Miscellania. Proceedings of the XV World Congress UISPP (Lisbon, 4-9 September 2006) 9781407307824, 9781407337777

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Pages
Copyright
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF TABLES
FOREWORD
Part I PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR
SYMBOLISM IN ROCK ART: FROM COMPARATIVE STUDIES ON DESIGNS & FORMS
LAS REPRESENTACIONES ICONOGRÁFICAS DEL BRONCE FINAL SOBRE SOPORTES RUPESTRES EN CAMPANARIO (BADAJOZ, ESPAÑA) UN NUEVO CONCEPTO DE ESTELA DE GUERRERO Y ESTELA-GUIJARRO DIADEMADA
NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA
ANÁLISE INTRA E INTER-LOCAIS: OS SISTEMAS DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA NA ANÁLISE DE SÍTIOS ARQUEOLÓGICOS – O CASO DO COMPLEXO MEGALÍTICO DE REGO DA MURTA (ALVAIÁZERE)
IRON AGE STATUE-STELAE AT GAZZO, COLOMBARA (VERONA), ITALY
RITE ET RITUEL DU NÉOLITHIQUE PRÉCÉRAMIQUE DANS LE CADRE DE LA NECROPOLE DE DRIDU (ROUMANIE)
THE GRAPHICS OF BILZINGSLEBEN: SOPHISTICATION AND SUBTLETY IN THE MIND OF HOMO ERECTUS
PROYECTO LA PUNTILLA: INVESTIGACIONES SOBRE SOCIOLOGÍA DE LA CENTRALIZACIÓN COMUNITARIA EN EL VALLE DE NASCA (1ER MILENIO ANTES DE NUESTRA ERA)
COMPLEXO DE SÍTIOS DE PINTURAS RUPESTRES DA PEDRA GRANDE NA REGIÃO DOS INSELBERGUES DE ITATIM, BAHIA, BRASIL: ESTADO ATUAL E PERSPECTIVAS DE PRESERVAÇÃO DE UMA ÁREA ARQUEOLÓGICA EM ALTO RISCO DE DEGRADAÇÃO
Part II MAN AND ANIMALS
NEANDERTHAL AND CARNIVORE OCCUPATIONS IN PINILLA DEL VALLE SITES (COMMUNITY OF MADRID, SPAIN)
ANIMAL EXPLOITATION IN THE ANCIENT GRAVETTIAN OF GROTTA PAGLICCI (FOGGIA–ITALY) TAPHONOMY, EXPERIMENTATION AND USE-WEAR ANALYSIS
AS AVES DO PLISTOCÉNICO DE PORTUGAL
Part III MUSEOLOGY AND EDUCATION
QUALITY IN CULTURAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT OF PREHISTORIC SITES
A VIRTUAL VISIT TO THE ANCIENT SABINE PRINCES
VEGETATION MANAGEMENT IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREAS AND PROPERTIES OF CULTURAL INTEREST
EDUCATION AS PART OF CULTURAL PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY AND PROFESSIONAL TRAINING
Part IV TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY
PROBLEMES DE L’ETUDE SCIENTIFIQUE DE L’ “HOMINISATION”
THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA (MIDDLE TAGUS BASIN, CENTRAL PORTUGAL)
TOOLS AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF HOUSEKEEPING OF EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN AZERBAIJAN
A ARQUEOLOGIA DO CABO ESPICHEL
THE PLEISTOCENE SITE OF COVA DEL RINOCERONT (BARCELONA, SPAIN)
THE QUINSON POINT: NEW APPROACH FOLLOWING THE RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN THE EPONYMOUS SITE, LA BAUME BONNE CAVE (QUINSON, SOUTH-EASTERN FRANCE)
ANALYSIS OF LITHIC MICRODEBRIS FROM A MOUSTERIAN LEVEL (20C) AT CUEVA DE EL CASTILLO (PUENTE VIESGO, CANTABRIA)
THE MESOLITHIC OF TROU AL’WESSE CAVE (BELGIUM) IN REGIONAL CONTEXT
AN INSIGHT INTO THE INTEGRAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATIVE POTTERY IN SOUTHERN ARGENTINE PUNA

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BAR S2224 2011

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek VOL. 47

OOSTERBEEK & FIDALGO (Eds)

