfectum root was used either disappeared or undertook a different morpho‐syntactic function; finally many perfective roots displaying allomorphy were substituted for the imperfective roots. (4) Another principle to which these forms adhere and which is also proof of the psychological reality of the morphome is the principle of convergence, see Maiden (2005). (5) As with Spanish the presence of the high vowel is only etymological in the 1sg preterite due to metaphonic raising of the following /i/, however this spread to all cells in the COLP tenses with the exception of the 3sg preterite which from a typological viewpoint is not that surprising (cf. Bybee and Brewer 1980). (6) It could be argued that the presence of this thematic vowel is due to reasons of phonology in that what all the forms which contain this element have in common is that they are followed by a consonant and thus it could be argued that Catalan does not favour velars in the coda of the syllable inside a word. This, however, is simply not the case as the following forms show: sexe /sεk.sə/ ‘sexo’, mugrons ‘nipples’. (7) Such forms are recorded historically however, cf. Griera (1931: 94) who gives examples of cayguist, traguíst, creheguíst, prenguist, apreguist. (8) In Old Castilian this thematic vowel was also shared by all the other forms of the preterite except the 1SG and 3SG (cf. O'Neill (to appear) for the origin of this common thematic vowel). (9) Although still unpublished, Arregi (2000) constitutes, to my knowledge, the only attempt at a comprehensive account of the Spanish verb within Distributed Morphology. Its analysis is assumed in Oltra‐Massuet and Arregi's (2005) analysis of verb stress.

Page 36 of 37

The Notion of the Morphome (10) In all other tenses in Spanish subject agreement is always via the vocabulary items: ‐ø, ‐s, ‐ø, ‐mos, ‐is, ‐n for the different persons of the verb (1SG, 2SG, 3SG, 1PL, 2PL, 3PL). Given Arregi's assumption the vocabulary items for fused subject agreement and tense in the preterite are ‐ø, ‐ste, ‐ø, ‐mos, ‐steis, ‐ron (Arregi 2000: 19). (11) For Carstairs‐McCarthy (2005: 266) this is the difference between the distributional uniformity analysis compared to the morpho‐syntactic realization analysis. (12) El cuarto de los valles (Menéndez García 1965). (13) Meres (Grossi Fernández 1962), Cabranes (Canellada 1944), Cándamo (Díaz González 1986), Vegadeo (Fernández Vior 1997), El Franco (García García 1983), Valledor (Muñiz 1978), Santianes de Pravia (García Valdés 1979), Villacidayo (Millán Urdiales 1966), Tudanca (Penny 1978). (14) Sisterna (Fernández 1960), Teberga (García Arias 1974), Tudanca (Penny 1978), Cabo Peñas (Diáz Castañón 1966), Lena (Neira Martínez 1955), Babia y Laciana (Álvarez Álvarez 1949), Somiedo (Cano 1981), Parres (Vallina Alonso 1985). (15) Alto Aller (Rodríguez Castellano 1951), Ancares (Fernández González 1981), certain varieties of Trás‐os‐Montes (Santos 1967), Mirandês (Nunes 1930). (16) This is captured by the following quote by Nunes (1930: 319) (whose facts are also corroborated by Vasconcellos 1900: 110–115): ‘Na fronteira de Tras‐os‐ Mintes, Norte e Centro como aliás o practica também o dialecto mirandês, igualmente por analogia com a mesma pessoa [1SG. PRT], mantém o e na 2a do mesmo número e 1a e 2a do plural dizendo salteste, saltemos e saltestes, e, como conseqüencia, nos tempos derivados do mesmo tema, assim: saltera, saltese, salter.’ (17) There are a number of 1st conjugation verbs, however, which do display root allomorphy. However, this is almost always in the present tenses. The only two 1st conjugation verbs which could show allomorphy in the COLP tenses are the verbs andar and estar. These verbs however do not share the endings in 4.12 and belong to the SPR class of verbs.

Page 37 of 37

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Sascha Gaglia

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0006

Abstract and Keywords The chapter analyses three types of variation, namely metaphony, pretonic vowel variation, and laxing harmony, on the grounds of autonomous morphology (i.a. Aronoff 1994, Maiden 2004). It will be shown that all these types of variation may constitute morphomic patterns in the dialects in question. Further, I will argue in making reference to mental representation that metaphony in word‐ final vowel retaining dialects is virtually morphomic even if the relation between form and function may be explained by a one‐to‐one correspondence, which is typically the case for metaphony in 2nd singular. Keywords:   metaphony, pretonic vowel variation, laxing, harmony, neutralization, mental representation

5.1 Introduction Following Aronoff (1994: 22–25), a morphological structure is called autonomous or a morphome if it exhibits morpho‐phonologically diverse realizations and if such realizations can be related to more than a single morpho‐syntactic value. For example, the morphomic status of English perfect participles is based on the diversity of morpho‐phonological realizations (e.g. the allomorphs ‐d, ‐t, ‐əd as well as Umlaut and Ablaut) attributed to an abstract morphological function and on mapping the morphological function from either passive or perfect (pp. 22– 25). Morphomes do not serve for the realization of phonological, syntactic, or semantic features.

Page 1 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The present chapter discusses the question of whether the variation of stem vowels in southern Italian verbal paradigms is to be treated as a case of autonomous morphology. Stem vowels may undergo variation in several ways. The following types will be analysed: (i) Vowels in stressed syllables are usually raised or diphthongized. The phenomenon is also known as metaphony and originally triggered by word‐final ‐u and ‐i. Metaphony has been morphologized (see, inter alia, Tuttle 1985; Maiden 1991 b). In many dialects, especially in central‐ southern Italy, it co‐occurs with neutralization of word‐final vowels, which can even be deleted (Rohlfs 1966; Tekavčić 1980; Maiden 1991 b; Gaglia 2009; Ledgeway 2009). (p.96) (ii) Especially in southern Italy, pretonic vowels may also vary in quality.2 They usually converge to schwa (Rohlfs 1966; Maiden 1995 a), but different outcomes are also observed (Lausberg 1969), particularly due to vowel harmony. In Piedimonte Matese (Campania) lowering of /e/ and raising of labial vowels is independent of the quality of the neighbouring vowels (Gaglia 2009). (iii) Vowel harmony can affect not only pretonic but also stressed vowels.3 In most cases, vowel harmony triggers raising. Cruschina (2006) observes for Mussomeli (Sicily), that vowel harmony may also cause laxing. In the following paragraphs, I will show that in the Campanian dialect of Piedimonte Matese, metaphonic raising and the variation of pretonic vowels may constitute an extended variant of a complementary morphomic pattern to the kind that Maiden (2004 b) calls N‐distribution, if the stem contains the palatal consonants [tʃ], [ʃ], or [ɲ] and if the vocalic outputs of both processes are identical.4 Elsewhere, pretonic variation is indirectly morphomic since it represents the original complementary N‐distribution due to arrhizotonic stress. In Piedimonte Matese, however, phonologically regular variation tends to be morphologized. Evidence is also supplied by the declensional system. The dialect was chosen for this analysis because it offers an extraordinarily good example of how two originally distinct phonological phenomena are reanalysed morphologically and how the idea of an autonomous morphology can cover such processes. Moreover, I will claim that for laxing harmony in Mussomeli (Cruschina 2006) a morphomic pattern arises with respect to 1SG and 2SG.PRS.IND, which is also observed for some metaphonizing dialects (Maiden 1991 b), although the phenomenon can also be analysed as being truly phonological. Remember that both phenomena, metaphony and laxing harmony, are (originally) triggered by word‐final ‐u and ‐i, which occur in 1SG and 2SG.

Page 2 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Further, I argue that metaphony in word‐final vowel retaining dialects is virtually morphomic even if the relation between form and function may be (p.97) explained by a one‐to‐one correspondence, which is typically the case of metaphony in 2SG. The remainder of the chapter is structured as follows: first, I give a brief introduction to each of the relevant phenomena, based on the literature as well as on empirical data taken from my own fieldwork in Campania (5.2). Second, the framework of autonomous morphology will be presented (5.3). Third, I will analyse the gathered data within that framework, trying to capture cross‐ dialectal differences (5.4). Within section 5.5 I offer an approach to the mental representation of metaphony. In conclusion, a summary of the most important findings is provided (5.6).

5.2 Vocalic stem alternation 5.2.1 Metaphony 5.2.1.1 Metaphonic raising in Piedimonte Matese

Metaphony generally means raising and diphthongization of stressed mid vowels, originally triggered by word‐final ‐u and ‐i (Maiden 1991 b; among others).5 From a phonological point of view it can be stated that the feature [high] (or [+high]) spread from the high word‐final vowel onto the stressed vowel (see, inter alia, Calabrese 1985; Sluyters 1988; Kaze 1989; Dyck 1995; Walker 2005; Gaglia 2009). For verbs, the phenomenon typically occurs in 2SG. The examples in Table 5.1 are taken from the Campanian dialect of Piedimonte Matese, which exhibits metaphonic raising (Gaglia 2009).6 With respect to nouns and adjectives metaphony occurs for M.SG and M.PL; see Table 5.2. TABLE 5.1. Metaphony in verbs (Piedimonte Matese) 2SG PRS.IND = raising

3SG PRS.IND = no raising

GLOSS

['perdi]

['pɛrde]

‘you/he lose(s)’

['mitti]

['mette]

‘you/he put(s)’

['moːvi]

['mɔːve]

‘you/he move(s)’

['rumbi]

['rombe]

‘you/he destroy(s)’

(p.98)

Page 3 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.2. Metaphony in nouns and adjectives (Piedimonte Matese) CATEGORY

F.SG

F.PL

M.SG

M.PL

GLOSS

GND

['bbɔːna]

['bbɔːne]

['bboːnu]

['bboːni]

‘good’

NUM

–

–

['meːse]

['miːsi]

‘month(s)’

GND & NUM

–

['reːte]a

['riːtu]

–

‘finger(s)’

(a) Here, the feminine noun represents the collective plural in contrast to M.SG.

Page 4 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 As mentioned above, the phenomenon has been morphologized, which also holds true for the dialect in question. One important argument is the occurrence of counter‐ etymological lowering of high‐mid vowels in feminine singular nouns, as in [vaɦ'ɦɔ:na] (‘young woman’, see Table 5.3), whereas Lat. ganeōnem has regularly led to [o], which shows up in the masculine singular form (Fanciullo 1994).

The masculine plural exhibits [u] in stressed syllables, which is purely metaphonic. Lowering in feminine forms may instead be interpreted as optimization of the metaphonic system (see Fanciullo 1994) with the result of generating a morphological distinction with respect to gender for nouns which are classified as being [+human] (Tuttle 1985: 37–39; Maiden 1991 b: 208).

Page 5 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.3. Derivational suffixes ‐one and ‐ore SUFFIX

F.SG

F.PL

M.SG

M.PL

GLOSS

‐one

[vaʎ'ʎɔːna]

[vaʎ'ʎɔːne]

[vaʎ'ʎoːne]

[vaʎ'ʎuːni]

‘young girl(s)/man/ men’

‐ore

[fatika'tɔːra]

[fatika'tɔːre]

[fatika'tuːri]

‘worker(s)’

Page 6 of 34

[fatika'toːre]

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 On these grounds the pattern in Table 5.3 evolved with the derivational suffixes ‐one and ‐ore. Additionally, metaphony in some M.SG nouns is blocked. Blocking creates a morphological contrast for M.SG vs. M.PL, e.g. ['∫poɪsu]/['∫puɪsi] (‘bridegroom(s)’), ['trεɪnu]/['treɪni] (‘train(s)’), ['∫εɪmu]/ ['∫eɪmi] (mad‐SG/PL) (Gaglia 2009).7

(p.99) Further arguments that corroborate the hypothesis of morphologization following Maiden (1991 b: 218–221), but without correspondence to the dialect in question, are: (i) Neuter inflection in Servigliano, which shows ‘retention of the metaphonic alternant, despite morphological replacement of inflectional ‐u by the neuter inflection ‐o’, which ‘indicates morphologization of metaphony in the absence of any phonetic neutralization of the final atonic vowels’, e.g. niru (black‐M.SG) /niro (black‐NEUT.SG) /nera (black‐ F.SG). (ii) Class one feminine plurals in Neapolitan, containing a mid‐high vowel in stressed syllables, may display an unpredicted metaphonic alternant, e.g. koda (tail‐F.SG) vs. kude (tail‐F.PL). (iii) Configurations where metaphony operates before word‐final ‐i, ‘despite neutralization of the masculine singular inflection ‐u and consequent morphologization of gender alternation in class one singulars’.8 These facts clearly show that metaphony can no longer be explained in phonological terms. And it becomes even more evident if final vowel reduction is also taken into consideration, since dialects differ concerning the relationship between the word‐final vowel as an inflectional ending and the metaphonic root‐ vowel as an exponent of inflectional features, as will be shown in the next section. 5.2.1.2 Metaphony and the status of word‐final vowels

With respect to metaphony and the status of word‐final vowels, the following typology can be observed for Italian dialects (see Table 5.4): while dialects of TYPE A exhibit metaphony and neutralization or even deletion of word‐final vowels to schwa, TYPE B dialects show metaphony and the preservation of word‐ final vowels (Maiden 1991 b: 154).9,10 (p.100) TABLE 5.4. Metaphony and the status of word‐final vowels TYPE A DIALECTS

TYPE B DIALECTS

['mittə]

['mitti]

GLOSS ‘you put’ (2SG PRS.IND)

Where neutralization or deletion of word‐final vowels occurs, metaphony is the sole exponent of inflection (TYPE A). This is the reason why Schürr (1962) uses the term ‘inner inflection’. Page 7 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The Campanian dialect of Piedimonte exhibits a variant of TYPE B dialects: final‐ vowel neutralization does occur but it is entirely due to postlexical phonology (Gaglia 2009) and person–number endings are fully learnable. Word‐finally, vowels get neutralized to schwa if the word boundary corresponds with the right edge of a phonological phrase (1a) (Nespor and Vogel 1986).11 No neutralization occurs phrase internally before consonants (1b): (1) a. [a

vaʎ'ʎɔːnə]φ

DET

girl

‘the

girl’

b. [a

vaʎ'ʎɔːna

miːjə]φ

DET

girl

POSS

‘my girl’

Instead, final‐vowel deletion is observed within a phonological phrase in cases where the vowel is followed by another vowel (2a, b): (2) a. [kɛ

'bbεllə]φ

A

beautiful

‘How beautiful!’ b. [kɛ

'bbεll

'ɔːmə]φ

A

beautiful

man

‘What a handsome man’

True TYPE A dialects like Neapolitan do not show any kind of context‐dependent final‐vowel variation. Deletion or neutralization are thus lexical.12 (p.101) 5.2.1.3 Previous approaches to metaphony

Page 8 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Most approaches to metaphony basically try to capture the phonological alternation caused by the phenomenon. For Calabrese (1985; 1998, among others), the phenomenon is caused by spreading the phonological feature [+high] (or [high]) from the word‐final vowel ‐i or ‐u onto the stressed vowel.13 Since most authors agree that the phenomenon was morphologized, approaches may include morphological constraints as outlined in Calabrese (1998) or morphological specification of the context, as described in Sluyters (1988) and Gaglia (2009).14 In all these cases the nature of metaphony can be described as a cyclic rule in the sense of Kiparsky (1982 b), which means that rule (3b) occurs after morphology (3a) has concatenated the stem with its inflectional ending (see also Sluyters 1988: 164–73). (3)

a.

Concatenation

fredd‐ AST + u M.SG  (‘cold’)

b.

Metaphony

'friddu

c.

Output

['friddu]

Within non‐derived environments (see Kiparsky 1993) metaphony never occurs, as Sluyters (1988: 164–73) shows for example with respect to adverbs in the dialect of Francavilla Fontana where metaphonic diphthongs usually occur with respect to low‐mid vowels: (4)

a.

['pε∫∫u]

(*['pjε∫∫u])

(‘worse’)

b.

['krεtu]

(*['krjεtu])

(‘behind’)

The same behaviour of word stems in non‐derived environments can be observed in Piedimonte Matese, where the adverb oggi (‘today’) and the numeral otto (‘eight’) do not show metaphony since final ‐i and ‐u are not inflectional endings but part of the stem: (5)

Page 9 of 34

a.

['ɔddʒi]

(*['oddʒi])

(‘today’)

b.

['ɔttu]

(*['ottu])

(‘eight’)

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The advantage of treating metaphony as a multistratal phenomenon is that the locus of the derivation, e.g. the lexicon or a morpho‐phonological level, (p.102) can straightforwardly be identified. However, this approach is not able to capture relations between certain cells in the verbal or nominal paradigm, which are far from being accidental. The analysis which I present in the following sections tries to satisfy this desideratum with respect to the conjugational systems in question. A different approach has been proposed by Fanciullo (1994), who claims that metaphony in proparoxytonic words is independent of any posttonic vowel. In this approach, raising occurs due to analogy and as the result of inserting a morphophonemic pattern for a stressed vowel ‘V’, specified for [±back], with the specification [+high] to express the morphological alternation caused by metaphony. Fanciullo (1994) defines the gender alternation for imperatives in a southern Italian dialect as the following pattern, where the masculine verb displays the metaphonic vowel: (6) /oF/ ~ /uM/  tróvələ ~ trúvələ (‘Find her/him/it!’) From my point of view, Fanciullo's approach copes better with mutual dependencies of paradigmatic cells and their surface realizations. However, it neglects that, synchronically, metaphony can also be expressed through morphologically conditioned raising from an underlying non‐high vowel. Hence, metaphony does not necessarily represent the result of inserting a morpho‐ phonemic pattern which requires the costly storage of all alternations (see Gaglia 2009). Optimality Theory (OT) is a model where universal constraints are ranked and mapped onto a specific input to generate an optimal surface representation by principles such as faithfulness and markedness (McCarthy and Prince 1994). The ranking of such constraints is language specific. Walker (2005) uses an OT‐based analysis of metaphony with respect to its phonological component. Although most authors agree that metaphony nowadays is morphological in nature, I shall give the main ideas of Walker's approach to see how far OT is able to capture the characteristics of metaphony. Walker (2005) claims that metaphony is the result of licensing the phonological feature [+high] in posttonic syllables. This is due to the phonetic characteristics of such weak triggers, which acoustically show lower amplitude and a shorter duration than stressed vowels or non‐high vowels. By associating word‐final high vowels with the stressed vowel, metaphony occurs. This is expressed by the following constraint: (7) LICENSE([+high] posttonic, σ'): [+high] in a posttonic syllable must be associated with a stressed syllable. Page 10 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Faithfulness constraints, namely IDENT‐IO(ATR) and IDENT‐IO(high), guarantee further that /ε/ and /ɔ/ cannot be raised towards [i] and [u] (Walker 2005: 944). (p.103) (8) IDENT‐IO(high): A segment in the output and its correspondent in the input must have identical specifications for [high]. (9) IDENT‐IO(ATR): A segment in the output and its correspondent in the input must have identical specifications for [ATR]. If these were all constraints, then raising could not occur due to the identity of input and output. Therefore a fourth constraint is necessary which determines that one of the constraints in (8) and (9) must be violated, but not both: (10) IDENT(high) &l IDENT(ATR): If a segment violates IDENT(high), it must not violate IDENT(ATR), and vice versa. Walker (2005) chooses the ranking IDENT(high) &l IDENT(ATR) 〉〉 LIC(height) 〉〉 IDENT‐IO(ATR), IDENT‐IO(high) for metaphonic raising. The procedure is exemplified for novu (‘new’) in Table 5.5. Although candidate (b) does not violate either IDENT‐IO(ATR) nor IDENT‐IO(high) it is outranked, since it is less optimal than candidate (a). Candidate (c) is also outranked due to its violation of IDENT(high) &l IDENT(ATR).

Page 11 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.5. OT‐Analysis for metaphony in Walker (2005: 960) IDENT(high)&l

/nɔv‐u/

LIC(height)

IDENT(ATR)

IDENT(high)

IDENT(ATR) a.☞ 'novu

*

b. 'nɔvu c. 'nuvu

Page 12 of 34

*

**! *!

*

*

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The main criticisms of this approach are that in dialects where exceptions occur – and metaphony is far more irregular than it seems to be at first glance (see Gaglia 2009) – these are not captured by Walker's analysis. The multimodal approach in Gaglia (2009) copes better with exceptions since application of a metaphonic rule is encoded with the stem in the lexicon. OT does not provide such a treatment.15 Moreover, the OT‐approach is generally unable to capture the relations between the relevant cells of a paradigm. This is also true of multistratal approaches in the framework of Lexical Phonology, as seen above.16 (p.104) 5.2.2 Variation of tonic and pretonic vowels 5.2.2.1 General patterns

Pretonic vowels usually undergo neutralization to schwa in Central‐Southern Italy (see examples in Rohlfs 1966: 160–171): (11) fə∫káva (‘s/he whistled’), vəsətá (‘to visit’), etc. Nevertheless, in this position raising can also be observed, which may be due to vowel harmony if the following vowel is phonologically high, as the examples from Romanesco show (12a) (see Rohlfs 1966: 163). At the same time raising in pretonic position can also be independent of the quality of neighbouring vowels (12b) (p. 163): (12) a. vistito (‘suit’), distino (‘destiny’), spidito (‘sent’), sittimana (‘week’), pinitenza (‘penitence’) b. tigame (‘pan’), dimani (‘tomorrow’), viduto (‘seen’), mità (‘half’) Labial vowels usually undergo neutralization to [u] in this position (see Rohlfs 1966: 165; and 5.2.2.2). 5.2.2.2 Variation of pretonic vowels in Piedimonte Matese

My own data from Campania show lowering from /e/ to [ε] and neutralization of all back vowels (/ɔ, o, u/) towards [u], which can be observed for Middle and Southern Italian dialects (Rohlfs 1966: 165). Pretonic vowel variation occurs regularly in verbs, nouns, and adjectives and can, therefore, be interpreted at first glance as being purely phonological (see Gaglia 2009): (13)

Page 13 of 34

a. ['t∫esta] (‘basket’)

vs. [t∫εs'tiɪnu] (‘little basket’)

b. ['pɔrta] (‘goal’)

vs. [pur'tjeɪre] (‘goalkeeper’)

c. ['proɪre] (‘he/she/it itches’)

vs. [pru'ri:tu] (‘itching’)

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 In verbal paradigms the phenomenon shows up in 1PL and 2PL.PRS.IND as well as in all other cells of the paradigm beside PRS.IND as exemplified for mettere (‘to put’), where the root vowel is an underlying /e/; see Table 5.6.

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.6. Paradigm of mettere (Piedimonte Matese)

Page 15 of 34

PRS.IND

IMPERFECT

PASS. REM.

SUBJUNCTIVE

1SG

'mettu

mɛt'teːvu

mɛt'tɛtte

mɛt'tesse

2SG

'mitti

mɛt'tiːvi

mεt'tisti

mɛt'tissi

3SG

'mette

mɛt'teːva

mɛt'tɛtte

mɛt'tesse

1PL

mɛt'timmu

mɛttɛ'vammu

mɛt'tɛttəmu

mɛt'tessəmu

2PL

mɛt'tiːte

mɛttɛ'vaːte

mɛt'tistəve

mɛt'tissəve

3PL

'mettənu

mɛt'teːvənu

mɛt'tεttənu

mɛt'tessənu

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 (p.105) 5.2.2.3 Laxing of high vowels in Mussomeli (Sicily)

Cruschina (2006) analyses laxing of high vowels in the Sicilian dialect of Mussomeli as being due to vowel harmony.17 The phenomenon is not restricted either to stressed or to unstressed vowels. The feature [–ATR] spreads from the high lax word‐final vowels [Iɪ] and [υ] onto the high vowels /i/ and /u/ which also become [Iɪ] and [υ] (Cruschina 2006: 8) (14c, 15c). In a previous step, word‐ final /i/ and /u/ were laxed (14b, 15b).18 (14)

a.

Input

/'muru/

b.

Laxing

'murυ

c.

Vowel harmony

'mυrυ

d.

Output

['mυrυ]

(‘wall’)

(15)

a.

Input

/'fimmini/

b.

Laxing

'fimminɪ

c.

Vowel harmony

'fɪmmɪnɪ

d.

Output

['fɪmmɪnɪ]

(‘women’)

Vowel harmony does not occur with respect to word final /a/ (see Cruschina 2006: 7): (16) ['fila] (‘threads’), ['tila] (‘drapery’), ['mura] (‘walls’), ['fimmina] (‘woman’) Vowel harmony is blocked word‐internally if spreading would occur across the low vowel /a/: (17) [sur'datυ] (‘soldier’), [a'riganυ] (‘origan’), [piɲ'ɲatIɪ] (‘cooking pot’), ['t∫ifarυ] (‘devil’) Following Cole and Trigo (1988: 19f.), I define the process analysed in Cruschina (2006) as parasitic harmony: Parasitic harmony is described as a harmony process which is dependent on both the trigger and target being multiply linked to some contextual feature. Harmony can be said to operate within the domain of the contextual feature and is, therefore, called parasitic (Cole and Trigo 1988: 19f.).

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 (p.106) Thus, spreading of [–ATR] in Mussomeli only occurs if the potentially triggering context and the target segments are specified for [+high]. Laxing harmony is therefore parasitic. In verbal paradigms vowel harmony usually occurs for 1SG and 2SG; see Table 5.7. TABLE 5.7. Verbal paradigms (Mussomeli) fu'marɪ

mun'narɪ

viliɲ'ɲarɪ

1SG

'fʊmʊ

'mʊnnʊ

vɪ'lɪɲɲʊ

2SG

'fʊmɪ

'mʊnnɪ

vɪ'lɪɲɲɪ

3SG

'fuma

'munna

vi'liɲɲa

1PL

fu'mamʊ

mun'namʊ

viliɲ'ɲamʊ

2PL

fu'matɪ

mun'natɪ

viliɲ'ɲatɪ

3PL

'fumanʊ

'munnanʊ

vi'liɲɲanʊ

The pattern which evolves is the same as in dialects where metaphony occurs in 1SG and 2SG, originally due to word‐final ‐u and ‐i, as in Ragusa (Sicily) (see Maiden 1991 b: 156). Since vowel harmony causes stem allomorphs which cannot be associated unambiguously with morphological information, I will show that this kind of pattern can also be analysed as being morphomic. I thus introduce the concept of autonomous morphology basically following Aronoff (1994) and Maiden (2004 b).

5.3 Autonomous morphology As mentioned above, the morphomic status of English perfect participles is based (a) on the diversity of morpho‐phonological realizations attributed to an abstract morphological function (Fen) and (b) on mapping Fen from either passive or perfect (Aronoff 1994: 22–25). Maiden (2004 b) reveals morphomic patterns for Romance languages especially with respect to velar insertion and variation of pretonic vowels. For instance, in Spanish a velar plosive is inserted in 1SG of the present tense as well as in 1SG to 3PL of the subjunctive. This pattern cannot be attributed to locally triggered morpho‐phonological variation but must be interpreted as some kind of structural pattern since other Romance languages show the same distribution. Maiden (2004 b) calls this allomorphic distribution ‘L‐pattern’; see Table 5.8. (p.107) TABLE 5.8. L‐pattern (Spanish examples)

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

PRS.IND

SUBJUNCTIVE

1SG

vengo

venga

2SG

vienes

vengas

3SG

viene

venga

1PL

venimos

vengamos

2PL

venís

vengáis

3PL

vienen

vengan

The distribution is morphomic because the stem allomorph veng‐ is not an unambiguous exponent of any morpho‐syntactic property.19 The other well‐known pattern in Romance languages is the one that Maiden (2004 b) calls ‘N‐pattern’ and which is based on word stress (see Table 5.9 for Italian). As I mentioned before, I will refer to the entirety of arrhizotonic forms, displaying stem allomorphs of the same kind, as complementary N‐pattern (see Table 5.10).

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.9. N‐pattern (Italian examples)

Page 19 of 34

morire

seder(si)

udire

dovere

1SG

muoio

siedo

odo

devo

2SG

muori

siedi

odi

devi

3SG

muore

siede

ode

deve

1PL

moriamo

sediamo

udiamo

dobbiamo

2PL

morite

sedete

udiate

dovete

3PL

muoiono

siedono

odono

devono

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

TABLE 5.10. Complementary N‐pattern (Piedimonte Matese)

Page 20 of 34

PRES.IND

IMPERFECT

PASS. REM

SUBJUNCTIVE

1SG

'ʃeŋgu

ʃiɲ'ɲeːvu

ʃiɲ'ɲɛtte

ʃiɲ'ɲesse

2SG

'ʃiɲɲi

ʃiɲ'ɲiːvi

ʃiɲ'ɲisti

ʃiɲ'ɲissi

3SG

'ʃeɲɲe

ʃiɲ'ɲeːva

ʃiɲ'ɲɛtte

ʃiɲ'ɲesse

1PL

ʃiɲ'ɲimmu

ʃiɲɲɛ'vammu

ʃiɲ'ɲɛttəmu

ʃiɲ'ɲessəmu

2PL

ʃiɲ'ɲiːte

ʃiɲɲɛ'vaːte

ʃiɲ'ɲistəve

ʃiɲ'ɲissəve

3PL

'ʃeŋgənu

ʃiɲ'ɲeːvənu

ʃiɲ'ɲɛttənu

ʃiɲ'ɲessənu

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 (p.108) In Latin, stress was rhizotonic for 1SG, 2SG, 3SG, and 3PL of the present tense. All other cells of the paradigm showed arrhizotonic stress (see Maiden 2004 b: 363).20 Stress was morphologized in Romance verbal paradigms but the originally phonological alternation was inherited (p. 363). Alternation of word stress creates variation of mid vowels in Romance, as Maiden (2004 b) shows, e.g. for Italian, the Latin mid‐vowels ĕ and ŏ in atonic position were neutralized towards /e/ and /o/, while they show up as [ε] and [ɔ] in stressed syllable. Maiden (p. 364) claims that the quality of the stressed vowels is idiosyncratic and not derivable from the quality of the pretonic vowels. Due to similar variations of pretonic vowels, N‐distribution can also be observed for Romanian, Modern and medieval French, Catalan, Spanish, and Portuguese (see pp. 368–370). The complementary N‐pattern will be discussed in the next section.

5.4 Analysis 5.4.1 Complementary N‐pattern in Piedimonte Matese

For practical reasons I will start my analysis with pretonic variation in Piedimonte Matese since the metaphonic pattern can be better understood if we take the status of the pretonic vowels as a starting point. According to Maiden's N‐pattern, for verbal paradigms in Standard Italian one could propose that the stem variants are incorporated into an autonomous morphological component. The results are morphomic patterns. But although the pattern is clearly morphomic due to the inherited stress pattern, pretonic vowel alternation can also be explained in purely phonological terms. In Italian, low‐mid vowels, which show up in stressed syllables, are raised in atonic position (the following examples are taken from Nespor and Vogel 1986: 130): (18) a. ['tεrra] (‘earth’) vs.  [ter'ritt∫o] (‘loam’) b. ['pɔ:ko] (‘little’) vs.  [po'ki:no] (little‐DIM) A variation like odo ‘I hear’ vs. udire ‘to hear’, however, cannot be explained phonologically since /o/ never becomes [u] in Standard Italian (see Maiden 2004 b). Therefore, not only the accentual pattern but also its realizational distribution is morphomic, since the variation is morphologized. The same has to be said for Piedimonte Matese. As mentioned in section 5.2.2.2, /e/ is lowered towards [ε] while the labial vowels show neutralization (p. 109) towards [u]. The phonemes /a/ and /i/ do not undergo variation (see Gaglia 2009). Variation of pretonic vowels is hence a regular phonological process since it affects verbs as well as nouns and adjectives.

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 But there is also a more restricted kind of variation in pretonic position. Some words show up with an alternation of [i] in palatal contexts, whereas in tonic position the vowel is [e] (see Gaglia 2009): (19)

a.

[∫iɦ'ɦimmu] (‘we chose’)

vs.

['∫eɦɦu] (‘I choose’)

b.

[liɲ'ɲaɪme] (‘firewood’)

vs.

['leɲɲu] (‘wood’)

Since Romance languages like old French and Spanish show raising in palatal contexts, too, I suggest that the origin is a phonological condition, possibly triggered by the phonological feature [high] (or [+high]) which spreads from the palatal consonant onto the following or preceding vowel. In (19b) [e] is raised to [i] if followed by the palatal nasal [ɲ]. The examples in (20) show palatal raising of /a/ in open pretonic syllables in old French in the context of [t∫] (graphemic 〈ch‐〉) (see Lausberg 1969: 199). (20)

a.

Lat. cabăllum

〉

OFr. cheval (‘horse’)

b.

Lat. capĭllum

〉

OFr. cheveux (‘hair’)

c.

*cammīnum

〉

OFr. chemin (‘walk’)

In Piedimonte Matese palatal raising is restricted to a small number of words; a paradigm of that kind is shown in Table 5.10. For the example scendere, 2SG as well as 1PL and 2PL and all other non‐present indicative forms exhibit [∫iɲɲ‐] as the verbal root which alternates with [∫eɲɲ‐] and [∫eŋᒺ‐].21 Elsewhere, examples exhibit regular neutralization of /e/ towards [ε], e.g. [mbεɲ'ɲammu] (*[mbiɲ'ɲammu], try hard‐1PL.PRS.IND), [mbεɲ'ɲaɪte] (*[mbiɲ'ɲaɪte], try hard‐2PL.PRS.IND), or [disεɲ'ɲammu] (*[disiɲ'ɲammu], sketch‐1PL.PRS.IND), [disεɲ'ɲaɪte] (*[disiɲ'ɲaɪte], sketch‐2PL.PRS.IND). The distribution of palatal raising corresponds directly to the complementary N‐ pattern and can therefore be called morphomic. Regular pretonic variation seems to be indirectly morphomic, since it only depends on the morphomic accent pattern. In the next section I show that phonological pretonic variation also tends to be morphologized. (p.110) 5.4.2 Metaphony and the complementary N‐pattern

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 As mentioned above, the morphologization of metaphony is widely accepted. In Gaglia (2009) I claim that for Piedimonte Matese the phenomenon is morphologically conditioned but the variation itself can be analysed as being phonological or due to stem selection.22 Evidence for this analysis comes from derivational morphology. In line with Lieber (1982), in Gaglia (2009) I show that if a morphological derivation surfaces with a metaphonic stem although accent shift has occurred via suffixation, this stem is directly selected from the lexicon. In this case, no metaphonic alternation should occur due to the pretonic status of the stem. I call this kind of variation ‘lexical metaphony’ (21a). Otherwise, metaphony is rule‐based in terms of raising if a morphologically derived word is construed with a non‐metaphonic stem (21b): (21)

a. [friddiɦ'ɦo:sa] (‘s.o. who is sensitive to cold’) ['friddu] (‘cold’) b. [mε'sεttu] (‘short month’) ['mi:si] (‘month’)

Page 23 of 34

(metaphonic stem in derivation =lexical metaphony) (non-metaphonic stem =rule‐based metaphony)

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The metaphonic output in (21b) is due to a cyclic rule which applies after the addition of the inflectional affix (Kiparsky 1982 b). A cyclic analysis of metaphony is also postulated by Sluyters (1988). The advantage of this analysis is that the locus of a particular variation can be directly identified. I suggest that rule‐based metaphony in Piedimonte Matese is generated morpho‐ phonologically, while metaphonic stems can also be selected out of the lexicon (5.4.3). If rule‐based metaphony occurs with respect to a word, I assume that the application of the rule is lexically encoded with the stem by the lexical feature [+met] (Gaglia 2009). From my point of view, this multistratal approach, which follows the principles of lexical phonology (Kiparsky 1982 b), is superior to OT‐ analyses, since variation can be directly related to different stages of a derivation. Moreover, exceptions to metaphony can be explained through the absence of the metaphonic feature [+met] within the lexicon. OT‐analyses presented so far cannot deal with such multistratal characteristics, but on the other hand, the advantage is that OT copes better with cross‐dialectal data by the ranking of constraints. A disadvantage, (p.111) certainly, is that neither approach is able to relate variation to paradigmatic structure. Hence, paradigmatic variation seems to be accidental, which is clearly not the case, especially when we look at Maiden's L‐ and N‐patterns (Maiden 2004 b). Obviously, phonological alternations like velar insertion or stress within Romance verbal paradigms have been reanalysed morphologically. The resulting paradigmatic structures are not random but seem to represent some kind of psychological reality (p. 358). These structures may have emerged through analogy (see Maiden 2004 b). The relation between paradigmatic cells can be described in terms of mutual interdependencies, as Pirrelli (2000: 53) shows for 1SG and 3PL of the Italian present indicative: (22) [X‐o]1S PRS.IND ↔ [X‐ono]3P PRS.IND Pirrelli (p. 53) calls the sum of all cells in a verbal paradigm that chose ‘X’ as root a partition class. The combination of all these partition classes builds up the so‐called partition. Hence, following Pirrelli (p. 64) a verb like Italian venire is constituted via the partition in Table 5.11.23 TABLE 5.11. N‐pattern (It. venire, tenere, conoscere, etc.) PRS.IND

SUBJUNCTIVE

1SG

B2

B2

2SG

B1/3

B2

3SG

B1/3

B2

1PL

B1

B1

2PL

B1

B1

Page 24 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

3PL

PRS.IND

SUBJUNCTIVE

B2

B2

Since velar insertion also occurs with /k/ in Spanish and Italian, e.g. the paradigms of Spanish conocer and Italian conoscere (‘to know’), it becomes obvious that L‐distribution is not random.24 The same can be said about N‐ distribution, which can be linked to pretonic variation in Piedimonte Matese. Now, what about metaphonic patterns? As I mentioned above, palatal raising in pretonic position is restricted to only some lexemes. In these cases, pretonic [i] alternates with tonic [e]. Otherwise the stem of 1PL and 2PL is identical with the metaphonic stem in 2SG from a segmental point (p.112) of view, leaving apart word stress. I therefore claim that in those cases where the stems of 2SG, 1PL, and 2PL of the present tense and of all other arrhizotonic forms are identical, metaphony is morphomic. The two phenomena have different phonological origins, but since neither metaphony nor palatal raising in pretonic positions is truly phonological, it is plausible that both variations are reanalysed morphologically by the speakers. The result is an extended complementary N‐ distribution, where the stem is not attributed to one single morphological function but to an incoherent bundle of features, e.g. [2SG, 1PL, and 2PL present indicative; 1SG, 2SG, 3SG, and 1PL, 2PL, 3PL perfect indicative, imperfect indicative, and past subjunctive]. This analysis is straightforward and raises no problems. It is rather difficult to relate metaphony to a complementary N‐distribution, where the pattern is due to a regular phonological rule in pretonic position, as we saw for the neutralization of labial vowels towards [u] which is observable for many Southern Italian dialects (Rohlfs 1966). In central‐southern Italy pretonic vowels mostly converge to schwa, while Piedimonte Matese shows lowering from /e/ to [ε] (Gaglia 2009). At first glance, only the origin of this distribution seems to be morphomic since variation is phonologically regular. But there are several hints which suggest that variation of pretonic vowels has started to be morphologized. Evidence does not necessarily come from verbal inflection but from nominal derivation. For Piedimonte Matese a morphological distinction between masculine and feminine nouns is achieved by blocking the lowering of pretonic /e/ for /vekki‐/. The allomorph with non‐lowered /e/ serves as an exponent of M.SG and M.PL, while the allomorph which shows lowering is attributed to F.SG and F.PL. The output of /e/ is identical to the tonic vowel of the derived word, which marks contrast in gender: (23) /vekki‐/ a. [vekkja'rellu] (old‐DIM‐M.SG), [vekkja'relli] (old‐DIM‐M.PL) b. [vεkkja'rεlla] (old‐DIM‐F.SG), [vεkkja'rεlle] (old‐DIM‐F.PL)

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 The Salentine dialect of Cutrofiano (Garrapa 2004, Gaglia 2009) shows a similar alternation with respect to pretonic vowels. As for Piedimonte Matese, the Cutrofiano dialect exhibits the same kind of neutralization of labials. Hence, /o/ is raised towards [u] in pretonic position, as the example in (24) shows: (24)

/mont‐/ a.

['mo̞nte]

(hill‐M.SG)

b.

[munti't∫e̞ɖɖu]

(hill‐DIM‐M.SG)

(p.113) An exception is the example in (25). Here, neutralization does not occur within the feminine noun (25b). Morphological contrast is generated by blocking the pretonic variation: (25)

/vot∫‐/ a.

[vut∫i't∫e̞ɖɖu] (voice‐DIM‐M.SG)

b.

[vot∫i't∫e̞ɖɖa] (voice‐DIM‐F.SG)

Moreover, a contrast with respect to pretonic vowels is achieved by the variation from /e̞/ towards [i] in the masculine plural of the next examples, although pretonic front vowels usually do not show any kind of variation in this dialect: (26) /pae̞s‐/ a. [pae̞'sje̞ɖɖu] (city‐DIM‐M.SG) b. [pai'sje̞ɖɖi] (city‐DIM‐M.PL) I therefore conclude that there is evidence from the noun system of the dialects in question for variation in pretonic vowels tending to be morphologized.25 It is plausible that, although the alternation involved may originally be due to a phonological rule, the complementary N‐distribution is also morphomic; all the more so, given the evidence from palatal raising, which shows that parts of this distribution are clearly morphomic. This analysis of pretonic vowels leads to some peculiar consequences for the analysis of metaphony. As mentioned above, where the metaphonic allomorph is identical with the allomorph of 1PL and 2PL due to palatal raising in pretonic position, metaphony is included in an extended complementary N‐pattern for Piedimonte Matese. Page 26 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 With respect to metaphony and other variations as studied by Cruschina (2006), it is striking that 1SG and 2SG may also pattern together in Italo‐Romance. For example, Cruschina (2006: 16) observes vowel harmony caused by word‐final /i/ and /u/ for Mussomeli. In the same dialect, stem homophony affects 2SG and 2PL of the imperfect (Cruschina 2006: 15) (see Table 5.7). In other dialects, metaphony affects not only 2SG but also 1SG, as Maiden (1991 b: 170) shows for southern Calabria and Sicily. There clearly seem to be patterns according to which metaphony and other similar variations such as vowel harmony caused by /i/ and /u/ can be reanalysed morphologically. I claim that in these cases metaphony is also morphomic. But the most common characteristic of metaphony is that a metaphonic stem occurs in 2SG of the present tense. The metaphonic stem can hence be (p.114) unambiguously related to one specific cell in the paradigm. The relation between form and meaning is therefore a one‐to‐one correspondence. At first glance, these stems do not seem to be morphomic, as long as the mental representation is not questioned. An analysis of this kind is supplied in section 5.5. 5.4.3 Vowel harmony in Mussomeli

As mentioned above, vowel variation can be the result of a harmonic process, which may not be restricted to pretonic position. For Mussomeli, vowel harmony is triggered by high word‐final vowels, which are specified for [–ATR]. The feature spreads onto all preceding high vowels, which become lax. The phenomenon is blocked by a word‐final or an intervening /a/ because the phoneme is not specified for [+high]. With reference to Cole and Trigo (1988) in section 5.2.2.3, I defined the phenomenon as parasitic harmony. The variation can be described in purely phonological terms as Cruschina (2006) convincingly shows. The author posits a rule‐ordering relation between laxing of word‐final high vowels which feeds laxing of word‐internal high vowels through harmony, as seen in (14) and (15). The result is stem allomorphy in verbs, nouns, and adjectives. I consider that the verb stem allomorphs can also be treated as realizations of heterogeneous morphological categories, and thus as morphomes (1SG and 2SG of the present tense or 2SG and 2PL of the imperfect indicative). Since morphological contrasts are regularly achieved due to phonological alternation, the speaker may reanalyse the variation morphologically. This approach presents the advantage of not needing to stipulate a complex rule‐ordering configuration, which includes, first, laxing final vowels and second, parasitic spreading of [–ATR] in [+high] environments. Moreover, it is not necessary to block spreading for non‐ high vowels.

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 In the foregoing discussion I analyse the homophonic patterns in question as being morphomic. Within the next section I will further show that unambiguous metaphonic stems with a one‐to‐one correspondence between form and meaning can be treated as virtually morphomic in dialects where the word‐final vowel is retained.

5.5 Mental representation of metaphonic stems As mentioned above, a morphome displays a heterogeneous set of morphological features. For metaphony this is mostly not the case since metaphonic stems show a one‐to‐one correspondence between surface form and meaning. (p.115) A restriction has been shown in sections 5.4.1 and 5.4.2 with respect to metaphonic stems which are identical with palatal stems of 1PL and 2PL. But what kind of feature specification can be attributed to unambiguous metaphonic stems? For TYPE A dialects the stem functions as an exponent of 2SG PRS.IN and is, therefore, clearly not morphomic if this is the only cell in the paradigm where metaphony occurs (see section 5.2.1.2). The morphological features, realized in Italian by the inflectional ending, are neutralized or deleted. For TYPE B dialects, I consider that the situation is slightly different. As in Italian, the morphological features of person and number are specified with the inflectional ending. In a unification‐based model such as Lexical‐Functional Grammar (Bresnan and Kaplan 1982), the stem mitt‐ (27) realizes the features PERSON = 2, NUMBER = SG. There will be no conflict in unifying the stem with the inflectional suffix since the features PERSON = 2 and NUMBER = SG match.

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 But it is also clear that this approach would give redundant information, which is not required to identify the specific verb form. I claim that metaphonic roots in dialects of TYPE B are comparable to morphomes – even if the metaphonic root can be related to one single cell in the paradigm, namely 2SG – since syntax and semantics do not require inflectional features from the root. I therefore call this kind of metaphonic stems ‘virtually’ morphomic. (p.116) The grammatical information is underspecified for metaphonic stems as well as for default stems. I claim that metaphonic stems are created after concatenation and get their specification in an ulterior step. Unification for metaphonic verb forms can be illustrated as follows:

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Evidence for my claim is supplied by empirical data. For Piedimonte Matese I tested 190 verbs in 2SG (Gaglia 2009). Only 12 cases (6.3%, n = 190) do not exhibit metaphony, while 178 (93.7%) were realized with metaphony. The latter are all very frequent verbs of the dialect. With respect to nouns and adjectives, I show that 53.5% (n = 250) were realized without metaphony and that the occurrence of the phenomenon often varies from speaker to speaker. For example, within a systemized interview where the dialectal form has been elicited, a noun such as pesci (‘fishes’) was realized with metaphony by just two of seven speakers. This is striking since pesci is a frequent noun in the dialect and other neighbouring dialects show metaphony within this noun (Barbato 2002: 36). It is also clear that there is no interference in communication if a speaker realizes pesci with or without metaphony, since the inflectional suffix supplies the relevant grammatical information within a final‐vowel retaining environment. The situation in which the interview was held could certainly have played a role since pesci is the plural form of pesce (‘fish’) in Standard Italian and dialect speakers tend to correct themselves towards Standard Italian in interviews. But in my opinion (p.117) this is further evidence for the morphological emptiness of the stem, since underapplication of metaphony is not ungrammatical and does not interfere within communication. However, I do not claim that metaphony is generally subject to free variation, as are diphthongization in the Spanish derivational morpheme {‐ment‐}, where both realizations may be grammatical, hence ‐ment‐ and ‐mient‐ (e.g. delineam(i)ento, ‘sketch’) and diphthongization in some Italian verb forms (e.g. s(u)oniamo ‘we play (an instrument)’, c(u)ociamo (‘we cook’), etc.). In frequent nouns and adjectives metaphony is usually realized without exception, e.g. ['kundu]/['kundi] (bill‐M.SG/PL), ['kurtu]/['kurti] (short‐M.SG/PL) vs. ['korta]/['korte] (short‐F.SG/ F.PL), ['lendu]/['lendi] (slow‐M.SG/PL) vs. ['lεnda]/['lεnde] (slow‐F.SG/PL), ['vekkju]/['vekkji] (old‐M.SG/PL) vs. ['vεkkja]/['vεkkje] (old‐F.SG/PL). With respect to verbal paradigms metaphony is absolutely regular. A further argument that corroborates my underspecification hypothesis is supplied by the sociolinguistic study of Neapolitan metaphony in Del Puente (1995). Del Puente reveals that metaphony in Naples reduced significantly with respect to the findings in Capozzoli (1889), due to pressure from Standard Italian. In my view, this regression has its repercussions on mental representation (29). Where metaphony was once phonologically (or phonetically) induced it has nowadays been morphologized. But while the morphemic character is only achieved through final vowel neutralization in step III (29d), vowel‐retaining dialects such as Piedimonte Matese display virtually morphomic stems, even if a one‐to‐one correspondence between form and meaning is available, since the information for person and number supplied by the stem would be redundant. The linguistic change can be illustrated as follows: (29) Morphological change of metaphonic stems

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1

a. STEP I: Phonetic/phonological *metti 〉 mitti / _ [+high] stem specification: metaphony [underspecified] stem status: allophonic variation b. STEP IIA: Morphological *metti 〉 mitti / 2SG PRS.IND stem metaphony (= TYPE B specification: [underspecified] stem status: dialect) virtually morphomic c. STEP IIB: Morphological *metti 〉 mitti / 2SG PRS.IND Vmetaphony (= TYPE B neutralization/V-deletion: prosodic stem dialect) specification: [underspecified] stem status: virtually morphomic d. STEP III: Morphological *mett(ə) 〉 mitt(ə) / 2SG PRS.IND. Vmetaphony (= TYPE A neutralization/V-deletion: lexical stem dialect) specification: [2SG] stem status: morphemic

(p.118) 5.6 Summary In the present chapter I have discussed the question of whether variation of stem vowels in southern Italian verbal paradigms is to be treated as autonomous morphology. I distinguish three types of vowel variation, namely metaphony, the variation of pretonic vowels (both with respect to the Campanian dialect of Piedimonte Matese), and laxing harmony in Mussomeli (Sicily). Pretonic vowel variation and laxing harmony at first glance appear purely phonological. However, such an approach would neglect the relations between the paradigmatic cells affected by the different forms of variation. My results can be summarized as follows: first, I claim that metaphony is truly morphomic if more than one cell of the paradigm exhibits a metaphonic stem, since grammatical information encoded within the stem is not coherent. In Piedimonte Matese, metaphony is morphomic if the surfacing stem is segmentally identical with those stems which appear through palatal raising in pretonic position. In this case, metaphony and pretonic palatal raising take part in an extended complementary N‐distribution. Additionally, metaphony is virtually morphomic if word‐final vowels are retained or postlexically deleted, or neutralized (TYPE B dialects). With respect to TYPE A dialectS, metaphony is not morphomic, since the syntactic and semantic components require the inflectional features encoded solely within the root. It has further been shown that vowel harmony in Mussomeli can also be treated as a morphomic structure. Page 31 of 34

Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 Notes:

(1) I wish to thank Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin, Christine Kaschny, and Christoph Schwarze for their most helpful comments on this chapter. (2) Pretonic variation can also be observed in Northern Italian dialects, where atonic vowels usually undergo deletion, e.g. dnè (‘money’), fneva (‘s/he finished’), dmenga (‘Sunday’) (Rohlfs 1966: 169–170). (3) Although metaphony is often treated as a special kind of vowel harmony, I draw a distinction between the two processes, since vowel harmony may affect the whole word, while metaphony usually does not. (4) With the notion complementary N‐pattern (or N‐distribution) I refer to those cells in the same paradigm with arrhizotonic stress, as 1PL and 2PL PRS.IND. Remember that Maiden's notion N‐distribution refers to those cells in a paradigm, as in Standard Italian, where stress is rhizotonic and creates an allomorphic pattern (see section 5.3). (5) Metaphony is a pan‐Romance phenomenon and not restricted to Italy. An overview is supplied in Leonard (1978) and Lüdtke (2005). For metaphonic patterns in verbal paradigms of modern Portuguese, Galician, and medieval Galician‐Portuguese, see Goldbach (this volume). (6) Dialects show different metaphonic outputs. The most widespread pattern is the Neapolitan type, in which mid‐low vowels are diphthongized while mid‐high vowels are raised (for an overview of Italian dialects, see Savoia and Maiden 1997, Barbato 2002). (7) In Gaglia (2009) I argue that raising of the theme vowel in 2PL in Piedimonte Matese is also morphologically triggered metaphony since the final vowel ‐e cannot trigger raising phonologically, e.g. verite (see‐2PL PRS.IND) (see also Rohlfs 1968: 254f. for Lazio). A discussion of this issue is offered by Maiden (1996 a) who makes reference to Rohlfs (1968). (8) Some dialects exhibit metaphony with respect to final ‐o (M.SG) and ‐i (M.PL) although /u/ was lowered towards [o] word‐finally, e.g. sulo (lonely‐M.SG) / suli (lonely‐M.PL) vs. sola (lonely‐F.SG) / sole (lonely‐F.PL) (Maiden 1991 b: 221). This means that the gender alternation was morphologized and is no longer phonologically conditioned. (9) TYPE A dialects are to be found in Matera and Agnone, among others, where vowels are neutralized word‐finally. While the dialect of Matera exhibits metaphony only with respect to 2SG, e.g. vénnəjə (sell‐1SG) vs. vinnə (sell‐2SG), Agnone shows metaphony also in 3PL, sεndə (hear‐1SG) vs. sjendə/sjendənə (hear‐2SG/3PL) (Maiden 1991 b: 158).

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 (10) ‘System ə‐a, with merger of all posttonic vowels except /a/, is predominant in northern Italy (Piemont, Lombardy, Emilia‐Romagna, Trento), and in an area of southern Italy extending from Ascoli Piceno in the Marche into south‐eastern Lazio, western Abruzzo and the whole of Campania as far south as Naples, embracing the dialects of the Irpinia area, but excluding Ischia. Merger of all final atonic vowels is common in the remaining regions of southern Italy (Puglia, Basilicata, northern Calabria, southern Campania), and may be realized either as reduction to schwa, or deletion […]’ (Maiden 1991 b: 154). (11) The phonological phrase is indicated with φ. (12) A discussion on reduction of word‐final vowels in Neapolitan can be found in Ledgeway (2009: 77–83). (13) The approach is problematic in so far as it overgenerates a conflicting pair of features for raising metaphony of low‐mid vowels, consisting of [+high] and [– ATR] (advanced tongue root), which has to be repaired with a subsequent operation (see, among others, Kaze 1989; Russo 2007; Gaglia 2009). (14) Calabrese (1998: 23) gives prosodic and morpho‐syntactic conditions for those environments in which the phonological rule may apply, e.g. 2SG., whereas Sluyters (1988) and Gaglia (2009) propose metaphony only as triggered by the morpho‐syntactic environment. Beside rule‐based metaphony I claim in Gaglia (2009) that the phenomenon may be due to selection of a lexically metaphonic stem. (15) To my knowledge, approaches to metaphony in the framework of Stratal OT (Kiparsky 2000), which is based on the idea of a multistratal grammar, have not yet been presented. (16) The predominance of multistratal approaches in the sense of ‘morphology feeds phonology’ over OT‐approaches is shown especially by Paster (2009) with respect to affixation. (17) I will not discuss vowel harmony in Villalba (Sicily) here (see Cruschina 2006). (18) Vowel harmony does not depend on backness or frontness since the phenomenon may occur with respect to /i/ and /u/ word‐internally, triggered by both [Iɪ] and [υ], e.g. ['fIɪlυ] (‘thread’), ['mascυlIɪ] (‘young men’) (see Cruschina 2006: 7). (19) The distribution of velar insertion in Italian diverges from the Spanish L‐ pattern, where insertion occurs also in 3PL PRS.IND (Italian vengono) but not in 1PL PRS.SBJV (veniamo) and 2PL PRS.SBJV (veniate).

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Representational Aspects of Morphomic Vowel Variation in southern Italy 1 (20) Exceptions are 1PL and 2PL of the third conjugational class as well as some perfect forms. (21) Another verbal paradigm in Piedimonte Matese, which shows palatal raising is cenare (['t∫eɪna] (3SG PRS.IND.) vs. ['t∫iɪni] (2SG, =metaphonic), [t∫i'nammu] (1PL), [t∫i'naɪte] (2PL)). (22) The nature of a metaphonic variation may vary cross‐dialectally. For example, in Gaglia (2009) I claim that for the Salentine dialect of Cutrofiano (Lecce) the phenomenon is always the result of stem selection. (23) In Table 5.11, B1 indicates the default stem. Stems with velar insertion are represented by B2, while B3 indicates stems with diphthongs in stressed position. (24) For Spanish the 3PL‐stem is B1 since velar insertion does not occur within this cell of the paradigm. (25) See also Maturi (2002: 188) who claims that pretonic vowel variation in the Benevento area (Campania) is morphological.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome Andrew Swearingen

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0007

Abstract and Keywords Following Aronoff's (1994) account of exclusively morphological, or ‘morphomic’, patterns in language, a number of such patterns have been documented in Romance language verb paradigms. This chapter explores whether the 2sg imperative can be considered part of a morphome known as the N‐pattern (Maiden 2005), or, alternatively, whether syncretism with the 3sg present indicative within the N‐pattern overrides such membership. Evidence of recurring morphological irregularity in certain 2sg imperatives across Romance raises questions about the status of the imperative within the verb paradigm more generally, and suggests that it may be more independent than otherwise thought. Keywords:   imperative, syncretism, verb paradigm, sound change, analogical extension

6.1 Introduction

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome A morphome is an abstract, purely morphological, pattern involving two (or more) paradigmatic cells within a paradigm that share formal properties for reasons that cannot be ascribed to any synchronic semantic, syntactic, or phonological motivation (Aronoff 1994; Maiden 2005). Within the context of the Romance verb, morphomes consist of groups of paradigmatic cells that adhere to a specific pattern for exclusively morphological reasons.1 One such Romance morphome is the so‐called ‘N‐pattern’ (Maiden 2004 c). The N‐pattern traditionally designates a set of paradigmatic cells comprising the present indicative of the 1SG, 2SG, 3SG, and 3PL in allomorphic contrast to the 1PL and 2PL.2 Originally, N‐pattern allomorphy was caused by stress differentiation between those cells with rhizotonic stress (all singular and 3rd persons) and those with desinence stress3 (1PL and 2PL), as demonstrated by medieval French laver in Table 6.1. Outside the present indicative, the 2SG imperative also bore rhizotonic stress, and thus underwent the same phonological changes as other members of the N‐pattern. (p.120)

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.1. N-pattern in medieval French laver ‘wash’ (Fouché 1967)

PRS. IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

lef

leves

leve

lavons

lavez

levent

leve

lavez

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome Although the initial cause of allomorphy in the paradigm of medieval French laver is phonological, the sound change is synchronically inactive.4 Evidence that speakers are cognizant of such patterns is manifested in at least one of three ways, two of which are relevant to the present discussion: coherence and/or attraction (Maiden 2005). Coherence refers to evidence of the morphome remaining temporally consistent through a relationship of mutual implication among its members. In other words, members collectively resist or undergo diachronic change in a way that the particular distribution of the morphomic cells is maintained. Attraction is the analogical extension of an N‐pattern distribution to the relevant cells of verbs where it had not previously existed. Verbs expressing the notion ‘go’ in a number of Romance varieties express both of these properties. The Latin precursor ĪRE already displayed root allomorphy in the present indicative and imperative cells (Table 6.2).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.2. Present indicative and imperative cells of Latin ĪRE ‘go’

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

EŌ

ĪS

IT

ĪMUS

ĪTIS

EUNT

Ī

ĪTE

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome In French (and many other Romance varieties), the present indicative and imperative cells of the equivalent verb, aller, comprise suppletive conflations of the reflexes of Latin UĀDERE ‘go, walk’ and AMBULĀRE ‘walk, navigate’ according to an N‐pattern distribution (Table 6.3).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.3. N-pattern suppletion in French aller ‘go’

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

vais

vas

va

allons

allez

vont

va

allez

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (p.121) The example of aller demonstrates coherence as the relevant cells of the N‐pattern have all been the locus for suppletive intrusion from the same lexeme (UĀDERE). It also serves as an example of attraction, for it is the existence of morphomes in verbs such as medieval French laver that have attracted other linguistic phenomena, like suppletion, to target paradigmatic cells according to the same distribution. The tables of French verbs demonstrate that shared formal properties of a morphome may consist of roots or stems: lev‐/lav‐; v‐/all‐, as well as ‘syncretism’. Syncretism designates a relationship of systematic phonological identity between two forms occupying different paradigmatic cells of a lexeme, e.g. leve and va: 2SG.IMP = 3SG PRS.IND; and lavez and allez: 2PL.IMP = 2PL.PRS.IND. Such identity means that a single phonological form expresses different combinations of morpho‐syntactic properties, or what Carstairs (1987) refers to as a one‐to‐many paradigmatic deviation from the principle of a biunique relationship of the pairing of one meaning with one form. In the examples from Tables 6.1 and 6.3, the 2SG imperative stem is syncretic with other rhizotonic cells of the indicative sub‐paradigm. In the case of laver, syncretism is the result of blind sound change. In aller, the processes behind syncretism are opaque (see section 6.5.), but the fact remains that both the 2SG imperative and 3SG indicative cells are the result of suppletion from the same etymological source (UĀDERE), as opposed to different sources, such as if the 2SG imperative cell were to contain a reflex of ĪRE, or alternatively, AMBULĀRE as in 1PL and 2PL imperatives. Because of the generalized syncretism between the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative, and examples of attraction as in aller, the question arises at to whether the 2SG imperative might also be a member of the N‐pattern morphome. Support for this view can also be found in the verb ‘give’ in the Italo‐Romance variety of Palmoli (Abruzzo, Italy), in which the source of the N‐pattern stems from a morphologically altered 2SG imperative, the outcome of a fusion between the verb form and a dative clitic, e.g. δallə, The form has been subsequently incorporated into the present indicative root in an N‐pattern distribution (Table 6.4) (Maiden, Swearingen, and O'Neill 2009).5 This suggests not only that speakers associate the 2SG imperative root with that of the present indicative, but that they recognize that 2SG imperative and 3SG cells are typically syncretic. Although I am unable to confirm their present (p. 122)

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.4. N-pattern suppletion in Palmoli ‘give’ (AIS: map 658)

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

δiəŋgə

δellə

δallə

δajmə

δat

δallə

δallə

δat

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome indicative forms, Rohlfs (1968: 364) indicates that an imperative with a fused clitic also occurs in the infinitive in Gallo in Campania (dágliere) and Calabrian (dallari). As will be shown in section 6.5, there are other instances of the imperative being perceived and used as a base form outside inflectional morphology.

On the other hand, there is also recurring counter‐evidence of imperative morphology that is not syncretic with the 3SG, but in which the N‐pattern is also absent. For example, in Bas Couserans, a velar root6 has been extended to all cells of the present indicative, including the 1PL and 2PL (as well as the infinitive), thus neutralizing the N‐pattern in favour of a uniform stem, except in the 2SG imperative which maintains an original non‐velar alternate (Table 6.5).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.5 Stem allomorphy in the 2SG imperative in Bas Couserans vénguer ‘come’ (Deledar 1995)

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

vengui

vengues

venc

venguem

venguetz

venguen

vene

venguetz

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome Therefore, on the one hand, syncretism is a widespread characteristic of 2SG imperatives and present indicative cells. On the other hand, there are recurring exceptions and morphological oddities of the imperative that raise the following questions: (i) What is the status of syncretism (whole‐form identity) versus the morphome (identical stems or roots)? (ii) What is the status of the imperative towards the N‐pattern, towards syncretism with the 3SG present indicative, and towards the verb paradigm generally?

(p.123) 6.2 The Romance imperative and syncretism In Latin, 2SG and 2PL imperatives were ‘dedicated’,7 i.e. morphologically distinct from the rest of the paradigm. The 2SG has traditionally been analysed as consisting of a root + thematic vowel (cf. Ernout: 1953: 167), e.g. CANTĀ, while the 2PL comprises the stem + a special person and number desinence ‐TE, which is the exclusive cumulative exponence of 2nd person plural in the imperative. In both instances, there is a one‐to‐one mapping of form and meaning. In Romance, regular loss of Latin final ‐T in the 3SG present indicative has led to syncretism with the 2SG imperative,8 except in varieties like Italian and Romanian where, generally, non‐1st conjugation verbs are syncretic with the 2SG present indicative.9 In the 2PL, varieties such as Spanish, Portuguese, and Sardinian have inherited morphologically dedicated Latin imperative forms. For those that have not, such as French, Occitan,10 and Italian, the 2PL imperative is syncretic with the 2PL present indicative by analogy, e.g. Gascon cantatz. The Annex provides an overview of syncretism across different conjugation classes in selected Romance varieties between the imperative and present indicative cells.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome If one of the defining characteristics of the morphome is the absence of semantic motivation for the distributional pattern, then formal identity between individual syncretic cells within it should also reflect these same properties. Thus, imperative cells that are syncretic with present tense forms that share the same person and number morpho‐syntactic properties cannot be considered morphomic by definition, although from the point of view of the total number of cells that constitute the greater pattern, the issue may be irrelevant. If it is irrelevant, the consequence is that the requirement of an absence of extra‐ morphological motivation is simply exponential. That is, at the micro‐ paradigmatic level (between a necessary and sufficient minimum of two cells), it is essential in order to qualify as a morphome, but with the addition of a greater number of cells, the possibility of extra‐morphological motivations for syncretism arises, but does not threaten the validity of the (p.124) morphome as long as extra‐morphological motivations cannot justify the entire pattern, such as Aronoff's example of English past and perfect participles (e.g. The door is opened versus The door has opened), which is a morphome consisting of two syncretic cells (1994: 23f.). In this case, the morphomic pattern completely relies on the absence of extra‐morphological motivation to account for the identity between the two cells. Maiden's patterns, on the other hand, involve larger numbers of paradigmatic cells, and if the imperative cells are part of the N‐ pattern, they may include extra‐morphological motivations at the micro‐level.11 Nevertheless, in order to more accurately assess the relation of the imperative to the morphome by excluding additional influences, syncretisms between 2SG or 2PL imperative cells and other 2nd person cells of the paradigm will not be explored,12 with syncretism between 2SG and 3SG forms as the central focus. Apparently, no explicit account of the status of syncretism within morphomic patterns has been carried out,13 although in practice morphomes encompass either, or both, of these phenomena (the example of English participles above), even if the phenomena they refer to are technically different, i.e. morphomes are typically concerned with the identity of roots or stems, while syncretism involves identity of whole forms. Most examples of morphomes consist of distributional patterns of identical roots or stems, which bear the lexical meaning of the verb, as in the N‐pattern. This is expected in a language family like Romance in which the desinence generally expresses different morpho‐syntactic properties (such as tense, person, and number), thereby changing form, at least in theory, in each paradigmatic cell of the verb. Neither the N‐pattern nor other morphomes are concerned with syncretism per se, and no distinction is made in morphomic studies even though it may occur within a larger pattern of stem identity.

6.3 The 2sg imperative and the N‐pattern

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome Maiden's descriptions of the N‐pattern in various publications do not include the imperative cell as a member (1992; 2004c), although it is mentioned in an (p. 125) endnote (24) in his 2005 article as evidence of why stressed‐based accounts of present indicative allomorphy are flawed.14 However, informally, there has been some discussion of whether the 2SG imperative might also be a member of the N‐pattern. Its inclusion would be attributable to a recognition of the overwhelming syncretism it shares with the relevant present indicative cells (3SG or 2SG, depending on variety), and could include evidence from irregular verbs of the kind given in section 6.1, where syncretism is not simply the result of regular sound change. The elimination of syncretism shown in Table 6.5 (and the elimination of the N‐pattern more widely) represents one type of recurring counter‐example found across Romance. In an attempt to assess whether it is part of the N‐pattern or an as yet undiscovered two‐cell morphome, it would be prudent to examine the patterns of behaviour of the imperative in relation to the 3SG present indicative as well as to the rest of the N‐pattern cells, to obtain a clearer idea of the role that stem identity or syncretism plays. Due to the fact that syncretism between the 2SG and 3SG in regular verbs where stem allomorphy is practically non‐existent is the result of historical accident, much of the evidence relies on the observation of the morphology in irregular verbs. Excluding syncretisms in which semantic motivations might be claimed (see section 6.2), the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative cells constitute an ideal locus for a morphome, as they do not form a natural class in terms of morpho‐syntactic properties.15 On the other hand, it is also true that if syncretism occurs between the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative, then stem identity according to an N‐pattern configuration is almost always a given. If morphomes can consist of syncretic forms or identical roots/stems, are there examples in which syncretism at the micro‐level within a morphome ever takes precedence over the larger pattern of root/stem identity, i.e. that local syncretisms can override morphomic patterning? In such an instance, the 2SG imperative would not constitute part of the N‐pattern, but alternatively align morphologically with the 3SG present indicative. This would require evidence in which formal identity between these two cells contrasts with the 1SG, 2SG, and 3PL present indicative. In varieties of Limousin, a process not unlike that described above seems indeed to have occurred between the 1PL and 3PL present indicative of 1st (p.126) conjugation verbs,16 e.g. parlà ‘speak’, has 1PL and 3PL syncretic forms ˈparlen (Ronjat 1937: 251; Hinzelin this volume). The morphomic coherence of these two cells is evidenced by the suppletive verb ‘go’ (ò)nâ, with van as the form for both the 1PL and 3PL present indicative.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.6. Stem allomorphy in the 2SG imperative in Haut-Limousin (o)nâ ‘go’ (Ruben 1866)

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

vau/vô

vâ

vai

van

vâ

van

nan

nâ

vai

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome As mentioned in section 6.1, the N‐pattern configuration of stems in French aller (Table 6.3), with reflexes of UĀDERE in the singular and 3rd persons, and those of AMBULĀRE in the 1PL and 2PL is typical across a wide number of varieties of Gallo‐Romance as well as Catalan, providing comparative evidence for the general development of the verb ‘go’ in Limousin. Some varieties have since extended reflexes of UĀDERE into the 1PL and 2PL present indicative, as exemplified by (ò)nâ. Furthermore, because plural imperative cells (1PL and 2PL) sometimes function as reserves of resistance to analogical levelling, and because, in a number of Gallo‐Romance varieties, 1PL and 2PL imperatives are generally syncretic with their present indicative counterparts, there seems to be concrete evidence, at least superficially, of a local syncretism (1PL= 3 PL) taking precedence over a morphome, in this case, an N‐pattern. For in the paradigm of (ò)nâ, and despite generalized syncretism between plural imperatives and their indicative counterparts in regular verbs, 1PL and 2PL imperatives have resisted suppletive levelling by reflexes of UĀDERE that has occurred in the present indicative, maintaining instead reflexes of AMBULĀRE, nan and nâ.17 In varieties like Limousin, N‐pattern coherence has apparently been eliminated in favour of local syncretic pairs (1PL = 3PL; 2SG = 2PL). Thus, there is no reason in principle why a morphome should not exist consisting of the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative, as long as their distribution is perceived by speakers to be one of mutual implication. However, no such evidence of cohesion between the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative cells in contrast with other N‐pattern cells has so far been uncovered.

(p.127) 6.4 Imperative deviations from 3sg syncretism Despite overwhelming syncretism between 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative cells in both regular and irregular verbs, ample and recurring counter‐evidence of non‐coherence between these two cells can be found across Romance. These deviations involve different types of morphological irregularity, from allomorphy to suppletion, and occur to varying degrees in both stems and endings. Similar to French aller, Spanish and Gascon, ir ‘go’ have 2SG imperatives ve and vè, respectively, but 3SG present indicative va. Catalan anar ‘go’ has the same 3SG form va, but 2SG imperative vés (and 2SG vas). Although the suppletive pattern is the same as in French, and some kind of N‐pattern root might still be claimed (v‐?) to include the imperative cell, regular syncretism between 2SG and 3SG cells is violated.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome In varieties where the N‐pattern has been eliminated in favour of a single root (sometimes with the exception of the 3SG), the 2SG imperative demonstrates resistance to such levelling processes. In Bazadais (Gascon), the verb díser ‘say’ has a 3SG present indicative form dit, but 2SG imperative diga, which is the sole survivor of an old subjunctive form used as the 2SG form of the imperative, while the modern 2SG subjunctive form is disis.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.7. Stem allomorphy in the 2SG imperative in Bazadais diser ‘say’ (Vigneau 1982)

PRS.IND IMP

Page 18 of 34

1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

disi

dises

dit

disem

disetz

disen

diga

disetz

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome The data represented in Tables 6.5–6.7 are representative of the manner in which irregular imperative morphology often comes about: resistance to analogical levelling that materializes elsewhere in the paradigm. Suppletive 2SG imperatives can also be found that not only violate expected syncretism with the 3SG present indicative, but the entire N‐pattern stem, and is the only such cell (sometimes along with the 2PL imperative) to be suppletive. In Istro‐Romanian, a mere ‘go’ has an imperative whose form originates in reflexes of Late Latin/proto‐Romance *passare ‘step, go’ (Table 6.8).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.8. Suppletive imperatives in Istro-Romanian a mere ‘go’ (Pușcariu 1926)

PRS.IND IMP

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

meg

meri

mere

mezén

mezéts

mergu

păs

păsets

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (p.128) The imperative reflexes of *passare are the only cells to survive elimination of the entire paradigm before redeployment as the imperatives of a mere. In Bazadais, both the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative resist stem neutralization, but independently of each other. Of course, these are individual examples from high‐frequency lexemes in which suppletion and (extreme) allomorphy are more likely to occur. It could be argued, therefore, that these examples represent mere lexical exceptions that are not indicative of a more independent imperative status in broader terms. Yet there are also examples of imperative deviations from expected syncretism that include a whole subclass of verbs. In certain varieties of Galician, verbs of the 2/3 conjugation18 do not demonstrate syncretism between 3SG present indicative and 2SG imperative cells, due to different qualities of the stressed root vowel, which is open in the 3SG and closed in the 2SG imperative (Tables 6.9 and 6.10).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.9. Stem allomorphy in the 2SG imperative in Galician ter ‘have’ (Fernández Rei 1990)a

PRS.IND IMP a

1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

ˈt[e]ño

ˈt[ɛ]s

ˈt[ɛ]n

ˈt[e]mos

ˈt[e]des

ˈt[ɛ]ñen

ˈt[e]n

( ) Maps 371–374 (1SG), 377 (2SG), 378 (2PL), 379 (INF).

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ˈt[e]de

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

TABLE 6.10. Stem allomorphy in the 2SG imperative in Galician poner ‘put’ (Fernández Rei 1990)a

PRS.IND IMP a

( ) Maps 317–321.

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1SG

2SG

3SG

1PL

2PL

3PL

ˈp[o]ño

ˈp[ɔ]s

ˈp[ɔ]n

p[o] ˈñemos

ˈp[o]ñedes

ˈp[ɔ]ñen

ˈp[o]n

ˈp[o]ede

The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome The expected pattern in other Galician varieties (as well as Portuguese) for this conjugation class is a closed vowel in the singular present indicative and open vowels in the remaining singular and 3rd persons, as well as in the 2SG imperative.19 (p.129) Thus, in addition to imperative anomalies limited to individual lexemes, systematic imperative deviations from normal patterns in a subclass of verbs is also found, demonstrating that deviations are not necessarily only a case of speakers memorizing a handful of irregular forms.

6.5 Morphomic properties, syncretism, and the 2sg imperative The identification of a set of properties that not only describes, but also predicts morphomic as well as syncretic patterns within language is an important goal. In section 6.1, coherence and attraction were discussed as two properties characteristic of morphomes. Alternatively, Carstairs McCarthy (1987) and Stump (2001) have attempted to identify constraints on syncretism within inflectional paradigms and establish distinctions between different types. Using Carstairs's more simplified terminology, there are, broadly speaking, two general classes of syncretism: ‘systematic’ and ‘accidental’.20 In the present context, systematic syncretism is used to refer to those instances in which there is evidence that speakers associate two syncretic paradigmatic cells with each other, while there is no such association in accidental syncretism. In Limousin, 1PL and 3PL syncretism is systematic, while, I argue, 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative is essentially entirely accidental. It is synchronically accidental based on the fact that no historical evidence has been found so far of analogical reformation of one cell based on the form of the other, except perhaps for the example in Table 6.4. Even then, it is not a question of analogical levelling between these two cells, but rather of an N‐pattern morphome, and hence, the morphome takes precedence over local syncretism, contrary to what has happened in Limousin. Indeed, even if instances of attraction between these two cells exist, they are extremely rare. Furthermore, in those cases that might serve as evidence of attraction, it seems that it is the 2SG imperative cell that has served as the base form for analogical remodelling (Table 6.4), or, at the very least, precedes the 3SG form. For example, in the case of French aller (and many other Romance varieties with similar N‐pattern suppletive patterns), imperative va already existed in Latin. Phonetic reduction leading to shorter forms is a recurring characteristic of frequent imperatives among different Romance varieties. The 3SG descendants of original longer forms of UĀDERE (UĀDIT) are still attested in Old French, e.g. vait, vai (Wartburg 1928–1966). It is possible that imperative va played a part in attracting the 3SG towards its current form.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (p.130) Coherence with the N‐pattern, on the other hand, seems to be more robust, depending on the definition of what material constitutes a common root/ stem. Nevertheless, as illustrated in Table 6.8, there are also instances in which the imperative does not adhere to the N‐pattern morphome. Considering that most regular verbs are neutral in terms of their ability to indicate what kinds of relations exist between cells, the lack of evidence in irregular verbs of syncretic coherence between the 2SG imperative and the 3SG present indicative to the exclusion of other cells, as well as evidence of 2SG imperative immunity to inclusion in the wider N‐pattern, suggest that there is something particular about the status of the 2SG imperative in relation to the rest of the paradigm. In addition to resisting paradigmatic levelling, there is liberal evidence of the different imperative cells acting morphologically odd in all sorts of ways. Historical evidence supports the claim by Lausberg (1973) and Maiden (2007) that the Italian 2PL imperative desinence ‐te is the principal source of the general marker of 2PL throughout the paradigm. Similarly, Vincent (1978) has argued that the extension of the 1PL present subjunctive ending ‐iamo to the 1PL present indicative occurred via the 1PL imperative, which in Italian, as in other Romance varieties, such as Spanish and Portuguese, is syncretic with the present subjunctive, and as a hortative, i.e. ‘let's—’, might be more frequent than the subjunctive form. The use of imperatives as base forms has also occurred outside the realm of verb morphology, such as in the formation of compounds, without imperative meaning, e.g. Fr. fainéant ‘idler’ from OFr. fai! ‘do’ + néant ‘nothing’; surname Boileau OFr. boi! ‘drink’ + l'eau ‘water; va‐te‐laver ‘bloody nose’ 〈 va! ‘go’ + te ‘yourself’ + laver ‘wash’; Clermont‐Ferrand: donner à quelqu'un son va‐t‐en ‘expel, drive someone out’, literally ‘give someone their go away’; Nîmes: vatan ‘holiday, time off’(Nyrop 1903: 118; Wartburg 1928–1966: vol. XIV: 117).

6.6 Imperative status If syncretism between the 2SG imperative and 3SG present indicative is synchronically accidental, and numerous examples of imperative violations of syncretism and N‐pattern membership occur across Romance, an alternative view of the imperative's relation to the verb paradigm is feasible. In such a view the imperative is not part of the N‐pattern, but simply cannot be confirmed or repudiated among regular verbs. Individual cases that ambiguously suggest otherwise (such as suppletive ‘go’, or Palmoli ‘give’), are, in turn, lexical exceptions.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (p.131) This is the mirror opposite of a view that in regular verbs without stem allomorphy, the 2SG imperative is part of the N‐pattern, with morphologically irregular imperatives as lexical exceptions. However, the alternative hypothesis is not so radical if a comparison is made to the 3SG present indicative, which is considered the most basic or ‘unmarked’ cell in the verb paradigm (Greenberg 1966: 64; Bybee 1985). Although there are a number of examples of odd 3SG morphology in irregular Romance verbs, the overwhelming majority of 3SG forms are morphologically regular. The difference is that the 2SG imperative does not share the same status as the 3SG, if measured in terms of frequency and concepts such as markedness, although there is no doubt that frequency plays (or has played) some role, because it is borne out by the lexemes that typically exhibit morphological anomalies in the imperative. In my research on 2SG, 2PL, and 1PL imperative morphology, examples of anomalies found in individual lexemes can be reduced to sixteen ‘basic’ semantic concepts: ‘go’ (includes ‘go out’ and ‘pass’), ‘come’, ‘give’, ‘take’, ‘carry’, ‘bring’, ‘do’, ‘put’, ‘say’, ‘believe’, ‘eat’, ‘drink’, ‘have’, ‘see’, ‘stand’, ‘sit (down)’. Of these sixteen concepts, the lexemes for ‘go’ and ‘come’ display the greatest share of imperative irregular morphology. Ignoring examples from more systemic irregularities such as the Galician examples in Tables 6.9 and 6.10, frequency would clearly seem to increase the probability of irregular imperative morphology occurring or being maintained. Absolute and relative frequency‐counts for the imperative are difficult to establish, as corpus data is very difficult to obtain. Nonetheless, because of the correlation between frequency and irregularity (see Bybee 2007), it is noteworthy that despite overwhelming superiority of the 3SG present indicative in terms of frequency counts, the 2SG imperative provides evidence of immunity to analogical remodelling based on 3SG forms. One such piece of evidence can be found among consonant final Spanish imperatives.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome In an earlier period of Castilian Spanish, regular sound change led to the loss of final unstressed ‐e under certain conditions, affecting both 2SG imperatives and 3SG present indicative forms, e.g. 2SG.IMP *faze ‘do’ → faz; 3SG PRES.IND *faze → faz. In a later period, speakers appended ‐e back onto 3SG forms (and almost all consonant‐final words), but not onto all 2SG imperatives (see Penny 2002: 156). At least six monosyllabic imperatives resisted the change, including ten ‘have, hold’, haz ‘do’, ven ‘come’, pon ‘put’, and sal ‘go out, leave’. Although frequency has undoubtedly played a role in the resistance of these forms to analogical levelling, a sample frequency count of these forms (p.132) from a Spanish corpus21 (Buchmeier 2007) demonstrates that 3SG present indicative forms are much more frequent than corresponding 2SG imperatives (except for sal and ven whose token counts are contaminated by the fact that they are homonymous with other words).22 Table 6.11 presents a list of the relevant verb forms followed in parentheses by the total number of token occurrences in the corpus. TABLE 6.11. Comparative frequency count from a Spanish corpus 3SG. PRS.IND

2SG.IMP

tiene (2265)

ten (133)

hace (1390)

haz (175)

dice (580)

di (194)

viene (278)

ven (613)

pone (152)

pon (72)

sale (112)

sal (136)

At one extreme, 3SG tiene occurs seventeen times more frequently than ten, while at the other pone is twice as frequent as pon. The semantics of the verb serve as a source of greater or lesser variation in the overall frequency index of the imperative, as well as in the ratio between the two cells. The gap might be narrower in lexemes like ‘go’ and ‘come’, or even higher in the 2SG in lexemes expressing a notion such as ‘shut up’.23 Yet if the ranking of imperative forms in this corpus is in any way representative of the frequency ratio between 3SG present indicative and 2SG imperative forms more generally, as well as in other Romance varieties, then it demonstrates a clear sign of imperative immunity to the frequency effects of the 3SG, despite its overwhelming numerical superiority, and the general syncretism between the two cells elsewhere in the verb system.24

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome Beyond these arguments from comparative Romance verb morphology, typological data also lend support to the broader hypothesis that the (at least 2SG) imperative has some kind of independent status within the verb (p.133) paradigm. This includes its near universal25 existence as suggested by typological morphology studies, but also a strong tendency towards possessing dedicated morphology (Auwera and Lejeune 2005; Xrakovskij 2001), demonstrating that Romance (and many Indo‐European) languages are more the exception than the rule with regard to syncretism between the imperative and other paradigmatic cells of the verb. In her language sample, Bybee (1994: 210) states that of the languages that express mood, zero expression of imperatives is the 2nd most common after the present indicative, zero expression often serving as an indicator of ‘base‐form’ status.

6.7 Conclusions Although examples appear to exist of syncretisms overriding a larger morphomic pattern, there is no definitive evidence that this is the case between the 2SG imperative and the 3SG present indicative, despite their overwhelming syncretism. With regard to the possible membership of the 2SG imperative as part of the N‐pattern, the evidence is inconclusive with instances of both imperative adherence to and defiance of N‐pattern distributions. Recurring morphological irregularity in the 2SG imperative, both lexically specified as well as systematic, raise questions as to the extent to which the imperative may or may not be a member of the N‐pattern, but also what number of irregularities must be present before adherence to a pattern is accepted. In the end, an either/ or status is not the only possibility. Perhaps imperative membership is part of a gradient phenomenon, in which the 2SG imperative is part of the N‐pattern in low‐frequency lexemes, and autonomous from it in those of higher frequency, regardless of morphological regularity. Finally, the imperative may enjoy a degree of autonomy in the minds of speakers hitherto unconsidered. The challenge is to find a satisfactory psycholinguistic explanation for the data. This is a difficult task, for although imperatives are used in everyday speech, their pragmatic status means they are limited to very specific and often intimate types of dialogue resulting in under‐representation in language corpora. Obtaining such information, however, is essential in order to confirm or negate the hypotheses presented here based on the collected data.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

1C

Latin

French

Gascon

Portuguese

Italian

Romanian

2SG IND

CANTĀS

chantes

cantas

cantas

canti

cânţi

2SG IMP

CANTĀ

chante

canta

canta

canta

cântă

3SG IND

CANTAT

chante

canta

canta

canta

cântă

2PL IND

CANTĀTIS

chantez

cantatz

cantais

cantate

cântaţi

2PL IMP

CANTĀTE

chantez

cantatz

cantai

cantate

cântaţi

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

2/3C

Latin

Fr.

Ga.

Pt.

It.

Ro.

2SG IND

BATTUIS

bats

bates

bates

batti

baţi

2SG IMP

BATTUE

bats

bat

bate

batti

bate

3SG IND

BATTUIT

bat

bat

bate

batte

bate

2PL IND

BATTUITIS

battez

batetz

bateis

battete

bateţi

2PL IMP

BATTUITE

battez

batetz

batei

battete

bateţi

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome

4C

Latin

Fr.

Ga.

Pt.

It.

Ro.

2SG IND

DORMĪS

dors

dormis

dormes

dormi

dormi

2SG IMP

DORMĪ

dors

drom

dorme

dormi

dormi

3SG IND

DORMIT

dort

drom

dorme

dorme

doarme

2PL IND

DORMĪTIS

dormez

dromitz

dormis

dormite

dormiţi

2PL IMP

DORMĪTE

dormez

dromitz

dormi

dormite

dormiţi

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome This table presents the cells of the 2SG and 3SG present indicative, the 2SG imperative, the 2PL present indicative and imperative, indicating the location of Romance syncretisms for the relevant cells of regular verbs of the three main conjugation classes with their Latin antecedents. Notes:

(1) It is important to stress that these formal patterns may initially have been aligned along semantic criteria or resulted from sound changes occurring in a previous state of a language. However, subsequent evolution has meant that the original semantics or phonological effects are no longer active and cannot account for the current synchronic pattern. (2) The horizontal alignment of the contrasting cells in the present indicative appeared to Maiden to bear an abstract resemblance to the letter ‘n’ in Morse code, hence the label. (3) Depending on the variety, the stressed vowels were most often transformed into diphthongs or remained open, while many non‐stressed root vowels remained (or became) closed or reduced monophthongs. (4) In Modern French, most N‐pattern morphomes have been eliminated in favour of root uniformity throughout the paradigm, i.e. lav‐ in laver. However, the pattern remains robust in Occitan, Ibero‐, and Italo‐Romance. (5) In some Romance varieties, the lack of 1SG adherence to the N‐pattern is typical of many non‐1st conjugation verbs. It is originally a result of the differential effects of sound change, but subsequent analogical modifications has also led to differentiation, according to alternate morphomes such as the L‐ (note 11) and U‐patterns (see Maiden 2005: 146ff.). (6) It originates in the 3SG present indicative as a result of sound change. (7) Here ‘dedicated’ is used the sense of Auwera and Lejeune (2005) to refer to forms that are morphologically unique for the morpho‐syntactic properties they represent. (8) Exceptions regularly include Romance verbs that express notions of ‘to be’ and ‘to have’, and often ‘can’, ‘want’, ‘know’, and ‘be worth’ in the 2SG. (9) In Romanian, it seems that conjugational class membership and verb transitivity are determinant in syncretic patterning (see Graur 1961). (10) Although the 2PL imperative in most Occitan varieties is syncretic with the 2PL present indicative, isolated varieties exist, particularly in Auvernhat and Gascon, that preserve the distinction.

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (11) For example, in the L‐pattern morphome root identity exists between the 1SG present indicative and all cells of the present subjunctive. At the micro‐ level, the identity between the 1SG cells of the indicative and subjunctive would normally disqualify the pair from being morphomic. The point, however, is that this motivation is completely absent in the larger morphome, such as between the 1SG present indicative and the 3PL present subjunctive. (12) This does not mean that instances of morphological irregularity do not exist between these pairs of cells, for in fact they do (see Maiden et al. 2009). (13) However, see Hinzelin (this volume) for a discussion of syncretic cells that serve as a model for the distribution of suppletive stems within the verb paradigm. (14) In the same article, Maiden discusses N‐pattern distributions in the Romanian 4th conjugation verb a sprijini ‘support’, listing the 2SG imperative form in brackets to demonstrate that it has the same 1st conjugation form as the singular and 3rd person cells of the present indicative, while the 1PL and 2PL have 4th conjugation forms (p. 162). (15) Apart from the property of singular number, which is shared by so many other cells of the paradigm as to render it insignificant. (16) The fact that 1PL and 3PL share the same morpho‐syntactic properties of mood, tense, and number might however encourage some scholars to claim semantic influences. (17) Just as in the 2SG, resistance to levelling is also a typical characteristic of irregular 1PL and 2PL imperatives across Romance. (18) I employ the Latin designations for conjugation classes in Romance for comparative purposes. Because Latin 2nd and 3rd conjugations were collapsed into a single conjugation class in Galician (and Ibero‐Romance generally), I use the designation 2/3. (19) More specifically, Galician verbs in this conjugational class have a configuration in which another morphome, the L‐pattern (see note 11) overlaps with the N‐pattern in the 1SG present indicative cell. (20) In fact, Carstairs McCarthy labels phonological identity between two or more forms as ‘homonymy’ and only uses the term ‘syncretism’ to refer to cases of systematic homonymy (1987: 115f.). (21) A corpus constructed from Spanish subtitles of English films, and thus mainly oral, in which imperatives are more likely to appear (Buchmeier 2008).