Miscellania Edited by

MISCELLANIA

B A R

Luiz Oosterbeek Cláudia Fidalgo

BAR International Series 2224 2011

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek VOL. 47

Miscellania Edited by

Luiz Oosterbeek Cláudia Fidalgo

BAR International Series 2224 2011

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2224 Proceedings of the XV World Congress of the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences Actes du XV Congrès Mondial de l’Union Internationale des Sciences Préhistoriques et Protohistoriques Outgoing President: Vítor Oliveira Jorge Outgoing Secretary General: Jean Bourgeois Congress Secretary General: Luiz Oosterbeek (Series Editor) Incoming President: Pedro Ignacio Shmitz Incoming Secretary General: Luiz Oosterbeek Volume Editors: Luiz Oosterbeek and Cláudia Fidalgo Miscellania © UISPP / IUPPS and the editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2011 Signed papers are the responsibility of their authors alone. Les texts signés sont de la seule responsabilité de ses auteurs. Contacts: Secretary of U.I.S.P.P. – International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Av. Dr. Cândido Madureira 13, 2300 TOMAR Email: [email protected], www.uispp.ipt.pt The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407307824 paperback ISBN 9781407337777 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407307824 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2011. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK E MAIL [email protected] PHONE +44 (0)1865 310431 F AX +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ....................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ........................................................................................................................ ix Foreword – L. Oosterbeek ...................................................................................................... x Part I – Prehistoric Art and symbolic behaviour Symbolism in Rock Art: from comparative studies on designs & forms ............................... 3 Nobuhiro Yoshida Las representaciones iconográficas del Bronce Final sobre soportes rupestres en Campanario (Badajoz, España). Un nuevo concepto de Estela de Guerrero y Estela-guijarro diademada ............................................................................................. 7 A. Domínguez García & Mª A. Aldecoa Quintana Nuovi monoliti istoriati dello stile III A in Valtellina .......................................................... 23 Stefania Casini, Angelo Fossati & Mario G. Simonelli Análise intra e inter-locais: Os sistemas de informação geográfica na análise de sítios arqueológicos – o caso do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta (Alvaiázere) ..................................................................................................... 37 Alexandra Figueiredo Iron Age Statue-Stelae at Gazzo, Colombara (Verona), Italy .............................................. 53 Angelo Fossati Rite et Rituel Du Néolithique Précéramique dans le Cadre de la Necropole de Dridu (Roumanie) ..................................................................................................................... 61 Viorica Enăchiuc The Graphics of Bilzingsleben: Sophistication and Subtlety in the Mind of Homo erectus .......................................................................................... 71 John Feliks Proyecto la Puntilla: investigaciones sobre sociología de la centralización comunitaria en el valle de Nasca (1er milenio antes de nuestra era) ............................... 93 Giannina Bardales, Pedro V. Castro Martínez, Juan Carlos De La Torre Zevallos, Nicolau Escanilla Artigas, Trinidad Escoriza Mateu, Maria Concepción Godoy Allende, Bárbara Lapi, Israel Navarro Mayor & Julio César Zavala Vargas Complexo de Sítios de Pinturas Rupestres da Pedra Grande na Região dos Inselbergues de Itatim, Bahia, Brasil: Estado Atual e Perspectivas de Preservação de uma Área Arqueológica em Alto Risco de Degradação ...................... 101 Claudia Cunha, Flávio França, Efigênia de Melo & Jacqueline Miranda Gonçalves i