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The Romance Imperative, Irregular Morphology, Syncretism, and the Morphome (22) Sal is also a noun meaning ‘salt’, while ven can also be the 3PL present indicative of the verb ver ‘see’. (23) Indeed, in two localities in mid‐France, the imperative of tér or tèzè ‘shut up’ was given as suppletive écut (Dubuisson 1976: maps 49, 54, 60). (24) However, see Albright (2008: 209f.) for evidence of frequency as ineffective in determining the directionality of analogical extrapolations. (25) I hesitate to state the categorical existence of the imperative in human language as I have yet to find a study that explicitly makes such an assertion. However, intuitively it is difficult to imagine a language that does not have the means of expressing a direct command via a speech act, regardless of its morphological expression and the social norms that constrain the use of such commands.

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages *

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Vito Pirrelli Marcello Ferro Basilio Calderone

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0008

Abstract and Keywords In the linguistic literature, paradigms have enjoyed a hybrid status, half‐way between entrenched patterns of lexical organization and processing structures enforcing global constraints on the output of traditional inflection rules. We describe here an original computational model of the mental lexicon where paradigmatic structures emerge through learning as the by‐product of the endogenous dynamics of lexical memorization as competitive self‐organization, based on the complementary principles of formal contrast (in space) and association biuniqueness (in time). Keywords:   processing structures, mental lexicon, lexical memorization, self‐organizing maps, computational model

7.1 Introduction

Page 1 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * According to the Dual Mechanism approach to word processing (Prasada and Pinker 1993; Pinker and Prince 1988; Pinker and Ullman 2002; among others), recognition of a morphologically complex input word involves two interlocking steps: (i) preliminary full‐form access to the lexicon, and (ii) optional morpheme‐ based access to sub‐word constituents of the input word, resulting from the application of combinatorial rules taking care of on‐line word segmentation. Algorithmically, step (ii) is taken if and only if step (i) fails to find any matching access entry in the lexicon. The view accounts for the appropriate mastering of irregular and subregular forms, which are assumed to be stored and accessed in the lexicon as full forms, while relying on morpheme‐based access for the stem and affix of those morphologically (p.136) regular forms which are not found in the lexicon as full forms. The approach endorses a direct functional correspondence between principles of grammar organization supporting the lexicon vs. rules dichotomy, processing correlates (storage vs. computation), and localization of the cortical areas functionally involved in word processing (temporo‐parietal vs. frontal areas in the human cortex; see Ullman 2004). Although such a direct correspondence is probably the most straightforward model of the grammar‐processing relation (Miller and Chomsky 1963; Clahsen 2006), it may only be the artefact of an outdated view of lexical storage as more ‘costly’ than computational operations (Baayen 2007). Alternative theoretical models put forward a more nuanced indirect correspondence hypothesis, based on the emergence of morphological regularities from independent principles of hierarchical organization of lexical information (Corbett and Fraser 1993; Wunderlich 1996; Dressler et al. 2006). In the Word‐and‐Paradigm tradition (Matthews 1991; Pirrelli 2000; Stump 2001; Blevins 2006), fully inflected forms are mutually related through possibly recursive paradigmatic structures, defining entailment relations between forms (Burzio 2004). A less symbolic version of the same hypothesis (Bybee 1995 a) sees the morphological lexicon as a dynamic, parallel network of fully memorized word forms. In the network, forms sharing meaning components and/or phonological structure are associatively connected with one another, as a function of formal transparency, item frequency, and size of morphological family. This view prompts a different computational metaphor than traditional rule‐based models: a speaker's lexical knowledge corresponds more to one large relational database than to a general‐ purpose automaton augmented with lexical storage (Blevins 2006), thus supporting a one‐route model of word competence.

Page 2 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * In this chapter, we explore the implications of the two models in connection with issues of inflectional paradigm learning, based on two sources of empirical evidence: (a) experimental and developmental data of human processing and storage of complex forms, with particular emphasis on dissociation effects of regular vs. irregular inflections (section 7.2) and (b) evidence of computer models of inflection learning, tested on samples of realistically distributed training data (section 7.3). We then present an original computer model of memory self‐organization (section 7.4) and apply it to the task of learning verb paradigms in Italian and French (section 7.5). The model learns a stochastic finite state automaton based on patterns of Hebbian connectivity in a self‐ organizing topological memory. We eventually discuss the implications of this processing architecture and some experimental results against the background of the dual‐route vs. one‐route mêlée.

(p.137) 7.2 Word processing evidence Morphological ontology

In Dual Mechanism Models, roots and affixes are the basic building blocks of morphological competence, on the assumption that the lexicon is largely redundancy‐free. The speaker, having identified the parts of a word form, proceeds to discard the original word from the lexicon. Contrary to such views, most one‐route models take full words as basic, with sub‐word constituents being considered epiphenomenal. Over the past three decades, a large body of empirical evidence has suggested that sub‐word constituents do play a crucial role in the processing and representation of morphologically complex words (see McQueen and Cutler 1998 and Clahsen 1999 for overviews). In lexical decision tasks (Taft 1979; Whaley 1978; and Balota 1994 for a review), target lexical bases are effectively primed by earlier presentation of regularly inflected related forms (walked → walk), but they are not primed by irregular inflections (e.g. brought vs. bring). The effect is interpreted as showing that walked activates two distinct lexical representations, one for the stem walk and the other for the affix ‐ed. Associative models of morphological processing account for dissociation effects of this kind in terms of type/token frequency factors, phonological and semantic similarity, or both (e.g. Eddington 2002; Ellis and Schmidt 1998; Joanisse and Seidenberg 1999). For example, Rueckl and Raveh (1999) argue that regular past tense forms are orthographically and phonologically more similar to their base forms than irregular past tense forms are (compare walked vs. walk with taught vs. teach); these different form properties account for full priming of regular past tense forms. Rule gradient

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * The elicited production method allows the testing of generalization properties associated with morphological patterns. Subjects are presented with nonce‐ words (e.g. *pring) for which they are asked to provide specific related inflected forms (e.g. the corresponding past participle form, say *prung). By modulating nonce‐words by similarity to attested patterns (string–strung) and by the frequency of these patterns (frequent vs. rare), properties of morphological processes are investigated. Productive morphological rules are reported to generalize to nonce‐words irrespective of the frequency and level of similarity of attested patterns. In contrast, minor morphological processes are sensitive to such effects. Once more, this is interpreted as a memory effect. Supporters of one‐route models, on the other hand, conceive of this opposition as a gradient. More default rules may concurrently take care of (p.138) the same morphological process, possibly applied to different base forms (see Burzio's 1998 notion of multiple correspondence). Both regular and subregular inflections typically cluster into phonologically or even semantically coherent families. Speakers demonstrably use these patterns to produce novel forms by analogy to already stored ones, and the same is true for regular inflections (see Albright's 2002 reliability islands). Derivationality

Dual Mechanism Models assume that base forms and fully inflected forms are derivationally related: the morphological processor accesses lexical bases to derive surface forms on‐line. Alternatively, one‐route models typically assume storage of full forms, both regular and irregular. On closer scrutiny, however, the derivational assumption appears to be orthogonal to the Dual Mechanism vs. one‐route debate. According to some scholars (Aronoff 1994; Anderson 1982; 1992; Zwicky 1985; Carstairs[‐McCarthy] 1987; Stump 1993 a; 2001), the paradigm contains a set of slots defined in terms of morpho‐syntactic feature values and shows how each slot is to be filled in through application of formal functions to lexical bases. In this respect, paradigmatic relations are equivalent to augmented derivational processes, applying under some global constraints such as blocking, completeness, and uniqueness (Aronoff 1976; Carstairs[McCarthy] 1987; Wunderlich 1996; Kiparsky 1998). Frequency effects

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Some important empirical findings suggest that surface word relations constitute a fundamental domain of morphological competence. Of late, particular emphasis has been laid on the interplay between form frequency, family frequency, and family size effects within morphologically based word families. The two best‐known such families are the inflectional paradigm and the derivational family. Family frequency has been shown to correlate negatively with response latencies in lexical decision (Baayen, Dijkstra, and Schreuder 1997; Taft 1979; Hay 2001). Family size is also known to negatively correlate with visual lexicon decision latencies, as documented for a variety of languages (Baayen et al. 1997; Ford, Marslen‐Wilson, and Davis, 2003; Lüdeling and Jong, 2002; Moscoso del Prado Martín, Bertram, Häikiö, Schreuder, and Baayen 2004). Evidence from research on speech errors (Stemberger and Middleton, 2003) suggests that English present and past tense forms are in competition, and that this competition is modulated by the a‐priori probabilities of the vowels in these forms, even if they are regular (Tabak, Schreuder, and Baayen 2005). Finally, Maratsos (2000) reports that many individual verbs are used by children in both correct and overgeneralized (p.139) forms (e.g. brought and *bringed) for a long period. The evidence seems to support a more dynamic, frequency‐based competition between regular and irregular forms than dual‐route accounts are prepared to acknowledge. Assuming that both regular and irregular forms are stored in the lexicon seems to go further towards a competition‐based account. Automatic morphological processing

That more than just storage is involved, however, is suggested by interference effects between false friends (or opaque pseudo‐derivations) such as broth and brother, which share a conspicuous word onset but are not related morphologically (Longtin, Segui, and Mallé 2003; Rastle and Davis 2004). These and other similar results, observed particularly but not exclusively for Semitic languages (see Frost, Forster, and Deutsch 1997 and more recently Post et al. 2008), show that as soon as a given letter sequence is fully decomposable into morphological formatives, word parsing takes place automatically, prior to lexical look‐up. Paradigm learning

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * In the psycholinguistic literature, there is a general consensus that Italian children are more precocious in mastering the present indicative sub‐paradigm than English children are in learning the simple contrast between the third singular person and the base form (Brown 1973; Pizzuto and Caselli 1992; Hyams 1992; Noccetti 2003). Within the framework of Natural Morphology (Dressler et al. 1987), the development of verb inflection has been investigated cross‐linguistically by focusing on the structural properties of morphological paradigms (Bittner, Dressler, and Kilani‐Schoch 2003; Dressler 2000). Typological evidence of this kind provides a strong indication that inflectional contrasts in prototypically inflecting verb systems are acquired at a considerably earlier stage than inflectional contrasts in more isolating verb systems, in contrast with rule‐based accounts of morphology learning which predict that more complex and richer (sub)paradigms should take longer to be learned.

7.3 Computational modelling Somewhat ironically, classical multi‐layered connectionist networks (see McClelland and Patterson 2002 for a review), often heralded as champions of the associative view of word structure, appear to have problems with the extensive evidence of global family size and frequency effects reported in the previous section. By modelling inflection as a phonological mapping function (p.140) from a lexical base to its range of inflected forms, connectionist architectures are closer to a sub‐symbolic, neurally inspired variant of classical derivational rules than to associative models of the mental lexicon. Lazy learning methods such as the Nearest Neighbour Algorithm (Bosch, Daelemans, and Weijters 1996) or the Analogy‐based approach proposed by Pirrelli and Yvon (1999) require full storage of pre‐classified word forms, and make on‐line use of them with no prior or posterior organization of stored items. However, there is no explicit sense in which the system learns how to analogize new exemplars to already memorized ones, since the similarity function does not change over time and the only incremental pay‐off lies in the growing quantity of information stored in the database of examples. These algorithms are good at finding analogies only if they are told where to look for them. All the approaches mentioned above are task‐oriented and supervised, since they assume that training word forms are glossed with morphological information (e.g. morpho‐syntactic features or morpheme boundaries). Hence, they can replicate predefined morphological classes, but cannot discover new classes. Arguably, a better‐motivated and explanatory approach should be based on the self‐organization of input items into morphologically natural classes with no external supervision.

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * There has been a recent upsurge of interest in the use of global paradigm‐based constraints to minimize the range of inflectional or derivational endings heuristically inferred from unsupervised training data (Goldsmith 2001; 2006; Gaussier 1999; Baroni 2000). Goldsmith models paradigm learning as a Minimum Description Length problem (Rissanen 1989): ‘find the battery of inflectional markers forming the shortest grammar that best fits training evidence’, where (i) a grammar is a set of paradigms defined as lists of inflectional markers applying to specific verb classes and (ii) the training evidence is a text corpus. The task is a top‐down global optimization problem and boils down to a grammar evaluation procedure. In Goldsmith's algorithm, however, the segmentation of morphemes is kept separate from their evaluation. The two processes do not come into contact and we are left with no principled answer to the problem of the interplay between word processing and the morphological organization of the speaker's mental lexicon. Moreover, it is hard to see how a child learning morphology can possibly be engaged in a top‐down search for global minima. Finally, the algorithm tells us nothing about the way novel words are assigned to existing paradigms. This aspect is addressed by Albright (2002), who applies the Minimal Generalization Algorithm (Pinker and Prince 1988; Albright and Hayes 2002) to the acquisition of inflectional patterns in Italian conjugation. The algorithm consists in aligning lexical entailments between inflected forms to (p.141) extract from them very specific context‐sensitive rules mapping one form into the other. Albright shows that rules of this kind apply quite reliably, and that their reliability score (based on the number of forms for which the mapping rule makes the right prediction) correlates with human subjects' acceptability judgement on nonce‐forms. However, Albright says very little about the type of processing architecture that could support such a rule‐based conception of inflectional morphology. Moreover, it is not clear how learners can home in on the right sort of frequency counts the framework requires. Pirrelli and colleagues (2004; 2006; Pirelli 2007) suggest modelling the mental lexicon as a topological Self‐Organizing Map (SOM; Kohonen 2001). Processing and storage in a SOM are governed by local principles of similarity between input vectors (representing unsupervised training data) and the weight vectors of the map's processing nodes (see section 7.4 for more on this). Nonetheless, due to its topological dynamics, the map is able to develop clusters of specialized nodes which reflect global distributional patterns in the training data. This makes SOMs suitable for simulating the emergence of morphological clusters through lexical storage. However, it is difficult to see how these clusters can be used for word recognition and production.

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Both associative and Dual Mechanism Models find it hard to account for the entire body of evidence reviewed here. All in all, the evidence lends support to a less deterministic and modular view of the interaction between stored word knowledge and on‐line processing than dual‐mechanism approaches are ready to acknowledge. If lexical blocking is assumed to transfer to word recognition, it would predict that pseudo‐affixed monomorphemic words such as brother should not undergo decompositional processing, contrary to evidence on automatic processing. On the other hand, there is no way to account for such effects in terms of either variegated analogy (of the sort used by example‐based approaches) or phonological complexity and perceptual subtlety of the input word (as suggested by McClelland and Patterson 2002). Both analogies and inflectional rhyming patterns have to exhibit a clear morphological status; but such a status is taken to be epiphenomenal in current connectionist thinking. Computer models have been successful in tackling certain aspects of word learning, but have not been able to provide, to date, a comprehensive picture of the complex dynamics between computation and storage underlying morphological processing. The currently emerging view sees word processing as the outcome of simultaneously activating patterns of cortical connectivity reflecting (possibly redundant) distributional regularities in the input at the phonological, morpho‐syntactic, and morpho‐semantic levels. At the same time, there is evidence to argue for a more complex and differentiated neuro‐ biological substrate for human language than connectionist one‐route models (p.142) can posit (Post et al. 2008), suggesting that brain areas devoted to language processing maximize the opportunity for using both general and specific information simultaneously (Libben 2006), rather than maximize processing efficiency and economy of storage. To our knowledge, no current computational model of word learning embodies such a complex interaction. In what follows we describe an original computer model of dynamic memory able to simulate effects of morphological self‐organization that mirror important distributional properties of inflectional paradigms. Moreover, we show that the resulting patterns of time‐bound connectivity between stored items function like a stochastic processing model of word inflection that uses rule‐like generalizations over learned data.

7.4 Computer modelling of memory self‐organization 7.4.1 Kohonen Self‐Organizing Map (KSOM)

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Kohonen's Self‐Organizing Maps (or KSOMs; Kohonen 2001) are unsupervised clustering algorithms that mimic the behaviour of so‐called brain maps, medium to small aggregations of neurons in the cortical area of the brain, involved in selectively processing homogeneous classes of sensory data. Processing in a brain map consists in the activation (or firing) of one or more neurons each time a particular stimulus is presented. A crucial feature of brain maps is their topological organization: nearby neurons in the map are fired by similar stimuli. Although some brain maps are taken to be genetically pre‐programmed, there is evidence that at least some aspects of such global neural organization emerge as a function of the sensory experience accumulated through learning (Jenkins, Merzenich, and Ochs 1984; Kaas, Merzenich, and Killackey 1983). A KSOM is a grid of parallel processing nodes, also suggestively referred to as ‘receptors’. Each node is synaptically connected with all units on the input layer, where input vectors are encoded (Figure 7.1a). Each connection is treated as a communication channel with no time delay, whose synaptic strength is given by a weight value. Each receptor is thus associated with one synaptic weight vector in the spatial connection layer. Weight values on the connection layer are adjusted dynamically through learning on the basis of two key principles: similarity and clustering. To see them in action, it is useful to conceive of learning as articulated into three phases: (i) parallel activation, when all receptors are fired by an input vector as a function of the similarity between their weight vector and the input vector itself; (ii) filtering, when the node whose synaptic weight vector is the most similar to the current input vector is singled out as the Best Matching Unit (p.143) (BMU); and (iii) adaptive learning, when weight vectors of all receptors are adjusted to make them closer to values in the current input vector. The last step, illustrated in Figure 7.1b, is modulated by two parameters: the learning rate and the neighbourhood gain function. The learning rate defines the propensity of the map to adjust its FIGURE 7.1 KSOM: (a) spatial synaptic weights. The neighbourhood function is defined connection layer; (b) spatial as a bell‐shaped curve (a neighbourhood function Gaussian) centred on the current BMU. The further away from the BMU a node is, the lower the value on the bell and the weaker the adjustment of the node's weight vector. Both learning rate and neighbourhood gain gradually shrink during learning, to simulate the behaviour of a map whose plasticity decreases over time. Page 9 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Such a simple learning dynamics prompts an overall topological organization of the map receptors in the map space. Input vectors that are similar in the input space will strongly activate nodes that are close in the map space, as shown pictorially in Figure 7.2, where input items are assigned to three classes, each represented by a different grey pattern. On the untrained KSOM, nodes that are fired by the same class of input vectors are randomly scattered (Figure 7.2b). After training, they cluster in topologically connected areas of the map (Figures 7.2c and 7.2d). 7.4.2 Temporal Hebbian Self‐Organizing Map (THSOM)

Temporal Hebbian Self‐Organizing Maps (THSOMs; Koutnik 2007) model synchronization of two BMUs firing at consecutive time steps. This means (p. 144) that a THSOM can remember, at time t, its state of activation at time t–1 and can make an association between the two states. This is possible by augmenting traditional KSOMs with an additional layer of synaptic connections between each single node and all other nodes on the map (Figure 7.3).

FIGURE 7.2 KSOM: (a) dataset; (b) untrained network; (c) trained network; (d) node labelling

Connections are treated as communication channels whose synaptic strength is measured with a weight value, updated in a fixed one‐step time delay. Weights on the connection layer (hereafter referred to as the temporal connection layer) are adjusted by Hebbian learning, based on activity synchronization of the BMU at time t–1 and the BMU at time t. During training, the temporal connection between the two BMUs is potentiated (Figure 7.4a),

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * (p.145) while the temporal connections between all other nodes and the BMU at time t are depressed (Figure 7.4b). Logically, this amounts to enforcing the entailment B t → B t–1. 7.4.3 Topological Temporal Hebbian Self‐Organizing Map (T2HSOM)

The model adopted in the present work originally extends Koutnik's THSOM by using the neighbourhood function as a principle of organization of connections in the temporal connection layer (Figures 7.5a, b). An additional depressant Hebbian rule penalizes the temporal connections between the BMU at time t–1 and all nodes lying outside the neighbourhood of the BMU at time t (Figure 7.5c). This is equivalent to the logical entailment B t–1 → B t. Taken

FIGURE 7.3 THSOM: temporal connection layer

together, the temporal connections in Figure 7.5 enforce a bidirectional entailment between B t–1 and B t inducing a bias for biunique first‐order Hebbian connections. We shall refer to such a bias as the association biuniqueness assumption. 7.4.4 T2HSOMs in action

When trained on time series of input vectors, a T2HSOM develops (i) a topological organization of receptors by

FIGURE 7.4 THSOM's temporal layer plasticity: (a) Long‐Term Potentiation; (b) Long‐Term Depression

their sensitivity to similar input vectors and (ii) a first‐order time‐bound correlation between BMUs activated at two consecutive time steps. (p.146)

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * Input vectors can be similar for two independent and potentially conflicting reasons: (i) they have vector representations that are close in the input space; and (ii) they distribute similarly, i.e. they tend to be found in similar sequences. A T2HSOM tries to optimize topological clustering according to both criteria for FIGURE 7.5 T2HSOM's temporal layer similarity. For any sequence of plasticity: (a) Long‐Term Potentiation; input vectors, the model creates (b,c) Long‐Term Depression an internal representation of the chain of BMUs fired by the sequence. It is possible to map out the corresponding chain by traversing the path of Hebbian connections leading from the BMU fired by the first input vector to the one fired by the last input vector, going through all intermediate BMUs. In this respect, the map behaves like a first‐order stochastic Markov model, whose states are topological clusters of class‐sensitive receptors and stochastic state transitions are represented by normalized connections.

The knowledge of a trained T2HSOM is stored in the synaptic weights of its nodes. Understanding and evaluating the map's learning behaviour thus requires a few post‐processing steps to read off information from synaptic weights. The first step consists in calibrating the trained map by assigning a label to each node. A label is the symbol to which the node is most sensitive, that is whose input vector is closest to the node's weight vector. Since similar input vectors activate nodes topologically close on the map, labelling reveals the topological coherence of the resulting organization (Figure 7.2d). The second post‐processing step involves the temporal connection layer. Connection weights m‐ji measure the synaptic strength between two (p.147) consecutively activated BMUs. They are transformed into transition probabilities by normalizing the weight matrix (by columns) and then transposing it: (1)

where ti,j represents the probability of making a transition from the symbol labelling the i‐th node to the symbol labelling the j‐th node. The resulting transition matrix is then used to analyse the performance of the model at recall, making it possible to evaluate the following aspects: • the number of out‐going transitions from each node in terms of Shannon and Weaver's entropy; • the ability of the map to predict a word, expressed in terms of average (un)certainty in guessing the next transition; Page 12 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * • an entropic measure of paradigm complexity based on the information above. 7.4.5 Learning bias

Due to its temporal bias for biunique first‐order Hebbian connections (section 7.4.3), the map tries to internally represent each input sequence through a dedicated chain of BMUs as shown in Table 7.1 for the input sequences ABC and 123 (left panel). TABLE 7.1. Chains of BMUs activated by different input strings input

chain

input

chain

When different sequences share the same head but have different tails, the map creates a unique chain for the shared head and bifurcates upon the split tail, as shown in the right panel of Table 7.1. If heads differ too, the map tries to develop distinct chains by duplicating receptors that are dedicated to identical symbols (see Table 7.2, left panel). In this way, the map supplies, with space, lack of a memory order greater than one. However, if topological constraints are enforced, shared subsequences are represented through shared chains (Table 7.2, right panel).

(p.148) TABLE 7.2. Alternative chains of BMUs activated by the same input strings input

chain

input

chain

Note that the level of entropy of the map (i.e. its degree of uncertainty) differs in the two panels of Table 7.2. In the left panel, the map can predict the two symbol chains with certainty starting from the first symbol. Thus, entropy goes down to zero. In the right panel of Table 7.2, entropy increases when the chain bifurcates, as, upon activation of ‘D’, the map is in no position to anticipate with certainty which out‐going connection will be taken. Hence, generalization and memory compression increase entropy. This observation is confirmed by an analysis of the dynamic behaviour of a T2HSOM as detailed in the following section. 7.4.6 Time–space trade‐off

As the overall topological organization of the map is the result of cooperation and competition between temporal and spatial vector similarity, its generalization capabilities crucially depend on this dynamics.

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * When neighbourhood functions are operating, receptors that are fired by similar input vectors tend to stick together in the map space. Large areas of receptors are recruited for frequently occurring input vectors. In particular, if the same input vector occurs in different contexts, the map tends to recruit specialized receptors that are sensitive to the specific contexts where the input vector is found. The more varied the distributional behaviour of an input vector, the larger the area of dedicated receptors (space allowing). These dynamics are coherent with a learning strategy that minimizes entropy over inter‐node connections. Moreover, it constrains the degrees of freedom to specialize receptors, since all receptors compete for space on the map. As a result, some low‐frequency input vectors may lack dedicated receptors after training. By the same token, dedicated receptors may generalize over many instances of the same input vector, gaining in generality but modelling their distributional behaviour more poorly. The main consequence of poor modelling of the time‐bound distribution of input vectors is an increase in the level of entropy of the map, as more general nodes present more out‐going connections. However, topological generalization is essential for a map to learn symbolic sequences whose complexity exceeds the map's memory resources (i.e. the number of available nodes). Moreover, lack of topological (p.149) organization makes it difficult for a large map to converge on learning simple tasks, as the map has no pressure to treat identical input tokens as belonging to the same type (Ferro and Pirrelli, in preparation).

7.5 Modelling word learning A T2HSOM learns word forms as time series of (phonological) symbols preceded by a start‐of‐word symbol (‘#’) and immediately followed by an end‐of‐word symbol (‘$’), as in ‘#,F,A,CH,CH,O,$’ (transcribed pronunciation of Italian faccio, ‘I do’). Phonological segments are encoded through n‐dimensional binary vectors specifying place and manner of articulation. In learning a word form, the map is exposed to one segment at a time, in order of appearance from left to right. Upon exposure to the end‐of‐word symbol ‘$’, the map resets its Hebbian connections thus losing memory of the order in which words are presented. By being trained on several sequences of this kind, a T2HSOM (i) develops internal representations of phonological symbols, (ii) links them through first‐order Hebbian connections, and (iii) organizes developed representations topologically. The three steps are not taken one after the other but dynamically interact in non‐trivial ways, as we shall see in the general discussion.

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * From a linguistic viewpoint, step (i) corresponds to learning individual phonological segments by recruiting increasingly specialized receptors. Frequent phonological segments are learned more quickly than less frequent ones. Step (ii) allows the map to develop selective paths through consecutively activated BMUs. This corresponds to learning word forms or recurrent parts of them. Once more, this is a function of the frequency with which symbol sequences are presented to the map. Finally, step (iii) combines spatial and temporal information to cluster nodes topologically. Accordingly, nodes that compete for the same symbol stick together on the map. Moreover, they tend to form sub‐clusters to reflect distributionally different instances of the same symbol. For example, the phonological symbol ‘A’ in ‘#,F,A,CH,CH,O,$’ will fire, if space allows, a different node than the same symbol in ‘#,S,E,M,B,R,A, $’ (sembra, ‘it seems’). In what follows we consider in some detail the implications of this strategy for learning the inflectional paradigms of a language. In two learning sessions, we trained a 10x10 T2HSOM on present indicative forms of Italian and French verbs. For each language, the set of forms was selected according to their frequency distributions by person–number feature combinations in a reference corpus. For both experiments, the same configuration of learning parameters was chosen. (p.150) 7.5.1 Italian

The Italian training dataset contains present indicative forms of 20 different verbs, for a total of 103 attested different forms, whose frequency distributions are sampled from the Calambrone section of the Italian CHILDES sub‐corpus (MacWhinney 2000), of about 110,000 token words. As we were mainly interested in effects of global paradigm‐based organization, forms were mostly selected from regular, formally transparent paradigms. Nonetheless, some subregular high‐frequency forms (such as those of STARE ‘stay’, FARE ‘make’ and POTERE ‘be able’) were present in the training set. The resulting overall map is shown in Figure 7.6. Shades of grey on arrow lines indicate levels of connection strength, with darker lines representing stronger connections. Vowel segments are clustered topologically and clearly separated from consonants. Moreover, they appear to play the role of prominent attractors for patterns of connectivity, particularly when they function as (parts of) inflectional endings. In some cases, it is possible to follow a continuous path of connections going from ‘#’ (top left corner of the map), to ‘$’ (bottom left corner of the map), as with the high‐frequency word form ‘#,F,A,$’ (‘it does’). In the vast majority of cases, however, connection chains

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * (p.151) represent recurrent segmental subsequences, corresponding to inflectional endings, verb stems, or parts of them.

The underlying paradigmatic structure of such an entangled bundle of connections is thrown into sharper relief in Figure 7.7, where each panel shows the activation pattern of the map when it is fired by forms that occupy the same present FIGURE 7.6 A T2HSOM trained on indicative cell (1st person Italian present indicative verb forms singular, 2nd person singular, etc.). Clearly, the six panels share a substantial number of connectivity patterns, due to repeated activation of regular stems, and differ in the way stems are connected with inflectional endings. Figures 7.6 and 7.7 provide a static view of paradigms as entrenched patterns of inter‐node connectivity. To get a flavour of the process of dynamic (p.152)

FIGURE 7.7 The underlying structure of Italian present indicative cells

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * emergence of any such pattern through learning we have to turn to Figure 7.8. Here, temporal weights over connections between the verb stem and its present indicative endings are monitored through 100 learning epochs for the regular verb ARRIVARE (‘arrive’). In the plot, each FIGURE 7.8 Stem‐ending connections in connection weight is normalized the present indicative of ARRIVARE according to equation (1) above. After an initial chaotic phase, with inflectional endings competing for primacy, the paradigm converges to a stable state at around epoch 45. The two greyish vertical lines on the plot mark the points in time when the topological organization of the spatial layer subsides (solid line), and when the topological organization of the temporal layer comes to an end (dashed line). We shall comment on the role of these two signposts later in the general discussion. 7.5.2 French

The French training set includes 100 present indicative forms sampled from the MorPa corpus (Montermini, Boyé, and Tseng 2008) according to their frequency distributions and phonologically transcribed with an inventory of 40 phonemes with binary vector encoding. The four panels of Figure 7.9 show patterns of connections for 1st singular forms (a), 1st plural forms (b), 2nd plural forms (c) and 3rd plural forms (d) of the French present indicative. In panels (b) and (c), 1st and 2nd plural endings show dedicated patterns of connectivity reflecting their recurrent activation. Each such pattern includes the incoming connection to the node specialized for the inflectional ending (represented by the symbol ‘5’ for the first person plural and ‘e’ for the second person plural) and its outgoing connection to the end‐of‐word symbol ‘$’. Figure 7.10 shows how temporal weights over stem‐ending connections evolve through learning epochs in the regular present indicative paradigm of (p.153)

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * AIMER. Due to the extensive syncretism of French present indicative forms in the three singular persons (and, in regular cases, also in the third plural person), the cumulative effect of their pressure on first and second plural endings means that the latter hardly reach perceivable levels of activation.

(p.154) 7.6 General discussion T2HSOMs memorize word forms by topologically organizing (a) nodes that are sensitive to word segments and (b) patterns of time‐bound connectivity between consecutively fired

FIGURE 7.9 The underlying structure of French present indicative cells

nodes. Due to the biuniqueness association assumption (section 7.4.3), the strength of any inter‐ node connection ‘A↔B’ is (a) a direct function of the number of times the connection is FIGURE 7.10 Stem‐ending connections activated during training, (b) an in the present indicative of AIMER inverse function of the number of times ‘A’ is seen preceding a symbol which is not ‘B’, and (c) an inverse function of the number of times ‘B’ is seen following a symbol which is not ‘A’. This simple dynamics has important consequences for the way paradigms are learned and eventually organized by a T2HSOM. First, all regularly inflected forms belonging to the same paradigm compete with one another on the map. For instance, ‘#,A,R,R,I,V,O,$’ (‘I arrive’) inhibits and is inhibited by ‘#,A,R,R,I,V,A,$’ (‘(s)he arrives’). Second, each form may be supported by other word forms sharing the same stem‐ending transition. For example, ‘#,A,R,R,I,V,O,$’ is strengthened by ‘#,D,E,V,O,$’. Finally, ‘#,A,R,R,I,V,O,$’ is inhibited by word forms with a different stem‐ending transition, such as ‘#,S,T,O,$’ (‘I stay’) and ‘#,L,E,G,G,O,$’ (‘I read’).

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Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * To illustrate this point in more detail, let us turn back to Figure 7.8 above. In the paradigm of ARRIVARE, different endings compete chaotically in the first learning epochs, before the map reaches a stage where the topological organization of the spatial layer subsides (solid vertical line). In this initial phase, dedicated receptors have not yet developed (especially for low‐frequency symbols) and BMUs change dramatically, affecting large neighbouring areas on the map. An intermediate phase starts with the solid line and ends with the dashed vertical line, marking the epoch where the topological organization of the temporal layer comes to an end. In this phase, macro‐paradigms start to set in. Dedicated receptors are already topologically organized and entrenched but temporal connections are still changed over neighbouring areas. This means that different connections going into the same receptor, say ‘V↔O’ and ‘T↔O’, strongly compete with one another for the whole cluster of ‘O’ receptors. This causes connection weights to vary considerably. The higher the productivity of an inflectional ending the more chaotic this phase. Finally, when the dashed vertical line is reached, temporal weights change moderately, with excitatory connections acting locally and inhibitory connections making receptors specialize for context‐sensitive symbols. All in all, this phase can be interpreted as a process of paradigm refinement, where the map assigns relative association strengths to endings that form part of the same paradigm. (p.155) This dynamics sheds light on frequency effects of paradigm entrenchment. Figure 7.11 shows average levels of normalized association weights over stem‐ ending connections in the present indicative paradigms of Italian (panel a) and French (panel b), plotted against an incrementally growing lexicon. In Italian, association weights of high‐ FIGURE 7.11 Intra‐paradigmatic frequency endings start high in association strength in Italian and French the upper part of the panel, but slump rather quickly as the lexicon grows. Such a trend is counterbalanced by the characteristically U‐shaped curve of weights for low‐frequency endings in the same panel. After the map is exposed to 100 word forms, degrees of association strength level out considerably, allowing the map to settle down far away from its associational biuniqueness bias. The probability mass that the map assigns, on average, to an Italian present indicative paradigm tends to be more evenly distributed after training, thus avoiding within‐paradigm levelling effects. This is due to balanced competition among intra‐paradigmatic endings and lack of syncretism. In mathematical terms, Italian present indicative paradigms are highly entropic, and this causes fast convergence of transition probabilities in the map. Page 19 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * The result highlights two further points. As more words are learned, association strengths get smaller, since the map is storing more information on time‐bound connections between segments. Since the map must take stock of more and more outgoing transitions from each node, paradigm entropy increases. Nonetheless, the map is memorizing word forms better, as witnessed by decreasing levels of the map's uncertainty in going through a known (p.156) word (Figure 7.12). Hence paradigm entropy increases, while word entropy decreases. The map is moving towards a more balanced organization of verb forms into paradigms, while, at the same time, memorizing individual verb forms increasingly more accurately.

FIGURE 7.12 Average per‐word entropy in processing Italian and French verb forms

The Italian overall trend is less prominent when we look at the French data (Figure 7.11b). Association weights neither go down nor converge as quickly as in the Italian experiment. There is a slowly decreasing trend in the overall association strength, but differences over individual endings remain high. After being exposed to 100 different word forms, the map finds it difficult to distribute transition probabilities evenly within a paradigm. The extensive syncretism of French present indicative forms produces a frequency gang effect that slows down the process of learning less frequent inflectional markers (Figure 7.10).

7.7 Concluding remarks As descriptive tools of theoretical linguistics, paradigms have enjoyed a hybrid status, halfway between entrenched patterns of lexical organization and processing structures enforcing global constraints on the output of traditional inflection rules. In a psycholinguistic perspective, they appear to play a significant role not only in the way morphological information is processed, but also in the way the same information is acquired and structured through competition of concurrently memorized word forms. To our knowledge, no existing computational or psycholinguistic model of morphological processing can capture such a manifold range of diverse and potentially conflicting requirements.

Page 20 of 21

Learning Paradigms in Time and Space: Computational Evidence from Romance Languages * In the present contribution, we show that paradigmatic structures can emerge through word learning as the by‐product of the endogenous dynamics of lexical memorization as competitive self‐organization, based on the diverging principles of formal contrast (in space) and association biuniqueness (in time). According to this view, inflected forms are not the output of rules (p.157) mapping lexical representations onto surface realizations, but rather the driving force of lexical organization. However, more than storage is involved here. A trained map behaves like a first order stochastic Markov chain, with inter‐node connections building expectations about possible inflected forms on the basis of a global topological organization of already known forms. The model, we contend, prompts a radical reappraisal of the traditional mêlée between one‐route and dual‐route models of morphology processing and learning. That patterns of morphological structure are derivative of associative connections between stored forms (modulated by frequency) by no means implies that the same patterns play no role in word processing. Being derivative does not necessarily mean being epiphenomenal. Conversely, that rule‐like generalizations apply in an apparently context‐free way does not imply that they play no role in the way word information is structured and organized in the lexicon. Being important to processing does not mean being irrelevant for word learning and storage, and vice versa. We believe that further investigation into the computational and neuro‐biological substrates of morphological paradigms is certain to change our views on foundational issues of grammar architecture. Notes:

(*) The present work received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement no FP7‐231453 (HUMANOBS, Humanoids That Learn Socio‐Communicative Skills Through Observation).

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Rafael Linares

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0009

Abstract and Keywords In two related experiments on Spanish verbs we investigated: (1) elicited production: the generalization properties of regular 1st and 2nd conjugation, and irregular 2nd conjugation past participle stem‐patterns; and (2) masked priming: morphological decomposition during lexical access in 1st conjugation stems. The results obtained support the identification of the 1st conjugation pattern as the default for stem formation in Spanish verbs. Results from experiment 1 also suggest that 2nd conjugation stems are also rule‐based, since they overgeneralize within their own conjugation independently from phonological similarity. General results also lend support to the autonomy of the morphological component of grammar. Keywords:   elicited production, masked priming experiment, morphological decomposition, lexical access, default class

8.1 Introduction

Page 1 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Verb conjugations in Romance languages are one of the best cases of morphology by itself (in the sense of Aronoff, 1994). Grammatically speaking, conjugations are purely formal devices that group verbs around paradigm variants consisting mostly of a distinctive theme vowel (henceforth TV) and (for restricted sets of forms) affix allomorphs. Yet a number of facts potentially relevant to morphological processing seem to align with the classes they define. As already noted by Say and Clahsen (2002) for Italian, and Veríssimo and Clahsen (2009) for Portuguese, 1st conjugation verbs (as compared with those in the 2nd and 3rd) have a higher type frequency, exhibit unrestricted productivity, a lesser degree of allomorphy, and form a phonologically more heterogeneous class. These contrasts can lead to hypothesized differences in mental representation and processing between classes that are otherwise descriptively equivalent. An associated phenomenon, the segmental representation of the conjugation marker (the TV), introduces a further implication to morphological processing: it adds complexity to the verb stem. However, differently from other inflectional affixes, the TV has no morpho‐syntactic or semantic correlates. It is also not a morpheme in the traditional sense of being a pairing of phonological and semantic content but rather is, as Spencer (1991) defines it, an empty morpheme. Competing approaches to morphological processing offer different interpretations of the distinction between fully productive and restricted (p. 159) productivity classes. All‐rule accounts (e.g. Halle and Mohanan, 1985) oppose rules with a wider scope and no diacritic marking to context specific and/ or diacritically marked ones. Associative approaches (e.g. Rumelhart and McClelland 1986; Bybee 1995 b) exploit the distributional properties of patterns found in the lexicon, thus deriving their relative productivity. The Dual Mechanism Model (Pinker 1999), proposes two different mechanisms: lexical association for forms with relatively restricted productivity and rule‐based processing for fully productive ones. A further implication of the Dual Mechanism Model is that associatively processed forms are stored as wholes in the lexicon while rule‐based ones are computed on‐line from separately stored constituents.1 Although all three accounts acknowledge contrasts in generalizability between different patterns, they differ in fine‐grained predictions such as the role of the phonological context, the scope of associative effects, and relative sensitivity to priming effects. The research reported here addresses these issues through two separate experiments on Spanish verbs. First, an elicited production task looks at the relative productivity of different stem patterns. Second, a masked priming experiment looks at stem decomposability during lexical access. Given the nature of the conjugation system, any computational processes uniquely associated with it are bound to be purely morphological. Furthermore, if these processes are such that they cannot be accounted for in terms of the workings of phonology or syntax, then they must sit on an autonomous morphological component. Page 2 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects 8.2 Previous studies of Romance languages 8.2.1 Elicited production studies

The elicited production technique allows one to study the generalizability of lexical patterns (e.g. ing ~ ang as in sing ~ sang) by having subjects inflect nonce‐forms containing their contexts (i.e. p ing) and determining whether the corresponding pattern (e.g. pang) or a different one (e.g. pinged) is produced. Previous elicited production experiments of verb patterns in Romance languages have produced mixed results. Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson (1997) conducted one such experiment in Italian eliciting 2nd conjugation marked and 3rd conjugation unmarked2 nonce‐participles from their respective infinitive forms. They found similarity effects for all conditions, (p.160) and no predominance of the 1st conjugation unmarked pattern in any of them. Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson interpreted these findings as being consistent with either associative storage or phonologically conditioned minor rules (in the sense of Halle and Mohanan 1985), but not the Dual Mechanism Model. In discussing this study Say and Clahsen (2002) argue that Orsolini and Marslen‐ Wilson's results can be explained in terms of two factors: (1) only 1st conjugation stems are regular in Italian (non‐default unmarked stems being stored just like marked ones), and (2) in Italian 95 per cent of 2nd conjugation verbs are marked so, since the presentation form (the infinitive) allowed the identification of conjugation membership, a bias towards marked responses was introduced. Say and Clahsen (2002) conducted a study of stem formation in Italian comparing 2nd and 3rd conjugation regular and irregular, high and low frequency, and non‐similar3 patterns. Past participle nonce‐forms were elicited from their 1SG, 2SG, or 3PL present indicatives. Stimuli were based on the rhyme (nucleus + coda) of the root's rightmost syllable. They obtained similarity and frequency effects for all conditions, with the exception of non‐significant frequency effects for 2nd conjugation irregulars. The default 1st conjugation pattern –a‐to accounted for 90 per cent of the responses in the no‐similarity condition and for 57 per cent of the responses across all conditions, modulated by frequency effects on similarity‐based conditions,4 as predicted by the blocking principle (Kiparsky 1982 a). Say and Clahsen interpret their results as suggesting a Dual Mechanism account in which only default 1st conjugation patterns are rule‐based, as opposed to lexically stored non‐1st conjugation regulars and irregulars. Carteret (2003) conducted a similar experiment in French, obtaining similar results, although with comparatively weaker frequency effects and lower generalization rates for the 1st conjugation pattern.

Page 3 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects The studies presented thus far draw on the potential distinction between associative effects and rule‐based patterns. Following a different approach, Albright, Andrade, and Hayes (2001) attempt to interpret frequency and similarity effects in terms of an all‐rules account. Their approach is based on a model that derives word‐specific rules from inputs consisting of pairs of word forms standing in a particular morphological relationship (a minimal‐ (p.161) generalization learning algorithm). As they are fed into the algorithm, rules that share the same structural description are factored into more general ones, as illustrated in (1) below with the Spanish diphthongizing verbs (temblar (to shake) and desmembrar (to dismember)). (Taken from Albright et al. 2001)

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

(1)

Pairs

Change

Residue

Change location

Shared segments

Residue

[tembl]~[tjémbl]

e→je

/t

—

mb

1

/ desm

—

mb

r

/X

—

mb

Y

[desmembr]~[des e→je mjémbr] = e→je

Page 5 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects By this procedure the model generates a grammar consisting of a large number of rules, each rule being assigned a weight based on the pattern's reliability and type frequency (adjusted reliability). Albright et al. (2001) implemented this algorithm in a machine‐based learning simulation which derived a grammar specifying both diphthongizing and non‐ diphthongizing outcomes. The simulation was then tested with 4,000 nonce‐roots and well‐formedness scores were obtained for each output. These scores served to choose a stimuli set to be tested with native speakers in an elicited production task. Responses obtained from the latter served to calculate production probability scores for all outcomes. They determined that well‐formedness scores from the model and production probabilities from native speakers were significantly correlated, and concluded that: (1) segmental environments influence the propensity of Spanish roots to undergo diphthongization, and (2) diphthongization is a moderately productive pattern that is ‘well attested only in a limited set of segmental environments’ (Albright et al. 2001: 25) or islands of reliability. They also argue against the Dual Mechanism Model, pointing out that in their results none of the two patterns behaved as a default. However, the assumption that one of these patterns must be a default is based on the further assumption that they are rule‐based; a clear alternative is that all roots are stored. In this case no rule at all would apply, the only difference being that some lexemes have two or more associated stems as proposed by some authors (Wunderlich and Fabri 1995; Aronoff 1994; Vogel 1994), whereas non‐ alternant ones have a single root. Furthermore, the two main factors involved in Albright et al.'s model – type frequency and pattern consistency – are relevant for associative processing so it is not surprising that it arrives at good associative predictions, but if these are relevant for human subjects, the task itself does not test any aspect of the minimal generalization algorithm. Therefore, the question remains of what is the (p.162) nature of their results. However, the same limitation stands for other elicited production studies. Since results from the studies by Say and Clahsen (2002) and Carteret (2003) cited above are aligned with type frequency distributions in the respective languages tested, they can also be interpreted in terms of the emergence of a context‐free rule via minimal generalization (see Albright, 2002). The only way to falsify the model on the basis of this method would be by showing that speakers can overgeneralize patterns in a way that cannot be predicted by the frequency distributions of their segmental environments. 8.2.2 Morphological priming studies

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects The priming technique allows one to study morphological structure in complex words by exploiting the facilitation effects stemming from the repeated lexical access of words/morphemes presented in quick succession. Under these circumstances, reaction times in lexical decision decrease for the second presentation of a shared morpheme or related word. If the same morpheme is present in two separate words (prime and target), full priming effects (the same facilitation as compared to repetition of the same word) are predicted. If two related words that do not share any morpheme are presented, a lesser amount of facilitation (partial priming) is predicted. Comparison with reaction times to targets preceded by unrelated words allows for the determination of the amount of priming produced. Morphological priming studies of Romance languages (Italian: Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson 1997; Say 1999; French: Meunier and Marslen‐Wilson 2004; Carteret 2003; Spanish: De Diego‐Balaguer 2003) have failed systematically to detect reliable full priming effects for unmarked stems. In all these studies partial priming effects were obtained for marked stems, but while Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson (1997), Meunier and Marslen‐Wilson (2004), and De Diego‐Balaguer (2003) found no contrast between these effects and those for unmarked stems, Say (1999) and Carteret (2003) obtained full priming effects for unmarked stems but with non‐significant or only marginally significant priming by condition interactions respectively. Only one study (Veríssimo and Clahsen 2009) found reliable full priming effects for 1st conjugation regulars as opposed to partial priming for 3rd conjugation regulars and 1st conjugation regulars involving stem allomorphy in Portuguese. While these two groups of studies yield contrasting results, they are not entirely comparable. Following results from their elicited production task probing Italian past participles, Say and Clahsen (2002) point out that (p.163) Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson's design actually mixes up classes of verbs5 that undergo different stem formation processes. Both Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson's and Meunier and Marslen‐Wilson's experiments compare only related and unrelated priming conditions. Carteret (2003) points out that her results (in which differences between unmarked and marked stems were observed) are explainable only in terms of her identity condition, since these disappear once they are compared with the unrelated condition alone.6 De Diego‐Balaguer (2003) performed a series of cross‐modal priming experiments in Spanish comparing unmarked stems to various kinds of alternations in marked stems. She found no differences in priming effects in any of her experiments as only partial priming occurred in every condition. However, her unmarked pairs were not always free of allomorphy. In two experiments the unmarked condition involved allomorphy of the TV, and in another two it involved an uncommon stress pattern.7

8.3 The present study

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects The present study explores two research questions. First, an elicited production experiment looks at how native speakers of Spanish generalize unmarked and marked stem patterns of different conjugations. Second, a masked priming experiment looks at whether 1st conjugation stems (the most productive class) are decomposable during lexical access. Furthermore, attention is given to whether the processes tested can be accounted for in terms of an autonomous morphological component or other components of grammar (i.e. syntax and/or phonology). 8.3.1 Experiment 1

Experiment 1 looks at the generalization properties of 1st and 2nd conjugation unmarked, and 2nd conjugation marked past participle stem patterns. A descriptive segmentation of Spanish unmarked past participles is shown in (2) below. (2) cant + a + d + o ‘sung’ root TV PP PN (p.164) From left to right, the constituents in (2) are: root, theme vowel, past participle affix, and person/number affix. An exceptionless feature of marked past participles is the absence of the TV. In these forms the past participle affix alternates with the allomorphs –t‐, –ch‐ or –s‐. A descriptive segmentation of marked past participles is shown in (3) below. (3) pues + t    + o ‘set’ root PST.PTCP  gender-number Unmarked past participles occur in all conjugations. Marked past participles are restricted to the 2nd and 3rd conjugations. There are around fifteen common basic verbs that follow a marked pattern in the past participle. As discussed in section 8.2.1 above, evidence from previous elicited production studies of verb inflection in Romance languages points in two directions, with Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson (1997) and Albright et al. (2001) arguing for a single mechanism account on the basis of uniform effects across unmarked and marked classes, and Say and Clahsen (2002) and Carteret (2003) arguing for a Dual Mechanism account on the basis of contrasting generalization properties cutting across the distinction 1st conjugation regulars/all other patterns.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Since the distinctions between the 1st and, on the other hand, other conjugations, noted for Italian by Say and Clahsen (2002), also apply to Spanish, a design along the lines of theirs is adopted. Similarity and frequency conditions are devised only for 2nd conjugation unmarked and marked patterns. A no‐ similarity condition including stem‐final contexts dissimilar to any existing context in Spanish is also devised. If the similarity‐based patterns are rule‐ based, they are expected to yield predominantly the corresponding similarity‐ based outputs for each context, reflecting the input condition. For the hypothesis of an associative status, high‐frequency conditions should yield predominantly similarity‐based responses. While under an all‐rules interpretation responses should exhibit a random pattern in the no‐similarity condition, when associative factors are brought in (i.e. Albright et al. 2001, or associative models in general) the emergence of a 1st conjugation pseudo‐default can be expected. Finally, if the 1st conjugation stem pattern is a rule‐based default (in the sense of Pinker and Prince 1991; Pinker 1999) it should overgeneralize predominantly to all conditions regardless of similarity. Similarity‐based patterns should emerge mostly in their high frequency conditions, overgeneralizations of the default pattern being relatively higher in their corresponding low‐frequency conditions (reflecting lexical blocking). (p.165) 8.3.1.1 Method

The task was administered and responded to as a written questionnaire. Every trial consisted of a first sentence introducing a nonce‐verb in its 1s present indicative form and a following sentence with a gap in the verb position requiring a past participle form. The task consisted of filling in the gaps with the appropriate nonce‐forms. The presentation form does not exhibit the TV and hence, offers no cues for conjugation membership. Half of the nonce‐verbs were treated as intransitive and half as transitive. A nonce‐word direct object followed nonce‐verbs treated as transitive. A sample of the questionnaire used is given in (4) below (for a full list of stimuli see Appendix 3 in Linares 2007). (4) –Todas las tardes lubro mi tibedo –Esta tarde he _________ mi tibedo –‘Every afternoon I lubro my tibedo’ –‘This afternoon I have_________my tibedo’ 8.3.1.2 Sample

Thirty‐three adult native speakers of Spanish were tested (mean age 28.3 ± 4.6 (SD) years; 18 males). All the participants were undergraduate and postgraduate students attending courses at the University of Essex, UK. All participants had English as an L2, and had been residing in the UK for more than one year. 8.3.1.3 Design and materials Page 9 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Nonce‐verbs were devised by keeping the root rhyme of existing verbs (nucleus + coda of its rightmost syllable) unchanged and performing phonotactically valid substitutions of other segments. Two similarity conditions and a no‐similarity one were devised. The latter provides a neutral, unbiased ground for the emergence of default responses. These conditions were further broken down into high and low type/compound frequency (added token frequencies for each type), shown with their corresponding figures in Table 8.1. 8.3.1.4 Procedure

Participants were given a practice sheet containing ten trials and told that the verbs in the sentences were invented and had no meaning at all. Subsequently they were asked to fill in the gaps in the last sentence of each trial with the appropriate forms of the nonce‐verbs in the introductory sentences. Once the practice sheet was completed satisfactorily, the participant was given the questionnaire and asked to perform the same task as in the practice sheet. Participants were encouraged to respond (p.166)

Page 10 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

TABLE 8.1. Type frequency and added surface frequencies for rhyme patterns used in the construction of the stimuli. In column 2 mean type frequency and range (in parenthesis); in columns labelled Patterns 1–2, alternant rhyme patterns (in parenthesis) and added surface frequencies per million (below). The frequency values reported here are taken from Alameda and Cuetos (1995) Conditions

Mean Type Frequency

Added Past Participle Frequency Pattern 1

Pattern 2

Pattern 3 –

2nd & 3rd conj.

22

(-end-/-endido)

(-eng-/-enido)

unmarked high f.

r (16–28)

472

857

2nd conj.

2,6

(-orr-/-orrido)

(-enz-/-encido)

(-ond-/-ondido)

unmarked low f.

r (2–3)

94

92

59

2nd conj.

12,5

(-uelv-/-uelto)

(-ong-/-uesto)

–

marked high f.

r (6–19)

287

1080

2nd conj.

1,5

(-ag-/-echo)

(-omp-/-oto)

marked low f.

r (1–2)

56

89

Page 11 of 30

–

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects intuitively and not to modify a response once written. No time limit was allocated for the task. Participants were tested individually or in small groups in quiet rooms on the university campus.

Ten nonce‐verbs were devised per condition. For most conditions five nonce‐ verbs followed each of the two specified patterns. In the condition Similar to Unmarked Low frequency, four nonce‐verbs followed the pattern ‐orr‐/‐orrido, four followed the pattern ‐eng‐/‐enido and two followed the pattern ‐ond‐/‐ ondido. 8.3.1.5 Results

Sixty‐six responses (3.5 per cent of the data) were rejected because subjects either produced a form that was different from the target (e.g. preterite) or an unanalysable response. Table 8.2 presents the overall data (minus excluded responses) distributed by similarity conditions. i Similarity effects

Taken together, responses based on the 1st and 2nd conjugation unmarked patterns (75.3% and 22% respectively) amount to 97.3%. Responses patterning marked stems were entirely marginal (only 2.7%). The most frequent response pattern was 1st conjugation –a‐do (75.3%). This result is in line with that (p. 167)

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

TABLE 8.2. Analysable responses, expressed as percentages, cross‐classified by condition and response type Response Type (%) Condition

Number of responses

I (-i‐do)

II (-a‐do)

Irreg.

1. Similar to Marked II

621 72

21

7

2. Similar to Unmarked II

643 75

24

1

3. No similarity

320 79

20.7

0.3

22

2.7

Totals

Page 13 of 30

1,584 75.3

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects obtained by Say and Clahsen (2002) for Italian, though to a lesser extent the 2nd conjugation pattern –i‐do also overgeneralized to the marked condition. A Wilcoxon test comparing –i‐do and –a‐do responses to this condition (respectively 21% and 72%) revealed a significant difference (Z = 4.28, p 〈 0.0001).

The main question is how different similarity conditions affected the generalization rates observed. A one‐way ANOVA comparing generalization rates of a‐do responses across similarity conditions (including No‐similarity) revealed that these did not differ significantly from each other either by subjects (F1 (32) = 1.17, p = 0.312) or items (F2 (19) = 1.48, p = 0.245). The same analysis performed on i‐do responses also revealed non‐significant differences across similarity conditions both by subjects (F1 (32) = 0.41, p = 0.665) and items (F2 (19) = 0.698, p = 0.506). Since i‐do responses were expected to exhibit an advantage in their own similarity context, pairwise comparisons between the Similar to Unmarked II and the two other conditions were performed. A paired samples t‐test comparing i‐do responses to the conditions Similar to Unmarked II and Similar to Marked II revealed a significant difference by subjects (t (32) = 3.91, p 〈 0.0001) but not by items (t (19) = 1.51, p = 0.164). A similar test comparing i‐do responses to the conditions Similar to Unmarked II and No‐similarity revealed a non‐significant difference both by subjects (t (19) = 1.6, p = 0.119) and items (t (19) = 0.882, p = 0.401). A post hoc analysis is motivated by the observation by Harris (1972) that while 2nd conjugation verbs tend to exhibit /e/ stem vowels, 3rd conjugation verbs tend to exhibit /i/ and /u/ stem vowels. If speakers of Spanish are sensitive to this factor, the distribution of stem vowels in the stimuli of the No‐similarity condition may account for the results observed. In order to test (p.168) for this possibility, non‐similar stimuli were classified into two groups: those that exhibited /e/, /i/ and /u/ stem vowels,8 and those that did not. This count yielded five items of the former and five of the latter.9 A paired samples t‐test comparing i‐do responses to these subsets revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (32) = 4.66, p 〈 0.0001) and items (t (4) = 4.35, p 〈 0.012), confirming that these were more likely to occur in the presence of stem vowels /e/ and /i/ than in the presence of other stem vowels. Interestingly, for these stimuli a‐do responses still showed a clear advantage on i‐do ones (70% to 30%). A Wilcoxon test comparing the two response types for this subset revealed a significant difference (Z = 3.55, p 〈 0.0001). Finally, similarity effects were tested for marked responses. A one‐way ANOVA comparing marked responses across similarity conditions revealed significant differences both by subjects (F1 (32) = 11.92, p 〈 0.0001) and items (F2 (19) = 6.57, p 〈 0.005). Marked responses were clearly restricted to their own similarity contexts, occurring only marginally outside of them. ii Frequency effects Page 14 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Table 8.3 shows the breakdown of different response types by similarity and frequency conditions.

Page 15 of 30

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

TABLE 8.3. Responses expressed in percentages, distributed by similarity and frequency conditions Type Marked II

Unmarked II

Page 16 of 30

Freq.

No. of resps.

Conj. I

Unm. II

Marked

High

326

62

25

13

Low

295

83

16

1

High

324

69

30.7

0.3

Low

319

81

18

1

Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects The first question addressed is whether generalization rates can be explained by the interaction between frequency and similarity effects. A repeated measures ANOVA with the factors type (Marked II and Unmarked II) and frequency on a‐ do responses revealed main effects of type (F1 (32) = 7.04, p 〈 0.012) and frequency (F1 (32) = 23.46, p 〈 0.001) and no interaction between the two (F1 (32) = 0.26, p = 0.608) by subjects, and no effects of type (F2 (9) = 1.63, p = 0.23) or frequency (F2 (9) = 3.48, p = 0.09) by items. (p.169) The main effects observed by subjects reflect the blocking induced by type and frequency effects on overgeneralizations, as evidenced by the lack of interaction between the two. Blocking effects are particularly clear from the differences in response rates across frequency conditions. A similar test on i‐do responses revealed main effects of type (F1 (32) = 4.34, p 〈 0.04) and frequency (F1 (32) = 29.68, p 〈 0.0001) but no interaction between the two (F1 (32) = 0.216, p = 0.645) by subjects, and no effect of type (F2 (32) = 2.3, p = 0.164) but a significant effect of frequency (F2 (32) = 11.87, p 〈 0.007) by items. This result is unexpected, since there is a similarity condition favouring the emergence of i‐do responses. The lack of interaction between type and frequency suggests that frequency effects occurred irrespectively of similarity. The question arises, however, of what factor (if not similarity) influences the frequency effects observed. In order to explore this question, pairwise comparisons for frequency effects on i‐do responses were performed. A paired samples t‐test comparing i‐do responses to High and Low frequency Similar to Unmarked II conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (32) = 4.89, p 〈 0.0001) and items (t (9) = 2.42, p 〈 0.03). This result indicates that i‐do responses were sensitive to frequency effects within their own similarity context. However, the lack of an interaction with similarity also suggests that a similar effect occurred in the condition Similar to Marked II. A paired samples t‐test comparing i‐do responses to High and Low frequency Similar to Marked II conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (32) = 3.03, p 〈 0.005) and items (t (9) = 3.76, p 〈 0.004). This result seems to imply that a relatively frequent dissimilar context favoured i‐do overgeneralizations. Finally, frequency effects for marked responses were analysed. A repeated measures ANOVA with the factors similarity and frequency on marked responses revealed an interaction of type by frequency both by subjects (F1 (32) = 16.95, p 〈 0.0001) and items (F2 (9) = 7.05, p 〈 0.02). This suggests that marked responses were fully sensitive to associative factors. 8.3.1.6 Discussion

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects While overgeneralizations of a‐do support its identification as the stem formation default for Spanish verbs, in line with a Dual Mechanism interpretation, unexpectedly, 2nd conjugation i‐do responses behaved in a similar way,10 generalizing independently of similarity. Taking into account that one of the conditions compared favours the emergence of i‐do responses this is at least striking. It was shown, however, that an (p.170) uncontrolled factor (stem vowel distribution) might have increased i‐do generalization rates in the No‐ similarity condition. This result is interesting in itself, since it has not been tested anywhere else for Spanish. Together with the fact that a pairwise comparison with the condition Similar to Marked II produced significant results, the presence of this effect still makes a case for this pattern being lexically stored. Thus interpreted, similarity effects support a Dual Mechanism account, with 1st conjugation stems generalizing independently of similarity and unmarked and marked 2nd conjugation stems generalizing associatively. However, frequency effects are more difficult to interpret. Again a‐do responses reflected similarity and frequency effects acting on other patterns but not directly upon them, hence the lack of interaction. Surprisingly, i‐do responses behaved similarly, implying that the frequency effects observed for them were not dependent on similarity. Pairwise comparisons across frequency conditions showed that in both similarity conditions increased frequency favoured the emergence of i‐do responses. This result goes against an interpretation in terms of lexical storage for non‐default unmarked stems (i.e. Say and Clahsen 2002). Note that even if we argue for an associative interpretation in which the 2nd conjugation unmarked pattern overgeneralizes by virtue of its sheer frequency, increased frequency of a dissimilar pattern should still limit its overapplication. The same applies to interpretations in terms of any existing associative model (Rumelhart and MacClelland 1986 (and, in general, all connectionist accounts); Bybee, 1995 b; Skousen 1985). In these models frequency is a gradient effect, so overgeneralization rates of a given pattern should decrease on a relatively more frequent dissimilar context. Furthermore, note that there are no grounds to explain the direction of this effect in terms of phonological similarity. All rhymes in the Marked II condition are exclusive to their patterns. Even if the rhymes are broken down, their nuclei are atypical in the 2nd and 3rd conjugations: /ue/, /o/, and /a/. Everything seems to indicate that these responses were sensitive to a factor other than phonological similarity.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects For the same reason, a minor rule approach would fail to account for these results. Given the phonological heterogeneity, of the contexts for the 1st conjugation pattern, a model such as that of Albright et al. (2001) would probably generate a context‐free rule for it, alongside other relatively reliable context‐dependent rules (as suggested by Albright 2002). Rules with the output i‐do would also be generated, but the least specific reliable one would likely include in its description the stem vowel that is typical for the 2nd conjugation. As a result, the unmarked 2nd conjugation rule would not overgeneralize to the context of marked stems since these stems do not meet its structural description. (p.171) Summarizing, there is clear evidence in the present data suggesting that a‐do responses generalized as a default, being the dominant pattern in all conditions and insensitive to similarity. There is also strong evidence suggesting that 2nd conjugation marked stem patterns generalized as a function of similarity and frequency effects. This is particularly clear from the fact that it was the only pattern that showed a significant type by frequency interaction. Up to this point, the present results clearly support an interpretation in terms of the Dual Mechanism Model. However, results for i–do overgeneralizations do not fit as easily within the model. The best interpretation that follows from the present data is that, although subjects were sometimes able to identify the rhymes in the marked stimuli as belonging to the 2nd conjugation (more so if they were relatively frequent), they sometimes also failed to associate the existing patterns for those rhymes. In the latter case subjects seem to have resorted to a more general, yet conjugation‐specific pattern: add –i‐. Since this pattern is not predicted by the immediate phonological context, it seems based on a less specific generalization, namely conjugation membership. In other words, overgeneralizations of the pattern i‐do seem based on a symbolic process (i.e. a rule) triggered by the morphological context (2nd conjugation). Furthermore, this interpretation is consistent with the finding by Clahsen, Aveledo, and Roca (2002) that children acquiring Spanish overregularize stems strictly within their own conjugations (i.e. *rompido instead of roto (broken)). This restriction suggests that as they are acquired, verbs are assigned to their corresponding conjugations even before inflectional rules themselves are acquired. Further support for the interpretation of a morphological context‐dependent rule comes from results by Paster (2009) who, based on 137 examples of phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy, taken from a survey of 67 languages (Paster 2006), concluded that all unambiguous cases are statable only in terms of the morphological input.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects The problem remains, however, of why if, i‐do responses are rule‐based, they are nevertheless sensitive to frequency and similarity effects. A possible interpretation for this problem comes in terms of the model of dual representations developed by Sonnenstuhl and Huth (2002), who found that while predictable ‐n plurals in German exhibited sensitivity to word frequency in tasks tapping on access representations (lexical decision), they were insensitive to it in tasks tapping on central representations (primed lexical decision). They identify this type of inflection as class specific, alongside with default and irregular. Although stemming from the same task, the present results for i‐do responses display a similar duality: while sensitive to similarity and frequency effects within their own context, as overgeneralized to a different context with independence of phonological similarity they exhibit the (p.172) productivity that is characteristic of rule‐based processes. For the present results, we argue for an interpretation along the lines of the Extended Dual Mechanism Model proposed by Sonnenstuhl and Huth (2002). 8.3.2 Experiment 2

Next, a masked priming experiment looks at decomposability during lexical access in 1st conjugation stems. The Dual Mechanism Model uniquely predicts a contrast between full priming effects for rule‐based forms and partial priming effects for associatively processed ones. As discussed in section 8.2.2 above, with the only exception of Veríssimo and Clahsen (2009), morphological priming studies of Romance languages have failed systematically to obtain full priming effects for unmarked stems. What is common to all these studies (as opposed to Veríssimo and Clahsen's) is the use of complex targets, often including unprimed constituents. In many cases these studies have resorted to infinitive forms as targets (Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson 1997; Meunier and Marslen‐Wilson 2004; Say 1999; De Diego‐Balaguer 2003). In other cases 3SG perfect past (De Diego‐ Balaguer 2003) and 2PL present indicatives (Carteret 2003) were used. In contrast, Veríssimo and Clahsen (2009) use 1SG present indicative, a root‐based form. The morphological structures of these forms (cross‐linguistically equivalent) are compared in (5) below. (5) infinitives: root + TV + inf  1SG PRS IND: root + TAM 2PL PRS IND: root + TAM + PN 3SG PERF PST: root + TAM

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects While 3SG perfect past are equivalent in complexity to 1s present indicative forms, the former has an uncommon, unexpected stress pattern in Spanish verbs. Orsolini and Marslen‐Wilson (1997) have hypothesized that the differences in morphological priming effects between English and Romance languages may be due to factors associated with the particular inflectional architecture of the latter. Further insight into this problem comes from an ERP priming study by Rodriguez‐Fornells, Münte, and Clahsen (2002) comparing unmarked and marked verb stems in Spanish. While they found no differences in reaction times for unmarked and marked stems, in the ERP data they observed a reduced N400 for unmarked stems only; an effect suggestive of lexical access facilitation and thought to co‐occur with behavioural full priming effects. Rodriguez‐Fornells et al. argue that the lack of a significant difference in reaction times may be the consequence of late cognitive processes associated with lexical decision, and not a direct reflection of priming effects. Contrasting results across studies further suggest that (p.173) morphological complexity (in terms of the number of constituents in the forms tested) might be the crucial factor in explaining this phenomenon. If this is so, it not only makes a case for unmarked stems being processed via rules (as suggested by the Dual Mechanism Model), but it also suggests that recognition of regular forms proceeds through the word‐internal computation of morphological structure, a combinatorial process distinct from those of syntax (i.e. vocabulary insertion as suggested by Halle and Marantz, 1993). In order to address this hypothesis, the present experiment compares three conditions of varying degrees of morphological complexity in Spanish: Root, Stem and Suffixed Stem. If full priming occurs underlyingly in all conditions but is obscured by the computation of morphological complexity, different priming effects should be obtained across conditions, ranked in the direction: more complex = less priming. 8.3.2.1 Experimental design

Priming conditions identity, related, and unrelated, and experimental conditions Root, Stem, and Suffixed Stem were devised. All critical stimuli were 1st conjugation forms with unmarked stems. Targets were present indicative and related primes past participle forms. Unrelated primes were both phonologically and semantically unrelated to the targets. Example stimuli are shown in Table 8.4. In order to control for potential effects related to the varying degrees of phonological/orthographical overlap between these conditions, a formal overlap condition was devised. In this condition, primes and targets (all nouns) are semantically and morphologically unrelated but have the same amount of formal overlap as in the critical Stem Condition. This is shown in the prime–target pairs in (6) below.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects

TABLE 8.4. Example stimuli for Masked Priming Task. In the first column and next to the header of the related condition person and number are indicated within brackets Prime Types Conditions

Identity

Related (pp)

Unrelated

Target

1. Root (1SG)

dudo ‘I doubt’

dudado ‘doubted’

llenado ‘filled up’

DUDO

2. Stem (3SG)

brilla ‘s(he)/it glows’

brillado ‘glowed’

contado ‘counted’

BRILLA

3. Suffixed Stem (3PL)

cazan ‘they hunt’

cazado ‘hunted’

bajado ‘got down’

CAZAN

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects (p.174)

(6) Stem Condition:  brilla do‐BRILLA formal overlap:  bosquejo‐BOSQUE ‘sketch‐wood’ 8.3.2.2 Sample

Sixty native speakers of Spanish (40 females, mean age = 21.6, r = 17–35, SD = 3.54) took part in the experiment. At the time they were tested all subjects were undergraduate students attending courses in Philosophy, Literature, and Engineering at the Central University of Venezuela, Caracas, Venezuela. 8.3.2.3 Materials

Ninety 1st conjugation verbs (30 per experimental condition) with unmarked stems were selected. These verbs have a mean lemma frequency of 44.81 per million (r = 13.67–99.65, SD = 23.90). Mean surface frequencies per million of the targets per experimental condition are shown in (7) below.11 (7) Root Condition, 1SG forms:  X = 1.79, r = 0–21.85, SD = 4.17 Stem Condition, 3SG forms:  X = 14.12, r = 0.35–12.43, SD = 3.02 Suffixed Stem Condition, 3PL forms: X = 2.20, r = 0.17–6.03, SD = 1.75 Mean surface frequencies of the primes per experimental conditions are shown in (8) below. (8) Related participles: Root Condition, target 1SG forms:  X = 5.96, r = 0.17–15.45, SD = 4.46 Stem Condition, target 3SG forms:  X = 5.01, r = 0.17–14.92,SD = 3.77 Suffixed Stem Condition, target 3PL forms: X = 5.87, r = 0–18.29, SD = 5.78 Unrelated participles: All conditions:12 X = 4.28, r = 0.17–21.67, SD = 4.6713

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Stem length of the prime was matched at two syllables. Stem length of the targets is the same as that of the primes in the Stem and Suffixed Stem conditions. In the Root condition, stem length is one syllable plus the onset of the syllable on which the suffix ‘lands’. For the formal overlap condition a set of thirty noun pairs that fully overlap in the first two syllables were selected. For this condition primes were three and targets two syllables long. Since formally overlapping nouns are uncommon in Spanish there was no frequency matching for this condition. Both the critical stimuli and (p.175) those in the formal overlap condition were entered into a Latin square design and distributed over the three priming conditions. Three experimental lists were produced. Thus, a given stimulus would appear in the identity condition in List 1, in the related condition in List 2, and in the unrelated condition in List 3. In every list every verb and word appeared only once. The following sets served as fillers to the experimental conditions: 90 verb/ nonce‐verb pairs (all the primes in this set are existing 1st conjugation verbs not included in the experimental set), 90 word/word pairs (nouns and adjectives) with the same three priming conditions as the critical items, and a set of 90 word/nonce‐word pairs. A set of 30 word/word and 60 word/nonce‐word pairs served as fillers to the formal overlap condition. Each list contained a total of 480 items. Critical stimuli constituted 18.75% of the whole stimuli set. 8.3.2.4 Procedure

In order to minimize the possibility of semantic effects, the masked priming paradigm was used. A series of mask priming studies conducted in various languages have shown that this paradigm is sensitive to facilitation effects, due to morphological relatedness, with independence of semantic relatedness between prime and target (Frost, Forster, and Deutsch 1997; Frost et al. 2000; Boudelaa and Marslen‐Wilson 2001; Feldman and Soltano, 1999; Rastle et al. 2000). Primes and targets were presented visually (primes in lower case and targets in upper case). The presentation of each trial was structured as follows: (1) a fixation cross appeared on the centre of the screen for 250 ms; (2) a forward mask consisting of a string of ten capital ‘Xs’14 appeared on the centre of the screen for 500 ms: XXXXXXXXXX; (3) the prime appeared on the centre of the screen for 60 ms; (4) the target appeared on the screen for 500 ms; and (5) a black screen appeared for 1,500 ms, at the offset of which a new trial began. Responses were recorded from the onset of the target word and until the next trial began with a time out of 2,000 ms.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects Subjects had to perform a word/non‐word lexical decision by pressing one of two buttons on a response box: a right green button for ‘yes’ and a left red button for ‘no’. Before the experimental list subjects were given a practice set, consisting of twenty trials with stimuli not included in the main task. Before presenting the practice set the experimenter gave verbal instructions to the subjects explaining the task and asking them to respond as fast and accurately as possible. After completing the practice set the main experiment was run. (p.176) Since every trial lasted only 2,810 ms, the whole experiment had a duration of approximately twenty‐two minutes only, so it was run without pauses. Presentation of the stimuli and reaction time measures were controlled by the DMDX software. 8.3.2.5 Analysis and results

Errors and time outs accounted for 11.25 per cent of the overall responses. When only critical stimuli are taken into account error rates remain virtually at the same level: 11.26 per cent. 811 such tokens were excluded from the dataset. The rather high error rates recorded were possibly related to the experimenter overstressing the need to respond quickly, together with the experiment being administered at a fixed pace. From the correct responses values that were two standard deviations above or below each subject's mean were removed. These accounted for 4.33 per cent of the data. All other responses were analysed. Figure. 8.1 summarizes overall results. A repeated measures ANOVA with the factors prime type and stem condition revealed a significant interaction by subjects (F1 (1, 59) = 2.6, p 〈 0.03), but not by items (F2 (1, 29) = 1.21, p = 0.3). By items there was a significant main effect of prime type (F2 (1, 29) = 55.3, p 〈 0.001), but a non‐significant effect of stem condition (F2 (1, 29) = 1.19, p = 0.31). These results seem to indicate that, although there was a lot of variability across items, the effects observed by subjects are due to differences across stem conditions.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects (p.177) Pairwise comparisons were performed in order to determine priming effects in every stem condition. In the Root Condition a paired samples t‐test comparing reaction times to identity and related prime conditions revealed marginally significant differences by subjects (t (1, 59) = 1.73, p = 0.089) and non‐significant differences by items (t (1, 29) = 0.13, p = 0.89). FIGURE 8.1 Reaction times (‘y’ axis) by Although results by subjects were priming and stem conditions marginally significant, with the results by items being so strongly non‐significant, a non‐significant overall interpretation is preferred. The comparison between the related and unrelated prime conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 5.87, p 〈 0.001) and items (t (1, 29) = 5.03, p 〈 0.001).

Likewise, in the Stem Condition a paired samples t‐test comparing reaction times to the identity and related prime conditions revealed no significant differences by either subjects (t (1, 59) = 1.85, p = 0.69) or items (t (1, 29) = 1.06, p = 0.29). The comparison between the related and the unrelated prime conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 7, p 〈 0.001) and items (t (1, 29) = 4.26, p 〈 0.001). These results indicate full priming effects for the Root and Stem conditions. In the Suffixed Stem Condition a paired samples t‐test comparing reaction times to the identity and related prime conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 4.48, p = 0.001) and items (t (1, 29) = 3.94, p = 0.001). The comparison between the related and unrelated conditions revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 5.04, p 〈 0.001) and items (t (1, 29) = 3.97, p 〈 0.001). These results indicate a partial priming effect. As can be seen from Figure. 8.1, in the Root Condition reaction times were longer for the identity and unrelated priming conditions. Repeated measures ANOVAs with the factor stem condition revealed that these differences are non‐ significant for the unrelated priming condition both by subjects (F1 (1, 59) = 0.65, p = 0.52) and items (F2 (1, 29) = 0.2, p = 0.81), and marginally significant for the identity priming condition by subjects (F1 (1, 59) = 2.73, p 〈 0.069) and non‐significant by items (F2 (1, 29) = 2.17, p = 0.12). Table 8.5 shows the amount of priming per stem condition. Differences between Root and Stem conditions can be explained in terms of frequency effects. The mean frequency of the 1s forms in the Root Condition

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects TABLE 8.5. Amount of priming per stem condition (RTs to unrelated – RTs to related) Stem Condition: Stems ending in

Unrelated Related Amount of priming

1) ‐o

698 ms

654 ms

44 ms

2) ‐a

691 ms

645 ms

46 ms

3) ‐an

696 ms

666 ms

30 ms

(p.178) is only 1.79 per million, while the mean frequency of the 3SG forms in the Stem Condition is 4.12 per million. So it is not surprising that responses to the Stem Condition were overall faster than those to the Root Condition. However, the mean frequency of the 3PL forms in the Suffixed Stem Condition is only slightly higher than that of the Root Condition: 2.20 per million. Taking these frequency effects into account, it is assumed that the results obtained reflect differences in priming effects and not any other factor.

The results analysed above depend crucially on the effects observed being morphological and not merely due to phonological or orthographic overlap between primes and targets. In order to motivate the morphological interpretation of the data, it is necessary that they differ from the effects observed when pairs overlap only formally. Figure. 8.2 shows reaction time data for the formal overlap condition. As can be seen in Figure 8.2 there was no inhibition effect. However, the proximity in reaction times between the related and unrelated conditions suggests that no priming occurred either. A paired samples t‐test comparing reaction times to the conditions identity and related revealed a significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 5.87, p = 0.000) and items (t (1, 29) = 4.88, p = 0.001). A similar comparison between the related and the unrelated conditions revealed a non‐significant difference both by subjects (t (1, 59) = 1.58, p 〈 0.11) and items (t (1, 29) = 0.94, p 〈 0.37). These results indicate that, in contrast with all other conditions, there were no priming effects in the formal overlap condition.

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects (p.179) 8.3.2.6 Discussion

The results obtained lend support to the hypothesis that morphological complexity in regular forms may obscure underlying full priming effects, in line with previous results by Rodriguez‐Fornells el al. (2002). While forms with two constituents yielded full priming, forms with three constituents yielded only partial priming. This suggests that the process of lexical access for regularly inflected verb forms in Spanish proceeds by means of morphological parsing. This

FIGURE 8.2 Reaction times (‘y’ axis) by prime type for the Formal Overlap Condition

argument is based on two aspects of these results. First, the fact that both the verb root and stem can be fully primed suggests that the constituents of the verb stem (i.e. root and TV) can be accessed separately. Second, the fact that a form including an extra constituent produces only partial priming (implying that lexical decision cannot always take place locally) suggests that morphological parsing is incremental15 in a way that parallels syntactic parsing. This contrast strongly rejects interpretations based on lexical associations or analogy (Bybee 1995 b; Rumelhart and McClelland 1986; Skousen 1985), since in terms of these models morphological structure should not play any role in lexical access.

8.4 Conclusions The two experiments presented here lend support to the autonomy of the morphological component of grammar. Results from Experiment 1 clearly indicate that two rule‐based processes intervene in Spanish verb inflection: default and class-specific. These in turn coexist with association‐based irregular inflection, in line with the Extended Dual Mechanism Model (Sonnenstuhl and Huth 2002). Furthermore, these results demonstrate that the computation of conjugations in Spanish is a morphological process independent from phonology. Further evidence for the rule‐based status of regular verb inflection in Spanish comes from results of Experiment 2, which suggest that lexical facilitation interacts with a later word‐internal process of morphological computation. Full priming effects for both root and stem based forms indicate that regular stems are accessed decompositionally. As this process takes place at the word level, being affected by morphological complexity, it is necessarily distinct from the insertion of morphemes at the syntactic level. Notes:

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Conjugations and Complex Stems in Spanish Verbs: Generalization Properties and Priming Effects (1) For reasons of space the reader is referred to Pinker (1999) for a full overview of the theoretical debate. (2) The alternative use of the terms ‘marked/unmarked’ and ‘regular/irregular’ is intended to respect the views of the authors cited. (3) Phonotactically valid patterns that do not occur in any existing verb. (4) Based on his own results in Italian, Albright (2002) contends that pseudo‐ stems similar to 1st conjugation ones yield similarity effects. Yet the point is not that these stems are themselves insensitive to similarity (the Revised Dual Mechanism Model (Prasada and Pinker 1993) allows for their storage), but that they overgeneralize regardless of it. (5) In their study 1st and 3rd conjugation unmarked stems were merged into a single condition. (6) Instead of comparing priming effects of two related words to those of the target primed by itself, Meunier and Marslen‐Wilson (2004) compared directly the differences between experimental conditions (marked/unmarked). (7) She used perfective preterite forms as targets. Besides these only future forms follow this stress pattern in Spanish verbs. (8) Both 2nd and 3rd conjugation verbs exhibit the TV –i‐ in the past participle. (9) One of the latter included the diphthong /ie/ which in Spanish is as likely to occur in any conjugation. (10) It is assumed that the divergence between the present results and those obtained by Say and Clahsen (2002) stems from the important differences in the distribution of marked patterns in Italian and Spanish. (11) These figures are taken from the corpus LEXESP (Sebastián‐Gallés et al. 2000). (12) The same list of unrelated primes was counterbalanced across the three experimental lists. (13) For a full list of stimuli including lemma and surface frequencies see Appendix 5 in Linares (2007). (14) The length of the mask corresponded to the length of the longest words in the stimuli set. (15) Note that the present data do not provide any information on the direction (left to right/right to left) of incremental processing.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Max W. Wheeler

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0010

Abstract and Keywords Catalan verb morphology displays a curious and complex morphome that is not morpho‐syntactically motivated. The set of categories represented consists of (a) and (b): (a) 1st singular present indicative, present subjunctive; (b) Past perfective indicative (synthetic), past subjunctive, past participle. The morphome is generally marked by a velar consonant: /k/ after a sibilant, /g/ elsewhere. I explore the spread in individual verbs of the velar marker from submorphome (a) to sub‐morphome (b) or from (b) to (a), and from the original verbs to others, in a corpus of inflections from 1200–1550. I attempt to identify morphological, phonological, and possibly semantic, motivations for the observed spread of the morphome from 22% of e‐conjugation verb roots showing any stem alternation in 1300 to 78% in the present day. Keywords:   velar consonant, sub‐morphome, spreading, stem alternation, markedness

9.1 Introduction The inflectional morphology of the Catalan verb displays a curious and complex morphome (Aronoff 1994: 25). The full set of categories involved comprises those given in (1).2 Part A will be familiar to Romanists as the morphome Maiden denominates the ‘L‐pattern’ (Maiden 2004 b: 361); part B corresponds to Maiden's ‘PyTA’ pattern (‘Pretérito (perfecto) y Tiempos Afines’) (Maiden 2001 a).

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.1. PyTA‐ and L‐pattern A 1st singular present indicative

L‐pattern

Present subjunctive B Past perfective indicative (synthetic)

PyTA

PyTA + participle

Past subjunctive C Past participle The set of categories in Table 9.1, a mixture of tense, person, mood, and finiteness categories, is by no means a natural one. The morphome is generally marked by a velar consonant, hence I label it here the ‘Catalan velar morphome’: the more frequent model displays /ɡ/, as in the example Table 9.2 (a).3 A less frequent variant shows /sk/, as in example Table 9.2 (b). (p.184) A variant of the Table 9.2 (a) model lacks the velar element in the participle as it is ‘blocked’ there by the presence of an irregular strong participle as in example Table 9.2 (c) (pres blocks *prengut). A variant ‐eg‐ of the /ɡ/ marker (Table 9.2 (d)) occurs in a few verbs. The evolution of this ‐eg‐ variant is rather mysterious – I attempt to elucidate it below. In Table 9.2 only 1SG and 3SG forms are presented; the other person/number categories share the stem form of the 3SG in relevant respects.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.2. The Catalan velar morphome a.

b.

c.

inf

moure ‘move’

viure ‘live’

prendre ‘take’

ger

movent

vivint

prenent

1sg

3sg

1sg

3sg

1sg

3sg

prs.ind

moc

mou

visc

viu

prenc

pren

prs.sbjv

mogui

mogui

visqui

visqui

prengui

prengui

fut

mouré

mourà

viuré

viurà

prendré

prendrà

cond

mouria

mouria

viuria

viuria

prendria

prendria

pst.ipfv

movia

movia

vivia

vivia

prenia

prenia

pst.pfv

moguí

mogué

visquí

visqué

prenguí

prengué

pst.sbjv ‐r‐

moguera

moguera

visquera

visquera

prenguera

prenguera

pst.sbjv ‐s‐

mogués

mogués

visqués

visqués

prengués

prengués

prf.ptcp

mogut

viscut

d. ‐eg‐ variant: e.g. aparèixer ‘seem’: aparec, aparegui, aparegué, aparegut

Page 3 of 41

pres

L‐pattern

PyTA

participle

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 In none of the three lexical examples given in Table 9.2 is the presence of the velar consonant etymological, in any form. As we shall see, there are only a few verbs in which a velar element is etymological either in the L‐pattern, or in the PyTA‐pattern (but never both). The velar element in the participle is always analogical. In the Barcelona standard variety, only forms from the 2nd (‐e‐) conjugation, together with the heteroclitic verbs escriure ‘write’, estar ‘be’, tenir ‘have’, venir ‘come’, and viure ‘live’, are involved in displaying the velar morphome; see Table 9.3. There are 80 verb roots in these conjugation classes (comprising some 316 lexemes, including prefixed compounds). Of these, 19–20 verb roots in Table 9.3 (a) have invariant stems (which end in labials, dentals, or /ɲ/); of the 59–60 involving some finite stem variation, a minimum of 46 display the velar morphome (58% of verb roots in the relevant conjugation classes, (p.185) TABLE 9.3. Modern Barcelona Standard Catalan. Stem variation in e‐conjugation + heteroclites (escriure, estar, tenir, venir, viure) Stem variation type

a. Invariant finite stem

b. Stem variation – no velar c. Velar morphome in /

No. Lexical roots of roots 19– admetreab ‘allow’, atènyera ‘reach’, batre ‘beat’, 20 botre ‘bounce’, concebre ‘conceive’, empènyera ‘push’, espènyera ‘push’, estrènyera ‘squeeze’, fotre ‘fuck’, fúmer (euphemism for fotre), perdre ‘lose’, prémer ‘press’, rebre ‘receive’, retre ‘render’, rompre ‘break’, témer ‘fear’, tòrcer ‘twist’, trémer ‘shake’, vèncer ‘conquer’, (+variably cerndre ‘sift’) 2 fer ‘do’, veure ‘see’

26– beure ‘drink’, caldre ‘be obligatory’, caure ‘fall’, 27 conèixer ‘know’, creure ‘beleive’, deure ‘owe,

ɡ/ including weak

must’, doldre ‘grieve’, heure ‘get’, jaure ‘lie’, lleure ‘be permitted’, moure ‘move’, noure ‘harm’, oldre

participle (Table 9.2 (a))

‘smell’, parèixer ‘seem’, plaure ‘please’, ploure ‘rain’, poder ‘can’, raure ‘scrape’, riure ‘laugh’, seure ‘sit’, soler ‘be accustomed to’, tenir ‘have’, valer ‘be worth’, vendre ‘sell’, venir ‘come’, voler ‘want’ (+ variably cerndre ‘sift’)

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

Stem variation type

No. Lexical roots of roots

d. Velar morphome in / sk/ (Table 9.2 (b))

1–6 viure ‘live’ (+ variably créixer ‘grow’, irèixer ‘anger’, merèixer ‘deserve’, néixer ‘be born’, péixer ‘feed’)

e. Velar morphome in / ɡ/ + strong participle (Table 9.2 (c))

19– atendre ‘pay attention to’, absoldre ‘absolve’, 20 cloure ‘close’, coldre ‘worship’, coure ‘cook’, defendre ‘defend’, despendre ‘spend’, dir ‘say’, dur ‘bring’, encendre ‘light’, estar ‘be’, fondre ‘melt’, moldre ‘grind’, pondre ‘lay’, prendre ‘take’, romandre ‘remain’, toldre ‘remove’, tondre ‘shear’, treure ‘take out’ (+ variably escriure ‘write’)

Other stem variation

f.

6–12 cabre ‘fit’, saber ‘know’, ser ‘be’ (+ variably escriure ‘write’): /ɡ/ in L‐pattern only

(some velar)

Total a

g.

córrer ‘run’, haver ‘have’: /ɡ/ in PyTA+PTCP only

h.

(créixer ‘grow’, irèixer ‘anger’, merèixer ‘deserve’, néixer ‘be born’, péixer ‘feed’: variably /sk/ only in PTCP, or PTCP + PyTA, or whole velar morphome) 80

These have strong participles.

b

In Table 9.3 and subsequently, a prefixed compound verb such as admetre ‘allow’ stands for all verbs built on the root ‐met‐. (p.186) 78% of verb roots displaying any finite allomorphy). There is some variation admitted within the Barcelona standard as to which verbs or sub‐paradigms admit a velar element. Corresponding to the pattern in Table 9.2 (a) there are 26–27 roots (94 lexemes) in Table 9.3 (c); to the pattern in Table 9.2 (b) from 1 to 6 roots (8–20 lexemes) in Table 9.3 (d); and to the pattern in Table 9.2 (c) there are 19–20 roots (101– 113 lexemes) in Table 9.3 (e). Four roots may4 display a velar stem in the L‐pattern but not PyTA, Table 9.3 (f); two have a velar stem in PyTA but not in the L‐pattern, Table 9.3 (g), and six may display a velar stem only in the participle, Table 9.3 (h).

In other varieties (e.g. Valencian), the velar morphome pattern is found also in the 3rd (‐i‐) conjugation, and more widely in the 2nd (‐e‐) conjugation as well, after a wider range of root‐final consonants than in the Barcelona variety. In all varieties, though, the pattern is displayed by verbs which are among the most frequent in use, such as: conèixer ‘know’, dir ‘say’, estar ‘be’, poder ‘can’, prendre ‘take’, tenir ‘have’, venir ‘come’, voler ‘want’.

Page 5 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Up to the year 1300, some 82 roots are attested of the relevant classes (e‐ conjugation, together with a larger number of heteroclites); some of these are now obsolete, e.g. redèrger ‘repair’, ociure ‘slay’, querre/querir ‘seek’; while some modern e-conjugation roots are not found or are barely attested in the early period, e.g. fotre ‘fuck’, fènyer ‘knead’, moldre ‘grind’. But for the most part the lists overlap; see Table 9.4. Of these 82 roots attested before 1300, 13 in Table 9.4 (a) have invariant stems – for 10 of them, positive attestation of invariance in a form for which a velar variant is potentially available; for 3 of them the relevant category is not attested. Of the 69 roots displaying any kind of finite stem variation, some 17, in Table 9.4 (b), involve no velar, while 15 roots, in Table 9.4 (c–d), already display the finite velar morphome categorically (18% of the relevant conjugation class, 22% of all those displaying stem alternation). A further 37 roots have some velar form attested before 1300, either in the L‐pattern alone, Table 9.4 (e) e.g. dir ‘say’, or in PyTA alone, Table 9.4 (f) e.g. deure ‘owe’, plaure ‘please’, valer ‘be worth’, or varying with a non‐velar stem in the L‐pattern, in PyTA, or both. In nearly all cases, these 37 ‘partly velar’ roots have subsequently, between 1300 and 2000, assimilated categorically to the full velar morphome. The velar element has spread from the L‐pattern to PyTA, or from PyTA to the L‐pattern. The questions to which I attempt to provide part of the answer are: By what means did the non‐etymological velar morphome come to be firmly established already in 15 verb roots before 1300? And by what paths did the (p.187) TABLE 9.4. Pre-1300 Catalan. Stem variation in e‐conjugation + heteroclites. Parentheses indicate a secondary pattern of verbs whose primary classification is elsewhere Stem variation type a. Invariant finite stem

No. of Lexical roots (modern spellings) roots 13 absoldre ‘absolve’, batre ‘beat’, concebre ‘conceive’, fallir ‘fail’, perdre ‘lose’, rebre ‘receive’, rembre ‘redeem’, retre ‘render’, rompre ‘break’, témer ‘fear’, tòrcer ‘twist’, vèncer ‘conquer’, vendre ‘sell’

b. Stem variation with no velar

17 atendre ‘attend’, cloure ‘close’, defendre ‘defend’, despendre ‘spend’, encendre ‘light’, júnyer ‘joust, arrive’, metre ‘put’, ociure ‘slay’, púnyer ‘prick’, raure ‘scrape’, riure ‘laugh’, roure ‘gnaw’, saber ‘know’, ser ‘be’, tenyir ‘dye’, tondre ‘shear’, veure ‘see’

Page 6 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

Stem variation type c. Velar morphome in /ɡ/ (categorical) (incl. those with strong participle)

No. of Lexical roots (modern spellings) roots 11 coldre ‘worship’, conèixer ‘know’, jaure ‘lie’, lleure ‘be permitted’, noure ‘harm’, parer ‘seem’, plànyer ‘grieve’, seure ‘sit’, tenir ‘have’, traure ‘take out’, venir ‘come’

d. Velar morphome in /sk/ (categorical)

4 créixer ‘grow’, irèixer ‘anger’, néixer ‘be born’, péixer ‘feed’, (+ traure ‘take out’)

e. Velar variant in L‐pattern

16+ destruir ‘destroy’, dir ‘say’, dur ‘bring’, eixir ‘go out’, escriure ‘write’, estar ‘be’, estrènyer ‘squeeze’, fer ‘do’, fúger ‘flee’, merèixer ‘deserve’, parèixer ‘seem’, poder ‘can’, prendre ‘take’, querre ‘seek’, redèrger ‘repair’, romandre ‘remain’, (beure ‘drink’), (córrer ‘run’), (creure ‘believe’), (moure ‘move’), (toldre ‘remove’), (viure ‘live’)

f. Velar variant in PyTA

Total

21+ beure ‘drink’, caldre ‘be necessary’, caure ‘fall’, córrer ‘run’, coure ‘cook’, creure ‘believe’, deure ‘owe’, doldre ‘grieve’, elíger ‘elect’, empènyer ‘push’, haver ‘have’, llegir ‘read’, moure ‘move’, pertànyer ‘belong’, plaure ‘please’, pondre ‘lay’, soler ‘be accustomed to’, toldre ‘remove’, valer ‘be worth’, viure ‘live’, voler ‘want’, (dur ‘bring’), (eixir ‘go out’), (escriure ‘write’), (estar ‘be’), (estrènyer ‘squeeze’), (fúger ‘flee’), (prendre ‘take’), (poder ‘can’), (querre ‘seek’), (romandre ‘remain’) 82

(p.188) morphome come from 1300 onwards to have the dominance it has achieved in modern Catalan?

9.2 The evidence

Page 7 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 There are a number of obstacles to providing a satisfactory answer to the first of these questions, of which two stand out. First, it is evident that many significant morphological changes had already taken place in Latin/proto‐Romance/proto‐ Catalan during the period before Catalan came to be attested in extensive texts (from about 1280). While there is some useful documentary evidence for Catalan inflectional morphology in the two centuries preceding 1280, this earliest corpus is too small, and too limited in style, to provide a satisfactorily wide range of verb forms. However, Occitan is attested in substantial texts from 1150, with some earlier evidence going back to the late eleventh century. And the evolution of the velar morphome in Occitan and Catalan is the same in origin, and closely parallel in subsequent development right up to the present. So I adduce here some Occitan examples where there is no relevant documentation for Catalan. The second difficulty arises from the fact that, in order to make sense of morphological changes it is necessary to establish which forms are etymological (undergoing regular sound change) and which are analogical. In the case of Catalan, this issue is more controversial than has customarily been acknowledged, and I attempt to address it and offer an interpretation in this chapter. The medieval Catalan data here is taken from my own periodized corpus of inflected verb forms up to 1500, extracted from the CICA textual corpus, supplemented with additional texts.

9.3 The origin and evolution of velar elements in the L‐pattern The origin and evolution of stem‐final velar stem allomorphs in the L‐pattern is reasonably well understood. The pattern whereby a velar consonant is retained in the 1SG.PRS.IND and all the PRS.SBJV, originally before /o/ or /a/, while palatalization before /i/ or /e/ results in a non‐velar outcome elsewhere in the verb, is common not only to Catalan and Occitan but also to Romanian, Italian, Spanish, and to some degree, Portuguese. There are three sets of verbs, as displayed in (1), where the presence of a stem‐final velar in the L‐pattern is etymological for different reasons. (p.189) (1) a. Intervocalic ‐C‐: DICO, DICAT 〉 dic, diga; (DICIT, DICIMUS 〉 diu, diem) ‘say’; and similarly DUCO 〉 duc ‘lead’, bring', COCO (for CL COQUO) 〉 coc ‘cook’ and *TRACO5 (for CL TRAHO) 〉 trac ‘take out’. In Catalan, Latin intervocalic /k/ before front vowels became /*ð/, and subsequently /w/ in codas and zero elsewhere, so the stem‐final alternation comprised /‐Vɡ/ ~ /‐Vw/ ~ /‐V/ as illustrated above with dir.

Page 8 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 b. Post‐consonantal ‐G‐: STRINGO, STRINGAT; STRINGIT 〉 estrenc, estrenga, estreny ‘squeeze’; and similarly ATTINGO ‘attain’, FINGO ‘feign’, IMPINGO ‘push’, *PERTANGO ‘belong’, PLANGO ‘grieve’.6 In Catalan, ‐NG‐ became /ɲ/ before a front vowel, so the stem‐final alternation comprised /‐nɡ/ ∼ /‐ɲ/. *REDIRĬGERE 〉 redèrger ‘repair’ is attested early as an L‐pattern velar verb, but became obsolete by 1250. COLLĬGERE ‘pick’ might be expected to belong to this group as in Italian colgo, colga, coglie, but its early attestations in Catalan lack the L‐pattern velar stem, which reappears – analogically – only after 1400. c. ‘Inchoative’ ‐SC‐, both in e‐conjugation verbs COGNOSCO ‘know’, CRESCO ‘grow’, *IRASCO ‘get angry’, *MERESCO ‘deserve’, *NASCO ‘be born’, *PARESCO ‘seem’ and PASCO ‘feed’; and much more widely in regular (inchoative) i‐conjugation verbs with variable ‐ISC‐ or ‐ESC‐. The stem‐final alternation is /‐sk/ ~ /‐∫/. Type (1a) is stable through the history of Catalan, and tends to attract other verbs that have a stem variant ending in /‐w/. However, in the early period (〉 1300) the only such verbs attracted to this pattern are those that already have / ɡ/ in PyTA; see (2). (2) Early recruits to the L‐pattern as already present in (1a) Verbs with present stem‐final w ~ Ø 〈 *ð 〈 ‐D‐ or ‐C e/i: jaure7 (e.g. 3PL.PRS.SBJV jaguen) ‘lie’, lleure (e.g. 3SG.PRS.SBJV lega) ‘be permitted’, noure (e.g. 1PL.PRS.SBJV nogam) ‘harm’, seure (e.g. 2SG.PRS.SBJV segues) ‘sit’, but not yet plaure ‘please’ with its medieval PRS.SBJV stem of uncertain history: plàcia – plàcien. Of verbs having coda /w/ alternating with onset /v/: moure ‘move’ happens to have attestations only of /ɡ/ in the L‐pattern before 1300. This is doubtless an accident of the corpus since etymological mova etc. appears in the fourteenth century. (p.190) beure ‘drink’ has etymological beu.1SG.PRS.IND, beva alongside newer bec, bega in the period before 1300, bega becoming categorical only after 1450. deure ‘owe, ought’ shows only /ʤ/ in the L‐pattern (deig, deja 〈 DEBEO, DEBEAT) before 1300; afterwards /ʤ/ and /ɡ/ are in variation; only /ɡ/ in modern Catalan. ploure ‘rain’: the expected PRS.SBJV *plova8 is not attested in the corpus; ploga occurs after 1450.

Page 9 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 The fact that L‐pattern /ɡ/ is found only in those verbs that already have a PyTA / ɡ/ (and not all of those) implies, in fact, that the primary route of extension here is from PyTA to L‐pattern within lexemes rather than directly via analogy with /ɡ/ – /w/ alternations already occurring in different lexemes. Type (1b) is characterized by an alternation between a palatal nasal and a nasal– velar sequence. The first verbs to be attracted to this model were the reflexes of: TENEO ‘hold’, VENIO ‘come’ and REMANEO ‘remain’; see Table 9.5. These verbs had an etymologically derived palatal nasal in the L‐pattern alternating with an alveolar nasal (or zero) in the rest of the present and other non‐PyTA screeves, whereas in the (1b) model the palatal nasal occurred precisely in the non‐L‐pattern. So, whereas in (1b) the palatal nasal was an index of INDICATIVE minus 1SG, in Table 9.5 the palatal nasal was an index of the complementary set SUBUNCTIVE plus 1SG.INDICATIVE. This conflicting indexicality of the stem variant ending in a palatal nasal in types (1b) and in Table 9.5 appears to have been found confusing in Western Romance generally, so that in the three verbs of Table 9.5 the palatal nasal

Page 10 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.5. Early recruits to L-pattern (1b) Latin

Proto‐Rom.

Old Oc.

Pre‐Cat.

Old Cat.

TENET ‘have. 3SG.PRS.IND’

*/tɛnet/

ten

*/ten/

té

TENEO ‘have. 1SG.PRS.IND’

*/tɛɲo/

tenh

*/tiɲ/

tinc

TENEAT ‘have. 3SG.PRS.SBJV’

*/tɛɲa/

tenha

*/tiɲa/

tinga

VENIT ‘come. 3SG.PRS.IND’

*/vɛnet/

ven

*/ven/

ve

VENIO ‘come. 1SG.PRS.IND’

*/vɛɲo/

venh

*/viɲ/

vinc

VENIAT ‘come. 3SG.PRS.SBJV’

*/vɛɲa/

venha

*/viɲa/

vinga

REMANET ‘stay. 3SG.PRS.IND’

*/remanet/

reman

*/roman/

roman

REMANEO ‘stay. 1SG.PRS.IND’

*/remaɲo/

remanh

*/romaɲ/

romanc

REMANEAT ‘stay. 3SG.PRS.SBJV’

*/remaɲa/

remanha

*/romaɲa/

romanga

Page 11 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 (p.191) came to be replaced by the nasal–velar stop sequence characteristic of the L‐ pattern categories in type (1b) (for this development, see e.g. Menéndez Pidal 1962: 292). In Catalan this replacement was categorical by the time of the earliest texts. In Old Occitan, however, the inherited forms are predominant, though the analogical forms with /ɡ/ are not unusual already in the second half of the twelfth century (thirteenth century for remaner ‘remain’). Note that in Catalan the L‐forms of tener/ tenir ‘have’ and venir ‘come’ have the raised vowel /i/, outcome of diphthongization of open /ε/ before a yod‐group, though the vowel of the ting‐ and ving‐ stems was also subject to levelling as teng‐, veng‐.9 The spread of /‐nɡ‐/ to the L‐pattern of tener/tenir and venir may well have been influenced by the fact that these verbs early acquired a velar in the PyTA stem (tenc, venc, etc.). However, this cannot be the case for romandre ‘remain’ which had initially no velar in PyTA but an inherited sibilant PyTA stem romas‐.

The development in the L‐pattern of stems ending with an originally non‐ alternating alveolar nasal is rather different. The verbs involved mainly had ‐ND‐ in Latin; see Table 9.6.10 Though a palatal nasal might have been expected in the L‐pattern of the verbs in Table 9.6 (a) that were in the Latin 2nd conjugation (〈 RESPONDEAT, TONDEAT, etc.), there is no evidence for such a thing in Occitan or Catalan. In modern Catalan, all such verbs display the velar morphome categorically (except in the strong participle, if they have one). But this was not the case in the period before 1500. Of /n/‐final stems in Table 9.6 (a), only prendre has some examples of the velar preng‐ stem in the L‐pattern before 1300, and in this verb the innovative stem had become categorical by 1450. It is conceivable that prendre ‘take’ underwent semantic as well as phonetic influence from tenir ‘hold’. The root pon‐ whether from (RES)PONDEO or PONO – these are treated identically in Catalan – shows variable pong‐ in the L‐pattern from 1350 onwards; likewise encendre ‘light’. Atendre ‘attend’ and despendre ‘spend’ begin to show a variable velar form only from the fifteenth century, while defendre ‘defend’ and vendre ‘sell’ have no velar stem attested till after 1550.11 Etymologically, the ‐ND‐ verbs had Latin perfectum stems also in ‐ND‐ (〉 ‐n‐). Though in the long run they developed a velar in the PyTA stem, their (p.192)

Page 12 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.6. a. Velar L‐pattern in verbs with originally non‐alternating stem‐final /n/c 〉 1250 prendre

1250–1299

1300–1349

1350–1399

1400–1449

1450–1499

1500–1549

–

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

pondre

–

–

–

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

atendre

–

–

–

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

ɡ

despendre

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

encendre

(ɡ)

ɡ

defendre vendre

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

b. Velar L‐pattern in verbs with stem‐final /l/ 〉 1250

1250–1299

coldre ‘worship’

1300–1349

ɡ

moldre ‘grind’

1350–1399 (ɡ)

ɡ

1400–1449

1450–1499

1500–1549

ɡ ɡ

ɡ

toldre ‘remove’

–

(ɡ)

ɡ

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

valer ‘be worth’

–

–

–

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

ɡ

–

(ɡ)

soler ‘be accustomed to’ voler ‘want’

Page 13 of 41

–

–

–

–

–

–

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

c. Velar L‐pattern in verbs with stem‐final rhotic Anomalous ‐eg‐: parer ‘seem’: pareg‐ categorically; for córrer ‘run’ variably correg‐ ~ corr‐ through 1500. Querre ‘seek’ has one example of queregatz 2PL.PRS.SBJV (Vides de sants rosselloneses) but the normal L-pattern stem of this verb is quir‐. c

In this table and below ɡ indicates that a velar form is categorical in the relevant categories; (ɡ) means that a velar form occurs variably alongside a non‐velar one; – indicates that only a non‐velar stem is found. A blank cell indicates that no form corresponding to the relevant categories is found in the corpus.

Page 14 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 earlier innovative PyTA stems were in ‐s‐, which was originally proper to the participle only (see Table 9.12 below). Nevertheless, in the case of atendre ‘attend’ and respondre ‘reply’ ‐g‐ is attested, variably, in PyTA before it is attested in the L‐pattern, which may give reason to believe that the spread was from PyTA to L‐pattern more than via cross‐ lexeme influence in the present (p.193) stems; in other cases (despendre ‘spend’, encendre ‘light’, prendre ‘take’) ‐g‐ appears in the two category sets at about the same time. Fondre and tondre have in the corpus no examples of the L‐pattern categories.

Verbs with a stem‐final lateral in Table 9.6 (b) (all of which add a velar in the L‐ pattern in modern Catalan) acquired a velar in the L‐pattern only after it was already established in PyTA, for the most part a considerable time after. Coldre ‘worship’, moldre ‘grind’, and toldre ‘remove’ lead the way. Soler ‘be accustomed’, valer ‘be worth’, and voler ‘want’ maintain an inherited palatal lateral in the L‐pattern till after 1500: sull 〈 SOLEO, valla 〈 VALEAT, vulla 〈 *VOLEAT, though valer leads in admitting a velar stem variably before that date. Verbs with a stem‐final rhotic display in the L‐pattern an anomalous ‐eg‐ element (Table 9.6 (c)), exclusively for parer (pareg‐) ‘seem’, variably for córrer (correg‐) ‘run’ and querre (quereg‐) ‘seek’. This element is also found in the PyTA of these verbs (exclusively for parer and córrer, and alongside an inherited sibilant PyTA stem for querre: quis‐). I return to this problematic element below.12 The inherited alternation between a stem ending in /‐sk‐/ in the L‐pattern and a stem ending in /∫/ elsewhere is for the most part stable in the period up to 1500 (créixer ‘grow’, néixer ‘be born’, etc.). Interestingly, this alternation spreads to verbs which display some pattern of stem‐final /∫/ of other origins.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.7. Developments in the L-stems of reflexes of EXIRE ‘go out’ (a) and POSSE (b) ‘can’

a.

b.

Page 16 of 41

Latin

Old Oc. 1

Old Cat. 1

Old Oc. 2

Old Cat. 2

3SG.IND

EXIT

ieis

ix

ieis

ix

3PL.IND

EXEUNT

ieisson

ixen

ieisson

ixen

1SG.IND

EXEO

*ieis

*ix

iesc

isc

3SG.SBJV

EXEAT

*ieissa

*ixa

iesca

esca – isca

3SG.ING

*POTET

pot

pot

pot

pot

3PL.IND

*POTENT

poden

poden

poden

poden

1SG.IND

*POSSIO

pueis

pux

puesc

pusc

3SG.SBJV

*POSSIAT

pueissa

puxa

puesca

pusca

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 (p.194) Thus eixir 〈 EXĪRE ‘go out’ acquires /sk/ forms in the L‐pattern: isc, isca, iscats, etc.; see Table 9.7 (a). Poder developed an early, though non‐etymological, /∫/ in the L‐pattern; Table 9.7 (b). Now in all other verbs just mentioned with present stems ending in /∫/, the /∫/ is found precisely in the non‐L set of categories. Hence, in poder the L‐pattern /pu∫‐/ stem comes to be challenged by the morphologically more regular / pusk‐/. Occitan shares this development, mutatis mutandis.

In just one verb where the /sk/ ~ /∫/ alternation would be expected etymologically, the /‐sk‐/ stem is virtually absent13 in Catalan: conèixer 〈 COGNOSCERE ‘know’. From the earliest texts the conosc‐/conesc‐ stem was replaced in Catalan (though not in Occitan) by coneg‐, the PyTA stem, in an early demonstration of the force of attraction of the velar morphome. The reasons for the early susceptibility of conèixer to the spread of the PyTA stem to the L‐ pattern are by no means obvious, though Maneikis Kniazzeh and Neugaard (1977: I. 38, 55) suggest that 1SG.PST.PFV COGNŌVĪ 〉 conog ‘I have known, I knew’ could be ambiguous with regard to tense and aspect so as to be interpreted as a present (as happened with Latin NŌVĪ, originally preterit of NOSCŌ ‘I discover’, that came to be used as a present tense ‘I know’). But this idea lacks appropriate support from other Romance languages. At some stage since 1500, in the Barcelona standard, verbs earlier having the /∫/ ~ /sk/ alternation have unified the stem with /∫/ throughout, except in the participles crescut ‘grown’, etc. This stem regularization applies also to all the verbs in the i‐conjugation ‘inchoative’ paradigm which inherited an /‐sk‐/ ~ /‐∫‐/ alternation. Thus in the Barcelona standard variety there is no longer a /sk/ variant of the ‘velar morphome’; e‐conjugation /∫/‐final stems merely have an irregular participle in ‐scut. (And a Google search shows that non‐standard forms such as creixut, mereixut, naixut are not uncommon.)

9.4 The origin and evolution of velar elements in the PyTA pattern The presence of a stem‐final velar stem variant in the PyTA categories plus the past participle is a distinguishing characteristic of Occitan and Catalan among the Romance languages. In a few cases, see Table 9.8, /ɡ/ is uncontroversially etymological. But a velar obstruent in the PyTA categories turns up in a much wider range of verb roots from the earliest times. The verbs in Table 9.9 are attested in (p. 195)

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.8. Examples of etymological stem‐final velar in PyTA CL

Old Oc.

Old Cat.

3SG.PST.PFV

IACUIT

jac

jac

3SG.PST.SBJV

IACUISSET

jagués

jagués

3SG.PST.PFV

LICUIT

lec

lec

‘was permitted’

3SG.PST.SBJV

LICUISSET

legués

3SG.PST.PFV

NOCUIT

noc

noc

‘harmed’

3SG.PST.SBJV

NOCUISSET

nogués

nogués

3SG.PST.PFV

PLACUIT

plac

plac

3SG.PST.SBJV

PLACUISSET

plagués

plagués

Page 18 of 41

‘lay’

‘pleased’

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Catalan before 1300, categorically in PyTA categories unless indicated; the forms are grouped according to the Latin perfectum stem type.

Besides the four verbs cited in Table 9.8, the communis opinio among Romanists is that sound change also accounts for the presence of a velar obstruent in the other -CᚬUI‐ and the -V̄VI‐ preterits (Table 9.9 a.i–ii). This view goes back at least to Meyer‐Lübke, whose phonetic account is, however, extremely brief. Au présent en ‐eo, le latin donne en général un parfait en ‐ui : moneo monui; de même à volo : volui, à possum : potui et aux verbes terminés par une voyelle longue, où l'orthographe habituelle, par répugnance pour le groupe phonétique VV, remplace vu par un simple v : movi, crevi, pavi etc., qu'il faut prononcer movui, crevui, pavui etc. (Meyer‐Lübke 1895: §278) Le provençal…Dans les verbes en ‐p, l'u̯ s'introduit dans le radical [SAPU̯IT 〉 saup]; sinon, comme le w germ., il se transforme en g, à la finale en ‐c; devant ce g, ‐c, les explosives disparaissent; l, m, n persistent; ‐´ru̯it, probablement avant le changement de u̯ en g, devint ‐´reu̯it, ‐réu̯it, et puis ‐réc. (Meyer‐Lübke 1895: §283) Meyer‐Lübke's first point, about the interpretation of orthographic intervocalic ‐v‐ after long vowels as ‐vu‐ is, I believe, mistaken. At any event Leumann (1977: 595–596) does not mention this reinterpretation of the orthography, though he does consider the possibility that MŌVĪ ‘moved’ is etymologically derived from mŏv‐ + ‐uī, alongside the possibility that MŌVĪ is simply a long vowel perfect corresponding to the short vowel present stem mŏv‐. And in preterits like CRĒVI ‘grew’, PĀVI ‘fed’, where there is no /w/ in the stem (CRĒSCO, PASCO), Meyer‐ Lübke's interpretation of intervocalic ‐v‐ as ‐vu‐ [‐ww‐] appears gratuitous. Among the majority who follow Meyer‐Lübke's account (for Occitan, Grandgent 1905: §72, 178, 181, 184; Anglade 1921: 309; Bourciez 1967: §295, (p.196) TABLE 9.9. a. Velar PyTA: non‐etymological ‐g‐ variant in Old Catalan Latin perfectum stem type i.

Page 19 of 41

‐CUI

ag ‘had’ L. HABUIT, calgués

poc ‘could’ L. POTUIT,

‘needed.SBJV’ L. CALUISSET, colgés

solguessen ‘were accustomed.SBJV’ L.

‘worshipped.SBJV’ L. COLUISSET, dec ‘owed’ L.

SOLUISSENT, teng ‘held’ L. TENUIT, valg ‘was valuable’

DĒBUIT, dolc ‘grieved’ L.

L. VALUIT, volg ‘wished’ L.

DOLUIT

VOLUIT

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

Latin perfectum stem type ii. -V̄̄VI

conog, coneg ‘knew’ L. COGNŌVIT

moc ‘moved’ L. MŌVIT

iii. long vowel

elecd ‘chose’ L. ELĒGIT, enpengués ‘pushed.SBJV’ L. IMPĒGIT

sec ‘sat’ L. SĒDIT, venc ‘came’ L. VĒNIT

iv. prf = prs

bec ‘drank’ L. BIBIT, estenc ‘stretched’ L. EXTENDIT, ploc ‘rained’ L. PLUIT

prenguésd ‘took.SBJV’ L. PRENDISSET,

aduguésd ‘brought.SBJV’ L. ADŪXISSET, coguessend ‘cooked.SBJV’ L.

planc ‘wept’ L. PLANXIT,

COXISSENT, estrenguésd ‘squeezed.SBJV’ L. STRINXISSET

REMANSISSET, trac, trasc ‘took out’ L. TRAXIT

estec ‘stood’ L. STETIT,

tolgesen ‘removed.SBJV’ L. SUSTULISSENT

v.

sibilant

vi. misc.

d

pertangués ‘belonged.SBJV’ (no preterit stem in CL)

responguerend ‘replied’ L. RESPONDERUNT romanguésd ‘remained.SBJV’ L.

b. Velar PyTA: ‐sc‐ variant in Old Catalan iii. long vowel

cresc ‘grew’ L. CRĒVIT,

pasc ‘fed’ L. PĀVIT

d

fusc ‘fled’ L. FŪGIT v.

sibilant

vi. misc.

escriscd ‘wrote’ L. SCRĪPSIT, visc ‘lived’ L. VĪXIT trasc, trac ‘took out’ L. TRAXIT irasqués ‘angered.SBJV’ L. IRĀTUS ESSET, isqueren ‘went out’ L. EXĪERUNT

d

nasqés ‘was born.SBJV’ L. NĀTUS ESSET

c. Velar PyTA: ‐eg‐ variant in Old Catalan ‐CUI

pareg ‘seemed’ L. PĀRUIT

DEDI

creec ‘believed’ L. CRĒDIDIT

reduplication

caec ‘fell’ L. CECIDIT

correc ‘ran’ L. CUCURRIT

(d) In variation with a non‐velar PyTA before 1300.

Page 20 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Grafström 1968: 132–133; Fernández González 1985: 352; Paden 1998: 193–194; for Catalan, Fouché 1924: 150, 152; Moll 2006[1951]: §330; Blasco Ferrer 1984: 151; Duarte and Alzina 1986: 157–160; Pérez‐Saldanya 1998: 230–231) only Grandgent offers an explicit argument and confronts some counter‐evidence. (p.197)

Page 21 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.10. Grandgent's account and counter‐evidence Grandgent's points (1905)

Remarks

a. ‘βw 〉 ww 〉 gw 〉 g: habuissem 〉 aguẹs. dēẹbuit 〉 dẹc,… *movuisset 〉 moguẹs…We seem to have the same combination in Germanic treuwa 〉 trẹgua trẹga (treva is probably French).’

The regular reflex of intervocalic ‐v‐: COGNŌVIT, CRĒVIT, MŌVIT, PĀVIT, should have given Oc./Cat. *conou, *creu, *mou, *pau; with ‐v‐ intervocalically: PST.SBJV *avés, *movés, etc. treva ‘truce’: in DECLC s.v., Frankish *trĭuwa is the source of Oc. treva, Cat. treva and Fr. trève; Gothic trĭggwa is the source of Sp. tregua, Ptg. trégoa, It. tregua, triegua, Oc. trega, treuga, Cat. tregua. There is no Romance sound change ‐ww‐ 〉 /ɡ/.

b. ‘dw 〉 gw 〉 g: *sĕduit 〉 sẹc. N1.

Oc. vedoa, vezoa, veuza, veuva, veva

Vezoa 〈 vĭdua must be an early ‘widow’ regular from /wid.wa/ or, with learned word: veuva is perhaps metathesis, /wiw.da/. Similarly, OCat. from veua 〈 veuða 〈 veðua.’ viuva, vilva 〈 /wid.wa/. c. ‘nw, ngw, nkw 〉 ngw 〉 ng: tĕnuit 〉 tẹnc, *venuĭsset 〉 venguẹs…N1. Teuns 〈 tĕnuis is probably a learned word …’

Oc. teuns, teune, teuna 〈 TENUIS, TENUE ‘slender’ is not plausibly ‘learned’. In Catalan, Latin ‐NU̯‐ gives not /‐nɡ‐/ but /‐ nv‐/ as in MINUARE 〉 minvar ‘diminish’ and derived adjective minve ‘missing, diminished’.e

d. ‘tw 〉 dw 〉 gw 〉 g: pŏtuit 〉 pǫc. N1. Bat(t)uo, qua(t)tuor were reduced to batto, *quattor in Vulgar Latin: Pr. bat, quatre.’

POTUIT 〉 poc is the sole example for the supposed sound change /‐tw‐/ 〉 /ɡ/, contrasted with at least three examples for /‐tw‐/ 〉 /t/: BATUIT 〉 bat ‘strikes’, FUTUIT 〉 fot ‘fucks’, and QUATUOR 〉 quatre ‘four’, where morphological analogy is not in question.

e. lw 〉 lgw 〉 lg: caluit 〉 calc, *toluĭsti 〉 tolguist, valuĭssem 〉 valguẹs, vŏluĕrunt 〉 vǫlgron; rw 〉 rgw 〉 rg: mĕruit 〉 merc.' In some cases ‐NU̯‐〉 /n/ (MANUARIA 〉 manera ‘manner’, IANUARIUM 〉 gener ‘January’) for which special reasons are invoked. e

Page 22 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 The major problem for the Meyer‐Lübke–Grandgent account is that the so‐called sound change in question is, in fact, attested solely in PyTA verb forms, not elsewhere in the vocabulary. The details of Grandgent's account are given in Table 9.10 (a–e); the counter‐evidence is mentioned in Grandgent's notes (here indicated ‘N1’) to points b., c., and d.

(p.198) Even if correct, the Meyer‐Lübke–Grandgent story accounts directly only for the PyTA stems of the 11 Occitan verbs: ac ‘had’, dec ‘ought’, calc ‘was necessary’, valc ‘was worth’, volc ‘wanted’, colc ‘worshipped’, solc ‘was accustomed’, tenc ‘had’, merc ‘deserved’, parc ‘seemed’, and poc ‘could’. Other examples require reconstructed forms involving other morphological changes, or irregular sound changes. For the account to work, treva has to be dismissed as a borrowing (Table 9.10 (a)), vezoa (Table 9.10 (b)), and teuns (Table 9.10 (c)), need to be explained away as ‘learned words’, while bat and quatre (Table 9.10 (d)), have to be attributed to sporadic change. Further observations and objections to Grandgent's account appear in the Remarks column in Table 9.10. The dissenting view, namely, that the Occitan and Catalan PyTA velar stems other than those in Table 9.8 are analogical, was expressed by Körting (1898), which I know only by secondary reference, and by Ronjat. Il n'est pas absolument inconcevable que lat. vulgaire [‐w‐], et surtout [‐bw‐] de ‐buī, *‐vuī, ait pu être renforcé en [‐gw‐], finale rom. ‐g 〉 ‐c, par suite d'obtenir une désinence tipique (Millardet, RLR LXII, 7), mais saup continue fonétiquement sapuit…, et l'on pourrait attendre p. ex. * aub, * deub, * pout 〈 hab[uit], dēb[uit], potuit, ou inversement * sac comme ac, etc…: le maintien de saup et d'une façon générale l'incoérence des tipes de prét. semble déceler des analogies capricieuses plutôt que la tendance à une norme. Je pense que l'analogie part de verbes en ‐c‐: plac[uit], nocuit, etc.…sont devenus fonétiquement plac, noc, etc.…, dont le tipe à tème indiquant nettement le prét. a pu s'étendre comme p. ex. les tèmes de subj. en ‐g‐…(Ronjat 1937: §570) I do not doubt, myself, that Körting and Ronjat were right: jac, lec, noc, plac (together possibly with Oc. tac 〈 TACUIT ‘fell silent’ – mentioned by Meyer‐Lübke and Grandgent but which I have not located in texts – and hypothetical *doc 〈 DOCUIT ‘taught’) provided a model for a PyTA stem marked by a consonant that differs from the final consonant of the present stem – for these verbs, Oc. ‐z‐, Cat. ‐ð‐ 〉 Ø. The motivation for a different PyTA stem in e‐conjugation verbs will have been to avoid tense syncretism (with PRS.IND) in 3SG.PST.PFV (strong) and 1PL.PST.PFV, and also 1SG.PST.PFV in some verbs. Such analogical spread is not different in type from the wide spread of ‘DEDI’ weak preterits from the few models CREDIDIT ‘believed’, PERDIDIT ‘lost’, VENDIDIT ‘sold’, or the evolution of 3SG preterits modelled on STETIT ‘stood’ 〉 Oc. ‐èt, It. ‐ette.

Page 23 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 The early cases of the velar variant ‐sk‐ in PyTA (Table 9.9 (b)) appear to have two sources. First, an earlier irregular metathesis in certain ‐X‐ perfectum (PyTA) stems (3a), and secondly, (3b) transfer of an L‐pattern ‐sk‐ stem to the PyTA set: (p.199) (3) Sources of the velar variant ‐sk‐ in PyTA categories (Table 9.10(b)) a. Metathesis in certain ‐X‐ perfect (PyTA) stems (Coromines 1971: 323–324) VĪXIT 〉 *visket 〉 visc ‘lived’ TRAXIT 〉 *trasket 〉 trasc ‘took out’ SCRĪPSIT 〉 *SCRIXIT 〉 *skrisket 〉 escrisc14 ‘wrote’ FŪGIT 〉 *FUXIT 〉 *fusket 〉 fusc ‘fled’ b. Transfer of an ‐sk‐ L‐pattern stem to the PyTA set: cresca etc. → 3SG.PST.PFV cresc ‘grew’ etc. (alongside PyTA creg‐, widely attested in Old Oc., but in Catalan only in Libre dels Feyts (14th c.)) nasca etc. → nasc ‘was born’ etc. (néixer) irasca etc. → irasqués ‘anger.3SG.PST.SBJV’ etc. (irèixer) pasca etc. → pasc ‘fed’ etc. (péixer) isca etc. → isqueren ‘went out.3PL’ etc. (eixir) In the case of néixer, the PyTA stem nasc etc. may well be influenced by visc from the same semantic field; note nasquit, vesquit, in Old French, nasco, visco in Old Spanish. The cases of the velar variant ‐eg‐ in PyTA (Table 9.9 (c)) are surely not to be explained as Meyer‐Lübke proposed in the passage quoted – a reformulation rather than an explanation – but rather, along the lines of Fouché (1924: 144– 145, followed by Pérez‐Saldanya 1998: 232). These ‐eg‐ forms combine weak ‘DEDI’ endings with the PyTA ‐g‐ already discussed. The ‐eg‐ pattern is concentrated in verbs with stem‐final /d/ or a rhotic, that is, ending in a voiced non‐sibilant denti‐alveolar. It is likely that ‘believe’ with its etymological ‘DEDI’ preterit was the source of spread (4). (4) The ‐eg‐ variant in PyTA ‫׀‬CREDIDIT 〉 *kɾe‫׀‬dedet 〉*kɾe‫׀‬det 〉 **kɾe‫׀‬ðe + ‐ɡ‐ → cre(d)eg; for Fouché (1924: 144–145) *credé x deg [〈 DEBUIT] 〉 credeg ‘believed’. [3SG.PST.PFV cresé is attested in Vides de sants rosselloneses late 13th c.]

Page 24 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 3SG.PST.PFV ‐eg‐ forms: anec (anar ‘go’), batec (batre ‘beat’), perdec (perdre ‘lose’), querec (querre ‘seek’) alongside quis‐, receubec (rebre ‘receive’), redec (retre ‘render’), saubec (saber ‘know’), temec (témer ‘fear’), venec (vendre ‘sell’), vesec (veure ‘see’) (Vides de sants rosselloneses) The credeg model may first have attracted cader ‘fall’. What is unclear is why the plain weak ‘DEDI’ preterit ending should have seemed insufficient, and (p.200) have needed velar reinforcement, or why this pattern should have been limited to roots in final /d/ or /r/. Once established, the pattern of ‐eg‐ in the second syllable attracted ‐og‐ in conog ‘knew’, to give 3SG.PST.PFV coneg. From estar 3SG.PST.PFV estet (Oc.) 〈 STETIT ‘stayed, stood’ was also attracted early to the ‐eg‐ pattern. Catalan 3SG.PST.SBJV stegess is attested from 1067. The Occitan‐ flavoured Vides de sants rosselloneses display further spread of this pattern, at least into 3SG.PST.PFV forms (4). However, elsewhere in Catalan this ‐eg‐ element remained restricted to the four roots in Table 9.9 (c) together with conec, estec (Table 9.9 (a)), whereas in Occitan ‐èc became a common ending in both the a‐ and e‐conjugations, replacing ‐èt, originally proper to STĔTIT ‘stood’, while in parallel ‐ic tended to replace ‐í in the i‐conjugation. The subsequent expansion of the velar PyTA stem model to other lexemes is at the expense largely of the sibilant PyTA stem model ending in /∫/ (e.g. dix ‘said’ etc.) or /z/ (e.g. pres ‘took’ etc.). In some cases, a sibilant PyTA stem was an alternative to an inherited stem identical to the present stem. Thus, for example, before 1300, atendre ‘attend’ has 1PL.PST.PFV atenem (12th c.) 〈 ATTENDIMUS and also sibilant 3SG.PST.PFV atès 〈 *ATTENSIT. For this verb, a velar PyTA stem is attested only after 1300 (atench:15 Libre dels Feyts). For many verbs, the contest between these two or three models for the PyTA stem was played out over several centuries, and victory for the velar stem was far from complete by 1500. The replacement was not regular across the lexicon, and it was neither regular nor random across inflectional categories. Before 1300, in addition to the four verbs (Table 9.8) in which velar PyTA was etymological, a velar PyTA was already categorical in the corpus for many verbs, as shown in Table 9.9. The spread of the pattern seems to be conditioned in part by the phonology of the stem‐final consonant, as is also the case with the spread of velar stem‐variants in the L‐pattern.

Page 25 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Among verbs with present stem‐final w ~ Ø 〈 *ð 〈 ‐C e/i or ‐D‐ (with original sibilant PyTA), the source of spread of velar PyTA (Table 9.11) is either: (i) the etymological or established velar stem in the L‐pattern in cog‐, dig‐, dug‐ and trag‐: NB coure, dir, dur, and traure attest velar PyTA forms before 1300; or (ii) the original or early velar PyTA stems of verbs with similar stem‐final /w/ in the present indicative and infinitive/future stem: beure ‘drink’, deure ‘owe’, lleure ‘be permitted’, jaure ‘lie’, moure ‘move’, noure ‘harm’, plaure ‘please’, and ploure ‘rain’. Note that raure ‘scrape’ and riure ‘laugh’ remain resistant to velar stem variants in PyTA till after 1450, and (p.201)

Page 26 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.11. Evolution of velar PyTA in verbs with present stem‐final w ~ Ø (a) 〈 *ð 〈 ‐C e/i or (b) 〈 ‐D‐ (with original sibilant PyTA) PyTA stems a.

b.

〉1250

coure ‘cook’ cuys ~ cog‐ dir ‘say’

dix‐ ~ dig‐

dur ‘bring’

dux‐ ~ dug‐

traure ‘take out’

trasc‐ ~

cloure ‘close’

clos‐ ~clog‐

trag‐

–

sk

1250–99

1300–49

1350–99

1400–49

1450–99

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

ɡ

ɡ

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

(ɡ)

–f

sk ~ ɡ

sk ~ ɡ

sk ~ ɡ

sk ~ ɡ

ɡ

ɡ

ɡ

(ɡ)

ɡ

ɡ

–

–

–

–

ɡ

ɡ

–

–

ɡ

g

–

ociure ‘slay’ ocís ~ oci‐

–

raure ‘scrape’

–

ras ~ ra‐ ~ rag‐

riure ‘laugh’ ris ~ ri‐

–

–

–

–

f

One case only of adux ‘brought.3SG.PST.PFV’.

g

No *trax 〈 TRAXIT etc. in Catalan, but trais, traisseron, traissés etc. are well attested in Old Occitan.

Page 27 of 41

1500–49

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 ociure till it becomes obsolete. In raure and riure, the sibilant PyTA stem is first replaced by a vowel‐final PyTA stem ra‐, ri‐ proper to PL.PRS.IND, PST.IPFV, and GER.

(5) Evolution of velar PyTA in verbs with stem‐final /l/: absoldre ‘absolve’ has PyTA ‐solg‐ varying with ‐solv‐ from 1300 till 1450, then ‐solg‐ categorically. moldre ‘grind’ has PyTA molg‐ when it is attested (14th c.) oldre ‘smell’ has PyTA olg‐ when it is attested (15th c.) Among verbs with stem‐final /l/ (5) the model is the early velar PyTA in other ‐LUI preterits (calg‐ ‘be necessary’, colg‐ ‘worship’, dolg‐ ‘grieve’, solg‐ ‘be accustomed’, valg‐ ‘be worth’, volg‐ ‘want’), to which the absolv‐ stem is assimilated, the stem‐final /v/ being lost in pre‐consonantal position for phonological reasons, and then elsewhere by analogy. Among verbs with stem‐final /n/ (Table 9.12) the model for spread is likely to be the early‐established PyTA stems of tenir ‘hold’ and venir ‘come’, namely teng‐ and veng‐, assisted by the early PyTA stem romang‐ for romandre ‘remain’ (see Table 9.5). Note that for some of these verbs a velar PyTA stem is attested (p. 202)

Page 28 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.12. Evolution of velar PyTA in verbs with stem‐final /n/ PyTA stems

〉 1250

1250–99

1300–49

1350–99

1400–49

1450–99

1500–49

atendre ‘attend’

ten‐ ~ tes‐ ~ teng‐

n

n~s

n ~ s ~ ng

n ~ s ~ ng

n ~ s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

pondre ‘lay’

pon‐ ~ pos‐ ~ s pong‐

n ~ s ~ ng

n ~ s ~ ng

n ~ s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

prendre ‘take’ pren‐ ~ pres‐ ~ preng‐

s

n ~ s ~ ng

n ~ s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

romandre ‘remain’

romas‐ ~ romang‐

s

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

despendre ‘spend’

‐pen‐ ~ ‐pes‐ ~ ‐peng‐

s

s

s

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

encendre ‘light’

encen‐ ~ ences‐ ~ enceng‐

s

n~s

n ~ s ~ ng

s

defendre ‘defend’

‐fen‐ ~ ‐fes‐

n~s

n~s

n~s

n ~ ng

n~s

fondre ‘melt’

‐fon‐ ~ ‐fos‐h

s

s

n

n

tondre ‘shear’ ton‐ ~ tos‐ h

s

Fondre has PyTA stems fon- in fondre ‘melt’ but fos- in confondre ‘confound’.

Page 29 of 41

n

ng

n

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 only after 1500, and for others not till after 1400. In none of the group does a velar PyTA become categorical before 1500. Except for encendre ‘light’, three‐way variation for PyTA stems ceases by 1400. The group is particularly significant inasmuch as the nine roots correspond to some 34 lexical verbs.

Among verbs with stem‐final /ɲ/ (Table 9.13) the velar stem is original in the L‐ pattern, whence it spreads to PyTA, assisted to some degree by phonetic analogy with /‐nɡ‐/ PyTA of /n/‐final stems as in Table 9.5 and Table 9.12. Despite the general extension of velar PyTA in modern Catalan, it is noteworthy that verbs with stem‐final /ɲ/ have in the standard language for the most part retreated to having invariant stems in the L‐pattern and PyTA. The start of this trend can be seen in the data for estrènyer and fènyer in Table 9.13. As for púnyer – punyir ‘prick’ and tínyer – tenyir ‘dye’, after the thirteenth‐century examples punseren 3PL.PST.PFV and tinsés 3SG.PST.SBJV, these verbs have only i‐conjugation regular PyTA forms, e.g. punyí 3SG.PST.PFV. Curiously, no L‐pattern forms are attested at all for these verbs in the corpus; that (p.203)

Page 30 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.13. Evolution of velar PyTA in verbs with stem‐final /ɲ/ PyTA stems

〉 1250

1250–1299

1300–1349

1350–1399

1400–1449

1450–1499

1500–1549

ng

ng

ng

s ~ ng

ng

atènyer ‘reach’

ates‐ ~ ateng‐

empènyer ‘push’

empes‐ ~ empeng‐

ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

s ~ ng

pertànyer ‘belong’

pertanx‐ ~ pertang‐

x ~ ng

ng

ng

ng

ng

ng

estrènyer ‘squeeze’

estres‐ ~ estreng‐ ~ estreny‐

s ~ ng

ng ~ ny

ng

ng ~ ny

ng

ng

fènyer ‘feign’, feng‐ ~ feny‐ ‘knead’

Page 31 of 41

ng ~ ny

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 is, for example, neither *punc nor *puny 1SG.PRS.IND, neither *punga nor *punya 3SG.PRS.SBJV is attested.

I mentioned earlier that the replacement of non‐velar by velar stems in PyTA was neither regular nor random across inflectional categories. And in fact we find here interesting counter‐evidence to Maiden's claim of a ‘virtually exceptionless generalization that any morphological change affecting a PyTA root in one cell of the paradigm affects all the other specified cells’ (Maiden 2005: 143). As we have seen, proto‐ and early Catalan had many sibilant PyTA roots (inherited from Latin sibilant perfect stems or developed by analogy with them). However, it is not the case, when variation affects these roots, or when they become categorically replaced, that all inflectional categories in the PyTA sub‐morphome are affected at the same time. What we see in a number of cases is the longer survival of sibilant PyTA stems in the least marked categories (6): in particular, the sibilant 3SG.PST.PFV survives in use after the sibilant stem has been replaced by a velar stem in all the other PyTA categories. (6) Longer survival of sibilant PyTA stems in the least marked categories atendre ‘attend’: of sibilant PyTA only atès, entès 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1450 cloure ‘close’: of sibilant PyTA only enclòs 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1400 coure ‘cook’: of sibilant PyTA only cuys 3SG.PST.PFV attested at all despendre ‘spend’: of sibilant PyTA only despès, sospès 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1400 (p.204) dir ‘say’: of sibilant PyTA only dix 3SG.PST.PFV, and exceptionally dixeren 3PL.PST.PFV, attested after 1400 dur ‘bring’: of sibilant PyTA only dux 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1400 empènyer ‘push’: of sibilant PyTA only empès 3SG.PST.PFV attested at all encendre ‘light’: of sibilant PyTA only encès 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1350 estrènyer ‘squeeze’: of sibilant PyTA only estrès, costrès, restrès 3SG.PST.PFV attested at all pondre ‘lay’: of sibilant PyTA only expòs, respòs 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1450 prendre ‘take’: of sibilant PyTA only pris 1SG.PST.PFV and pres, après, emprès, reprès 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1450

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 romandre ‘remain’: of sibilant PyTA only romàs 3SG.PST.PFV attested after 1450 This is what might generally be expected if, of all the PyTA categories, the 3SG.PST.PFV is the most basic, the least marked, the most ‘entrenched’, or (probably) the most frequent. Rather than Maiden's claim, I suggest that the process of morphological replacement (whether in ‘autonomous’ morphomes or in semantically motivated inflectional categories) respects markedness principles, so that less marked forms are not replaced before more marked ones. A frequency‐based study of the corpus could be interesting in this respect (though to do it a great deal of morphological tagging would be required). A similar pattern of replacement, preserving sibilant PyTA longer in 3SG.PST.PFV than in other categories, is found where it is not a velar stem but an invariant present stem that spreads to the PyTA categories (as with metre ‘put’ – mès 3SG.PST.PFV). In the late survival of older stems in the 3SG.PST.PFV it is also likely to be significant that, in the majority of cases just mentioned, the surviving 3SG.PST.PFV form happens to be homonymous with the masculine singular form of the strong participle. The idea would be that a homonymous form from the lexical paradigm ‘strengthens’ a word form's cognitive salience or entrenchment.

9.5 The origin and evolution of velar elements in the (perfect) participle In modern Catalan, verbs which have a velar stem in the L‐pattern or PyTA pattern also have it in the perfect participle: ‐gut or ‐scut, unless they retain a strong participle, which blocks the expected participle in ‐gut or ‐scut. No velar stem variant in the past participle is etymological. Indeed, the /u/ vowel (p.205) itself was rare in the suffix of Latin participles. It is evident that the presence of a velar participle stem is dependent on the shape of the velar PyTA stem, e.g. ‐egut in conegut ‘known’, corregut ‘run’, creegut ‘believed’, paregut ‘seemed’ in line with PyTA stems coneg‐, correg‐, creeg‐, pareg‐.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 The morphomic connection between PyTA and the past participle was doubtless already established in Romance (as to some degree it already was in Latin – MANEO, MANERE, MANSI, MANSUM ‘remain’; RADO, RADERE, RASI, RASUM ‘scrape’) by the spread of sibilant stems from participle to PyTA, as in 3SG.PST.PFV respòs ‘replied’ (L. RESPONDIT) after participle respòs (〈 RESPONSUM), 3SG.PST.PFV encès ‘lit’ (L. INCENDIT) after participle encès (〈 INCENSUM). In this light two facts are of some interest. One is the persistence of participles without a velar in two verbs where the velar morphome pattern is generally strongly represented from an early date: in caure ‘fall’ the participle caüt survives to 1400, though the modern form caigut occurs already before 1300, and in the verb haver ‘have’, though agud is already attested before 1200, non‐velar aüt survives till 1500, and in some texts (e.g. Curial e Güelfa c. 1450) it is the only form. The second fact that calls for explanation, in the light of the presence of the morphome ‘PyTA + participle’, is that in Catalan the replacement of strong participles by weak velar‐stem ones has been minimal (7). (7) Minimal replacement in modern Catalan of strong participles by weak velar ones: Plànyer ‘grieve’ now has plangut rather than plant; while plangut is attested in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, plant predominates beyond 1550. Raure ‘scrape’: ras is replaced by ragut only after 1550. Riure ‘laugh’: ris is replaced by rigut only after 1550, and in Valencian by another strong variant rist. Fènyer ‘feign’, ‘knead’: fent is replaced by fengut in the fifteenth century; more precisely, fent → fingit (from fingir) in the sense ‘imagine, feign’, → fengut in the sense ‘knead’. Coure retains participle cuit in the sense ‘cook’, with cogut in the sense ‘smart’ (of wounds). Néixer ‘be born’: the participle becomes nascut, with nat retained as an adjective.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 Thirty‐four roots in total have retained to the present day (or in a few cases have innovated) a strong participle – that is, including verbs for which a participle in ‐gut was not an option, such as admès (admetre ‘allow’). Within the period 1200 to the present, fourteen roots have developed a velar PyTA (p.206) without extending this stem variant to the past participle: atendre ‘attend’, absoldre ‘absolve’, cloure ‘close’, coldre ‘worship’, defendre ‘defend’, despendre ‘spend’, dir ‘say’, dur ‘bring’, encendre ‘light’, fondre ‘melt’, prendre ‘take’, respondre ‘reply’, romandre ‘remain’, and tondre ‘shear’. As in the case of the replacement of sibilant by velar stems within PyTA, this failure to extend the velar to the participle part of the PyTA + participle morphome casts doubt on Maiden's claim mentioned previously. It points to the relative isolation of the non‐finite categories such as the perfect participle in the verbal paradigm – ‘relative’, that is, since PyTA stem and perfect participle stem are frequently modelled after one another in Romance, as I have just shown. In the account given here of the evolution of the Catalan ‘velar morphome’ the dominant role proves to be that of the PyTA stem as the originator of spread. We have seen that a velar stem does not occur in the perfect participle without also occurring in PyTA. Of the eleven verbs in Table 9.4 (c) with categorical velar morphome with ‐g‐ before 1300, the direction of spread must be from PyTA to L‐ pattern in every case except the trag‐ stem of traure. Only in the relatively small groups of (1a) dir ‘say’, dur ‘bring’, coure ‘cook’ (and traure ‘take out’), and (1b) atènyer ‘reach’, empènyer ‘push’, fènyer ‘feign’, ‘knead’, pertànyer ‘belong’, and plànyer ‘grieve’ does the spread take the other direction, and only relatively late, after the morphome is already established in the eleven verbs of Table 9.4 (c). In the case, though, of the ‐sk‐ variant of the morphome established categorically before 1300 (Table 9.4 (d)) – créixer ‘grow’, etc. – the direction of spread must be from L‐pattern to PyTA. The spread of the ‐g‐ variant from the PyTA categories to the L‐pattern would probably not have taken place without the ‘schema’ of a velar stem already established in the L‐pattern of the (1a) and (1b) verbs. Though, as we have seen, the velar morphome pattern has come to be dominant in the e‐conjugation, there have been retreats (except in Valencian): verbs with a palato‐alveolar stem‐final consonant, namely /ɲ/ (see Table 9.13) and /∫/ (créixer ‘grow’, etc.) which in the medieval period had an etymological velar in the L‐ stem and an innovated corresponding velar PyTA stem have now, in most varieties, a velar only in the participle (if weak). This retreat seems paradoxical unless we consider that the move has been to make the velar–non‐velar alternations better motivated phonologically, and more transparent. Thus, allomorphs with /ɡ/ now occur only after stems or stem variants ending in a vowel or an alveolar sonorant (/n/ or /l/), and the presence of /ɡ/ imposes no additional phonological alternation beyond allophonic assimilation of [n] to [ŋ] before /ɡ/ ([ɡ] or [k]). Thus, alternations between alveolo‐palatals and alveolars or velars ([ɲ] – [ŋɡ], /∫/ – [sk]) have been eliminated in the finite paradigm, by replacing the velar stem alternants with the invariant stem ending in /ɲ/ or /∫/. Page 35 of 41

The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 (p.207) 9.6 Further developments confirming the reality of the morphome In Table 9.3 are mentioned seven verbs which in the Barcelona standard display stem variation but do not participate fully in the velar morphome pattern. Most of these verbs are among the very commonest in the language and, as such, might be expected to resist inflectional innovation better than most. To some extent, this is true, of course, which is why this group stands apart in the Barcelona standard from the paradigms which have either the morphome expressed via a velar element, or have invariant stems. Some of their ‘principal parts’ are displayed in Table 9.14, with the four rightmost columns standing for the categories found in the velar morphome.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1

TABLE 9.14. Standard ‘principal parts’ of cabre, córrer, fer, haver, saber, ser, and veure L‐pattern

PyTA

participle

3SG.PRS.IND

1PL.PRS.IND

1SG.PRS.IND

3SG.PRS.SBJV

3SG.PST.SBJV

PRF.PTCP

cabre ‘fit’

cap

cabem

cabo

càpiga

cabés

cabut

córrer ‘run’

corre

correm

corro

corri

corregués

corregut

fer ‘do’

fa

fem

faig

faci

fés

fet

haver ‘have’

ha

havem hem

he

hagi

hagués

hagut

saber ‘know’

sap

sabem

sé

sàpiga

sabés

sabut

ser ‘be’

és

som

sóc, só

sigui

fos

estat, sigut

veure ‘see’

veu

veiem

veig

vegi

veiés

vist

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 An important characteristic of the paradigms in Table 9.14 is that none of the verbs has the same stem in the L‐pattern and PyTA. (Their irregularity is also evident in that all except córrer and veure have a different stem in the 1SG.PRS.IND and in the PRS.SBJV.) Other varieties than the Barcelona standard repair this anomaly, so as to have the same stem in both the L‐pattern and PyTA – though not necessarily with a velar, which emphasizes the point that the morphome is more abstract than its prototypical phonological expression. These further innovations are set out in (8).

(p.208) (8) Further consolidation of the velar morphome in varieties other than Barcelona standard (data from Perea 1999): cabre ‘fit’: 3SG.PST.SBJV capigués, PRF.PTCP capigut, extending the PRS.SBJV stem, are widespread, except in Valencian which prefers 3SG.PRS.SBJV càpia and 3SG.PST.SBJV capiera (retaining PRF.PTCP cabut). L‐pattern stem spreads to PyTA + participle. córrer ‘run’: Valencian typically has 1SG.PRS.IND córrec, 3SG.PRS.SBJV córrega. PyTA + participle stem spreads to L‐pattern. (Spread in the other direction occurs too, i.e. towards an invariant stem, though corregut PRF.PTCP remains, rather than *corrut.) fer ‘do’: Spread of the PRS.SBJV /fas‐/ stem to the PST.SBJV is attested in Majorca, Central Catalan and North Catalan (facés), Northwest Catalan (facessa), and Alghero (facessi). (Majorca retains etymological 1SG.PRS.IND faç alsO.) L‐pattern stem spreads to PyTA. haver ‘have’: PRS.SBJV stem haj‐ spreads to the PST.SBJV (hagés) on the coast of Catalonia (Blanes, Canet, Pineda, Lloret) and in North Catalan. The PST.SBJV stem hag‐ spreads to the PRS.SBJV in some Balearic varieties (hagui ~ haga). In Valencia and Ibiza the two stems blend to give e.g. 3SG.PRS.SBJV hajga, 3SG.PST.SBJV hajguera. Hagut is retained as PRF.PTCP. saber ‘know’: The same pattern as with cabre above; these two verbs are generally paired in inflection, apart from the infinitive (cabre vs. saber) and the 1SG.PRS.IND ( cabo vs. sé). ser ‘be’: The velar in 1SG.PRS.IND sóc (post‐medieval) shows the possibility of innovating the velar without copying the stem it is attached to, though such a development is rare. Standard sigut already shows spread of the PRS.SBJV stem sig‐ to the PRF.PTCP. A PST.SBJV on the same stem is widely attested in many varieties, e.g. sigués, siguessa, siguera. The synthetic 3SG.PST.PFV sigué is also attested in some places where this category is still spontaneously used (Valencian: Benigànim, Elx, Pego). L‐pattern stem spreads to PRF.PTCP and to PyTA.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 veure ‘see’: The L‐pattern stem vej‐ is extended to PyTA in many varieties: 3SG.PST.SBJV vegés, vegera. Or, introducing the typical velar element, the verb unifies the morphome on the base veg‐: vec, vegui ~ vega, vegué, vegués ~ veguera. These developments (8) in some verbs of very high frequency serve to confirm the force of attraction of the morphome in question, while providing evidence (fer, haver, veure) that the extending stem need not display a velar. The move here is mostly from L‐pattern to PyTA because these verbs mostly either do not start off with PyTA stems that are readily extendable (fer ‘do’: f‐, ser ‘be’: fo‐, veure ‘see’: v‐ or ve‐), or have a PyTA stem which is identical to the (p.209) default present stem, which would lead to regularization without stem variation (which does occur also, of course, e.g. with saber ‘know’, cabre ‘fit’ in Minorca).

9.7 Summary and conclusions The Catalan velar morphome arises, then, from two unrelated patterns of stem alternation that both happened to involve a stem variant ending in a velar obstruent alternating with one or more different stem variants. Neither of these two patterns – the L‐pattern and the PyTA pattern – had a coherent morpho‐ syntactic or semantic motivation, though together they included both the present and the past subjunctive paradigms, alongside a medley of other tense, aspect, mood, and person categories. Once established, before the period of textual attestation, the morphome that linked the two patterns, together with the participle, itself modelled on the PyTA stem, gradually attracted other verbs, first those that had earlier a velar stem variant in the L‐pattern alone, or in the PyTA pattern alone, and then verbs that earlier had neither, especially if they had a stem ending in /‐n/ or /‐l/, consonants that already figured largely in the velar morphome verbs. This process was spread out well beyond the 300‐year period that has been the focus of this paper (based on the CICA corpus) until essentially all potential verbs have been reached, though there have, as mentioned above, been phonologically based retreats in some varieties. Though the morphome is largely given phonological coherence by the presence of /ɡ/ or / sk/, we have seen (§9.4) that innovations in some very common verbs to unify L‐ pattern and PyTA stems have been carried out using non‐velar stem variants, a process which confirms that the morphome is more abstract than its typical expression. Notes:

(1) I wish to express my gratitude to Paul O'Neill and Martin Maiden for their generous assistance with bibliography and photocopies. (2) In some contemporary varieties of Catalan the morphome extends to include the gerund, the infinitive, the 1PL and 2PL.PRS.IND, and even the PST.IPFV; for some examples see Adam Aulinas (2006: 266–293).

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 (3) The forms in Table 9.2 are from the Barcelona variety of contemporary Standard Catalan, except for PST.SBJV ‐r‐, which is used only in Valencian. (4) ‘May’ here corresponds to the Barcelona standard; in other varieties these verbs display velar variants more widely across the paradigm. (5) TRAHERE displays a renewed present stem on the analogy: DIXI: DICO, DUXI: DUCO:: TRAXI 〉 *TRACO, etc. (6) Forms of DEPINGERE 〉 depínyer ‘depict’, IUNGERE 〉 júnyer ‘joust’, and PUNGERE 〉 púnyer ‘prick’ are attested in my Catalan corpus, but /‐nɡ‐/ forms are missing; see Table 9.4 (b). (7) Etymological jassa 〈 IACEAT is widely attested in Old Oc.; nosa 〈 NOCEAT, sejam 〈 SEDEAMUS are also attested there. (8) Plueva in Old Oc. (Guilhem de Peitieus 183.6, 2 at the rhyme). (9) Originally, I believe, ting‐ was the L‐pattern stem, while teng‐ was the expected PyTA stem (though ting 1SG.PST.PFV 〈 TENUĪ). In the medieval period levelling operated in both directions. In the modern language we find throughout the morphome teng‐ in Balearic Catalan and ting‐ on the mainland. (10) ‐ND‐ 〉 /n/ regularly in Catalan. Latin ‐ND‐ verbS: ATTENDO ‘attend’, DEFENDO ‘defend’, EXPENDO ‘spend’, FUNDO ‘melt’, INCENDO ‘light’, PRENDO ‘take’, RESPONDEO ‘reply’, TONDEO ‘shear’, VENDO ‘sell’, plus one ‐N‐ stem (PONO ‘set’). (11) Homonymy avoidance (with forms of venir) in the case of vendre? (12) In modern Valencian the ‐eg‐ element in the L‐pattern of córrer is unstressed – córrec, córrega, etc. This stress pattern is likely to be an innovation. In the medieval period I believe it was corréc, corréga, parallel to aparéc, aparéga ‘appear’, conec, conega ‘know’, and to 3SG.PST.PFV correc. After the latter form was replaced by weak preterit corregué, and after the post‐medieval development of PRS.SBJV models like bàtiga, the stress pattern shifted so that PRS.IND and PRS.SBJV have matching prosodic patterns. Medieval Catalan almost certainly stressed apár but aparéga, and likewise córre but corréga. 1SG.PRS.IND corrêc is found in modern Majorcan (Perea 1999). (13) One case each of conesc and conesca in the corpus. (14) Also lesc, lisqués (llegir ‘read’) in the Vides de sants rosselloneses, from *lesket 〈 *LEXIT for LĒGIT, and/or semantically led analogy with escrisc ‘wrote’.

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The Evolution of a Morphome in Catalan Verb Inflection 1 (15) Generally, when an innovative velar form competes with a sibilant 3SG.PST.PFV it is one with a weak ending. Thus it is digué, not *dic, that challenges dix. However, apart from atench mentioned here, strong destrench, estench, restrench, are attested, all relatively late (first half of the fifteenth century), a century and a half after weak preterits had become common.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Maria Goldbach

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0011

Abstract and Keywords In this chapter, I analyse modern Portuguese metaphonic verbs of the infinitive shape ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir. I revise some of the most prominent hypotheses concerning the evolution of the metaphonic pattern. By comparison with Modern Galician and medieval Galician‐Portuguese I show that the pattern emerges after a period of free variation from normative strategies, but not earlier than in the sixteenth century. There is evidence that vowel neutralization in pretonic position has influenced the development. Conversely, vowel harmony with the thematic vowel is very unlikely to have played a role in the evolution of the metaphonic pattern. Keywords:   vowel neutralization, vowel harmony, free variation, schooling, normative strategies

10.1 Introduction The Portuguese and Galician verb inflection systems distinguish three conjugation classes. The default class is the a‐class (first class), to which most verbs belong. Verbs of this class have the ending {‐ar} in the infinitive, e.g. and‐ ar; third class or i‐verbs have the infinitive ending {‐ir}, e.g. fing‐ir; second or e‐ class verbs have the infinitive ending {‐er}, e.g. beb‐er. In this article I will re‐open the discussion of the phenomenon of metaphony found in the modern Portuguese 3rd conjugational class. The phenomenon is illustrated in (1): Page 1 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (1)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(1)

SG

PL

a.

PL

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‘to flee’

PRS IND

IMP PRS SBJV

1

´fu.jo [u]

2

´fo.ges [ɔ]

3

b.

fri´ gir1

‘to fry’

PRS IND

IMP PRS SBJV

´fu.ja [u]

´fri.jo [i]

´fu.jas

´fre.ges [ε]

´fo.ge [ɔ]

´fu.ja

´fre.ge [ε]

´fri.ja

1

fu´gi.mos [u]

fu´ja.mos [u]

fri´gi.mos [i]

fri´ja.mos [i]

2

fu´gis [u]

fu´jais

fri´gis [i]

3

´fo.gem [ɔ]

´fu.jam

´fre.gem [ε]

c.

SG

fu´ gir

´fo.ge [ɔ]

fu´gi [u]

dor´mir

‘to sleep’

PRS IND

IMP

d. fe´rir PRS SBJV

PRS IND

´fri.ja [i] ´fre.ge [ε]

fri´gi [i]

´fri.jas

fri´jais ´fri.jam

‘to injure’ IMP

PRS SBJV

1

´dur.mo [ú]

´dur.ma [u]

´fi.ro [i]

2

´dor.mes [´ɔ] ´dor.me [´ɔ]

´dur.mas

´fe.res [ε]

3

´dor.me [´ɔ]

´dur.ma

´fe.re [ε]

´fi.ra

1

dor´mi.mos [u]

dur´ma.mos [u]

fe´rimos [i]

fi´ra.mos [i]

2

dor´mis [u]

dur´mais

fe´ris [i]

3

´dor.mem [´ɔ]

´dur.mam

´fe.rem [ε]

dor´mi [u]

´fi.ra [i] ´fe.re [ε]

fe´ri [i]

´fi.ras

fi´rais ´fi.ram

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.211) It is usually assumed that the [´ɔ]/[ú] and [´ε]/[í] alternation originates in verbs with mid vowel stems of the infinitival shape ‐o(C)C‐ir, ‐e(C)C‐ir as in (1c, d), and that verbs with high vowel stems of the infinitival shape ‐u(C)C‐ir, ‐i(C)C‐ir as in (1a, b) adopted this stem variation by analogy; compare Williams (1962 212–215), Martins (1988: 350f.). That is, in (1a, b) we have analogical lowering of the root vowel in the 2nd, 3rd singular, 3rd plural indicative present, and in the 2nd singular imperative, whereas in (1c, d) the mid root vowels /o/ and /e/ were raised to /u/ and /i/ in the 1st singular present indicative and in the present subjunctive. There are several explanations for the raising of the mid stem vowels in verbs as in (1c, d), which have been exhaustively reported and discussed in the recent literature; compare Maiden (1991 a), Martins (1988). Therefore I will recapitulate some of these explanations only very briefly. (2) a. Lat. dŏrmĭo 〉 durmo; thematic vowel [ĭ] → glide [j] before vowel; this provokes vowel assimilation [ŏ] → [u] in the root, see Cavacas (1920). b. Williams (1934) invokes as an additional factor the inflectional –o → ‐u in posttonic position. Therefore: [ĭ] → [j] raises [ɔ] to [o], ´d[ɔ]rmĭo → ´d[o]rmjo and posttonic inflectional ‐o → ‐u raises [o] to [u] in the root, ´d[o]rmjo → ´d[u]rmju The forms of the present subjunctive have adopted the [u]‐root from the 1st singular present indicative by a process of analogy. c. Santamarina (1974) proposes that in arrhizotonic forms, i.e. in forms where the stress is not on the root but on the thematic vowel or on the inflectional ending, a raising of [o] to [u] occurs because of (p.212) vowel‐height harmony between the vowel of the last root syllable and the thematic vowel [i]: d[o]r´m‐i.mos → d[u]r´m‐i.mos; stressed thematic [i] spreads its height onto /o/ → /u/ in pretonic position. The rhizotonic forms, that is the forms with stress on the last root syllable, adopt this vowel: ´d[o]r.m‐o → ´d[u]r.m‐o by analogy with d[u]r´m‐i.mos, since the arrhizotonic forms outnumber the rhizotonic forms. The hypothesis of Williams (1934) that the inflectional posttonic ‐o raises to [u] and thereby provokes raising of the root [o] to [u] is rejected by Maiden (1991). Maiden argues that vulgar Latin posttonic [o] never triggers raising: (3) 〈logo〉 ´l[ɔ].g[u] ‘soon’ but not *´l[u].g[u]

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Martins (1988: 356, n. 6) reports the investigation carried out by Maia (1968), who analyses 168 historical documents from Galicia and northwest Portugal. Although posttonic ‐u is found in nouns and adjectives in these documents, it never occurs in forms of the 1st singular present indicative: (4) uelhu∫ (velhos ‘the old’ PL), cacauelus (cacavelos ? PL) but not *dormu ‘I sleep’; Martins (1988: 356, n. 6) Thus, the hypothesis of Williams (1934) does not seem to be tenable. For the Portuguese verb system, Maiden (1991 a) also disagrees with the assumption of Santamarina (1974). He argues that in Portuguese the unstressed vowel [u] occurs only before original /i/: (5) dor´m‐i.mos vs. dur´m‐a.mos 〈 Lat. dorm‐i´a.mus He admits that there is a raising of pretonic high‐mid vowels, that is in the spoken language we have d[u]r´m‐i.mos as the realization of d/o/r´m‐i.mos (cf. Mateus and d' Andrade (2000) for the Portuguese pretonic vowel system). Maiden objects that this is only a recent development and independent of conjugational class. Maiden (1991 a, 2005) assumes that the origin of the o/u and i/e‐stem variation in Portuguese is a phonological innovation (i.e. he accepts the hypothesis of Cavacas (1920) that thematic /i/ triggers raising of the mid vowel of the stem), but the distribution of the stem alternants in the paradigm obeys a specific paradigmatic shape which he calls the L‐pattern: (6)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

Page 6 of 48

L‐pattern

Maiden (2005: 149)

durmo

dormes

dorme

dormimos

dormis

dormem

durma

durmas

durma

durmamos

durmais

durmam

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.213) This L‐pattern is recurrent across the Romance languages and is independent of the phonological processes originally provoking root allomorphy. His hypothesis is corroborated by Portuguese verbs like pedir: (7)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

Page 8 of 48

Port.

pedir

‘to plead’

peço

pedes

pede

pedimos

pedis

pedem

peça

peças

peça

peçamos

peçais

peçam

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Pedir does not share the i/e‐stem variation of ferir in (1d), but it has a fricative/ stop variation ([s/d]). Nonetheless, this variation is distributed over combinations of morpho‐syntactic properties in accordance with the same pattern as the metaphonic variation of dormir and ferir. Martins (1988: 363) proposes that the origin of the metaphony in modern Portuguese might be the coexistence of various paradigmatic patterns for one and the same verb throughout the medieval period. She assumes that the construction of a paradigmatic model for the Portuguese 3rd conjugational class is still in progress. In the following section, I will describe the inflectional behaviour of the Portuguese 3rd class metaphonic verbs and I will test some of the reported assumptions. Because of limitations of space, in this chapter I leave out the analysis of verbs like frigir and ferir as in (1b, d) and concentrate on verbs of the type fugir and dormir as in (1a, c).

10.2 Inflectional properties of 3rd class verbs with/u/ and /o/ in the last root syllable of the stem in modern Portuguese and modern Galician In the following I focus on the inflectional properties of Portuguese 3rd class verbs whose last root syllable contains the vowel /u/ and one or two consonants: that is, I exclude verbs like possuir ‘to possess’, construir ‘to construct’ from the analysis because they have a hiatus between root and thematic vowel and as a consequence they exhibit slightly different inflectional behaviour.2 In modern Portuguese there are 155 verbs of the infinitive shape: (8) ‐u(C)C‐ir, example: alud‐ir3 ‘to allude’ (p.214) Nineteen verbs show the special stem variation in the present indicative and in the 2SG imperative illustrated above in (1a) by the verb fugir. The majority, i.e. the remaining 136 verbs of this shape, are regular with no stem alternation; see (9).

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(9)

alu´dir

‘to allude’

SG 1

present tense

2

3

PL 1

2

3

IND

a´lu.do [u]

a´lu.des [u]

a´lu.de [u]

alu´di.mos [u]

alu´dis [u]

a´lu.dem [u]

SBJV

a´lu.da [u]

a´lu.das

a´lu.da

alu´da.mos [u]

alu´dais

a´lu.dam

IMP

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a´lu.de [u]

alu´di [u]

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese In modern Portuguese, there are 42 verbs of the shape ‐o(C)C‐ir as in (10): (10) ‐o(C)C‐ir, example: rost‐ir4 ‘to maltreat’ There are no Portuguese verbs of the type *o‐ir5 with a hiatus between the root vowel /o/ and the theme vowel /i/. Most of the verbs with the infinitive shape in (10) are defective: there are 18 verbs with defective inflectional behaviour, i.e. which do not realize some grammatical properties. Eight verbs are regular, showing no stem variation. Sixteen verbs have an o/u‐alternation in the present tense. The majority of these, 12 verbs, follow the pattern of dormir in (1c). Four verbs inflect as in (11).6

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(11)

po´lir

‘to polish’ SG 1

IND SBJV IMP

Page 12 of 48

´pu.lo [u] ´pu.la [u]

present tense

2

3

PL 1

2

3

´pu.les

´pu.le

po´li.mos [u]

po´lis [u]

´pu.lem

´pu.las

´pu.la

pu´la.mos [u]

pu´lais

´pu.lam

´pu.le [u]

po´li [u]

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Since in European Portuguese the pretonic /o/ is raised to /u/ throughout the phonological system (cf. Mateus and d'Andrade 2000) and since the infinitive, the first and second plural present indicative, and the imperative have the stress on the thematic vowel but not on the last root syllable, the inflection of these verbs is the same as the regular ‐u(C)C‐ir‐verbs like alud‐ir in (9). Therefore, the apparent stem variation between /o/ and /u/ is merely a graphemic variation, with no repercussions in the spoken language. Equally, according to the stress pattern of European Portuguese, the inflection type of dormir in (1c) does not differ from that of fugir in (1a) in the spoken language. (p.215) Also, due to the Portuguese stress pattern, all defective ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs belong in the spoken language to the ‐u(C)C‐ir group. The question therefore arises as to how many real ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs, as in (10), do exist in European Portuguese. A genuine, regular ‐o(C)C‐ir verb should have the o‐stem in the 1st singular present indicative (as well as in the 2nd and 3rd singular and 3rd plural present indicative, where the o‐stem is likewise found in the verbs of the groups in (1a) and (1c)) and in the singular and 3rd plural present subjunctive, where the ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs in (9) and (1a) and the verbs in (1c) have the u‐stem; see (12).

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(12)

ros´tir

‘to maltreat’

SG 1

present tense

2

3

PL 1

2

3

IND

´ros. to [o]

´ros.tes

´ros.te

ros´ti.mos

ros´tis

´ros.tem

SBJV

´ros. ta [o]

´ros. tas

´ros.ta

ros´ta.mos

ros´tais

´ros tam

IMP

Page 14 of 48

´ros.te

ros´ti

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Gramado (1996) lists eight verbs of the ‐o(C)C‐ir group as regular: esbaforir‐se ‘to get out of breath’, multicolorir ‘to paint with various colours’, gornir ‘to pull the hawser through the stern’, desgornir ‘to perform a manoeuvre well’, erodir ‘to erode’, condir ‘to season’, enfortir ‘to mill’, rostir ‘to maltreat’.7 I consulted the database CETEMpúblico (www.linguateca.pt/CETEMPublico) for these regular verbs. Only two of them occur in the database (which comprises 180 million words): esbaforir‐se in 24 occurrences, all participial forms, and erodir in 20 occurrences – twelve infinitives, three gerunds, two forms in the 3rd plural perfect indicative (erodiram), and two in the 3rd singular perfect indicative (erodiu). Since no present tense forms occur one cannot check whether they have stem variation or not. This leads to the hypothesis that the spoken Portuguese language has no true ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs but only ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs. Let us compare this situation with that found in Galician, a language spoken in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula. Up to the middle of the fourteenth century, Galician‐Portuguese was a single language. Only after the death of King Dinis in 1325 did Portuguese and Galician drift apart. In modern Galician, there is only one 3rd class verb with an /o/ in its root syllable, namely oír. Its inflectional paradigm is illustrated in (13).

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(13)

Galician

oir ‘to hear’;

SG 1

present tense

2

3

PL 1

2

3

IND

oio [ɔ]

oes [ɔ]

oe [ɔ]

oímos

oídes

oen [ɔ]

SBJV

oia [ɔ]

oias [ɔ]

oia [ɔ]

oiamos

oiades

oian [ɔ]

Page 16 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese In (13) we can see that the forms in the 1st singular present indicative and in the present subjunctive singular and 3rd plural do indeed have the o‐stem. (p.216) Apart from oír, there is no other real ‐o(C)‐ir‐verb in Galician. The Portuguese patterns of dormir in (1c) and polir in (11) do not exist and the Galician verbs which correspond to these Portuguese verbs all have the stem variation pattern of fugir in (1a), compare (14).

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

(14)

Page 18 of 48

mod Pt.

mod Gal.

Galician present indicative

‘to polish’

polir

pulir

pulo, poles, pole, pulimos, pulides, polen

‘to matt’

despolir

despulir

‘to sleep’

dormir

durmir

‘to cough’

tossir

tusir

‘to cover’

cobrir

cubrir

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Which Galician ‐u(C)C‐ir‐verb belongs to the regular group without stem variation and which belongs to the o/u‐group is quite arbitrary. For example, Regueiro (1992) lists the verb escudir ‘to disdain’ with o/u‐variation while Gonzáles et al. (2002) inflect it as a regular verb. For the verbs fundir ‘to found’ and consumir ‘to consume’ the situation is reversed, that is Gonzáles et al. (2002) treat them as o/u‐variation verbs whereas Regueiro (1992) classifies them as regular verbs. To summarize this section: in spoken Portuguese there are no true ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs, and the patterns (1c) and (11) described in Gramado (1996) are in fact just graphemic variants of the u/o‐lowering type and the regularly inflecting type seen in the ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs. With respect to its inflectional behaviour, the Portuguese system of ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs is completely analogous to the Galician system. Whether a ‐u(C)C‐ir verb belongs to the regular inflection group or the o/u‐variation group is completely arbitrary in the contemporary systems. For example, the Portuguese verb luzir ‘to glow’ (and all its derivatives) belongs to the regular group without stem variation while the Galician equivalent lucir (and all its derivatives) is in the o/u‐variation group. It is thus not possible to detect any rule governing the membership of verbs in these groups. In the next section I investigate the origin of the o/u‐stem variation in medieval Galician‐Portuguese in order to discover more about the distribution of verbs over the different inflection types.

10.3 Inflectional properties of 3rd class verbs with /u/ and /o/ in the last root syllable of the stem in medieval Galician‐Portuguese In this section I will attempt to ascertain whether the inflectional patterns in (1a) and (1c) were already existent in medieval Galician‐Portuguese. I consulted the CIPM Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval, which is (p.217)

Page 19 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.1. Occurrences of forms of fugir in medieval Galician-Portuguese PRS.IND

SG

PL

Page 20 of 48

PRS.SBJV

IMP

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

1

foji

1

fuj'

2

--:--

0

--:--

0

2

ffoges

1

fugis

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

3

foge

1

fuge

4

--:--

0

fuga

2

1

--:--

0

fugimos 1

--:--

0

fugam(o 2 s)

2

fogides

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

fugades 1

3

fogem

2

fugem

2

--:--

0

fujã

1

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

--:--

0

fuge

2

--:--

0

fugide

1

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese based on texts from the twelfth to the sixteenth century.8 There are six verbs which in their graphemic representations appear predominantly as ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs (acudir ‘to come to someone's aid’, cultir ‘to cultivate’, enduzir ‘to induce’, fugir ‘to flee’, sacudir ‘to convulse’, engulir ‘to devour’) and nine of the form ‐o(C)C‐ir (cobrir ‘to cover’, cospir ‘to spew’, comprir ‘to accomplish’, descobrir ‘to discover’, dormir ‘to sleep’, encobrir ‘to hide’, sobir ‘to go upstairs’, recodir ‘to pay’, resorgir ‘to resurge’). Among these fifteen verbs there are five with enough relevant occurrences in the corpus to analyse their o/u‐variation pattern in the present indicative and subjunctive and in the imperative, namely fugir, comprir, descobrir, dormir, encobrir. Twelve of the fifteen verbs with a back round vowel in their last root syllable show o/u‐variation in their inflectional behaviour, and three verbs (cultir, enduzir, sacudir) have no stem variation. The latter are of relatively low frequency. Table 10.1 illustrates the distribution of the present tense forms of the verb fugir.

The other three verbs of the ‐u(C)C‐ir shape with attested present indicative and subjunctive forms occur only with u‐stems in these forms (they do not occur in imperative forms). Thus, in medieval Galician‐Portuguese, fugir is the only verb of this subgroup which has o‐ and u‐stems in the present indicative, but even here the u‐stem prevails overall. Though no ‐u(C)C‐ir verb has the o‐stem in the present subjunctive, one of the ‐u‐ir hiatus verbs does: (15) possuir ‘to possess’: in the present subjunctive 2nd plural possoyades one occurrence / possuyades five occurences, 3rd plural possoyã one occurrence / no u‐stem form. The inflectional behaviour of modern Portuguese and Galician illustrated in (1a) thus does not exist in medieval Galician‐Portuguese. Equally, the (p.218)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.2. Occurrences of forms of dormir PRS.IND

SG

PL

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PRS.SBJV

IMP

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

1

dormio

15

durmo

1

--:--

0

durma

1

2

dormes

1

durmes

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

3

dorme

5

durme

1

dorma

4

durma

2

1

dormim os

2

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

2

dormide 1 s

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

3

dormen

--:--

0

dormha m

1

--:--

0

5

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

dorme

1

--:--

0

dormide

3

--:--

0

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.3. Occurrences of forms of comprir PRS.IND

SG

PL

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PRS.SBJV

IMP

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

[--:--]

[0]

[--:--]

[0]

2

compres 1

--:--

0

compras 3

--:--

0

3

compre

7

cumpre

3

compra

4

cumpra

6

1

compri mos

6

--:--

0

compra mos

1

--:--

0

2

comprid 1 es

--:--

0

compra des

3

--:--

0

3

compre m

--:--

0

compra m

8

cumpra m

5

11

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

--:--

0

--:--

0

comprid 1 e

--:--

0

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.219)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.4. Occurrences of forms of encobrir PRS.IND

SG

PL

Page 25 of 48

PRS.SBJV

IMP

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

2

--:--

0

--:--

0

encobra 1 s

--:--

0

3

encobre 8

--:--

0

encobra 2

--:--

0

1

encobri mos

2

--:--

0

encobra 1 mos

--:--

0

2

encobri des

2

encubri des

1

encobra 1 des

encubra 1 des

3

encobre 4 m

--:--

0

encobra 1 m

--:--

0

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.5. Occurrences of forms of descobrir PRS.IND o‐stem SG

PL

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PRS.SBJV occ.

IMP

u‐stem

occ.

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

0

descobr 1 a

descubr 1 a

1

descobr 1 o

--:--

2

descobr 1 es

descubr 1 es

--:--

0

descubr 2 as

3

descobr 5 e

--:--

0

descobr 1 a

descubr 3 a

1

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

2

--:--

0

--:--

0

descobr 3 ades

--:--

0

3

descobr 7 en

--:--

0

descobr 2 am

descubr 2 am

o‐stem

occ.

u‐stem

occ.

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

--:--

0

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.220) inflectional type in (1c) does not appear in the medieval texts. The four verbs dormir, comprir, descobrir, encobrir have both o‐ and u‐stems in the present indicative and subjunctive, while the o‐stem prevails. It seems that the u‐stem is a free variant of the o‐stem, not correlated with any inflectional feature bundle or with any paradigmatic patterning.