Part II – Man and animals Neanderthal and carnivore occupations in Pinilla del Valle sites (community of Madrid, Spain) ..................................................................................... 111 J.L. Arsuaga, E. Baquedano & A. Pérez-González Animal exploitation in the ancient Gravettian of Grotta Paglicci (Foggia – Italy). Taphonomy, experimentation and use-wear analysis ................................................... 121 Valentina Borgia & Jacopo Crezzini As aves do plistocénio de Portugal..................................................................................... 127 Silvério Figueiredo Part III – Museology and education Quality in Cultural Heritage Management of Prehistoric sites ........................................... 141 Maurizio Quagliuolo & Luiz Oosterbeek A virtual visit to the ancient Sabine princes ....................................................................... 143 Paola Moscati Vegetation Management in Archaeological Areas and Properties of Cultural Interest ........................................................................................................ 149 Jesús F. Jordá Pardo Education as part of cultural preservation .......................................................................... 155 Inguelore Scheunemann University and professional training .................................................................................. 157 John Collis Part IV – Technology and society Problemes de L’etude Scientifique de L’ “Hominisation” ................................................. 163 Roberto Flores Guevara The Middle – Upper Pleistocene Open-air Site of Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra (Middle Tagus Basin, Central Portugal) ....................................................................... 169 Pierluigi Rosina, Sara Cura, Stefano Grimaldi, José Gomes & Luiz Oosterbeek Tools and the classification of housekeeping of earliest settlements in Azerbaijan ........... 181 D. Roza Arazova The arqueologia do Cabo Espichel ..................................................................................... 185 Silvério Figueiredo The pleistocene site of Cova del Rinoceront (Barcelona, Spain) ....................................... 193 Joan Daura Luján & Montserrat Sanz Borràs The Quinson point: new approach following the recent excavations in the eponymous site, La Baume Bonne Cave (Quinson, South-eastern France) ................. 201 J. Gagnepain †, C. Gaillard & O. Notter Analysis of lithic microdebris from a mousterian level (20c) at Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria) ........................................................................................... 215 Jesús Barba Rey & Alberto Mingo Álvarez The mesolithic of Trou Al’Wesse cave (Belgium) in regional context .............................. 221 Rebecca Miller, John Stewart, Nicolas Zwyns & Pierre Noiret An insight into the integral analysis of Formative pottery in Southern Argentine Puna.......................................................................................... 231 Aixa S. Vidal

ii

LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 2.1. Mapa de localización del Arroyo Tamujoso ............................................................ 8 Fig. 2.2. Vista general de la Roca 1........................................................................................ 8 Fig. 2.3. Conjunto de rocas 8-16 ............................................................................................ 9 Fig. 2.4. Calco completo de la Roca 8.................................................................................... 9 Fig. 2.5. Detalle del calco de la Roca 10 .............................................................................. 10 Fig. 2.6. Detalle del calco de la Roca 11 .............................................................................. 10 Fig. 2.7. Roca 14 .................................................................................................................. 11 Fig. 2.8. Roca 15 y entorno inmediato en el que se localiza ................................................ 11 Fig. 2.9. Calco Roca 16 ........................................................................................................ 11 Fig. 2.10. Conjunto de Rocas 18-23 y su entorno ................................................................ 11 Fig. 2.11. Calco Roca 21 ...................................................................................................... 12 Fig. 2.12. Plantas y secciones rocas 8, 15 y 21 .................................................................... 12 Fig. 2.13. Estelas de guerrero de las rocas 8 y 21 ................................................................ 14 Fig. 2.14. Roca 21 ................................................................................................................ 14 Fig. 2.15. Evolución de la representación de los antropomorfos en las estelas según las diferentes zonas geográficas...................................................... 15 Fig. 2.16. Evolución de los tipo de espadas representados en las estelas, según las distintas zonas geográficas .............................................................................. 15 Fig. 2.17. Tipología de los escudos según las distintas zonas geográficas ........................... 16 Fig. 2.18. Representaciones de espejos en las estelas, según las zonas geográficas ............ 16 Fig. 2.19. Detalle del calco de la Roca 15 ............................................................................ 17 Fig. 2.20. Detalle de la Roca 15 ........................................................................................... 17 Fig. 2.21. Mapa de dispersión de las estelas-guijarro diademadas (círculos) y de las estelas diademadas (triángulos) ......................................................................... 18 Fig. 2.22. Estelas-guijarro diademadas basadas en la tipología de Almagro-Gorbea........... 19 Fig. 2.23. Roca 8 en su entorno inmediato ........................................................................... 20 Fig. 2.24. Conjunto de rocas 19-21 ...................................................................................... 20 Fig. 3.1. Posizionamento delle località di rinvenimento nell’area di Teglio ........................ 24 Fig. 3.2. Teglio, loc. Cornal. 1) Cornal 1 ............................................................................. 24 Fig. 3.3. Teglio, loc. Cornal. 1) Cornal 4; 2) Cornal 2 ......................................................... 25 Fig. 3.4. Teglio, loc. Cornal. Cornal 3.................................................................................. 25 Fig. 3.5. Teglio, loc. Cornal, Cornal 5.................................................................................. 26 Fig. 3.6. Teglio, loc. Boalzo. 1) Boalzo 1 2) Boalzo 2 ......................................................... 27 Fig. 3.7. Teglio, loc. Le Crocette, Le Crocette 1 .................................................................. 28 iii