The medieval variant comprir became cumprir both in modern Portuguese and modern Galician, but in Portuguese it is regular without stem variation while in Galician it shows o/u‐variation as in (1a). This could not have been predicted on the basis of the medieval data, since this is a high‐frequency verb (with 660 tokens in the database) and the o‐stem prevails in the graphemic representation of all occurrences: 94 percent of all forms occur with the o‐stem. Two verbs with no o‐stems in the present indicative in medieval Galician‐ Portuguese belong to the group with o/u‐variation in modern Portuguese and Galician. (16) Medieval Galician‐Portuguese present indicative 3rd singular acude, sacude 3rd plural acudem, sacudem → Modern Portuguese and Galician acode, sacode, acodem, sacodem The diachronic analysis therefore confirms that the modern division into verbs with or without stem variation is completely arbitrary. Most of the verbs with an 〈o〉 or an 〈u〉 in their last root syllable have o/u variation in some inflectional forms in the medieval variant, but this is a completely free variation. I then consulted the first two grammars of Portuguese, published in 1536 and 1540. Oliveira (1536) addresses this phenomenon in a small passage, which I cite from the 1975 edition (p. 122): (17) E doutra maneira proporcionamos os verbos que têm o Infinitivo acabado em ir, como durmo, dormir, ouço, ouvir, porque esta é a diferença que têm as conjugações, entre nós mais clara e em que melhor se conhece. (Oliveira 1536: ch. 48) ‘On the other hand we distinguish the verbs which have the infinitive in ir, like I sleep, to sleep, I hear, to hear, because this is the difference which the conjugations have, the clearest one and in which it is best recognized.’ The grammar of Barros (1540) is better structured and more elaborate, but his description of the phenomenon is no more enlightening than Oliveira's: (18) Os verbos da terceira conjugação terminam infinitivo em ‐ir e formam o seu presente pela maneira das outras conjugações poendo en lugar de ‐ir, esta lêtera o, fica formado: firo de ferir; durmo de dormir; sento de sentir; cubro de cobrir.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.221) Tiram‐se desta regra ouvir, afligir, vir, ir, cair, concluir, seguir, medir, com seus compostos que alguns destes têm, ca dizemos ouço, aflijo, avenho, vou, caio, concluio, sigo, meço. (Barros 1540: 38) ‘The verbs of the third conjugation have the infinitive ending in ‐ir, and form their present according to the method of the other conjugations, putting in the place of ‐ir this letter o, forming: I injure from to injure, I sleep from to sleep, I feel from to feel, I cover from to cover. Exceptions to this rule are the verbs to hear, to afflict, to come, to go, to fall, to conclude, to follow, to measure, together with the compounds which some of them have, since we say I hear, I afflict, I come, I go, I fall, I conclude, I follow, I measure.’ Likewise in later grammars I could not find any detailed description/analysis or even any mention of the o/u‐stem variation in 3rd class verbs. Argote (1725) does not mention any of these verbs. Meldola (1785: 183) lists the following 3rd class verbs as irregular: (19) ir ‘to go’, vir ‘to come’, sahir ‘to go out’, possuir ‘to possess’, pedir ‘to plead’, vestir ‘to dress’, mentir ‘to lie’, sentir ‘to feel’, servir ‘to serve’, ferir ‘to injure’, seguir ‘to follow’, ouvir ‘to hear’, dormir ‘to sleep’, fugir ‘to flee’, fortir ‘to fortify’, carpir ‘to lament’, repetir ‘to repeat’, parir ‘to bear’, advertir ‘to warn’, ordir ‘to begin’ In his preceding paragraphs the author exemplifies just the conjugational behaviour of ir and vir, not of the other verbs. Therefore we cannot tell in what respect Meldola considers the verbs dormir, fugir, fortir, ordir irregular, especially as his list contains verbs of very different inflectional behaviour and also verbs not existing in medieval Galician‐Portuguese or in modern Portuguese and Galician, such as fortir and ordir. Thus, the first grammars of Portuguese do not give any indication whether or not the modern inflectional behaviour illustrated in (1c) was already established, since they do not mention present tense forms other than the 1st singular present indicative. The inflectional behaviour of verbs like fugir, illustrated in (1a) above, is not mentioned.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese Freire (1922) is a grammar of modern Galician. The author illustrates the conjugation of 3rd class verbs on the basis of fuxir and he does not conjugate this verb with stem variation; while in Gonzáles et al. (2002) and Regueiro (1992) we have present indicative 1st singular fuxo, 2nd foxes, 3rd foxe, 3rd plural foxen, Freire conjugates this verb without stem variation fuxo, fuxes, fuxe, fuxen. Freire does not mention any o/u stem variation in modern Galician ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs. Thus, the conjugational behaviour mentioned in (1a) and (1c) seems to result from dialectal or even individual variation. But, as the analysis (p.222) of the medieval data shows, in origin this was a grammatically free variation. The paradigmatic patterns in (1a) and (1c) seem to result from normative strategies, but they probably do not reflect any innate paradigmatic pattern. To return to the modern explanations offered for o/u‐variation and presented in (2) above, I want to investigate how o/u‐variation interacts with phonological neutralization (/o/→[u] in unstressed position) and with vowel harmony (/o/→[u] before an inflectional ending with initial high vowel /i/). The majority of the Portuguese verb forms have the stress on the thematic vowel. (20) Stress on the syllable with the thematic vowel: example: past perfect indicative 1st singular aplau.´d‐i.‐ra of aplaudir ‘to applaud’ stress on the syllable of the inflectional ending:example: future indicative 1st singular aplaudi.‐´rei Only nine verb forms have the stress on the last root syllable of the stem: (21) present indicative 1st–3rd singular, 3rd plural a´plau.d‐o, a´plau.d‐es, a ´plau.d‐e, a´plau.d‐empresent subjunctive 1st–3rd singular, 3rd plural a ´plau.d‐a, a´plau.d‐as, a´plau.d‐a, a´plau.d‐amimperative 2nd singular a ´plau.d‐e The medieval Galician‐Portuguese graphemic o/u‐variation in forms which have stress on the thematic vowel or on the inflectional ending could therefore be the result of optional vowel raising in pretonic position (this is a pertinent rule of the modern Portuguese phonological system, cf. Mateus and d'Andrade 2000; compare hypothesis (2c) above). One should therefore find this optional /o/ to [u] raising also in the graphemic representation of 1st and 2nd class verbs with /o/ in their last root syllable, namely in forms where the stress is on the thematic vowel or on the inflectional ending. This is indeed the case. Thirty‐nine medieval Galician‐Portuguese verbs of the 2nd class (out of 176) have an /o/ in their last root syllable. (22)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese

Medieval Galician-Portuguese 2nd class verb total 2nd class verbs

176

-o(C)(C)‐er types

39

with u‐stem variants

13

verbs with u‐stem in forms with stress on thematic vowel or ending

12

verbs with u‐stem in forms with stress on the last root syllable

3

2nd class verbs with u‐stem outside ‐o(C)(C)‐er subclass

0

(p.223) That is, in most forms with o/u‐variation the stress does not fall on the last root syllable of the stem. Equally, 1st class verbs with an /o/ in their last root syllable have u‐stem variants, but to a lesser extent than verbs in the 2nd class. I investigated the inflectional forms of sixty‐one medieval Galician‐Portuguese ‐o(C)(C)‐ar verbs for o/u‐variation in the last root syllable. (23) Total of medieval 1st class verbs: 630, analysed‐o(C)(C)‐ar verbs: 61

forms with u‐stem

examples

adorar

‘to adore’

1SG.PERF IND

adurey

gostar

‘to like’

INF

gustar

jogar

‘to play’

2PL.PRS.IND, 3PL.IPF.IND, 1SG.PERF IND 3SG.PERF.IND 3SG PAST PERF IND, GER, 1PL.PRS.SBJV., 3SG.IPF.SBJV, 3SG.FUT.SBJV, INF, 2PL.IMP

perdoar ‘to forgive’ INF. a

p(er)duar

razoar

razuaar

‘to judge 3SG. FUT. SBJV reasonably’

Among the analysed ‐o(C)(C)‐ar verbs five have u‐stem forms. The u‐stem occurs only in forms where the stress is not on the last root syllable, but on the inflectional ending or on the thematic vowel. The results in (22) and (23) thus confirm the hypothesis that the o/u‐stem variation of verbs in the 3rd class develops from vowel neutralization in pretonic position.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese I now want to check the next possibility, namely that there is a correlation between o/u‐variation and vowel harmony; compare (2a) above. In the 3rd class of Portuguese, those forms where the stem is not followed by an inflectional ending with an initial /i/ or by the thematic vowel /i/ are exactly those in which the stress falls on the last root syllable of the stem, see (21) above. In all other verb forms the last root syllable is followed by an /i/, either from the ending or the thematic vowel. That is, for verbs of the 3rd class, the contexts of vowel harmony coincide with those of neutralization in pretonic position. Therefore, an analysis of the 3rd class verbs cannot help us to decide whether the high vowel / i/ in the inflectional ending favours the o/u‐variation or whether the variation is due to neutralization. Likewise, this hypothesis cannot be checked on the basis of 1st class verbs since 1st class verbs have no inflectional endings with initial /i/. In the 2nd class, there are eight forms with an /i/‐initial inflectional ending: (p. 224)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.6. Medieval ‐o(C)(C)‐er verb forms with the inflectional endings of (26)

verbs

u‐stem

u‐stem

u‐stem

in forms with /i/‐ or /u/initial inflectional ending

in forms without /i/‐ or ‐ / u/ -initial inflectional ending in pretonic position

in forms without /i/‐ or / u/-initial inflectional ending in stressed position

vowel harmony context

neutralization context

u‐stem phonologically not motivated

‘to come running’

acorrer

part acurr(u)dos

GER accurrẽdo

2SG.IMP acurre

‘to attribute’

apoer

1st sg perf ind apuys, appugji 3rd pl impf ind apunhaõ;

--:--

--:--

‘to compose’

compoer

--:--

3PL.PERF.IND cõpuserõ; inf compuér

--:--

‘to run’

corer

part curruda

3PL.PERF.IND currerũ

--:--

‘to corrode’

corromper

part (con)rrũpuda

3SG.PERF.IND (co)rũpeu; --:-3SG.FUT.SBJV (co)rũp(er)

‘to dispose’

despoer

3SG.IPF.IND despunha; 3PL.IPF.IND despunham

--:--

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1SG.PERF.IND despus, despuse

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese u‐stem

u‐stem

u‐stem

3PL.PERF.IND puderan; 3SG.PLPF IND pudera; 1SG.PERF.SBJV pudess'; 1,3SG.2PL.FUT.SBJV puder, puderdes

3SG.PERF.IND pude

‘can’

poder

1SG.PERF.IND pudi;

‘to put’

poer

1SG.PERF.IND pusi, pugi; 3SG.PLPF IND pusera 3SG. IPF. IND puinha

3SG.PERF IND puse

‘to suffer’

sofrer

--:--

--:--

3SG.PRS.SBJV sufra;

‘to take away’

tolher

--:--

1PL.INFL.INF tulhe(r)mo s

--:--

‘to provoke’

volver

--:--

3SG.PERF IND uulueo

--:--

‘to disrupt’

romper

part ruptas

3SG.FUT.SBJV rũp(er);

3SG.PRS.SBJV rũpa

‘to be used to’

soer

3SG.IPF.IND suhia

--:--

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (p.225)

(24) participle, 1SG perfect indicative, all six person–number combinations in imperfect indicative temer ‘to fear’: te.´m‐i‐do, te.´m‐i, te.´m‐ia, te.´m‐ias, te.´m‐ia, te.´m‐ Iíamos, te.´m‐íeis, te.´m‐iam One is therefore able to investigate whether these forms with i‐ending correlate with o/u‐variation or not. Table 10.6 gives the results. The forms repeated in (25) are those which might be seen to sustain the hypothesis that a high vowel in the inflectional ending enhances the raising of /o/ →[u] in the last root syllable of the stem: (25) PTCP

1SG.PERF.IND

IPF.IND

acurr(u)dos

apuys, appugji

3SG puinha

curruda

pudi

3SG suhia

(con)rrũpuda

pusi, pugi

However, comparing the third and fourth columns in Table 10.6 reveals that there are more forms where the u‐stem seems to result from neutralization in pretonic position than forms where the u‐stem might result from vowel harmony. Furthermore, the thirty‐eight forms in (26) militate against any influence of vowel harmony on the o/u stem variation, since the /o/‐variant is retained before the high vowel of the ending. (26)

PTCP

1SG.PERF.IND

IPF.IND

IPF.IND

acorrido

acorry

1SG acorrya

1SG soía

3SG acorria

2SG soyas

3PL acorriã

3SG soia

3SG corria

2PL soiades

1PL corriamos

3PL soíam

3PL corriam

3SG tolhya

3PL conronpiam

3PL tolhyam

3SG soffria

3SG volvia

corrido

corri

cõrrompida sofrudo

Page 34 of 48

sofri

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese

posy

poyd

3PL soffrian

3PL volv(i)an

3SG põya

3SG apõya

3PL põyan

3PL apõyan

1SG podia

3SG despoinha

2SG podias 3SG podia 1PL podiamos 2PL podíades 3PL podiam (p.226) There are three ‐o(C)(C)‐er verb lexemes with both 3rd class inflection and with a u‐stem in their inflectional forms, but the 3rd class inflection, i.e. the vowel harmony context, does not coincide with a u‐stem in any occurrence.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese

3rd class

(27)

forms with

inflection

example

u‐stem

example

sofrer

‘suffer’

2SG.PERF IND INF

sofriste, sofrir

3SG.PRS.SBJV

sufra

tolher

‘take away’

2SG.PERF IND

tollisti

1PL.INFL.INF

tulhe(r)-mos

romper

‘disrupt’

2SG.PERF IND

rompiste

3SG.PRS.SBJV

rũpa

3SG.FUT.SBJV

rũp(er)

PTCP

ruptas

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese The analysis of the medieval ‐o(C)(C)‐er verbs gives no indication that /i/‐initial inflectional endings provoke raising of the root vowel /o/ → [u]. Thus, for the development of metaphony in Portuguese and Galician 3rd class verbs we have to conclude that the variation between the /o/ and the [u]‐stem in forms where the stress is not on the last root syllable of the stem is presumably the result of neutralization in pretonic position, and is not influenced by vowel harmony.9

10.4 Discussion Initially, I reported some hypotheses about the diachronic emergence and development of Portuguese metaphonic stem variation in 3rd class verbs. In (28) I recapitulate some of these assumptions: (28) a. Verbs of the type dormir have the u‐stem in forms where the inherited thematic vowel [i] became a glide [j] in front of the vowel of the person–number suffix; see Cavacas (1920). b. Verbs of the type fugir developed an o‐stem in the 2nd, 3rd singular, 3rd plural present indicative in analogy with verbs of the type dormir, cf. Martins (1988), Williams (1962: 212–215). (p.227) c. In arrhizotonic forms there occurs a raising of [o] to [u] according to pretonic neutralization, see Santamarina (1974). By analogy, the rhizotonic forms adopt the high vowel since the arrhizotonic forms outnumber the rhizotonic forms. d. The stem variants organize themselves according to a language‐ specific paradigm pattern which Maiden (2005) calls the L‐pattern. This pattern spreads from verb to verb. e. The origin of the metaphony in Modern Portuguese is the coexistence of various paradigmatic patterns for one and the same verb throughout the medieval period, and the construction of a paradigmatic model for the Portuguese 3rd conjugation class is still in progress, cf. Martins (1988).

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese In Tables 10.1–10.5 we have seen that in the medieval data both ‐o(C)C‐ir and ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs have the metaphonic stem variation, and we cannot find any indications favouring the hypothesis in (28b) that fugir‐verbs adopted the o‐stem variants in analogy with the inflectional behaviour of dormir‐verbs. The medieval data show that the o/u‐stem distribution is in free variation, not constrained by any inflectional properties or by any paradigmatic pattern. An examination of the first Portuguese grammar books gives no indication as to when the modern inflectional behaviour in (1a) and (1c) emerged, that is when the free variation of o‐ and u‐stems turned into the modern patterning. Therefore, the hypothesis of Maiden (2005), repeated in (28d), cannot be verified or falsified on the basis of the diachronic material. I will come back to this question below. The hypothesis of Martins (1988), repeated in (28e), seems to be corroborated. The medieval texts show a completely free variation of o‐ and u‐stems not even constrained by dialectal boundaries, since one and the same text may contain both variants, one with o‐ and one with u‐stem of the same form. Obviously speakers can use two different realizations for one and the same grammatical property. The analysis of the medieval 2nd class verbs with /i/‐initial inflectional endings in Table 10.6 and (25)–(27) above has shown that /i/‐initial inflectional endings are quite ineffective to provoke vowel raising /o/ to [u] of the last root syllable. Therefore I am not convinced by the vowel harmony hypothesis of Cavacas (1920), repeated in (28a). Taking into consideration the analysis of 1st and 2nd class verbs with o‐ stem in (22)–(23), one can assume that the o/u‐variation emerges as the result of vowel neutralization in pretonic position. Thus, the o/u‐variation in 1st and 2nd class verbs which predominantly occurs in pretonic position sustains the hypothesis of Santamarina (1974), repeated in (28c). (p.228) In Paul O'Neill's contribution to this volume, and (albeit more implicitly) in Maiden (2005), the possibility is discussed that morphologically unmotivated recurrent paradigmatic patterns of stem allomorphy must be psychologically real for native speakers because they play an active role in determining the course of paradigmatic change. Concerning the Modern Portuguese and Galician o/u‐stem allomorphy we might then ask whether the L‐ pattern, exemplified in (7) for the verb pedir, is the driving force for the arrangement of the originally free variation between o‐ and u‐stems in 3rd class verbs into the paradigmatic shape illustrated in (1a) and (1c). As I pointed out, the diachronic material does not allow us to verify or to falsify this hypothesis. Therefore I have attempted to find evidence for or against it in the contemporary spoken language. In a first step I analysed the realization of the o/u‐stem variation in spoken European Portuguese. I looked for Portuguese ‐o(C)C‐ir and ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs in thirty interviews with adults and sixty interviews with children five to ten years old, wishing to know how the speakers use o/u‐stem variation in the present indicative.10,11

Page 38 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese The adults use 12 of the 155 Portuguese ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs, 2 of them (fugir and subir) belonging to the verbs with o‐stem in the present indicative. Of the 42 Portuguese ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs they use 3, which all have o/u‐variation in the present indicative according to the normative description: dormir, polir, descobrir. The children use only fugir and subir, but no ‐o(C)C‐ir verb. The only verb from the ‐u(C)C‐ir group which occurs with an o‐stem is fugir: the adults have foge and fogem and two children, one seven and the other nine years old, use foge, but no other ‐u(C)C‐ir verb occurs in a form with an o‐stem. And of the ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs, no forms occur with the u‐stem in the present tense. In the children's language, fugir and subir occur very frequently, but most occurrences are in the infinitive or the 3rd singular perfect indicative. Thus, considering the spontaneous spoken language as an exponent of the psychological reality of the language faculty of native speakers, there is not much evidence for the psychological reality of the o/u‐stem variation. The instances of foge in child language are in interviews with children at seven and nine years old, that is, these children have doubtless experienced schooling. The younger children use the infinitive of these verbs. Additionally I consulted a study of early first language acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese: Maldonade (1995) investigates a Brazilian child from the age of one year and (p.229)

Page 39 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese TABLE 10.7. Metaphony in spoken modern European Portuguese Adult speech fugir

o‐stem forms ‘to flee’

subir

‘to go upstairs’

surgir

‘to arise’

reunir

‘to unite’

cumprir

‘to accomplish’

unir

‘to combine’

induzir

‘to induce’

conduzir

‘to conduct’

produzir

‘to produce’

reproduzir

‘to reproduce’

reduzir

‘to reduce’

assumir

‘to assume’

2SG.IMP foge

1

3PL.PRS.IND fogem

2

--:--

0

INF

u‐stem forms dormir

‘to sleep’

--:--

INF, 3SG.IPF.IND dormia

descobrir

‘to discover’

--:--

3PL.PERF IND descobriram, inf PTCP descobertas

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐ Portuguese Adult speech polir

o‐stem forms ‘to polish’

Child speech

--:-o‐stem forms

fugir

‘to flee’

3SG.PRS.IND foge

subir

‘to go upstairs’

--:--

Page 41 of 48

GER polindo

2

INF 5, 3SG.PERF IND. fugiu 12, 3PL.PERF IND fugiram 1. INF 20, 3SG.PERF IND subiu 6.

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese six months to the age of three years and six months. Her investigation shows that the child starts to use the 1st singular present indicative of verbs of the o/u‐stem variation group like dormir, fugir, subir, tossir at an age of two years and six months. The child starts by producing forms such as dórmo, fójo, sóbo; this shows that dormir of the ‐o(C)C‐ir group is analysed in child language (p.230) in parallel to fugir and subir. In a subsequent acquisition phase the child produces dórmo beside durmo, fójo beside fuju etc. That is, the u‐stem in the 1st singular present indicative enters into the child language as an optional free variant of the o‐stem. At this early stage of language acquisition, the L‐pattern cannot be verified because in general, the present subjunctive is a phenomenon of embedded phrases and embedded phrases are acquired at an age greater than three years old.

If the patterns in (1a) and (1c) had a strong psychological reality I would expect them to be overgeneralized to verbs which commonly do not belong to the stem variation group, for example one should find 3rd singular present indicative *sorge instead of surge from surgir ‘to arise’. But this cannot be found in the data I analysed. On the contrary, most of the o/u‐stem variation verbs inherited the paradigmatic patterns in (1a) and (1c) from the free variation pattern of the medieval period, and only two (escapulir and rebolir) adopted this pattern as an innovation, see Table 10.12 in the Appendix. These patterns have thus barely spread onto new verbs. It seems to me that they result from a period of free variation followed by a period of normativization starting at the end of the sixteenth century. Obviously, they emerge in contemporary child language at an age later than five years. It is not only in the acquisition of Portuguese that children show some insecurity with regard to the use of certain stem variations. For example Say and Clahsen (2002) discover similar phenomena in the acquisition of the Italian verb system. What is interesting to me in the study of stem allomorphy in inflectional verb morphology is the interrelation between normativization and the acceptance of the normative regulation by the speech community and by individual native speakers. To my knowledge, this interrelation has not yet been analysed.

10.5 Appendix Most of the Modern Portuguese ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs, approximately 55 per cent, are borrowed directly from Classical Latin; compare Table 10.8. Of these, only twenty‐three verbs are documented earlier than the sixteenth century, illustrated in Table 10.9. That is, nearly 73 per cent of the verbs borrowed from Classical Latin came into the language at a time where native speakers of Latin no longer existed. The people who introduced these verbs into the Portuguese language must have been erudite speakers, educated in Classical Latin and in reading and writing. The common Portuguese‐speaking inhabitant, farmer or fisherman, is unlikely to have used this vocabulary. This is therefore another piece of (p.231)

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese TABLE 10.8. Origin of Portuguese ‐u(C)C-ir verbs -u(C)C-ir verbs in Modern Portuguese

155 century of first attestation

borrowed directly from Classical Latin

85

of Latin origin with phonetic change

6

12th, 13th, 14th, 16th

taken over from late Latin

3

13th, 14th

taken over from Castilian

4

15th, 16th, 1813

taken over from French

4

16th, 17th, 1789

of onomatopoeic origin

3

16th, 1813

emerged by prefixation, i.e. by a regular Portuguese derivational process

42

16th, 19th

variants of other verbs, e.g. burnir ~ brunir

5

?

of unknown origin

3

1516, 1523

evidence supporting the assumption that the modern division of ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs into regulars and stem variation verbs was made by erudite speakers from the sixteenth century onwards.

Of the Modern Portuguese ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs, 36 per cent are borrowed from Classical Latin, and 20 per cent of these are attested earlier than the sixteenth century; see Tables 10.10 and 10.11. Most of the Modern Portuguese ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs with metaphonic o/ u stem variation are attested earlier than the sixteenth century, or at least their underived basis is attested earlier than the sixteenth century. Only two verbs acquired these stem variation patterns without inheriting TABLE 10.9. Portuguese ‐u(C)C-ir verbs of Latin origin -u(C)C-ir verbs borrowed from Classical Latin with documentation from

67

12th century

1

13th century

7

14th century

8

15th century

7

16th century

14

17th century

15

19th century

15

(p.232) Page 43 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese TABLE 10.10. Origin of Portuguese ‐o(C)C-ir verbs ‐o(C)C-ir verbs in Modern Portuguese

42 century of first attestation

borrowed directly from Classical Latin

15

of Latin origin

2

14th, 16th

borrowed from late Latin

1

14th

borrowed from Italian

1

1548

taken over from French

2

14th, 17th

emerged by a Portuguese derivational process

19 13th, 17th, 1913

variants of other verbs, rebolir ~ rebolar

1

?

of unknown origin

1

?

TABLE 10.11. Portuguese ‐o(C)C-ir verbs of Latin origin -o(C)C-ir verbs borrowed from Classical Latin with documentation from

12

13th century

3

17th century

4

19th century

5

them in any way, namely escapulir and rebolir. Aurélio (1986) does not classify rebolir as one of the o/u‐stem variation group. In general these patterns did not spread onto new verbs.

Some 33.3 per cent of the ‐o(C)C‐ir verbs with o/u‐stem variation are among the verbs with the highest usage rank, that is, they have the highest frequency and most even distribution over diverse discourses; compare Table 10.13. Explodir is defective according to Gramado (1996) (defective L‐pattern, in the sense of Maiden 2005). None of the defective ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs occurs in the Frequency Dictionary of Portuguese (Davies et al. 2008). 21 per cent of the ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs with o/u‐stem variation are of high usage rank, and 17.6 per cent of the regular ‐u(C)C‐ir verbs (i.e. without stem variation) have a high usage rank. (p.233) TABLE 10.12. Attestation of metaphonic Portuguese verbs -u(C)C-ir verbs, see (1a)

century of first attestation

bulir

14th

ebulir

?

rebulir

17th

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese -u(C)C-ir verbs, see (1a)

century of first attestation

sumir

13th

dessumir

?

subsumir

?

fugir

12th

confugir

?

refugir

14th

subterfugir

1813

transfugir

17th

subir

13th

cuspir

14th

acudir

1262

sacudir

12th

escapulir

16th

-o(C)C-ir verbs, see (1c) engolir

14th

desengolir

?

dormir

13th

adormir

16th

tossir

13th

cobrir

13th

encobrir

13th

descobrir

14th

recobrir

?

redescobrir

?

desencobrir

?

rebolir

?

(p.234)

TABLE 10.13. Usage rank of Modern Portuguese ‐o(C)C-ir and ‐u(C)C-ir verbs according to the Frequency Dictionary of Portuguese (Davies and Raposo Preto-Bay 2008)a

Page 45 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese -o(C)C-ir verbs

usage rank

-u(C)C-ir verbs

usage rank

descobrir

307

surgir

341

cobrir

896

produzir

451

dormir

1,315

discutir

518

explodir

3,283

cumprir

567

engolir

3,585

assumir

585

fugir

598

subir

648

reunir

660

reduzir

714

conduzir

818

traduzir

1,331

unir

1,390

introduzir

1,660

confundir

1,913

consumir

2,019

resumir

2,277

reproduzir

2,379

punir

2,944

induzir

3,563

fundir

3,576

sumir

3,594

sacudir

3,987

difundir

4,477

suprir

4,691

seduzir

4,699

deduzir

4,830

presumir

4,848

iludir

4,972

Page 46 of 48

Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (a) The cells marked in grey contain verbs of the o/u‐stem variation group, cf. (1a) and (1c). Gramado (1996) classifies the verb explodir as defective, that is, the forms for the 1st singular present indicative and all forms for the present subjunctive are missing. But the Corpus do Português (www.corpusdoportugues.org) contains three instances of exploda – 3rd singular present subjunctive; all examples from the Brazilian variant of Portuguese.

Notes:

(1) Frigir is the only verb in the –i(C)C‐ir group showing this conjugational behaviour. Its usage rank is rather low, since it does not occur in the Frequency Dictionary of Portuguese (Davies et al. 2008). According to Machado (1977), this verb is attested in Portuguese no earlier than the sixteenth century, borrowed from Classical Latin 3rd class frīgĕre ‘to roast, fry’. In sixteenth-century texts the pattern in (1b) is non‐existent; instead we find for 2nd singular the form frigis. That is, the pattern in (1b) is a learnèd formation, not attested in early documents or in the first grammar books; see below. (2) In contrast to other 3rd class verbs, they have the ending ‐is in the 2nd singular present indicative and ‐i in the 3rd singular present indicative and in the 2nd singular imperative. But they are regular in all other forms. (3) Twenty-three of them have a defective paradigm. (4) The verb sorrir does not belong to the ‐o(C)C‐ir group since it is a derivative of the monosyllabic verb rir (〈 Lat. 3rd class sub‐ridēre) and therefore {sor‐} with the mid vowel /o/ in its nucleus is not the last root syllable of the stem. (5) In medieval Galician‐Portuguese, the verb ‘to hear’ varies between hiatus‐ forms and ‐oC‐ir‐forms: inf ouvir / oir, 1st pl pres ind oímos / ouvimos. (6) None of these verbs is listed in the Frequency Dictionary of Portuguese (2008). (7) None of these verbs is listed in the Frequency Dictionary of Portuguese (2008). (8) The Dicionário de verbos do português medieval is composed on the basis of a corpus of 171,000 words; see http://cipm.fcsh.unl.pt.

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Metaphony in Portuguese 3rd Class ‐u(C)C‐ir and ‐o(C)C‐ir Verbs: Evidence from Modern Galician and Medieval Galician‐Portuguese (9) For medieval Castilian, García‐Macho and Penny (2001: 57) find that 2nd class verbs with /o/ in their last root syllable never occur as /u/‐variants before /i/‐ initial inflectional endings. The o/u‐variation in the last root syllable only occurs in forms of 3rd class verbs. The authors conclude that this o/u‐variation is not the result of the phonological process of vowel harmony (i.e. regressive assimilation of vowel height in adjacent syllables) but that u‐forms are the marker of the conjugational class of the respective verbs. (10) Thirty interviews with adult speakers of modern European Portuguese, 1972–1996; see www.clul.ul.pt/sectores/linguistica_de_corpus/ projecto_portuguesfalado.php, Centro de Linguística da Universidade de Lisboa. The only verb in Table 10.7 which does not belong to the verbs of high usage rank is polir; compare Table 10.13 in the Appendix. (11) Sixty interviews with children, mother tongue: modern European Portuguese of Lisbon; 1992–1993; age of the children: five to ten years. Compare the Childes Database, http://childes.psy.cmu.edu/.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Ana R. Luís

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0012

Abstract and Keywords The main goal of this chapter will be to demonstrate that languages with a reduced number of inflected verb forms are not necessarily exempt from morphomic structure. Empirical data will be drawn from Daman and Korlai Creole Portuguese, both spoken on the west coast of India. Each verb lexeme has only four cells, due to the complete absence of person–number agreement. However, the verbal paradigm is organized into four conjugation classes: three conjugation classes are of Portuguese origin and one conjugation class has been newly developed for the integration of loan‐verbs. Conjugation classes, as expected, have their own distinct theme vowel and exhibit both stem and suffix allomorphy. Small inflectional paradigms, thus, may exhibit morphomic structure of the kind attested in highly inflecting languages. Keywords:   Lusophone Creoles, conjugation class, loan word integration, agreement, theme vowel

11.1 Introduction

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles This chapter will investigate the presence of autonomous morphology in inflectionally impoverished languages.1 The main goal will be to demonstrate that languages with small verbal paradigms are not necessarily exempt from morphomic structure. Empirical data will be drawn from two Portuguese creoles, namely, Daman Creole Portuguese (DCP) and Korlai Creole Portuguese (KCP), spoken in the north-west coast of India (see Figure 11.1). Despite the reduced number of morpho-syntactically distinct verb forms, these languages have preserved the Portuguese conjugation system and have developed, in addition, a new conjugation class for the integration of Marathi and Gujarati verb roots. Admittedly, creoles such as these are quite rare; however, insofar as they exist, they demonstrate that autonomous morphological structure is not an exclusive property of highly inflecting languages. The autonomy of morphology has been a recurrent topic of debate in the literature since the 1990s (Matthews 1991; Anderson 1992; Maiden 1992; Spencer 1993; Aronoff 1994). At the centre of the discussion has been the question of whether morphological phenomena are reducible to phonology, (p. 236) syntax, and/or semantics or whether they are governed by principles that are entirely independent of other aspects of language. The view that formal morphological regularities cannot all be deduced from phonological or syntactic principles has found empirical support in a number of morphological phenomena, including syncretism (Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2005), defectiveness (Baerman 2008), suppletion (Corbett 2007a), affix ordering (Spencer 1993; Stump 1993b), paradigmatic/non-phonological allomorphy (Maiden 1992; 2005), stem variation (Stump 2001, Boyé and Cabredo Hofherr 2006), empty morphs (Aronoff 1994), and declension classes (Blevins 2008). A consistent and increasing body of evidence thus supports the insight, formulated by Matthews, that some aspects of ‘the structure of the word form must be supplied by statements of a wholly morphological nature’ (Matthews 1972; 107). Research on the autonomy of morphology, however, has left non-inflecting languages basically unaddressed. Instead, most of the empirical data has been drawn from inflectionally complex languages, such as Latin (Matthews 1972; Aronoff 1994), Potawatomi and Georgian (Anderson 1992; Stump 2001), Estonian (Blevins 2008), Sanskrit (Stump 2001), Russian (Baerman 2008), Greek (Matthews 1991), Romance (Maiden 2005; Boyé and Cabredo Hofherr 2006), among other. The problem with such typological bias, as Blevins (2003) observes, is that it can easily lead to the misleading conclusion that only languages with complex inflectional systems can truly benefit from the recognition that words have autonomous morphological structure.

Page 2 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Blevins illustrates this point with data from English and German. Both languages have non-inflecting verbal paradigms, but derive a heterogeneous set of morphosyntactically distinct past forms from one single stem. To illustrate, Blevins shows that German perfect/passive forms (e.g. gemäht ‘mow.PERF/PASS’) and preterite forms (e.g. mähte ‘mow.PRT.3SG’, mähten ‘mow.PRT.3PL’, and mähtest ‘mow.PRT.2SG’) are all based on the same dental stem mäht. This stem however cannot be assigned a common morpho-syntactic meaning and, therefore, ‘like the supine or “third” stem in Latin, such dental stems in -t/-d are “parasitic” (Matthews 1972) or morphomic (Aronoff 1994)’ (Blevins 2003: 738). The goal of this chapter will be to further reinforce the claim that non-inflecting languages are not necessarily exempt from purely formal inflectional alternations. In particular, this chapter will examine the verbal paradigms of two Indo-Portuguese creoles which offer a rare combination of morpho-syntactic and morphomic alternations. Creole languages are known for encoding very few morpho-syntactic distinctions through overt inflection (Kihm 1994; Plag 2008a). They are therefore not expected to exhibit morphomic structure. The creoles examined in this chapter force us to revise (p.237) such assumptions. In both DCP and KCP, verb lexemes take just four morpho-syntactically distinct verb forms. Despite such inflectional impoverishment, however, the verbal paradigms are organized into four conjugation classes, each with its own distinct theme vowel and set of stem and tense allomorphs. The chapter is structured as follows: section 11.2 surveys the verbal paradigm of the Indo-Portuguese creoles and highlights the morphomic structure of their verb forms. Section 11.3 briefly addresses the socio-historical context within which DCP and KCP emerged and examines the factors that may have determined the survival of morphomic structure. Section 11.4 argues that the verbal paradigm of both creoles has been extended through the development of a fourth conjugation class to accommodate verbs of substrate/adstrate origin. Section 11.5 sketches an inflectional analysis of the verbal paradigms within the theory of Paradigm-Function Morphology (Stump 2001), drawing on the distinction between rules encoding morphosyntactic features (i.e. realization rules) and rules expressing formal alternations (i.e. morphomic rules). Section 11.6 offers a short summary and a conclusion.

Page 3 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles 11.2 Morphomic structure in Lusophone creoles This section examines the presence of overt verbal inflection in the verbal paradigms of DCP and KCP, with special emphasis being given to the behaviour of tense suffixes (11.2.1), personnumber agreement (11.2.2), and (p.238) conjugation classes (11.2.3). Finally, section 11.2.4 argues that the survival of purely formal markers, as attested in DCP and KCP, constitutes a rare phenomenon among Portuguese-based

FIGURE 11.1. Daman and Korlai (northwest coast of India)

creoles.2 11.2.1 Tense marking

Verbs in DCP and KCP inflect overtly for completive, progressive and past: (a) the completive verb forms take the suffix -d, (b) the progressive forms take the suffix -n, and (c) the past forms can take either the suffix -o or the suffix -u, as illustrated in (1)–(3). (See also 11.7 for KCP). (1) Completive form in DCP kant

‐a

‐d

sing

‐CL1

‐COMPL

‘sung’ (2) Progressive form in DCP kant

‐a

‐n

sing

‐CL1

‐PROG

‘singing’ (3) Past form in DCP kant

‐o

sing

‐PST

‘sang’

Page 4 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Historically, the completive suffix has derived from the Portuguese past participle -do (e.g. Pt. cantado ‘had sung’), the suffix -n has been taken over from the Portuguese gerund marker -ndo (e.g. Pt. cantando ‘singing’ or bebendo ‘drinking’), and the past suffixes -o and -u have been inherited from the Portuguese 3rd person singular perfect preterite markers -ou and -u, respectively (e.g. Pt. cantou ‘sang’ and bebeu ‘drank’). Allomorph selection is triggered solely by the conjugation class of the verb: verbs belonging to the first conjugation class take the suffix -o, while verbs belonging to the second and third classes take the suffix -u.3 Exactly the same alternation is attested in European Portuguese, as shown in (4). The past form of a first conjugation verb (e.g. LAVAR ‘wash’) is given in (4a), while the past (p. 239) form of second and third conjugation verbs (e.g. BEBER ‘drink’ and MENTIR ‘lie’) are given in (4b) and (4c), respectively. (4) 3rd singular perfect preterite forms in European Portuguese a. lav

‐ou

wash

‐PRT.3SG

‘washed’ b. beb

‐e

‐u

drink

‐CL2

‐PRT.3SG

‘drank’ c. ment

‐i

‐u

lie

‐CL3

‐PRT.3SG

‘lied’

In addition to the overtly marked tenses given in (1)–(3), DCP and KCP have an unmarked base form (Clements 1996): (5) Unmarked forms in DCP a.

Page 5 of 26

kant

‐a

sing

‐CL1.UNM

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

‘sing’ b. beb

‐e

drink

‐CL2.UNM

‘drink’ c. mint

‐i

lie

‐CL3.UNM

‘lied’

Overall, then, DCP and KCP encode four tense features: completive, progressive, past, and unmarked. The fact that one of them is unmarked leaves DCP and KCP with just three overtly marked verb forms. 11.2.2 Agreement endings

Even though Romance languages express six distinct person–number combinations, Romance-based creoles entirely lack such agreement endings in their verbal paradigms. The loss of person–number agreement in creole languages has a significant impact on the size of the verbal paradigms. In the case of DCP and KCP, for example, verb lexemes inflect only once for each tense (p.240) feature. Thus, a verb lexeme such as SUBI ‘go up’, in DCP, has only four cells in its inflectional paradigm (see Table 11.1). TABLE 11.1. The paradigm of SUBI in DCP PARADIGM OF SUBI BASE

COMPL

PROG

PAST

subi ‘go up’

subid ‘gone up’

subin ‘going up’

subiu ‘went up’

11.2.3 Conjugation classes

As alluded to before, inflected verb forms in DCP and KCP have preserved an internal structure which is quite similar to that of Portuguese verb forms. Of special interest is the survival of the Portuguese theme vowels -a, -e, and -i, which make no morpho-syntactic contribution to the overall meaning of the word, but play a crucial role in identifying the conjugation class of verbal stems. As purely formal inflectional markers, they determine the shape of inflected verb forms and tell us ‘which inflectional affixes will realize the various morphosyntactic properties that the verb bears in a particular instance’ (Aronoff 1994: 46). The complete verbal paradigm of DCP is given in Table 11.2. Page 6 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

TABLE 11.2. The verbal paradigm of DCP (cf. Clements and Koontz‐Garboden 2002) FIRST CONJUGATION

KANTA

BASE

COMPL

PROG

PAST

kant‐a

kant‐a‐d

kant‐a‐n

kant‐o

sing‐CL1.UNM

sing‐CL1‐COMPL

sing‐CL1‐PROG

sing‐PST

‘sing’

‘sung’

‘singing’

‘sang’

kum‐e

kum‐i‐d

kum‐e‐n

kum‐e‐u

eat‐CL2.UNM

eat‐CL2‐COMPL

eat‐CL2‐PROG

eat‐CL2‐ PST

‘eat’

‘eaten’

‘eating’

‘ate’

sub‐i

sub‐i‐d

sub‐i‐n

sub‐i‐u

go.up‐CL3.UNM

go.up‐cl3‐COMPL

go. up‐CL3‐PROG

go.up‐CL3‐PST

‘go up’

‘gone up’

‘going up’

‘went up’

SECOND CONJUGATION KUME

THIRD CONJUGATION SUBI

Page 7 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles (p.241) There are three primary theme vowels: -a in the first conjugation, -e in the second conjugation, and -i in the third conjugation. By default, then, verb forms comprise a root, which is followed by a theme vowel and, if available, by a verb-final tense marker.

Most importantly, conjugation classes in DCP and KCP trigger allomorphic alternations on both the stem and the tense markers. With respect to the tense markers, as alluded to before, the selection of the past allomorphs is dependent on the verb's conjugation class: while verbs belonging to the second or third conjugation take the default suffix -u (e.g. kumeu and subiu), verbs belonging to the first conjugation select the -o suffix (e.g. kanto). Likewise, stem allomorphs are dependent on conjugation class: past forms in the first conjugation take a theme-less stem, which means that the past marker attaches directly to the root (as in kant-o); completive forms in the second conjugation take a third conjugation (i.e. heteroclitic) stem (as in beb-i-d), while all other second conjugation verb forms take an e-stem. Crucially, then, the presence of both suffix and stem allomorphy lends strong support to the morphomic status of Indo-Portuguese theme vowels. 11.2.4 Cross-linguistic comparison with Atlantic creoles

As will be shown next, in most Romance-based creoles theme vowels have undergone lexicalization. One typical example of a Lusophone creole with lexicalized theme vowels is Kriyol, spoken in Guinea Bissau. In this language, verb lexemes have only one unmarked verb form: (6) Unmarked verb forms in Kriyol (Kihm 1994) a.

seta

(Pt. aceitar ‘accept’)

b.

kume

(Pt. comer ‘eat’)

c.

bibi

(Pt. beber ‘drink’)

The absence of inflectional contrast in (6) clearly indicates that verbs forms in Kriyol are not organized into conjugation classes, despite the phonological similarity between the verb-final vowels in Kriyol and Portuguese theme vowels. This view is also supported by Kihm, who observes that ‘in no case could these [Kriyol] vowels be analysed as affixes or thematic vowels as in Portuguese’ (Kihm 1994: 23). Lexicalized theme vowels however are not an exclusive property of affix-less creoles. Kabuverdianu (the Sotaventu variety), for example, has only preserved the past marker -ba shown below: (p.242) (7) Anterior verb forms in Kabuverdianu (Baptista 2003, Baptista, Mello, and Suzuki 2007) Page 8 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles a. falta

‐ba

(Pt. aceitava ‘accepted’)

‘miss

‐ANT’

kore

‐ba

‘run

‐ANT’

b. (Pt. corria ‘ran’)

c. parti

‐ba

‘break

‐ANT’

(Pt. partia ‘broke’)

The base to which the -ba suffix attaches appears to contain a root followed by a theme vowel, but closer inspection reveals that the -ba suffix attaches invariably to any vowel-final base, without undergoing any kind of formal inflectional change. The lack of formal inflectional contrasts indicates that the vowel-final stem to which the -ba suffix attaches constitutes in effect a monomorphemic base. So, even when overt inflection has survived, it is not always the case that theme vowels have preserved their inflectional status. Overall, then, both Indo-Portuguese creoles differ quite radically from Kriyol and Kabuverdianu. While verb forms in DCP and KCP contain genuine theme vowels and are organized into conjugation classes, in the Atlantic creoles given in (6) and (7) the theme vowels have been integrated phonologically into the verb root.

11.3 The nature of creole inflection Creole inflection frequently encodes tense, number, and definiteness, but only rarely subject agreement or case features (Kihm 2003; Siegel 2004; Plag 2008a). Indo-Portuguese creoles spoken in Daman and Korlai nicely illustrate this tendency: they have retained tense distinctions but none of the person–number agreement markers. It is, however, somewhat unclear why creoles show such systematic selectivity with respect to the morpho-syntactic features they express. Equally intriguing is the fact that both DCP and KCP have preserved entirely meaningless inflectional markers (i.e. theme vowels) but have discarded perfectly meaningful person‐number endings. In this section, we will survey previous research on the nature of creole inflection and argue, contradicting traditional claims, that the preference of creoles for certain morpho-syntactic features is shaped by attitudinal and psycholinguistic factors during the early stages of Second Language Acquisition (SLA).

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles (p.243) Recent studies have revealed that creole grammars are influenced by both the overall attitude of adults learning a second language and the cognitive processes involved in adult (untutored) SLA.4 Starting with the attitude of the speakers, Siegel (2004:149) observes that ‘limited second language acquisition’ results more from ‘the limits learners impose on themselves due to factors relating to identity or resistance’ rather than from the limited degree of exposure to the target language. Closer observation of adult immigrant workers in Europe, by Klein and Perdue (1997), has effectively revealed that adult language learners who refuse to identify with the target language are more likely to learn a rudimentary, i.e. basic variety of the target language, rather than a more elaborate variety (see also Klein and Perdue 1997). Such a rudimentary (or basic) variety is typically monomorphemic and contains hardly any inflectional affixes. Returning now to DCP and KCP, attitudinal factors appear indeed to have played a crucial role in the survival of inflectional suffixes. Clements (1996) suggests that converted Christian Indians may have been excluded from the Indian caste system due to their new religion, and forced to integrate into the Portuguese culture and community. This context may have encouraged Christian Indians of Gujarati and Marathi origin to learn a more elaborate version of the superstrate language rather than just a rudimentary one.5 Luís (2008) further suggests that such an elaborate SLA (or post basic variety) may have contained overt inflectional morphology, unlike the more basic SLA varieties, which are largely affix-less languages. While the overall attitude of adult language learners can explain the presence of inflection in adult SLA varieties, it cannot explain why creoles retain tense features but discard agreement. A psycholinguistic account is provided by Plag (2008b), who argues that there are cognitive reasons which explain why adult language learners are selective with respect to the kind of inflection they learn. Drawing on the well-known distinction, formulated by Booij (1996), between inherent inflection and contextual inflection, Plag observes that ‘[I]n the process of acquiring a second language,…so-called (p.244) contextual inflection develops rather late as the predictable consequence of the limited L2 processing capacities that are characteristic of the early stages of SLA’ (Plag 2008b: 307– 308). Hence, inherent categories, such as tense, are acquired at an early stage of the acquisition process.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles The survival of tense and theme vowels in DCP and KCP follows nicely from Plag’s generalization. Even though not explicitly included in Booij’s early definition of inherent inflection, conjugation classes clearly belong to the class of features that are not dependent on the context (Katamba 1993: 24). Conjugation class markers, for example, share with other types of inherent inflection the fact they are more likely to appear closer to the root (Booij 1996) and more likely to induce allomorphy on the base or stem than contextual inflection (Booij 1996, Haspelmath 2002). Other scholars have confirmed that creoles exhibit little or no contextual inflection. Kihm (2003), in particular, claims that ‘what creole languages indeed appear to be lacking is contextual inflection, i.e., structural case marking of subjects and direct objects […] and syntactic noun-adjective and verb-argument agreement’ (Kihm 2003: 358). In a similar vein, Verhagen et al. (2006) applied the distinction between inherent and contextual inflection to four Romancebased creoles – Angolar, Palenquero, Seychellois, and Papiamentu – and showed that ‘all instances of morphological expression in the four creoles under investigation are of an inherent rather than contextual nature’. Overall, then, one of the distinguishing properties of creoles is the absence of contextual inflectional morphology. Summing up, the survival of inflectional morphology in creoles is not dependent on the semantic content or communicative relevance of affixes, contrary to McWhorter (1998). Instead, evidence strongly suggests that creole inflection is shaped by attitudinal and psycholinguistic forces that are at work during the early stages of adult SLA.

11.4 Loan-verb integration and the development of new morphomic structure Having examined in some detail the survival of Portuguese morphomic structure in DCP and KCP, this section will now provide empirical evidence which demonstrates that these Lusophone creoles have in addition developed a fourth conjugation class for verbs of substrate origin.6 (p.245) 11.4.1 The data

In DCP, inflected verbs with a Gujarati root contain an -u vowel in both verb-final and verb-internal position. As Table 11.3 illustrates (cf. Clements and KoontzGarboden 2002), the -u vowel is positioned verb-finally in the unmarked and past forms and occurs verb-internally before the tense markers -d and -n in the completive and progressive forms. The same distribution has been attested in inflected verbs of Marathi origin in KCP, as shown in Table 11.4.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles The -u vowel, then, appears in the same position as the ‘Portuguese’ theme vowels in Table 11.2, strongly suggesting that there is a structural parallel between inflected forms of Portuguese origin and those of substrate origin. In particular, verb forms in 11.3 and 11.4 appear to consist of a root which is always followed by a theme vowel. The claim that the -u vowel constitutes a theme vowel is further supported by its distribution. In effect, this linguistic unit surfaces in all (morpho-syntactically distinct) verb forms of the sub-paradigms in 11.3 and 11.4. This shows that the -u vowel cannot be assigned a common morpho-syntactic meaning. It might instead be argued that the -u vowel carries lexico-semantic meaning. However, the fact that it must appear on all verbs of both Gujarati and Marathi origin, regardless of their semantic class, also fails to support this claim. (Other verbs of substrate origin, for example, include badlu ‘change’, pisu ‘get angry’, samdzu ‘understand’ (Clements 1996)). TABLE 11.3. The fourth conjugation class in DCP FOURTH CONJUGATION BASE BEBLU bebl‐u

COMPL

PROG

PAST

bebl‐u‐d

bebl‐u‐n

bebl‐u

mutter‐ CL1.UNM

mutter‐CL4‐COMPL mutter‐CL4‐ PROG

mutter‐ CL4.PST

‘mutter’

‘muttered’

‘muttered’

‘muttering’

TABLE 11.4. The fourth conjugation class in KCP FOURTH CONJUGATION BASE TEPU tep‐u

COMPL

PROG

PAST

tep‐u‐d

tep‐u‐n

tep‐u

heat up‐ CL1.UNM

heat up‐CL1-COMPL heat up‐CL1PROG

heat up‐ CL4.PST

‘heat up’

‘heated up’

‘heated up’

‘heating up’

(p.246) Closer observation of the data also reveals that the verb forms in Tables 11.3 and 11.4 have their own set of inflectional contrasts. So, while verbs of Portuguese origin (see Table 11.2) take three tense markers and one past tense allomorph, verbs of substrate origin take just two overt tense markers, namely the completive suffix and the progressive suffix. This means that the past form in the fourth conjugation shows systematic syncretism with the unmarked form.

Given this evidence, it seems plausible to conclude that Indo-Portuguese creoles have indeed developed a new conjugation class.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles 11.4.2 Morphomic structure in contact

Recent research on loan-verb typologies has shown that languages differ with respect to the strategies they adopt for the integration of loan-verbs (Wichmann and Wohlgemut 2008). Some languages, for example, adopt unmarked inflectional strategies by integrating loan-verbs into existing conjugation classes. In European Portuguese, loan-verbs of English origin are integrated into the productive -a conjugation class (e.g. click is inflected like a first conjugation verb: clico ‘I click’, clicas ‘you.sg click’, clicou ‘she clicked’). The same can be observed in Brazilian Portuguese, where an English verb such as delete also inflects like a first conjugation verb (e.g. deletas ‘you.SG delete’, deletei ‘I deleted’). There are also marked strategies, such as the use of a borrowed inflectional marker to signal the non-native status of a given root. As observed in IndoPortuguese, a fourth conjugation class has emerged for verbs of Gujarati and Marathi origin. An identical example comes from the Uto-Aztecan language Yaqui, which borrows the class marker -oa from Nahuatl, also a Uto-Aztecan language, for the integration of Spanish verbs roots: (8) Yaqui non-finite loan-verbs (Wichmann and Wohlgemut 2008) a. kombilar-oa ‘mix’ (Sp. combinar) b. leiar-oa ‘ead’ (Sp. leer) c. passer-oa ‘pass’ (Sp. pasar) d. pensar-oa ‘think’ (Sp. pensar) In this language, Spanish roots carry the -oa class marker, which attaches directly to the root and, as shown in (9), precedes all inflectional exponents. (9)   retratár‐oa ‐wa ‐k portray ‐oa ‐PASS ‐PERF ‘were photographed’ (Sp.retratar) (p.247) The Yaqui data, thus, show that it is not uncommon for languages to accommodate loan-verbs through morphomic structure by extending the formal organization of verb paradigms. Yaqui, unlike the creoles, however, is highly inflecting. It therefore remains to be investigated whether inflectionally complex languages are more likely to resort to paradigm extension than inflectionally impoverished languages. However, until more is known about the integration of loan-verbs in typologically distinct languages, it seems plausible to conclude that the maximization of inflectional contrasts through new morphomic structure is not an exclusive property of highly inflecting languages.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Finally, it is also worth noting that very little is known about the origins of the Indo-Portuguese -u vowel. Clements and Koontz-Garboden (2002) have suggested that the -u suffix has derived from both substrate languages separately, i.e. from Gujarati, for DCP, and from Marathi, for KCP. Although both substrate languages belong to the Indo-Aryan language family, they have a different set of verbal inflections. So, while Gujarati has an infinitive verb form which contains a -u suffix, there are hardly any -u suffixes in Marathi (Masica 1993). The authors therefore suggest that, in the case of DCP, the -u suffix may have derived from the Gujarati infinitive marker. In the case of KCP, however, since the -u suffix is very rare in Marathi, they propose instead the negative imperative, which is among the few verb forms containing a -u suffix. Alternatively, it would be interesting to investigate whether the -u affix could have had instead a single origin. Under this hypothesis, the -u marker could have been borrowed from one of the substrate languages or from any neighbouring language and could have spread out from one creole to the other, through diffusion or contact. This question, however, will have to be left open, given the lack of sufficient historical and empirical data.

11.5 Analysing creole inflection This section offers an inflectional analysis of the verbal paradigm of DCP, within the theory of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001), drawing on the distinction between realization rules (i.e. rules encoding morpho-syntactic features) and morphomic rules (i.e. rules expressing formal alternations), as proposed by Aronoff (1994) and Stump (2001) for inflectionally complex languages. (p.248) 11.5.1 Paradigm function and realization rules

Central to the theory of Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) is the assumption that each inflected form of a lexeme is derived through the cyclic application of inflectional rules and constitutes a cell in the paradigm of that lexeme. Among the rules that are essential for the derivation of a lexeme’s inflectional paradigm are the PARADIGM FUNCTION, realization rules, and stem-formation rules. I will address each one in turn. Starting with the Paradigm Function (PF), it is assumed within Paradigm Function Morphology that the PF constitutes a formal device which maps a root of a lexeme onto one of its inflected forms. The format adopted for the representation of the PF is given in (10).7 It says that the PF takes as input the root sub- and the feature {Tense: past} to yield the corresponding cell in the paradigm of SUBI, namely 〈subid, σ〉. (10) PF for subid ‘gone up’ (simplified) PF (〈sub-,{Tense: past}〉) =def 〈subid, σ〉

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Underlying Paradigm Function Morphology is also the assumption that a language’s PF is defined in terms of the language’s realization rules (RRs). These RRs spell out the morpho-syntactic properties associated with a given lexeme, through cyclic rule application,8 and apply to the output of the previous rule, as shown in (17). For DCP and KCP, the set of morpho-syntactic properties expressed through RRs is given in (11). (11) Morpho-syntactic properties for the verbal paradigm of DCP and KCP {Tense: base, past, completive, gerund} For the features given in (11), we will need the RRs formulated in (12). (12) RRs deriving tense features in DCP Rule Block I

a.

RRI, {Tense: past}, V[Class 1] (〈X, σ〉)

= def 〈Xo,σ〉

b.

RRI, {Tense: past}, V[Class 2,3] (〈X, σ〉)

= def 〈Xu  ,σ〉

c.

RRI, {Tense: completive}, V (〈X, σ〉)

= def 〈Xd,σ〉

d.

RRI, {Tense: progressive}, V (〈X, σ〉)

= def 〈Xn,σ〉

(p.249) The general format on which the above RRs are based is given in (13). Starting from the left, each RR carries three indices: the index n, which identifies the particular block to which the rule belongs; the index τ, which indicates the set of features that the rule realizes, and the index C, which identifies the class of lexemes or subclass of lexemes to which the rule applies (e.g. 2nd conjugation verb, 3rd declension adjective, etc.).

(13) General format of RR (Stump 2001: 44) RRn,τ,C (〈X, σ〉) =def 〈Y, σ〉 Given the format in (12), then, (12a) and (12b) realize the past feature; (12c) and (12d) realize the completive and the progressive features, respectively. The RRs also define the inflectional exponent and the category of the base they attach to: (12a) applies to first conjugation verbs and delivers the past suffix -o; (12b) applies to second and third conjugation verbs and deliver the past suffix -w; both (12b) and (12c) apply to any verb and delivers the past suffix -d and -n, respectively.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles As alluded to before, verbs in Indo-Portuguese only express tense features, and, therefore, verbs take only one inflectional exponent. To capture the fact that all tense endings compete for the same position, RRs in (12) must all belong to the same rule block (cf. also Anderson 1992). By contrast, languages with two or more co-occurring suffix positions need more than one rule block, one for each position. Rule blocks then apply cyclically: Rule block I applies first and realizes the suffix closer to the root, while block II applies to the output of the previous rule block, and so on. For Indo-Portuguese, however, only one rule block is necessary, given that all four tense features are mutually exclusive. Another inflectional phenomenon that has been observed in these creoles is the absence of a distinct inflectional affix for the realization of the unmarked form. Within PFM, such unmarked verb forms will be derived through the application of a more general realization rule, known as Identity Function Default, which takes as input the stem and delivers the same phonological form: f(X)=X. The key idea is that not being overtly marked can be just as significant as being marked with some sort of affix. This is a universal default, which applies within any rule block in case no explicit rule has applied. Having established the inventory of RRs that is necessary for the realization of the morphosyntactic features, I will now turn to the phenomenon of (morphomic) stem formation. (p.250) 11.5.2 Stem formation and stem selection

In highly inflecting languages, it is well known that verb lexemes can vary with respect to both the shape of stems and the number of stems. Crucially, as Stump observes, the shape or choice of stem ‘follows neither from any systematic difference in meaning or morphosyntactic feature content, nor from ordinary phonological considerations’ (2001: 169). Stems, in this sense, then, are morphomic sequences which result from the autonomous workings of inflectional morphology. DCP and KCP, although far from being highly inflecting languages, exhibit stem alternations which are triggered by the lexeme’s conjugation class. The distribution of the stems is illustrated in Table 11.5, for DCP. In the 3rd and 4th conjugations, verb forms take only the default stem (i.e. the i-stem for Class 3 and the u-stem for Class 4), whereas in the 1st and 2nd conjugations verb forms take both the default stem (i.e. the a-stem for Class 1 and the e-stem for Class 2) and a secondary stem (i.e. a theme-less stem in Class 1 and a heteroclitic stem in Class 2). An informal representation of stem-formation rules (SRs) for the IndoPortuguese verb is given in (14). (14) Stem-formation rules for DCP (simplified) a. The form of the unmarked stem is Y, where Y is the root of the lexeme. b. The form of the a-stem is Ya. c. The form of the e-stem is Ye. Page 16 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles d. The form of the i-stem is Yi. e. The form of the u-stem is Yu. Following Stump (2001: 199), I consider all five rules in (14) to be morphomic: they express generalizations about the form of stems without

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

TABLE 11.5. Stem‐based patterns in Daman Creole Portuguese

CLASS 1

CLASS 2

Page 18 of 26

ROOT

STEM

EXPONENTS

INFLECTED VERB FORMS

kant-

kanta-

-d, -n

kanta, kantad, kantan

kant-

-o

kanto

bebe-

-u, -n

bebe, bebeu, beben

bebi-

-d

bebid

beb-

CLASS 3

sub-

subi-

-u, -d, -n

subi, subiu, subid, subin

CLASS 4

bebl-

beblu-

-d, -n

beblu, beblu, beblud, beblun

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles (p.251)

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

TABLE 11.6. Stem distribution in DCP DEFAULT STEM CLASS 1

kanta-

SECONDARY STEM Base form

kant-

Past form

Completive form Progressive form CLASS 2

bebe-

Base form

bebi-

Completive form

Past form Progressive form CLASS 3 CLASS 4

subibeblu-

Base form

–

–

Past form

–

–

Completive form Progressive form

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles making any direct reference to morpho-syntactic properties.9 Based on the information given in Table 11.5, we can formulate stem-selection rules for the DCP verbal paradigm, as shown in (15).

(15) Stem-selection rules Rule block0 Where X is the root of some lexeme and where Y is one of the lexeme’s stems, a. RR0, {Tense: unmarked} V[Class 1] (〈X, σ〉) = def 〈Y, σ〉, where Y is X. b. RR0, [Class 1] (〈X, σ〉) = def 〈Y, σ〉, where Y is Xa. c. RR0, V[Class 3]; {Tense: completive} [Class 2] (〈X, σ〉) = def 〈Y, σ〉, where Y is Xi. d. RR0, V[Class 2] (〈X, σ〉) = def 〈Y, σ〉, where Y is Xe. e. RR0, V[Class 4] (〈X, σ〉) = def 〈Y, σ〉, where Y is Xu. The rules given in (15) directly associate a particular stem with a particular set of morpho-syntactic features independently of any morphological operation: (15a) selects a theme-less stem for the unmarked form of first conjugation verbs, pre-empting (15b); rule (15b) applies to all first conjugation verbs, except to the ones associated with the property set listed in (15a); (15c) causes the i-stem to appear both on 3rd conjugation verbs and on completive 2nd conjugation verb forms; (15d) and (15e) derive the default stems for 3rd and 4th conjugation verbs. (p.252) 11.5.3 Deriving DCP verb forms: An informal sketch

Recall that the crucial role of the PF is to derive each inflected form of a lexeme as a cell in that lexeme’s paradigm. This idea is represented formally as in (16). (16) PF for DCP verbal paradigm             PF (〈X, σ〉) = def RRI (RR0 (X, σ〉)) = def 〈Y, σ〉 What (16) says is that the PF takes the pairing 〈X, σ〉 (where X is the root of a lexeme and σ is the complete set of morpho-syntactic properties realized by the verb form) and yields the cell 〈Y, σ〉 in the lexeme’s paradigm. This formal device derives the whole DCP verbal paradigm. As mentioned above, the PF is defined in terms of both stem-formation rules (RR0) and realization rules (RRI). While stem-formation rules apply to the root and derive a stem, realization rules apply to the stem to realize inflectional exponents (Stump 2001: 45–46). A concrete example of how such rules define the PF is given in (17), for the completive verb form kantad. (17) PF for kantad ‘sung’           PF (〈kant-, σ〉) a = def RRI (RR0 (〈kant-, σ〉)) b = def RRIc (RR0b (〈kant-, σ〉)) c = def 〈kant-a-d, σ〉 Page 21 of 26

Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles Where σ = {Tense: completive} The first line specifies the morpho-syntactic feature set of the inflected word form; the second line identifies kant- as the root of the lexeme KANTA. The rule blocks defining the PF are given in (17a), while the RRs are specified in (17b). For the derivation of kanta, the feature set σ triggers the application of RR0b from block $0$, which is followed by RRIc from block I. Based on the rule block index specified on each RR, we assume that RR0b is realized first and that RRIc takes as input the output of RR0b. One key feature of PFM is that rule application is always successive, with each rule applying to the output of the previous rule: RR0b applies to the root kant- to yield the stem kanta- and RR IIB applies to kanta- yielding kantad. 11.5.4 Summary

On a formal level, the data presented in this section have shown that creoles, like any other natural language, can be used to test the validity of morphological theories. Stem alternations in Indo-Portuguese, in particular, have (p.253) motivated an inflectional analysis based on the difference between ordinary realization rules and morphomic stem-formation rules. Summing up, then, the verbal paradigms of DCP and KCP make a clear distinction between roots, stems, and inflected verb forms. By default, roots are monomorphemic, stems comprise both a root and a theme vowel, and inflected verbs contain a stem and a tense marker. There are two exceptions to this generalization: verb forms that are unmarked for tense and verbs which take a theme-less stem. The shape of stems and suffixes is triggered by a fully-fledged conjugation class system which determines how tense markers are realized and whether theme vowels are absent or undergo heteroclitic stem selection.10

11.6 Conclusion In this chapter, I have examined the verbal paradigms of two Indo-Portuguese creoles and demonstrated that these languages have not only inherited all Portuguese conjugation classes but also developed an entirely new conjugation class. In these creoles, however, the total number of conjugation classes equals the total number of morpho-syntactically distinct verb forms. There are four conjugation classes which co-exist with four inflected verb forms (i.e. the unmarked, the past, the completive, and the progressive forms). One of the main contributions of this chapter, therefore, has been to show that autonomous morphological structure is not exclusive to inflectionally complex languages. In effect, the Indo-Portuguese creoles examined in this chapter contain only three overt tense markers and one tense allomorph. Given the lack of person‐ number agreement, each verb lexeme inflects only for tense. These creoles are clearly not expected to exhibit morphomic structure.

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles From a diachronic perspective, the data have also allowed us to gain insight into the evolution of autonomous morphological structure. The development of the fourth conjugation, in particular, constitutes a clear case of paradigm extension under language contact, which would not have taken place without an already existing paradigmatic structure. As to the reasons why (p.254) inflectionally impoverished languages prefer to maximize their morphomic contrasts, IndoPortuguese creoles have revealed that morphomic alternations may be used for the marked integration of loan-verbs and, hence, for the distinction between Romance and non-Romance roots.

11.7 Appendix

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

TABLE 11.7. The complete verbal paradigm of KCP (Clements and Koontz‐Garboden 2002) FIRST CONJUGATION

KANTA

BASE

COMPL

PROG

PAST

karg‐a

karg‐a‐d

karg‐a‐n

karg‐o

load-CL1.UNM

load‐CL1-COMPL

load-CL1-PROG

load‐PST

‘load’

‘loaded’

‘loading’

‘loaded’

kum‐e

kum‐i‐d

kum‐e‐n

kum‐e‐u

eat-CL2.UNM

eat‐CL2-COMPL

eat-CL2-PROG

eat‐CL2-PST

‘eat’

‘eaten’

‘eating’

‘ate’

abr‐i

abr‐i‐d

abr‐i‐n

abr‐i‐u

open-CL3.UNM

open‐CL3-COMPL

open‐CL3-PROG

open‐CL3-PST

‘open’

‘opened’

‘opening’

‘opened’

SECOND CONJUGATION KUME

THIRD CONJUGATION SUBI

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles

Notes:

(1) Earlier versions of this chapter were presented at the ‘Conference on Creole language structure: Between substrates and superstrates’ (Max Planck Institut), at the Annual Meeting of the Associaçāo de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola (Universidade Nova de Lisboa) and at the Workshop on Variation and Change (University of Oxford). I thank the audiences at these conferences and, in particular, Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Clancy Clements, Hugo Cardoso, John Holm, Stephen Parkinson, and Ingo Plag for helpful suggestions and comments. Any errors are my own. (2) The data presented throughout this chapter has been drawn from Clements (1996) and Clements and Koontz-Garboden (2002). Some data has also been provided personally by Clancy Clements and Hugo Cardoso. (3) I am here assuming that first conjugation stems have no underlying theme vowel. Nothing in this chapter, however, hinges on this assumptions. (4) Under an alternative claim, the survival of inflection during creolization is determined by the communicative relevance of affixes. It is argued that only semantically and communicatively relevant affixes survive creolization (see McWhorter 1998 for a recent defence of this view). As previously argued in Luís (2008), however, the verbal paradigm of Indo-Portuguese creoles seriously weakens this claim. Verb forms in DCP and KCP encode distinct formal contrasts, which make no semantic contribution to the overall meaning of the clause. (5) For a detailed survey of the historical and sociolinguistic context within which KCP and DCP emerged, see Clements (1996) and Clements and KoontzGarboden (2002). (6) Gujarati and Marathi (Indo-Aryan) are the substrate/adstrate languages of DCP and KCP, respectively. (7) In (10), angled brackets 〈…〉 denote the ordered sequence of elements, in this case, a root and a set of features. Curly brackets (…) denote the unordered set of features, which in this case comprises only the tense feature. Parentheses (…) enclose the argument(s) of the PF (cf. Stump 2001:44). (8) To be more precise, realization rules are of two types: (i) rules of exponence, which directly specify the concrete exponents associated with the property set being realized, and (ii) rules of referral, which refer the realization of some property set to some other realization rule(s). The RRs surveyed here are of type (i).

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Morphomic Structure and Loan-verb Integration: Evidence from Lusophone Creoles (9) For expository convenience, I am not addressing the formal device of stem indexing. For details on stem formation and stem indexing, see Stump (2001, Chapter 6). (10) The survival of Portuguese conjugation classes and their theme vowels has also been attested in Diu Creole Portuguese. This Indo-Portuguese variety, also spoken along the north-west coast of India (see Figure 11.1), differs from DCP and KCP in that it does not seem to have developed the fourth conjugation class (Cardoso 2006).

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Zheng Xu Mark Aronoff

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0013

Abstract and Keywords In this chapter we present a Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of full and partial identity of forms, i.e. paradigmatic syncretism and cases in which lexemes share the same inflectional formative. Our approach involves both output‐to‐output correspondence constraints and realization constraints that associate morpho‐syntactic feature values with morpho‐phonological forms. We show that Realization Optimality Theory (Xu 2007) offers a unified account of these phenomena. Additionally, we argue that Realization Optimality Theory has advantages over several alternative approaches such as feature impoverishment‐ plus‐insertion (Noyer 1998), rules of referral (Zwicky 1985; Stump 1993a), and two different models of OT morphology proposed by Müller (2007; 2008). We argue for an autonomous morphological component and also discuss related issues such as the morphology–phonology interface. Keywords:   Realization Optimality Theory, syncretism, output‐to‐output correspondence, realization constraints

12.1 Introduction

Page 1 of 36

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * In this chapter we present a Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of full and partial identity of forms, i.e. paradigmatic syncretism and cases in which lexemes share the same inflectional formative. Our approach involves both output‐to‐output correspondence constraints (Benua 1995; McCarthy and Prince 1995; Kenstowicz 1996; Kager 1999) and realization constraints that associate morpho‐syntactic feature values with morpho‐phonological forms. We show that Realization Optimality Theory (Xu 2007) offers a unified account of these phenomena. Additionally, we argue that Realization Optimality Theory has advantages over several alternative approaches such as feature impoverishment‐ plus‐insertion (Noyer 1998), rules of referral (Zwicky 1985; Stump 1993 a), and two different models of OT morphology proposed by Müller (2007; 2008). (p.258) The organization of this chapter is set as follows. In section 12.2 we discuss Noyer's (1998) approach to syncretism based on a feature impoverishment‐plus‐insertion theory. We show that divergent bidirectional syncretism (DBS) (Baerman 2004; Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2005) poses a problem for Noyer's approach and any other theory that derives syncretism based on markedness hierarchies. By comparison, DBS can be captured by both rules of referral and output‐to‐output (OO) correspondence constraints. Additionally, the Old French two‐case system poses a similar problem for a markedness account of syncretism. By comparison, it is well captured under Realization Optimality Theory. In section 12.3 we show that output‐to‐output correspondence constraints have advantages over rules of referral in that the former can also account for partially identical inflected forms and therefore have a wider scope of application than rules of referral. Additionally, OO correspondence constraints more explicitly spell out the nature of referral, i.e. referral essentially involves a process of copying a base's morpho‐phonological information. In section 12.4, we compare our Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of directional syncretism with two alternative OT morphological models proposed in Müller (2007; 2008). We argue that Realization OT offers a more reasonable account. We conclude in section 12.5 and discuss related issues such as the interaction of morphological and phonological components. We suggest that morphology and phonology are basically distinct components of the grammatical architecture; morphology precedes phonology by default while the morphological and phonological components overlap to an extent that varies among languages.

12.2 Paradigmatic syncretism

Page 2 of 36

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Syncretism is a hot topic in inflectional morphology. It refers to a phenomenon in which several paradigmatic slots share the same form. There are two common ways to capture synchronic syncretism under realization models. First, morpho‐ phonologically identical paradigmatic slots can be assumed to share the same morpho‐syntactic feature value(s) or form a natural class (Stump 1993 a; Embick and Halle 2005; Wunderlich 2004; among many others). For example, in Hupa, an Athapaskan language, the first and second person plural object markers are identical (Golla 1970; Embick and Halle 2005). Consider the paradigm in (1) (from Embick and Halle 2005). (p.259) (1) Hupa Subject/Object Markers

Subject

Object

1SG

W‐

Wɨ

2SG

n‐

nɨ

1PL

dɨ‐

noh‐

2PL

oh‐

noh‐

As we can see, the {1, PL} and {2, PL} object marker noh‐ share the same feature value {PL}. An economical way to capture this syncretism as argued by Embick and Halle (2005) would be to refer to underspecification of feature values and assume that noh‐ only realizes {PL} so that it can occur in both the {1, PL} and {2, PL} slots under the Subset Principle. Notice that in (1) noh‐ is better analysed as a plural marker than an object one because the singular and plural objects do not share the same marker noh‐.

The first approach to syncretism based on underspecification of feature values is employed in various realizational morphological models. We will return to it in section 12.4, where we review an alternative approach (Müller 2008) that completely rejects underspecification of feature values. A second way to capture syncretism is to use a mechanism that builds a connection between two paradigmatic cells. For example, Stump (1993 a) proposes an approach to Macedonian syncretism based on rules of referral (Zwicky 1985). Consider the Macedonian partial paradigm in (2). (2) Macedonian partial verbal paradigm (adapted from Stump 1993 a: 452)

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

Aorist padn‐ ‘fall’

I

II ‐v

III

1SG

padn

‐a

2SG

padn

‐a

3SG

padn

‐a

1PL

padn

‐a

‐v

‐me

2PL

padn

‐a

‐v

‐te

3PL

padn

‐a

‐a

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * As we can see, the aorist marker ‐v occurs in the environment of non‐third person (either first or second person). The question is why ‐v does not occur in the environment of {2, SG}. Stump posits a rule of referral that requires the second person singular to share the same form with the third person singular in the past tenses.1 This rule of referral pre‐empts the less (p.260) specific v‐suffixation rule. Stump's treatment of the Macedonian syncretism is criticized in Bobaljik (2002), which advocates a feature impoverishment theory (Noyer 1997; 1998) under which the second person feature value is deleted in the environment of the past tense so that the form of {2, SG} syncretizes with the default third person form. Bobaljik remarks that rules of referral are not restrictive about syncretic directions and by contrast, ‘[t]he impoverishment rule…[assumes] that third person is a default (either in terms of the rules of exponence in Macedonian or universally)’ (Bobaljik 2002: 63). We will first discuss phenomena in which either a rule of referral or feature impoverishment (‐plus‐insertion) is supposed to apply and then get back to underspecification of feature values. We show that both divergent bidirectional syncretism and the old French two‐case system pose a problem for a feature impoverishment‐plus‐insertion theory (Noyer 1998). Both cases can be captured by either rules of referral or output‐to‐output correspondence constraints in a Realization OT model (Xu 2007). 12.2.1 Divergent bidirectional syncretism

Noyer (1998) makes a strong empirical claim that under the impoverishment‐ plus‐insertion theory, systematic syncretisms ‘will always move from a more marked to a less marked state’ (p. 282). According to this theory, when two paradigmatic cells are directionally syncretic, it is always the more marked feature value set that is converted into the less marked one. Divergent bidirectional syncretism (Baerman 2004; Baerman et al. 2005) poses a problem for this empirical claim. Baerman (2004: 816) gives the following definition of DBS: (3) Under divergent bidirectional syncretism, there is a feature value x that takes the form associated with feature value y in some contexts, while in other contexts y takes the form associated with x. Baerman illustrates DBS with cases from the Latin second declension, Classical Arabic declension, and Diyari declension.2 (p.261) Consider the Latin second declension. The suffix ‐us is the exponent of the nominative singular and marks the nominative singular of both default masculine nouns and a group of neuter nouns including vulgus ‘crowd’, vi:-rus ‘poison’, and pelagus ‘sea'. By contrast, ‐um is the exponent of the accusative singular and marks the accusative singular of both default neuter and default masculine nouns; see (4). Page 5 of 36

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

The accusative singular of nouns such as vulgus ‘crowd’ syncretizes with the nominative singular by taking ‐us as its exponent. An analysis based on impoverishment‐plus‐insertion will delete the accusative feature value and add the nominative feature value so that the vocabulary item ‐us ↔ NOM SG can be inserted, as in (5).3 This analysis conforms to the tenet of feature impoverishment‐plus‐insertion that the form of a less marked feature value always prevails. (5) a. ACC SG → SG → NOM SG (in the environment of nouns like vulgus) b. ‐us ↔ NOM SG The syncretism of the nominative and accusative singular of default neuter nouns, however, contradicts the tenet of impoverishment‐plus‐insertion. The nominative singular of the second declension default neuter nouns takes on the form of the accusative singular. Given that nominative is universally less marked than accusative (see e.g. Comrie 1975; 1976; Woolford 2001), impoverishment‐ plus‐insertion unexpectedly moves from a less marked to a more marked state: (p.262) (6) a. NOM SG → SG → ACC SG (in the environment of default neuter nouns) b. ‐um ↔ ACC SG

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Another case of DBS comes from Classical Arabic declension. According to Baerman (2004), ‘(i)n the so‐called sound plurals (formed by suffixation), genitive and accusative are syncretic, marked by the ending ‐i:, which corresponds to the distinct genitive of the default type. Diptotic nouns (certain adjectival stems, some broken plurals, and some personal names) likewise have a syncretic genitive/accusative, but the ending is ‐a, corresponding to the distinct accusative of the default type’ (p. 817). As we can see from (7), the genitive of diptotic nouns takes on the form of the accusative. By contrast, the accusative of sound plurals takes on the form of the genitive.

According to Comrie (1975; 1976), accusative is universally less marked than genitive. (See the case hierarchy in (8).) Therefore, it is against the tenet of impoverishment‐ plus‐insertion that the accusative of sound plurals takes the form of the genitive, a more marked feature value. (8) The case hierarchy (Comrie 1975; 1976) subject 〉 direct object 〉 indirect object 〉 oblique (NOM)   (ACC)   (DAT)    (GEN)

The third instance of DBS comes from Diyari declension. In Diyari, the absolutive case has a zero exponent and the suffix ‐n̪a is the exponent of the accusative. As we can see from (9), the absolutive of Type V nouns (male personal names) takes on the marker of the accusative, i.e. a less marked feature value takes on the form of a more marked one, given that Diyari is an ergative language. This again violates the tenet of impoverishment‐plus‐ insertion.

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(p.263) I = singular nouns II = non‐singular nouns, non‐singular 3rd person pronouns, singular pronouns III = non‐singular 1st and 2nd person pronouns IV = female personal names, singular pronouns V = male personal names In effect, as long as there is a markedness difference between the two feature values x and y in a case of DBS, it will pose a potential problem for the empirical claim that syncretism obeys markedness. One may try to save this empirical claim by assuming that the form of a marked feature value acts as a default marker. For example, in Latin, ‐um may be treated as an ‘elsewhere’ marker. To account for the syncretism of the nominative singular and accusative singular of default neuter nouns, impoverishment‐plus‐ insertion will delete the nominative feature value so that the default marker ‐um can be inserted: (10) a. NOM → ø / default neuter b. ‐um ↔ Elsewhere The same analysis applies to the syncretism of the genitive and accusative of sound plurals in Classical Arabic. That is, the genitive exponent ‐i is treated as a default. The accusative feature value is deleted in the environment of sound plurals so that ‐i can be inserted (ignoring the vowel lengthening of the plural marker for the moment). The syncretism of the absolutive and accusative in Diyari can be analysed in the same way. The accusative exponent ‐n̪a is a default marker. The absolutive feature value is deleted in the environment of male personal names so that ‐n̪a can be inserted.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * It is, however, unmotivated to assume that the form of a marked feature value acts as a default in the cases of DBS in question. Bobaljik (2002) argues in favour of the impoverishment theory in Noyer (1997; 1998) and suggests that the form of a universally less marked feature value tends to be a default. Therefore, ‐us ↔ NOM SG should be a more suitable candidate for a default than ‐um ↔ ACC SG in the Latin second declension; ‐a ↔ ACC should be more suitable for a default than ‐i ↔ GEN in Classical Arabic; and ‐ø ↔ ABS should be more suitable for a default than ‐n̪a ↔ ACC in Diyari, because the former feature values are universally less marked than the latter ones, respectively. Additionally, within these languages it is not clear why we should choose the forms of the latter feature values as defaults rather than those of the former ones, given that the forms of both marked and less marked syncretic feature values occupy equal numbers of paradigmatic cells, as we can see in (4),4 (7), and (9). (p.264) To summarize briefly, the above cases of DBS pose a problem for the strong claim of an impoverishment‐plus‐insertion theory that the form of a less marked feature value always prevails. To account for cases of DBS, impoverishment‐plus‐insertion needs to introduce the form of a less marked feature value in some cases and the form of a more marked feature value in others, or it sometimes needs to assume an unmotivated default marker. In fact, DBS poses a problem for any type of account of directional syncretism based on markedness feature hierarchies as those in Comrie (1975; 1976), Aissen (1999), and Woolford (2001).5 12.2.2 Old French two‐case system

Additionally, the Old French two‐case system poses a similar problem for an account based on markedness hierarchies of features. Old French had a system of two cases: nominative and accusative.6 The nominative singular and accusative plural of regular masculine nouns were marked by the suffix ‐s, which also marked the plural of regular feminine nouns. The masculine nominative plural did not have an overt marker: (11) a. Regular masculine nouns like murs ‘wall’ SG

PL

NOM

murs

mur

ACC

mur

murs

b. Regular feminine nouns like porte ‘door’ SG

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PL

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

NOM

porte

portes

ACC

porte

portes

If we assume that the default substantive plural marker in Old French is the suffix ‐s, which occupies more plural cells than ‐ø, the nominative singular of a masculine noun syncretizes with the default plural, i.e. the former takes the marker of the latter. This case of syncretism again violates the prediction of directional syncretism based on markedness hierarchies of features, assuming that singular is universally less marked than plural.7,8 (p.265) 12.2.3 A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of paradigmatic syncretism

In this section we present a Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of the above‐mentioned cases of directional syncretism. Realization Optimality Theory is an inferential‐realizational model of morphology (Matthews 1972; Zwicky 1985; Anderson 1992; Aronoff 1994; Stump 1993; 2001) within the framework of Optimality Theory. Following Russell (1995), Kager (1996), Yip (1998), and MacBride (2004), we assume that the phonological information of inflectional affixes is introduced through realization constraints that associate abstract morpho‐syntactic feature values with phonological forms. For example, the constraint {plural}: ‐z requires the feature value {plural} to be realized by the suffix ‐z. We assume that the input to realization consists of stems and unrealized morpho‐syntactic feature values. Following Grimshaw (1997), we assume that morpho‐syntactic feature values remain identical in both the input and output. We propose the constraint ranking schema in (12) to account for directional syncretism. (12) output‐to‐output correspondence constraints 〉〉 realization constraints Output‐to‐output (OO) correspondence constraints (Benua 1995; McCarthy and Prince 1995; Kenstowicz 1996; Kager 1999) make a new form identical to a base form. These constraints are ‘asymmetrical’ because there is a direction between a base and a copier. It is always a base that determines the phonological shape of a copier and not vice versa. Since these constraints reflect a directional copying process, they are well applicable to cases of DBS in which there is a clear syncretic direction. We propose two relevant OO correspondence constraints9 and two realization constraints in (13) to account for the syncretism of the nominative singular and accusative singular of both default neuters and neuter nouns like vulgus in the Latin second declension. (13)

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * a. IDENT (ACC SG (base), NOM SG / def(ault) n(euter)) (F): Corresponding segments of the forms of both the base ACC SG and the NOM SG in the (p.266) context of a default neuter have identical values for any phonological feature. (IDENT AN)10 b. IDENT (NOM SG (base), ACC SG / nouns like VULG) (F): Corresponding segments of the forms of both the base NOM SG and the ACC SG in the context of nouns like VULG have identical values for any phonological feature. (IDENT NA) c. { NOM, SG }: ‐us: Nominative singular is marked by the suffix ‐us in the output. d. {ACC, SG}: ‐um: Accusative singular is marked by the suffix ‐um in the output. Additionally, we refer to the markedness constraint *FEATURE SPLIT (Xu 2007) in (14) to rule out extended morphological exponence (*um‐us). (14) *FEATURE SPLIT: A morpho‐syntactic feature value should not be realized by more than one exponent. (*FS) In conventional OT literature, constraints are assumed to have universal status but realization constraints are necessarily language‐specific in that they realize arbitrary Saussurean signs. It is important to emphasize that the target of conventional OT is phonology while our model mainly deals with morphology, which, since at least Ferdinand de Saussure, has emphasized arbitrary associations of meaning and form. In other words, morphological realization is necessarily language‐particular, in any framework. Our chapter is concerned with morphological realization, not with phonology, and language‐particular realization constraints are crucial in dealing with morphological phenomena, by definition. Whether language‐particular constraints are necessary for purely phonological aspects of language is, thus, completely outside the scope of our work. As Wunderlich (2005) remarks, it remains a question whether all constraints must belong to a universal set, or whether there can be language‐ or even construction‐specific constraints. The effects of the OCP constraint, for example, are universally observed while each instantiation of this constraint is language‐particular (cf. Yip 1998; Mohanan and Mohanan 2003). Mohanan and Mohanan (2003) propose a model in which a universal constraint matrix generates language‐particular constraints. Similarly, we assume that each specific realization constraint is a language‐particular instantiation of a universal constraint that associates meaning with form.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (p.267) Let us first consider the syncretism of the nominative and accusative of default neuters. We assume that an input contains both a lexical stem and inherent features of a lexeme, and abstract morpho‐syntactic feature values that remain constant. The function Gen generates an infinite list of morpho‐ phonological forms which spell out the lexeme and the abstract morpho‐ syntactic feature values.11 We assume that, for example, an input contains both the lexeme BELL whose lexical stem is bell and the morpho‐syntactic feature values nominative singular; we assume that ‐um {ACC, SG} is a base whose morpho‐phonological form is to be copied.12 Consider Table 12.1. The word bell‐um is the winning candidate although it violates the lower ranked constraint {NOM, SG}: ‐us. The candidate *bell‐us fatally violates the OO correspondence constraint IDENT AN because /s/ of ‐us does not correspond to /m/ of ‐um in the base with respect to a phonological feature (e.g. voicing, nasality). The form *bell‐um‐us {NOM, SG} is ruled out by *FEATURE SPLIT, which bans extended exponence. The same grammar can account for the syncretism of the nominative singular and accusative singular of nouns like VULG in the Latin second declension. We assume that the input comprises the lexeme VULG and its lexical stem vulg and the morpho‐syntactic feature values accusative singular. We also assume that the relevant base is ‐us {NOM, SG}. The output candidate *vulg‐um {ACC, SG} fatally violates the constraint IDENT NA because /m/ of ‐um does not correspond to /s/ of ‐us in the base with respect to phonological features such as voicing, nasality. The form vulg‐us {ACC, SG} is the winning candidate despite its violation of the lower‐ranked constraint {ACC, SG}: ‐um. See Table 12.2. To account for the syncretism of the GEN and ACC of sound plurals in Classical Arabic, we propose three crucial constraints in (15). (15) a. IDENT (GEN (base), ACC / plural) (vowel height): Corresponding segments of the forms of both the base gen and the acc in the context of a plural have identical values for vowel height. (IDENT GA (VH)) b. {PL}: long vowel: Plurals are marked by long vowels. ({PL}: LV) c. {ACC}: ‐a: The accusative is marked by the suffix ‐a in the output. (p.268) TABLE 12.1 Latin BELL

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Consider Table 12.3. We assume that an input, for example, comprises the lexeme MU'MIN whose lexical stem is mu'min and the feature value set {ACC, PL}. We also assume that the relevant base is ‐i {GNT}. The word mu'min‐i: is the winning candidate although it violates the lower‐ranked constraint {ACC}: ‐a. The illicit candidate *mu'min‐i is ruled out by the grammar because it fatally violates the constraint {PL}: LV which requires the plural to be marked by a long vowel. The illicit candidate *mu'min‐a is also ruled out because it fatally violates both the constraints IDENT GA (VH) and {PL}: LV in that /a/ is a short vowel and does not correspond to /i/ of the genitive base.

To account for the syncretism of the absolutive and accusative of both male personal names (Type V nouns) and singular nouns (Type I nouns) in Diyari declension, we propose two crucial OO correspondence constraints and two realization constraints in (16). (p.269) TABLE 12.2 Latin VULG

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(16) a. MAX (ACC (base), ABS / male personal name): Every segment in the base accusative form has a correspondent in the form of the absolutive in the environment of a male personal name (mpn). (MAX (ACC, ABS)) b. DEP (ABS (base), ACC / singular noun): Every segment in the form of the accusative has a correspondent in the base absolutive form in the environment of a singular noun. (DEP (ABS, ACC)) c. {ABS}: ‐ø: The absolutive is marked by a zero suffix in the output. d. {ACC}: ‐n̪a: The accusative is marked by the suffix ‐n̪a in the output. Let us first consider the syncretism of the accusative and absolutive of male personal names. Assume the input comprises a male personal name and the absolutive feature value and the relevant base is ‐n̪a {ACC}. Consider Table 12.4. The affix ‐n̪a is the winning candidate although it violates the lower‐ranked constraint {ABS}: ‐ø. The output candidate *‐ø fatally violates the OO correspondence constraint MAX (ACC, ABS) because the base form has no correspondent in the output. Page 14 of 36

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (p.270) TABLE 12.3 Classical Arabic MU’MIN

The same grammar can account for the syncretism of the accusative and absolutive of singular nouns. Assume the input contains a singular noun and the accusative feature value and the relevant base is ‐ø {ABS}. The output candidate *‐n̪a fatally violates the OO correspondence constraint DEP (ABS, ACC) because the output has no correspondent in the base. See Table 12.5.

To account for the syncretism in the Old French two‐case system (11), we propose the relevant realization and OO correspondence constraints in (17). (17) a. MAX ({PL} (base), {M, NOM, SG}): Every segment in the base plural form has a correspondent in the form of nominative masculine singular. (p.271) TABLE 12.4 Male personal name (Diyari)

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TABLE 12.5 Singular noun (Diyari)

b. DEP ({SG} (base), {M, NOM, PL}): Every segment in the form of nominative masculine singular has a correspondent in the base singular form.

c. {PL}: ‐s: The plural is marked by the suffix ‐s in the output. d. {SG}: ‐ø: The singular is marked by a zero suffix in the output. (p.272) TABLE 12.6 Nominative masculine singular (Old French)

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Every paradigmatic cell in (11) can be accounted for by the ranking schema under which *FEATURE SPLIT and the more specific OO correspondence constraints (17a–b) outrank the less specific realization constraints (17c–d). Let us see how our grammar derives the illustrative Old French paradigmatic cells, i.e. {M, NOM, SG}, {M, NOM, PL}, and {F, NOM, PL}. Consider first Table 12.6. Candidate (a) wins even if it violates the lower ranked constraint that requires the singular to be realized by a zero suffix. Candidate (b) is ruled out because the base plural suffix ‐s is not spelled out in the output. Candidate (c) is ruled out by *FEATURE SPLIT because the singular is doubly realized by both ‐s and ‐ø.

Similarly, in Table 12.7 candidate (a) wins though it violates the constraint {PL}: ‐s. Candidate (b) is ruled out because it violates DEP ({SG} (base), {M, NOM, PL}), which requires the nominative masculine plural to copy a zero suffix. Candidate (c) is ruled out by *FEATURE SPLIT because the plural is doubly realized by both ‐ø and ‐s.13 (p.273) TABLE 12.7 Nominative masculine plural (Old French)

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In Table 12.8 the nominative feminine plural form portes satisfies all the constraints and becomes the winning candidate.

Our Realization OT grammar in which OO correspondence constraints outrank realization constraints performs as well as rules of referral (Zwicky 1985; Stump 1993 a) in accounting for directional syncretism of fully identical forms. Take the syncretism of the nominative and accusative singular of default neuters in the Latin second declension as an example. Consider the rules in (18) (Baerman 2004: 816). The rule of referral in (18a) states that in the environment of a default neuter, the nominative singular refers to the (p.274) TABLE 12.8 Nominative feminine plural (Old French)

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

phonological form of the accusative singular. This rule of referral feeds the rule of exponence in (18b) which spells out the accusative singular. Unlike the impoverishment‐plus‐insertion theory that makes an excessively restrictive prediction about directions of syncretism, the constraint‐based grammar and rules of both referral and exponence have no problem accounting for directional syncretism of fully identical forms.

(18) a. NOM SG in default neuter = ACC SG b. ACC SG = stem + ‐um Compared to rules of referral, a grammar with OO correspondence and realization constraints more explicitly shows that cases of syncretism in which a direction has to be specified involve a copying process. The proposed constraint‐ based grammar also captures the two functions of a rule of exponence, i.e. a rule of exponence not only spells out morpho‐syntactic feature values but also sometimes provides a base which is to be copied by a distinct set of morpho‐ syntactic feature values in a rule of referral.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * A related question arises. What can act as a base which is to be copied when we need to specify the direction of syncretism? There are several possibilities, which by no means form an exhaustive list. First, the phonological form realizing a feature value which occupies more paradigmatic cells of this feature value may act as a base (e.g. in the Latin second declension, ‐um, which marks accusative singular, acts as a base for the nominative singular of a default neuter to copy because ‐um occupies more accusative cells than nominative ones). Second, the phonological form (p.275) which realizes a universally less marked feature value tends to be a base (Noyer 1998; Bobaljik 2002). Additionally, Albright (2008) argues that the plural form in early Yiddish was a base on which morphological levelling took place although the plural is a marked feature value. He remarks that ‘in this case, the plural is the form that most clearly exhibits lexical contrasts, and extending the plural variant does the least violence to recoverability’ (p. 300).

12.3 Partial identity of forms In this section we show that output‐to‐output correspondence constraints are more fine‐grained mechanisms than rules of referral, although both can capture directional syncretism. OO correspondence constraints can also capture forms which are partially identical while by contrast rules of referral connect two fully identical forms. 12.3.1 Pinker (1998)

Pinker observes that English words such as workman and snowman have the irregular inflection X‐men while Walkman ‘a personal stereo’ doesn't. Based on the Right‐hand Head Rule (Williams 1981), Pinker argues that the plural form of Walkman is Walkmans instead of *Walkmen because something (let's say ‘X’) prevents Walkman from inheriting its manner of inflection from its rightmost morpheme ‐man. Pinker assumes the structure for Walkman is [N[V Walk] [X[N man]]]. Pinker's account leaves two questions unaddressed: (i) It is not clear what this ‘something' or X refers to; (ii) It is not clear why this X stands in between the nominal categories in cases like Walkman. 12.3.2 A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic account of partial identity of forms

We show that the ranking schema under which OO correspondence constraints outrank realization constraints can account for the distinction between snowmen and Walkmans. We organize nouns including workman and snowman with both the morpheme ‐man (/mæn/) and the sense of ‘human appearance’ into one inflectional class (Aronoff 1994) in that they decline in the same way to realize the plural feature value. Let us call this class ‘man‐class.’ We propose a relevant OO correspondence constraint and a realization constraint in (19). (p.276) TABLE 12.9 SNOWMAN

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(19) a. IDENT (PL / MAN), (PL / {N, man‐class}) (F): Corresponding segments of both the plural exponent of MAN and a man‐class noun have identical values for any phonological feature. (IDENT (PL / MAN), (PL / man‐class)) b. {PL}: ‐s: Plural is realized by the suffix ‐s in the output. Let us first consider snowmen. We assume that the input comprises the lexeme SNOWMAN and its stem snowman and the plural feature value. The relevant base is men, which realizes both MAN and the plural feature value. Consider Table 12.9. The word snowmen is the winning candidate although it violates the lower‐ranked constraint {PL}: ‐s. The word snowmen satisfies IDENT (PL / MAN), (PL / man‐class) because corresponding segments of both men and snowmen have identical phonological feature values.14 The illicit (p.277) TABLE 12.10 Walkman

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form *snowmans fatally violates the OO correspondence constraint because the plural exponent men in the base does not correspond to the plural exponent ‐s in the output with respect to phonological features. The illicit form *snowmens violates *FEATURE SPLIT because the plural feature value is realized twice.

Next, let us consider Walkmans. We assume that the input comprises the lexeme WALKMAN and its stem Walkman and the plural feature value. The base is men, which realizes both MAN and the plural feature value.15 The constraint IDENT (PL / MAN), (PL / man‐class) does not apply to Walkmen or Walkmans, because WALKMAN is not a man‐class noun since WALKMAN does not denote the sense of ‘human appearance’. Walkmen is ruled out by the constraint {PL}: ‐s. Walkmans is the winning candidate, which satisfies both the constraints IDENT (PL / MAN), (PL / man‐class) and {PL}: ‐s. See Table 12.10. This analysis captures the observation that the plural form of MAN is unpredictable16 while there is a productive process in which the plural forms (p. 278) of man‐class nouns copy the plural form of MAN. Similar analyses apply to other inflectional classes in English such as the go‐class including go, forgo, undergo, etc. and the stand‐class including stand, understand, withstand, etc.17 Additionally, this approach circumvents the problems for Pinker's (1998) analysis of Walkmans. It straightforwardly shows that the plural form of WALKMAN does not copy men because the meaning of the whole lexeme prevents WALKMAN from joining the man‐class. 12.3.3 Rules of Referral

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * OO correspondence constraints have a wider scope of application than rules of referral (Zwicky 1985; Stump 1993 a) which would encounter problems to account for partial identity of forms. In the spirit of Zwicky (1985), who uses rules of exponence to realize German suppletive determiners,18 we can propose a rule of exponence in (20) to realize the plural of the lexeme MAN. (20) {MAN, PL} = men We cannot, however, use a rule of referral like (21) to realize the plural form of the lexeme SNOWMAN because otherwise the plural form of SNOWMAN would be men instead of snowmen.19 Rule (21) says that the plural form of SNOWMAN is identical to the plural form of MAN which is men. (21) {SNOWMAN, PL} = {MAN, PL}

12.4 Müller (2007; 2008) In this section we discuss two alternative OT morphological approaches to syncretism in Müller (2007; 2008) and continue to argue for the superiority of Realization OT. Müller (2007) proposes a ‘radically non‐morphemic’ approach to syncretism, which rejects directional approaches to syncretism such as referral (p.279) and dispenses with Saussurean associations of meaning and form. He uses negatively defined constraints to rule out all other logically possible combinations of meaning and form in order to derive a single correct output. For example, to derive the nominative singular exponent of a neuter noun in Latin second declension, i.e. ‐um, he will have to use negatively defined constraints to forbid other logically possible morphs to realize the morpho‐syntactic feature values (e.g. *‐us {NOM, SG, neuter}, *ō {NOM, SG, neuter}, …).20 One of the problems with this type of approach lies in language acquisition, as Müller (2007) admits. A child will have to learn an immense list of negatively defined restrictions before he acquires one exponent. Notice that morphs that are not inflectional exponents can also participate in competing for a specific paradigmatic slot given that his approach is radically non‐morphemic in that a morph is not associated with any meaning. Müller (2008) abandons this radical approach and advocates a different version of OT morphology. He assumes that all syncretisms are directional and posits the notion ‘leading form’, which is similar to ‘base’ in Realization OT. He rejects underspecification of feature values, which is widely used to account for non‐ directional syncretism.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Let us illustrate Müller's (2008) framework with the Latin paradigm in (4), repeated in (22). Müller would assume that there are four leading forms in (22): {‐us, ‐um, ‐ī, ‐ō}. Each of them is arbitrarily associated with a fully specified morpho‐syntactic feature set. For example, the suffix ‐ī can be arbitrarily associated with the feature value set {Declension class: II, genitive, singular, masculine}.21 Subsequently, the morpho‐phonological information of ‐ī spreads to other paradigmatic slots. We present in (23) the whole picture of how Müller's mechanism works. Notice that all the leading slots are arbitrarily chosen. (p.280) (22) The Latin second declension (adapted from Baerman 2004: 816) DEFAULT NEUTER

DEFAULT MASCULINE

NOM & ACC in ‐us

‘war’

‘slave’

‘crowd’

NOM bell‐um SG

serv‐us

vulg‐us

ACC SG

bell‐um

serv‐um

vulg‐us

GEN SG

bell‐ī

serv‐ī

vulg‐ī

DAT SG

bell‐ō

serv‐ō

vulg‐ō

ABL SG

bell‐ō

serv‐ō

vulg‐ō

(23) The Latin second declension analyzed with leading forms

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

Like Realization Optimality Theory, Müller (2008) assumes that an input contains abstract morpho‐syntactic feature values that remain identical in both the input and output. He posits an exponent category (EXP) that consists of leading forms, e.g. {‐us, ‐um, ‐ī, ‐ō}EXP in (23). He proposes the undominated constraint MATCH that maps into an output all the information of a leading form, i.e. both its morpho‐syntactic and morpho‐phonological information and the association of the two pieces of information. A group of faithfulness constraints will select the winning candidate. He decomposes feature values into smaller components.22,23 See Tables 12.11 and 12.12. (p.281) TABLE 12.11 Case decomposition (adapted from Müller 2007: 51)

TABLE 12.12 Gender decomposition (adapted from Müller 2008: 84 citing Bierwisch 1967; Wiese 1999)

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

A tableau illustrating the derivation of the form bell‐ī {gen, sg, neuter, Declension class: II} is shown in Table 12.13. The four output candidates are the leading forms in (23). The IDENT‐constraints in Table 12.13 require the morpho‐syntactic information of each output candidate to match that of the input. The candidate bell‐ī {GEN, SG, MASC, Declension: II} wins because all the other leading forms more seriously violate the constraints in the grammar. (We leave our readers a task of deriving other paradigmatic slots in (23) and making adjustments to the grammar in Table 12.13.)

Müller's (2008) approach is interesting, but it causes several problems that are avoided in Realization OT. Above all, as Müller admits, the selection of a leading form can often be arbitrary in his framework, technically speaking. By contrast, Realization OT does not posit a base unless necessary. Second, Müller's framework causes a huge burden on language acquisition while Realization OT does not. Müller assumes that paradigms are epiphenomena, which in our understanding do not participate in the derivation of output forms. But his framework crucially relies on leading forms whose content is mapped to outputs. Additionally, he needs to place these leading forms in an exponent category or paradigm. All these show that paradigms are not epiphenomena in his framework, which contradicts his basic assumption. Moreover, the constraint MATCH is essentially an OO correspondence constraint. Notice that the grammar in Table 12.13, for example, is basically a morpho‐syntactic grammar and the morpho‐syntactic information of a (p.282)

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

TABLE 12.13 Latin paradigmatic effects bell, +SUBJ, MATCH +OBJ, −OBL, – ADV, +SG, +M, +F, II

IDENT CLASS

IDENT MASC

IDENT ADV IDENT SG

IDENT SUBJ

IDENT OBJ

IDENT OBL IDENT FEM

EXP ☛ bell‐ī, +SUBJ, +OBJ, −OBL, −ADV, +SG, +M, −F, II bell‐us, +SUBJ, −OBJ, −OBL, −ADV, +SG, +M, +F, [vu lg–class], II

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*!

*!

*!

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

bell‐um, −SUBJ, +OBJ, −OBL, −ADV, +SG, +M, +F, II

*!

bell‐ō, −SUBJ, +OBJ, +OBL, −ADV, +SG, +M, −F, II

*!

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*!

*!

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (p.283) leading form that is mapped to an output via MATCH basically differs from that of an input. If the constraint MATCH is not restrictively defined, then every listed item that is not necessarily an inflectional exponent should be able to occur in the output. In other words, in order to realize a single paradigmatic slot, a learner has to learn not only a huge number of listed items but also the grouping of them.24 By contrast, Realization OT reduces the burden of acquisition to the minimum. It does not posit OO correspondence constraints unless necessary and these constraints are always restrictively defined. If the MATCH constraint in Müller (2008) is restrictively defined to reduce the burden of acquiring the Latin paradigm in (4) (=(22)) to the minimum while at the same time incorporate the necessary direction of syncretism, the new constraints that replace MATCH will be identical with those OO correspondence constraints in Realization OT.

Last but not least, the OO correspondence constraints in Realization OT constitute a simpler mechanism compared to Müller's (2008) approach. Müller's grammar may arguably be more ‘principled’ than Realization OT. However, given that feature decomposition varies among frameworks and languages25 and Müller's OT grammar allows powerful mechanisms such as constraint reranking, indexed faithfulness constraints or contextually defined constraints, constraint conjunction, sympathy theory, etc., it is not clear at all how principled his mechanism is or what predictions his grammar makes. If his grammar makes no more predictions than Realization OT, we will naturally prefer simpler OO correspondence constraints to the more complicated system in Müller (2008).

12.5 Conclusions We have shown that Realization OT is superior to several alternative approaches to syncretism. Our Realization OT approach based on both realization and OO correspondence constraints can account for both directional syncretism and cases in which partially identical lexemes share the same (p.284) inflectional formative. Divergent bidirectional syncretism, which brings about both marked and unmarked forms, poses a problem for the tenet of impoverishment‐plus‐ insertion that the form of a less marked feature value always prevails. The Old French two‐case system poses a similar problem. By contrast, Realization OT shows that directional syncretism involves a process of copying a base's morpho‐ phonological form. An approach based on the Right‐hand Head Rule has problems accounting for nouns like WALKMAN and SNOWMAN which contain the same root but do not undergo the same inflectional process because it is not clear what prevents WALKMAN from being inflected in the same way as SNOWMAN. OO correspondence constraints are more fine‐grained mechanisms and have a wider scope of application than rules of referral in that the former are able to account for both full and partial identity of forms while rules of referral connect two fully identical forms.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * There always remain issues for further exploration, which shows that Realization OT is a promising framework. For example, one reviewer asks whether there is an essential difference between rules of referral, impoverishment (‐plus‐ insertion), and OO correspondence constraints in Realization Optimality Theory. Actually, it is not clear to us whether the way Zwicky (1985) presents a rule of referral (e.g. NOM = ACC) indicates a change of morpho‐syntactic feature value (e.g. feature impoverishment‐plus‐insertion) or a process of copying a base's morpho‐phonological form (e.g. OO correspondence). Both impoverishment‐plus‐ insertion and OO correspondence tackle morphology‐syntax mismatches. As far as we can see, markedness hierarchies of features are mechanisms external to both impoverishment‐plus‐insertion and OO correspondence constraints, so the difference between impoverishment‐plus‐insertion and OO correspondence lies somewhere else. Technically speaking, impoverishment (‐plus‐insertion) creates intermediate stages or linkers (e.g. NOM → Ø → ACC → realization). Unless we can make cognitive or linguistic significance out of such linkers, we will naturally prefer a simpler mechanism without spelling out these intermediate stages. Our chapter argues for an autonomous morphological component of the grammatical architecture. All the cases in question are independent of any phonological approach to syncretism. A natural question arises how morphology interacts with phonology, which is studied in many works. To summarize a few findings, Wolf (2008) and McCarthy (to appear) argue that phonology and morphology are not separate components and morphology operates within the phonological component. Their arguments are based on evidence from phonologically conditioned morphological processes such as allomorphy. Yu (2003; 2007) presents a model in which morphological constraints outrank phonological ones, but see Paster's (forthcoming) criticisms of such a model. Kiparsky (1982 a, b ; 2000) presents a cyclic model of (p.285) morphology‐ phonology interaction in which morphology precedes phonology. Paster (2009; forthcoming) concludes that phonologically conditioned allomorphy is not a universal phenomenon and there are cases in which morphology determines allomorphy. She basically adopts Kiparsky's model and suggests that morphology and phonology are separate components and morphology strictly precedes phonology. In cases of phonologically conditioned allomorphy, the morphological component generates outputs for phonology to process. (See also Xu 2007 for relevant discussion.) Given the numerous discoveries made by ‘blind people trying to figure out an elephant's shape by touching its different parts’,26 we suggest a hybrid model of the morphology–phonology interface by adopting the Confucian ideology that we should always stand in between two extremes. That is, morphology and phonology are basically distinct components of the grammatical architecture; morphology precedes phonology by default while the two components overlap to an extent that varies among languages. Page 30 of 36

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Many questions can be raised on this hybrid model. For example, what do morphological and phonological components consist of? Realization OT attempts to address part of this question, i.e. what does an autonomous morphological component consist of? Our current chapter and other research show that such an autonomous morphological component does exist. It includes realization and OO correspondence constraints, markedness constraints favoring simple exponence (e.g. Xu 2007), the scope constraint that maps semantic scope to morphological structures (e.g. Xu 2007; Aronoff and Xu, to appear). We assume that morphology precedes phonology by default given the works of lexical morphology and phonology. The default situation is that phonology takes effects after a stem or word is built up. In the overlapping area of morphology and phonology we may observe both phonologically conditioned morphological processes such as allomorphy and morphologically conditioned phonological processes that involve sound changes sensitive to morpho‐syntactic information (see Inkelas (to appear) for criteria to distinguish realizational morphology from morphologically conditioned phonological processes). Morphologically conditioned phonological processes (p.286) are assumed to involve morphological effects (effects of Saussurean signs) in the phonological component. We believe that phonologically conditioned allomorphy, for example, is a case in which phonological effects show up in the morphological component. If morphology strictly precedes phonology, then morphology should determine every case of allomorphy, given that allomorphs compete to realize a feature set and therefore mutually exclude because of the blocking principle that dates back at least to Pāṇini's time and is assumed in every morphological framework. Only a model that recognizes a simultaneous interplay of phonological and morphological effects can account for such phonologically conditioned morphological processes because otherwise by the time allomorphs are introduced via realizational morphology into either the input (e.g. conventional OT) or the output (Wolf 2008; McCarthy, to appear), only one allomorph will survive because of morphological blocking, which will leave no choice to phonology. Realization OT is such a theory, which recognizes an autonomous morphological domain while at the same time allows phonological effects to show up in this domain. One subsequent question is what kind of phonological effects can show up in the morphological domain. For example, the constraint ONSET often shows its effects in morphology to determine allomorphy perhaps because it is a very general phonological requirement given that every human language has words with an onset. By contrast, the spreading of nasality feature is seldom observed to condition morphological processes perhaps because it is not very general and only occurs in a few languages.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * Given that languages have both morphologically and phonologically conditioned allomorphy, it seems that the morphological and phonological components overlap to an extent that varies among languages. That is, in languages whose morphological component does not overlap with the phonological one, we may observe morphologically conditioned allomorphy if we assume morphology precedes phonology by default. On the other hand, in languages whose morphological component overlaps with the phonological one, we may observe phonologically conditioned allomorphy, i.e. phonological effects showing up in the morphological component. All of the above‐mentioned issues deserve further exploration so that the morphology–phonology interface will become less mysterious and more fine‐ grained theoretical models will be proposed to account for it. For the time being, we aim to provide linguists with a useful and promising model for doing morphology, i.e. Realization Optimality Theory. Notes:

(*) Research in this chapter was partially supported by a faculty start‐up grant at National University of Singapore (R‐102‐000‐044‐133). Part of this chapter was presented at Stony Brook University and Penn Linguistics Colloquium 30. We would like to thank Matthew Baerman, Ricardo Bermúdez‐Otero, James P. Blevins, Andrew Carstairs‐McCarthy, Alice C. Harris, Robert D. Hoberman, Harriet E. Manelis Klein, Gereon Müller, Gregory T. Stump, and the late Mark Volpe for many valuable comments on an earlier version of this chapter. Errors remain our own. (1) Stump's (1993 a) original paradigm includes imperfect forms, which are identical with the aorist ones with respect to the occurrence of ‐v. (2) See also Carstairs‐McCarthy (1998 a), Baerman et al. (2005) for criticisms of the impoverishment theory from a different perspective, i.e. if we reasonably manipulate the morpho‐syntactic feature values of vocabulary items, impoverishment will make different predictions about syncretic directions. (3) Third declension neuter nouns like tempus ‘time’ pattern similarly to vulgus, in that the form of both the nominative and accusative resembles the masculine and feminine nominative (e.g. dens ‘tooth’, miles ‘soldier’). (4) In (4) the dative marker ‐ō seems to be the most suitable candidate for a default since it occupies the largest number of paradigmatic slots. (5) Wunderlich (2001; 2004) describes syncretism on the basis of impoverishment and underspecification. Baerman (2004) criticizes Wunderlich's (2004) treatment of syncretism and remarks that underspecification is incapable of accounting for DBS.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (6) Some works (e.g. Detges 2009) term the Old French accusative ‘oblique case’. (7) See Matthews (1991) for relevant reasoning that singular is less marked than plural. (8) The loss of Old French ‐s is highly complicated and controversial. This chapter will not tackle this issue. See Detges (2009) for a review of various approaches to it. (9) Apart from the feature identity constraints in (13), there are other OO correspondence constraints such as MAX‐OO which bans the deletion of a segment of a base and DEP‐OO which bans the occurrence of a segment in the output that does not have a correspondent in the base. For simplicity of presentation we sometimes omit the discussion of some OO correspondence constraints which are not crucial to our results. (10) This constraint can also be formulated as follows. Corresponding segments of the forms of both the base accusative singular and the nominative singular plus a diacritic feature 〈default neuter〉 have identical values for any phonological feature. (11) See McCarthy (to appear) for a different interpretation of the function Gen. Under this interpretation, Gen is a powerful part of the grammar that participates in the selection of output forms apart from constraint rankings. Gen rules out all the logical output possibilities that are not minimally different from the input so that they cannot stand in correspondence to the input. (12) The notion of a base in this chapter is a morpho‐phonological form which is to be copied. By contrast, Kager (1999) gives a different definition of a base and proposes that a base should be a free‐standing word and contains a subset of the grammatical features of the derived form. (13) The markedness constraint *FEATURE SPLIT should outrank OO constraints in old French so that in some irregular nominative masculine singular forms a suppletive stem that marks masculine, nominative, and singular blocks the suffix ‐s, which syncretizes with the plural and marks {NOM, MASC, SG} in regular forms (11). In the following paradigm, the suppletive form lerre ‘robber, thief’ marks {nom, masc, sg} without taking the suffix ‐s. Two‐case declension of OF masculine class III nouns (lerre ‘robber, thief’)

Singular

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Nominative

Accusative

lerre

larron

A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms *

Plural

larron

larron‐s

(14) The word snowmen violates the constraint DEP‐OO which requires no occurrence of additional segment compared to the base men. DEP‐OO should therefore rank lower than MAX‐IO which requires no deletion of the input segments of snowman. The output candidate *men fatally violates MAX‐IO and is therefore ruled out. (15) It is possible that there is no base for WALKMAN to copy given that by contrast all man‐class nouns are free‐standing words and have the semantic structure ‘something that looks like a man’. This assumption, however, encounters a problem when we account for, for example, the past tense forms of UNDERGO, FORGO, etc. which have went as their base. Verbs like UNDERGO, FORGO are semantically unrelated to GO. (16) If we follow Pinker (1998), we can assume that the irregular form men is listed in the lexicon. By contrast, Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993) would assume that ‐Ø marks the plural of the Root √MAN, which is followed by a readjustment rule triggering a Root‐internal vowel change. (17) Kiparsky (1982b) discusses a case where the past tense form of the verb grandstand is grandstanded instead of *grandstood. Following Kiparsky, we assume stand in grandstand is a noun and therefore exclude grandstand from the stand‐class in which no member contains the noun stand. (18) Zwicky's rule of exponence is formalized as follows, for example. ‘[INDEX: 15, CASE: NOM, GEND: NEUT, NUM: SG] is realized as /das/’ (Zwicky 1985: 383). (19) The Head Application Principle (Stump 2001) accounts for the plural form of SNOWMAN, though it is not clear how it accounts for the plural form of WALKMAN.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (20) We simplify Müller's notations. He uses binary morpho‐syntactic features, e.g. {nom} = {[+subject], [–object], [–oblique], [–adverb]}. He orders morphs along a sonority scale and assigns either a phonological feature (e.g. [+continuant]) or an arbitrarily defined feature of sonority range to a group of morphs. It is not clear to us why and how morphs are ordered along a sonority scale. Additionally, his ordering can be arbitrary: sometimes it is a vowel that determines the sonority level of a morph that also contains consonants; sometimes it is a consonant that determines the sonority level of a morph that also contains a vowel. For example, it is not clear which morph is more sonorant, [e] or [ip] because the former contains a mid vowel but no coda while the latter contains both a high vowel and a coda. He does not consider duration or perception of a segment, which can play a significant role in determining sonority. (21) We simplify the notations of Müller, which use binary features. But such simplification won't affect our current demonstration. (22) Readers are also referred to Bierwisch (1967), Wiese (1999; 2003 a, b) for details on feature decomposition. (23) The notations of feature values in Müller (2007) differ somewhat from those in Müller (2008). For example, in Müller (2008) {nom} is decomposed into [– governed] and [–oblique]. Since Müller (2008) does not discuss the ablative case while Müller (2007) does, we refer to the notations in Müller (2007), but such notational differences won't affect our demonstration. (24) Such an ‘immense paradigmatic effect’ should also be observed in works such as Wolf (2008) and McCarthy (to appear), which do not posit realization constraints or recognize an autonomous morphological component. (25) For example, nominative and accusative form a natural class in Müller (2008) because they share the feature value [‐obl] while they do not form a natural class in Wunderlich (2004), who assumes that accusative bears the feature values [+higher role] and [verb] but by contrast nominative is unspecified with respect to any feature. Additionally, German accusative (+GOV, ‐OBL) and genitive (‐GOV, +OBL) do not form a natural class in Müller (2008) but they form a natural class in Müller (2007), which assumes that accusative and genitive share the feature values [+OBJ], [‐OBL], and [‐ADV]. Moreover, Müller (2008) assumes that accusative and genitive form a natural class in Russian but not in German.

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A Realization Optimality‐Theoretic Approach to Full and Partial Identity of Forms * (26) This expression comes from a Buddhist story. Once upon a time, four blind people wanted to know what an elephant looked like, but they could not see it. One fat blind man touched an elephant's ivory and claimed that the elephant looked like a carrot; one tall blind man grasped its ear and stated that the elephant should resemble a fan; one short blind man felt its leg and said that the elephant was like a column; one old blind man disagreed with them and concluded that the elephant looked like a rope because he held its tail. This story implies that the complicated nature of the interface of morphology and phonology may be beyond any predictions of a uniform theoretical model.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0014

Abstract and Keywords Syncretism and suppletion are both non‐canonical features of inflectional morphology. The explanation of stem distribution in suppletion patterns is still an area of much debate. In Gallo‐Romance dialects, the different patterns of Romance suppletive verbs – which are morphemic and thus a sign of autonomous morphology – are often targeted by syncretism. The distribution of cells to the different stems in suppletive verbs mirrors the syncretism pattern established in regular verbs. Whatever the final outcome of this adjustment, the inherited distribution of cells forming the morphomic pattern falls to pieces but the winning syncretism pattern has established itself a new morphomic pattern. Keywords:   take‐over process, suppletion, Gallo‐Romance, canonical inflection, intermediate forms

13.1 Introduction: Syncretism and suppletion in a canonical approach and in Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) 13.1.1 Canonical inflection and canonical paradigms

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 As the starting point for my analysis I take the canonical approach to inflectional morphology as proposed by Corbett (2005, 2007a): ‘In a canonical approach, we take definitions to their logical end point and build theoretical spaces of possibilities. […] It follows that canonical instances (the best examples, those most closely matching the canon) may well not be the most frequent. They may indeed be extremely rare, or even non‐existent. However, they fix a point from which occurring phenomena can be calibrated, and it is then significant and interesting to investigate frequency distributions’ [my emphasis – MOH] (Corbett 2005: 26). Furthermore, as Corbett (2007 a: 9) points out, ‘the canonical approach allows the linguist to handle gradient phenomena in a principled way’. (p.288) TABLE 13.1. Canonical inflection (adapted from Corbett 2007a: 9) comparison across cells of comparison across a lexeme

lexemes

composition/structure

same

same

lexical material (≈ shape of stem) → stems

same

different

inflectional material (≈ shape of inflection) → desinences

different

same

outcome (≈ shape of inflected word) → inflected form

different

different

TABLE 13.2. Non‐canonical inflection

composition/structure

comparison across cells of a lexeme

comparison across lexemes

different: ‘affixation

different: ‘affixation

alternation’, heteroclisis

alternation’

lexical material (≈ different: suppletion or shape of stem) → stems stem allomorphy

same: homonymy

inflectional material (≈ same: (desinence)

different: desinence

shape of inflection) → desinences

allomorphy

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syncretism

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

outcome (≈ shape of inflected word) → inflected form

comparison across cells of a lexeme

comparison across lexemes

same: (total) syncretism

same: (total) homonymy

In inflectional morphology, across the cells of a lexeme the lexical material (i.e. the root or stem) should, canonically, remain the same and the inflectional material (i.e. the desinences) should differ, resulting in a different outcome for the inflected form specific to each paradigm cell (see Table 13.1). Corbett states that in inflectional morphology, those features that have been established for the language in question ‘should “multiply out”, so that all possible cells in a paradigm exist’, and, ‘to be fully canonical, a paradigm should be “consistent”, according to the requirements given in Table 1’ [my emphasis – MOH] (Corbett 2007 a: 9).

Table 13.2 illustrates some examples of non‐canonical phenomena in inflectional morphology. Syncretism and suppletion (or stem allomorphy) are both non‐ canonical features of inflectional morphology, violating the above principles by displaying identical inflectional material in two (or more) cells of the (p.289) TABLE 13.3. Syncretism and suppletion – deviations from the canonical, i.e. strict one‐to‐one (biunique), correspondence (isomorphism) between form and meaning deviation from isomorphism

one meaning → many forms

one form → many meanings

in lexical morphology synonymy

homonymy

in inflectional morphology

stem allomorphy / suppletion

syncretism

examples

French aller ‘to go’:

French parler ‘to speak’:

[v-]: v‐ais (1SG

[paʁl]: 1SG = 2SG = 3SG = 3PL PRS.IND /

PRS.IND)a[al-]: all‐ons (1PL PRS.IND)[iʁ-]: ir‐ai (1SG FUT.IND)

PRS.SBJV(in 1st conjugation)

(a) The segmentation of the forms [vε], [va], and [võ] into stem and desinence is problematic. The distribution of forms beginning with v‐ and al‐ respectively is not affected by this.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 paradigm in the case of syncretism or (sometimes completely) different stems for the same lexeme in stem allomorphy / suppletion. In their deviations from isomorphism, they can respectively be compared to synonymy and homonymy in lexical morphology (see Table 13.3). In this volume, the chapters by Xu and Aronoff, Loporcaro, Smith, and Swearingen also deal with the phenomenon of syncretism. Smith studies Gallo‐ Romance patterns of syncretism in Canadian French. Swearingen shows that there are exceptions to the prevalent Romance syncretism of 3SG PRS.IND and 2SG IMP; I shall provide similar findings for 1PL / 2PL PRS.IND and 1PL / 2PL IMP of the verb ‘to go’ in Haut‐Limousin. 13.1.2 Suppletion 13.1.2.1 Basic notions

Suppletion is generally understood as a special form of stem allomorphy. For a pioneering work, in which the notion of suppletion is first used, see Osthoff (1899). Veselinova (2006) and, under the perspective of canonical typology, Corbett (2007 a) both offer a typological approach to suppletion. Suppletion can be defined with Aronoff and Fudeman (2005: 242) as ‘[t]he replacement of a form that is missing from an inflectional paradigm by one with a different root, e.g. went (exists alongside go, goes, going, gone)’. This definition, however, suggests that suppletion is a special form of defectiveness. But the question that has yet to be satisfactorily answered is whether defectiveness is really the source of suppletion. Corbett (2007 a) concludes that this superficially attractive explanation seems to be misleading: ‘It is natural, perhaps, to imagine that suppletion fills gaps. This is the view implied, for instance, by Isačenko (1962: 22–23), who talks of defective lexemes entering into a symbiotic relationship. This suggests that (p.290) the lexemes involved are defective, and that suppletion fixes the problem. […] The truth is often somewhat stranger: in examples where extensive textual material allows us to examine the different stages, we frequently find lexemes with a full set of inflectional cells that are invaded by another stem’ [apparently without any need, I would add – MOH] (Corbett 2007 a: 13–14). 13.1.2.2 Predictions on suppletion patterns

Bonami and Boyé (2002: 51) highlight that the distribution of suppletion is peculiar but not unpredictable: ‘[S]uppletion is not erratic: suppletive forms tend to always appear in groups, in definite areas of verbal paradigms.’ The ‘groups’ they mention may be interpreted as morphomic patterns in the sense of Aronoff (1994), i.e. these patterns are purely morphological, and – because they cannot be reduced to any phonological, semantic, or syntactic constraint – they are a symptom of autonomous morphology. But the explanation of the rationale behind the distribution of suppletion patterns is still a much debated area: whereas Bybee (1985: 92) states that ‘suppletive paradigms are divided along the category lines that involve the greatest change in meaning, i.e. in verbs, along aspect and tense lines’, Maiden (2004 c: 229) argues that ‘suppletion “does not make sense”, it is not coherently aligned with any morpho‐syntactic property […], but has erratic and idiosyncratic paradigmatic distributions’. Page 4 of 28

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 In section 13.3 of this study, I scrutinize both hypotheses against the backdrop of Gallo‐Romance dialects with respect to the verbs that are most affected by suppletion, i.e. ‘to go’ and ‘to be’, as well as ‘to have’ (cf. Veselinova 2006: 90). Maiden (2004 c: 229–230) then proposes that ‘[t]he major pattern of suppletion, both geographically and diachronically recurrent in Romance’ is the ‘N‐pattern’ distribution, i.e. the 1SG, 2SG, 3SG, 3PL PRS.IND / PRS.SBJV and 2SG IMP‐cells against the remaining cells of the verb paradigm (see Table 13.4). This pattern is observable throughout verb paradigms all over the Romania and thus plays a decisive role in the alignment of the suppletive stems with their respective cells, e.g. French aller ‘to go’: vais, vas, va, vont (1SG, 2SG, 3SG, 3PL) vs. allons, allez (1PL, 2PL PRS.IND). In Gallo‐Romance, the different patterns (see Table 13.4) unearthed by Maiden (which are morphomic in the sense of Aronoff 1994) have to compete with another strong morphological force, namely syncretism (see section 13.1.3 following). Syncretism frequently conquers paradigmatic cells which were originally associated with a different morphomic pattern, which clearly shows its immense paradigm‐structuring potential. In suppletive verbs, the distribution of different stems over the cells of the paradigm very often mirrors the syncretism pattern established in regular verbs, e.g. the verb ‘to go’ in the Lorrain vernacular of Petit‐Rombach and Aubure in the northeast of France (Urtel 1902), as will be explored in detail in section 13.3. (p.291)

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

TABLE 13.4. Morphomic patterns (according to Maiden, e.g. 2004c; 2005) in simple tenses of the ‘average’ Romance verb (N‐pattern in grey) PRS.IND

PRS.SBJV

1SG

N/L

N/L

2SG

N

3SG

N

FUT

COND

—

CF

N/L

N

N/L

1PL

L

2PL

L

3PL

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N

N/L

IMP

PRT

PST.SBJV

CF

PYTA

PYTA

CF

CF

PYTA

PYTA

—

CF

CF

PYTA

PYTA

L

CF

CF

PYTA

PYTA

CF

CF

PYTA

PYTA

CF

CF

PYTA

PYTA

—

IPF

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 13.1.2.3 (True) suppletion vs. stem allomorphy

In the literature one encounters different uses of these terms and they are sometimes used synonymously: instances where a single lexeme has more than one stem can be referred to as suppletion or stem allomorphy. In the latter case, the term ‘suppletion’, if used at all, designates just a special kind of stem allomorphy in which the stems are not etymologically related. In this study, I propose the following usage: • stem allomorphy: the stems are phonologically related, i.e. they share some phonetic material. There may be one basic stem, with the others derived by phonological rules, but this theoretical assumption is not necessary. An example is French peser {[pεz], [pəz], [pεzʁ]}; • suppletion: an extreme form of stem allomorphy, with phonologically unrelated stems – at least two of the stems of a lexeme do not share a single consonant or vowel (i.e. all their phonemes are different). Their etymology is irrelevant from a synchronic and a psycholinguistic point of view, e.g. French aller {[vε], [va], [al], [võ], [aj], [iʁ]} (different etymology – three Latin etyma) but also French avoir {[e / ε], [a], [av], [õ], [ε], [y], [oʁ]} (same etymology – only one Latin etymon) are both suppletive; • near‐suppletive stem allomorphy: very little phonetic material is shared, e.g. only a single consonant in the onset, e.g. French faire {[fε], [fəz], [fõ], [fas], [fi], [fəʁ]}. Other phonologically close verb stems are fâcher {[faʃ]}, faillir {[fo], [faj]}, falloir {[fo], [fal]}, faner {[fan]}, faucher {[foʃ]}, fausser {[fos]}, fauter {[fot]}, ferrer {[fεʁ]}, fesser {[fεs]}, etc. – all of these verb stems could, hypothetically, be stems of faire: they all share an onset with faire and the vowel and consonant alternations are often extremely similar (p.292) to those found in other French (irregular) verbs. All these verbs and their different forms constitute a pseudo‐family. Note that in fact many suppletive verbs also frequently show stem allomorphy inside a suppletive form in most Romance varieties, e.g. French al‐, aill‐ [al‐, aj‐]; Spanish v‐ in voy, va‐ in vamos, and vay‐ in vaya. 13.1.3 Syncretism 13.1.3.1 Basic notions

Syncretism is generally understood as a ‘mismatch between syntax and morphology’ (Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2005: 2), i.e. ‘the morphology “lets down” the syntax’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 1). Baerman et al. (2005: 2) summarize succinctly: The key components of the definition are: a. a morphological distinction which is syntactically relevant (i.e. it is an inflectional distinction)

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 b. a failure to make this distinction under particular (morphological) conditions c. a resulting mismatch between syntax and morphology. The notion has mostly been used for the non‐distinction of morphological cases in Indo‐European languages like Greek, Latin, and Russian. From the diachronic perspective, it is the contrast ‘between an earlier [which had different forms] and a later stage of a language’. Synchronically it describes the contrast ‘between an underlying system and its concrete realization’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 4). There are two possible sources of syncretism: either blind phonological change or a more complex morpho‐syntactic readjustment. Examples of blind phonological change in Romance verb morphology typically involve the loss of a consonant (present in Latin, and sometimes still in Old Romance or in some other modern varieties): • Spanish 1SG = 3SG IPF.IND and 1SG = 3SG PRS.SBJV‐syncretisms: 1SG *BIBEAM 〉 bebía, BIBAM 〉 beba; 3SG *BIBEAT 〉 bebía, BIBAT 〉 beba (loss of ‐m and ‐t) • French 2SG = 3SG across all tense / mood combinations (except PST.SBJV): in the PRS.IND: 2SG AMAS 〉 aimes 〉 [εm]; 3SG AMAT 〉 aime 〉 [εm] (loss of ‐s and ‐t) (A very similar development has taken place in some Spanish varieties such as Andalusian and Caribbean Spanish.) The second category, the readjustment mentioned above, can be illustrated by the French syncretism of 1SG and 2SG / 3SG PRS.IND. The result of sound change in old French for the 1SG was a stem without a desinence (or with a (p. 293) zero desinence) which showed final obstruent devoicing: 1SG LEVO 〉 lief vs. 3SG LEVAT 〉 lieve. After ‘take‐over’ (see Carstairs[‐McCarthy] 1984; 1987) or analogical levelling of the 1SG-form, the syncretic form [lεv] (1SG = 2SG = 3SG = 3PL) ends in a voiced consonant (and also has a different stem vowel) in modern French. 13.1.3.2 Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology

In Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) as developed in Stump (2001), syncretisms are treated as morpho‐syntactic property neutralizations. The morpho‐syntactic distinctions made among the cells of a content‐paradigm are only partially preserved among those cells’ form correspondents.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 The central assumption of PFM is the following: A language’s inflectional morphology is the definition of that language’s paradigm function. Following Stump’s (2001; 2002; 2006) formal definition, the PARADIGM FUNCTION PFℓ of a language ℓ is a function from root pairings to cells. A ROOT PAIRING 〈r, σ〉 consists of a root r and a complete set σ of morpho‐syntactic properties appropriate for one or another word form realizing r. The paradigm function PFℓ of a language ℓ applies to any root pairing 〈r, σ〉 in ℓ to yield the corresponding cell 〈W, σ〉 in the paradigm associated with r. This conception must be revised once a distinction is drawn between form‐paradigms and content‐paradigms. This distinction implies a parallel distinction between two kinds of paradigm functions (see Stump 2001; 2002; 2006): • the CONTENT‐PARADIGM FUNCTION CPFℓ of a language ℓ is a function from lexeme pairings to cells. A LEXEME PAIRING 〈L, σ〉 consists of a lexeme L and a complete set σ of morpho‐syntactic properties appropriate for one or another syntactic instantiation of L. Thus, the CONTENT‐PARADIGM FUNCTION CPFℓ of a language ℓ applies to any lexeme pairing 〈L, σ〉 in ℓ to yield the corresponding cell in L’s content‐paradigm. • the FORM‐PARADIGM FUNCTION CPFℓ of a language ℓ applies to any root pairing 〈r, σ〉 in ℓ to yield the corresponding cell in r’s form‐ paradigm. (1) a. Content‐paradigm of the Latin lexeme AMĪC‐ ‘friend’ 〈L, σ〉 (L in SMALL CAPS, σ in curly brackets {}) 〈AMĪC‐, {MASC NOM SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC NOM PL}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC VOC SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC VOC PL}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC GEN SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC GEN PL}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC DAT SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC DAT PL}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC ACC SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC ACC PL}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC ABL SG}〉

〈AMĪC‐, {MASC ABL PL}〉

(p.294) b. Form‐paradigm of the Latin root amīc‐ ‘friend’ (idealized form of Latin, i.e. without any case syncretisms) 〈r, σ〉(r in lower case, σ in curly brackets {})

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〈amīc‐, {MASC NOM SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC NOM PL}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC VOC SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC VOC PL}〉

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 〈amīc‐, {MASC GEN SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC GEN PL}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC DAT SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC DAT PL}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC ACC SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC ACC PL}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC ABL SG}〉

〈amīc‐, {MASC ABL PL}〉

In the unmarked case (i.e. Corbett’s canonical case), a language’s form‐ paradigm function and its content‐paradigm function coincide (see Stump 2002: 149; 2006: 286): (2) Universal default rule of paradigm linkage: where r is L’s root in language ℓ, CPFℓ (〈L, σ〉) = FPFℓ (〈r, σ〉) For the root amīc‐ in Latin, CPFLatin(〈AMĪC‐, {MASC VOC SG}〉) is identical with FPFLatin(〈amīc‐, {MASC VOC SG}〉) and is realized by amīce. Content‐paradigms are canonically congruent with the form‐paradigms by which they are realized. Each cell 〈L, σ〉 in a content‐paradigm has an identically specified form‐ correspondent 〈r, σ〉. There are, however, systematic (p.295) departures from (2) such as neutralization (i.e. syncretism), deponency, and heteroclisis.

(3) Spanish verb morphology Some content‐cells of the Spanish root habl‐ ‘to speak’ 〈HABL‐, {1 SG IMPF IND}〉 〈HABL‐, {3 SG IMPF IND}〉 FIGURE 13.1 The three ‘levels’ of Stump’s model

Rules of referral identify the morphological realization of one set of morpho‐syntactic properties with that of some contrasting property set: e.g. the fact that the 1SG IPF.IND verb form is regularly syncretized with its 3SG counterpart is expressed by a rule of referral in Spanish. In this example, the two different content‐cells in (3) refer to a single form‐cell in (4), and there is one single form that is realized as shown in (5).

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 An important point in this contribution concerns the question of which form is used to refer to the two contrasting property sets. If there is neutralization, as in e.g. hablaba (‘he spoke’), it is not possible to tell them apart. But if there has been ‘take‐over’ (see Carstairs[‐McCarthy] 1984; 1987) of one form as I illustrate in 13.3.1.1 below, it is evident that a content‐cell has been referred to another content‐cell’s form‐cell and realization. (4) Correspondent form‐cells 〈HABL‐, {[1 ℜ˅ 3] SG IMPF IND}〉 ℜ: hablaba (5) Example for Stump’s three levels: Spanish 1SG and 3SG IPF‐syncretism in hablaba (‘I / he spoke’)

two content‐cells

one correspondent form‐cell

one realization

〈habl‐, {[1 ℜ˅ 3] SG IMPF IND}

〉 ℜ: hablaba

〈HABL‐, {1 SG IMPF IND}〉

〈HABL‐, {3 SG IMPF IND}〉

13.2 Person and number syncretism in Western Romance 13.2.1 Person syncretism in Ibero‐Romance

The Western Romance group of the Romance language family comprises Gallo‐ Romance and Ibero‐Romance. The latter is divided into three major languages (Catalan, Spanish, and Portuguese). Table 13.5 illustrates those systematic syncretisms which are found in partial paradigms across all conjugation classes (i.e. the 1PL PRS.IND = 1PL PRT‐syncretism found, for example, in the Spanish first and third conjugation classes is not considered here). (p.296) TABLE 13.5. Person syncretism in Ibero‐Romance ‘to speak’

Portuguese falar

Spanish hablar

Catalan parlar

1SG = 3SG IPF.IND

falava

hablaba

parlava

1SG = 3SG PLPF.IND

falara

–

–

1SG = 3SG COND

falaria

hablaría

parlaria

1SG = 3SG PRS.SBJV

fale

hable

parli

1SG = 3SG PST.SBJV

falasse

hablara / hablase

parlés

1SG = 3SG FUT.SBJV

falar

(hablare)

–

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 We should note that only 1SG = 3SG‐syncretisms are to be found, and that there is no syncretism at all in the PRS.IND partial paradigm. 13.2.2 Syncretism in Gallo‐Romance

The Gallo‐Romance subgroup of Western Romance (mainly comprising French and Oïl dialects like Lorrain, Occitan, Francoprovençal, Gallo‐Italian dialects, and some Raeto‐Romance varieties like Romansh) shows a large scale of variation with respect to different syncretism patterns and includes those varieties that exhibit the highest degree of syncretism of all Romance languages. These are found in the northern part of France (Oïl dialects, northern Occitan varieties like Haut‐Limousin, and Francoprovençal varieties). A well‐known example is the standard French person / number syncretism in the present tense of the first conjugation where 1SG, 2SG, 3SG, and 3PL are realized by only one single form, e.g. [paʁl] of French parler ‘to speak’. Table 13.6 shows the syncretism patterns of the first conjugation class in five varieties for the PRS.IND, the PRS.SBJV, and the IPF.IND.2 Some other person / number syncretisms do also exist, e.g. French [paʁləˈʁe] 1SG = 2PL FUT.IND, [paʁləˈʁa] 2SG = 3SG FUT.IND, [paʁləˈʁõ] 1PL = 3PL FUT.IND, [paʁləˈʁε] 1SG = 2SG = 3SG = 3PL COND. (p.297)

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

TABLE 13.6. Syncretism in Gallo‐Romance standard French parler ‘to speak’

Oïl: Lorrain (Kl.‐ Rb.) ? ‘to sing’

Franco‐provençal: Valdôtain prèdzé ‘to speak’

Occitan:c Haut‐ Limousin eimâ ‘to love’

Romansh: Surselvan (AIS 10) ? ‘to wash’ ‘to lead’

PRS.IND

[paʁl] 1SG = 2SG = 3SG = 3PL

[ʃãt] 1SG = 2SG = 3SG [ʃã'tã] 1PL = 3PL

prèdze 2SG = 3SG

eimâ 2SG = 2PL aimen 1PL = 3PL

['la:vɐ] 1SG = 3SGd

PRS.SBJV

[paʁl] 1SG = 2SG = 3SG = 3PL

[ʃã'tøs] 1SG = 2SG = 3SG [ʃã'tɛ˜s] 1PL =

prèdzèe 2SG = 3SG prèdzèon 1PL = 3PL

aime 1SG = 3SG eimâ 2SG = 2PL eim(i)an 1PL = 3PL

['mæjni] 1SG = 3SG

prèdzae 2SG = 3SG prèdzaon 1PL = 3PL

eimavo 1SG = 3SG eimǒvâ 2SG = 2PL eimǒvan 1PL = 3PL

[no forms given]

2PL = 3PLe IPF.IND

[paʁ'lɛ] 1SG = 2SG = [ʃã'tɛ] 2SG = 3SG 3SG = 3PL [ʃã'tɛn] 1PL = 2PL = 3PL

(c) Languedocian Occitan shows no syncretism at all in the PRS.IND partial paradigm, and less syncretism in general. It is closer to the Ibero‐Romance varieties reported above. (d) Most Surselvan varieties show no syncretism at all in the PRS.IND partial paradigm, the 1SG-desinence being [‐ɐl]. (e) The forms of the PRS.SBJV have been ousted by those of the PST.SBJV.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 These data support my claim that syncretism is a major paradigm‐structuring principle in Gallo‐Romance verb morphology, even organizing the distribution of stems in suppletive paradigms, as we shall see in the next section.

13.3 Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance

13.3.1 Suppletion in the verb ‘to go’ 〈 IRE x VADERE x AMBULARE / *AMBITARE / *AMNARE 13.3.1.1. The verb ‘to go’ in the present indicative

In suppletive verbs, the distribution of cells to the different stems very often mirrors the syncretism pattern established in regular verbs (see section 13.2.2), as can be seen in Table 13.7. Whereas French, Valdôtain, and Surselvan show an N‐pattern distribution, Lorrain and Haut‐Limousin do not. In the Lorrain vernacular of Petit‐Rombach, the al‐stem is reduced to the 2PL‐cell in the PRS.IND partial paradigm because of the 1PL = 3PL‐syncretism, whereas in Aubure, a (p.298)

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

TABLE 13.7. Suppletion in the verb ‘to go’ in the PRS.IND ‘to go’

standard French aller Oïl: Lorrain (Kl.-Rb.) [aˈle] [naˈlɛ]

Franco‐provençal: Valdôtain allé

Occitan: Haut‐ Limousin (ò)nâ

Romansh: Surselvan (DRG S 70–74) ir

1SG

vais [vɛ]

[ve:]

(v)ó

vau/vô

[vɔn]f

2SG

vas [va]

[ve:]

va(t)

vâ

[vas]

3SG

va [va]

[ve:]

va(t)

vai

[vɔ]

1PL

allons [aˈlõ]

[vã]

allèn

van

[máin]

2PL

allez [aˈle]

[aˈlɛ:]

allade

vâ

[máis]

3PL

vont [võ]

[vã]

van

van

[vɔn]

syncretism

2SG = 3SG

1SG = 2SG = 3SG, 1PL = 3PL

2SG = 3SG

2SG = 2PL, 1PL = 3PL

1SG = 3PL

syncretism in 1st conjugation

1SG = 2 SG = 3 SG = 1 SG = 2 SG = 3 SG, 3 PL 1 PL = 3 PL

2 SG = 3 SG

2 SG = 2 PL, 1PL = 3 1SG = 3SG PL

imperative

va, allons, allez

va, allèn, allade

vai, nan, nâ

f

[no forms given]

( ) Most varieties have [mɔ́n] (S 75–76) or [mɔn(dəl)] (S 1–6), thus no syncretism.

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[vɔ, mái]

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 neighbouring village, the form [aˈlõ] is used for both 1PL and 3PL (see Urtel 1902: 683). Hence, the 1PL ‘takes over’ the 3PL‐cell here to the detriment of the v‐stem. Thus, different suppletion patterns may emerge due to the same syncretic constraints but the N‐pattern distribution is lost either way. In the latter case, the result is a clear‐ cut distribution along the lines of the singular and the plural. But whatever the final outcome, the pure N‐pattern distribution of suppletive stems falls to pieces. The plural imperative forms of Haut‐Limousin suggest that an N‐pattern distribution was found in this variety at an earlier stage. In general, the 1PL and 2PL IMP is syncretic with the 1PL and 2PL PRS.IND in Gallo‐Romance. In what one could call ‘anti‐syncretism’ in the Haut‐Limousin Occitan dialect as described by Ruben (1866), we can observe that where a new suppletive stem invades the 1PL and 2PL PRS.IND‐cells (van, vâ) because of a syncretism of 2SG = 2PL and 1PL = 3PL involving ‘take‐over’ (see Carstairs[‐ McCarthy] 1984; 1987) of the 2SG‐ and 3PL ‐forms respectively, the 1PL and 2PL IMP ‐cells (nan, nâ) preserve the old stem and therefore no longer exhibit any syncretism with the PRS.IND. The distribution of stems in the 1PL PRS.IND in France is shown on Map 13.1. (p.299) 13.3.1.2. The verb ‘to go’ in the future indicative

Map 13.2 illustrates the distribution of future stems in France and Romandy (Switzerland). From a historical perspective two stem types may be distinguished, a conservative one and a number of innovative stems. The conservative stem ir‐ / er‐ continues the Latin infinitive stem in the newly coined Romance future. This is the standard French type, which predominates in the North‐West. The innovative stems are: (p.300) Map 13.1 ALF 27 allons ‘go–1PL PRS.IND’

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 • v…‐: analogical extension of the PRS.IND v‐stem, • an…‐: analogical extension of the INF an‐stem in the South, i.e. the Occitan area, • adr‐, (y)odr‐, al(e)r‐: analogical extension of the INF al‐stem, often with further phonetic evolutions, e.g. alr‐ 〉 aldr‐ 〉 audr‐ 〉 odr‐; in the extreme eastern part, i.e. eastern Francoprovençal (in Switzerland and the Aosta Valley, Italy; see Map 13.2 ALF 28 iras ‘go–2SG FUT.IND’ also section 13.4.2), • vir‐ / anir‐: ‘intermediate forms’ (cf. Trudgill 1986: 62–65), i.e. a hybridization of two stems, the innovative v‐ / an‐stem with the conservative (p.301)

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1

TABLE 13.8. Suppletion in the verb ‘to be’ in the PRS.IND

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Standard French être [ɛtʁ] ‘to be’

Oïl: Lorrain (Kl.Rb.) [e:t]

Franco‐provençal: Valdôtain ètre

Occitan: Haut‐ Limousin eisse

Romansh: Surselvan (DRG S 72) esser

1SG

suis [sɥi]

[sø]

si(t)

sai

[sun]

2SG

es [ɛ]

[a]

é(t)

sei

[áis]

3SG

est [ɛ]

[a]

è(t)

ei

[ɛ (ái)]

1PL

sommes [sɔm]

[so]

sèn

soun

[ɛsɐn]

2PL

êtes [ɛt]

[ɔu̯]

éte

sei

[ɛsɐs]

3PL

sont [sõ]

[so]

són

soun

[ɛn (áin)]

syncretism

2SG = 3SG

2SG = 3SG, 1PL = 3PL

–

2SG = 2PL, 1PL = 3PL

–

syncretism in 1st

1SG = 2SG = 3SG =

1SG = 2SG = 3SG , 1PL

2SG = 3SG

2SG = 2PL, 1PL = 3PL

1SG = 3SG

conjugation

3PL

= 3PL

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 ir‐stem. The vir‐stem is found in northeastern France (for Lorrain, cf. also Urtel 1902: 684), between the v‐ and the adr‐ (etc.) areas; the anir‐stem is found in western Occitania,3 especially in Gascony and in the Croissant region (see also the discussion in section 13.4.3). There are also many different intermediate forms in Romandy (Switzerland), see GPSR (s.v. aller) and section 13.4.3. 13.3.2. Suppletion in the verb ‘to be’ 〈 *ESSERE x STARE 13.3.2.1 The verb ‘to be’ in the present indicative

In Table 13.8 the distribution of suppletive stems of the verb ‘to be’ is shown. Standard French retains the peculiar distribution inherited from Latin with the s‐stem in the 1SG, 1PL, and 3PL. In the Haut‐Limousin dialect of Occitan the s‐stem has conquered all cells except the 3SG. Maps 13.3 and 13.4 illustrate the stem distribution in the 2PL‐form in France (and surrounding areas) as a whole and in Lorraine respectively. 13.3.2.2 The verb ‘to be’ in the imperfect indicative

Again, two stem types as in 13.3.1.2 may be distinguished on Map 13.5. The conservative stem (p.302) er‐ continues the Latin imperfect ERAM, etc. This is the Occitan type (and also the general type preserved in Ibero‐Romance, Italian, and Romanian), there is a small surviving Lorrain area (Gilliéron’s butte‐témoin), and this stem can also be found in parts of the Francoprovençal domain, notably in Romandy (Switzerland), Jura, and Ain. Three innovative stems can be identified:

• et‐: analogical extension of the INF et‐stem in the North, i.e. the Oïl area (including standard French) and parts of the Francoprovençal dialect area, (p.303)

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Map 13.3 ALF 507 êtes ‘be–2PL PRS.IND’

Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 (p.304) • ey‐: neither er‐ nor et‐stem; in four points (801, 803, 805, 806) in the départements of Allier and Puy‐de‐Dôme (région Auvergne),

Map 13.4 ALLR 1034 êtes ‘be–2PL PRS.IND’

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 • etair‐: intermediate Map 13.5 ALF 510 é́tait ‘be–3SG IPF.IND’ form reported by Gilliéron (1880: 108) for Vionnaz (Valais, Switzerland – on Map 13.5 this is roughly in the middle of points 958 (Meillerie), 968 (Saint‐Maurice), and 969 (L’Étivaz)). For a discussion of this and other intermediate forms, see section 13.4.3. The results with respect to suppletion in the PRS.IND studied here are that the different syncretism patterns existing in Gallo‐Romance seem to affect (p.305) suppletion patterns. In Lorrain, the syncretism 1PL = 3PL requires the presence of the v‐stem in the 1PL of ‘to go’. Similarly, the syncretisms 2SG = 2PL and 1PL = 3PL in Haut‐Limousin require the presence of the v‐stem in the 2PL and 1PL of ‘to go’. Furthermore, the s‐stem is used in 2SG and 2PL of ‘to be’ in Haut‐ Limousin as well. In contrast to this evidence for influence of syncretism on suppletion, neither Surselvan Romansh (both verbs) nor Valdôtain Francoprovençal (the verb ‘to be’) provide evidence for any influence in their respective partial paradigms. Thus, suppletion seems to be constrained by syncretism in some varieties. Here, syncretism exerts pressure throughout the morphological system. There is also evidence for the ‘take‐over’ of whole forms in the sense of Carstairs[‐McCarthy] (1984; 1987), exemplified by the v‐stem in the verb ‘to go’.

13.4 Discussion 13.4.1 The origins of suppletion

In the relationship between meaning and form, the following types of variation can be found (see also section 13.1.2.3; for similar thoughts on suppletion in word formation, see also Dressler 1985: 11–24): • No variation (unmarked) means that one stem is found in all forms of the verb. This is the ‘canonical’ case (see section 13.1.1), e.g. Fr. aimer ‘to love, to like’: j’aime [εm], nous aimons [εm‐] (all phonemes of the stem are the same in all forms – 100%). • Variation between two (or more) stems which are closely linked by a productive phonological rule typically involves two very similar stems, e.g. Fr. mener ‘to lead’: je mène [mεn], nous menons [mən‐] (two of three phonemes in common – 66%). • Variation between two stems which are no longer linked by a productive phonological rule may involve two quite similar stems, e.g. French recevoir ‘to receive, to get’: je reçois [rəswa], nous recevons [rəsəv‐] (the first three (of five) phonemes in common – 60%).

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 • Variation between two (or more) barely similar stems means that these are in an etymological relationship which has become synchronically opaque, e.g. Fr. valoir ‘to be worth, to earn somebody something’: je vaux [vo], nous valons [val‐] (one (of three) phonemes in common – 33%). • Variation between two (or more) stems without any etymological relationship is encountered in e.g. French aller ‘to go’: je vais [vε], nous allons [al‐], j’irai [iʁ‐] (COND and FUT‐stem) (no phoneme in common – 0%). (p.306) I shall call the last two instances suppletion (in the broader sense). In these instances, there is no relation between the two stems for the speaker except their common meaning. There are several possible causes for the development of stem allomorphy or even suppletion: the two main causes are phonological change and the intrusion of other forms. Stem allomorphy may be due to a phonological change which brings about a differentiation of verb forms according to the phonemes following the stem (i.e. in the desinence), stress (stressed and unstressed vowel systems), loss of final consonant(s) or unstressed syllables, etc. In the extreme case, the two forms lose any relation under a synchronic analysis, e.g. French valoir ‘to earn somebody something’ with l‐vocalization in forms with l before a consonant or pause resulting in a diphthong and the subsequent monophthongization of [au] to [o], e.g. in 3SG PRS.IND vaut. The second cause is the intrusion of other forms which can have three different sources. First, the intrusion of another verb form in a partial verb paradigm which originally belonged to another partial paradigm of the same verb, e.g. Spanish eres 2SG PRS.IND, originally 2SG FUT.IND in Latin but without any function after the loss of the Latin future and the development of the novel Romance future (which consists of the combination of the infinitive with an inflected form of HABERE ‘to have’). Second, the intrusion of another lexeme having a similar meaning (synonym) (no etymological relationship): e.g. Fr. aller / vais / irai 〈 AMBULARE x VADERE x IRE. Third, the intrusion of another lexeme of similar meaning (i.e. a (near) synonym) that has been borrowed from another language. This last is only possible in the presence of a language contact situation. 13.4.2 Stable suppletion patterns but changing morphological material

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 In this section, I shall discuss the behaviour of the future and conditional cells of the verb ‘to go’ in Valdôtain Francoprovençal. In vulgar Latin / early Romance, the stem in the cells of these two freshly coined Romance tenses was based on the Latin infinitive ire – as it still is in standard French. In Gallo‐Romance, the infinitive and many other cells were invaded by forms of AMBULARE 〉 French aller or *AMBITARE 〉 Occitan anar. In standard French, the stem of all of the future and conditional cells, although regularly based on the infinitive stem, resisted this invasion (see also Section 13.3.1.2.). With respect to the question as to whether specific areas of a paradigm are associated with a suppletive stem, the future and conditional cells emerge as a stable area of suppletion, which is a clear sign of their ‘morphomehood’. Even if the lexical material of its cells changes, the paradigmatic distribution most (p. 307) often remains constant. This can be illustrated by the future (and conditional) of ‘to go’ in Francoprovençal vernaculars. In the dialects of La Salle, Nus (colline), Verrayes, and Donnas (Vert) in the Aosta Valley, Italy (see Bertolo et al. 1999), all four varieties retain no trace of the ir‐stem still found in standard French (6–9; all forms from Bertolo et al. 1999: 121–123). But whereas the first three varieties extend the all‐root of the infinitive to the future, Donnas introduces a new future stem, andr‐, suppletive to its existing al‐stem in the infinitive. (The andr‐stem is probably due to language contact with Piedmontese or standard Italian.) (6) La Salle: alliì, allèè, allèè, allèèn, alliì, allaàn        INF alléi (7) Nus (colline): allèró, allèrè, allèrè, allèrèn/-àn, allèrâ, allèrèn/-àn INF allé (8) Verrayes: allèrì, allèrè, allèrè, allèrèn, allèrì, allèrèn      INF allà (9) Donnas (Vert): andró, andrat, andrat, andrèn, (…), andràn  INF alé Zörner (2003: 167; 2004: 161) describes dialects spoken in two neighbouring Francoprovençal valleys in Piedmont and reports two different stems in the future: (10) Noasca/Ceresole (Valle Orco): [va′ro, va′res], etc.    INF [a′lar] (11) Val Soana:         [ale′ʀe], etc.       INF [a′laʀ] Therefore, the conditional / future cells demonstrate that the paradigmatic distribution may remain constant even when its contents are completely replaced. (The same kind of reasoning applies to the imperfect cells; see section 13.3.2.2.) 13.4.3 The importance of intermediate forms in reconciling competing stems

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 When a language has developed two (or more) competing stems in one (partial) verb paradigm, there are different possible solutions: • Maintenance of the current situation: the result is two different stems which are not in complementary distribution. This is very unlikely, because this unstable situation is in contradiction with Clark’s Principle of Contrast.4 (p.308) • The elimination of one stem: then only one stem will remain. This is a frequently encountered solution known as analogical levelling. • A stem distribution according to morphomic patterns and / or according to specific tense / mood partial paradigms. Then the two stems will be in complementary distribution – this is the typical case of suppletion. • The fusion of (parts of) the stems: the result is a single hybrid / intermediate stem, where a single form has inherited the characteristics of the competing stems either completely or in part. This last option, the development of ‘intermediate forms’ (cf. Trudgill 1986: 62– 65), which represent hybridizations of the two relevant stems or contain an element not found in either of the two, is particularly interesting: it leads to the creation of a new morpheme or even lexeme. The crucial factor is that the resulting form is neutral with respect to the two other stems. This creation can only happen where two different stems meet and compete for the same paradigmatic cells, i.e. especially in language / dialect contact areas.5 Trudgill (1986: 63) provides the example of an ‘intermediate form’ on the lexical level in a German compound: the word Kartoffel ‘potato’ has a distribution of its dialectal variants with an intermediate or transitional area of Erdbirne ‘earth pear’ between the two larger areas of Grundbirne ‘ground pear’ and Erdapfel ‘earth apple’. In addition, Trudgill (2008: 245) mentions the intermediate form euch ‘each’ in colonial Middle English in Ireland:

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 [Samuels (1972: 108)] also focuses on a particular linguistic feature which is of special interest because it clearly constitutes a feature of the type I have referred to as an “interdialect” feature. In Trudgill 1986 I introduced the term INTERDIALECT to refer to forms of a number of different types which are not actually present in any of the dialects contributing to a dialect mixture but which arise out of interaction between them. Samuels focuses on a type which I labeled INTERMEDIATE FORMS. He shows that in England, the Middle English form for ‘each’ was uch in the West Midlands, and ech in the Southwest. However, in the Anglo‐Irish texts the norm is euch. […] [E]uch was a form which developed in Ireland, or survived from England, or both, because it was intermediate between the two major competing forms in the mixture that developed in Ireland, uch and ech. (p.309) It is clear, then, not only that the relevant areas of Ireland were settled by English speakers from a number of different dialect areas, but also that the outcome was a new, mixed dialect, consisting of a collection of forms from different dialect areas, plus interdialect forms arising out of interaction between speakers of different dialects. [My italics – MOH] This creation can only happen where two different stems with the same distribution (e.g. the conservative and innovative stem) meet. These ‘intermediate forms’ (cf. Trudgill 1986: 62–65; 2008: 245), i.e. hybridizations of the two stems, are an interdialect feature. This can be illustrated by the example of the verb ‘to go’ where the innovative v‐ / an‐stem may hybridize with the conservative ir‐stem. The vir‐stem is found in north‐eastern France, between the v‐ and the adr‐ (etc.) areas; the anir‐stem in western Occitania, especially Gascony and, interestingly, in the Croissant region. In Romandy (Switzerland), we find forms in óri where the iri‐ and the ódr‐areas meet (see the map in the GPSR, s.v. aller). Thus these stems are frequently encountered in the ‘in‐ between’ areas favouring the development of ‘interdialect forms’, i.e. ‘forms that actually originally occurred in neither dialect’ (Trudgill 1986: 62). If we once again (see 13.3.2.2) consider Map 13.5 (ALF 510 était 3SG IPF), there are two large areas that show on the one hand the Latin inherited stem ERAM, etc. (modern forms in air‐, ér‐) and on the other the innovative stem ét‐. The presumably very tiny area of the intermediate stem étair‐ around Vionnaz (not recorded by the ALF) is at the border between these two major areas.

13.5 Conclusions

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 I have adduced some arguments to the effect that, in Gallo‐Romance, person syncretism – a non‐canonical feature of inflectional morphology – is one predominant pattern structuring inflectional paradigms. Phonological processes may create inflectional homonymy. But at least as far as the development of the Gallo‐Romance verb systems is concerned, while sound change may contribute to or perhaps even trigger the creation of syncretism patterns, it is by no means the source of all syncretic forms. In some Gallo‐Romance varieties, suppletive stem allomorphs are distributed in accordance with the respective predominant syncretism pattern(s). Thus, the distribution of stem allomorphy is constrained by syncretism. These syncretism patterns in the suppletive verb paradigms are best understood as a result of a ‘take‐over’ process, rather than as a true morphological neutralization, i.e. one can state a rule of referral specifying exactly which realization of a property set is the one that has (p.310) been taken over and is now referred to by a different property set as well (see section 13.1.3.2). In suppletion, there is a strong tendency to follow the N‐pattern in most Romance languages (including Gallo‐Romance) but the tendency to follow general syncretism patterns established in regular verb paradigms seems to be stronger. Under these circumstances, the N‐pattern falls to pieces but the new syncretic stem distribution is again morphomic in nature and thus a symptom of autonomous morphology. The Lorrain varieties studied here can follow either path. Syncretism may outrank the tendency towards a pure N‐pattern distribution of stems, i.e. the spread of a suppletive stem to other cells of the partial paradigm: the 1PL of ‘to be’: so / sõ or of ‘to go’: vã exhibits in both cases a ‘take‐over’ of the 3PL‐form – but there may also be a ‘take‐over’ in the other direction, i.e. of the 1PL‐form in the 3PL, e.g. ‘to go’: alõ. Or the spread of a suppletive stem may outrank syncretism as shown by the alternative 1PL‐form of ‘to be’, étã (see Map 13.4). There is another tendency to dispense with suppletion inside partial paradigms but to maintain different stems across them, e.g. for FUT, PRT, INF, PTCP. In addition, I have shown the importance of intermediate forms: they are a way of mediating between two competing stems. The existence of two competing stems and thus the solution of the conflict by intermediate forms are most likely to be found in dialect contact areas. Examples in this study have included: • The verb ‘to go’: the innovative v‐ / an‐stem hybridizes with the conservative ir‐stem. The vir‐stem is found in north‐eastern France, between the v‐ and the adr‐ (etc.) areas. The anir‐stem, on the other hand, is popular in western Occitania, especially Gascony and, interestingly, in the Croissant region.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 • The verb ‘to be’: the innovative ét‐stem hybridizes with the conservative air‐stem (〈 from Latin ER‐) yielding the form étair‐. The evidence suggests that patterns following category lines like conditional and future, imperfect, and (plural) imperative are more likely to survive abundant syncretism than more idiosyncratic distributions. Nevertheless, it is not easy to attribute a shared meaning to multi‐category patterns like the conditional‐future (with the array of different meanings each of these may convey today), let alone the peculiar distribution of the ét/êt‐stem in standard French (INF, PTCP, IPF, and 2PL PRS.IND!). This implies that these are indeed morphomic in nature (or completely arbitrary, as in the latter case). Notes:

(1) This study has been carried out as part of the research project ‘Autonomous Morphology in Diachrony: comparative evidence from the Romance languages’, directed by Martin Maiden and John Charles Smith, established at the University of Oxford, and funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (grant AH/ D503396/1). I would like to thank the team and especially Maria Goldbach, with whom I have discussed, worked on, and jointly presented parts of this work. Thanks also go to Sascha Gaglia and Steven Kaye for valuable comments. Responsibility for the contents of this study lies with the author. (2) Sources of dialect data presented in this and the following tables: Valdôtain Francoprovençal: Nus (colline), Aosta Valley, Italy – Bertolo et al. (1999). Haut‐Limousin: Pays du Haut‐Limousin, Haute‐Vienne, France – Ruben (1866). Lorrain: Kl[ein]‐R[um]b[ach] = Petit‐Rombach and Altweier = Aubure, Sainte‐ Croix‐aux‐Mines, Vallées vosgiennes d’Alsace, Haut‐Rhin, France – Urtel (1902). Romansh, Sursilvan: DRG S 70–74 = Sedrun, Camischolas, Rueras, Selva, Tschamut – DRG s.v. esser I, ir; AIS 10 = Camischollas; Tavetsch (Tuietsch) – AIS maps 1683, 1685 (lavare, trovare, menare), 1689 (avere). (3) The anir‐stem is also found in the standard Catalan future of anar ‘to go’: aniré ‘I shall go’.

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Syncretism and Suppletion in Gallo‐Romance Verb Paradigms 1 (4) Carstairs‐McCarthy (1994: 737) summarizes Clark’s Principle aptly: ‘Clark (1987, 1988, 1990, 1993) proposes that children learning their mother tongue are guided by a Principle of Contrast: “Every two forms contrast in meaning” (1987: 2). This is presented as a pragmatic principle which facilitates language acquisition by narrowing the range of likely meanings for a newly encountered wordform. But the Principle of Contrast has implications not just for how the language system is acquired but also for the system itself. If the principle is at all close to being correct, exact synonyms should be nonexistent or rare. Among psycholinguists this implication is generally accepted, even though there is disagreement about the Principle of Contrast as an explanation for it (Gathercole 1989).’ (5) This can be a true dialect contact situation but also two different varieties of one and the same dialect (e.g. conservative and innovative varieties due to recent language change) may be involved.

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French John Charles Smith

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0015

Abstract and Keywords This chapter discusses the evolution of the third‐person plural present‐tense verb‐ending ‐ont in Acadian and Québécois French. Extensions of this form are arguably due to a rule of referral involving the homophonous first‐person plural. According to dialect, forms in ‐ont may be analysed by native speakers as consisting of a stem and an ending ‐ont or treated as unanalysable units. Since the distribution of ‐ont is sensitive to sociolinguistic factors, the data demonstrate that the concept of sociolinguistic variability must encompass analyses as well as forms – it is not merely the inflection or stem which is the variable, but more abstract or underlying notions, such as segmentation, paradigm structure, and morphomic patterns. Keywords:   inflectional ending, homophonous, sociolinguistic factors, N‐pattern

14.1 Introduction

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French In this chapter, I examine some aspects of the evolution of the third‐person plural present‐tense verb ending ‐ont in French.1 In standard French, ‐ont is found as the ending of the third‐person plural present indicative in only a handful of verbs – sont ‘are’, ont ‘have’, font ‘do’, and vont ‘go’, and verbs derived from these (for instance, refont ‘do again’, défont ‘undo’, satisfont ‘satisfy’). In addition, ‐ont is the normal ending of the third person plural in the synthetic future of all verbs (ils porteront ‘they will carry’); but this fact is explained straightforwardly by the origin of this form in a periphrastic construction involving the auxiliary ‘have’. ‐ont is not found elsewhere in the verbal system of contemporary standard French. Of the above forms, only sont derives by regular sound change from a Latin etymon (SVNT). The remaining forms must involve analogy and/or irregular sound change. If font and vont are to be traced back to their Classical Latin counterparts FACIVNT and VADVNT, respectively, then we must assume the exceptional disappearance at an early stage of the intervocalic plosive, and, in addition, the loss of the vowel or glide represented by 〈I〉 in the former – thus FACIVNT 〉 *FACVNT 〉 *FAVNT 〉 font (see Nyrop 1924: §127) and VADVNT 〉 (p. 312) *VAVNT 〉 vont (ibid.: §116). A similar treatment of the intervocalic plosive is required if we are to derive ont from Classical Latin HABENT, with the additional proviso that the inflectional ending must have been remodelled, probably on the analogy of SVNT, to yield *HABVNT (and thence *HABVNT 〉 *AVNT 〉 ont: ibid., §123).2

14.2 Ils portont, etc.

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French In many Old French dialects and in some of their modern descendants, the ending ‐ont (realized as [õ], or, with unrounding and lowering of the nasal vowel, as [ã] or [ã]) is extended to third‐person plural forms other than those described above. This tendency arose early in the history of French, and gained ground after the thirteenth century; it is often considered a feature of vulgar or regional speech, and is parodied in, for instance, the dialogue between the ‘paysans’ Charlotte and Pierrot in Molière's play Dom Juan of 1665 (Nyrop 1924: §61). Information concerning modern (late nineteenth‐century) dialects is provided by the ALF (Gilliéron and Edmont 1902).3 Amongst the areas in which this development is found are the former provinces of Aunis, Saintonge, and Poitou, on or near the central Atlantic coast. It was from these regions that most French‐speaking migrants to what are now the Atlantic Provinces of Canada came (Balcom et al. 2008: 1), and many varieties of Acadian French – the French spoken in the Canadian provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island, as well as on the north shore of the Baie des Chaleurs (the south coast of the Gaspé Peninsula) in Québec and on the Îles de la Madeleine in the same province – also exhibit this extension of the ending ‐ont. (The information on Acadian verb forms is drawn from Péronnet (1990), Poirier (1993), Chevalier, Kasparian, and Silbertzein (2003), Chevalier (2008), and Beaulieu and Cichocki (2008; 2009). Because the ‐ent (phonetically zero) ending found in Standard French is also present in Acadian, I have preceded ‘Acadian French’ in the tables below with a percentage sign, to indicate that this variation exists. Most of the factors which influence the distribution of the two inflections are not central to the discussion which follows; they are described in some detail by Beaulieu and Cichocki (2008; 2009), and will be mentioned as appropriate below.) (p.313) The ‐ont ending is found with both regular and irregular verbs.

porter ‘carry’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je porte

je porte

tu portes

tu portes

il porte

il porte

nous portons

je4 portons

vous portez

vous portez

ils portent

ils portont

pouvoir ‘be able’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je peux

je peux

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

tu peux

tu peux

il peut

il peut

nous pouvons

je pouvons

vous pouvez

vous pouvez

ils peuvent

ils pouvont

vouloir ‘want’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je veux

je veux

tu veux

tu veux

il veut

il veut

nous voulons

je voulons

vous voulez

vous voulez

ils veulent

ils voulont

dire ‘say’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je dis

je dis

tu dis

tu dis

il dit

il dit

nous disons

je disons

vous dites

vous disez5

ils disent

ils disont

venir ‘come’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je viens

je viens

tu viens

tu viens

il vient

il vient

nous venons

je venons

vous venez

vous venez

ils viennent

ils venont

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (p.314) The ‐ont ending is often seen by native speakers of Acadian as the ‘traditional’ or ‘old’ form, and its distribution is complex. Balcom et al. (2008: 1) note that ‘until fairly recently most Acadian varieties preserved’ this inflection. It is still found in many varieties of Acadian French, even the chiac variety (spoken in and around the city of Moncton), which is substantially relexified from English – Chevalier et al. (2003) give the examples Ils wonderont ‘They wonder’ and Je ne veux pas que mes enfants turnont out comme des bums ‘I don't want my children to turn out like bums’ (with an indicative in the subordinate clause, rather than the normative subjunctive). Chevalier (2008: 86) claims that ‐ont is frequent in southeastern New Brunswick, but that it is receding in the northeast of the province, although Beaulieu and Cichocki (2008; 2009) find that, even in this region, it is robust in certain contexts and amongst certain speakers. We return to this point below. At first sight, the extension of the ‐ont third person plural ending in French varieties seems to be a clear‐cut example of analogy, and presumably involves the analysis of forms such as sont, font, and vont as s+ont, f+ont, v+ont. However, an alternative – or additional – analysis is available. We may be dealing with a ‘take‐over’ (Carstairs[‐McCarthy] 1984; 1987) or ‘rule of referral’ (Zwicky 1985; Stump 1993 a), along the lines: ‘the third‐person form is the same as the first‐person form’, resulting in ‘unidirectional syncretism’ (Stump 2001; Baerman 2004) (in the typology and terminology of Baerman 2004 and Baerman and Brown 2005, the syncretic form here ‘belongs’ to the first person). The fact that je is commonly the first‐person subject clitic in both singular and plural in traditional Acadian (see, for instance, Flikeid and Péronnet 1989; King, Nadasdi, and Butler 2004) may be significant in this regard – the adoption of the ‐ont form creates a parallel first person/third person identity in both singular and plural.6 (p.315)

Singular:

je porte

il porte

Plural:

je portons [-õ]

ils portont [-õ]

Note that a similar development has affected the imperfect and the conditional in traditional Acadian:

Imperfect Standard French

%Acadian French

je portais

je portais

tu portais

tu portais

il portait

il portait

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

nous portions

je portions

vous portiez

vous portiez

ils portaient

ils portiont

Conditional Standard French

%Acadian French

je porterais

je porterais

tu porterais

tu porterais

il porterait

il porterait

nous porterions

je porterions

vous porteriez

vous porteriez

ils porteraient

ils porteriont

The ‐iont forms of the imperfect and conditional cannot be derived by sound change, but it is possible to envisage an analogical account of them, with reference to the first and second person plural forms:

Present

Imperfect

je portons

je portions

vous portez

vous portiez

ils portont

ils portaient 〉

Future

Conditional

je porterez

je porterions

vous porterez

vous porteriez

ils porteront

ils porteraient 〉

ils portiont

ils porteriont

(p.316) But, as in the present tense, the adoption of the ‐ont form also creates a parallel first person/third person identity in both singular and plural:

Imperfect Singular:

je portais

il portait

Plural:

je portions

ils portiont

je porterais

il porterait

Conditional Singular:

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

Plural:

je porterions

ils porteriont

Once again, then, this development may represent a ‘take‐over’ or rule of referral, along the lines: ‘the third‐person form is the same as the first‐person form’. The same is true, mutatis mutandis, of the present subjunctive:

porter ‘carry’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je porte

je porte

tu portes

tu portes

il porte

il porte

nous portions

je portions

vous portiez

vous portiez

ils portent

ils portiont

pouvoir ‘be able’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je puisse

je peuve

tu puisses

tu peuves

il puisse

il peuve

nous puissions

je pouvions

vous puissiez

vous pouviez

ils puissent

ils pouviont

Yet again, whilst simple analogy is a possible explanation, it is notable that the adoption of the ‐ont form creates a parallel first person/third person identity in both singular and plural; and this fact argues for an explanation in terms of a ‘take‐over’ or rule of referral:

porter Singular:

je porte

il porte

Plural:

je portions

ils portiont

je peuve

il peuve

pouvoir Singular:

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

Plural:

je pouvions

ils pouviont

(p.317) Also telling is the stem – forms such as:

present indicative

as opposed to

ils pouvont

*ils peuvont

ils voulont

*ils veulont

ils venont

*ils viennont

present subjunctive

as opposed to

ils pouviont

*ils peuviont

suggest that a stem‐realignment is taking place which is sensitive to number. It might be objected that forms such as *peuvont and *veulont are ruled out by stress, according to a principle whereby vocalic alternations are governed by the position of the relevant syllable in the word – thus:

final

non‐final

eu [ø]

ou [u]

However, this has not been a synchronically valid rule since the late Old French period (when word stress began to be replaced by phrasal stress; see, for instance, Pope 1934: §121). Such alternations are no longer productive in French: forms such as *peuvont and *veulont are no less acceptable a priori in Acadian (or any other variety of French) than abreuvont ‘water [cattle, etc.]’ and gueulont ‘bawl’. Even more revealing is the conjugation of the verbs avoir, aller, and faire:

avoir ‘have’ Standard French

%Acadian French

j'ai

j'ai

tu as

tu as

il a

il a

nous avons

j'avons

vous avez

vous avez

ils ont

ils avont

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

aller ‘go’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je vais

je vais/vas

tu vas

tu vas

il va

il va

nous allons

j'allons

vous allez

vous allez

ils vont

ils allont

faire ‘do’ Standard French

%Acadian French

je fais

je fais

tu fais

tu fais

il fait

il fait

nous faisons

je faisons

vous faites

vous faisez7

ils font

ils faisont

(p.318) If the issue here were simply the extension of ‐ont to mark the third person plural, we might expect forms such as ils ont, ils vont, and ils font to survive (as they already exhibit the ‐ont ending), and not to be replaced by ils avont, ils allont, and ils faisont.8 The fact that they are argues that the change involves the verb form as a whole, and not just the ending.9 (p.319) In fact, traditional Acadian French appears to be realigning the distribution of verb stems on the basis of number. We may distinguish four types of stem distribution in the present indicative of modern French verbs: (1) Identical stem throughout porter ‘carry’ je porte tu portes il porte nous portons vous portez ils portent (2) Different stems in singular and plural Page 9 of 20

Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

savoir ‘know’

finir ‘finish’

je sais

je finis

tu sais

tu finis

il sait

il finit

nous s avons

nous fin issons

vous s avez

vous fin issez

ils s avent

ils fin issent

(3) ‘N‐pattern’ (see below) mourir ‘die’ (apophonic)

acheter ‘buy’ (imparisyllabic)

je meurs

j'ach è te

[aʃɛt]

tu m eurs

tu ach è tes

[aʃɛt]

il m eurt

il ach è te

[aʃɛt]

nous m ourons

nous ach e tons

[aʃtõ]

vous m ourez

vous ach e tez

[aʃte]

ils m eurent

ils ach è tent

[aʃɛt]

(4) Hybrid – singular/plural + ‘N‐pattern’ (= 2 + 3)

Page 10 of 20

pouvoir ‘be able’

boire ‘drink’

je p eux

je b ois

tu peux

tu b ois

il p eut

il b oit

nous p ouvons

nous b uvons

vous p ouvez

vous b uvez

ils p euvent

ils b oivent

Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (p.320) The notion of ‘N‐pattern’ originates in work by Maiden (2005; 2011), who points out that many morphological patterns in Romance, although they may have arisen through sound change or originally had a semantic unity, are now autonomously morphological, as the result of formal convergence or functional divergence – they have become ‘morphomes’ (Aronoff 1994): systematic formal regularities with no synchronic phonological motivation and no unique functional correlate. The ‘N‐pattern’ is one of the morphomes proposed by Maiden: it describes a pattern in which one stem is found in all three persons singular and the third person plural of the present tense,10 and another stem in other forms of the verb. (The ‘N–pattern’ might be seen (pace Maiden 2011: §5.10 himself) as a contrast between less marked forms (the unmarked number, and the unmarked person in the marked number, of the unmarked tense) and more marked forms (see Smith 2011: 294), but this will not concern us here.) What Acadian French has done is to eliminate stem‐alternations involving the ‘N‐pattern’: (1) Identical stem throughout (2) Different stems in singular and plural (3) ‘N‐pattern’ (4) Hybrid – singular/plural + ‘N‐pattern’ (= 2 + 3). In general, the ‘N‐pattern’, which is robust in most other Romance varieties, has not fared well in French. It was largely eliminated from ‐er verbs by levelling during the Old and Middle French periods – compare the fate of the apophonic paradigm of trouver and the imparisyllabic paradigm of parler, given below (and see Pope 1934: §§925, 929):

trouver ‘find’ je treuve

je trouve

tu treuves

tu trouves

il treuve

il trouve

nous trouvons

nous trouvons

vous trouvez

vous trouvez

ils treuvent

ils trouvent

parler ‘speak’ je parole

je parle

tu paroles

tu parles

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

il parole

il parle

nous parlons

nous parlons

vous parlez

vous parlez

ils parolent

ils parlent

(p.321) Some varieties of Québécois (see GDFC s.v. boivez) and of Newfoundland French (see Brasseur 2001), but also colloquial Parisian (see Lodge 2004: 221–222), and some regional varieties in France, have extended the process of levelling to non ‐er verbs, leading to further destruction of the ‘N‐ pattern’. Taking the verb boire ‘drink’ as an example (see below), we can observe that, whilst the developments in traditional Acadian and these other varieties are quite different, they both have the effect of eliminating all trace of the ‘N‐ pattern’ (which is present in this ‘type 4’ verb – see above – alongside consonantal marking of the plural stem). The difference between them is that traditional Acadian replaces the ‘type 4’ pattern with a doubly marked distinction between singular and plural stems (vowel alternation and presence vs. absence of a consonant), whilst the other varieties generalize a single vowel throughout the (sub‐)paradigm and distinguish the plural stem from the singular simply by the presence of a consonant.11

boire ‘drink’ Standard

%Québécois

%Acadian

je bois

je bois

je bois

tu bois

tu bois

tu bois

il boit

il boit

il boit

nous buvons

nous boivons

je buvons

vous buvez

vous boivez

vous buvez

ils boivent

ils boivent

ils buvont

The effect of the changes we have outlined, then, is to obliterate the ‘N‐pattern’ morphome, in favour of a singular stem / plural stem alternation. This analysis is supported by quantitative data; for instance, in a recent variationist survey of the ‐ont inflection in the Acadian French of northeastern New Brunswick, Beaulieu and Cichocki (2008) claim that its use is particularly favoured when it ‘optimizes’ the distinction between singular and plural stems – thus, forms such as pouvont ‘be able’, voulont ‘want’, and buvont ‘drink’, in which the characteristic ‘singular’ vowel of the third person plural is replaced by the vowel of the other plural persons, are especially frequent.

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French In the spread of ‐ont and associated changes to the verb stem (arguably a case of ‘take‐over’ via a rule of referral, leading to the identity of first‐and (p.322) third‐person forms in the plural by analogy with the singular) we are therefore witnessing ‘morphome death’: the replacement of a systematic formal pattern with no unique functional correlate by a systematic formal pattern which does have a unique functional correlate (in this case, present singular vs. elsewhere).12 Viewed in this light, traditional Acadian French continues a trend which has existed for centuries in French – the elimination of the ‘N‐pattern’ morphome.13 I stress that the version of Acadian French which I have presented in this section inevitably represents a simplification and, to some extent, an idealization of the real picture. When studied from a variationist perspective, the situation reveals its true complexity. In traditional Acadian, the use of ‐ont appears to be normal in all the contexts discussed above. In some other varieties, probably under the influence of standard French and Quebécois French, ‐ent is the norm. However, in the northeastern New Brunswick varieties studied by Beaulieu and Cichocki (2009), we find interesting patterns of variation: Structural factors: • ‐ont forms are used only with the subject clitic ils ([i]); if the subject is a full NP, then the ‐ent forms are used; • ‐ont forms are more likely to be used when they result in a systematic distinction between a singular stem and a plural stem (as already mentioned above). Social factors: • speakers in ‘closed networks’ show a greater propensity to use ‐ont forms; • older men are unlikely to use ‐ont with avoir; however, they are likely to use ‐ont with other verbs; in general, the more irregular the verb, the more likely they are to use ‐ont; • older women are highly likely to use ‐ont with avoir, but unlikely to use it elsewhere; • younger men are unlikely to use ‐ont with avoir; however, they are likely to use ‐ont with other verbs; in general, they are more likely to use ‐ont with more regular verbs; • younger women's use of ‐ont does not seem to be sensitive to the identity of the verb. (p.323) Inasmuch as the distribution of the forms in ‐ont is a sociolinguistic variable, it follows that the distribution of the morphome, and even the morphome itself, is a sociolinguistic variable.

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French 14.3 Ils sontaient, etc. In some varieties of Québécois, Ontarian, and Manitoban French, the third person plural of the imperfect of être ‘be’ is ils sontaient, rather than standard ils étaient. For instance, this form is attested for Montréal (Drapeau 1982), Québec City (Deshaies, Martin, and Noël 1981), and Cornwall, Ontario (Mougeon and Beniak 1991: 111–115) – in each of these localities, it is particularly prevalent amongst working‐class adolescents. Below, I give two examples from the Sankoff–Cedergren–Thibault–Vincent corpus of Montréal spoken French (1971/1984/1995), in which ‘half‐a‐dozen speakers’ use the form (Gillian Sankoff, p.c.). I 1. (Interviewer) Puis vous av: vous aimiez ça travailler à l'extérieur de la maison ou: 2. (Speaker #51, 1984) Oui. Oui. 〈oui〉 1. C'était‐tU la première fois que vous travailliez? 2. Non. J'ai déjà travaillé avant ailleurs. Mais pas: longtemps. 〈oui〉 Parce:‐| ils sontaient jeunes. 〈oui〉 Fait‐que: j'ai pas travaillé longtemps. 〈oui〉 1. Ca occupe, une grosse famille comme ça. II 1. Ca devait être épeurant. C'est arrivé comment, en pleine nuit ça quoi? 2. (Speaker #71, 1971) Ça l a arrivé: presque tout le temps: proche de la Fête de la Reine ou à la Fête de la Reine, en pleine nuit. Peut‐ être à: trois: trois quatre heures du matin. 1. (Oui.) Ça a dû vous réveiller pas mal tout le monde là? 2. Oui mais les voisins: parce que la panique était pris hein, quand que ça l a arrivé là, s'ils sont: ˈ Sontaient tellement forts les deux là, que quand ça l a arrivé là le monde criait tellement fort qu'on se réveillait automatiquement. 〈Hum〉 C'était tellement: ça flambait tellement là que: (p.324) The difference between these varieties and Standard French can be tabulated as follows:

Standard French il est

il était

ils sont

ils étaient invariable stem

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

+ imperfect ending Some Québécois, Ontarian, Manitoban French il est

il était

ils sont

ils sontaient present indicative + imperfect ending

It might be tempting to analyse ils sontaient as involving double marking of the plural, in a similar way (at least diachronically) to English children, Dutch kinderen, etc.; however, this would be a misleading analysis, as any double marking is apparent to the eye only – the endings ‐ait and ‐aient are phonetically identical. One might also analyse ils sontaient as consisting of a stem s‐, a third‐ person plural marker ‐ont‐ and an imperfect ending unmarked for number; however, this would violate the rather robust principle that person/number affixes follow TAM (tense/aspect/mood) affixes in French. A final possibility is to regard sont as an unanalysable stem, identical to the corresponding present tense form, followed by the third‐person plural imperfect ending. (Some support for this last analysis comes from the more rarely encountered chutais as the first‐person singular imperfect form (standard j'étais), clearly based on the non‐ standard first‐person singular present chu (standard je suis); see Drapeau 1982; Beniak and Mougeon 1989: 85–86.) Mougeon and Beniak (1991: 116–118) argue that this analogy is indeed the basis of the form sontaient, but that such an analogy can occur only in child language and subsequently spread; they argue cogently that acquisition data show that the imperfect stem can be remodelled on the corresponding present tense form (pace Hooper 1980). On the basis of the contemporary distribution of the form (it is notably absent from metropolitan French, but is found in a number of American varieties which have had little or no contact with each other), they suggest (ibid.: 121) that its ‘emergence coincided with the exportation of the French language to the New World’. Further interesting data, involving an extension of the pattern just noted for être to the imperfect of other verbs which form their third person singular present indicative in ‐ont, come from Métis French, used by speakers of (p.325) Michif, a French/Cree contact variety (see Papen 1984; Papen and Bigot 2008), and help to shed some light on the processes which may be involved.