Fig. 3.8. Teglio, loc. Le Crocette. Le Crocette 2 .................................................................. 28 Fig. 3.9. Teglio, loc. Caven. Caven 1 ................................................................................... 29 Fig. 3.10. Teglio, loc. Caven. Caven 2 ................................................................................. 29 Fig. 3.11. Teglio, loc. Caven. Caven 3; 2) Caven 4; 3) Caven 5 .......................................... 30 Fig. 3.12. 1) Teglio. loc. Castelvetro, Castelvetro 1; 2) Teglio. loc. Ligone, Ligone 1 ............................................................................................................ 31 Fig. 3.13. Chiuro, Chiuro 1 .................................................................................................. 32 Fig. 4.1. Localização do Alto Ribatejo no território português ............................................ 38 Fig. 4.2. Localização do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta no Alto Ribatejo .......... 39 Fig. 4.3. Modelo digital do terreno. A vermelho o Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta ........................................................................................................... 40 Fig. 4.4. Modelo digital do terreno com a representação de um corte topográfico. Uma das potencialidades de análise num SIG. Na imagem é visível que o Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta se localiza próximo de um curso de água (Ribeira do Rego da Murta) e implantado sobre uma planície rodeado de pequenas cumeadas também elas com vestígios arqueológicos do mesmo período ............................................................................................................................ 41 Fig. 4.5. Modelo digital do terreno com a representação (a verde) do cálculo das melhores vias de movimentação, atendendo às informações sobre pendente, elevação, hidrografia e localização das estações arqueológicas ..................... 42 Fig. 4.6. Núcleo megalítico composto por 10 monumentos pré-históricos, concentrado numa área de pouco mais 1 km2. Dispersão espacial dos artefactos verificados em prospecção ............................................................................. 42 Fig. 4.7. Representação da dispersão dos artefactos e tipo em associação com os monumentos megalíticos registados ............................................................................... 43 Fig. 4.8. À esquerda: Anta I do Rego da Murta vectorizada com a representação de todas as estruturas identificadas. ................................................................................ 44 Fig. 4.9. Várias perspectivas da disposição artefactual da Anta I do Rego da Murta. Em cima, representação das 3 zonas com maior quantidade de deposições. Em baixo à direita – representação de 3 contextos bem preservados: a) e c) observa-se uma grande quantidade de deposições; o contexto b) apresenta um conjunto de buracos de poste de possível sustentação de algum mobiliário perecível, conclusão obtida, entre outros dados, pelo reduzido número de artefactos depositados, o que indica que poderia estar ocupado por outro objecto, indiciado pelas estruturas encontradas ....................... 45 Fig. 4.10. Representação da Anta I do Rego da Murta e dos vestígios zooarqueológicos exumados ........................................................................................... 46 Fig. 4.11. Representação dos blocos observados na base da Anta I de Rego da Murta. À esquerda: Anta I do Rego da Murta com algumas possibilidades de conjugação. À direita: Sopreposição dos blocos registados na Anta I de Rego da Murta, com a orientação da Anta II. Interessante registar que o alinhamento e-f, o qual consideramos ter sido o que permitiu a orientação da Anta I, também serve como alinhamento do corredor da Anta II ............................................... 47 Fig. 4.12. À esquerda: Anta II do Rego da Murta vectorizada com a representação das estruturas de contrafortagem. À direita: Duas imagens do monumento ................... 47 Fig. 4.13. Representação dos vestígios osteológicos registados na Anta II do Rego da Murta. Na escala de vermelhos (do escuro para o mais claro) registam-se os ossos a cotas superiores, na escala a verde (do mais claro para o mais escuro) os ossos a cotas mais baixas. Em baixo à direita dois exemplos com traços de manipulação ...... 48 Fig. 4.14. Representação dos objectos cerâmicos registados na Anta II do Rego da Murta e sua associação com os vestígios osteológicos. As bolas vermelho a cheio referem-se a vasos ou fragmentos de vasos que ofereceram o perfil completo ......................................................................................................................... 49 Fig. 4.15. Pormenor da Anta II do Rego da Murta com a representação de uma foto das estruturas de contra-fortagem identificada a sul do monumento. iv