Standard French il est/il était

ils sont/ils étaient

il a/il avait

ils ont/ils avaient

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French

il fait/il faisait

ils font/ils faisaient

il va/il allait

ils vont/ils allaient

Métis French il est/il était

ils sont/ils sontaient

il a/il avait

ils ont/ils ontvaient14

il fait/il faisait

ils font/ils fontsaient

il va/il allait

ils vont/ils allaient %ils vontaient, etc.

The role of analogy is here much clearer. The third‐person singular form of the imperfect is presumably analysed (as it can be in regular verbs) as the corresponding form of the present indicative plus an imperfect ending. When the verb is regular, the existing third person plural of the imperfect can be analysed in the same way. However, an attempt to assign this structure to the plural in the case of these common irregular verbs leads to a remodelling, in which the third‐ person plural present indicative form comes to serve as the stem of the imperfect in the third person plural. Note that this development has not affected the verb aller ‘go’ to the same extent, as it is impossible to analyse the third person singular of the imperfect in this way (il va ∼ il allait). Forms such as ils vontaient are found, but more rarely. They are presumably the result of a different analogy, not with the singular of the same verb, but with the ‘new’ forms sontaient, ontvaient, and fontsaient themselves; after the initial remodelling has taken place, vont is the only third‐person plural present tense form in ‐ont which does not serve as the stem of the corresponding imperfect, and so it may be realigned in this respect with the other ‐ont forms.

14.4 Conclusions We have observed two contrasting changes in the (sub‐)paradigm of avoir.

Standard

%Acadian

%Manitoban French

French

French

Métis French

3PL PRS

ils ont

ils avont

ils ont

3PL IMPF

ils avaient

ils aviont

ils ontvaient

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (p.326) If we looked only at these data, we might be tempted to draw the following neat and symmetrical conclusion: faced with the form ont, speakers of Acadian French analysed it as an ending with a zero stem, whilst speakers of Métis French and some varieties of Manitoban French analysed it as a stem with a zero ending. However, once the whole of the paradigm is taken into account, this superficially attractive view becomes more problematic, and needs to be hedged. The data are often difficult to interpret. Nonetheless, there is evidence that, in some varieties, at least some forms in ‐ont are, or have been, analysed by native speakers as consisting of a stem and an ending ‐ont. In other varieties, it is at least as likely that some forms in ‐ont are perceived as unanalysable units. I have argued that the presence in Acadian of third‐person plural forms in ‐ont is due to a rule of referral – the ‘take‐over’ of the third‐person plural by the homophonous first‐person plural form. This development leads to a perspicuous split between singular and plural stems (more accurately, between a present singular stem and an ‘elsewhere’ stem), and, in so doing, obliterates the ‘N‐ pattern’ morphome; in other words, it leads to ‘morphome death’. Inasmuch as the distribution of the forms in ‐ont is sensitive to factors such as age, sex, and social network strength, it follows that at least some morphomes should be regarded, inter alia, as sociolinguistic variables. The data demonstrate that the concept of (socio)linguistic variability must encompass analyses as well as forms – in the present instance, it is not merely (or even essentially) the inflection or stem which is the variable, but, rather, more abstract or underlying notions, such as segmentation, paradigm structure, and morphomic patterns. I hope to return to these issues in a subsequent paper. Notes:

(1) This chapter arose from a conversation with Martin Maiden, who, not for the first time, made me rethink what I had believed to be a relatively straightforward issue. I am grateful to him, and to Sherry Ash, Louise Beaulieu, Annette Boudreau, Vit Bubeník, Władysław Cichocki, Silvio Cruschina, Louise Esher, Maria Goldbach, Marc‐Olivier Hinzelin, William Labov, Paul O'Neill, Chris Pountain, Gillian Sankoff, Drew Swearingen, Peter Trudgill, Nigel Vincent, Max Wheeler, and Roger Wright for indispensable data, comments, advice, and support. As usual, errors and shortcomings are all my own work. (2) The old French verb ester ‘stand’ (from Latin STARE) also normally formed its third person plural present indicative in ‐ont (estont). This form cannot be derived regularly from Latin STANT; it arguably results from the influence of the semantically similar sont (see Nyrop 1924: §116). (3) See especially maps 311 commencent, 353 crèvent, 574 finissent, 679 habitent, 1064 portent, 1677 pondent; for the presence of this ending in other tenses and moods, see maps 10 s'agenouilleraient, 401 devaient, 1366 viendraient, 1433 aillent, 1449 aient. Page 17 of 20

Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (4) On je as the first person plural subject clitic in Acadian French, see below. (5) The second person plural form, which in standard French is vous dites, has here been regularized by analogy with the vast majority of verbs which form this person with ‐ez – compare vous faisez ≠ vous faites below. (6) As the second‐person form in the singular is (in all but a handful of verbs) phonetically identical to that of the other two persons (and is always phonetically identical to the third person form), one might ask why the process of ‘take‐over’ did not go further in the plural and involve the second person as well. Three factors may be relevant here. First, the second person plural already has a salient (non‐zero) inflection ‐ez in all verbs, which may make it more resistant to levelling. Second, whilst the singular and plural subject clitics in Acadian are identical in the first person and in the third person (although distinguished orthographically, as il and ils, the third person pronouns are both pronounced [i], and the plural form never triggers liaison), a clear distinction is maintained in the second person between singular tu and plural vous, which may also create resistance to levelling. Third, the vous form is also used as a ‘polite’ or ‘formal’ singular – it is therefore marked socially as well as linguistically, and this fact, too, may render it resistant to analogical remodelling. (7) The second-person plural form, which in standard French is vous faites, has here been regularized by analogy with the vast majority of verbs which form this person with ‐ez – compare vous disez ≠ vous dites above. (8) Drawing on these data, Nyrop (1924: §123) anticipates the notion of ‘take‐ over’ by suggesting that the third‐person plural form avont in French dialects is based on the first‐person plural form avons. We should note that ont, vont, and font are in fact found in some varieties of Acadian French; the varieties which are relevant to the present paper are those in which the remodelling has taken place.

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Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (9) It may be relevant here to quote Baerman, Brown, and Corbett (2005: 9): ‘the status of the whole word, while hardly self‐evident, is nevertheless more uncontroversial than that of such elements as morphemes or formants.’ The data considered so far are entirely consistent with the argument that third‐person plural forms in ‐ont are the result of a ‘take‐over’ or ‘unidirectional syncretism’, in which the form ‘belongs’ to the first person plural. For Stump (1993a: 468– 472), all rules of referral are in fact bidirectional: but in a situation such as this, the operation of the rule in the other direction is vacuous. In fact, there is some marginal evidence from a number of French varieties which indicates that we may be dealing, at least in these instances, with a rule which is non‐vacuously bidirectional. These varieties exhibit first person plural forms such as sons ‘be’ (Nyrop 1924: ibid.: §119/6), fons ‘do’ (ibid.: §127), and vons ‘go’ (ibid.: §116). The first of these forms (which is found in some varieties of Acadian French; see Péronnet 1990: 87) can be derived uncontroversially from Classical Latin SVMVS; however, the other two cannot be the outcome of regular sound change affecting Classical Latin FACIMVS and VADIMVS, respectively. They could be accounted for by analogy (the replacement of the‐IMVS ending by ‐VMVS), together with irregular disappearance of the intervocalic consonant, as, mutatis mutandis, in the third‐person plural derivations discussed in the Introduction. However, we might be dealing with a rule of referral whereby the third‐person plural form ‘took over’ the role of the first‐person plural at some later stage. If the rule of referral applies to the singular, as well, as I have tentatively suggested it may, then its bidirectionality could account for other puzzling phenomena in the history of French, such as the apparent ‘take‐over’ of distinct first‐person singular forms by the third‐person singular form in the present tense of ‐er verbs between the twelfth and seventeenth centuries (see, for instance, Pope 1934: §898; Smith 2002: 432), a development which is general, and which it is difficult to account for satisfactorily simply by appealing to analogy. What is then difficult to explain is why the rule fails to apply (in either direction) in the plural in the majority of varieties. In sum, we plausibly have a bidirectional rule of referral linking first‐person and third‐person forms, but the precise contexts in which it operates appear to be conditioned in ways which remain obscure. This issue is not the focus of this paper; it must await further research. (10) Together – normally – with the second person singular imperative. (11) We may note that some Acadian speakers in northeastern New Brunswick have, in a sense, combined the two patterns (Beaulieu and Cichocki 2009: 213), yielding bois, bois, boit, boivons, boivez, boivont; the same paradigm is found in some western areas of France (such as the Choletais; see, for instance, Verrier and Onillon 1908: 24, s.v. boire). This development will not concern us here. (12) Theoretically, ‘morphome death’ may take place through formal realignment, as in this case, or through functional realignment. Page 19 of 20

Variable Analyses of a Verbal Inflection in (mainly) Canadian French (13) For other examples of syncretisms which destroy the ‘N‐pattern’ in French varieties, see Hinzelin, this volume. (14) The form ontvaient is also found in Manitoban French; see Hallion Bres (2004: 88–89).

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Michele Loporcaro

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0016

Abstract and Keywords The chapter focuses on the loss of distinctions observed in the past participle paradigms across Romance. Different instances of loss of distinctions are classified into syncretism, neutralization, and uninflectedness, following Baerman et al. (2005). From inspection of Romance dialect variation, it comes out that the feminine singular is the most syncretism‐resistant form, which results from combination of the tendencies for number to be syncretic in the masculine, and gender in the plural. The Romance data further show that syncretism is best analysed as operating globally over the paradigm, rather than over each specific feature. Under that view, implicational relations obtaining among different syncretic patterns can be captured in a way similar to morphomic partition classes in verb inflection (Maiden 1992; 2003; Pirrelli & Battista 2000). Keywords:   uninflectedness, Romance gender systems, number, hierarchy, Romance dialectal variation

15.1 Introduction This chapter is part of a larger research, which aims to pick out the aspects which can be of general interest for morphological theory from the empirical domain of Romance object agreement. This is familiar to Romance scholars under the heading ‘past participle (henceforth PtP) agreement’, as exemplified with Catalan in (1b): (1)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * a.

Page 2 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

He

troba‐t

la

carta

/el

cotxe

have.1SG

find‐PTP[M.SG]

DEF.F.SG

letter(F)

/DEF.M.SG

car(M)

‘I've found the letter/the car’

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * b.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

(La

carta)

l'=he

troba‐d‐a /

DEF.F.SG

letter(F))

DO3SG.F=have.1SG

find‐PTP‐F.SG/

troba‐t find‐PTP[M.SG] ‘(The car) I've found it’

Page 5 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * c. (El

cotxe)

l'=he

troba‐t

(DEF.M.SG

car(M))

DO3SG.M=have. 1SG

find‐PTP[M.SG]

‘(The car) I've found it’

While Romance PtP agreement is a much‐investigated topic, most of the relevant literature focuses on its syntax (for instance, on the fact that Catalan has variable, rather than categorical, agreement with direct object clitics, in (1b)), rather than on the morphology that realizes it (for instance, on the fact that it is the same masculine singular form, trobat, which signals either object (p.328) agreement or lack of agreement in (1c), whereas it unambiguously signals non‐ agreement, when occurring in (1a)). The morpho‐syntactic features involved in Romance object agreement are gender and number, and since in most modern languages both features have two values, the most often encountered pattern is the four‐cell one exemplified again with Catalan in (2): (2) Past participle inflection in Catalan cantar [kəntá] ‘to sing’

M

F

SG

kəntá‐t

kəntá‐ð‐ə

PL

kəntá‐t‐s

kəntá‐ð‐ə‐s

In section 15.2, I shall place this four‐cell pattern into the broader context of Romance dialect variation, and show that this variation includes both richer systems (see (8) below) and more reduced ones (see (9)–(10)), in which only three, two, or one inflected forms are available. We shall also address the relationship between the reduction in the number of available forms and the reduction of the paradigm cells (defined in terms of combinations of the values of the morpho‐syntactic features gender and number). The two, it will be shown, need not go hand in hand. Reduction of the available forms while the number of cells is kept constant is a (potential) source of syncretism (3a), except if the number of forms available in the given paradigm shrinks to just one yielding uninflectedness (3b); if on the other hand the number of cells is reduced, as one of the morpho‐syntactic (feature‐value) contrasts ceases to be relevant, the result may be neutralization (3c): (3)

Page 6 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * a. ‘syncretism is the failure to make a morphosyntactically relevant distinction […] under particular (morphological) conditions’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 2); b. ‘uninflectedness is about morphology being unresponsive to a feature that is syntactically relevant’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 32); c. ‘neutralization is about syntactical irrelevance as reflected in morphology’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 32). Consider the following French examples: (4) a. Personne

n'=est

venu

nobody

NEG=AUX.3SG

come.PTP

‘Nobody came’ b. Personne

n'=est

mort

/*morte

nobody

NEG=AUX.3SG

die.PTP.M

/die.PTP.F

‘Nobody died’

(p.329) The (morphological) gloss in (4a) (from Corbett 2006: 29) does not specify gender/number values because in spoken French venu(e) is invariable. This uninflectedness concerns several inflectional classes (PtPs ending in ‐[′y], ‐ [′i], and ‐[′e]). Whenever one such PtP occurs in a context requiring object agreement, the rule applies vacuously as the morphology has become (through sound change) unresponsive to the feature gender.1 By contrast, the strong PtP in (4b) does signal gender and occurs in the masculine, which is the syntactic default in most modern Romance varieties, with some exceptions that will be dealt with in section 15.2.1.2 Note that in (4b) PtPs are not glossed for number, as in the spoken language distinct plural forms of the PtPs (still spelled morts, mortes) do not any longer surface phonetically in any syntactic context. Thus, for this specific paradigm number has become irrelevant, which does not however suffice to meet Baerman et al.'s (2005: 30) definition of neutralization: (5) Baerman et al. (2005: 30): ‘Neutralization is defined as follows: i. In the presence of a particular combination of values of one or more other features (the context), there is a general loss of all values of a particular feature F found elsewhere in the language.

Page 7 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * ii. No syntactic objects distinguish any values of feature F in the given context, and feature F is therefore syntactically irrelevant in that context.’ In French, other syntactic objects still signal the number contrast, as shown in (6a–b) with possessives and direct object clitics, so that (5ii) is not satisfied:3 (6) a.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

Mon

ami,

je

l'=ai

rencontré

my.M.SG

friend(M)

I

DO[M.SG]=have.1SG

meet.PTP

‘My friend, I've met him’

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (p.330) b.

Page 10 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

Mes

amis,

je

l-es=ai

rencontrés

my.PL

friend(M)

I

DO‐PL=have.‐1SG

meet.PTP

‘My friends, I've met them’

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Neutralization stricto sensu, as defined in (5), does occur in some (non‐standard) Romance varieties, as we shall see in section 15.2. For syncretism too, the requirements established by Baerman et al. (2005: 34) are stricter than implied by the informal statement (3a). Consider their definition of canonical syncretism: (7) Baerman et al. (2005: 34): ‘Canonical syncretism is defined as follows: i. There is, in certain contexts, a loss of distinction between some but not all values of a particular feature F. […] ii. Other syntactic objects distinguish those values of feature F, and they are therefore syntactically relevant.’ The restrictiveness of clause (7i) (‘some but not all values’) has consequences for Romance object agreement, since both gender (except in a few varieties) and number are two‐valued, and the theoretical apparatus of Baerman et al. (2005: 123) excludes, in such a situation, not just canonical syncretism but syncretism as such: ‘Of course, we cannot tell whether there is syncretism once distinctions in a two‐valued system are lost’.4 As we will see, the set of definitions in (5) and (7) leaves unclassified several instances of loss of distinction met in the paradigms available for object agreement across Romance. After reviewing some such paradigms, we shall take up the issue again in sections 15.2.2 and 15.2.4. In section 15.3, I shall finally try to make sense of the inventory of observed syncretisms, drawing inspiration from studies of verb inflection and stem allomorphy in Italian and Italo‐Romance within the autonomous morphology approach (cf. Maiden 2003; Pirrelli 2000). In that connection (section 15.4), some parallels will emerge between the regularities constraining the reduction of PtP paradigms and, on the one hand, morphological regularities observed in other nominal paradigms, and on the other hand morpho‐syntactic regularities observed in (the gradual loss of) object agreement, as exemplified above with the vacillating agreement with object clitics in Catalan (1b).

(p.331) 15.2 Paradigms Let me start by providing in (8)–(10) a first, synthetic, list of the kind of paradigms I have come across in inspecting dialect variation across Romance:5 (8) a. 5 cells, 5 forms: Surselvan [weak PtPs]; several dialects of central Italy (e.g. Maceratese, Serviglianese); b. 5 cells, 4 forms: Surselvan [strong PtPs with stem ending in coronal consonant other than /s/ and/or metaphonic root vowel alternation]; several dialects of central Italy (e.g. Matelicese, Sanseverinate, in the province of Macerata, Marche); c. 5 cells, 3 forms: Surselvan [strong PtPs with stem ending in /s/ and no vowel alternation], Agnonese [strong PtPs];

Page 12 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * d. 5 cells, 2 forms: Neapolitan [strong PtPs with metaphonic root vowel alternation], Agnonese [weak PtPs]; e. 5 cells, 1 form: Neapolitan [weak PtPs; strong PtPs without metaphonic root vowel alternation]. (9) a. 4 cells, 4 forms: Italian, Sardinian, northern Corsican, Occitan, Catalan, 〈Spanish, Portuguese, Romanian〉; b. 4 cells, 3 forms: Sicilian, Calabrian, and Salentino [dialects with metaphony; PtP with metaphonic root vowel alternation], Grizzanese [strong PtPs], Piandelagottese [weak PtPs], Puter [strong PtPs with stem ending in /s/], Padovano [1st conjugation PtPs]; c. 4 cells, 2 forms: French [strong PtPs], Altamurano [strong PtPs with metaphonic root vowel alternation], Milanese, Piandelagottese [strong PtPs], rural Veronese [1st conjugation PtPs]; d. 4 cells, 1 form: French [weak PtPs], Altamurano [weak PtPs, strong PtPs without metaphonic root vowel alternation], Grizzanese [weak PtPs]. (p.332) (10) a. 3 cells, 3 forms: Sicilian, Calabrian, and Salentino [dialects without metaphony], southern Corsican, Gallurese, Sassarese, Lurese (Logudorese), Sennorese (Logudorese); b. 3 cells, 2 forms: ? c. 3 cells, 1 form: ? Only one etymological set of inflections is relevant for our discussion:6 all PtPs inflect, in all historical stages of the Romance languages, like first class adjectives, which means that the original situation was one in which three sets of forms were available, for three genders, as in bonus, bona, bonum. These three forms have to be multiplied by two numbers, singular and plural, and – for the PRom stage (on which cf. Zamboni 2000: 110–115) – also by three cases, pace Lehmann (1982: 216 n. 24), who denies that PRom marked object agreement (in case, as well as in gender and number) on transitive verbs. The most widespread system, already seen in (2), shows the familiar reduction to four cells, that prevails across Romance: in fact, the list in (9a) includes all of the major languages except French. Before turning to this more widespread kind of four‐cell system (in sections 15.2.3–15.2.6), we will start our inspection of cross‐ Romance variation from the richer systems in (8). 15.2.1 Five‐cell systems without syncretism

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * The systems in (8a) (5 cells, 5 inflected forms), occur in Surselvan (12) and in many dialects of central Italy, exemplified with Maceratese in (11): (11) Past participle inflection in Maceratese (Paciaroni and Loporcaro 2010)

Page 14 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

a. SG

N

M

F

piʝʝá‐t‐o

piʝʝá‐t‐u

piʝʝá‐t‐a

piʝʝá‐t‐i

piʝʝá‐t‐e

PL

‘taken’ (all PtPs) c. SG PL

N

M

F

l‐o

l‐u

l‐a

l‐i

l‐e

‘the’

Page 15 of 60

b.

N

M

F

št‐o

št‐u

št‐a

št‐i

št‐e

‘this’

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (p.333) (12) Weak past participle inflection in Surselvan (Tekavčić 1973– 74: 80–90, 444)

Page 16 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

a. SG

N

M

F

lava‐u

lava‐u‐s

lava‐d‐a

lava‐i

lava‐d‐a‐s

N

M

F

parti‐u

parti‐u‐s

parti‐d‐a

parti

parti‐d‐a‐s

PL ‘washed’ (1st macroclass) b. SG PL ‘left’ (2nd macroclass) c.

M

F

SG

il

la

PL

il‐s

la‐s

‘the’

Page 17 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * In both kinds of systems, the fifth cell is associated with a third gender, the neuter,7 though with crucial differences, both morphological and morpho‐ syntactic. As for morphology proper, the main difference is that the paradigm with five distinct forms is found in all classes of PtPs in Maceratese, whereas it is restricted to only weak PtPs in Surselvan. Furthermore, the paradigms from other word classes added for comparison in (11b–c) and (12c) show that only in Maceratese five cell‐paradigms are available in determiners, with the same inflections ‐o (N) vs. ‐u (M) occurring in PtPs, whereas Surselvan has a richer inflection (with the Ø ending as a marker of the third gender, as opposed to masculine ‐s) in just (predicative) adjectives and PtPs (except when used attributively). This brings us to the morpho‐syntactic differences between the Surselvan and the Maceratese types of systems, which on the one hand concern the gender system in general, and on the other hand are specifically relevant to object agreement.8 In central Italian dialects, the neuter is a lexical gender, as there is a class of nouns which select neuter agreement (13a), contrasting with masculine (13b): (p.334) (13) a. lo

pa

m=ε

ppjačut-o/*-u

DEF.N.SG bread(N) IO1SG=be. please:PTP-N/*-M.SG 3SG b.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

lu

prešuttu

m=ε

ppjačut-u /*-o

DEF.M.SG

ham(M)

IO1SG=be.3SG

please:PTP-M.SG/*-N

‘I have liked the bread/ham’

Page 19 of 60

(Maceratese)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * In addition, neuter also expresses agreement with non‐lexical controllers (14) as well as lack of agreement, occurring in clauses where a lexical controller is potentially there, but the syntactic configuration in which it occurs does not license agreement (15): (14)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

aJJi

a

lu

mar-e

m=ε

ssεmpre

to go.INF

to

DEF.M.SG

sea(M)-SG

IO1SG=be.3SG

always

pjačut-o /*-u please:PTP-N/*-M.SG ‘I have always liked going to the sea’

Page 21 of 60

(Maceratese)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (15)

pεppe

a

ššord-o / *ššord-u

lu

Joseph(M)

have.3SG

untie.PTP-N / untie.PTP-M.SG

DEF.M.SG

kappj-u slip.knot(M)-SG ‘Joseph has untied the slip knot’

In Surselvan too, the neuter may signal lack of agreement: (16)

Page 22 of 60

(Maceratese)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

La

malsogna

ha

caschunau

biar-a-s

DEF.F.SG

illness(F)

have.3SG

cause.PTP.N

much-F-PL

unfrenda-s victim(F)-PL(Vieli and Decurtins 1962: 782) ‘The illness caused many victims’

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Neuter agreement also occurs with non‐lexical controllers (17a–b), as well as with proper nouns whose gender assignment may pose difficulties (like placenames (18)) and in other contexts which are reported to select neuter agreement cross‐linguistically, like so‐called ‘pancake‐agreement’ constructions ((19), cf. Corbett 1991: 216; 2006: 150, 223): (17) a. Tgei

ei

What

be.3SG happen:PTP.N?

‘What happened?’ (p.335) b.

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succediu?

(Wunderli 1993: 144)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

Tut

quei

ch’

ei

prigulus

sto

vegnir

all

that

which

be.3SG

dangerous

must.3SG

come.INF

evitau avoid.PTP.N ‘Anything dangerous must be avoided’

Page 25 of 60

(Surselvan)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (18) a. Cuera

ei

simpatic

Chur

be.3SG

nice.N

(Wunderli 1993: 148)

‘Chur is nice’ b. Falera

ei

vegl

Falera

be.3SG

old.N

‘Falera is old’

(19) a. Caschiel

ei

bien

cheese(M)

be.3SG good.N

(Haiman and Benincà 1992: 217)

‘Cheese is good’ b. Cigaretta-s

ei

nuscheivel

cigarette(F)-PL

be.3SG

harmful.N

‘(Smoking) cigarettes is harmful’

On the other hand, Surselvan nouns are divided into two genders, masculine vs. feminine, while ‘the neutral gender […] is a target gender form which cannot normally have a prototypical noun phrase headed by a noun or pronoun as its controller’ (Corbett 1991: 159). As seen in the quotation, a special term is sometimes used for this kind of gender, viz. neutral. Alternatively, this gender is termed here non‐lexical neuter, to bring out the similarity with systems like (11), since in both systems the neuter retains some of its original syntactic functions.9

Page 26 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * The non‐lexical nature of Surselvan neuter has a straightforward diachronic explanation. While in central Italy some Latin neuter nouns remained in the neuter gender, which besides attracted other mass nouns (previously masculine, like ‘bread’ in (13a)),10 in Surselvan the neuter got depleted, as the Latin neuter nouns became masculine just like in Italian or French (e.g. temps 〈 TEMPUS, aur 〈 AURUM; Stimm 1976: 42):11 (p.336) (20) a. Il

temps

ei

cumpleniu‐s

DEF.M.SG

time(M)

be.3SG

come.to.its.end‐M.SG

‘Time is up’ b. Igl

aur

ei

grev‐s

DEF.M.SG

gold(M)

be.3SG

heavy‐M.SG

‘Gold is heavy’ 15.2.2 Syncretism in five‐cell paradigms

Let us now turn to types (8b–c), that is, to paradigms with five cells where two (or three) of those are occupied by syncretic forms. Compare (21)–(22), from the same two geographical domains considered so far. (In fact, (22) displays three distinct paradigms from the same system considered above, Surselvan.) (21) PtP inflection in the dialect of Matelica (province of Macerata, cf. Paciaroni and Loporcaro 2010)

Page 27 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

a. SG PL

N

M piʝʝá‐t‐u piʝʝá‐t‐i

F piʝʝá‐t‐a piʝʝá‐t‐e

‘taken’ (all PtPs)

Page 28 of 60

b.

N

M

F

št‐o

št‐u

št‐a

št‐i

št‐e

‘this’

c.

N

M

F

l‐o

l‐u

l‐a

l‐i

l‐e

‘the’

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (22) Strong PtP inflection in Surselvan (Tekavčić 1973–74: 80–90, 444)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

a.

N

M

F

SG

fatg

fatg‐s

fatg‐a

PL

fatg‐a‐s ‘done’

Page 30 of 60

b.

N

M

F

miers

mors

mors‐a

c.

N

M

F

ars

ars‐a

mors‐a‐s ‘bit’ (aviert, aviarts ‘opened’)

ars‐a‐s ‘burnt’

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * The dialect of Matelica (21) has three (lexical) genders, like Maceratese, as seen from the determiner paradigms in (21b–c), but in the PtP (and the adjective) there is no masculine vs. neuter distinction. The fact that there are only four forms available, however, does not make the Matelica paradigm identical to the common Romance one (found e.g. in Italian, Spanish, Catalan, etc., see (2) above): the crucial difference is that piʝʝátu in Matelicese is syncretic for masculine and neuter, since the two genders are distinguished elsewhere in the system (21b–c). Surselvan too has five‐cell paradigms with four forms (22a–b):12 contrary to central Italian, here loss of distinction in strong PtPs first affects number in the masculine (22a–b), whereas the (masculine vs. neuter) gender contrast is affected in a following step (22c), where the paradigm shrinks to three forms only. (p.337) Note that if one sticks to the definitions in (5) and (7) above, only (21a) would be a case of syncretism, whereas (22a–b) would not, since loss of distinction here affects a two‐valued feature. However, (22a–b) do not qualify as neutralization either since, as shown in (12) above, the number contrast in the context [masculine] is syntactically relevant for other PtPs. Uninflectedness is not an option either, given that masculine fatg‐s has an ending ‐s, contrasting with ‐Ø/‐a/‐as in the remaining cells of the paradigm. This set of data, thus, would be left unclassified under (5) and (7).13 Note further that in (22c) occurrence of the same form ars over three cells of the paradigm would be at the same time a syncretism (because of the loss of the masculine vs. neuter distinction) while not being syncretic for number, since the latter feature is two‐valued. This is evidence enough that loss of distinctions in the PtP paradigm, here and across Romance, is better captured over the entire paradigm than in terms of each individual feature. This option is adopted in Baerman et al.'s (2005: 104) analysis of polarity effects, as exemplified by the gender/number syncretism in the Somali definite article (Saeed 1999: 112), where loss of distinction involves two (two‐valued) features: (23)

M

F

SG

‐ka

‐ta

PL

‐ta

‐ka

I will generalize this view, labelling syncretic not only piʝʝátu in (21a) but also fatgs and mors in (22a–b), where syncretism only concerns the feature number. The same approach will be applied to gender syncretism in the examples to be discussed below (sections 15.2.4ff.), occurring in systems with just two (target) genders. Page 31 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * If one considers the two sources discussed in the literature (cf. Baerman et al. 2005: 4), viz. blind phonological change vs. morpho‐syntactic readjustment, it emerges that the syncretisms exemplified in (21)–(22) arose as the product of (different rounds of) sound change: Eastern Romance loss of final ‐s (which blurred the masculine vs. neuter distinction in the singular, as BONUS and BONUM merged into bonu), and northern Romance deletion of non‐low vowels in the final syllable, whereby e.g. M.SG ARSUS and M.PL ARSOS both yielded ars (22c). This happens to be the case in the overwhelming majority of the examples of syncretisms involving PtPs we are going to discuss, across Romance, which makes a substantial difference with respect to changes that took place in finite (p.338) verb inflection (TAM and person marking), where autonomously morphological change played a major role, as has been shown by Martin Maiden in several influential papers (beginning with Maiden 1992; cf. more recently Maiden 2003). Sound change was responsible also for the further reduction in the set of distinct inflections found in another type of five‐cell system (8d), met with in Italo‐ Romance dialects spoken in the upper part of the central‐southern area. These are exemplified with Neapolitan in Table 15.1:14 TABLE 15.1. Past participle inflection in Neapolitan

Like the dialects of central Italy exemplified with Maceratese above, Neapolitan has a three‐(target‐)gender system (cf. fn. 8) including neuter (to which mass nouns and abstracts are assigned, and whose agreeing forms are used also in default contexts). The neuter vs. masculine contrast is formally signalled in the definite article, Table 15.1 (d) and some other determiners, as well as in pronominal DO clitics: (24) a.

b. Page 32 of 60

a

kasə

a

vekə

DEF.F.SG

house(F)

DO.3F.SG

see.1SG

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

o

kanə

o

vekə

DEF.M.SG

dog(M)

DO.3M.SG

see.1SG

c. o

ppanə

o

bbekə

DEF.N

bread(N)

DO.3N

see.1SG

(p.339) d.

Page 33 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

ka

si

ššεmə

o

bbekə

that

be.2SG

stupid

DO.3N

see.1SG

‘I see the house/the dog/the bread/that you're stupid’

Page 34 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * While the masculine and neuter forms of the article share the same phonetic shape, they contrast phonologically in that the neuter (as seen in the example Table 15.1 (c)) brings about RF: by the way, RF also discriminates between the otherwise homophonous masculine and feminine plural articles in Table 15.1 (d), thus guaranteeing that the gender/number system has a five‐cell paradigm.15 Within this three‐gender and two‐number system, PtPs (like adjectives) never contrast more than two distinct forms, because of sound change: merger of final vowels to schwa has destroyed all inherited inflectional distinctions originally conveyed by canonical affixal morphology. The result is uninflectedness in all weak participles (Table 15.1 (c)) and in strong PtPs without metaphonic root‐ vowel alternation (Table 15.1 (b)). In the complementary subset of strong PtPs with metaphonic alternation (Table 15.1 (a)), two forms still convey a binary distinction [±feminine], with syncretism of number as well as of (masculine vs. neuter) gender. A slightly less reduced five‐cell system is found in some dialects spoken further north of Naples: TABLE 15.2. Gender distinction in Agnonese

a

The data come from the 2007 fieldwork campaign of the Romanisches Seminar of the University of Zurich (henceforth RSUZH‐FC). (p.340) As shown in Table 15.2, the dialect of Agnone (province of Isernia) has a neuter gender which, unlike in Neapolitan, contrasts with masculine through the segmental shape of the article rather than RF.16 Also contrary to Neapolitan, in this area the merger of final vowels was not complete. Since ‐A 〉 [ɐ] remained distinct, a F.SG form contrasts with the others even in weak PtPs (Table 15.3 (b)). This contrast in final vowels cumulates with metaphonic alternation in the stressed root vowel, of the kind already seen for Neapolitan in Table 15.1 (a), thus yielding the three distinct inflectional forms available for strong PtPs, exemplified in Table 15.3 (a): TABLE 15.3. Past participle inflection in Agnonese

Page 35 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

To sum up, syncretism in five‐cell systems seems to result in one of the patterns schematically listed in Table 15.4 (a–d): TABLE 15.4. Syncretism in five‐cell systems

There are a number of logically conceivable alternative options (only two of which are given in Table 15.4 (e–f)): however, to the best of my knowledge, these do not seem to occur in any Romance variety. (p.341) 15.2.3 Four‐cell systems with syncretism

Since we have already exemplified in (2) the four‐cell/four‐forms system occurring in all the standard Romance languages but French, we can start our review right away from four‐cell systems with loss of distinctions. Syncretism between two cells occurs in several northern Italian dialects, exemplified with an Emilian variety, Grizzanese, in Table 15.5. TABLE 15.5. Past participle inflection in Grizzanese (Loporcaro 1991: 73–74)

In this dialect, all strong PtPs have three forms (Table 15.5 (a)), whereas weak PtPs (exemplified in (b) with first macroclass) became uninflected through apocope. As a consequence, object agreement is observed with strong PtPs only, not with weak ones. That the pattern in Table 15.5 (a) is indeed syncretic is shown by the fact that number in masculine is distinguished in other word classes: see one irregular adjective in (c) and definite articles/subject clitics in (d) of Table 15.5. Page 36 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * The same syncretism of M.SG and PL, whereas the F.SG and PL remain distinct from each other and from the masculine, occurs in another dialect of southern Emilia, that of Piandelagotti; see Table 15.6. TABLE 15.6. Past participle inflection in Piandelagottese (RSUZH‐FC 2007)

(p.342) Here, contrary to Grizzanese, it is weak, rather than strong, PtPs which show a richer inflectional paradigm (a), with three distinct forms, whereas in strong PtPs (b) the paradigm reduces to a binary contrast F.SG (višta) vs. the rest (vištə). The syntactic relevance of (the two values of) both the gender and the number features for all the inflectional classes involved is demonstrated by the four distinct forms occurring (Table 15.6 (c–d)) in pronominal clitics, articles and other determiners (variation within one and same cell is determined phonologically).17 As to the diachronic changes that brought about the two kinds of syncretisms in Table 15.6, in (b) we are facing a familiar case of blind phonological change: all non‐low vowels merged to [ə] (as shown in Table 15.7 (b)) so that only the F.SG ending, whose exponent was the low vowel, could escape the merger.18 TABLE 15.7. Causes of the syncretisms

Page 37 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * In weak PtPs (Table 15.6 (a)), this regular sound change cumulated with apocope, which in Table 15.7 (c) is ordered after final vowel merger, but might just as well have applied before, since it was not a phonologically regular change. This is shown by the fact that the same suffix ‐ATE did undergo apocope in other word classes (as a derivative suffix in nouns, like VERITATE 〉 vritá ‘truth’). The fact that what was phonologically the same string did not undergo the change in F.PL weak PtPs means that apocope in those paradigms (p.343) was sensitive to the morpho‐syntactic feature value [masculine]. In this way, selective application of apocope permitted the preservation of inflectional distinctions, whereas in other systems, such as Table 15.5, apocope destroyed distinctions. Another syncretic pattern with three forms for four cells conflates masculine and feminine in the plural. This is observed in those dialects from Calabria, Sicily, and Salento which display metaphonic alternation in the root vowel. Consider the schemes in Table 15.8, from the Northern Calabrian dialect of Castrovillari (Province of Cosenza). TABLE 15.8. Past participle inflection in Castrovillarese (Pace 1994: 95–97)

In weak PtPs (Table 15.8 (a)) as well as strong PtPs with a non‐mid stressed vowel (Table 15.8 (b)), one finds convergent gender marking, with loss of distinction in the plural brought about by sound change: the original feminine ending ‐e was raised to ‐I and thus merged with the masculine, which resulted in convergent gender marking in (a–b). However, in Table 15.8 (c) the masculine vs. feminine contrast in the plural was rescued by metaphony, which applied prior to final unstressed mid vowel raising and caused stressed mid vowels to raise before a final high vowel (occurring in the masculine inflections). 15.2.4 Three‐cell systems with convergent gender marking

Page 38 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Final vowel raising applied as a regular sound change throughout the extreme South (i.e. in central‐southern Calabrian, Sicilian, and northern Salentino), as well as in southern Corsican and Sassarese‐Gallurese in northern Sardinia. In all of the dialects of those areas which do not display metaphony – exemplified in Table 15.9 with the central Calabrian dialect of Catanzaro – final mid‐vowel raising brought about not just syncretism in PtPs but complete neutralization of gender marking in the plural, in all word classes. This is illustrated for Catanzarese comparing the inflection of PtPs (a–b), adjectives (p.344) (c), and articles (d) (all determiners inflect the same way) as well as object clitics and pronouns (d–e) of Table 15.9: TABLE 15.9. Past participle inflection in Catanzarese (Caligiuri 1995–96: 14–79)

Interestingly, what at first sight appears to be the same development in Table 15.8 (a–b) and Table 15.9 – and indeed is the same change, in phonological terms (i.e. ‐e 〉 ‐i, affecting the feminine plural endings, among other endings) – turns out to be two different morphological changes, but only upon consideration of the whole morphological system of the two (kinds of) varieties at issue. Note further that, while the system in Table 15.9 provides a prima facie case of neutralization, Table 15.8 (a–b) would not satisfy either of the definitions of neutralization vs. (canonical) syncretism, introduced in (5) and (7) above. It cannot be neutralization on a par with what can be observed in Table 15.9 because of clause (5ii): as shown in Table 15.8 (c), other syntactic objects within the same word class (i.e. PtPs of a different inflectional class) do distinguish different gender values in the given context. But Table 15.8 (a–b) cannot be canonical syncretism either because of clause (7i), since the loss of distinction involves not just some but all the values of the feature gender. This provides further evidence in support of the idea that, as argued in section 15.2.2 above, syncretism in Romance object agreement is best handled by computing it over the whole paradigm, rather than over specific features. Diachronically, the neutralization seen in Table 15.9, resulting in convergent gender marking, may arise through sound change, as was the case in that Calabrian dialect. The same situation occurs also throughout southern Calabrian, in most of Sicilian, as well as in southern Corsican and the dialects of northern Sardinia, exemplified with Gallurese in (25): Page 39 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (25) Dialect of Calangianus (Gallurese; cf. Loporcaro 2006: 335) a.

Page 40 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

kišt‐i

kaβaɖɖ‐i

l=a

kkomparat‐i

mε

vrateɖɖ‐u

this‐PL

horse(M)‐PL

DO=have.3SG

buy:PTP‐PL

my

brother(M)‐SG

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (p.345) b.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

kišt‐i

akk‐i

l=a

kkomparat‐i

mε

vrateɖɖ‐u

this‐PL

cow(F)‐PL

DO=have.3SG

buy:PTP‐PL

my

brother(M)‐SG

‘(These horses/cows) my brother bought them’

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * The same neutralization of gender has occurred for purely morphological (rather than phonological) reasons in the northern Logudorese dialects which are in contact with Gallurese (and Sassarese). This is exemplified in (26) with data from the dialect of Luras (province of Sassari): (26) Dialect of Luras (Logudorese; cf. Loporcaro 2006: 334) a. s‐as

káɖɖ‐ɔzɔ

l‐az=app‐ɔ

ɔɔmparáð‐aza

this‐PL

horse(M)‐PL

DO‐PL=have‐1SG

buy:PTP‐PL

s‐al

vákk‐aza

l‐az=app‐ɔ

ɔɔmparáð‐aza

this‐PL

cow(F)‐PL

DO‐PL=have‐1SG

buy:PTP‐PL

b.

The Northern Logudorese variety of Luras (like the one of Sennori, cf. Table 15.10 (b–c)) modified an inflectional paradigm of the Logudorese type (Table 15.10 (d)), with parallel gender marking, because of contact with the TABLE 15.10. Past participle inflection in the dialects of northern Sardinia

convergent gender marking paradigm of Gallurese/Sassarese (Table 15.10 (a)):

In Luras, the ending ‐as formerly marking F.PL agreement was extended to mark agreement in plural as such, while the reverse happened in Sennori, where the originally M.PL agreement morph ‐ɔs was generalized: the result was neutralization in both cases. As for three‐cell paradigms, my sample does not contain any systems displaying syncretism in PtP inflection between any of the three cells that remain distinct after neutralization of the gender contrast in the plural. (p.346) 15.2.5 Four‐cell paradigms again

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Let us now revert to four‐cell paradigms. We have seen that they may show either syncretism of gender in the context of plural number (the southern Italo‐ Romance examples in Table 15.8) or syncretism of number in the context of masculine gender, exemplified with the Emilian dialects in the Tables 15.5 and Tables 15.6. The two syncretisms may combine (as we saw for strong PtPs in Piandelagotti, Table 15.6 (b)), or they may co‐occur in the same variety, in different inflectional classes. This happens in the north‐western Lombard dialect of Casale Corte Cerro (province of Verbania): TABLE 15.11. Past participle inflection in the dialect of Casale Corte Cerro (Verbania; Weber Wetzel 2002: 127)

While 2nd conjugation PtPs (Table 15.11 (b)) have four distinct forms, 3rd conjugation PtPs (Table 15.11 (c)) have syncretic forms for M.SG and PL, and 1st conjugation PtPs (Table 15.11 (a)) have variation in the M.PL form, which can be either lɐvέ, distinct from those occurring in the other cells, or lɐvá:i̯, identical to the F.PL. (Thus gender in the plural is variably syncretic.) There is still another syncretism pattern in four‐cell paradigms with three forms, although it occurs much more seldom than the two reviewed up to now. This is exemplified by 1st conjugation PtPs (Table 15.12 (a)) in Padovano, where there is one syncretic form for M.SG and F.SG. (All other conjugations have four distinct forms, as seen in Table 15.12 (c–d).) The first conjugation paradigm has a complex history, as fourteenth‐century Padovano (Table 15.12 (b)) still had the much more common mirror‐image system (cf. Salvioni 1905: 289–291; Ineichen 1957: 77, 80, 82, 113). Then the paradigm (as the whole dialect) was upset by Venetian influence, which eventually resulted in (a) in Table 15.12. Two different syncretic paradigms – which we have already seen separately – co‐ occur also in the western Emilian dialect of Groppallo (province of Piacenza), where first conjugation PtPs (Table 15.13 (a)) have three distinct forms: (p.347)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

TABLE 15.12. Past participle inflection in Padovano (Maschi and Penello 2004: 22; Tomasin 2004: 112–113)

TABLE 15.13. Past participle inflection in the dialect of Groppallo (Zörner 1989: 57, 197–199, 295)

TABLE 15.14. Article/demonstrative/adjective inflection in Groppall0 (Zörner 1989: 153–158)

(p.348) That syncretism, rather than neutralization, is at play here is shown by the four distinct forms in the paradigm of the article and the demonstrative (Table 15.14 (a–b)). PtPs of the remaining inflectional classes (Table 15.13 (b–d)) have a more reduced paradigm (the same found in adjectives, Table 15.14 (c–d)), which brings us to the final step in this overview of occurring syncretism patterns, viz. the discussion of four‐cell paradigms in which only two distinct forms are available. 15.2.6 Four cells, two forms

Here too, the observed syncretic patterns are constrained. The Apulian variety of Altamura in Table 15.15 exemplifies the pattern generally found in Italian dialects of the lower part of the centre‐south area, which differ from Neapolitan (seen above in Table 15.1) in that they lack a neuter gender:

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

TABLE 15.15. Past participle inflection in Altamurano

Except for the missing neuter, PtP inflection is as in Neapolitan:19 there are two forms in strong PtPs with metaphonic root‐vowel alternation (Table 15.15 (a)), whereas all remaining PtPs (Table 15.15 (b–c)) are uninflected. The syntactic relevance of number is shown by the paradigms of the article and other determiners in Table 15.15 (d–e). (p.349) There is still another widely documented pattern of syncretism in northern Italian dialects, which has already been exemplified above with strong PtP inflection in the southern Emilian dialect of Piandelagotti (Table 15.6 (b)) and is further illustrated in Table 15.16 with Milanese: TABLE 15.16. Past participle inflection in Milanese (Beretta 1980: 62, 132–145, 159; Nicoli 1983: 287, 320)

As shown in Table 15.16 (a–b) strong and weak PtPs inflect the same way: there is only one dedicated form for F.SG, all the rest is syncretic. The system has four cells, but never four different agreement forms: the overall structure of the paradigm results as one compares the different syncretisms that occur in PtPs and adjectives (Table 15.16 (a–c)), on the one hand, and articles and other determiners (Table 15.16 (e–f)) on the other.20 Further reduction in a four‐cell paradigm yields uninflectedness. Across Romance, this happens more often in weak PtPs, as we saw with several Italo‐ Romance examples up to now. Among the standard languages, French is a case in point: TABLE 15.17. Past participle inflection in French

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

(p.350) Two forms are available just for a few subclasses of strong PtPs (cf. Kilani‐Schoch and Dressler 2005: 145–146), exemplified in Table 15.17 (b) and (4b) above. Here, in principle, one might wonder whether the inflectional paradigm itself still has to be analysed as a four‐cell one, due to the uncertain status of inflectional number marking, which is overtly preserved only in liaison contexts. Under many analyses (including Kilani‐Schoch and Dressler's 2005), liaison consonants are regarded as epenthetic. Anyway, for an adjective like beau (Table 15.17 (d)) one still has to specify that [z] may occur after some instances of [bo] (plural) but not after some other (singular), which implies positing distinct cells for singular vs. plural. Within nominal morphology, plural is also signalled overtly in articles and pronominal clitics (Table 15.17 (c)), although with gender syncretism. As for PtPs, in contemporary spoken French plural [z] is never realized, as PtPs never occur in liaison contexts. Therefore, there is no evidence at all for four forms: strong PtPs in French (and in all Oïl dialects),21 are an instance of a four‐cell, two‐form paradigm, just like strong PtPs in Altamurano and many southern Italo‐Romance varieties. In this dialect group, one also comes across a further pattern, which is encountered in the dialects of eastern Abruzzo exemplified with the variety of Lanciano in Table 15.18: TABLE 15.18. Past participle inflection in Lancianese (Giammarco 1973: 164–165; R. D'Alessandro, p.c.)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Here too, final vowels have merged, so that non‐metaphonic PtPs became uninflected (Table 15.18 (a)). And here too, as in Neapolitan, Agnonese, or Altamurano, two forms are still distinguished if a metaphonic alternation has arisen (Table 15.18 (b–c)). The difference with respect to the rest of southern Italy comes from the fact that metaphony in this area was induced by final ‐I, not by final ‐U. In terms of PtP inflection, this means that a metaphonic form (p. 351) occurs in the M.PL only, whereas the non‐metaphonic form occurs elsewhere.22 In this case we have to do with syncretism, not neutralization, as shown by the four forms of the definite article (Table 15.18 (d)). Finally, there is still one type of syncretism that we have not seen so far. This is found, today, in the western Veneto dialects spoken around Verona (Table 15.19 (a)), and was found in Verona itself in the fourteenth century: TABLE 15.19. PtP inflection in Veronese (Bondardo 1972: 73–74; Zamboni 1974: 48;Maschi and Penello 2004: 24; Bertoletti 2005: 65–76)

In this paradigm, that occurs only in one inflectional class (1st conjugation) – as in Padovano, above – gender is syncretic in both numbers, due to a combination of apocope (in the singular) and vowel coalescence (in the plural). Not only is this paradigm seldom met with. It also is instable. In urban Veronese, it had not yet arisen by the thirteenth century (the dialect had at that time the much more common pattern in Table 15.19 (b)), and by the early fifteenth century (Table 15.19 (c)), apocope – which arguably had never led to restructuring underlyingly (cf. Bertoletti 2005: 72–73) – had been suppressed in the singular, which led to the restoration of the equally familiar pattern in Table 15.19 (c), with syncretism only in the plural, that is found in Veronese until today.

15.3 Generalizations Let us now see which generalizations emerge from the overview in section 15.2. Even without quantification, it is fair to say that some patterns occur over and (p.352) again, whereas others either do not occur at all or seem to be rare. Within four‐cell paradigms, single syncretism between two cells could in principle result in any one of the patterns in Table 15.20, double syncretism could generate the patterns in Table 15.21, and syncretism of three cells any one of the patterns in Table 15.22:

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

TABLE 15.20. Syncretism in four‐cell systems (three distinct forms)

TABLE 15.21. Syncretism in four‐cell systems (two distinct forms)

TABLE 15.22. Syncretism in four‐cell systems (two distinct forms, with merger of three cells)

(p.353) Yet not all of these logically conceivable options are attested. Polarity effects (as in Tables 15.20 (e–f) and 15.21 (c)) never occur, which squares with the cross‐linguistic rarity of this type of syncretism (cf. Baerman et al. 2005: 103–111).23 Of the remaining patterns, Table 15.20 (a–b), 15.21 (a), and 15.22 (a) occur in very many varieties, whereas I have not found any occurrence of Table 15.20 (d), 15.21 (c), and 15.22 (c–d). In between there are some types of inflectional paradigms which do occur, but only seldom: Table 15.20 (c) only in Padovano, 15.21 (b) only in rural Veronese, 15.22 (b) only in eastern Abruzzese (i.e. one instance each out of 205 paradigms in the sample). The following generalizations seem to emerge. First, if there is only one form distinct from the one occurring in the context of default agreement, this will be associated with F.SG. Second, syncretism is most likely to affect either (a) the expression of gender in the plural rather than in the singular (Table 15.20 (a)); or (b) the expression of number in both genders (Table 15.21 (a)); or (c) if one gender value is affected, then the expression of number in the masculine (Table 15.20 (b)), whereas the mirror‐image in Table 15.20 (d), with number syncretism just in the feminine gender, does not seem to occur. Page 50 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * Combining the two preferred syncretisms (syncretic gender in plural and syncretic number in the masculine), one further gets the equally well‐ documented pattern in Table 15.22 (a), with one single form for M.SG and M/ F.PL, contrasting with a dedicated form for F.SG only. Here too, other conceivable options are either rare or non‐attested: among my 145 sample varieties there are no instances of a binary contrast with one dedicated form for just the F.PL or just the M.SG, contrasting with an elsewhere form. To synthetically express these generalizations, the four cells from the bidimensional matrixes given in the Tables 15.20 – 15.22 can be ordered along the vertical dimension, as shown in Table 15.23:24 (For each column, only one representative Romance variety is mentioned, among those that have been discussed so far.) (p.354) TABLE 15.23. Generalization about syncretism patterns in twogender systems

The idea underlying this display is the same behind Pirrelli's (2000: 64) and Pirrelli and Battista's (2000: 355) representation of base allomorphy in Italian verbal inflection: if a Romance variety has inflection in (a certain inflectional class of) PtPs, then the first inflection (I2) contrasting with the one occurring as a default (I1) is likely to be associated with F.SG (possibly also syncretically with F.PL, but only if I1extends to M.PL). If the system has three distinct inflections, the next one (I3) will be associated with F.PL, and finally the last one is going to be a dedicated inflection for M.PL.25 The same can be repeated for five‐cell paradigms (Table 15.24), in varieties which have a neuter gender (either lexical

TABLE 15.24. Generalization about syncretism patterns in systems with neuter gender

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

(p.355) or non‐lexical), which provides the inflection occurring on the PtP in default context.

15.4 Some parallels Independent evidence from morphology (section 15.4.1) and the morphology– syntax interface (section 15.4.2) supports the hierarchy that emerges in Tables 15.23 and 15.24. 15.4.1 Morphological

Barbato (2010) has reconstructed the intricate changes that were responsible for the reshaping of the possessive paradigm throughout Romance. In medieval varieties of southern Italo‐Romance, the following change took place: TABLE 15.25. Morphomic change in 2SG/3SG possessives in Old Sicilian (Barbato 2010)

In Table 15.25 (a), regular sound change has raised a stressed mid vowel occurring before a low one (MEA 〉 MIA). This introduces base allomorphy in the 1SG as opposed to the paradigms of TUU(S) and SUU(S), in which sound change had no reason to apply. Yet, in a preliterary stage of several varieties (including old Sicilian and old Neapolitan), the paradigms of second and third person possessives were reshaped from Table 15.25 (b) to (c). This change was not motivated phonetically nor morpho‐syntactically, since it applied in three cells of the paradigm which form no natural class in terms of feature values. It also did not dispose of base allomorphy, but on the contrary extended the same allomorphy pattern which had arisen independently in the 1st person. This is why Barbato dubs it, following Maiden and with Aronoff's terminology, a morphomic change. Page 52 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * As a result, as in the most widespread case of syncretism in PtP inflection, base allomorphy designs here a partition which opposes, throughout the possessive paradigm, the F.SG form to the remaining ones. (p.356) 15.4.2 Morpho‐syntactic

Consider finally the gradual loss of PtP agreement with DO clitics in Catalan. Here, agreement is described today as only optional (cf. Wheeler 1988: 194), whereby its loss/retention with different clitics results in an implicational scale: TABLE 15.26. Gradual loss of PtP agreement with DO clitics in Catalan

In the most conservative option (Table 15.26 (i)), agreement is realized throughout, whatever the object clitic: only when the DO is a M.SG clitic, this is indistinguishable from non‐agreement, as in most Romance varieties. The next step (ii) consists in loss of agreement with the M.PL, then (iii), with the F.PL clitic. The final step is the loss of agreement with the F.SG clitic too: speakers who choose the (iv) option have eliminated agreement altogether, so that their grammar is, in this respect, like that of Spanish. But while contact with Castilian can be invoked, here, as a concomitant driving force leading to the loss of agreement in Catalan, the steps through which this loss proceeds in Table 15.26 are not shaped by contact.26 This is confirmed by the fact that selective loss along similar lines occurs in totally different Romance varieties, such as Toulousan regional French (Séguy 1951: 54), or Badiotto: (27) Colfosco‐Badia (Manzini and Savoia 2005, II: 594–595): a. al

l=a

od-úd-a

SUBJ.M.SG

DO.3F.SG=have.3SG

see-PTP-F.SG

(F.SG: categorical PtP agreement) (p.357) b.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

al

ləz=a

od-ú/od-úd-es

SUBJ.M.SG DO.3F.PL=have.3SG see-PTP[M.SG]/see-PTP-F.PL (F.PL: optional PtP agreement) c. al

i=a

od-ú

SUBJ.M.SG

DO.3M.PL=have.3SG

see-PTP[M.SG]

(M.PL: no PtP agreement) ‘He has seen her/them(F/M)’

For the Catalan facts in Table 15.26, local economy explanations have been invoked, based on the observation that in the F.SG the prevocalic form of the DO clitic la preceding the perfective auxiliary is homophonous to the M.SG one, as seen above in (1b–c) (Cortés 1993: 205 n.13). Thus, if agreement is omitted here, the gender–number information is lost, which does not happen in the plural, where the masculine vs. feminine clitics have phonologically distinct forms. But this cannot explain why agreement disappears first with M.PL, rather than F.PL clitics, and not the other way round, nor why this is so in Badiotto and Toulousan as well. The answer must come from the morphology, in the sense that the internal structure of the paradigm seems to be relevant here. Interestingly, the scale in Table 15.26 very much resembles that we came up with in Table 15.23 after comparing the patterns of syncretism encountered for participial gender/ number inflection across Romance.

15.5 Conclusion To sum up, in spite of the wild dialect variation, syncretism in the marking of Romance object agreement seems to be amenable to some generalizations, the crucial one being that a (dedicated) form for F.SG is the most syncretism‐ resistant, which results from convergence of the tendencies for gender syncretism in the plural and number syncretism in the masculine. These tendencies emerged generally from blind phonological change. Yet, they seem to have acquired the status of valid synchronic generalizations, as shown by the fact that (the output of) changes from different domains (section 15.4) seem to obey the same hierarchy. This hierarchy, in turn, becomes visible under a view according to which syncretism operates over the entire paradigm, rather than single features. An alternative approach, treating loss of distinction in number and gender separately would encounter problems in drawing the divide between syncretism and neutralization and in classifying properly most of the data discussed here. Notes: Page 54 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (*) Thanks to Maria Goldbach, Tania Paciaroni and Anna Thornton for helpful comments on a previous draft of this chapter. (1) Since venir is an unaccusative verb, the context qualifies for object agreement, under Perlmutter's (1978) unaccusative hypothesis (cf. Loporcaro 2010: 170–172). As argued in §15.2.5 below and shown in the glosses in (4b), in present‐day French object agreement involves only gender, not number. (2) It follows that, while the gloss in (4a) correctly accounts for the morphology, a syntactic gloss should include the gender specification ‘M’. (3) The notion ‘other syntactic object’ is defined in terms of the specification of (increasingly comprehensive) domains of syncretism: (lexically determined) one specific lexeme 〈 (morphologically determined) syncretism within a single inflectional class 〈 over more than one inflectional class 〈 throughout a word class 〈 across more than one word class 〈 across all potentially relevant word classes (Baerman et al. 2005: 206–217), where ‘A word class can range from an individual lexeme and its paradigm through inflectional classes to nouns, nominals (a combination of nouns, pronouns and adjectives) and verbs’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 119). (4) The sections on gender and number syncretism in Baerman et al. (2005: 81– 95) do not consider systems with binary contrasts: ‘sets which show a tendency for syncretism between values are ones which are high cardinality (i.e. which typically are many‐valued)’ (Baerman et al. 2005: 123). (5) Varieties which are included in angled brackets have lost object agreement in perfective periphrastics, but still retain it elsewhere (for instance in participial clauses or in the passive). In square brackets, I specify the morpho(phono)logical conditions which determine the occurrence of the paradigm at issue. The database is a convenience sample of 145 varieties (featuring a total of 205 PtP inflectional paradigms), heavily biased geographically: while all the standard languages figure in the sample, fine‐ grained dialect variation has been scrutinized only for the Italo‐Romance sub‐ family. Whether or not the generalizations arrived at on this (restricted) empirical basis can stand a systematic scrutiny of dialect evidence from the whole of Romance will remain an issue for further research. The data discussed here stem from several published sources as well as – whenever unreferenced – from my own field notes. A substantial bulk of paradigms over which the generalizations presented in §15.3 have been drawn was gained by inspecting the data provided in Manzini and Savoia's (2005: 553–627) comprehensive study of Italo‐Romance morpho‐syntactic variation. (6) By this I mean contextual inflection (Booij 1996), which is the locus of object agreement in gender and number.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (7) In central Italian systems like Maceratese in (8), the neuter includes mass nouns which do not inflect for number, so that no plural agreeing forms occur either. (8) I will neglect some further differences here: for instance, Maceratese has a fourth gender (alternating/ambigeneric, as argued in Paciaroni, Nolè, and Loporcaro 2008), which is, however, not relevant in the context of assessing the inflectional paradigm of PtPs as it is a controller gender (cf. Corbett 1991: 151) and consequently has no agreement morphemes of its own. The same applies to several other five‐ or four‐cell systems discussed in what follows (cf. Tables 15.1– 15.3 and (24)). (9) I cannot advocate at length for the terminological choice preferred here, due to limitations of space. I use default to label a function, that of occurring in syntactic contexts where agreement is triggered by a non‐lexical controller (17) or is not licensed at all (16). This terminology departs from Corbett's, who calls neutral the forms occurring ‘just for agreement with problematic controllers’ (Corbett 2006: 97), whereas default is reserved for forms of one lexical gender ‘drafted in for this extra duty’ (Corbett 2006: 96). (10) Actually, for this specific lexeme this is true of Classical Latin, though alongside panis,‐is (M) also pane,‐is (N) is attested (Plautus, Curc. 367). (11) In what follows, I use the convention, current in Romance studies, of giving Latin forms in small caps whenever they are mentioned as etyma for the Romance outcomes. (12) Five forms, as we saw above in (12), are found only in weak PtPs. (13) The same applies to most of the data discussed in what follows. (14) [+RF] stands for ‘causes Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico on the initial consonant of the following word’. RF is subject to some syntactic (adjacency) conditions (cf. Fanciullo 1986), which are fulfilled in the contexts exemplified in Table 15.1 (c–d). (15) Five distinct forms occur also for the demonstrative stu ‘this’, whereas in DO clitics RF has been extended to the M.PL form, thus resulting in convergent gender marking. Cf. Merlo (1917: 105–111), De Blasi and Imperatore (2000 2: 47–49) on RF as a device conveying the masculine vs. neuter as well as the masculine vs. feminine plural contrasts in Neapolitan. Note that even if one were to assume for Neapolitan neuter the analysis Corbett (2000: 124–126) proposes for Asturian neuter in terms of (secondary) number, we would still get a five‐cell paradigm, though defined by a different combination of features. (16) The dialect also has a fourth (controller) gender, along the lines illustrated in n. 8 above. Page 56 of 60

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (17) The forms of the definite article and subject clitic in Piandelagottese are selected according to the following initial consonant in the M.SG (cf. Malagoli 1910–13) and to syllabic structure in the F.PL (cf. Loporcaro 1998 for a similar condition in nearby Grizzanese). (18) Inclusion in a box in Table 15.7 (b–c) signals application of the relevant change. (19) Contrary to Neapolitan, in Altamurano masculine plural agreement is restricted to masculine animates (ia), whereas masculine inanimates display alternating agreement ((ib), cf. Loporcaro 1997: 343): (Both animates and inanimates would require masculine agreement in the singular.) ((i)) (a.)

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement *

Page 58 of 60

I

waɲɲʊnə

s=awɔnnə

rʏttə/rɔttə

l-a

kεi̯p

DEF.PL

boy(M.ANIM)\PL

REFL=have.3PL

break.PTP\M/ PTP\F

DEF.-F.SG

head(F)

Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (b.) I

ʃkatələ

s=awɔnnə

rɔttə/*rʏttə

DEF.PL box(M.INANIM) REFL=have. break.PTP\F/ 3PL broken.PTP\M

Occurrence of the feminine form in (ia) signals agreement with the initial direct object la kε㭚p ‘the head’, not with ι waɲɲυnə ‘the boys’, which requires masculine agreement. (20) Diachronically, sound change is partly responsible for the phenomena illustrated in Table 15.16. But also morpho‐syntactic readjustment plays a role: in the plural of the determiners, what were originally the masculine forms were generalized; moreover, apocope in the PtP did not apply regularly, as shown by comparison with deverbal nouns such as manğada ‘an act of eating(F)’, pl. manğá:d, distinct from manğá: ‘eaten.F.PL’, partida ‘game(F)’, pl. partí:d, distinct from partí: ‘left.F.PL’ (Beretta 1980: 69). (21) Cf. e.g. the discussion of Liégeois, with data from Remacle (1956: 148), in Loporcaro (2010). (22) The exceptionality of this pattern is, again, the product of a diachronic accident: only in eastern Abruzzio, in fact, the two sound changes that caused the emergence of this system co‐occur. (23) Old Venetian could be an instance of the kind of system exemplified in Table 15.20 (e), as sound change affected both M.SG ‐ao (〈 ‐ATU) and F.PL ‐ae (〈 ‐ATE) merging them to ‐à. This would have led to the following system (Stussi 1995: 128): ((i)) M

F

SG

kantà

kantàda

PL

kantài

kantà

However, texts always show variation (‐ao/‐à and ‐ae/‐à), so the system never was categorically as depicted in Table 15.20 (e) and the four cells remained distinct all along. (24) This display is possible only if we leave out the three marginal patterns which represent exceptions to the above generalizations.

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Syncretism and Neutralization in the Marking of Romance Object Agreement * (25) A difference between the schemes in Tables 15.23 and 15.24 and the distribution of the base allomorphs over verb paradigms, is that in the latter case partition classes can be derived from richer ones through the union of some other classes, whereas in the case of PtP inflections there are exceptions. (26) Nor are they the product of other extra‐morphological factors, like sound change, since the morphological roots of the rule are intact: speakers displaying the agreement pattern in Table 15.26 (iii), for instance, by no way cancel their plural inflections on adjectives or nouns, nor on PtPs used attributively, or occurring in the passive construction or in participial clauses. Variation and change, here, do not concern PtPs as such but only object agreement in the compound perfective verb tenses.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology Anna M. Thornton

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0017

Abstract and Keywords The chapter deals with overabundancy, a non‐canonical situation in which certain lexemes exhibit cell‐mates, i.e. more than one inflected form to fill one and the same cell of their paradigm (realize the same set of morpho‐syntactic features). An exhaustive set of cases of overabundancy in Italian verb inflection is described, and their relative canonicity is assessed by means of criteria of canonicity similar to those proposed by Corbett (2007a). Results show that overabundancy, like other autonomously morphological phenomena, such as morphomic distribution of stems, tends to occur in the non‐1st conjugation, and in paradigm partitions independently established for the language. Keywords:   overabundancy, doublets, non‐canonical, non‐1st conjugation, completeness

16.1 Introduction In the canonical approach to inflectional morphology (Corbett 2005; 2006; 2007 a, b) there are certain expectations about the properties of a paradigm. For example, a canonical paradigm is expected to exhibit COMPLETENESS, i.e. ‘for any given lexeme, every cell of its paradigm will be filled by the inflectional system’ (Corbett 2005: 33). Therefore, defective paradigms are non‐canonical. Further expectations are illustrated by Corbett by means of Table 16.1. Table 16.1 tells us what the expected properties of a well‐behaved (i.e. ‘canonical’) paradigm are. For example, for a given lexeme, all cells will Page 1 of 35

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology TABLE 16.1. Canonical inflection (Corbett 2007a: 9; cf. also Corbett 2007b: 23–24) COMPARISON ACROSS cells OF A LEXEME

COMPARISON ACROSS LEXEMES

COMPOSITION/ same STRUCTURE (≈ means of exponence)

same

LEXICAL MATERIAL (≈ shape of stem)

same

different

INFLECTIONAL MATERIAL (≈ shape of inflection)

different

same

OUTCOME (≈ shape of inflected forms)

different

different

(p.359)

TABLE 16.2. Deviations from canonical behaviour in single lexemes (from Corbett 2007b) canonical behaviour

deviant behaviour

type of deviation

COMPOSITION/ STRUCTURE (of the inflected word)

same

different

fused exponence periphrasis

LEXICAL MATERIAL (≈ shape of stem)

same

different

alternations suppletion

INFLECTIONAL MATERIAL(≈ shape of affix)

different

same

syncretism uninflectability

exhibit the same stem, while different cells will exhibit different inflectional endings. If this is not the case, we have non‐canonical phenomena, like stem allomorphy (which might go as far as suppletion) or syncretism between inflectional forms.

A sketch of the non‐canonical phenomena that might occur within a paradigm is given in Table 16.2. The present chapter will address a further kind of deviation from canonicity in inflectional paradigms, not listed in Table 16.2. This deviation occurs when a cell in a paradigm is filled by two or more synonymous forms which realize the same set of morpho‐syntactic properties, as in the case of the two English past tense forms burnt and burned. Page 2 of 35

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology 16.2 Terminology Before presenting a typology of ways in which double forms realizing the same cell can be more or less canonical, I want to address a terminological problem. In the literature in English, double forms realizing the same cell are usually called doublets. However, this term is a little unfortunate, because it is often used to refer to a different phenomenon, namely the existence of two separate lexemes deriving from a single source in an ancestor language – a phenomenon often called lexical polymorphism or allotropy, at least in the Romance tradition. Hoenigswald (1983), in a paper entitled ‘Doublets’, lists as legitimate ‘doublets’ both pairs such as English wharfs / wharves, two possible plural forms of one and the same lexeme, WHARF, and Italian pieve / plebe, two descendants of Latin PLEBE(M) which have developed such distinct meanings (‘parish’ and ‘populace’, in Hoenigswald's own glosses) that they are universally considered as distinct lexemes. Using one and the same term for these two sorts of phenomena is ill‐advised. Besides, Malkiel (1977: 192) calls attention to ‘the nomenclatural inadequacy of the tag “doublets”’, due to (p.360) the fact that ‘[a]ll too frequently lexical polymorphism manifests itself in a three‐way, or even a four‐way, split’. Malkiel's observation with reference to lexical polymorphism is equally true of the use of doublet in its other sense: it is not unheard of for three forms to realize the same cell, as the examples in (1) illustrate. (1) Latin fēcĕrunt / fēcērunt / fēcēre ‘do:3PL.PRF.IND’ Italian apparve / apparse / apparì ‘appear:3SG.PRF’ Therefore, it would be welcome to have distinct terms for double or multiple inflected forms realizing the same cell in the paradigm of a single lexeme and for multiple lexemes with a common etymological source (and usually distinct meanings). A term with some circulation in Italian grammars is sovrabbondante, literally ‘overabundant’. This term is applied to verbs which have double forms following different inflectional classes, such as STARNUTARE / STARNUTIRE ‘sneeze’, EMPIERE / EMPIRE ‘fill’ (cf. Serianni 1988) and to nouns that are analysed as having two plural forms, such as BRACCIO ‘arm’ which, according to traditional Italian grammars, has the two plurals bracci and braccia.1 I think ‘overabundance’ would be an appropriate label for the general phenomenon of having two or more forms realizing the same cell in an inflectional paradigm; a lexeme displaying this property in some of its cells can be called ‘overabundant’; the two or more forms that compete to realize the same cell could be called ‘cell‐mates’,2 a term which does not suffer from the two drawbacks pointed out for ‘doublet’. The terms ‘doublet(s)’ and ‘triplet(s)’ can still be used when exactly two or three forms realize the same cell.

16.3 Extent of the phenomenon Page 3 of 35

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology Overabundance is not listed among the deviations identified in Table 16.2, because the existence of multiple forms realizing the same cell adds a further dimension to the matrix, which would call for a three‐dimensional presentation. The problem is that Table 16.2 classifies types of deviant behaviour in cells of paradigms but assumes UNIQUENESS OF REALIZATION, i.e. it assumes that a single cell will be filled by a single inflected form. But with overabundance there are two (and sometimes more) forms in the same cell, one of (p.361) TABLE 16.3. Deviations from uniqueness of realization of cells Deviations resulting in overabundance

Examples

COMPOSITION/ forms built according to STRUCTURE (≈ different means of means of exponence) exponence in the same cell

Dutch drukste / meest drukke ‘busy:SUPERL’ (one form is periphrastic)

LEXICAL MATERIAL forms built on two

English wharfs / wharves

(≈ shape of stem)

different stems in the same cell

‘wharf:PL’; Italian devo / debbo ‘must:1SG.PRS.IND’

INFLECTIONAL MATERIAL (≈ shape of inflection)

forms with different inflectional endings in the same cell

Latin fēcĕrunt / fēcērunt / fēcēre ‘do:3PL.PRF.IND’

which may (but need not) be regular, while the other one(s) will be in some way irregular / non‐canonical.

Table 16.3 gives a preliminary sketch of ways in which multiple forms realizing the same cell can be deviant from canonical behaviour, and illustrates them with examples from different languages. Italian is one language which is particularly rich in doublets, for historical reasons (De Mauro 1963: 30–31). In this chapter I will use contemporary Italian as the main testing ground for a study of overabundance within a canonical approach. I will draw data from a corpus comprising sixteen years (1985–2000) of issues of the daily newspaper la Repubblica, freely available online at http:// dev.sslmit.unibo.it/corpora/corpus.php?path=&name=Repubblica. I have checked for the frequency and conditions of occurrence in the corpus of all sorts of multiple verb forms recorded in grammatical descriptions of Italian from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A list of the phenomena investigated is given in (2): (2) vado / vo ‘go:1SG.PRS.IND’, faccio / fo ‘do:1SG.PRS.IND’ ‐bb‐ / ‐v‐ forms of DOVERE ‘must’ (e.g. devo / debbo ‘must:1SG.PRS.IND’)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology ‐gg‐ / ‐d‐ forms of SEDERE, POSSEDERE, VEDERE, CHIEDERE ‘sit, possess, see, ask’ (e.g. vedo / veggo ‘see:1SG.PRS.IND’) [tʃ] / [ttʃ] forms of 1PL.PRS.IND of PIACERE, TACERE (e.g. taciamo / tacciamo ‘be_quiet:1PL.PRS.IND’) Syncopated / unsyncopated future and conditional forms of ANDARE, GODERE, UDIRE, MORIRE ‘go, enjoy, hear, die’ (e.g. morrò / morirò ‘die: 1SG.FUT’) Strong / weak forms of passato remoto of APRIRE ‘open’, OFFRIRE ‘offer’, and many ‐ere verbs (e.g. perse / perdé ‘lose:3SG.PRF’) (p.362) Strong / weak forms of past participle of ‐ere verbs (e.g. perso / perduto ‘lose:PST.PTCP’) and of SEPPELLIRE ‘bury’ Forms with / without diphthong (‘dittongo mobile’) in SEDERE (e.g. siederò / sederò ‘sit:1SG.FUT’) Imperative singular of ANDARE, FARE, DARE, STARE ‘go, do, give, stay’ (e.g. và / vai ‘go:2SG.IMP’) ‐ei / ‐etti forms in passato remoto of ‐ere verbs (e.g. temei / temetti ‘fear: 1SG.PRF’) Forms with and without ‐isc‐ in ‐ire verbs (e.g. appaio / apparisco ‘appear: 1SG.PRS.IND’)

16.4 Canonical cell‐mates Canonical cell‐mates are defined as a set of two or more forms that realize the same cell (i.e. the same set of morpho‐syntactic features) in a lexeme's paradigm and can be used interchangeably, with the choice of one or the other form subject to no condition. So, as for many other phenomena, a first criterion of canonicity is (3): (3) no conditions 〉 conditions3 (where 〉 = ‘more canonical than’) A corollary of this criterion is that the two (or more) forms should have approximately the same frequency of occurrence.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology It is easy to see that this definition is likely to be matched by no actual case. This is expected in the canonical approach. Corbett (2007 a: 9) has observed that canonical instances ‘are unlikely to be frequent. Rather, they are likely to be rare or even nonexistent’. The phenomena described in this chapter are a good example of almost ‘nonexistent’ ones. Two completely interchangeable forms of equal frequency, whose use is not subject to any (speaker‐related) diaphasic, diastratic, diamesic, diatopic, or diachronic conditions, or to any phonological, morphological, syntactico–semantic, or pragmatic conditions, do not exist. But breaking up the criterion relating to conditions into these several facets allows us to establish canonicity clines, classifying specific sets of forms as more or less canonical according to a certain sub‐criterion, and to observe what sorts of factors, if any, tend to influence the appearance of a specific form from a set of cell‐mates. I will introduce the data together with the main conditions holding in each case; I will distinguish between conditions relating to factors of variation (p.363) (section 16.5) and conditions relating to levels of linguistic analysis (section 16.6), concentrating particularly on morphological conditions (section 16.7).

16.5 Conditions relating to factors of variation It is very difficult to tease apart diachronic, diaphasic, and diatopic factors in the Italian situation. For example, a form used by Dante could be at the same time Tuscan (diatopically restricted), literary or poetic (diaphasically restricted), and archaic (diachronically restricted). In the following, I will try to choose examples in which a given factor at least prevails, even if it is not the only one to condition the occurrence of specific forms. The data that will be discussed in relation to factors of variation are presented in Tables 16.4–16.7. The data in Tables 16.4 and 16.5 illustrate a contrast between diachronically restricted vs. unrestricted doublets. The very few tokens of /gg/ forms of VEDERE all occur in quotations from non‐contemporary authors, from Boccaccio, through Machiavelli, Leonardo, Galileo, up to Giovanni Gentile (1875–1944) and Emilio Cecchi (1884–1966), and appear to be extinct in contemporary usage, as the /gg/ forms of CHIEDERE, whose only token in the Repubblica corpus (chieggo in (4)) is explicitly mentioned as dialectal and / or antiquated: (4) didascalie scritte con un curioso impasto di dialetto e italiano ottocentesco tutto ‘chieggo’ e ‘veggo’

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.4. /d/ vs. /gg/ forms of VEDERE ‘see’ and CHIEDERE ‘ask’ /d/ forms and their frequency

/gg/ forms and their frequency

1SG.PRS.IND

vedo 〉 10,000

chiedo 7,402

veggo 9

chieggo 1

3PL.PRS.IND

vedono 〉 10,000

chiedono 〉 10,000

veggono 4

chieggono 0

SG.PRS.SBJV

veda 1,944

chieda 1,675

vegga 2

chiegga 0

3PL.PRS.SBJV

vedano 685

chiedano 464

veggano 0

chieggano 0

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.5. /d/ vs. /gg/ forms of SEDERE ‘sit’ and POSSEDERE ‘possess’ /d/ forms and their frequency

/gg/ forms and their frequency

1SG.PRS.IND

siedo 118

possiedo 140

seggo 6

posseggo 95

3PL.PRS.IND

siedono 2,008

possiedono 1,236

seggono 47

posseggono 755

SG.PRS.SBJV

sieda 156

possieda 174

segga 8

possegga 132

3PL.PRS.SBJV

siedano 113

possiedano 46

seggano 12

posseggano 65

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.364)

TABLE 16.6. Long vs. short 1SG.PRS.IND of ANDARE ‘go’ and FARE ‘do’ ‘go:1SG.PRS.IND’

vado 6,725 tokens

vo 38 tokens

‘do:1SG.PRS.IND’

faccio 〉 10,000 tokens

fo 56 tokens

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.7. /bb/ vs. /v/ forms of DOVERE ‘must’ in corpora of written and spoken Italian La Repubblica (written corpus, 330M tokens)

LIP (spoken corpus, 500K tokens)

/bb/ forms

/v/ forms

/bb/ forms

/v/ forms

1SG.PRS.IND

debbo 1,388

devo 〉10,000

debbo 15

devo 401

3PL.PRS.IND

debbono 6,274

devono 〉10,000

debbono 11

devono 109

SG.PRS.SBJV

debba 〉 10,000

deva 10

debba 36

deva 1

3PL.PRS.SBJV

debbano 4,696

devano 1

debbano 7

devano 1

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology In contrast, the /gg/ forms of SEDERE ‘sit’ and POSSEDERE ‘possess’ are not diachronically restricted, nor are they restricted to specific diatopic, diachronic or diaphasic varieties; two cell‐mates can occur in comparable contexts, such as the ones in (5a–b):

(5) a. Vuol dire Berlusconi a trattare con De Mita, nonostante Craxi sieda a Palazzo Chigi. b. i socialisti sono ben lieti che al Senato (oltre che al Quirinale) segga un democristiano Examples of diatopically and / or diaphasically restricted forms are the short 1SG.PRS.IND forms vo and fo of the verbs ANDARE ‘go’ and FARE ‘do’ (Table 16.6). All 38 tokens of vo occur in contexts which are non‐standard or peculiar in some respect: 13 tokens occur in quotations from songs and operatic works (such as ‘Sola me ne vo per la città’ (In cerca di te, 1945; 7 tokens) or ‘Quando men vo soletta’ (La Bohème; 4 tokens)), 8 tokens occur in quotations from Dante or analogies on Dante's passages (such as ‘e a quel modo / ch'e’ ditta dentro vo significando', Purg. XXIV, 53–54), and 12 tokens occur in quotations from Tuscan speakers; in all these cases, the speakers (which include well‐known Tuscan celebrities such as Gino Bartali, Leonardo Pieraccioni, and Pietro Pacciani) are clearly identifiable in the text, and their being Tuscan is stated or clearly understandable from other features of their speech besides the usage of vo, as shown in the example in (6). (p.365) (6) ‘Che hai fatto?’, le chiesi. La mi rispose male: ‘Io so’ maggiorenne, vo in do’ mi pare, grullo’. Avevo la ramazza in mano e gliene detti 7 o 8 di ramazzate.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology The 56 tokens of fo ‘do:1SG.PRS.IND’ are distributed in a parallel fashion: 17 tokens occur in quotations from Tuscan speakers, or speakers of other local varieties using fo; 13 tokens occur in quotations from (non‐contemporary) literary and poetic texts; 8 tokens occur in proverbs and sayings (such as ‘Non lo fo per piacer mio ma per far piacere a Dio’), 8 in the fixed collocation ‘fo per dire’, and 7 in quotations from songs and operatic works (such as ‘Porto il mantello a ruota e fo il notaio’ (Signorinella, 1931)). These data show that cell‐ mates such as vado / vo and faccio / fo are subject to diatopic and diaphasic conditioning: the short forms are used almost exclusively by Tuscan speakers or in texts subject to metrical constraints (poetry, songs, proverbs). On the contrary, diatopic or diaphasic constraints do not appear to play any role in the selection of the forms of SEDERE and POSSEDERE discussed above, nor in the selection of the forms of DOVERE shown in Table 16.7. Besides, the data in Table 16.7 show that cell‐mates in the paradigm of DOVERE are not subject to any diamesic conditioning, as they are attested both in written and spoken Italian. On the other hand, the paradigm of DOVERE offers an example of diastratic conditioning: four tokens of deva ‘must:3SG.PRS.SBJV’4 occur in a satirical piece that lists excerpts of speech heard on radio and TV programmes, with the intent of mocking the speakers for uttering anacolutha or other sequences felt to be unacceptable. Apparently, the very usage of deva as ‘must:3SG.PRS.SBJV’ is considered worthy of mockery, as it is supposed to indicate that the speaker who utters it is uneducated. The speakers tagged are soccer players or people somehow connected with Italian soccer – not the most educated stratum of the Italian population. The data reviewed so far would allow for establishing at least partial canonicity clines: for example, doublets such as siedo/seggo, possiedo/posseggo are more canonical than chiedo/chieggo, which is diachronically restricted. The question of whether restrictions related to different factors of variation should be weighted differently in establishing the degree of canonicity of certain cell‐ mates must be left aside for further research.

(p.366) 16.6 Conditions relating to levels of linguistic analysis 16.6.1 Phonological conditions

Phonological conditioning, if absolute, should give rise to phonologically conditioned morphological alternations (Paster 2009) with distribution of variants regulated by the Elsewhere Condition, and not to Overabundance. A strict phonological conditioning cannot by definition yield multiple outputs. However, a case which belongs to our list of putatively overabundant cells does interact with phonological conditioning, and will be reviewed here.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology Conjugation tables appearing in Italian grammars and dictionaries suggest that alternation between the endings ‐ei/‐é/‐erono and ‐etti/‐ette/‐ettero in the cells for ‘1SG/3SG/3PL.PRF.IND’ of second conjugation verbs is free (‘variazione libera’ according to Salvi and Vanelli 2004: 94). Investigation of 53 verbs listed in GRADIT as following the regular 2nd conjugation scheme shows that the two sets of endings are far from being in free variation in the corpus. Their distribution is almost complementary, and is regulated by a phonological factor: verbs whose root ends in /t/ select the /t/‐less set of endings, and vice versa (this tendency has been observed by several grammars, and was demonstrated by Flamm (1987) on corpus data). The data for the two groups of verbs are listed in Table 16.8. The 8 ‘ungrammatical’ forms with /t/ endings are: battettero ‘beat:3PL.PRF’, ripetette ‘repeat:3SG.PRF’(5), ripetettero ‘repeat:3PL.PRF’, fottette ‘mess_up: 3SG.PRF’. Fottette occurs in a context which appears to have undergone interference from Neapolitan, and is therefore not a standard Italian form. The other forms belong to some of the most frequent verbs with a stem ending in /t/: the least restricted ending has spread to these top‐frequency verbs, indicating a tendency to reduce the variation between the two sets of endings in favour of the series containing /tt/. The 19 ‘ungrammatical’ forms with /t/‐less endings are credei ‘believe:1SG.PRF’, which occurs in a text written by Giovanni Pascoli in the years between 1877 and 1879 – and therefore is not attested in contemporary usage – and 18 3SG forms: ricevè (3) / ricevé (3) ‘receive:3SG.PRF’, vendé (1) / vendè (2) ‘sell:3SG.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.8. Distribution and frequency of the two sets of passato remoto endings /t/‐less endings

root ending in /t/‐

root not ending in /t/

/t/ endings

root ending in /t/‐

root not ending in /t/

‐ei

51

1

‐etti

–

278

‐é

1,347

18

‐ette

6

4,295

‐erono

352

–

‐ettero

2

802

Total

1,750

19

Total

8

5,375

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.367) PRF’, credé (1) ‘believe:3SG.PRF’, cedè (2) ‘give_in:3SG.PRF’, temè (1) ‘fear: 3SG.PRF’, procedè (1) ‘proceed:3SG.PRF’, presiedé (1) / presiedè (2) ‘chair:3SG.PRF’, tessè (1) ‘weave:3SG.PRF’. Twelve of these forms are misspelled, displaying 〈è〉 instead of 〈é〉 in final position: this might be a signal that they were produced by writers not in complete command of standard written Italian.

To the (limited) extent that they exist, doublets such as credei / credetti are far from canonical: there is a huge difference in frequency between the two forms in an overabundant set (e.g. credei has 1 token and credetti 46 in the Repubblica corpus), and occurrence of one or the other can be predicted with extreme accuracy according to a phonological condition. 16.6.2 Syntactico–semantic conditions

I keep together syntactic and semantic conditioning because it is often difficult to decide whether certain factors are syntactic or semantic or both. Factors that could constitute syntactico–semantic conditioning on the choice of a particular cell‐mate include the following:

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.9 Past participle forms of SEPPELLIRE ‘bury’ and PERDERE ‘lose’ Forms built on the stem SEPOLT-

Forms built on the stem PERS-

Forms built on the stem SEPPELLIT-

Forms built on the stem PERDUT-

PST.PTCP.M.SG

sepolto 2,342

perso 〉 39,440

seppellito 640

perduto 10,499

PST.PTCP.F.SG

sepolta 1,110

persa 3,508

seppellita 161

perduta 3,918

PST.PTCP.M.PL

sepolti 1,331

persi √a

seppelliti 260

perduti 1,962

PST.PTCP.F.PL

sepolte 513

perse √a

seppellite 80b

perdute 1,572

Total

SEPOLT‐ 5,296

PERS‐ 〉 42,948

SEPPELLIT‐ 1,144

PERDUT‐〉 17,901

(a) The forms persi and perse are homophonous with forms of passato remoto; therefore exact figures for their occurrence as past participle forms can be given only after manual disambiguation of each token; this was not done because both forms are extremely frequent (persi 2,338, perse 3,459). The first 20 random tokens were examined for each form: on these tokens persi is a past participle in 19/20 cases, and perse is a past participle in 6/20 cases. (b) This form is ambiguous with 2PL.PRS.IND. The 83 tokens of seppellite were manually disambiguated; only 3 turned out to be 2PL.PRS.IND.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.368)

• in the case of past participles, one mate could be used in more verbal contexts and the other in more adjectival contexts; • specific mates could subcategorize for arguments with specific syntactico–semantic features (e.g. a [+ human] theme); • specific mates could be used exclusively in a certain collocation. To give an idea of how these factors come into play, I will show how they work with the participial doublets sepolto / seppellito ‘buried’ and perso / perduto ‘lost’. The raw data from the Repubblica corpus are given in Table 16.9. 16.6.2.1 Word class

In order to assess whether one of the two mates is specialized in adjectival or verbal usage, the corpus was searched for typically verbal collocations such as ha sepolto / seppellito ‘has buried’, è stato sepolto / seppellito ‘has been buried’ vs. typically adjectival collocations such as è sepolto / seppellito ‘is buried’. The data show that sepolto is preferred as an adjective and seppellito is preferred as a verb form, but both forms can be used in both capacities, as shown in (7): (7) a. l'avvocato Enzo Storoni […] sarà seppellito oggi dopo funerali privati b. Chagall sarà sepolto lunedì, nel cimitero del paese Other verbs that were described as displaying doublets in the past participle in older grammars have by now completed a process of functional differentiation, by which certain forms have become adjectives or nouns and cannot be used as verb forms any more. Relevant cases are assorto, an adjective meaning ‘engrossed, pensive’, and costrutto, a noun meaning ‘construct, construction’, which are in no way interchangeable with assorbito and costruito, past participles of ASSORBIRE ‘absorb’ and COSTRUIRE ‘build, construct’. 16.6.2.2 Argument features

Examination of a random set of contexts containing sepolto and seppellito shows that sepolto has a slight preference for human themes while seppellito occurs more frequently with inanimate themes, but neither excludes themes of either specification. 16.6.2.3 Collocations

A very preliminary survey conducted for perso and perduto shows that the only case in which one form occurs 100 % of the time to the exclusion of the other is in contexts that represent titles of specific works, as in (8): (p.369) (8) Titles Page 17 of 35

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

I predatori dell'arca perduta (Raiders of the Lost Ark) arca persa 0

arca perduta 48

Paradiso perduto (Paradise Lost) paradiso perso 0

paradiso perduto 113

In other contexts preferences are detectable, but absolute complementarity does not occur: (9) Idiom PERDERE TEMPO ‘to waste one's time, lit. lose time’ perso tempo 610 perduto tempo 25 tempo perso 376 tempo perduto 5315 Collocations occasione persa 83 occasione perduta 291  ‘a chance lost’ perso la guerra 109  perduto la guerra 32  ‘lost the war’ These idioms and collocations occur in entirely comparable contexts. The doublets in Italian verb forms investigated so far do not show any strong case of syntactico–semantic conditioning (except in the very special case of quotations of titles, in which only one variant is attested), and therefore qualify as canonical doublets in this respect.6 16.6.3 Pragmatic conditions

In the literature, a case of pragmatic conditioning is mentioned by Carstairs‐ McCarthy (1998 b: 9) concerning Hungarian 2SG.IMP, which has a shorter form perceived more as an order and a longer form perceived more as a request (Maria Grossmann, p.c.). As 2SG.IMP, because of its semantics, is potentially especially prone to pragmatic conditioning, we will review the evidence concerning overabundance in this cell in Italian.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology Four Italian verbs, ANDARE ‘go’, DARE ‘give’, FARE ‘do’, and STARE ‘stay’, have doublets in the 2SG.IMP cell. Both the alternative imperative forms of all four verbs are extremely frequent and homophonous with forms of the indicative; therefore, for practical reasons it was not possible to examine all their tokens in the Repubblica corpus.7 Some data were collected analysing the forms (p.370) occurring in the collocations va / vai pure ‘You're free to go, lit. go too’, fa / fai pure ‘You're free to do this, lit. do too’, sta / stai attento ‘Be careful!, lit. stay careful’, sta / stai buono ‘Be quiet! Behave yourself!, lit. stay good’. The data show that forms in ‐i prevail as imperatives in all cases, even though forms in ‐a are never excluded. The two forms can be used by the same speaker, as shown in (10): (10) ‘Stai calmo, stai zitto, sta attento a quello che dici’ Therefore, the distribution of the doublets in Italian 2SG.IMP does not seem to obey any pragmatic conditioning.