Á direita: Imagem desse pormenor georeferenciada e vectorizada para a inserção dos dados registados no SIG .......................................................................... 49 Fig. 4.16. Representação do uso da estação total e relação do SIG com a base de dados ............................................................................................................... 50 Fig. 5.1. The statue-stelae from Gazzo Veronese ................................................................. 54 Fig. 5.2. The statue-stele D from Gazzo Veronese............................................................... 55 Fig. 5.3. The fragments A (a) and B (b) from Gazzo Veronese ........................................... 55 Fig. 5.4. The fragment C ...................................................................................................... 56 Fig. 5.5. The stele Camin from Padua .................................................................................. 56 Fig. 5.6. Bronze sheet with the figure of a devotee from Este, Casale site .......................... 57 Fig. 5.7. Decorated belt hook from Este, Carceri site, tomb n. 23 ....................................... 58 Fig. 5.8. The “Lady from Auxerre” (a) and the “Hera from Samo” (b) ............................... 58 Carte 6.1 A: La culture Schela Cladovei, le dernière étape d’habitation gravetienne tardive dans la zone de “Portes de Fer” et d’Adam – Târgúor, Roumanie et les découvertes archéologique en Europe Occidentale (Star Carr et Stellmoor) et dans le Proche Orient (Nahal Oren, Jericho A, Shanidar et Karra Kamar); B: La culture Dridu – Snagov, Néolithique précéramique (Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie) et les découvertes archéologique des Néolithiques précéramique dans le Proche Orient ................................................... 62 Planche 6.2 Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie; Néolithique précéramique .................................................................................................................. 64 Planche 6.3. Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie; Néolithique précéramique .................................................................................................................. 66 Fig. 7.1. Artifacts 1–3 .......................................................................................................... 74 Fig. 7.2. Artifacts 3–6 .......................................................................................................... 75 Fig. 7.3. Proposed early straight edge .................................................................................. 76 Fig. 7.4. Straight edge theory and the “realm of ideas”........................................................ 76 Fig. 7.5. Duplication of size and angles in totally different contexts ................................... 77 Fig. 7.6. Interpreting two-dimensional motifs in three dimensions ...................................... 78 Fig. 7.7. Final proofs of duplication via superimposition .................................................... 79 Fig. 7.8. 350,000 years before Bach ..................................................................................... 80 Fig. 7.9. Fractal angle symmetry .......................................................................................... 82 Fig. 7.10. Numbering system for the radial motif of Artifact 2............................................ 83 Fig. 7.11. Three-level self-similarity fractal characterized by parallels in thirds ................. 83 Fig. 7.12. The earliest completely abstract 2-dimensional shape ......................................... 84 Fig. 7.13. Proof of association between a complex graphic and an abstract point ....................................................................................................... 84 Fig. 7.14. Proof of association between an abstract point and infinity ................................. 85 Fig. 7.15. Putting a face on the Lower Palaeolithic.............................................................. 86 Fig. 7.16. When a map is a 3D fractal .................................................................................. 87 Fig. 8.1. Mapa de localización del área arqueológica de La Puntilla (Nasca, Ica, Perú) ........................................................................................................... 94 Fig. 8.2. Planimetría del asentamiento de El Trigal. Excavaciones 2005............................. 97 Fig. 9.1. Região arqueológica dos inselbergues de Milagres e Município de Itatim (em escuro) em relação ao Estado da Bahia ................................................................. 102 Fig. 9.2. Inselbergue da Pedra Branca, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil.............................................. 102 Fig. 9.3. Figura antropomórfica em postura estática, executada a dedo com pigmento vermelho. Sítio da Pedra Grande, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil ................................ 103 v