16.7 Morphological conditions I take morphological conditioning to deal with morphology‐by‐itself phenomena, i.e. the distribution of stems within a paradigm, and inflectional classes (cf. Aronoff 1994). In the following sections, several specifically morphological criteria of canonicity will be proposed. 16.7.1 Morphomic vs. morpho‐syntactic distribution

Morphological criterion 1: cell‐mates occur in unpredictable cells 〉 cell‐mates occur in cells that constitute a morphomic pattern 〉 cell‐mates occur in morpho‐ syntactically defined cells (cf. Corbett's (2007a) criterion 5: morphological distribution 〉 morpho‐syntactic distribution). Often cell‐mates occur in cells that belong to independently established morphomic partitions of paradigms (Pirrelli and Battista 2000), such as the N‐ pattern (Maiden 2004c, 2005), the present indicative 1&6‐pattern,8 and the pattern appearing in passato remoto. These patterns are represented in (11); grey cells represent places in which a specific morphomic stem different from the main verb stem occurs: (p.371)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (11)

Normally a verb is specified as having a certain kind of partition or as not having it; but sometimes speakers are uncertain about whether a certain verb displays one of these partitions. In these cases, overabundance can arise in the cells in which an irregular stem appears in the partition: a regular form can compete with an irregular one in these cells. Let us examine the case of ‐isc‐ vs. ‐isc‐less stems in ‐ire verbs. While many scholars (Maiden 2004c, to mention just one) maintain that the appearance of ‐isc‐ in the N‐pattern cells of certain verbs is a matter of morphological specification, others (such as Vogel 1994) maintain that ‐isc‐ is underlyingly present in all forms of a certain inflectional class, but is deleted when it would emerge unstressed, i.e. that the presence /absence of ‐isc‐ in a verb form is phonologically conditioned. The phonological analysis is weakened by the existence of doublets with and without ‐isc‐. If ‐isc‐ deletion were a truly phonological rule of Italian, it should either apply or not apply, and there (p. 372)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.10 Doublets in the perfect forms of APRIRE, OFFRIRE, DARE, and their frequency 1SG.PRF.IND

3SG.PRF.IND

3PL.PRF.IND

APRIRE

apersi

aprii

aperse

aprì

apersero

aprirono

‘open’

4

48

13

1,641

3

334

OFFRIRE

offersi

offrii

offerse

offrì

offersero

offrirono

‘offer’

3

31

21

906

7

202

DARE

diedi

detti

diede

dette

diedero

dettero

‘give’c

244

√

3,725

√

971

381

(c) The forms detti and dette are homophonous with participial forms of DIRE ‘say’; therefore exact figures for their occurence as perfect forms of DARE can be given only after manual disambiguation of each token; this was not done because both forms are extremely frequent (detti 3,067, dette 4,266). But attestation of at least some tokens realizing perfect forms of DARE was checked.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology should be no doublets such as aborr‐o / aborr‐isc‐o ‘abhor:1SG.PRS.IND’, in which it has applied in one form but not in the other, in exactly the same context.

An investigation of eighteen verbs for which grammars mention the possibility of doublets with and without ‐isc‐ in the N‐pattern cells showed that only eight of these verbs do indeed display such doublets: ABORRIRE, LANGUIRE, INGHIOTTIRE, MENTIRE, APPARIRE, ASSORBIRE, APPLAUDIRE, COMPARIRE ‘abhor, languish, swallow, lie, appear, absorb, applaud, appear’.9 The ‐isc‐ forms are always less numerous than the ‐isc‐less forms, with ratios ranging from 1:1.9 (ABORRIRE) to 1: 〉3,000 (APPARIRE, APPLAUDIRE); but in a verb such as ABORRIRE the percentage of ‐isc‐ forms among all the relevant forms is as high as 34.9 per cent (60/172). The possibility of having doublets with and without ‐isc‐ in one and the same verb shows that there is at least some morphological conditioning at work. The morphological analysis, involving uncertainty about the status of a certain lexeme with respect to its displaying the N‐pattern partition, accounts better for the possibility of doublets, even in the speech of a single speaker, who might at different times operate on different uncertain assumptions. The data on doublets in the cells belonging to the present indicative 1&6‐pattern (or R‐pattern) have already been presented in Tables 16.4, 16.5, and 16.7. (p.373)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.11 Triplets in the perfect forms of PERDERE, APPARIRE, and their frequencyd 1SG.PRF.IND

3SG.PRF.IND

3PL.PRF.IND

PERDERE ‘lose’

persi √

perdei 1

perdetti 7

perse √

perdé 7

perdette 121

persero 621 perderono 0 perdettero 26

APPARIRE ‘appear’

apparii 0

apparvi 0

apparsi ?

apparì 15

apparve 1,341

apparse √

apparirono 10

apparvero 300

apparsero 0

(d) The forms persi, perse, apparsi, apparse are homophonous with participial forms; therefore exact figures for their occurrence as perfect forms can be given only after manual disambiguation of each token; this has not been done here because both forms are extremely frequent (persi 2,338, perse 3,459, apparsi 2,265, apparse 1,805). Attestation was checked of at least a few tokens realizing perfect forms for persi, perse and apparse; it has not been possible to check attestations of apparsi because of a bug in the corpus query system, which does not allow inspection of all tokens of this form.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.374) The passato remoto pattern underlies overabundance in the cases of APRIRE ‘open’, OFFRIRE ‘offer’, DARE ‘give’ (Table 16.10) and PERDERE ‘lose’ and APPARIRE ‘appear’ (Table 16.11), which present relatively rare cases of triplets.10

In all these cases, there seems to be no identifiable factor conditioning the occurrence of either form in a specific cell, as parallel contexts such as the ones in (12) demonstrate. (12) a. Noi ricordiamo il presidente Pertini quando apparse alla televisione […] b. L' ultima volta che Benigni apparve in televisione […] c. […] quando D'Artagnan apparì sugli schermi per l'ultima volta […] The only factor detracting from full canonicity for these cases of morphologically conditioned overabundance is the extreme difference in frequency between members of each pair or triplet. In a few cases, verbs display doublets in a single cell of their paradigm: for example, STARE ‘stay’ has doublets only in the 2SG.IMP cell: (13) ‘stay:2SG.IMP’  stai / sta (roughly 2:1) This is a case of doublets in an unpredictable cell; it must be observed, however, that the 2SG.IMP cell is contained in a paradigmatic partition independently established for the language (the N‐pattern) – even though STARE does not have this partition in its own paradigm. Therefore, morphology seems to constrain in some ways the locus in which these unique doublets occur. On the other hand, being the only cell within its paradigm to host doublets, this cell can of course be characterized by means of a morpho‐syntactic feature specification. Another case of isolated doublets, occurring in a single cell of the paradigm, is represented by 1PL.PRS.IND forms of PIACERE ‘please’ and TACERE ‘be_quiet’11 in (14): (p.375) (14) ‘be_liked:1PL.PRS.IND’   piaciamo 3 / piacciamo 17 ‘be_quiet:1PL.PRS.IND’   taciamo 6 / tacciamo 11 In my analysis this cell does not belong to any paradigm partition attested elsewhere, but is the target of a rule of referral (cf. Thornton 2007); therefore it can be identified only morpho‐syntactically, and not morphomically, which makes doublets in this cell less canonical under morphological criterion 1. 16.7.2 Extent of doublets in a paradigm

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology The relative canonicity of different sorts of doublets appearing in morpho‐ syntactically defined cells can be assessed by way of morphological criterion 2: Morphological criterion 2: doublets in a single morpho‐syntactically defined cell 〉 doublets in several morpho‐syntactically defined cells (i.e. entire tenses) 〉 doublets in all cells (i.e. two lexemes) (cf. Criterion 9 in Corbett (2007 a): more features 〉 fewer features) 16.7.2.1 Doublets in a single cell

The morpho‐syntactically defined doublets in (14) are highly canonical with respect to morphological criterion 2. 16.7.2.2 Doublets in all cells

The opposite case to that of doublets in a single cell of a paradigm is that of doublets in all cells. If doublets occur in all cells, we could say that there are two lexical items. This is the case, in Italian, of prototypical ‘verbi sovrabbondanti’ like STARNUTARE / STARNUTIRE ‘sneeze’. Another example, from Italian nominal morphology, is the peculiar noun ORECCHIO ‘ear’ which has both singular and plural forms in both genders: orecchio / orecchia // orecchi / orecchie. It is difficult to consider these forms as belonging to two lexical items as they are completely synonymous – but on the other hand Italian nouns normally have a single inherent gender and do not freely vary for gender without a parallel variation in meaning. 16.7.2.3 Doublets in entire tenses

Midway between ORECCHIO and cases in which only one cell in a paradigm contains doublets is the case of the Italian verb SEDERE. SEDERE is a textbook case of N‐pattern distribution involving the two stems sied‐ and sed‐. However, outside the N‐pattern cells, the sied‐ stem spreads to cells where it would not be expected: as a consequence, in certain tenses of SEDERE all the forms are double. The data are illustrated in Table 16.12. (p.376)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.12. Forms with and without diphthong and their frequency in four tenses of SEDERE future

present conditional

imperfect indicative

imperfect subjunctive

‐ie‐

‐e‐

‐ie‐

‐e‐

‐ie‐

‐e‐

‐ie‐

‐e‐

1SG

siederò 26

sederò 2

siederei 4

sederei 1

–

sedevo 37

–

sedessi 4

2SG

siederai 1

sederai 1

–

–

siedevi 4

–

3SG

siederà 409

sederà 59

siederebbe 18 sederebbe 7

siedeva 41

sedeva 989

–

sedesse 59

1PL

siederemo 35 sederemo 4

–

–

siedevamo 2

sedevamo 29

–

sedessimo 5

2PL

siederete 2

sederete 1

–

–

–

–

–

sedeste 1

3PL

siederanno 381

sederanno 62 siederebbero 12

sederebbero 4

siedevano 24

sedevano 473 –

sedessero 41

Total

‐ie‐ 854

‐e‐ 129

‐e‐ 12

‐ie‐ 71

‐e‐ 1,528

‐e‐ 110

Page 26 of 35

‐ie‐ 34

‐ie‐ 0

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.377)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology

TABLE 16.13 Syncopated and unsyncopated forms of future and present conditional of MORIRE ‘die’ and their frequency future

present conditional

syncopated

unsyncopated

syncopated

unsyncopated

1SG

morrò 5

morirò 162

morrei 3

morirei 23

2SG

morrai 3

morirai 32

morresti 0

moriresti 1

3SG

morrà 44

morirà 944

morrebbe 5

morirebbe 64

1PL

morremo 3

moriremo 111

morremmo 0

moriremmo 9

2PL

morrete 0

morirete 27

morreste 0

morireste 0

3PL

morranno 3

moriranno 230

morrebbero 1

morirebbero 35

Total

syncopated 58

unsyncopated 1,506

syncopated 9

unsyncopated 132

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology A similar case concerns syncopated and unsyncopated forms in the future and present conditional of MORIRE ‘die’.12 The data are presented in Table 16.13.

As MORIRE has doublets in two tenses, while SEDERE has them in three, overabundance in MORIRE is more canonical than in SEDERE, within the un‐ canonical set of verbs that have doublets in entire tenses. 16.7.3 How many forms?

Morphological criterion 3: more variants 〉 fewer variants (identical to criterion 4 in Corbett 2007 a) If a canonical, well‐behaved paradigm is expected to exhibit a unique realization for each cell, the more alternative realizations there are for a single cell, the more canonical is overabundance. Therefore, verbs that present triplets (cf. Table 16.11) are more canonically overabundant than verbs that present only doublets. (p.378) 16.7.4 Parallelism between doublets in different paradigms

Morphological criterion 4: unparalleled doublets 〉 parallel doublets in several paradigms (cf. Criterion 12 in Corbett (2007 a): unique 〉 non unique)

Page 29 of 35

Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology Most of the cases we have reviewed so far consist of doublets that are phonologically parallel in several paradigms: this is certainly the case of /gg/ vs. /d/ forms of SEDERE, POSSEDERE, VEDERE, and CHIEDERE (cf. §16.5), of the 1PL.PRS.IND forms of PIACERE and TACERE, of PRF forms of APRIRE and OFFRIRE, of the SG.IMP of ANDARE, FARE, DARE, and STARE, and, to the limited extent that they exist, of ‐ei/‐etti and ‐isc‐/‐isc‐less forms. On the other hand, doublets such as the /bb/ vs. /v/ forms of DOVERE ‘must’ are phonologically different from any other case: no other verb presents doublets with a parallel phonological specification. Halfway between cases of unique phonological relationship between cell‐mates and parallelism of phonological properties between cell‐mates are a number of other cases. Syncopated and unsyncopated forms in the future and present conditional used to occur in several phonologically similar verbs, but are now attested in full for a single verb, MORIRE, and only in some cells for UDIRE; other verbs have regularized, displaying only unsyncopated forms. Among strong vs. weak forms of passato remoto the degree of phonological similarity between sets of overabundant forms varies, from full rhyming between the double perfect forms of APRIRE and OFFRIRE, to identity of final segments (as in annesse, concesse, incusse vs. annetté, concedette, incuté) to phonologically more isolated shapes like those of the perfect forms of PERDERE. Also phonologically parallel are the forms vo and fo, but their cell-mates vado and faccio are very different from one another, so the parallelism does not extend to the whole set of overabundant forms for ANDARE and FARE. Past participle doublets such as perso / perduto and sepolto / seppellito occur in parallel cells, but are phonologically very different from each other; sepolto / seppellito has no phonological parallels anywhere in Italian verbal morphology. According to morphological criterion 4, doublets such as the /bb/ vs. /v/ forms of DOVERE and sepolto/seppellito, which are phonologically parallel to no other set of cell‐mates, are more canonical than doublets such as the /gg/ vs. /d/ forms of SEDERE, POSSEDERE, VEDERE, and CHIEDERE.

16.8 Conclusions We can now assess how overabundance interacts with morphology by itself.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology As far as inflectional classes are concerned, overabundance fares like any other kind of ‘irregularity’ in Italian verb inflection, being virtually absent (p.379) from the paradigms of 1st conjugation verbs.13 The only 1st conjugation verb with overabundant cells is ANDARE, a verb whose paradigm is a concentration of irregularities of all sorts; DARE, FARE, and STARE have overabundant cells too, but they are also heteroclitic (for example, imperfect davo, stavo are 1st conjugation while facevo is 2nd conjugation, imperfect subjunctive dessi, stessi, facessi are all 2nd conjugation, Infinitive dare, fare, stare are all 1st conjugation), and therefore do not fully qualify as 1st conjugation verbs. So it appears that overabundance, like ‘novel allomorphy’ (Maiden 1992) and practically all kinds of stem alternations in Italian, is sensitive to inflectional class, being restricted to non‐1st conjugation verbs. Overabundance is also sensitive to paradigm partitions. Let us consider the Overall Distribution Schema of stem alternants in Italian verb inflection proposed by Pirrelli and Battista (2000: 359), reproduced in Table 16.14, where the grey area represents the paradigmatic cells in which the most basic verb stem appears, for all verbs, irrespective of how many partitions their paradigm presents in other areas. TABLE 16.14 Overall Distribution Schema of stem alternants in Italian verb inflection (Pirrelli and Battista 2000)

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (p.380) If we plot the cases of overabundance in this schema, we observe that they populate all the partitions, but with an unequal distribution, as shown in (15): (15) Distribution of overabundance in the paradigmatic partitions of Italian verbs A only one case of non‐canonical overabundance targeting an entire tense (imperfect indicative of SEDERE)14 B vado/vo, faccio/fo, devo/debbo and related forms, siedo/seggo, possiedo/posseggo, ‐isc‐/‐isc‐less forms of ABORRIRE, LANGUIRE, INGHIOTTIRE, MENTIRE, APPARIRE, ASSORBIRE, APPLAUDIRE, COMPARIRE (Total: 13 verbs) C 2SG.IMP of ANDARE, FARE, DARE, and STARE, ‐isc‐/‐isc‐less forms of ABORRIRE, LANGUIRE, INGHIOTTIRE, MENTIRE, APPARIRE, ASSORBIRE, APPLAUDIRE, COMPARIRE, deva / debba (Total: 13 verbs) D piaciamo/piacciamo, taciamo/tacciamo (Total: 2 verbs) E numerous very canonical cases: triplets in PERDERE and APPARIRE, doublets in APRIRE, OFFRIRE, DARE, CONCEDERE, INCUTERE, ANNETTERE, ‐ei/‐etti doublets in BATTERE, RIPETERE, CREDERE, RICEVERE, VENDERE, CEDERE, TEMERE, PROCEDERE, PRESIEDERE, TESSERE (Total: 18 verbs) F syncopated vs. unsyncopated forms of MORIRE and UDIRE, diphthongized vs. undiphthongized forms of SEDERE (Total: 3 verbs) G sepolto/seppellito, perso/perduto, visto/veduto (Total: 3 verbs) H only non‐canonical cases of doublets in entire paradigms (STARNUTARE/STARNUTIRE, EMPIERE/EMPIRE and its prefixed derivatives) Partitions B, C, and E in particular are extremely rich in overabundant cells, while such cells are almost completely absent from partition A: it must be pointed out, in particular, that no Italian verb has overabundance in the 2PL.PRS.IND cell, in 2SG, 1PL, and 2PL of passato remoto, or anywhere in the imperfect subjunctive; the only case of overabundance in the A partition is the very non‐canonical case of the imperfect indicative of SEDERE (cf. Table 16.12). These data indicate that overabundance is as much an autonomously morphological phenomenon as is the morphomic distribution of stem alternants. Overabundant cells tend to occur in the same partitions in which (p.381) morphomic alternants occur, and to cluster mainly in those partitions (such as B and E) in which the phonologically most diverse stems appear.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology As cell‐mates appear in cells that belong to independently established paradigm partitions, overabundance reinforces these partitions. One could hypothesize that a partition would disappear from a lexeme if overabundance were reduced. However, this would be true only if reduction of overabundance were effected by eliminating an ‘irregular’ form rather than a regular one, as has taken place in the 1&6‐pattern cells of CHIEDERE and VEDERE. But this is not the only possible development, and may not even be the most frequent. Consider present subjunctive of DOVERE: here overabundance has been almost completely reduced (cf. Table 16.7 above), but the forms that have survived, debba and debbano, are even more ‘irregular’ than the ones which have been almost eliminated, deva and devano (with respect to the basic stem dov(e)‐, the stem debb‐ changes both the vowel and the quality and the quantity of the last C, while dev‐ changes only the vowel); so the survival of the N‐pattern in the present subjunctive of DOVERE has not been affected at all by the reduction of overabundance. Consider also the cases of CONCEDERE, RENDERE, CUOCERE, PARERE, and SPANDERE ‘concede, return, cook, seem, spread’, where regular past participle forms attested in earlier stages of the language have disappeared in contemporary usage, while ‘irregular’ ones have survived. From these cases we can conclude that while the maintenance of overabundance entails the maintenance of paradigmatic partitions, allomorphy and suppletion, the reduction of overabundance does not necessarily entail the reduction of allomorphy, suppletion, or morphomic distribution of irregular stems. These non‐ canonical, autonomously morphological phenomena seem more strongly rooted in paradigms (at least in Italian verb morphology) than any regularizing force leading to the reduction of overabundance. Notes:

(1) But see Acquaviva (2008) for a different analysis, in which BRACCIA is a separate lexeme, rather than an alternative plural of BRACCIO ‘arm’. (2) Thanks to Michele Loporcaro for suggesting this term. (3) This criterion also applies in agreement (Corbett 2006: 26, criterion 20), and suppletion (Corbett 2007 a: 27, criterion 13). (4) In theory, deva can realize all singular forms of the present subjunctive (these forms are always syncretic in all Italian verbs). But all forms of deva attested in both the Repubblica and the LIP corpus are 3SG. (5) But, given that the Italian title of Proust's novel À la recherche du temps perdu is Alla ricerca del tempo perduto, ricerca del tempo perduto has 60 tokens and ricerca del tempo perso has none. (6) Similar results are reported by Fehringer (2004: 316) for the distribution of doublets in German genitives.

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (7) There are even more problems with dà / dai ‘give.2SG.IMP’. The study of these forms is made difficult in practice by their homophony and homography not only with indicative forms, but also with the preposition da (normative orthography has an accent on the verb form, but verb forms written without accent are widely attested in the corpus). Besides, the form dai has evolved into an interjection, meaning ‘come on’ – but it has not lost the possibility of being used as a proper imperative, as in the corpus example ‘dai la mano alla mamma, attraversa sulle strisce’. (8) The pattern which unites 1SG and 3PL of present indicative has no shorthand name. Pirrelli and Battista (2000: 324) call it ‘the CONOSCERE schema’; following Maiden's (2004c) suggestion of taking inspiration from the Morse code, we could call it the ‘R‐pattern’ (R is ._. in Morse). (9) Among the remaining 10 verbs, LAMBIRE ‘lap’ has -isc‐ categorically, and ASSALIRE, AVVERTIRE, BOLLIRE, CONVERTIRE, CUCIRE, DIVERTIRE, ESEGUIRE, NUTRIRE ‘assault, sense, boil, convert, sew, amuse, perform, nourish’ have no -isc‐ forms in the corpus. SDRUCIRE ‘rip’ has no forms belonging to the N-pattern cells in the corpus, so its status with respect to ‐isc‐ cannot be assessed on the basis of this corpus. (10) A few more verbs present doublets in single cells belonging to this pattern. The data are complicated by frequent homophonies between perfect and past participle forms of the relevant verbs, so I will list the forms and their frequencies without further comment: annesse ✔ / annetté 1 ‘annex:3SG.PRF’, concesse ✔ / concedette 1 ‘concede:3SG.PRF’, incusse 1 / incuté 1 ‘inspire: 3SG.PRF’. Grammars cite also some other verbs as displaying doublets in the passato remoto pattern, but the Repubblica corpus contains only strong forms of passato remoto of APPENDERE, ASSOLVERE, DISCUTERE, and RENDERE ‘hang, acquit, discuss, return’, and only weak forms for ASSALIRE ‘assault’, CONVERTIRE ‘convert’, and SCOLPIRE ‘sculpt’. (11) DOLERE ‘hurt’ and GIACERE ‘lie_down’ are described in older grammars as having doublets in this cell, but the corpus contains no forms realizing ‘lie_down: 1PL.PRS.IND’ and only one token realizing ‘hurt:1PL.PRS.IND’, doliamo. (12) Doublets with syncopated and unsyncopated forms in future and present conditional occur also for the low‐frequency verb UDIRE ‘hear’ (udrai 2, udrà 21 / udirà 3, udremo 5 / udiremo 1, udrete 1 / udirete 3, udranno 5, udrebbe 1, udireste 1). Unsyncopated forms of ANDARE ‘go’ and GODERE ‘enjoy’ are not in contemporary usage. (13) On the immunity of the 1st conjugation to other sorts of ‘irregularity’, cf. Maiden (1992).

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Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non‐canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology (14) Another putative case could be that of double present participles such as dormente / dormiente, (with respectively 5 vs. 162 tokens in the Repubblica corpus). These forms were not investigated, because it is highly debatable whether they belong to the verbal paradigm.

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they?

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Cinzia Russi

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0018

Abstract and Keywords This chapter investigates the morpho‐syntactic value and morphological status of obligatory clitics like la found in verbs as farla ‘deceive someone’ vis‐à‐vis Italian canonical object pronoun clitics. It is argued that this la represents a ‘new’, categorically distinct, type of verbal formative that originated from a restricted number of individual collocations involving specific direct object nominal constituents. The development of this new formative indicates the emergence of a purely morphological mapping (that is, a mapping concerning the organization of information into sound–meaning pairing) since a single morphological formative has come to realize multiple morpho‐syntactic (as well as semantic–pragmatic) values. Keywords:   verbi procomplementari, clitics, derivational morphology, semantic evolution, idiomaticization

17.1 Introduction Verbi procomplementari (henceforth, VPR) are verbs characterized by a fully incorporated clitic pronoun (1a–c) or clitic cluster (1d–f), which are ‘dotati di un proprio significato non riconducibile al verbo principale o molto cristallizzato’ (De Mauro 1999–2000: xxxiv). (1) a. volerne ‘resent; have hard feelings for someone’ 〈 volere ‘want’ + ne ‘partitive’ Page 1 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? b. entrarci ‘be related to/involved into something’ 〈 entrare ‘enter’ + ci ‘locative’ c. farla ‘deceive; prevail upon someone cunningly’ 〈 fare ‘make, do’ + la ‘3SG F DO’ d. farcela ‘manage’ 〈 fare ‘make, do’ + ci + la e. prendersela ‘take offence, be upset’ 〈 prendere ‘take’ + si ‘reflexive’ + la f. andarsene ‘leave, go away’ 〈 andare ‘go’ + si + ne Thus, VPR stem from a process of morpho‐syntactic and semantic evolution, whose most apparent manifestations are obligatorification (Lehmann 1985; 1995/ 1982) of the clitic, which no longer represents a pronominal complement but has become an inherent component of the verb, and idiomaticisation, since the original meaning of the verb undergoes some semantic alteration (for more details, see Russi 2008). VPR are (in fact, have been for many centuries) quite prominent in Italian in all registers and language media. Nonetheless, they have not attracted much interest among Italian linguistics researchers and, overall, they remain (p.383) under‐investigated.1 This study aims at achieving an adequate characterization of the morpho‐syntactic status of the inherent clitics/clusters of VPR namely, establishing whether they should be still regarded as clitics or are more properly analysed as affixes. Specifically, this chapter focuses on the following questions: (2) a. Should the inherent clitics/clusters of VPR be considered on a par with canonical pronominal clitics? b. If the answer to (2a) is yes, and affixal status is thus granted to VPR clitics as to Italian (and Romance in general) pronominal clitics (Monachesi 1996a; 1996b; 1999; 2005; inter alia), are they inflectional or derivational affixes? c. What kinds of morpho‐syntactic and/or semantic–pragmatic values do they express?

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Data concerning the subclass of VPR in la ‘3SG F DO’ (exemplified in (1c) above), provides evidence that points at the difficulty of satisfactorily integrating inherent clitics into the affix category. More precisely, determining whether VPR clitics are inflectional or derivational is problematic because they exhibit both features typical of inflectional morphemes and features proper of derivational formatives. For instance, with inflectional affixes, VPR clitics share the property of strict obligatoriness (Greenberg 1960; Jensen 1990; Matthews 1991; Scalise 1988; Dressler 1989; Spencer 1991; Bauer 2003/1988), yet they resemble derivational morphemes (e.g. fare ‘make, do’ ~ rifare ‘remake, redo’, dis fare ‘unmake, undo’; farla ‘deceive someone’) since they carry semantic (and pragmatic) rather than grammatical meaning. Ascertaining the types of morpho‐syntactic and/or semantic–pragmatic values expressed by VPR clitics is also challenging; in fact, it is difficult to identify features of la that would consistently apply to all the members of the class. Thus, the differences between Italian pronominal clitics, which only function as anaphoric/cataphoric elements or discourse pragmatics markers in dislocated constructions and inherent, lexicalized VPR clitics, which in contrast carry semantic and pragmatic content, are not clear‐cut and are not easily captured if we subsume all clitics under a single affixal category. The chapter is organized as follows: section 17.2 introduces the subclass of VPR in la and characterizes the main morpho‐syntactic and semantic–pragmatic (p. 384) properties of inherent la. Section 17.3 assesses the derivational/ inflectional status of inherent la by applying diagnostics traditionally employed in the literature to differentiate between derivation and inflection. It is concluded that a fully satisfactory categorization of inherent la as either inflectional or derivational is unachievable. Such a result underscores the categorial uniqueness of this formative, emphasizes the advantages of a ‘gradualness approach’ to affixal categorization (Bybee 1985; Dressler 1989; inter alia), and above all reiterates the inadequacy of analysing the inherent clitics of VPR as affixes (Russi 2008: ch. 8). Moreover, I propose that VPR la (hence, all VPR clitics) constitute a different, ‘new’ type of verbal formative that originated from a restricted number of specific, individual collocations, which are only hypothesized and must yet be located in Old Italian. This hypothesis finds empirical support in the emergence of a verb as prenderle ‘be beaten (literally and metaphorically)’, which signal the entry of a new member – le ‘3PL F DO’– into the class of VPR clitics. The development of this new formative points to the emergence of a purely morphological mapping pattern (that is, a mapping pertaining to the organization of information into sound–meaning pairing) since a single morphological formative has come to realize multiple morpho‐syntactic (as well as semantic–pragmatic) values. Section 17.4 summarizes the main claims offered in the chapter and points at some issues to be further investigated. Page 3 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? 17.2 VPR in la: A general introduction2 Table 17.1 lists the most common VPR in la found in Italian. All the verbs in Table 17.1 are labelled comune ‘common’ (De Mauro 1999–2000), meaning that they are used and understood independently of the speaker's profession or job and regional provenance, and are known by anyone with a high school level of education.3 VPR in la differ from VPR involving other clitics in displaying a much higher degree of idiomaticization even though the core meaning of the source verb is still relatively transparent. This higher idiomatic value results from the fact that the clitic carries a precise semantic content that must have been inherited from an original nominal referent (as shown by the English glosses). Thus, the new meaning can, overall, be obtained compositionally through a (p.385) TABLE 17.1. VPR in la VPR

SOURCE

a. smetterla ‘stop doing something’

smettere ‘stop, quit’

b. finirla (colloquial) ‘stop doing something’

finire ‘finish’

c. farla a ‘deceive; prevail upon somebody cunningly’ fare ‘do, make’ d. farla b (familiar) ‘defecate’

fare ‘do, make’

e. pensarla ‘have an opinion on something’

pensare ‘think’

f. raccontarla ‘deceive’

raccontare ‘tell, narrate’

g. menarla (colloquial) ‘bother, annoy (by telling long, boring stories)’

menare ‘take, lead’

h. scamparla ‘escape from a bad situation’

scampare (same as scamparla)

i. darla a a bere/intendere ‘deceive, by making believe something false’

dare ‘give’

j. darla b vinta ‘give up to somebody after a long

dare ‘give’

a

discussion/confrontation’

k. darla c (slang) ‘have sex easily, of women’

dare ‘give’

(a) Notice that darla vinta/a bere/a intendere definitely resemble polirematiche verbali (De Mauro 1999–2000; Voghera 2004). process of ‘lexical inheritance’ distinctive of VPR in la, which will be discussed in the next sections. 17.2.1 La as a pragmatic‐semantic marker Page 4 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Comparing the VPR in la to their sources, we notice that, except for the pair smettere/ smetterla and finire/finirla, the sources are transitive or take oblique or clausal complements (e.g. pensare takes a clausal complement, penso [che Carlo sia bello] ‘I think that Carlo is handsome’, or a prepositional complement, e.g. penso [alle vacanze] ‘I think about my vacations’). In contrast, the VPR disallow any form of complementation. The fact that VPR in la reject complements may lead to attribute to la a valence changing function (i.e. transitive 〉 intransitive). However, rather than being intransitives in the standard sense of selecting exclusively an external argument (or possibly a lexically specified unexpressed object), the verbs in la seem to be ‘inherently transitive’ in the sense of having an intrinsic, incorporated object which is (p.386) structurally marked by la itself and denotes a quite specific reference. This is an important detail, which is discussed in detail later in the section. VPR in la behave differently regarding the obligatoriness of the clitic. La could be considered an optional element of smetterla and finirla because its omission does not produce ill‐formed structures. Moreover, the semantic (idiomatic) contribution of la seems practically non‐existent in this case, particularly if compared to verbs like farla and darla. Yet, a close comparison between smettere /finire and smetterla/finirla reveals a precise difference. Given that smetterla and finirla are very close synonyms, I discuss only smetterla indicating any relevant discrepancy between the two as needed. Let us consider the following examples: (3) a. Gli ho chiesto di smettere di parlare di me, gli ho fatto sapere che non gradisco certe cose e che anch'io eviterò di nominarlo. (Biaggi– Doohan)4 ‘I asked him to stop talking about me, I let him know that I don't like this sort of things and I will avoid mentioning him too’ b. Mi ha dato del disonesto. Ha messo in dubbio la mia integrità. Il suo comportamento mi ha stufato. Deve smetterla di parlare in pubblico del mio modo di guidare. (Schumacher–Coulthard) ‘He called me dishonest. He questioned my integrity. His behaviour has sickened me. He must stop talking in public about how I drive’

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? At first glance, adding la to (3a) or eliminating it from (3b) brings about no significant change, neither grammatical nor semantic, and the content of the sentences remains fundamentally the same: the speaker's strong request or command that some event be stopped. Notice that register and/or text type are irrelevant given that both quotes come from the same source. Native speakers' most typical comment on the difference between smettere and smetterla is that smetterla is stronger, in that it imparts an unambiguously imperative connotation to the utterance. Moreover, smetterla expresses more determinedly the speaker's irritation, negative attitude, or perception towards the ongoing event, or even simply a higher emotional involvement. This difference in incisiveness is perceived clearly in context as (4): (4) Ecco, non so da dove cominciare, sai non è una cosa facile da dire…Ma la vuoi smettere di mangiare un istante? così mi fai passare la voglia (p.387) ‘Well, I don't know where to start from, you know, it's not an easy thing to say…would you stop eating for a moment? If you go on like this you make me not want to do it’ The request to stop eating expressed in (4) is a strong demand imparted with irritation, due to discourse specific circumstances namely, the addressee's unresponsiveness to the speaker. If la is removed, the utterance loses considerably in imperativeness and unkindness becoming pragmatically less appropriate if not odd. Consider the sentences in (5): (5) a. Signor Osborn, non sta a me dirlo. Io le sono affezionata. Lei dovrebbe smetterla di bere ‘Mr Osborn, it's not for me to say but I care about you. You should quit dinking’ b. Alla fine, si era visto costretto ad andare da un medico. «Devi smettere di bere» lo aveva ammonito questi, dopo averlo visitato ‘Eventually, he was forced to go to a doctor. “You must quit drinking” the doctor had warned him after the visit’ La is required in (5a) by the need to express the speaker's emotional concern for the addressee's drinking. In contrast, la is absent in (5b) because the order to quit drinking comes from a professional, who is presumably not touched by the addressee's problem. Thus, la fulfils the function of signalling a discourse participant's (most typically the speaker's), degree of affectedness and/or personal involvement in a given situation: la functions as a semantic–pragmatic marker of subjectivity.

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Since omitting la reduces subjectivity (i.e. speaker's or discourse participant's personal involvement), smettere and finire are most appropriate in objective, speaker‐neutral contexts, as the contrast between (6a) and (6b) illustrates. (6) a. Finisci di mangiare, così sparecchio e guardiamo il film (D. R., December 2007) ‘Finish eating, so I'll clear the table and we can watch the movie’ b. E finiscila di mangiare! ‘Stop eating!’ The first clause of (6a) is a simple exhortation to finish the meal and expresses no irritation. Conversely, (6b) does express irritation and would therefore be utterly inappropriate if uttered by a mother to a child with an eating disorder because it denotes that the child's eating is upsetting her. Consider one last example: (p.388) (7) Intanto la nonna e io (*la) finiamo di aiutare Turi ‘Meanwhile, grandma and I will finish helping Turi’ La is disallowed in (7) because it would completely alter the meaning of the sentences: la finiamo di aiutare Turi means ‘we will stop helping Turi’, whereas (7) denotes that the speaker intends to complete the action of helping Turi. That the presence/absence of la results in a different conceptualization of the event suggests that finirla is not simply a subjectivity‐marked variant of finire. The semantic difference between the two verbs is most evident in the context of imperative forms, as illustrated in (6). The imperative of finire (6a) conveys an order to the addressee to finish doing something, with finire retaining its actual meaning of ‘bring to end/completion’, while the imperative of finirla (6b) imparts a command to the addressee to stop doing an ongoing activity. Finirla and smetterla are then synonyms while finire and smettere are not. In summary, in smetterla and finirla, la functions as a pragmatic–semantic marker that expresses a decrease in objectivity (or, viewed from the opposite perspective, an increase in subjectivity). Subjectivity is understood essentially as expression of self and representation of a speaker's (or, more generally, a locutionary agent's) perspective or point of view in discourse (i.e. Finegan's (1995: 1) ‘speaker's imprint’; see also Traugott and Dasher 2002). In addition, la carries an overall negative connotation that derives from the fact that the speaker's perspective implies also irritation, dislike, and similar attitudes. In the case of finirla, however, incorporation of la also brings about a significant context‐induced modification of the meaning of the source verb.

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Incorporation of la can be related to a process of lexicalization and pragmaticization, which has reached its completion for finirla but is still ongoing since smetterla because smettere and smetterla can still alternate but finire and finirla cannot. However, also in the context of smetterla, la cannot be attributed the function of pronominalizing an actual sentence constituent (i.e. the infinitival clause or the prepositional phrase denoting the state of affairs to be stopped) because la can pronominalize only nominal feminine singular referents. The only clitic pronoun that can replace a clausal complement is lo (8a), while ci can pronominalize resultatives (8b). (8) a. Ma se io ti aiuto a salvarti, mi prometti di non darmi più noia e di non corrermi dietroi? Te loi prometto! (Le avventure di Pinocchio, 104) ‘But if I help you to escape, will you promise me that you will never bother me again and that you will not follow me?–I promise!’ b. L'anno scorso ho tentato di tutto per qualificarmi in slalomi, anche se poi non cii sono riuscita (p.389) ‘Last year I tried everything to qualify for the slalom, even though then I wasn't able to’ Why, then, is the clitic involved in this development la? This is a key issue, which will be addressed after discussing the value of la in other VPR. Notice, however, that claiming that la completely lacks referential content seems untenable; quite the opposite, smetterla is intuitively related to a conceptual schema that involves ‘some/a thing’ to be stopped, and cosa ‘thing’ happens to be a feminine noun. In conclusion, la has reached a rather advanced stage of grammaticalization in two aspectual verbs, smetterla and finirla. In these verbs, la no longer carries pronominal value (i.e. it does not replace a constituent) and represents a morpheme characterized by a precise pragmatic–semantic function, which provides specific information about the speaker's state of mind about the situation denoted by the lexical predicate introduced by the verbs. 17.2.2 La in farla‐type VPR

The majority of VPR in la class are not aspectual verbs (cf. items (c)–(k) in Table 17.1). In lexical VPR, la is strictly obligatory: (9) Me la fai sempre (vs. *Mi fai sempre) ‘You always trick me’

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? The occurrence of la in lexical VPR is less puzzling because it can be related to the presence, at the conceptual level, of a nominal constituent involving the referent una/la cosa ‘a/the thing’, which acts as the direct object complement of the verb, as sketched in (10). (10) farla i [[Ø]i ADJ] ← fare [una cosa]i This covert nominal constituent involving cosa, we can assume, replaced a more specific (but always feminine) object referent; for instance, una/la situazione ‘a/ the situation’ in the case of scamparla ‘escape from/overcome a bad situation’, or un'/l'opinione ‘an/the opinion’ in the case of pensarla ‘have an opinion on something’, etc. Such replacement is caused by a gradual process of generalization of the semantics of the object referent (Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer 1991: 128). Semantic generalization involved a transfer of the meaning of the original referent, which was quite general to begin with. This semantic transfer must then have lead to full incorporation of the semantic content of the nominal object into the verb and eventually to its loss and replacement by la, even when the main condition for pronominalization (i.e. previous overt reference in the discourse) was no longer met. This was possible (p.390) because the semantic content of the NPs was sufficiently retained by la, which thus becomes an obligatory morpheme of the verb. Farlab ‘defecate’ and darlac are particularly interesting because they have developed highly specialized meanings. These meanings, however, become compositional and easily derivable once we posit a process of semantic specialization that assigns la two very specific referents (faeces and female genitals, respectively), which are consistently expressed by feminine referents in Italian, regardless of register and/or geographical factors. The high degree of specialization and idiomaticization that characterizes these particular connotations can be linked to the fact that the intended referents of la are taboo: in other words, a euphemizing force may have triggered the assimilation of la into the verb (see Russi 2008: ch. 7 for a more detailed account).

17.3 Morphological status of VPR clitics

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? It is a common and well‐established position within current Italian and Romance (but also general, language‐independent) linguistic research to view pronominal clitics as affixes (inter alia Miller 1992; Monachesi 1996a; 1996b; 1999; 2005; Cocchi 2000; outside Romance, see at least Everett 1996). Several advantages have been attributed to the ‘affixal analysis’ among which the most valuable (and most valued) appears to be that of not having to posit a special class whose members exhibit unique properties (e.g. Monachesi 1999; 2005). Russi (2008) argues against this view and suggests that all Italian clitics comprise an independent category, separate from both the category of affixes and the category of clitics as intended traditionally. Furthermore, I propose that embracing a strictly diachronic perspective, more specifically adopting the grammaticalization framework, allows us to achieve a more adequate analysis of the Italian clitic category.5 The basic preliminary assumption I would like to adopt here is that the clitics of VPR can indeed be attributed the same morphological status as canonical (pronominal) clitics; that is, they are affixes. Notice that I do not intend to retract the proposal I put forward in my (2008) book. On the contrary, I would like to play devil's advocate and temporarily embrace the view that clitics are affixes will simply serve the purpose of reiterating the inadequacy of the ‘affixal analysis’. Under the assumption that VPR clitics are on a par with canonical object pronoun clitics, the issue arises of determining if they are inflectional affixes (p. 391) as pronominal clitics or rather derivational affixes. The next section is concerned with assessing the morphological status of inherent la through the application of selected standard diagnostics. By showing that it is impossible to determine undoubtedly whether la (hence, all VPR clitics) is derivational or inflectional, further evidence is provided in support of the advantages of a diachronic, grammaticalization‐based account of Italian clitics in general and VPR clitics in particular. 17.3.1 Derivational or inflectional?

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? As mentioned above, the current shared view about pronominal Romance clitics is that they are inflectional agreement affixes marking case (dative, accusative, locative, partitive), person, number, and gender. The attribution of inflectional status to the clitics of VPR, then, requires identifying which features they express. This is an arduous task because it is difficult to find a functional category that could be related to inherent la, suggesting that it holds derivational status instead. This section evaluates the hypothesis that VPR la is indeed a derivational element by examining how la behaves with respect to selected criteria traditionally employed to discriminate between inflectional and derivational status (Bauer 1983; 2003/1998; Bybee 1985; Beard 1998; Dressler 1989; Plank 1994; Scalise 1984; 1988; 1994; Stump 1998, inter alia). The value of separating derivational and inflectional formatives resides in confirming that, although ultimately the difference between derivation and inflection is one of degree, they are indeed different, separate types of formatives: derivation and inflection are distinct processes that operate independently of each other (e.g. Scalise 1988; 1994). For our purposes, setting a divide between derivation and inflection becomes a valuable means for questioning the soundness of inflectional analyses of clitics. However, I would like to argue in favour of an integration of separatist views (as, for instance, Scalise's) and gradient views à la Bybee by showing that la (as well other VPR clitics) constitutes a phenomenon that resides in the middle area of the inflectional–derivational gradient. Two fundamental, interrelated assumptions about derivation and inflection are thus adopted here: (a) derivation and inflection form a morphological continuum (Bybee 1985; Dressler 1989; Haspelmath 1996; van Marle 1996, inter alia); (b) core (prototypical) properties and peripheral (less or non‐prototypical) properties of derivation and inflection must be distinguished (e.g. Dressler 1989; Scalise 1984; 1988; 1994). Moreover, I do not assume a rule‐based approach to morphological analysis; rather, I embrace an informal, essentially descriptive and overall atheoretical position, leaving it to further (p.392) research to establish the type of theoretical framework that would best suit our purposes. 17.3.2 Change of category

That derivation typically changes the syntactic category (word class) of the involved item whereas inflection does not, is one of the most cited criteria used to differentiate the two processes although, like all the other criteria, it must not be taken categorically. (Cf. Stump's observation that category change is not a necessary property of derivation, but at most a sufficient property; 1998: 15; my emphasis, CR.) Scalise (1984; 1988; 1994) actually rejects this general claim, maintaining that derivational suffixes always change the syntactic category of the base in that they necessarily alter its feature specification. For instance, although‐hood suffixation does not change the noun status of the base it still affects features such as [countable] and [abstract] (e.g. man [–abstract], [+countable] 〉 manhood [+abstract], [–countable]; Scalise 1988: 564).

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? The relevance of this parameter to the analysis of inherent la, then, depends crucially on the ‘version’ one chooses to adopt. If the ‘traditional’ formulation is accepted, la cannot be placed among the best members of the derivational category because it does not affect the categorial status of the base, which remains a verb. Conversely, if we follow Scalise's formulation, the derivational status of la becomes more difficult to assess because it requires a careful and detailed feature composition analysis of both the individual VPR and their bases (i.e. sources). This, though, is a rather toilsome and extensive task, which must be deferred to a separate study. Rather, I will assume the existence of both derivational affixes that change word class and derivational affixes that do not and that distinguishing between the two is important when the notion of relevance (Bybee 1985) comes in (see next section). 17.3.3 Placement with respect to the base

This parameter is probably more often formulated making reference to the order of application of morphological rules of word formation (consider, for instance, Scalise's work), the standard assumption being that derivational rules precede inflectional ones. Since I do not adopt a rule‐based approach, I evaluate this parameter in terms of the position the affix occupies with respect to the base. The general assumption, then, becomes that inflectional affixes consistently occupy a more peripheral position than derivational affixes, usually closing the word. Closer proximity to the base has been (p.393) attributed to factors as: (a) derivation forms words whereas inflection does not; (b) derivational affixes carry (relatively) more concrete meanings than inflectional affixes, a relation that is metaphorically reflected in their relative position (Bybee's relevance hierarchy); and (c) inflectional affixes are indices of syntactic functions. If la is a derivational formative, it should precede all the (uncontroversial) inflectional material that marks Italian verbs namely, the person/number and tense/aspect/mood suffixes. Since the clitics of VPR follow the same rules of placement with respect to the verb as canonical clitics (i.e. they alternate enclitic and proclitic position depending on the morpho‐syntactic features of the host; Wanner 1981), the position of la vis‐à‐vis inflectional affixes can be tested successfully only in the environment of enclisis, which comprises non‐finite forms and informal imperative. As shown in (11), la follows inflectional material. (11)

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a.

smettere ‘to stop’

a'.

smetter‐la

b.

smettendo ‘stopping

b'.

smettendo‐la

c.

smettete ‘you(PL) stop!’

c'.

smettete‐la

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? The behaviour of la with respect to this criterion can also (and perhaps more adequately) be assessed through a comparison with uncontroversial derivational suffixes selected by verbs only. Suffixes of this type are not abundant nor are they particularly strong in Italian, in which verbal derivation is commonly achieved by means of prefixation (e.g. fare ‘do, make’ 〉 rifare ‘redo, remake’; disfare ‘undo, unmake’; strafare ‘overdo’). Dardano (1978: 105–107) lists the following verbal derivational suffixes (see also Bertinetto 2004):6 (12) a. ‐(er/ar)ell‐ ‘diminutive, frequentative’ (saltare ‘jump’ 〉 saltellare ‘hop, skip’) b. ‐ett‐ ‘diminutive, frequentative’ (piegare ‘fold’ 〉 pieghettare ‘pleat’) c. ‐ott‐ ‘diminutive, frequentative’: pizzicare ‘pinch’ 〉 pizzicottare ‘pinch gently’ d. ‐icchi‐ ‘diminutive’: lavorare ‘work’ 〉 lavoricchiare ‘work a little (without zeal)’ e. ‐acchi‐ ‘attenuating’: ridere ‘laugh’ 〉 ridacchiare ‘giggle’ f. ‐ucchi‐ ‘attenuating, frequentative, (pejorative)’: leggere ‘read’ 〉 leggi‐ucchiare ‘read listlessly’ g. ‐uzz‐ ‘pejorative, attenuating, frequentative’: tagliare ‘cut’ 〉 tagli‐ uzzare ‘chop; shred’ (p.394) ‘Established’ derivational suffixes, then, abide by the expected derivation‐before‐inflection ordering. Moreover, all the verbal derivational suffixes in (12) are evaluative (possibly aspectual), and evaluative derivational formatives are considered as a separate subclass characterized by specific individual properties (Scalise 1994). Based on the pragmatic–semantic value attributed to the la of smetterla and finirla (§17.2), particularly the fact that it carries an overall negative subjective connotation, we could argue for incorporating la to the class of verbal evaluative suffixes although its unexpected idiosyncratic position with respect to verbal inflection would remain to be accounted for. Nonetheless, the scarcity and, most importantly, the absolute uniformity of the class of Italian verbal derivational suffixes undermine meaningful intra‐categorial comparisons. La stands out as a verbal derivational affix sui generis, which is an unfavourable finding, at least from the perspective of language internal typology; that is, in terms of system congruity as in the Natural Morphology framework (Mayerthaler 1988; Wurzel 1989). Overall, then, this parameter shows that VPR la behaves like an inflectional affix because it ‘closes’ the verb form to further affixation following even the canonical inflectional suffixes themselves. Moreover, inherent la manifestly contrasts with standard verbal derivational suffixes, which as expected occur before inflectional ones. Page 13 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? 17.3.4 Semantic factors 17.3.4.1 Conceptual vs. grammatical meaning

Prototypical inflectional affixes typically carry meanings of a more abstract, grammatical nature (13), whereas derivational affixes tend to denote conceptual and more concrete meanings (14). (13) a. canto ‘sing; 1SG PI’ ~ canta ‘sing; 3SG PI’ b. naso ‘nose; M SG’ ~ nasi ‘nose; M PL’ c. figura ‘figure, picture; F SG’ ~ figure ‘figure, picture; F PL’ (14) a. cantare ‘sing’ ~ canterellare ‘hum’ ~ ricantare ‘sing again’; ‘repeat monotonously and insistently’; ‘recant’ ~ decantare ‘exalt, praise; decant’ b. naso ‘nose’ ~ nasino ‘small pretty nose’ c. figura ‘figure, picture’ ~ figurina ‘statuette; picture‐card’ The inflectional suffixes in (13) express standard grammatical categories, such as person, number, tense, and mood/modality (13a), and gender and number (13b, c). Information of this type pertains to the conceptual representation (i.e. the elaboration of the mental image or schema as in traditional (p.395) cognitive linguistics approaches) of entities or events only secondarily, in a supplementary fashion. That is, it is accessory information, which does not constitute the foundations of mental representations because they encode phrasal properties and relations, which do not affect constitutive representational features of lexical items. For example, the masculine plural marker ‐i does not contribute to the way Italian speakers portray the denotatum: whether they encounter naso ‘nose’ or nasi ‘noses’ speakers will construe precisely the same mental representation as far as the entity concerned (i.e. the specific body part). What changes is the amount of tokens perceived but the fact that more tokens of some thing are evoked does not concern the intrinsic, distinctive nature of the thing itself. The same holds for the representation of the events denoted by canto ‘I sing’ vs. canta ‘s/he sings’: a construal involving different actors or a time reference other than the speech act does not add to the conceptualization of the event of singing, it simply frames it into a specific discourse setting. In contrast, a derivational suffix as the diminutive ‐ino in (14b) contributes more substantially to the speaker's mental representations, in that it concerns more perceptually concrete semantic domains as size, shape, appearance, etc. The image evoked by naso ‘nose’ is thus physically different from the image evoked by nasino ‘small pretty nose’; similarly, the event expressed by canterellare ‘hum’ is conceptually quite different from the event denoted by cantare ‘sing’. Page 14 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? In section 17.2, two main values were attributed to the inherent la of VPR: (a) pragmatic–semantic value and (b) more strictly semantic, possibly evaluative, value. Neither value corresponds to the grammatical categories commonly attributed to verbal inflectional morphemes in Romance languages. In addition, the fact that both values express conceptual connotations rather than grammatical relations would characterize inherent la as a derivational element. It could be argued that inherent la is to be interpreted as an objective marker, an element that (obligatorily) marks the direct object on the verb. This is in fact Berretta's (1985; 1989; 1993) position, according to whom VPR represent the signs of the emergence of an objective conjugation in Italian. Sala‐Gallini (1996) seems to incline toward a comparable position since he refers to VPR clitics (specifically, ne and ci) with the term marca flessionale ‘inflectional marker’. Two issues, however, may weaken the soundness of the hypothesis that la represents an inflectional accusative case marker. First, la seems to be the only member of the direct object clitic paradigm (i.e. lo ‘M SG’, li ‘M PL’, and le ‘F PL’) involved in VPR, which would (at best) imply that the traces of an objective conjugation in Italian are very feeble.7 Second, as (p.396) inherent (lexicalized but not lexically governed) direct object la shows a quite restricted referential domain (basically, ‘negative/taboo thing’, ‘faeces’, ‘female genitals’), set by the fossilized object referents. Maintaining that la simply marks the grammatical relation ‘direct object feminine singular’ would thus be an overgeneralization and beg the question of why only these three referents came to require overt object marking, and with such few predicates. Furthermore, even if we hypothesize that inherent la foresees an emergent tendency of the language toward overtly marking null (i.e. semantically selected but phonetically unrealized) objects, it seems suspicious that this tendency would not start out by affecting much more common predicates such as of consumption as mangiare ‘eat’, or possibly high‐ frequency constructions of grooming like farsi la barba ‘shave’, farsi la doccia ‘take a shower’, whose lexical object is also feminine. In conclusion, the semantically based criteria normally used to assess the (relative) derivational or inflectional status of a formative provide no decisive result: they only allow us to conclude that la would be situated toward the derivational end of the inflectional–derivational continuum but still in a somewhat central area. Overall, then, la emerges as a highly non‐prototypical derivational element in terms of all the three general criteria we considered so far namely, change of word class, placement with respect to the base, and nature of its connotations. 17.3.4.2 Degree of semantic change and morpho‐semantic transparency

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Two other widely noted and well‐received distinguishing criteria relate to the issue of the types of meanings inflection and derivation express: (a) the degree to which the affix modifies the meaning of the base; and (b) the degree of semantic transparency, which relates to semantic compositionality. The commonly observed tendency concerning (a) is that derivation alters the meaning of the base to a higher degree compared to inflection. Therefore, the more prototypically derivational an affix is the more it affects the semantics of the base; likewise, the more prototypically inflectional an affix is the less it modifies the meaning of its base. This also transpires from the examples in (13) and (14); for instance, the semantic alteration that ‐ino produces in (14b) is more substantial than that caused by the gender number suffixes in (13b, c). That a derivational formative may affect the meaning of the base to a much greater extent is even more apparent in (14c), since figurina does not simply denote a small, pretty picture or figure but two very specific objects not (or at most quite indirectly) related to the base. As for (b), inflection is more consistently associated with semantic transparency and higher semantic compositionality because the meaning of the affixed (p. 397) form can typically be read off the ‘sum’ of the meanings of the base and the affix. In contrast, derivation is more frequently connected to semantic opacity and lower compositionality because the meaning of the derived form often cannot be obtained by simply ‘summing up’ the meaning of the base and that of the affix. The greater tendency towards semantic opacity displayed by derivation stems from the fact that, since derived forms belong to the lexicon, they tend to undergo idiomaticization more easily and more frequently than inflected forms. The different import of the suffix ‐ino in nasino ‘small pretty nose’ (14b) and in figurina ‘statuette; picture‐card’ (14c) quickly illustrate this point. To sum up, two forms related by derivation are more likely to diverge in lexical meaning (conceptual content/connotation), whereas two forms related by inflection tend to share their basic, core lexical meaning, differing only with respect to their morpho‐syntactic properties (i.e. grammatical meaning). Furthermore, the meanings of inflected forms are more likely to be reached compositionally by combining the meanings of the affix and the base, while derived forms are more likely to develop idiomatic meanings that are hardly obtainable by means of semantic compositionality. Finally, recall that, according to Bybee's (1985) relevance hierarchy, in the case of derivational affixes that do not change the category of the base the extent and nature of the semantic alteration the affix brings about correlate directly with the degree of prototypicality of the affix. That is, the more significantly the affix affects the description of the situation, the more truly derivational it is.

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? The scenario that emerges when we examine how and how much incorporation of la affects the single members of the class is quite varied both in quantity and quality, and the array of contributions made by la to the different VPR takes the shape of a pragmatic–semantic gradient. At the lowest end of this continuum, we can situate the aspectual verbs smetterla and finirla ‘stop’, which la affects primarily in terms of pragmatics. Notice though that finirla would be ahead of smetterla because la alters the semantics of this verb to a slightly greater degree (i.e. finire ‘end, complete’ vs. finirla ‘stop, quit’). Scamparla ‘escape from / overcome a bad situation’, which is also altered only minimally (if at all), presumably follows the two aspectual verbs. Actually, the reverse order is also plausible if we consider that scamparla strictly disallows overt complementation but smetterla and finirla do not: (15) a. scampare/*scamparla a/da/Ø un terremoto ‘escape/survive from a earthquake’ b. smettere/smetterla di lamentarsi ‘stop complaining’ c. finire di guardare un film ‘finish watching a movie’ (p.398) c'. finirla di guardare la TV tutto il giorno ‘stop watching TV all day long’ Consequently, whether scamparla precedes or follows the aspectual verbs depends on the weight attributed to the fact that the implied (discourse given / recoverable) complement of scamparla can no longer be realized overtly. At the highest end of the continuum, on the other hand, we find farla ‘defecate’ and darla ‘have sex easily, of women’, which la affects to the greatest degree. This ‘affectedness cline’ can be reformulated in terms of compositionality, which is the highest in the case of smetterla and finirla since what has to be stopped is always context‐given, and the lowest in the case of darla and farla since the referents of la are not really inferable and the meaning of the verbs must be learned. To conclude, the semantic criteria of degree of affectedness showed by the affixed form compared to the base and degree of semantic compositionality (i.e. transparency vs. opacity) appear to be the criteria that best support the attribution of derivational status to la. 17.3.5 Productivity

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? Inflection is considered more productive than derivation. This is expected, and follows from the fact that inflection overall pertains to syntax and syntactic relations must be realized; that is, inflection is governed by syntactic principles, which must be satisfied to yield acceptable structures. Derivation, on the other hand, encodes essentially lexical relations; therefore, it can afford to have large numbers of unpredictable gaps in paradigms. Also, the lower degree of productivity of derivation directly ensue from the fact that, by virtue of carrying a semantic rather than grammatical value, derivational formatives may be sensitive to the semantic features of their potential bases and vice versa. For instance, the Italian nominal derivational suffix ‐eto selects only inanimate nouns: vigna ‘vineyard’ 〉 vigneto ‘grape grove’ vs. gatto ‘cat’ 〉 *gatteto (Scalise 1984: 108). Inherent la reveals an extremely low level of productivity both synchronically, in terms of possible neologisms, and diachronically, in terms of existing words, which further evidences la's derivational status. However, the highly restricted productivity of la might be a consequence of the peculiar origins of this element; that is, the fact that it was born from a very specific collocation (cf. §17.2) rather than the outcome of an originally independent form. In other words, the process of grammaticalization that produced inherent la is atypical in that it did not involve, as customary, an item within a construction but a specific collocation (i.e. a particular phrase or string). The entrance of (p.399) new (though very few) members in the class of VPR in la, then, must have been triggered by analogy rather than by actual productivity. In closing, I would like to draw attention to the fact that the emergence of a subclass of VPR supports the hypothesis that inherent la arose from a collocation and spread by analogical diffusion (i.e. replication of a pattern). This subclass involves le ‘3 PL F DO’ and presently comprises only three members: the synonymous prenderle and buscarle ‘be beaten; be defeated’ and darle ‘beat; defeat’.

17.4 Conclusion

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Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? This chapter has argued against the ‘affixal analysis’ of Italian clitics by showing that deciding whether VPR la is better analysed as an inflectional or as a derivational element is problematic because the application of traditional diagnostics employed to assess the nature of morphological material yields overall inconclusive results. I concluded that formatives like VPR la comprise a unique morphological/morpho‐syntactic category, which should, at least synchronically, be kept separated from the categories of both affixes and clitics. I also proposed that the ‘ambiguous’ nature of VPR la highlights the advantages of a ‘gradient approach’ to the category of affixes, and that the phenomenon exemplified by VPR la is strictly phonological since it relates to the organization of abstract grammatical information into sound–meaning mappings. Finally, I suggested that the uniqueness of VPR la is related to the fact that it arose from an atypical grammaticalization process, which involved a restricted number of specific, individual collocations instead of independent items and constructions. I would like to conclude by drawing attention to some areas that call for further investigation. From a diachronic perspective, it would be important to identify the original collocations that gave rise to inherent la then reconstruct the path of evolution of the individual verbs, similarly to what Russi (2009) does for the VPR in ci volerci ‘be needed; be required’. This could be a relatively easy task, thanks to excellently crafted and very user‐friendly electronic corpora of old Italian, such as the Opera del Vocabolario Italiano (OVI), and is important not only for the understanding of the specific phenomena of VPR but also for the study of general trajectories of language change. In particular, it might help to shed more light on the nature of well‐attested and much discussed trends of semantic change such as generalization, specialization, and idiomaticization, as well as on how they stand with respect to one another. At the comparative–typological level, it would be valuable to conduct a careful exploration of (first Romance then other) languages to assess how (p.400) and/or how much they differ from Italian with respect to the class of VPR, which would then lead to establishing how typical and prominent VPR are cross‐linguistically. Finally, from a more strictly morphological standpoint, it should be desirable to determine how (or if) current theoretical frameworks are able to account for the phenomenon of incorporated clitics and integrate it into both language‐specific and universal morphological/morpho‐syntactic models, especially without taking into consideration a diachronic dimension. Notes:

(1) Simone (1993: 95) refers to them as verbi complessi ‘complex verbs’ and is perhaps the first to remark how, despite their undeniable importance, these verbs do not have a precise name. The oldest VPR seems to be intendersela, which means (a) ‘make a (typically illegal) deal with somebody’ and (b) ‘have a (typically secret and illicit) romantic relationship with someone’ and is first attested in 1310–1312 (De Mauro 1999–2000). Page 19 of 20

Clitics of Italian verbi procomplementari: What are they? (2) This section is a revised and much abridged version of Russi's (2008) Chapter 7. (3) The two subclasses of VPR in la, which involve also the clitics ci (1d) and si (1e) are not discussed here in consideration of space. See Russi (2008: ch. 7) for a thorough analysis. (4) Unless otherwise specified, the examples come from CORIS/CODIS corpus, a corpus of modern written Italian under development at the CILTA (Centre for Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, University of Bologna). (5) Heine (2008) argues convincingly for the superiority of an exclusively diachronic explanation for specific linguistic phenomena. (6) Interestingly, none of the suffixes in (12) is applicable to verbs only (e.g. fiocco ‘bow’ 〉 fiocchetto ‘small bow’; barile ‘barrel’ 〉 barilotto ‘keg’). (7) We will see in Section 17.3.5 that le ‘3PL F DO’ has started to infiltrate the VPR class with the synonyms prenderle and buscarle ‘be beaten; be defeated’ and darle ‘beat; defeat’.

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Periphrasis in Romance *

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Periphrasis in Romance * Catherine Taylor

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0019

Abstract and Keywords Periphrasis is typically considered the domain of either syntax or morphology. I find it is syntactic structure realizing morphological features. Periphrasis should therefore be performed by the morphological component. I establish that French and Catalan past perfectives and the French present perfect are periphrastic. The abstracted paradigm model maps the lexeme and syntactic feature set to be realized to the individual forms comprising the realization of that set for that lexeme. The morphology creates those forms as normal. In Catalan, the past perfective has both synthetic and periphrastic forms, therefore a purely functional account of inferential – realizational morphology is insufficient. Keywords:   periphrasis, compositionality, synthetic forms, syntax

18.1 Introduction Periphrasis has previously been treated as part of the syntax (see, for example, Falk 1984; Börjars, Vincent, and Chapman 1997; Abeillé and Godard 2002; Falk 2003), but it is now considered by many to be the domain of morphology (for example, Sadler and Spencer 2001; Butt, Niño, and Segond 2004; Frank and Zaenen 2004; Ackerman and Stump 2004). Several questions arise from this reanalysis, which are what periphrasis is, how to identify it, and how to model it morphologically, specifically in an inferential–realizational (Stump 2001: 2–3) framework.

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Periphrasis in Romance * As stated in section 18.2, this chapter attempts to define periphrasis (section 18.3), and applies two criteria put forward by Ackerman and Stump (2004), discussed in section 18.4, in to the perfect and past perfective tenses of French verbs and to the past perfective of Catalan verbs, determining that each is, indeed, periphrastic (section 18.5). This chapter also supports the claim (Sadler and Spencer 2001; Ackerman and Stump 2004) that periphrasis is a mismatch of syntactic and morphological features, and hence puts forward an implementation that takes full advantage of this, namely, the abstracted paradigm model (section 18.6). This model abstracts the morpho‐syntactic features away from the morphological paradigm, so that only the forms remain. Each unique form is given an arbitrary index. A lexeme indexed by syntactic features maps onto one of the indexed forms; the inferential–realizational theory of choice, for example, Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001), or Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology (Luís and Spencer 2005), then realizes the form in the usual way. Section 18.7 contains concluding remarks.

(p.402) 18.2 Objectives This chapter aims first to define periphrasis and second to investigate its identification. Once periphrasis is identified, the chapter provides a mechanism to realize periphrases in inferential–realizational morphology.

18.3 What is periphrasis? In previous analyses of periphrasis, linguists adopted the position that periphrastic expressions belonged to the domain of syntax, presumably partly because they are always multi‐word in nature (cf. Popova and Spencer 2008) and partly because often morphology was not thought of as a discrete component of the grammar until Aronoff's (1994) work establishing morphology by itself. Later analyses moved periphrases into the morphological component; see Butt et al. (2004); Frank and Zaenen (2004); Sadler and Spencer (2001), who all argue for this position. Vincent (this volume) argues that instead of periphrastic expressions being either syntactic or morphological, there are actually four possible patterns, ranging from pure syntax to pure morphology. In inferential–realizational morphology, paradigms represent all the possible forms that a given lexeme can adopt. Each cell in the paradigm represents a particular complete set of morpho‐syntactic features. A single word, that is, a synthetic form, normally fills each cell. However, in the case of periphrasis, a multi‐word expression, that is, an analytic form, occupies the cell. It is therefore neither pure syntax nor pure morphology, but a piece of syntax behaving as morphology.

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Periphrasis in Romance * Periphrastic and syntactic constructions often comprise a possibly inflected function word plus a specific form of a lexical word. English modal constructions (1) are always formed in this way, no matter what they are expressing: there are no synthetic versions of lexical words that give rise to a modal meaning. The modals are therefore syntactic, not periphrastic. Other expressions consisting of function words and specific forms of lexical words (2) have features in common with single word forms in a paradigm cell and are therefore periphrastic. I discuss formal identification of periphrases next. (1) Syntactic a. must    eat oblig.MODAL eat.BASE b. should   eat oblig.MODAL eat.BASE (2) Periphrastic a. was eaten AUX.PAST.3SG eat.PP (p.403) b. had     eaten AUX.PAST.3SG eat.PP

18.4 Identifying periphrasis The preceding section contains an informal method of identifying periphrasis. Identification is formalized by Ackerman and Stump (2004), who have determined two criteria relevant to Romance languages to test whether a multi‐ word expression is periphrastic or not.1 They claim that if a multi‐word expression meets either of two conditions, it is periphrastic; that is, each is sufficient, but not necessary. The conditions are intersecting features and non‐ compositionality. I will present the criteria in this section and apply them to Romance verbs in the next. 18.4.1 Test 1: Intersecting features

In the western dialect of Mari, a Uralic language, the em‐conjugation of verbs (Table 18.1 (a)) inflects for tense, mood, polarity, and subject agreement in person and number. For our purposes, the subject agreement is not important. TABLE 18.1 The negative present desiderative and first past of the Mari (western dialect) em‐conjugation verb KOL are periphrastic (Ackerman and Stump 2004: 127–128) (a) em‐conjugation verb KOL ‘die’ tense, mood

affirmative (1SG form)

negative (1SG form)

present desiderative

kola‐ne‐m

a‐ne‐m kola

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Periphrasis in Romance *

(a) em‐conjugation verb KOL ‘die’ tense, mood

affirmative (1SG form)

negative (1SG form)

first past

kolaˆ‐š‐ aˆm

š‐em kola

second past

kol‐en‐äm

kolaˆ‐ðe‐l‐am

(b) negative auxiliary verb AK tense, mood

1SG form

present desiderative

a‐ne‐m

first past

š‐em

(p.404) There are no feature co‐occurrence restrictions pertaining to any of the above properties. The morphology would therefore be expected to produce a complete paradigm of synthetic forms, but it does not. The negative present desiderative and negative first past are multi‐word expressions. If the negative second past were also a multi‐word expression, then the situation in (1) would arise, where a particular feature – whether it is negation, obligation or whatever – is always expressed as a separate word and the expression is syntactic. However, the negative second past is not a multi‐ word expression, but a single word form. Why would the morphology produce a single word form for one tense and mood combination but not for another?

From Table 18.1 (a), the first person suffix in the em‐conjugation verb KOL ‘die’ is ‐(V)m, where (V) is an optional vowel, and the affirmative second past suffix is ‐en. In the negative second past, it is difficult to say whether ‐ðe is the negative affix or the second past affix, and likewise for ‐l. However, whichever affix realizes negative, this is not the question. The question is: why does the morphology not attach the negative affix to the appropriate stem for KOL in the negative present desiderative and first past forms, along with an affix for the corresponding mood and tense? Conversely, why does the negative second past use a synthetic form instead of the negative auxiliary AK (Table 18.1 b) inflected for second past plus the lexical verb form kolə? There is no obvious reason why the negative part of the paradigm should not be either synthetic throughout or analytic throughout. The fact that both types of expression are present shows it is not possible to predict the paradigm from the features. That is, negative forms are idiosyncratically synthetic or periphrastic. The morphology appears to be producing syntax; ordinary morphology cannot handle this; neither can ordinary syntax. Therefore, the multi‐word expressions are periphrastic.2 18.4.2 Test 2: Non‐compositionality

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Periphrasis in Romance * If a multi‐word expression does not meet the intersecting feature criterion, it may still be periphrastic based on non‐compositionality: if a multi‐word expression's feature set is not the composition of its components' feature sets, it is periphrastic. However, this criterion is not as robust as that of intersecting features because it depends on determining exactly the features of not only the (p.405) analytical expression, but also of each of its components; this includes morpho‐syntactic features as well as word order. There is likely to be room for discussion about whether expressions determined to be periphrastic solely based on this criterion really are periphrases or are simply syntactic expressions. To illustrate this point, consider (3), which shows examples of English sentences including the participle of EAT, that is, eaten. Sentence (3a) is passive, whereas (3b) is not. The only difference between the two sentences is the choice of auxiliary verb; a natural conclusion is that the choice of auxiliary verb is what makes (3a) but not (3b) passive. However (3c) is also passive, but there is no auxiliary; so what is it that makes eaten in (3c) passive? The only component is the participle, but the participle is also in (3b), which is not passive; the participle cannot mean passive either. The set of features of the passive analytic construction (3a) is not identical to the composition of its parts, and is therefore periphrastic. (3) a. The chicken was eaten.                [passive] b. The chicken had eaten.               [not passive] c. Chicken eaten after its best before date is bad for you.    [passive] Crucially, Ackerman and Stump (2004: 126f.) claim that periphrastic expressions do not compete with synthetic forms in a paradigm cell: there is either a periphrastic form or a synthetic form in any given cell. This may be true of English and Mari, but not for all languages, as is shown later.3

18.5 Periphrases in Romance In this section, I apply Ackerman and Stump's (2004) criteria to Romance, specifically, the past perfective in French and Catalan, and the present perfect in French. The French data has one form with two meanings; conversely, the Catalan data has two forms with one meaning. 18.5.1 French: Past perfective and perfect

The simple tenses in French (Table 18.2 (a)) are all synthetic except the past perfective (cf. Serbo‐Croat; Spencer 2001), which is often known as the passé composé because it is composed of two elements. Those elements are the auxiliary verb AVOIR inflected for present tense and the participle of the lexical verb, for example, j'ai mangé ‘I ate’.4 Page 5 of 16

Periphrasis in Romance * If a set of morphological features including mood, tense, and aspect, but ignoring subject agreement, is assumed, the morphology can instantiate a (p. 406) TABLE 18.2 The French simple and perfect tenses of MANGER ‘eat’ (a) simple tenses tense

1SG form

present

mange

past imperfective

mangeais

passé composé

ai mangé

future

mangerai

conditional

mangerais

(b) perfect tenses perfect tense

1SG form

present perfect

ai mangé

pluperfect

avais mangé

past anterior

eus mangé

past future

aurai mangé

past conditional

aurais mangé

paradigm that includes indicative mood and past tense, which includes the past perfective and past imperfective. The tense and mood clearly intersect, but the past tense is the only place in the paradigm that has an aspectual distinction (between perfective & imperfective in the sense of Comrie 1976b). Only the imperfective aspect is expressed synthetically. There is, therefore, some feature intersection, but it is not complete. It is unclear from Ackerman and Stump's account whether or not this constitutes periphrasis.

Examining the French system using the second criterion of non‐compositionality (section 18.4.2), the participle provides no morpho‐syntactic information because it also appears in passive constructions as in English (3), which leaves the auxiliary. The auxiliary is in the present tense form, but the tense of the passé composé is past. The passé composé is therefore not a composition of its parts, and hence is periphrastic by the criterion of non‐compositionality.

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Periphrasis in Romance * Turning now to the perfect family of tenses (Table 18.2 (b)), the present perfect has exactly the same form as the passé composé. It is tricky to intersect the features of the perfect tenses because the notion of perfect does not follow the perfective/imperfective distinction (in the sense of Comrie 1976b) found in the simple tenses. It is also more difficult to decide what the features of each perfect tense are. The present perfect refers to a past event or situation with (p.407) relevance to the current moment. The present reference could come from the present tense of the auxiliary, but there is still no sense of past in any part of the construction. Based on non‐compositionality alone, the perfect family is periphrastic. To sum up, French has a single form, the present of AVOIR plus the participle of the lexical verb, which has two meanings: past perfective and present perfect. The form is periphrastic whichever meaning it is associated with (cf. Latin perfective passive and copulative with adjective constructions, discussed in Sadler and Spencer 2001). An interesting aside is the anterior past in French, listed in Table 18.2 (b) as using the passé simple form of the auxiliary AVOIR. Some speakers insert the passé composé of the auxiliary, j'ai eu ‘I have had’, instead of the passé simple, resulting in a construction known as the passé surcomposé (Engel 1996; Jones 1996) j'ai eu mangé, which could be described as a periphrasis within a periphrasis, or recursive periphrasis. 18.5.2 Catalan: Past perfective

The Catalan past perfective is often known as the preterite tense. Like French, Catalan has both synthetic and analytic forms of the past perfective (Table 18.3). Unlike French, both forms are used in the modern language, although the first person singular of the synthetic form is almost obsolete in most varieties. Either form may occur in both formal and informal texts, with a preponderance of the analytic imparting an informal tone and the synthetic a formal tone (Wheeler, Yates and Dols 1999). The Appendix (section 18.8) shows an example of both forms of the same verb occurring within a single text. Because it is possible to find the informal form in a formal text and vice versa, it is not possible to specify formality as a morpho‐syntactic property at the time of realization. Pragmatics or discourse analysis must therefore make the distinction. If the analytic preterite is syntactic, there is competition between the morphology and the syntax as to which part of the grammar will realize the TABLE 18.3 The Catalan synthetic and periphrastic preterite tense of ARRIBAR ‘arrive’

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Periphrasis in Romance *

type

1SG form

synthetic

arribí

periphrastic

vaig arribar

(p.408) past perfective features. If it is periphrastic, the competition is between the part of the grammar that handles periphrasis and the part that handles ordinary (synthetic) morphology. Furthermore, Ackerman and Stump's (2004) claim that periphrastic expressions and synthetic forms may realize intersecting sets of features but not the same set of features is false. Application of Ackerman and Stump's criteria to the Catalan analytic preterite shows this.

The intersecting features of the Catalan preterite are past tense and indicative mood, but not aspect, as in French; the Catalan past perfective is thus periphrastic. Intersecting the analytic form's feature set with the synthetic forms' feature set results in a perfect match, so the analytic preterite is definitely periphrastic, although this might be considered as cheating. Ackerman and Stump obviously do not mention what to do in this situation. The analytic preterite is composed of an auxiliary VA‐ inflected for present tense and subject agreement in person and number followed by the infinitival form of the lexical verb. The infinitival form contributes no morpho‐syntactic features to the whole, and the tense of the auxiliary conflicts with that of the whole, which is past. The Catalan analytic preterite is therefore periphrastic. To summarize, Catalan has two forms with a single morpho‐syntactic meaning. One of the forms is synthetic, one is periphrastic; this data shows Ackerman and Stump's (2004) claim about competition between periphrastic and synthetic forms is false. It also provides morphology with a serious problem to overcome. 18.5.3 Ramifications for morphological theory

A periphrastic expression, as highlighted especially by the non‐compositionality criterion (section 18.4.2) has one set of features belonging to the expression as a whole, and one set of features for each component of the expression. The syntax specifies the features of the periphrasis itself, and the features of the components are features required by the morphology in order to realize, separately, each inflected word form. Sadler and Spencer (2001) label the syntactic features as s‐features and the morphological features as m‐features. Stump (2002) forms a syntactic paradigm from the s‐features and a morphological paradigm from the m‐features. Periphrasis occurs when there is a mismatch between the syntactic features and the morphological features, and is only one of several kinds of this type of mismatch; others include syncretism (Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2005), (p.409) heteroclisis (Stump 2006), deponence (Baerman et al. 2007), and morphological reversals (Baerman 2007). Morphological theories must be able to model mismatches between s‐features and m‐features; the preceding works attempt to do just that, using various frameworks. Page 8 of 16

Periphrasis in Romance * In addition, periphrastic expressions themselves are subject to other types of mismatch, as seen in the syncretism between the passé composé and the present perfect in French, where the syntax makes a distinction where the morphology does not. Catalan has the opposite situation, where one set of morpho‐syntactic features is associated with two different forms. Here, the morphology must make a distinction where the syntax does not. If a theory of morphology can handle mismatches between syntactic features and morphological features, periphrasis should follow naturally. Distributed Morphology rejects the purely morphological component (Embick and Halle 2005) that Aronoff (1994) advocates, preferring to spread the morphological load throughout the grammar, as Vincent (this volume) notes. It is therefore impossible to make a distinction between syntactic features and morphological features, so it is incapable of handling any type of mismatch, including periphrasis. On the other hand, inferential–realizational morphology does recognize the purely morphological, or morphomic, component, and can therefore incorporate the two types of features easily. The next section looks at how this may be done.

18.6 Periphrasis in inferential–realizational morphology As mentioned in section 18.5.3, periphrasis is just one type of mismatch between syntactic features and morphological features, so once the tools to handle mismatches in general are in place, modelling periphrasis and other mismatches is straightforward. Where periphrastic expressions exhibit intersecting features, their stems could be considered as being allomorphs of synthetic stems. In the French and Catalan data given above, the stem would comprise the participle, because it is unchanging throughout, plus the stem of the auxiliary verb. On the other hand, periphrastic expressions could also be treated as suppletive forms; this would be more likely where there are no intersecting features. Theories with competent methodology for handling stem allomorphy and suppletion should not be affected by this.5 (p.410) 18.6.1 Paradigm models

There are three ways of modelling a paradigm: (i) repeated paradigm model; (ii) syncretic paradigm model; (iii) abstracted paradigm model.

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Periphrasis in Romance * The repeated paradigm model, illustrated for the French past perfective and present perfect in Table 18.4 (a), is the simplest model, whereby the form for every possible feature set is explicitly stated. In the case of the syncretism between the French passé composé and present perfect, the form is specified once in the cell for the passé composé and again in the cell for the present perfect, thereby losing the generalization that there is a syncretism. Another flaw with this model is that it is not obvious how it would handle other mismatches, including periphrasis. The syncretic paradigm model is tailored specifically to handle syncretisms. Assuming the French syncretism is unidirectional (see Stump 1993a, 2001, Baerman et al. 2005, Baerman 2004 for discussion) a base form must be decided upon. In the French case, the present perfect appears to be basic because it is analogous to the rest of the perfect family, and because the passé composé was a later innovation, replacing the passé simple. The present perfect cells in the paradigm are therefore filled with the present perfect forms and the passé composé cells are left empty (Table 18.4 (b)). A rule of referral is then set up to invoke the rules for realizing the present perfect when the passé composé is required. This is fine for syncretisms, but does not capture the fact that syncretism is simply one of several types of mismatch, nor does it, like the repeated paradigm model, specify how to model other such mismatches. The abstracted paradigm model was put forward by Stump (2002) under the guise of paradigm linkage, which was intended to handle mismatches, focusing on heteroclisis (see also Stump 2006) and deponence. Stump argues for a syntactic paradigm, with each cell representing a complete set of syntactic features, and a morphological paradigm, or form paradigm, with each cell representing a complete set of morphological features. Rules of paradigm linkage connect the two paradigms. Where there are no mismatches, the default rule, which states that a syntactic cell for a given set of features corresponds to the morphological cell for the same set, applies. Where there are mismatches, the rules will deviate. If there are no mismatches, such as in regular synthetic verbs, the syntactic paradigm is very like the repeated paradigm in cases of syncretism, in that (p. 411) TABLE 18.4 Paradigm models for the past perfective and present perfect in spoken French (a) repeated paradigm model tense

1SG form

passé composé

ai mangé

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Periphrasis in Romance *

(a) repeated paradigm model tense

1SG form

present perfect

ai mangé

(b) syncretic paradigm model tense

1SG form

passé composé

〈empty〉

present perfect

ai mangé

(c) abstracted paradigm model lexeme [index]

form

MANGER [III]

ai mangé, …

MANGER [VI]

mangé

AVOIR [I]

ai, …

information is simply repeated. An improvement to this is to eliminate the syntactic paradigm and simply state the relationships between complete sets of syntactic properties and the form associated with that set. Tables 18.4c and 18.5 show the forms for the French and Catalan examples, respectively, and do not include features for any of the forms; there is only an arbitrary index, given in Roman numerals. This means that the forms are completely abstracted, or separated, from function and meaning, and are therefore free for use in any construction requiring them without conflict. The following shows how to do this for the French and Catalan examples already discussed. 18.6.2 French

There are a number of steps involved to accomplish the realization of periphrastic forms. First, the possible syntactic features must be specified, and any (p.412) TABLE 18.5. Abstracted paradigm model for the past perfective in Catalan lexeme[index]

form

ARRIBAR[IIIa]

arribí,…

ARRIBAR[IIIb]

vaig arribar,…

ARRIBAR[VIII]

arribar

VA[I]

vaig,…

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Periphrasis in Romance * restrictions on their co‐occurrence stated. The features can then be combined to produce complete sets of syntactic features. Second, each distinct morphological form must be given a unique and arbitrary index; here, Roman numerals are used. For each complete set of syntactic features, an equation can be set up that takes the lexeme, indexed by a syntactic feature set as its input and maps it onto one of the indexed forms, as shown in Table 18.4 (a). The lexeme MANGER is indexed with the feature set for the passé composé in (4a.i) and with the feature set for the present perfect in (4a.ii). Because each syntactic feature set corresponds to the same form, the output of the mapping rule is the same: [MANGER III]. Finally, a second type of mapping rule (4b) acts within the paradigm to specify the actual form of MANGER [III]. Obviously, the same mapping rule (4b) does both the present perfect and the passé composé. Rule (4b) maps the periphrasis in MANGER [III] to the individual components, which are AVOIR [I] and MANGER [VI]. When there are no more mapping rules to follow, it means that single word forms have been reached, and the ordinary rules of the reader's favourite inferential–realizational theory apply, resulting with, in this example, ai mangé. Synthetic verb forms simply miss out (4b).

(4) Rules used in conjunction with the abstracted paradigm model (Table 18.4 (c)): a. lexeme [syntactic feature set] → lexeme [index] i. manger [passé composé] → manger [III] ii. manger [present perfect] → manger [III] b. lexeme [index] → lexemem [indexx] lexemen [indexy] … manger [III] → avoir [I] manger [VI] 18.6.3 Catalan

The rules work well for French, but with the Catalan preterite there is a problem. The problem is that the mappings in (4) are functions, with only (p. 413) one output each by definition. In Catalan, there is more than one possible output for the preterite. This means that, whereas normal relations between a set of morpho‐syntactic properties are functions, with one‐to‐one or many‐to‐one mappings, there is a one‐to‐many relationship between the preterite and its forms; rule (5a) is not a function. The syntactic feature set for the preterite does not map onto a single form, but is associated with two forms, which are indexed as IIIa and IIIb for synthetic and analytic, respectively. Assuming a choice is somehow made between the two forms, the process can continue. If the synthetic form is selected, the ordinary morphological realization rules are invoked as normal; if the periphrastic form is chosen, the rule in (5b) is invoked. This rule specifies that the form of ARRIBAR [IIIb] is composed of VA [I] followed by ARRIBAR [VI]. As there are no further mapping rules for either of these forms, the ordinary morphology can now be invoked. The result is either arribí, if the synthetic form was selected, or vaig arribar, if the periphrastic form was selected. (5) Rules used in conjunction with the abstracted paradigm model (Table 18.5): Page 12 of 16

Periphrasis in Romance * a. lexeme [syntactic feature set] ↦ lexeme [index] arribar [preterit] ↦ {arribar [IIIa], arribar [IIIb]} b. lexeme [index] ↦ lexemem [indexx] lexemen [indexy] … arribar [IIIb] ↦ va [I] arribar [VIII] 18.6.4 Discussion

The analysis of French and Catalan periphrastic tenses highlights several distinct problems that warrant further investigation. The first problem is with the definition and identification of periphrases. The second problem is how to implement periphrasis, once identified, in a morphological system, and in particular, in an inferential–realizational morphology framework. The third problem is how inflected forms, whether or not they are periphrases, competing for the same paradigmatic cell should be implemented in a morphological system. That is, it is clear how relations that are functions – relations with only one possible output – are implemented in an inferential–realizational model (for example, Stump 2001), but it is not clear how relations that are not functions – that is, with more than one output – should be implemented. With respect to the first problem, that of defining and identifying periphrases, neither of the criteria discussed in section 18.5.3 were found to be sufficient or necessary. Popova and Spencer (2008) put forward three key (p.414) elements of periphrasis: the expression realizing the morpho‐syntactic properties is a multi‐word construction, the properties realized are abstract, and the properties realized must be opposed to some other set of morpho‐syntactic properties within a paradigm. The first of these has been implicit in this chapter. This chapter presents a solution to the second problem, that of implementing periphrasis in inferential–realizational morphology. Forms are separated from their function, which means that they can be selected as required by the mapping functions for use in any construction. This means that all types of mismatch between syntax and morphology can be modelled without affecting the actual morphology itself. Luís and Spencer (2005) propose an implementation of periphrasis in Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology. Their implementation would have to be modified accordingly to incorporate the abstracted paradigm model. This should not be too difficult, as their analysis also assumes a mismatch between syntactic and morphological features.

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Periphrasis in Romance * Bonami and Boyé (2007) put forward a possible solution to the third problem in their analysis of French pronominal clitics. Their solution is a relational version of Stump's (2001) Paradigm Function Morphology. In ordinary Paradigm Function Morphology, a paradigm function invokes realization rules over the function's input, which is a pairing of the lexeme's root – simply a phonological form – and the set of morpho‐syntactic features to be realized. A realization rule is indexed according to the set of morpho‐syntactic properties that it realizes. The rules are organized into sequential blocks and only one rule per block may be applied. The rule is selected by Pānini's principle, so that the rule that matches the input set most specifically is the one that is applied; if no such rule exists, the identity function applies by default. The output of one rule is the input to the next. The final output is a pairing of the inflected word and the set of morpho‐syntactic properties realized by that word. In the relational version Bonami and Boyé propose – perhaps it might be dubbed Paradigm Relation Morphology – there is no paradigm function, and the realization rules apply directly to the input itself. The input is the same as that in paradigm function morphology, but with the inclusion of the lexeme, creating a triplet. The rules are not in competition with each other and Pānini's principle does not apply. Bonami and Boyé suggest that the appropriate rules are selected non‐deterministically. Compare the input of the realization rules in Paradigm Relation Morphology to the input of the generalized paradigm function in Luís and Spencer's (2005) Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology. Here, the input is a pairing of a lexeme, or lexical entry, and a set of morphological features. The lexical entry has information about phonological forms associated with the lexeme, so (p. 415) there is actually no need to include the root in the input in paradigm relation morphology, simplifying the input somewhat. As far as periphrasis is concerned, Bonami and Boyé (2007: 309, note 23) disregard it as belonging to the syntax and refer the reader to Abeillé and Godard (2002), who analyse French auxiliaries in the framework of head‐driven phrase structure grammar. Otoguro (2008) suggests another possible solution for the third of these problems also using Stump's (2001) Paradigm Function Morphology. A second lexeme is derived from the lexical verb in question to obtain a multi‐word root VA‐ ARRIBAR. The realization rules inflect the sub‐root, VA‐, in the same way that Japanese verbs inflect for negative polarity when there is a gap in the synthetic paradigm.6 Otoguro inflects the periphrastic root in the same way as a synthetic root. This is not necessarily as simple in other languages. The place of inflection in Japanese negative verbs is at the end of the root, so the fact that the root is periphrastic causes no difficulty in paradigm function morphology. In the Catalan periphrastic preterite, however, the place of inflection is root‐internal. It is not clear how Paradigm Function Morphology handles infixes, although Taylor (2005) makes an attempt. Page 14 of 16

Periphrasis in Romance * 18.7 Conclusions This chapter investigated periphrasis; specifically, how to define and identify it, and how to model it in inferential–realizational morphology, concluding the following. First, periphrasis is a piece of syntax that represents a set of morphological features in a paradigm. Second, a set of necessary and sufficient criteria are required to determine whether a given construction is periphrastic or not. The criteria in section 18.4 for identifying periphrases are not sufficient; the French and Catalan past perfective tenses meet the first criterion of having intersecting features, but not all features can be intersected as in the Mari case, leaving some doubt as to whether this counts as meeting the criterion or not. A case can be argued for the non‐compositionality criterion to be met in the French and Catalan examples above, but this criterion is not authoritative enough in that there is much room for discussion about the specific features in question, both syntactic and morphological. The criteria mentioned in section 18.6.4 are possibly an improvement upon these. Third, it was found that the abstract paradigm model models periphrasis well in inferential–realizational morphology. This model maps syntactic (p.416) feature sets to the morphological forms required to realize those features. The abstracted paradigm model enforces a clear distinction between morphological and syntactic features. The abstracted paradigm model is also suitable for other mismatches between syntax and morphology, such as deponency, syncretism, heteroclisis, and morphological reversals, although further work is required to show this. A suitable method of modelling relations that are not functions must be determined, possibly based on adaptations of Otoguro's (2008) derivation technique or Bonami and Boyé's (2007) paradigm relation morphology. In summary, there are many problems associated with mismatches between syntactic and morphological features, but it is possible to abstract the morphological features away to obtain a seemingly straightforward solution. The problem comes when there is more than one possible output to a function; in this case, the function is not a function, but a relation. This is not just a problem for the abstracted paradigm model in functional theories of morphology such as Paradigm Function Morphology and its generalized version, but for any theory of morphology.

18.8 Appendix: Example of Catalan preterite Example of the preterite of the Catalan verb lexeme CONÈIXER ‘meet, know’ inflected for first person plural subject agreement, found as both the analytic form vam conèixer and the synthetic form coneguérem in the same paragraph in a text on the Internet.

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Periphrasis in Romance * …Els qui vam conèixer i tractar l'escriptor tot just arribat de Mèxic a mi me'l va proporcionar Carles Riba; no podíem sospitar, em penso, quin rendiment donaria i de quina mena, i que ja duia sota l'aixella el llegat Marius Torres, tot un mon, tota una revelacio. Diguem‐ho tot seguit: la poesia de Marius Torres és tan anacronica; en [sic] la 2a accepció del mot; per a 1947 i següents, com Incerta gloria (1956) ho és respecte de la novel.la catalana. Per aquesta doble via literària i per la seva trajectoria editorial, Joan Sales va esdevenir un signe de contradicci permanent. Fins i tot, sembla que ho sigui amb ell mateix, per es tracta de l'actitud que convenia a l'estratègia que com a antic oficial de l'Escola de Guerra de la Generalitat havia adoptat per a aquella pau, un cruel marasme d'ofec i de vergonya. Així una mica astorats, coneguérem un Sales que pactava; per sempre sense cedir, que negociava sense rebaixar‐se i procurava, sense dubtar, d'aprofitar tot el que l'adversari cedia, sense agrair‐li res.… (Triadú 2000) Notes:

(*) I am grateful to Andrew Spencer, Marianne Collier, and the other participants at OxMorph1 for their comments, especially Nigel Vincent. (1) There is actually a third criterion in addition, but I do not think it is relevant to the Romance constructions discussed here. Vincent (this volume) gives an explanation for this decision. (2) Idiosyncratic stems have been argued to be morphomic (Aronoff 1994). Morphomic stems are purely morphological and have no syntactic or semantic significance. There is a parallel between morphomic stems and periphrases. (3) Stump has since acknowledged this (personal communication). (4) In formal and literary French, the past perfective, or passé simple, is synthetic: mangeai ‘(I) ate’. (5) Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for raising these points. (6) Unfortunately, Otoguro (2008) is not explicit about how periphrasis is introduced into the root, and therefore does not actually solve the second problem of how periphrasis should be modelled.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 Nigel Vincent

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.003.0020

Abstract and Keywords This chapter considers the place of ‘pure’ morphology in the analysis of periphrastic members of paradigms, making particular reference to the Latin participles in ‐urus, ‐tus, and ‐ns and their subsequent history in Romance. We conclude that in most cases, even at late historical stages, a compositional analysis is available if the right theoretical tools are deployed, and consequently that the role of autonomous morphology in periphrasis is severely restricted. Keywords:   Latin, compositional analysis, non‐finite forms, morpho‐syntactically opaque, historical account

19.1 Introduction

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 One of the classic arguments for autonomous morphology comes from what is traditionally called the future participle in Latin (Matthews 1972; Aronoff 1994). The simplest rule for constructing a form such as laturus ‘about to carry’ involves adding the suffix ‐urus to the stem lat‐, which otherwise occurs in the suppletive passive past participle latus ‘having been carried’ of the verb ferre ‘carry’. The fact that the rule applies even when the past participle is, as here, suppletive argues that what is at stake is precisely this stem rather than some more abstract combination of morpho‐syntactic features. Given this conclusion, there would seem to be two analytical choices available. In the first, the stem carries the features [PASSIVE, PAST], which are then somehow cancelled or overridden by the features [ACTIVE, FUTURE] of the suffix, while in the second the stem has no inherent features but is simply, in the terms of Aronoff (1994), the third stem made available by the verb and it is this stem which happens to be input to rules deriving the past passive and the future active participles.2 To the majority of morphologists, the latter has seemed (p.418) preferable, with the consequences first that the pieces of morphology can, when required, operate autonomously and without regard to the semantic material they signify, and second that the values of complex morphological forms are therefore not necessarily constructed according to strict compositionality. The same issues of autonomy and compositionality arise if we pursue the matter to the next level, namely when the participle in ‐urus is combined with the verb esse as in (1): (1) tua      opera    sum    usurus your.FEMSG.ABL work.SG.ABL be.PRES.1SG usE.FUTPART.MSG.NOM ‘I intend to make use of your services’(Vitruvius De arch II.pref.3)

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 Now the question is whether to say that the meaning of the form usurus sum ‘I will/intend to use’ is constructed out of its constituent feature sets [use, FUT] and [1st PERS, SG, IND, ACT] or that the feature set [use, FUT, 1ST PERS, SG, IND, ACT] only attaches to the whole formation usurus sum, whose component parts are in Aronoff's sense autonomous and morpho‐syntactically opaque. In this instance the consensus goes in the opposite direction and favours the compositional account. To do otherwise would be to ignore the fact that the form sum by itself has the value [1st PERS, SG, IND] in contexts when it is accompanied by something other than a participle and when it is used in an absolute sense, as in the Cartesian cogito ergo sum. On the other hand, sum in its independent uses also has the value [PRES]: how is that to be reconciled with the value [FUT] assigned to usurus? And more generally, how are we to deal with other instances where a periphrastic form has values which do not inhere, or do not appear to inhere, in the independently assignable values of the component parts, as when the French il a mangé has the simple past meaning ‘he ate’ despite containing an auxiliary verb which is formally present (Spencer 2001; Taylor, this volume)? Our aim in this chapter is to address these questions as they arise within a historical account of some periphastic formations in Latin and Italo‐Romance. After a discussion of some theoretical issues (§19.2), we consider our case studies (§19.3) before drawing out the theoretical consequences and raising some questions for future research (§19.4).

(p.419) 19.2 Paradigms, participles, and periphrases We begin then by looking briefly at three key concepts that underpin our arguments and analyses: paradigm, participle, and periphrasis. 19.2.1 Paradigm

Stump (2001: 43) offers a convenient and in fact more or less traditional definition of the concept paradigm: ‘The PARADIGM of a lexeme L is a set of CELLS; each such cell is the pairing 〈Y, σ〉 of an inflected form Y of the lexeme L with a complete set σ of morpho‐syntactic properties for L’ (small caps in the original). To this we must add the caveat that the exponent of a given cluster of morpho‐syntactic features need not be a single word form. In other words the expression ‘inflected form’ in the above quotation is to be interpreted in such a way as to allow a periphrastic formation to count as a member of the paradigm in appropriate circumstances (cf. Börjars, Vincent, and Chapman 1997; Sadler and Spencer 2001; Spencer 2001; Ackerman and Stump 2004; Taylor, this volume).3 The classic(al) example is the Latin perfect passive expressed by a participle and an auxiliary verb as in interfecta est ‘she has been killed’, to which we return in section 19.3.2.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 Given such a starting point, investigation can proceed either from forms to the associated properties (semasiology) or from properties to forms (onomasiology). The former has figured prominently in attempts to demonstrate pure morphological patterning by eliminating natural class arguments for the morpho‐syntactic features associated with particular morphological patterns (Aronoff 1994; Maiden 1996 b). We will develop this line of thinking in relation to periphrastic formations, but we will also address the questions that arise when we move in the other direction and ask how given clusters of morpho‐syntactic features are realized in different languages. The natural first step in this case is to establish the limits of the paradigm by ‘multiplying out’ the relevant features and their possible values. Thus, if a Latin noun inflects for six cases and two numbers, logically we can expect a maximum of twelve forms, although in practice that logical maximum will often be reduced by the effects most notably of syncretism and to a lesser extent of defectiveness. We will further assume that the features which characterize a given item are obtained by the general mechanism of unification, whereby sets of features may combine as long as they do not contain contradictory values for the same feature. There will also be some universal or system‐particular constraints (p.420) which block certain combinations. Thus, for example, although Latin verbs typically inflect for future tense and subjunctive mood, we will not expect to find a set of future subjunctive forms, since the semantic domains of futurity and subjunctivity overlap (Vincent 1987; Jaszczolt 2009: 60). Such ‘multiplying out’ in large measure underlies the conclusion that the periphrasis interfecta est ‘she has been killed’ belongs to the paradigm of interficere ‘to kill’ since on the one hand there is no semantic or syntactic reason to exclude the feature combination [PERF, PASS], and on the other when the syntax requires this cluster of features, the form interfecta est is available and is used. In what follows we will consider how far other periphrastic formations are candidates for inclusion in the paradigms of the Latin and the evolving Romance verbal systems. The set of feature combinations that the morpho‐syntax generates obviously depends on the features chosen. For the most part in our discussion traditional features such as ACT(IVE), PASS(IVE), 1ST PERS(ON) and so on will suffice, but for tense and aspect more sophistication is required than is provided by traditional labels such as perfect or past. To see this, consider (2), in which the author deliberately contrasts the simple future aget with the sequence erit acturus: (2) apud quos  aget    aut erit  acturus before who.ACCPL plead.FUT.3SG or be.FUT.3SG  plead.PRT.FUT.                      NOMSG

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 ‘before whom he will plead or will intend to plead’(Cic Or 1, 52,223) Here, using traditional labels, unification apparently succeeds, but if all items have [FUT] then erit acturus would unify to yield [FUT], which is the same as the simple value attributed to aget. Yet the two are not equivalent, as the translation shows. In short, in (2) traditional features unify when they should not; by contrast in (1) the [PRES] of sum does not unify with the traditional value [FUT] of usurus, yet usurus sum is both attested and interpretable. We therefore follow Klein (1994) – and more generally the neo‐Reichenbachian tradition exemplified among others by Comrie (1985), Vikner (1985), Giorgi and Pianesi (1997), Julien (2001), Remberger (2006), and Schaden (2007) – in adopting an analysis based on three time points, namely: • UT or Utterance Time (Speech Time in Reichenbach); • ST or Situation Time (Event Time in Reichenbach); • TT or Topic Time (Reference Time in Reichenbach). A present tense is then one in which utterance and situation time coincide (notated ⊇), a past tense is one where situation time precedes (notated 〈) utterance time, a future tense one where situation time follows (notated 〉) utterance time, perfective aspect requires situation time to precede topic time, (p.421) and so on. More generally, tense (or what Comrie 1985 calls ‘absolute tense’) may be characterized as the relation between UT and ST, while what Klein calls ‘aspect’ and Comrie calls ‘relative tense’ is the relation between TT and ST. A participle like acturus is then characterisable as [ST 〉 TT] whereas the future tenses erit and aget are [ST 〉 UT] and the present tense est is [ST ⊇ UT]. If the relations between ST and UT and between TT and ST constitute different features, then there is no difficulty unifying them, and hence the value for say acturus erit is [ST 〉 TT, ST 〉 UT], which is different both from aget [ST 〉 UT] and from acturus est [ST 〉 TT, ST ⊇ UT]. Table 19.1 contains the values for the Latin finite verb forms according to such a system:

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

TABLE 19.1. Latin finite synthetic verb forms (based on Giorgi and Pianesi 1997: 27–29 and Klein 1994) perfects

‘neutrals’ (G&P) imperfectives (WK)

‘prospectives’

ST 〈 TT

ST ⊇ TT

ST 〉 TT

pasts

ST 〈 UT

amaverat

amabat

[future in past]

presents

ST ⊇ UT

amavit

amat

[proximate future]

futures

ST 〉 UT

amavero

amabit

[distant future]

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 This table requires two further comments. Note first that the synthetic forms of the Latin verb do not offer any means to express the feature combinations contained in the third column. This in itself is not a criticism, since schemes like these are designed to map out a universally available temporal space and should not be expected to translate one‐for‐one into the tense forms of any particular language. However, it is not coincidental that the ‐urus + esse periphrasis provides exactly the forms required to express these combinations if the circumstance arises. In other words, they fill the slots defined by multiplying out the features which characterize the finite paradigm

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

TABLE 19.2. Incorporating the ‐urus periphrasis perfects

‘neutrals’ (G&P) imperfectives (WK)

‘prospectives’

ST 〈 TT

ST ⊇ TT

ST 〉 TT

pasts

ST 〈 UT

amaverat

amabat

amaturus fuit, erat

presents

ST ⊇ UT

amavit

amat

amaturus est

futures

ST 〉 UT

amavero

amabit

amaturus erit

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (p.422) and thus qualify for membership of the paradigm at no extra cost. Such a ‘fleshed‐out’ paradigm is displayed in Table 19.2.

Second, a special word needs to be said about the imperfect series amabat and its relation to the present perfect series amavit. The conventional view is that amabat is a past imperfective and that amavit is ambiguous, expressing on the one hand present perfect and on the other past punctual meanings (see Harris 1982 and a tradition of work that ultimately goes back to Antoine Meillet). One way to represent this would be to insert both amavit and amabat into the cell in Table I defined by the feature set [ST 〈 UT, ST ⊇ TT] with the further implicit assumption of a secondary feature to distinguish punctual and progressive meanings. The disadvantage of this account is that amavit is then mapped onto two incompatible feature sets, namely [ST 〈 UT, ST ⊇ TT] and [ST ⊇ UT, ST 〈 TT]. The alternative, which we prefer, is to allow competition between present perfect and past punctual interpretations at the level of pragmatics along the lines proposed in Schaden (2007) and similar to the way the periphrastic perfect is interpreted in modern French (see §19.3.2 for further development of this line of argument). This account also allows us to preserve a value for the Latin imperfect which overlaps with the characterization of the simple past in Romance (Giorgi and Pianesi 1997: 45), as required by the Romance auxiliary system in which the imperfect auxiliary (avait, était, aveva, era, etc.) most commonly serves to mark the past of the past, or what is traditionally called the pluperfect.4 This same feature system will allow us to characterize the Latin participial system as in (3) (cf. also Comrie 1985: 61–62), with the feature value for voice added for reference and in advance of our later discussion (§19.3.2): (3) amatus [ST〈 TT, PASS] amans [ST ⊇ TT, ACT] amaturus [ST 〉 TT, ACT] The participles thus express relative temporal location according to whether the event described by the verb overlaps with, precedes or follows the topic time. They do not by contrast express deictic tense, which must be derived either from context or from the accompanying auxiliary.5 In what follows we will assume that the Romance descendants of these Latin (p.423) participles in the first instance retain these historical values, though at different points in the history of different languages they may change, as we shall see. 19.2.2 Participles

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 One of the consequences of the analysis of the temporal properties of participles proposed in the previous section is that they constitute a natural extension of the finite verb system, namely those forms where the relative tense relation [ST, TT] is specified but the absolute tense relation [ST, UT] is not. This in turn makes them bona fide members of the verbal paradigm, without the need to add an additional feature [± finite] (contrast Remberger 2006); their non‐finiteness, that is to say their inability to be used in independent clauses, will follow from the lack of an absolute tense specification with its inherent deictic anchor. Moreover, though not directly relevant in the present context, this proposal also provides a means of accommodating the infinitive, which can be treated as unspecified for both absolute and relative tense features.6 That said, we still need to model the nounlike behaviour of participles in inflecting for gender, number, and case. For present purposes we will simply assume the availability of a feature [NOM] along the lines of Remberger (2006), though more certainly needs to be said on this point.7 19.2.3 Periphrases

The terms ‘periphrasis’ and ‘periphrastic’ belong to the pre‐theoretical vocabulary of modern linguistics that has been inherited from traditional grammar,8 whence a definition such as the following taken from Matthews (1997: 272): ‘form [or] construction in which independent words are described as having the same roles as inflections’. Modern discussions have moved in two opposing directions. The first takes the formal fact that a periphrasis involves two or more separate words as dictating the need for a parallel analysis of the content which splits it into distinct parts. These can then be combined – by mechanisms such as merge, move, or (p.424) unification – to yield the required interpretation. This in general has been the strategy adopted within the Chomskyan tradition (see Giorgi and Pianesi 1997; Julien 2001; Remberger 2006). Alternatively, it is taken to be definitional of a periphrasis that no compositional account is available and the challenge to linguistic theory is then to devise a formal model which allows for a mismatch between (morpho‐)syntactic transparency and (morpho‐)semantic opacity. This is the path taken by those working within realizational approaches to morphology, and in particular Paradigm Function Morphology (Sadler and Spencer 2001; Ackerman and Stump 2004; Stewart and Stump 2007; Taylor, this volume). The facts of language change, however, show us that both approaches are required. ‘Opaque’ periphrases of the kind discussed by Spencer, Stump and others always evolve out of constructions that are semantically transparent and compositional. There are in fact four logically possible and attested patterns (see the indicated sections for further details): (i) purely syntactic constructions: e.g. est amans in Early/Classical Latin (§19.3.3);

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (ii) morphologically exploited but transparent periphrases: e.g. amaturus est in all attested stages and est amans in Biblical Latin (§§19.3.1 and 19.3.3); (iii) opaque periphrases: e.g. Lat amatus est, and perhaps French il a aimé (in its preterit sense) (§19.3.2); (iv) morphologized periphrases: e.g. Italian amerebbe 〈 Lat amare habuit. Different stages of different languages may have any combination of the types (i)–(iv) and so models are needed that allow formations of all types to talk to each other. It no more helps to assume all periphrases are opaque than it does to assume all periphrastic forms are built in the syntax, as the examples reviewed in this chapter will show. In fact, examples of type (i) are not, strictly speaking, periphrases at all, but simply the normal combinatorial output of the syntax. Type (ii) can be put together according to the rules of syntax but they often have special shades of meaning such as intent or progression and involve contrasts with fully morphological forms, so that they function as members of the verb's extended paradigmatic set. Type (iii) are prototypical periphrases, conforming to one or more of Ackerman and Stump's criteria discussed below. Type (iv) is the classic endstage when a periphrastic formation has been incorporated into a synthetic morphological paradigm. Even at this last stage of formal development we cannot discard the question of compositionality. Thus, Fintel and Iatridou (2008) advance a persuasive argument that in many languages, including the whole of Romance, the semantics of weak necessity (approximately equivalent to English ought) (p. 425) should be decomposed into the ingredients STRONG NECESSITY (≈ English ‘must’) + COUNTERFACTUAL, with the latter component being further reducible to the ingredients FUTURE + PAST. This, of course, is transparently the etymological origin of, for example, Italian dovrebbe (〈 Lat. debere habuit, where debere is the component expressing necessity, hab‐ the future, and ‐uit the past), but Fintel and Iatridou's argument is a synchronic one. It follows therefore that, if their argument is accepted, we must establish a compositional semantic account of dovrebbe and kindred forms in other Romance languages even though there is no longer transparency at the morphological level.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 A related but distinct issue here is clausality. It is generally assumed that a synthetic verb form is contained within a monoclausal structure (where a clause contains at most one main verb9), however many layers of functional structure that clause may contain. It is, nonetheless, also possible to have a single clause which contains both an auxiliary and a main verb, as in the standard account of English will futures (see for example Julien 2001). The alternative for Julien is a biclausal analysis, which is what she proposes for English progressives and perfects. Within the biclausal accounts there is then the question of how much structure there is above the embedded lexical V‐node, although this is not an issue we will address here. We will argue that for perfectives and progressives we certainly need independent feature characterizations of the ingredients of the periphrasis, but that it is a significant and unmotivated jump from that to full biclausality, just as it is not necessary to replicate the historical origin of dovrebbe in our account of its morphological formation. In other words, while a biclausal analysis presupposes a compositional account, a monoclausal analysis is not necessarily non‐compositional. These are two further properties of periphrases identified by Ackerman and Stump (2004). The first, intersectivity, stipulates that for an item to constitute a periphrasis it must establish oppositions with morphologically defined forms. On this account a paradigmatic system must therefore be either entirely synthetic or partly synthetic and partly analytic but there cannot be an entirely periphrastic paradigm. The condition of intersectivity is comfortably met in all our data given the continuity of the present and imperfect as synthetic formations throughout the history of Latin and Romance, though whether in absolute terms it is a condition we should impose as a universal is a point to which we return in section 19.4. (p.426) The third criterion, distributed exponence, refers to the situation whereby the morpho‐syntactic features associated with a form are realized in different parts of the form, and ‘receives its fullest expression in heavily agglutinating languages’ (Ackerman and Stump 2004: 146). A Latin example of what they have in mind is the fact that in a construction such as factura est ‘she intends to do’, deictic tense inheres in est, relative tense in factur‐ and number/ gender of the subject in ‐a. It is not clear, however, why this same property does not hold of any syntactic construction in the syntax proper. Indeed, it is fully agglutinating patterns that traditionally provide least challenge to models such as Distributed Morphology which seek to assimilate the underlying structure of morphologically complex forms to the rules of the syntax. We will therefore follow the example of Taylor (this volume) and not discuss this third criterion further in the present context.10

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 With these concepts and terms in place, we are in a position to investigate the role of the three participles in Latin and the historical development of the constructions they enter into. It goes without saying that in a limited space comprehensive coverage will not be our goal. We seek instead to highlight in the next three sections a number of specific instances where the issues and the analytical decisions to be taken are especially instructive at the theoretical level. The lessons to be learnt will then form the subject matter of section 19.4.

19.3 Case studies Our three case studies are chosen to represent different stages of the historical progression from type (i) to type (iv) and thus to highlight aspects of the general problem of motivation and autonomy. It goes without saying that they do not, and are not intended to, offer a comprehensive account of the structure and development of periphrases in (Italo‐)Romance.11 19.3.1 ‐urus revisited

As we noted in the introduction, the Latin participle in ‐urus has been a staple of the pure morphology literature since Aronoff (1994: ch. 2), which in turn (p. 427) builds on the exemplary account of the issues and possible solutions provided by Matthews (1972: 83–86). Aronoff concludes that cases like this require morpho‐syntactic and morpho‐phonological derivations to be separated and for there to be entities called morphomes which mediate between the two. Bearing Aronoff's conclusion in mind, let us widen the discussion to include the origin and morpho‐syntax of the participle. By what historical stages did this stem come to achieve its morphomic status? The origin of the ending is not clear; indeed Sihler (1995: §563) calls it ‘this obscure suffix’. The most plausible account is that of Postgate (1894), who argues that the source is the univerbation of the verbal noun in ‐t‐ with *es‐om, an old infinitive of ‘be’.12 From a postulated *factu‐esom, the attested form facturum would arise by regular sound change (rhotacism, vowel deletion, and raising of the unstressed final vowel). The futurate meaning is also consistent with such a source: ‘to be at doing/about to do something’. Moreover, this etymology explains two apparent anomalies of the earliest attestations, namely the absence of the verb ‘to be’ and of agreement with the subject. Thus, in (4) the subject is hanc rem, which is feminine, but the verb futurum is in the unmarked neuter singular and is not accompanied by the expected esse ‘to be’. (4) hanc    sibi  rem   praesidio sperant this.FSGACC REFL.DATthing.FSGACCprotection.DATSG. hope.3PLPRES futurum be.PROSPART.NEUTSG ‘they hope that this situation should be a protection for them’ Page 13 of 27

Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (Cic Verr v, 167)13 (p.428) Postgate's reconstruction also explains the otherwise anomalous fact that the use of the participle in the predicative function precedes its independent attributive use, which is not attested before the classical period and is never found in popular texts (Vincent and Bentley 2001). In short, the formation in ‐urus derives from a periphrasis, which is then reanalysed as a participle and then incorporated into a new periphrasis involving the auxiliary esse and agreement with the subject.14 This new periphrasis displays overall frequency in all registers down to relatively late times, as witness the analogical forms missiturum, viciturum for the classical missurum, victurum in the second century AD letters of Claudius Terentianus (Adams 1977: 49–50). Examples such as those in (5) further demonstrate that the combination of the participle in ‐urus plus esse was thought of by native speakers as in direct contrast with synthetic tense forms:15 (5) a. qui nunc essent quiue postea futuri essent (Livy 39. 19. 6) ‘who were at that time or who might subsequently be’16 b. quos inter societas aut est aut fuit aut futura est (Cic Lael 22, 83) ‘among whom association either is or has been or will be’ And (5), where the future is expressed periphrastically, contrasts with (6) in which we find instead the synthetic future erunt: (6) Cn Pompeius, vir omnium qui sunt, fuerunt, erunt, virtute, sapientia, gloria princeps (Cic Post red ad Quir, 16) ‘Pompey, chief in virtue, wisdom and glory above all those who are, have been or will be’ Outside the highest literary registers there is no evidence for the existence of the participle as an independent morphological formation. This is the reverse of what we will see in the case of the past participle (§19.3.2). There the independent participle was drawn into the paradigm via its use in combination with esse, habere, and to a lesser extent venire, following a (p.429) pattern which has been documented in any number of studies of grammaticalization. Here instead a specialized participle is, as it were, backformed from the periphrasis within the literary language, and is then used as in the following example where it is co‐ordinated with other adjectives (quoted by Mellet, Joffre, and Serbat 1994: 322, who provide further relevant examples): (7)

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

Hic

iratus

fuit

genti

this.NOM.MSG

anger.PSTPRT.NOM.MSG be. people.FDATSG 3SG.PERF

et

ignotae

et

inmeritae

and

unknown.FDATSG

and

innocent.FDATSG

sensurae

tamen

feel.PROSPRT.DATSG yet ‘This man was angered by a people both unknown and innocent but nonetheless capable of feeling’ (Seneca de Ira III, 21, 1)

This usage did not catch on in the more popular registers of the language and only survives in the modern languages in the form of independent adjectives and nominalizations such as Italian venturo ‘coming’ or the pan‐Romance futur/ futuro/etc. ‘(the) future’.17 19.3.2 The past participle

There is a vast literature on the development of the Romance perfect and passive periphrases to which we will not attempt to do justice (for an up‐to‐date treatment see Ledgeway (2011)). Two issues are of particular relevance here: first the voice value of the participle and second the compositionality or otherwise of the perfect. Unlike the participle in ‐urus, the participle in ‐to is widely attested as an independently occurring deverbal adjective ‘which construed with nouns that would stand in object relation to a transitive finite verb’ (Sihler 1995: 622). In other words, as our feature assignment in (3) above suggests, the participle by the classical era is passive, though relic formations such as iuratus ‘having sworn’ and cenatus ‘having dined’ suggest an earlier stage in which the formation is voice neutral.18 How then does the voice switch come about in a perfect construction such as ha ucciso ‘he has killed’ as opposed to è ucciso ‘he is killed’? As already in Vincent (1982), we suggest that the answer lies in the fact that the originally biclausal construction in which (p. 430) habere takes a (small) clausal complement develops into a monoclausal construction, so that the argument sets of the two predicates are combined and the agent argument of the embedded predicate becomes the subject of habere as schematically represented in (8) for the classical example ibi Castellum Caesar habuit constitutum (Vincent 1982: 84): (8) [Caesar [habuit [castellum constitutum]]] 〉 [Caesar [habuit constitutum [castellum]]]

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 In this way incorporation into a periphrastic perfect with habere necessarily brings about a voice switch, while in other contexts the participle, either alone or in combination with monovalent verbs such as venire ‘come’ and esse ‘be’, retains its passive value. In both circumstances however the tense/aspect value of the participle is retained, and to that extent there is still compositionality. Turning now to the temporal values of the perfect periphrasis as a whole, there are two developments which appear to lead in opposite directions. On the one hand there is the fact, discussed in more detail by Taylor (this volume), that in modern spoken French the present perfect has assumed the value of a simple past (Harris 1982). Thus, for example, il a mangé can co‐occur with the adverb hier ‘yesterday’, in which case the appropriate English translation is ‘he ate yesterday’, and with déjà ‘already’ when the natural translation is ‘he has already eaten’. Whereas the present perfect reading, consistently with the historical trajectory we have just sketched, can be treated compositionally, Taylor, following already Spencer (2001: 283), suggests that the simple past reading requires the participle and auxiliary to be combined autonomously in the morphology and only then mapped onto the feature value which characterizes past, namely [ST 〈 UT]. On this account, there is a morpho‐syntactic change at some point in the evolution of French leading in the direction of opacity and therefore autonomy, parallel to the change which brought about the pure morphological formation in ‐urus which we have already discussed.19 Support for this analysis might seem to come from a second construction, the so‐called passé surcomposé exemplified in (9) (cited from Schaden 2007: 191): (9)

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

Quand

il

a

eu

fini,

when

he

have.3SGPRES

have.PSTPRT

finish.PSTPRT

il

est

parti

he

be.3SGPRES

leave.PSTPRT

‘When he had finished, he left’

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (p.431) Here the string il a eu fini has the meaning of pluperfect ‘he had finished’ exactly equivalent to the Standard French il avait fini. Allowing a eu to be mapped directly to the value [ST 〈 UT] makes it straightforward to unify this with fait [ST 〈 TT] to yield the overall composed value [ST 〈 UT, ST 〈 TT]. This account is however less compatible with a second use of the passé surcomposé as in the following example (cited as number (7c) by Schaden 2007: 191): (10) (Du blé), j'en ai eu récolté du plus beau This is difficult to translate idiomatically into English. As opposed to the ordinary perfect j'ai récolté du beau blé ‘I have harvested some fine wheat’, the example in (10) means something like ‘at some time in the past I had some fine wheat which I had harvested (and which I have now sold)’. In other words, we have here a perfect embedded in the past and not a simple past of the past. This requires a compositional account of the perfect and of the past: in short each component of the string ai eu récolté makes its own contribution to the meaning of the whole and there is no opacity or autonomy. There is no room here to go into the full details of Schaden's subtle and sophisticated analysis. It is clear, however, that a compositional account of examples like (10), dubbed ‘superparfaits’ by Schaden (2007), falls outside the schemas of Klein, and Giorgi and Pianesi adopted in section 19.2 above, and that a richer temporal ontology of the kind he offers is required. In fact, his temporal scheme allows both (9) and (10) to be analysed compositionally, thus undermining even the argument from (9) for non‐compositionality. Interestingly, too, on the basis of the analysis of similar constructions in Breton, Danish, and a number of German dialects, he concludes: ‘Le fait qu'il existe des langues, comme le danois ou le breton, dans lesquelles il existe uniquement des superparfaits, et pas de surcomposés antérieurs, tend à conforter une vue selon laquelle les superparfaits sont la source diachronique des temps surcomposés…’ (Schaden 2007: 210). But, the reader will ask, if both (9) and (10) are treated as transparent and compositional, how do we cope with the simple past interpretation of il a mangé ‘he ate’ in colloquial French? Schaden (2009) offers a neat solution based in pragmatics rather than morpho‐semantics, suggesting that the difference between French and English lies not in the compositionality or otherwise of the present perfect but in a different choice of the default form for past reference. He is thus able to retain compositionality throughout, and shifts responsibility for explaining the distribution of the French forms out of the morpho‐syntax altogether. Form and function are separated, and the (p.432) structure in one domain does not necessarily determine the analysis in the other.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 The lesson of this section is once again that different choices of primitives may lead to differing views of what is or is not compositional, and that in general a full diachronic perspective argues for the retention of compositionality even in contexts where it may at first sight appear to have been lost. In this sense, the treatment of the passé surcomposé unites our own conclusion based on the contrast between aget and acturus erit in (2) with Fintel and Iatridou's conclusion that a form such as dovrebbe ‘he ought’ requires a compositional analysis long after the etymological ingredients have lost their morpho‐syntactic independence. 19.3.3 The present participle

We will not deal with the whole range of uses of what Latin grammars traditionally dub the present participle formed in ‐ns. There is one, however, which is of particular relevance in the context of this chapter, namely in combination with the verb esse, as in the following examples: (11) a. ut

tu

sis

sciens

so

you

be.2SG.PRES.SUBJ know.PRESPRT.NOMSG

‘so that you may be in the know’            (Plautus Poen 1038) b. respondit

…dicto

audientem

fuisse

reply. 3SGPERF

utterance.DATSG hear.PRESPRT.ACCSG be.PERF.INF

praetori praetor.DATSG ‘he replied that he had attended to the words of the praetor’ (Cic Verr. iv, 27)

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 This construction is relatively infrequent in early and Classical Latin, and there is no evidence for it being other than a simple predication with esse. The participle itself is a morphologically regular derivation and is in principle available for all verbs, and, as with the ‐ing forms in English, often yields items whose subsequent history is as an independent adjective or noun, as for example Italian potente ‘powerful’, interessante ‘interesting’, amante ‘lover’. Recall that we have assigned this participle the temporal feature [ST ⊇ TT], so that sis sciens in (11) will by simple unification be assigned the value [ST ⊇ TT, ST ⊇ UT], and thus be interpreted correctly as ‘be in the state of knowing’ or in our more colloquial English rendering ‘be in the know’. In other words, this is an example of our type (i) construction. The fact that for the combination ‘esse + present participle’ there are no special semantic overtones akin (p.433) to the sense of intention induced pragmatically in the ‐urus construction and the relative rarity of examples like (11) in the classical corpus together support this conclusion. In later Latin, however, things change. Particularly in the Latin of the translated Bible, this pattern expands and develops an aspectual function, arguably under Greek influence (Dietrich 1973: 289–305), and hence we find examples such as the following: (12) a.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1

Abraham

autem

erat

adhuc

stans

A

however

be.3SGIMPF

hitherto

stand.PRESPRT.NO MSG

ante

dominum

before

lord.ACCSG

‘Abraham was standing before the Lord’(Gen 18.22)

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 b. Fuit

Iohannes in deserto

be.3SGPERF

John

in desert.ABLSG

baptizans

et

praedicans

baptize.PRESPRT.NOMSG and

preach.PRESPRT.NOMSG

baptismum baptism.ACCSG ‘John was in the desert baptizing and preaching baptism’ (Mark 1.4)

This usage is found with a wide range of verbs but is more common in the present and past, especially imperfect, than in the future. It is arguably still compositional and not fully integrated into the paradigm, in this respect being on a par with the ‐urus + esse construction described in the previous section. Nonetheless its frequency, at least in certain registers, has increased considerably and it has acquired a genuinely progressive meaning, thus entitling it to count as a periphrasis, just as the ‐urus periphrasis conveys a sense of intentionality over and above its compostional temporal value. In the subsequent Romance developments, there are a number of periphrases which correspond in meaning to this emergent construction. They all have in common a non‐finite form in ‐ant/‐ando/etc. plus one of a number of locative or positional auxiliaries: stare ‘stand’, venire ‘come’, ire ‘go’ (Squartini 1998), and emerge somewhat later in time. The direct continuers of the construction built with reflexes of esse are instead to be found in Old French, where it has not survived into the modern language, and in Sardinian where it is still buoyant (Jones 1993: 83) and where the evidence suggests compositionality still holds (see in particular Remberger 2006: 272ff.).

(p.434) 19.4 Theoretical consequences At this point, let us try to draw together the theoretical conclusions that our case studies have led us to. First off, we have seen evidence for the existence of paradigms both in the narrower sense of sets of interconnected forms, and in the wider Jakobsonian sense of forms in contrast (cf. examples (5), (6)). What is equally clear however is that the boundaries of the paradigm are fuzzy, and that at any given historical stage there are likely to be periphrastic constructions that display some of the distribution of full paradigm members and some of the independence and compositionality of syntactic constructions. Periphrases provide the principal mechanism for building new parts of paradigms, and can thereby integrate non‐finite forms into the paradigm, as happened with the Latin past participle, in origin a piece of derivational morphology. Page 22 of 27

Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 If periphrases can become part of a paradigm, can they exhibit the distributional behaviour associated with autonomous morphomes? Classic instances of ‘pure’ morphology involve a stem which enters into a range of morphological formations whose featural definitions do not constitute a natural morpho‐ syntactic class. Thus, in the Latin ‐urus case there is no way to redefine the features characterising past passive and future active in order to extract a common core. The only way to achieve that is to follow Embick and Halle (2005) down the underspecification route and postulate a head or a feature [aspect], but this is surely a category error. ‘Aspect’ is a convenient descriptive label for a class of phenomena but not an intrinsic feature shared by such phenomena. By contrast, an instance where a pure morphological solution can be circumvented by having something like an underspecified form is the account of the distribution of the Romance imperative stem proposed by Maiden (2007: 162). He suggests that the imperative acquires a special status as an ‘extraparadigmatic base‐form’ due to its extensive use in contexts of acquisition and contact. The difference between the two cases is that on Maiden's account the base form is in fact a default form rather than an item with a partial feature representation. Could there then be pure periphrastic morphology, that is to say situations where a non‐finite form occurs in a range of periphrases which are not linked by common features and indeed may even have contradictory feature values? A case in point might appear to be the past participle, which seems to begin its historical trajectory in Early Latin with no inherent voice value, comes to acquire passive force in the classical language, and then splits so that it is active in the perfect construction and passive elsewhere. Even so, as we have suggested, it is possible to attribute the voice difference to the effects of the different auxiliaries, and hence eliminate an argument for recourse to pure (p.435) morphology in the periphrastic domain. On such a limited sample of cases, we cannot of course be certain, but it appears that retention of periphrastic status will in general favour a compositional account, and that pure morphology in Aronoff's sense is more likely to arise following incorporation into the synthetic morphology. While we cannot rule out the possibility that in some language a given non‐finite form will come to enter into two diametrically opposed periphrases, this kind of development is likely to be extremely rare precisely because of the high degree of compostionality attested in early stages of the emergence of periphrases. For the moment therefore we conclude that pure morphology in the domain of periphrases is unlikely not so much because there is a universal principle which would rule it out but because the historical route leading to such a state of affairs would be extremely rare (cf. Evans and Levinson 2009: 444–445).

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 A similar answer also seems most appropriate to the question we raised at the outset as to whether there can ever be a language in which the paradigms are purely periphrastic. It is hard to see why this should hold as a matter of principle, and to that extent Ackerman and Stump's criterion of intersectivity is more a matter of methodological convenience than of theoretical necessity. On the other hand, there are diachronic pressures which will favour retention of inflectional morphology even under the extreme conditions of pidginization and creolization (Roberts and Bresnan 2008), so that a circumstance where all inherited inflectional morphology is lost is extremely unlikely. Once again, the story is one of statistical tendencies, markedness, and possible diachronic scenarios rather than of inviolable principles of universal grammar (Vincent 2009). Notes:

(1) A version of this chapter was first presented at the First Oxford Workshop on Romance Verb Morphology (Oxmorph 1), 27–28 August 2008. I am grateful to the organizers, Martin Maiden and J. C. Smith, for agreeing to include it in the programme, to Steve Anderson, Mark Aronoff, Michele Loporcaro, and Catherine Taylor for their comments on that occasion, and to the publishers' readers for later suggestions for improvement. Thanks too to Eva Schultze‐ Berndt for a timely conversation on periphrases and related matters. Responsibility for errors of fact and interpretation remains my own. Further development of the themes addressed here is to be found in Vincent (2009; in prep.). (2) One approach which does not accept Aronoff's conclusion is Distributed Morphology. Embick and Halle (2005) accordingly offer an alternative account in which facturus is indeed derived by applying a suffix to fact‐, but the morpho‐ semantic paradox is avoided through recourse to underspecification: fact‐ is argued to contain a null Aspect head but with no specification for any particular tense, aspect, or voice. It is not clear, however, what it means for something to be both aspectual and yet not have aspectual content. The analysis seems to be little more than a contentless (in both senses!) technical trick to avoid facing up to the consequences of recognizing ‘pure’ morphological or morphomic patterning, and we will not pursue this alternative further in the present chapter. (3) What should count as an appropriate circumstance is a question we return to below. (4) We will not enter further into the analysis of the imperfect and its generally acknowledged function, both in Latin and Romance, as an anaphoric tense; see Giorgi and Pianesi (2004) for a persuasive overall account.

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Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (5) This account generalizes the conclusion arrived at for the Latin past participle already by Joffre (1986: 220): ‘…la forme en ‐tus, employée seule ou en périphrase, ne signifie donc pas le temps. Ce sont le contexte, la situation du discours par rapport au nunc qui lui confèrent les effets de sens “aoriste” ou “état présent”.’ (6) A full account of the Latin non‐finite subsystem would also need to take into consideration the gerund and gerundive and the supine. We will not attempt that here: see Vincent (in prep.) for fuller discussion. (7) Compare in this connection the decision by Baker (2003: 193, n. 2) to postpone discussion of participles. Any such discussion will have to take into account the proposals of Anderson (1997). (8) On a point of terminology, note that I follow traditional usage in using the term periphrasis as both the name for the general phenomenon and for particular instances. I thus eschew the backformed singular periphrase adopted by Ackerman and Stump (2004) and others in their wake. (9) We put to one side here issues to do with serial verb and complex predicate constructions. (10) It is worth emphasizing that this concept of distributed exponence is very different from what Matthews (1991: 180) discusses under the heading ‘extended exponence’ in relation to synthetic formations. (11) See Gougenheim (1971), Dietrich (1973), and Squartini (1998) for extended analyses and discussion. The constructions they discuss are all periphrases in the sense that the term is used in this chapter. Note, however, that Olbertz (1998) uses ‘periphrasis’ in a different sense to refer to constructions that involve control or complex predicate formation.

Page 25 of 27

Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (12) The infinitive ending in ‐om is an old accusative not attested in Latin but found in Oscan ezum and Umbrian eru ‘to be’. There are also cognate formations in Sanskrit. The absence of this formation in Latin is perhaps the strongest argument against Postgate's reconstruction (cf. Ernout 1974/1953: 230). Given however the antiquity of the construction and the likelihood of some degree of polymorphism in the earliest phases of the Italic languages, this objection does not seem fatal in the face of the overall coherence and elegance of Postgate's argument. [While this chapter was being prepared for publication, I became aware of an alternative account of the origin of the ‐urus participle proposed in Fortson (2007). Detailed comment will have to be reserved for another occasion, but suffice it to to say at this juncture that Fortson dismisses Postgate's reconstruction on the same grounds as Ernout and others have done, and proposes instead an etymology in which futurus ‘about to be’ is connected to maturus ‘early’. The form futurus then serves as the model for a string of analogical formations across all verbs: amaturus, canturus, etc. Two objections, however, are first that it is not usual to find a single verb constituting the analogical source of a form that occurs in all verbs in a language, and second that this account does not explain the fact that, as discussed in Vincent and Bentley (2001), the participle by itself has a different textual distribution and historical trajectory from the periphrasis, something which falls out neatly from Postgate's proposal. I should add that I am grateful to Ben Fortson for supplying me with a copy of his chapter at very short notice.] (13) This example is discussed in a famous passage by Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticae 1. 7), who correctly refutes those who argued that Cicero had committed a solecism and that the participial futurum should be corrected to the agreeing futuram. Postgate has compiled an extensive list of other early instances of the indeclinable futurum. (14) As a mechanism of change this is akin to the way the original infinitival suffix ‐se in Latin esse ‘to be’ is subsumed into the stem and the generalized rhotic allomorph ‐re of the same suffix is then added anew to yield the etymon of Italian essere and French être. (15) Lindvall (1888: pref.) notes the frequent use in Cicero of the ‐urus periphrasis ‘ut inter se opponantur vel copulentur aut tria illa temporis genera aut praesens et futurum aut preteritum et futurum’ [in order that either the three tenses or the present and the future or the preterit and the future may be contrasted or linked with each other]. (16) I am grateful to John Briscoe for this example. (17) We will not go into the question of why this periphrasis did not survive; see, however, Vincent and Bentley (2001) for a suggestion.

Page 26 of 27

Non‐finite Forms, Periphrases, and Autonomous Morphology in Latin and Romance 1 (18) We put to one side here the question of the active interpretation of this participle with deponent verbs. (19) What holds for French also holds for those varieties of northern Italian and dialects which have seen a similar loss of the passato remoto or simple past.

Page 27 of 27

References

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

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Index

Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives From Romance Inflectional Morphology Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Maria Goldbach, and Marc-Olivier Hinzelin

Print publication date: 2011 Print ISBN-13: 9780199589982 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589982.001.0001

(p.471) Index Abeillé A. 401, 415 Abruzzese  353 absolute tense  421, 423 abstracted paradigm model  401, 410–414, 416 Acadian French see French, Acadian Ackerman, F. 9, 401, 403, 405, 406, 408, 419, 423 n 8, 424–426, 435 Acquaviva  360 n 1 acquisition  31, 140, 228, 230, 243, 244, 279, 281, 283, 307–308 n 4, 324, 434 Adams, J. N. 428 adjective  29, 30, 33, 40, 41, 44, 54, 61, 97, 98, 104, 109, 114, 116, 117, 175, 197, 205, 212, 244, 249, 329 n 3, 332, 333, 336, 339, 341, 343, 347–350, 356 n 26, 368, 407, 429, 432 adstrate  237, 244 n 6 affectedness  387, 398 affix ordering  236 agglutinating  426 Agnonese  331, 339, 340, 350, 354 agreement  1, 8, 25, 82, 83, 83 n 10, 84, 135, 237, 239, 242–244, 253, 294, 327–357, 362 n 3, 391, 403, 405, 408, 427, 428 Ain  302 Aissen, J. 242 Albright, A. 132 n 24, 138, 140, 141, 160, 160 n 4, 161, 162, 164, 170, 275 Alghero  208 Align  55, 59–65, 68, 125, 158 allomorphy  2–4, 13–34, 36–49, 52, 69, 77, 78, 80, 81, 88, 90, 90 n 17, 91, 114, 119, 120, 122, 125–128, 131, 158, 162, 163, 171, 186, 213, 228, 230, 236, 241, 244, 284–286, 288, 289, 291, 292, 306, 309, 330, 354, 355, 359, 379, 381, 409 allotropy  359 Altamurano  331, 348, 348 n 19, 350 analogical change  74 analogical levelling  126, 127, 129, 131, 293, 308 Page 1 of 19

Index analogical remodelling  129, 131, 314–315 n 6 analogical spread  90, 198 analogy  38 n 4, 57, 68, 88, 102, 111, 123, 138, 141, 179, 189 n 5, 190, 197, 199 n 14, 201–203, 211, 212, 226, 227, 311, 312, 313 n 5, 314, 316, 318 n 7, 318 n 9, 322, 324, 325, 399 anaphora  383, 422 n 4 Andalusian Spanish see Spanish, Andalusian Andersen, H. 13 Anderson, S. R. 2, 3 n 14, 4, 5, 13, 15, 22, 23, 27, 30, 33, 36, 36 n 1, 36 n 2, 37, 38 n 3, 39, 40, 43 n 6, 44, 46, 46 n 9, 47 n 10, 48–50, 138, 235, 236, 249, 265, 417 n 1 Andrade, A. 160 Anglo-Irish  308 Angolar  244 animate  348 n 19 aorist  259, 259 n 1, 422 n 5 Arabic  260, 262, 263, 267, 270 Aronoff, M. 3, 5, 7, 8, 33, 49, 58, 70, 71, 77, 78, 95, 106, 119, 124, 138, 158, 161, 183, 235, 236, 240, 247, 257, 265, 275, 285, 289, 290, 320, 355, 370, 402, 404 n 2, 409, 417, 417 n 1, 417 n 2, 418, 419, 426, 427, 435 Arregi, K. 52, 54, 82, 83, 83 n 9, 83 n 10 article  5, 7, 9, 31, 65, 125, 125 n 14, 210, 337–342, 342 n 17, 344, 347–351 aspect  3, 4, 20, 26, 49, 55, 70, 95–118, 140–142, 147, 161, 179, 194, 209, 236, 266, 290, 311, 324, 327, 393, 405, 406, 408, 417–418 n 2, 420, 421, 426, 430, 434 assimilation  211 Asturian  88, 90, 339 n 15 Athapaskan  258 Atlantic creoles  241–242 attraction  120, 121, 129, 194, 208 Aubure  290, 296 n 2, 297 augment  31, 42–46 Aulus Gellius  427 n 13 Aunis  312 Austin, P. 262, 382 autonomy  1–3, 3 n 17, 4, 6, 133, 179, 235, 236, 418, 426, 430, 431 Auwera, J. 123 n 7, 133 auxiliary  70, 311, 357, 403–409, 418, 419, 422, 425, 428, 430 Aveledo, F. 171 Badiotto  356, 357 Baerman, M. 3 n 13, 8, 236, 258, 260, 260 n 2, 261, 262, 264 n 5, 273, 280, 292, 314, 318 n 9, 328, 329, 329 n 3, 330, 330 n 4, 337, 353, 408–410 Baie des Chaleurs  312 (p.472) Baker, M. C. 2, 423 n 7 Balcom, P. 312, 314 Barbato, M. 97 n 6, 116, 355 Barcelona  183 n 3, 184–186, 186 n 4, 194, 207, 208 Baroni, M. 140 Barros, J. 220, 221 Bas Couserans  122 Battista, M. 354, 370, 370 n 8, 379 Page 2 of 19

Index Bauer, L. 383, 391 Bazadais  127, 128 Beard, R. 391 Beaulieu, L. 311 n 1, 312, 314, 321, 321 n 11, 322 Beniak, É. 323, 324 Benincà, P. 14, 20, 335 Bentley, D. 427 n 12, 428, 429 n 17 Benua, L. 58, 257, 265 Beretta, C. 349, 349 n 20 Berretta, M. 395 Bertinetto, P. M. 351, 393 Bertoletti, N. 351 Bertolo, L. 296 n 2, 307 biclausality  425 Bierwisch, M. 280 n 22, 281 Bigot, D. 325 Blevins, J. P. 136, 236 blocking  98, 112, 113, 138, 141, 160, 164, 169, 286 Bloomfield, L. 1 n 3 Bobaljik, J. D. 260, 263, 275 Bolinger, D. L. 1 n 2 Bonami, O. 290, 414–416 Bondardo, M. 351 Booij, G. 243, 244, 332 n 6 Börjars, K. 401, 419 Bosch, A. 140 boundary effect  51, 52 Boyé, G. 152, 236, 290, 348 n 19, 414–416 Brasseur, P. 321 Brazilian Portuguese see Portuguese, Brazilian Bresnan, J. 115, 435 Breton  431 Bromberger, S. 1 n 1 Brown, D. 3 n 13, 236, 258, 292, 314, 318 n 9, 408 Burzio, L. 58, 136, 138 Butler, G. R. 314 Butt, M. 401, 402 Bybee, J. L. 3 n 17, 6, 90, 131, 133, 136, 159, 170, 179, 290, 384, 391–393, 397 Bye, P. 25 Cabredo Hofherr, P. 236 Calabrese, A. 97, 101, 101 n 14 Calabrian  331, 332, 343, 344 Calangianus  344 Caligiuri, M. 344 Camischolas  296 n 2 canonical paradigm  287–289, 358 canonicity hierarchy  9 Capozzoli, R. 117 Cardoso, H. 235 n 1, 238 n 2, 253 n 10 Page 3 of 19

Index Caribbean Spanish see Spanish, Caribbean Carstairs[-McCarthy], A. 2, 4, 4 n 18, 25, 26, 86, 86 n 11, 121, 129, 129 n 20, 138, 260 n 2, 293, 295, 298, 305, 307 n 4, 314, 369 Carteret, C. 160, 162–164, 172 Casale Corte Cerro  346 case  23, 28, 32, 39, 57, 75, 78, 81, 116, 242, 244, 258, 260, 262, 264, 264 n 6, 270, 273 n13, 278, 280, 281, 284, 292, 294, 305, 332, 362, 366, 380 n 14, 391, 395, 419, 423 case hierarchy  262 Castilian  71, 73, 74, 81 n 8, 87, 88, 91, 92, 131, 226 n 9, 231, 356 Castrovillarese  343 Catalan  6, 9, 78–81, 84, 108, 126, 127, 183–209, 295, 296, 301 n 3, 327, 328, 336, 356, 357, 401, 405, 407–409, 411–416 Catanzarese  343, 344 cataphoric  383 Cavacas, A. D. 211, 212, 226, 227 Cecchi  363 cell-mate  360, 362–365, 367, 370, 378, 381 Ceresole  307 Chapman, C. 401, 419 Chevalier, G. 312, 314 Choletais  321 n 11 Chomsky, N. 1, 2, 136, 424 Cicero  427–428 n 13, 428 n 15 Cichocki, W. 311 n 1, 312, 314, 321, 321 n 11, 322 Clahsen, H. 6, 136, 137, 158, 160, 162, 164, 167, 169 n 10, 170–172, 230 Clark, E. V. 307, 307 n 4 Claudi, U. 389 Claudius Terentianus  428 Clements, J. C. 235 n 1, 238 n 2, 239, 240, 243, 243 n 5, 245, 247, 254 clitic  9, 121, 122, 313 n 4, 314–315 n 6, 322, 327, 329, 330, 338, 339 n 15, 340–342, 342 n 17, 344, 349, 350, 356, 357, 382–400, 414 Cocchi, G. 390 cognitive linguistics  395 (p.473) coherence  74, 120, 121, 126, 129, 130, 146, 209, 427 n 12 Cole, J. 105, 114 complementarity  369 complementation  385, 397 completeness  138, 358 completive  238, 239, 241, 245, 246, 248, 249, 251–253 complex predicate  425 n 9, 426 n 11 compositionality  396–398, 406, 418, 424, 429–431, 434 compounds  18, 130, 184, 221 Comrie, B. 261, 262, 264, 406, 420–422 conceptual representation  394 conditional  15, 17, 47, 48, 52, 68, 69, 94, 306, 307, 310, 315, 316, 361, 376, 377, 377 n 12, 378, 379, 406 conjugation classes  7, 123, 128 n 18, 134, 184, 210, 237, 238, 240–242, 244, 246, 253, 253 n 10, 295 connectionist networks  139 Page 4 of 19

Index connotation  47, 386, 388, 390, 394–397 contact  140, 246–247, 253, 306–308, 308 n 5, 310, 324, 325, 345, 356, 434 contextual inflection  243, 244, 332 n 6 controller  333 n 8, 334, 335, 335 n 9, 340 n 16 copying  208, 258, 265, 274, 284 Corbett, G. G  3 n 13, 236, 258, 287–290, 292, 294, 318 n 9, 329, 333 n 8, 334, 335, 335 n 9, 339 n 15, 358, 359, 362, 362 n 3, 370, 375, 377, 378, 408 Cornwall (Ontario)  323 Corsican  331, 332, 343, 344 Cortés, C. 357 Cree  325 creoles  7, 235–254 Croissant  301, 309, 310 Cruschina, S. 96, 105, 105 n 17, 105 n 18, 113, 114, 311 n 1 Cutrofiano  110 n 22, 112 Daelemans  140 Daman  7, 235, 237, 242, 250 Danish  431 Dante  363, 364 Dardano, M. 393 Dasher, R. B. 388 De Blasi, N. 339 n 15 declension classes  236 Decurtins, A. 46, 47, 334 De Diego Balaguer, R. 162, 163, 172 defectiveness  43, 44 n 7, 46, 46 n 9, 47, 48, 236, 289, 419 Del Puente, P. 117 De Mauro, T. 361, 382, 383 n 1, 384, 385 denotatum, 395 deponency  295, 416 derivation  30, 40, 41, 44, 57, 58, 77, 101, 110, 112, 248, 252, 281, 284, 391–394, 396– 398, 416, 432 derivational morphology  39–42, 110, 434 derived forms see derivational morphology Deshaies, D. 323 desiderative  403, 404 determiner  336 Detges, U. 264 n 6, 264 n 8 diaphasic varieties  364 diatopic variation  362–365 Dietrich, W. 426 n 11, 433 diphthongization  97, 117, 161, 191 diptotic nouns  262 Di Sciullo, A. M. 2, 2 n 10 distributed exponence  426, 426 n 10 Distributed Morphology  2, 80, 82, 83 n 9, 84, 85, 87, 277 n 16, 409, 417 n 2, 426 Diu  189, 253 n 10 divergent bidirectional syncretism  7, 260–264, 284 Diyari  260, 262, 263, 268, 271 Page 5 of 19

Index Dols, N. 407 Donnas  307 doublets  8, 9, 41, 359, 361, 363, 365, 367–369, 369 n 5, 370–372, 374, 374 n 10, 374 n 11, 375–377, 377 n 12, 378, 380 Drapeau, L. 323, 324 Dressler, W. U. 136, 139, 305, 350, 383, 384, 391 Dual Mechanism Model  137, 138, 141, 159, 160, 160 n 4, 161, 171–173, 179 dueir  43, 45–49 Dutch  324, 361 Edmont, E. 312 elicited production  6, 137, 159–162 Elsewhere Condition see Pānini’s/Pānini's principle Embick, D. 2 n 11, 258, 259, 409, 417 n 2, 434 Emilian  341, 346, 349 empty morphs  236 English  7, 30, 47 n 10, 70, 95, 106, 124, 132 n 21, 138, 139, 165, 172, 236, 246, 275, 278, 308, 309, 314, 324, 359–361, 384, 402, 405, 406, 424, 425, 430–432 epenthesis  21 ergative language  262 (p.474) Ernout, A. 123, 427 n 12 Estonian  236 European Portuguese see Portuguese, European Evans, N. 435 Everett, D. 390 extrametricality  54 ‘face-saving,’  48 Falk, Y. N. 401 family size  138, 139 Fanciullo, F. 98, 102, 338 n 14 feature co-occurrence restrictions  404 feature decomposition  280 n 22, 283 features  2, 3, 8, 17, 71, 72, 80, 82–84, 86, 88, 95, 99, 101 n 13, 112, 114, 115, 118, 140, 237, 239, 242–244, 247, 248, 248 n 7, 249, 251, 264, 267, 267 n 12, 277, 279 n 20, 279 n 21, 284, 288, 328, 329, 337, 339 n 15, 342, 344, 357, 362, 364, 368, 375, 383, 391–393, 395, 398, 401–406, 408–412, 414–417, 419–421, 423, 426, 434 Fehringer, C. 369 n 6 feminine  8, 30, 98, 99, 112, 113, 261 n 3, 264, 273, 274, 281, 335, 339, 339 n 15, 343, 344, 348 n 19, 353, 357, 388–390, 396, 427 Finegan, E. 388 Fintel, K. V. 424, 425, 432 Fischer, W. 262 Flamm, H. W. 366 Flikeid, K. 314 Fodor, J. A. 1 n 6, 2 n 6 Fortson, B. W. 427 n 12 Fouché, P. 120, 196, 199 Francavilla Fontana  101 Francoprovençal  296, 296 n 2, 300, 302, 306, 307 Frank, A. 401, 402 Page 6 of 19

Index Fraser, N. 136 Freire, M. L. 221 French  6, 43 n 6, 108, 119, 136, 160, 197, 231, 258, 289, 311–326, 328, 401, 418 French, Acadian  312, 313, 313 n 4, 314–318, 318 n 8, 320–322, 326 French, Manitoban  323–326, 325 n 14 French, Métis  324–326 French, Middle  320 French, Old  109, 129, 199, 258, 260, 264, 264 n 6, 264 n 8, 270, 272–274, 272 n 13, 284, 292, 312, 312 n 2, 317, 433 French, Ontarian  323, 324 French, Québécois  321–324 frequency  3 n 17, 6, 43, 47, 131, 132, 132 n 24, 133, 136–139, 141, 149, 150, 152, 155– 158, 160–162, 164–166, 168–171, 174, 177, 178, 204, 208, 210 n 1, 214 n 6, 215 n 7, 217, 232, 234, 287, 361–363, 366, 367, 372–374, 376, 377, 377 n 12, 428, 433 frequency effect  132, 138–139, 155, 160, 168–171, 177, 178 Fudeman, K. 289 future  15, 17, 52, 61, 68, 69, 73–75, 78, 89, 92–94, 163 n 7, 200, 222, 299, 301 n 3, 306, 307, 310, 311, 315, 361, 376, 377, 377 n 12, 378, 379, 406, 417, 418, 420, 421, 425, 428, 428 n 15, 429, 433, 434 future participle  417 Gaglia, S. 5, 95–98, 98 n 7, 100, 101, 101 n 13, 101 n 14, 102–104, 106, 109, 110, 110 n 22, 112, 116, 287 n 1 Galician  7, 78, 88, 97 n 5, 128, 128 n 18, 128 n 19, 131, 210–234 Galileo  363 Gallo  122 Gallo-Romance  8, 126, 287–310 Gallurese  332, 343–345 Ganzoni, G. P. 47 Gartner, T. 47 Gascon  123, 123 n 10, 127, 134 Gaspé  312 Gathercole, V. C. 307–308 n 4 Gaussier, E. 140 gender  8, 98, 99, 99 n 8, 102, 112, 164, 281, 328, 329, 329 n 1, 329 n 2, 330, 330 n 4, 332, 332 n 6, 333, 333 n 8, 334, 335, 335 n 9, 336–339, 339 n 15, 340, 340 n 16, 342– 346, 348, 350, 351, 353, 354, 357, 375, 391, 394, 396, 423, 426 Gentile  363 Georgian  236 German  20, 47, 171, 197, 236, 278, 283 n 25, 308, 369 n 6, 431 Giammarco, E. 350 Gilliéron, J. 302, 304, 312 Giorgi, A. 420–422, 422 n 4, 424, 431 Godard, D. 401, 415 Goldsmith, J. 140 Golla, V. 258 Gougenheim, G. 426 n 11 Gramado, N. 215, 216, 232, 234 grammaticalization  389–391, 398, 399 Grandgent, C. H. 195–198 Page 7 of 19

Index (p.475) Greek  42, 236, 292, 433 Greenberg, J. H. 131, 383 Greimas, A. J. 1 n 3 Grimshaw, J. 265 Grisch, M. 14 n 2, 20, 22, 32, 46 Grizzanese  331, 341, 342, 342 n 17, 354 Groppallo, 346, 347 Grossmann, M. 369 Guinea Bissau  241 Gujarati  7, 235, 243, 244 n 6, 245–247 Haiman, J. 14, 20, 335 Halle, M. 1 n 1, 2 n 11, 54, 80, 159, 160, 173, 258, 259, 277 n 16, 409, 417–418 n 2, 434 Hallion Bres, S. 325 n 14 Harris, J. W. 51, 54, 63, 167 Haspelmath, M. 244, 391 Haut-Limousin  126, 289, 296, 296 n 2, 297, 298, 301, 305 Hayes, B. 54, 140, 160 Head Application Principle  278 n 19 Hebbian connectivity  136 Heine, B. 389, 390 n 5 heteroclisis/heteroclitic  184, 241, 250, 253, 288, 295, 379, 409, 410, 416 Hockett, C. F. 1 n 4 Hoenigswald, H. M. 359 homonymy  8, 129 n 20, 191 n 11, 288, 289, 309 Hooper, J. B. 324 Howard, I. 26 human  98, 133 n 25, 136, 141, 161, 275, 277, 286, 368 Hungarian  369 Hünnemeyer, F. 389 Hupa  258, 259 Huth, A. 171, 172, 179 hybridization  308, 309 Iatridou, S. 424, 425, 432 Ibero-Romance  88, 89, 128 n 18, 295–297, 302 Identity Function Default  249, 414 idiomaticization  384, 390, 397, 399 Îles de la Madeleine  312 imperative  5, 16, 17, 38, 94, 102, 119–134, 211, 213 n 2, 214, 217, 222, 247, 298, 310, 320 n 10, 362, 369–370 n 7, 370, 379, 386–388, 393, 434 Imperatore, L. 339 n 15 imperfect  15, 17, 47, 52, 63–65, 67, 72, 73 n 3, 74, 75, 78–81, 83–87, 92, 94, 104, 107, 112–114, 225, 259 n 1, 301, 302, 307, 310, 315, 316, 323–325, 376, 379, 380, 406, 421, 422, 422 n 4, 425, 433 imperfective  72, 73 n 3, 406, 421, 422 impoverishment  257, 260, 260 n 2, 261–264, 264 n 5, 274, 284 inanimate  348 n 19, 368, 398 incorporation  388, 389, 430, 435 India  235, 237, 253 n 10 indirect correspondence hypothesis  136 Page 8 of 19

Index Indo-Aryan  7, 244 n 6, 247 Indo-European  133, 292 Indo-Portuguese  236, 237, 241, 242, 243 n 4, 246, 247, 249, 250, 252, 253, 253 n 10, 254 Ineichen, G. 346 inferential-realizational morphology  402, 409–415 inflection  27, 42, 58, 99, 100, 112, 136, 139, 142, 156, 164, 171, 179, 183–210, 214, 216, 226, 236, 237, 242–244, 247–253, 275, 287–289, 311–326, 328, 330, 332, 332 n 6, 333, 336, 338, 340, 341, 343–351, 354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 378, 379, 384, 391–394, 396–398, 415 inherent inflection  243, 244 intermediate forms  300, 301, 304, 307–310 intersectivity  425, 435 Ireland  308, 309 Isačenko, A. V. 289 Isernia  339, 340 isomorphism  289 Istro-Romanian  127 Italian  5, 21, 52, 95, 123, 136, 159, 188, 230, 302, 330, 358–400, 424 Jackendoff, R. S. 23 Jaszczolt, K. M. 420 Jensen, J. T. 26, 383 Joffre, M.-D. 422 n 5, 429 Jones, M.A  407, 433 Julien, M. 420, 424, 425 Jura  302 Kabuverdianu  241, 242 Kager, R. 23, 54, 257, 265, 267 n 12 Kaisse, E. M. 27 Kaplan, R. M. 115 Kasparian, S. 312 Katamba, F. 244 Kenstowicz, M. 58, 257, 265 Kihm, A. 236, 241, 242, 244 Kilani-Schoch, M. 139, 350 (p.476) King  215, 314 Kiparsky, P. 28, 54 n 1, 57, 101, 103 n 15, 110, 138, 160, 278 n 17, 284, 285 Klein, W. 243, 420, 421, 431 Kohonen, T. 141–143 Koontz-Garboden, A. 238 n 2, 240, 243 n 5, 245, 247, 254 Korlai  7, 235, 237, 242 Körting, G. 198 Kriyol  241, 242 Ladin  14, 47 Lancianese  350 Languedocian  297 La Salle  307 Latin  7, 38, 51, 71, 108, 120, 175, 189, 210 n 1, 236, 260, 291, 311, 335, 359, 407, 417 Lausberg, H. 68, 96, 109, 130 Page 9 of 19

Index laxing  5, 96, 105, 106, 114, 118 Ledgeway, A. 95, 100 n 12, 429 Lehmann, C. 332, 382 Lejeune, L. 123 n 7, 133 Leonardo, M. S. 363, 364 Leumann, M. 195 levelling  17, 126, 126 n 17, 127, 129–131, 155, 191, 191 n 9, 275, 293, 308, 314–315 n 6, 320, 321 Levinson, S. C. 435 lexical access  6, 159, 162, 163, 172, 179 lexical decision  137, 138, 162, 171, 172, 175, 179 Lexical-Functional Grammar  115 lexicalization  241, 388 Lexical Phonology  27, 103, 110 lexical representation  22, 23, 31, 32, 45, 137, 157 liaison  315, 350 Libben, G  142 Lieber, R  110 Liégeois  350 n 21 Limousin  125, 126, 129 Lindvall, I. 428 n 15 Lodge, R. A  321 Logudorese  332, 345 Lombard  346 Loporcaro, M  8, 289, 327, 329 n 1, 332, 333 n 8, 336, 341, 342 n 17, 344, 345, 348 n 19, 350 n 21, 360 n 2, 417 n 1 Lorrain, K  290, 296, 296 n 2, 297, 298, 301, 302, 305, 310 lowering  96, 98, 104, 112, 211, 216, 312 L-pattern  106, 107, 107 n 19, 124 n 11, 128 n 19, 183–194, 198–200, 202, 204, 206– 209, 212, 213, 227, 228, 230, 232 Lüdtke, H. 97 n 5 Luís, A. R  7, 243, 243 n 4, 401, 414 Lurese  332, 345 MacBride, A. I. 265 Macedonian  259, 260 Maceratese  8, 331–334, 333 n 7, 336, 338, 354 Machiavelli  363 Maia, Clarinda de Azevedo  212 Maiden, M. 3, 13, 38, 67, 71, 95, 119, 183, 211, 235, 287 n 1, 311 n 1, 330, 370, 417 n 1 Majorca  208 Malagoli, G. 342 n 17 Malkiel, Y. 359, 360 Manitoban French see French, Manitoban Manzini, M. 331 n 5, 356 Marantz, A. 2, 32, 80, 173, 277 n 16 Marathi  7, 235, 243, 244 n 6, 245–247 Maratsos, M. 138 Mari  403, 405, 415 markedness  7, 60, 61, 102, 131, 204, 258, 263, 264, 266, 272 n 13, 284, 285, 435 Page 10 of 19

Index Markov chain  157 Marslen-Wilson, W. 138, 160, 162, 163, 163 n 6, 164, 172, 175 Martin, M. 183 n 1, 287 n 1, 338, 417 n 1 Martins, A. M. 211–213, 226, 227 Maschi, R. 347, 351 masculine  8, 33, 98, 99, 102, 112, 113, 204, 261, 261 n 3, 264, 270–273 n 13, 279–281, 327, 329, 333, 335–341, 339 n 15, 343, 346, 348 n 19, 349 n 20, 353, 357, 395 Masica, C. P. 247 Matelicese  331, 336, 354 Matthews, P. H. 1 n 3, 3 n 14, 136, 235, 236, 264 n 7, 265, 417, 423, 426 n 10, 427 Mayerthaler, W. 394 McCarthy, A. 2, 4, 4 n 18, 25, 26, 52, 57, 58, 60, 61, 61 n 4, 63, 86, 86 n 11, 102, 129, 129 n 20, 138, 257, 260 n 2, 265, 267 n 11, 283 n 24, 284, 286, 293, 295, 298, 305, 307 n 4, 314, 369 McClelland, J. 139, 141, 159, 179 McWhorter, J. 243 n 4, 244 Meillet, A. 422 Meinschaefer, J. 5, 54 Meldola, A. 221 Mellet, S. 429 mental lexicon  3 n 17, 140, 141 Merlo, C. 339 metaphony  5, 7, 95, 96, 96 n 3, 97–103, 97 n 5, 98 n 7, 99 n 8, 99 n 9, 100–103, 101 n 13, 101 n 14, 103 n 15, 106, 110–118, 210–234, 331, 332, 343, 350 (p.477) metathesis  21, 197–199 Métis French see French, Métis Meunier, F. 162, 163, 163 n 6, 172 Meyer-Lübke, W. 195, 197–199 m-features  408, 409 Michif  325 Middle French see French, Middle Middleton, C. S. 138 Milanese  331, 349, 354 Miller, G. A. 136 Minimal Generalization Algorithm  140, 161 Minimum Description Length  140 Mirandes  89, 89 n 15, 89 n 16 Mohanan, K. P. 159, 160, 266 Molière  312 Monachesi, P. 383, 390 Moncton  314 monoclausal  425, 430 Montréal  323 mood  42, 52, 126 n 16, 133, 183, 209, 292, 308, 312 n 3, 324, 393, 394, 403–406, 408, 420 MorPa corpus  152 morpheme  1, 2, 66, 67, 82, 83, 117, 135, 140, 158, 162, 179, 275, 308, 318 n 9, 333 n 8, 383, 389, 390, 395 morphological reversal  416 Page 11 of 19

Index morphologization  46 n 9, 99, 110 morphome/morphemic  3, 14, 36–50, 70–91, 95, 118–134, 183–209, 320, 427 morphophonemic change  90 Mougeon, R. 323, 324 multiple correspondence  138 Münthe, Mussomeli  96, 105–106, 113, 114, 118 Nadasdi, T. 314 Nahuatl  246 Natural Morphology  139, 394 Neapolitan  97 n 6, 99, 100, 100 n 12, 117, 331, 338–340, 339 n 15, 348, 348 n 19, 350, 354, 355, 366 Nearest Neighbour Algorithm  140 negative  45, 247, 386, 388, 394, 396, 403, 404, 415 Nespor, M. 33, 100, 108 Network Morphology  3 neuter  99, 261–263, 261 n 3, 265–267, 266 n 10, 273, 274, 279–281, 333–340, 333 n 7, 339 n 15, 348, 354, 427 neutralization  8, 95, 99, 100, 104, 108, 109, 112, 113, 117, 118, 128, 222–227, 293, 295, 309, 327–357 New Brunswick  312, 314, 321, 321 n 11, 322 Nida, E. A. 1 n 5 Niño, M. 401 Noasca  307 Noël, D. 323 Nole, G. 333 n 8 nonce-words  137, 165, 175 noun  7, 29, 40, 44, 54, 61, 97, 98, 104, 109, 112–114, 116, 117, 132 n 22, 173–175, 212, 244, 261–271, 261 n 3, 273 n 13, 275–279, 277 n 15, 278 n 17, 284, 329 n 3, 333–335, 333 n 7, 338, 342, 349 n 20, 356 n 26, 360, 368, 375, 389, 392, 398, 419, 423, 427, 429, 432 Nova Scotia  312 Noyer, R. 257, 258, 260, 263, 275 N-pattern  17, 33, 38, 38 n 3, 39, 42, 43, 45, 96 n 4, 107–114, 119–122, 120 n 4, 121 n 5, 124–127, 125 n 14, 128 n 19, 129–131, 133, 290, 291, 297, 298, 310, 319–321, 322 n 13, 326, 370–372, 372 n 9, 374, 375, 381 number  8, 20, 36 n 2, 61, 71, 109, 120, 141, 158, 186, 212, 235, 263, 295–297, 317, 328, 378, 384, 403, 419 Nus  296 n 2, 307 Nyrop, K. 130, 311, 312, 312 n 2, 318 Occitan  120 n 4, 123, 123 n 10, 188, 191, 194, 195, 198, 200, 201, 296–298, 300–302, 306, 331 Olbertz, H. 426 n 11 Old French see French, Old Oliveira, F. 220 Oltra Massuet, I. 52, 54, 83, 83 n 9 O'Neill, P. 5, 43, 70, 81 n 8, 121, 183 n 1, 228, 311 n 1 one-route model  136–138, 141, 157 Onillon, R. 321 n 11 Page 12 of 19

Index onomasiology  419 Ontarian French see French, Ontarian opacity  34, 397, 398, 424, 430, 431 Optimality Theory  7, 22, 26–28, 57, 60, 102, 103, 103 n 15, 103 n 16, 110, 257, 258, 260, 265, 266, 273, 278–281, 283–286 optimal paradigm  52, 58, 60–63 Orsolini, M. 159, 160, 162–164, 172 Oscan  427 n 12 Osthoff, H. 289 Otoguro, R. 415, 415 n 6, 416 output-to-output correspondence  7, 257, 258, 260, 265, 275 overabundance  358–381 Overall Distribution Schema  379 Pace, A. 343 Paciaroni, T. 332, 333 n 8, 336 (p.478) Padovano/Paduan  331, 346, 347, 351–353 Palenquero  244 Palmoli  121, 122, 130 pancake agreement  334 Pānini’s/Pānini's principle  414 Papen, R. A. 325 Papiamentu  244 paradigm  3, 24, 36, 51, 70, 95, 119, 135–158, 186, 212, 235, 258, 287–310, 320, 328, 358, 395, 401, 419–426 paradigmatic redundancy  8 paradigm function  3, 9, 85, 248–249, 293, 294, 414 Paradigm Function Morphology  3, 80, 85–88, 237, 247, 248, 287–295, 401, 414–416 paradigm linkage  294, 410 paradigm uniformity  52, 58, 60, 63, 67, 69 parasitic harmony  105, 114 participle  15, 17, 70, 76, 92, 94, 184–187, 191, 192, 194, 204–209, 225, 379, 405–407, 409, 417–419, 421, 426–429, 427 n 12, 429 n 18, 430, 432–433 Pascoli  366 passato remoto  361, 362, 366, 367, 370, 371, 374, 374 n 10, 378, 380, 430 n 19 passé composé  9, 405–407, 409–412 passé simple  405, 407, 410 passé surcomposé  407, 430–432 passive  70, 95, 106, 236, 331 n 5, 356 n 26, 405–407, 417, 419, 429, 430, 434 Paster, M. 25, 26, 103 n 16, 171, 284, 285, 366 past participle  16, 70, 137, 160, 162–166, 168 n 8, 173, 183, 194, 204–206, 238, 327, 328, 332, 333, 338, 340, 341, 343–350, 362, 367, 368, 374 n 10, 378, 379, 381, 417, 422 n 5, 428–432, 434 past participle agreement  8 past tense  82, 137, 138, 246, 248, 259, 260, 277 n 15, 278 n 17, 359, 406, 408, 420 Paul, H. 57 Penello, N. 347, 351 Perdue, C. 243 perfective  8, 70, 72, 73, 73 n 3, 74, 83, 91, 92, 163 n 7, 183, 331 n 5, 356 n 26, 357, 401, 405–408, 405 n 4, 410–412, 415, 420, 425 Page 13 of 19

Index perfecto y tiempos afines (PYTA)  71, 74–76, 81–88, 90, 91, 183–187, 189–209, 191 n 9, 291 periphrasis  9, 359, 401–416, 415 n 6, 419–421, 423–425, 423 n 8, 426 n 11, 427 n 12, 428–430, 428 n 15, 429 n 17, 433 Perlmutter, D. M. 329 n 1 Péronnet, L. 312, 314, 318 Petit-Rombach  290, 296 n 2, 297 phonologically conditioned allomorphy  27, 36, 39–42, 50, 285, 286 Piandelagottese  331, 341, 342 n 17, 346, 349 Pianesi, F. 420–422, 422 n 4, 424, 431 Piedimonte Matese  96–98, 98 n 7, 101, 104, 107–113, 116–118 Pinker, S. 135, 140, 159, 159 n 1, 160 n 4, 164, 275, 277 n 16, 278 Pirrelli, V. 6, 111, 135, 136, 140, 141, 149, 330, 354, 370, 370 n 8, 379 Plag, I. 235 n 1, 236, 242–244 Plank, F. 391 Plautus  335 n 10, 432 Poirier, P. 312 Poitou  312 polymorphism  359, 360, 427 n 12 Pope, M. K. 317, 318 n 9, 320 Popova, G. 402, 413 Portuguese  7, 53, 75–78, 97 n 5, 123, 158, 188, 210–235, 295, 331 Portuguese, Brazilian  228, 246 Portuguese, European  214, 215, 228 n 10, 229, 238, 239, 246 Post, B. 139, 142 Postgate, J. P. 427, 427 n 12, 428, 428 n 13 Potawatomi  236 pragmaticization  288 preterite  7, 9, 73–81, 75 n 5, 81 n 8, 83, 83 n 10, 84–90, 92, 94, 163 n 7, 166, 236, 238, 239, 407, 408, 412, 413, 415, 416 pretonic variation  96, 96 n 2, 108, 109, 111, 113 priming  6, 137, 158–179 Prince, A. 52, 57, 58, 102, 135, 140, 164, 257, 265, 312, 428 Prince Edward Island  312 Principle of Contrast  307, 307 n 4, 308 n 4 processing  6, 135–142, 146, 156–159, 161, 179 n 15, 244 productivity  154, 158, 159, 172, 398–399 progressive  238, 245, 246, 248, 249, 251, 253, 422, 425, 433 pronominalization  389 pronoun  9, 263, 315 n 6, 329 n 3, 335, 344, 382, 388, 390 Prosodic Hierarchy  33 prospective  421 Proust  369 n 5 Puter  14, 331 (p.479) Québécois French see French, Québécois Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico  338 n 14 Raeto-Romance  14, 296 raising  75 n 5, 96–99, 98 n 7, 101–104, 101 n 13, 109–113, 109 n 21, 118, 211, 212, 222, 225–227, 343, 409 n 5, 418, 427 Page 14 of 19

Index Raveh, M. 137 reaction time  162, 172, 176–178 realization constraint  8, 257, 265, 266, 268, 272–275, 283 n 24 Realization Optimality Theory  7, 257, 258, 265, 280, 284, 286 realization rules  77, 85, 86, 237, 247–249, 248 n 8, 252, 253, 294, 414, 415 reference  44, 48, 49, 51, 71, 85, 98 n 7, 114, 149, 198, 251, 315, 360, 386, 389, 392, 395, 407, 420, 422, 431 referral (rules of) see rule of referral Regueiro, M. D. 216, 221 Reichenbach  420 relative tense  421, 423, 426 relevance hierarchy  393, 397 Remacle, L. 350 n 21 Remberger, E.-M  420, 423, 424, 433 repeated paradigm model  410, 411 rhotacism  427 Rissanen, J. 140 Roberts, S. 435 Roca, I. 51, 54, 171 Rodriguez-Fornells, A. 172, 179 Rohlfs, G. 95, 96, 96 n 2, 98 n 7, 104, 112, 122 Romance verb stress  51, 58, 63 Romandy  299, 301, 302, 309 Romanian  42, 44, 45, 53, 65, 123, 125 n 14, 127, 134, 302, 331, 1213n9 Romansh  4, 13–50, 296–298, 296 n 2, 301, 305 Ronjat, J. 126, 198 root 2, 38, 52, 71, 99, 119 n 3, 137, 160, 184, 211, 235, 277 n 16, 288, 331, 366, 414 R-pattern  370–372, 370 n 8 Ruben, E. 126, 296 n 2, 298 Rueckl, J. G. 137 Rueras  296 n 2 rule block  248, 249, 251, 252 rule of referral  248 n 8, 257–260, 273–275, 278, 284, 294, 295, 309, 316, 318 n 9, 321, 326, 375, 410 Rumantsch see Romansh Rumelhart, D. 159, 170, 179 Russell, K. 265 Russian  236, 283 n 25, 292 Russi, C. 9, 382, 384, 384 n 2, 384 n 3, 390, 399 Sadler, L  401, 402, 407, 408, 419, 424 Saeed, J. 337 Saintonge  312 Sala-Gallini, M. 395 Salentino  331, 332, 343 Salvi, G. 366 Salvioni, C. 346 Samuels, M. L. 308 Sankoff, D. 311 n 1, 323 Sanseverinate  331 Page 15 of 19

Index Sanskrit  86, 236, 427 n 12 Santamarina, A. 211, 212, 227 Sardinian  123, 331, 433 Sassarese  332, 343, 345 Saussure  266, 279, 286 Savognin  14, 14 n 2, 36–39, 38 n 3, 42, 45, 47, 49, 50 Savoia, L. M. 97 n 6, 331 n 5, 356 Say, T. 6, 158, 160, 162, 164, 167, 169 n 10, 170, 172, 230 Scalise, S. 2 n 10, 383, 391, 392, 394, 398 Schaden, G. 420, 422, 430, 431 Schorta, A. 45 Schürr, F. 100 second language acquisition (SLA)  242–244 Sedrun  296 n 2 Segond, F. 401 Self-Organizing Map  6, 141–145 self-organizing memory  136 Selkirk, E. 2 n 10, 33, 58 Selva  296 n 2 semantic generalization  389, 399 semantic specialization  390, 399 semantic transfer  389 semasiology  419 Sennorese  332, 345 Serbat, G. 429 Serbo-Croat  405 serial verb  425 n 9 Serianni, L. 360 Serviglianese  331 Servigliano  99 Seychellois  244 s-features  408, 409 Shaw, P. 28 sibilant stems  203, 205 Sicilian  105, 331, 332, 343, 344, 355 Siegel, J. 242, 243 Signorell, F. 14 n 2, 22, 43 n 6, 44, 46, 47 Sihler, A. L. 427, 429 Silbertzein, M. 312 similarity effect  159, 160, 160 n 4, 166, 168, 170, 171 (p.480) Simone, R. 383 n 1 Skousen, R. 170, 179 Sluyters, W. 56, 97, 101, 101 n 14, 110 Smith, J. C. 8, 287 n 1, 289, 311, 318, 320, 417 n 1 Sonder, A. 14, 22, 32 Sonnenstuhl, I. 171, 172, 179 sonority  279 n 20 Sotaventu  241

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Index sound change  8, 38, 41, 88, 119 n 1, 120, 121, 121 n 5, 122 n 6, 125, 131, 188, 195, 197, 198, 285, 292, 309, 311, 315, 318 n 9, 320, 329, 337–339, 342–344, 349 n 20, 351 n 22, 353 n 23, 355, 356 n 26, 427 Spanish  5, 6, 52–56, 63–69, 71, 74, 75, 75 n 5, 81–88, 91, 106–109, 107 n 19, 111, 111 n 24, 117, 123, 127, 130–132, 132 n 21, 158–179, 188, 199, 246, 292, 294–296, 331, 336, 356 Spanish, Andalusian  292 Spanish, Caribbean  292 Spencer, A. 2, 3 n 15, 158, 235, 236, 383, 401, 402, 405, 407, 408, 413, 414, 418, 419, 424, 430 Squartini, M. 426 n 11, 433 stem 3, 15–27, 36, 51, 71, 95, 121, 135, 158–179, 184, 211, 236, 267, 288, 317, 330, 358, 382, 404, 417 Stemberger, J. P. 138 stem-formation rules  85, 248, 250, 252, 253 stem variation  7, 184–187, 207, 211–217, 220, 221, 223, 225–232, 234, 236 Stewart, T. 424 Stratal OT  28, 103 n 15 stress assignment  5, 51, 53–56, 54 n 1, 60–67, 69 stress-conditioned phonology  18 stress-conditioned vowel alternations  39 stress pattern  5, 25, 31, 45, 52, 53, 57, 58, 60, 66, 68, 69, 108, 163, 163 n 7, 172, 193 n 12, 214, 215 stueir  46–48, 46 n 9 Stump, G. T. 3 n 12, 3 n 16, 9, 80, 85, 86, 129, 136, 138, 236, 237, 247, 248 n 7, 249–252, 251 n 9, 257–260, 259 n 1, 265, 273, 278, 278 n 19, 293–295, 314, 318 n 9, 391, 392, 401, 403, 405, 405 n 3, 406, 408–410, 413–415, 419, 423 n 8, 424–426, 435 Stürzinger, J. 47 Stussi, A. 353 sub-categorization, phonological  26, 27 Subset Principle  259 substrate  141, 157, 235 n 1, 237, 244–247, 244 n 6 superparfait  431 suppletion  8, 26, 27, 35, 38, 48, 49, 120–122, 127, 128, 236, 287–310, 359, 362, 381, 409 Surmiran  4, 5, 13–37, 42–45, 47, 47 n 10, 48 Surselvan  297, 301, 305, 331–336, 354 Switzerland  299–302, 304, 309 syllable weight  5, 54 syncope  361, 377, 377 n 12, 378, 380 syncretic paradigm model  410, 411 syncretism  7, 119–133, 153, 198, 236, 257, 287–310, 314, 328–357, 359, 408, 419 system congruity  394 take-over  8, 293, 295, 298, 305, 309, 310, 314, 314 n 6, 316, 318 n 8, 318 n 9, 321, 326 Taylor, C. 9, 401, 415, 417 n 1, 418, 419, 424, 426, 430 Tekavčić, P. 95, 333, 336 tense  7, 15, 42, 52, 72 n 2, 106, 123, 137, 183, 214, 237, 259, 290, 311, 356 n 26, 359, 393, 401, 418 n 2

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Index thematic/theme vowel  52, 53, 57–59, 58 n 2, 59 n 3, 63–65, 68, 69, 77–81, 79 n 6, 81 n 8, 83–86, 88–90, 93, 98 n 7, 123, 158, 164, 211–214, 222, 223, 226, 237, 238 n 3, 240–242, 244, 245, 253, 253 n 10 third stem  236, 417 Toulouse  447, 458, 464 transparency  61, 136, 396–398, 424, 425 Traugott, E. C. 388 Triadú, J. 416 Trigo, L. 105, 114 triplet  360, 373, 374, 377, 380, 414 Trubetzkoy, N. S. 51, 58 Trudgill, P. 300, 308, 309, 311 n 1 Tschamut  296 n 2 Tuscan  363–365 Umbrian  427 n 12 underspecification  117, 259, 260, 264 n 5, 279, 434 unification  115, 116, 419, 420, 424, 432 uninflectedness  328, 329, 337, 339, 349 uniqueness of realization  360, 361 univerbation  427 Uralic  403 Urtel, H. 290, 296 n 2, 298, 301 Uto-Aztecan  246 Valdôtain  296 n 2, 297, 298, 301, 305, 306 valence  385 Valencian  183 n 3, 186, 193 n 12, 205, 206, 208 Val Gardena  47 Val Müstair  14, 45 (p.481) Vanelli, L. 366 van Marle, J. 391 velar stem  6, 7, 186, 188, 189, 191–194, 198, 200, 202–206, 209 Venetian  346, 353 n 23 Veneto  351 verb 3, 15, 36, 51–69, 71, 95, 119, 136, 158, 183–254, 259, 287–326, 329 n 1, 358–401, 417 verbi procomplementari  9, 382–400 Verhagen, J. 244 Veronese  331, 351–353 Verrayes  307 Verrier, A. J. 321 n 11 Veselinova, L. N. 289, 290 Vieli, R. 334 Vikner, S. 420 Vincent, N. 9, 56, 130, 311 n 1, 323, 401, 402, 403 n 1, 409, 417, 417 n 1, 419, 420, 423 n 6, 427 n 12, 428, 429, 429 n 17, 430, 435 Vionnaz  304, 309 Vogel, I. 33, 100, 108, 161, 371 Voghera, M. 385 vowel deletion  100, 117, 118, 427 Page 18 of 19

Index vowel harmony  96, 96 n 2, 96 n 3, 104–106, 105 n 17, 105 n 18, 113, 114, 118, 222–227, 226 n 9 vowel neutralization  100, 117, 118, 223, 227 vowel raising  222, 227, 343, 427 vowel reduction  18, 20, 21, 24, 35 Walker, R. 97, 102, 103 Weijters, T. 140 Wheeler, M. W. 6, 7, 79, 183, 311 n 1, 356, 407 Wichmann, S. 246 Wiese, B. 280 n 22, 281 Williams, E. B. 2, 2 n 10, 211, 212, 226, 275 Williams, Edwin S. Wohlgemut, J. 246 Wolf, M. 283 n 24, 284, 286 Woolford, E. 261, 264 word-and-paradigm morphology  3 word-level morphology  30 word recognition  141 Wunderlich, D. 3 n 17, 136, 138, 161, 258, 264 n 5, 266, 283 n 25 Wunderli, P. 334, 335 Wurzel, W. U. 394 Xrakosvkij, V. S. 133 Xu, Z. 7, 58, 257, 260, 266, 285, 289 Yaqui  246, 247 Yates, A. 407 Yiddish  275 Yip, M. 265, 266 Yu, A. C. L  284 Yvon, F. 140 Zaenen, A. 401, 402 Zamboni, A. 332, 351 Zörner, L. 307, 347 Zwicky, A. 77, 138, 257, 259, 265, 273, 278, 278 n 18, 284, 314 (p.482)

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