Fig. 9.4. Composições não figurativas executadas com pigmentos vermelhos e pretos em sobreposição. Sítio da Torre Pintada, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil ....................... 104 Fig. 9.5. Decalque digital de composições não figurativas. Os motivos circulares (cinza claro) executados em um primeiro nível estratigráfico da área pintada, foram intencionalmente ‘mutilados’ no quadrante inferior esquerdo e por cima da área mutilada do motivo central, foi parcialmente executado um quarto motivo em nível estratigráfico posterior. Sítio do Conflito, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil .................... 104 Fig. 9.6. Extração manual de granito nos inselbergues de Itatim, Bahia, Brasil ................ 105 Fig. 9.7. Venda ilegal de plantas nativas à beira da rodovia BR116. Itatim, Bahia, Brasil ...................................................................................................... 106 Fig. 10.1. Aerial view of Calvero de la Higuera ................................................................ 111 Fig. 10.2. View from the west ............................................................................................ 112 Fig. 10.3. View of the sites from the south ........................................................................ 112 Fig. 10.4. Excavation of the rich accumulation of bones in level 5. Camino site .............. 113 Fig. 10.5. Homo neanderthalensis molars from Camino site ............................................. 115 Fig. 10.6. General view of Navalmaíllo site ....................................................................... 115 Fig. 10.7. Hearth from Navalmaíllo ................................................................................... 116 Fig. 10.8. Lithics tools coming from Navalmaíllo site ....................................................... 116 Fig. 10.9. General view of Cueva de la Buena Pinta site ................................................... 117 Fig. 11.1. Evidence from the bones: 1) traces of hyaena gnawing on metacarpus of Capra ibex 2) cut marks on phalanx II of Bos primigenius ...................................... 122 Fig. 11.2. The operational sequence followed in experimentation ..................................... 123 Fig. 11.3. Comparison between traces generated on the bones undergoing experimentation and traces detected in the fossil sample ............................................. 123 Fig. 11.4-5. Microwear on experimental instruments used for skinning ............................ 124 Fig. 11.6. Group of instruments which show compatible traces with butchering ............................................................................................................. 124 Fig. 12.1. Mapa de localização geral dos sítios estudados (1 a 8) e seu enqua dramento no contexto das jazidas plistocénicas com restos de aves, em Portugal (9 a 16) ..................................................................................................... 128 Fig. 12.2. Sistemática paleontológica das aves da Gruta da Figueira-Brava ...................... 129 Fig. 12.3. Relação da ocorrência dos diferentes táxones de aves identificados no Abrigo do Lagar Velho, com base nos dados de Moreno-Garcia e Pimenta, 2002 .............................................................................................................................. 130 Fig. 12.4. Relação da ocorrência dos restos dos diferentes táxones identificados na Gruta do Escoural, com base nos dados de Deville, 1996 ....................................... 130 Fig. 12.5. Desenho de Pinguinus impennis. Autor: Charles B. Cory, publicado em “Beautiful and Curious Birds of the Word” (1881). Retirado de Bengtson, 1984 .............................................................................................................................. 132 Fig. 12.6. Diferentes ambientes, segundo a ocorrência das espécies pelos respectivos habitat, nas jazidas estudadas ....................................................................................... 134 Fig. 12.7. Conjunto de desenhos de ossos de aves recnhecidos na Gruta Nova da Columbeira .............................................................................................................. 135 Fig. 13.1. HERITY Target ................................................................................................. 142 Fig. 14.1. Colle del Forno necropolis: virtual reconstruction of the cart found inside Tomb XI ............................................................................................................. 144 Fig. 14.2. Photograph and digital graphic restitution of one of the bronze sheets that covered the sides of the cart decorated with real and imaginary motifs ................ 145 Fig. 14.3. The homepage of the website http://www.principisabini.it/ .............................. 146 vi

Fig. 14.4. The interactive application ................................................................................. 147 Fig. 17.1. Labour force structures on archaeological excavations ..................................... 158 Fig. 19.1. Location of the Ribeira da Atalaia site and the main Lower-Middle Palaeolithic sites in the Tagus Valley ........................................................................... 170 Fig. 19.2. Pleistocene deposits and location of sites mentioned in the text ........................ 171 Fig. 19.3. Intervention area ................................................................................................ 172 Fig. 19.4. Stratigraphy (simplified) .................................................................................... 172 Fig. 19.5. Miocene and colluviums .................................................................................... 173 Fig. 19.6. Q3 channel and flood plain deposits (detail) ...................................................... 173 Fig. 19.7. Q4/Miocene ....................................................................................................... 174 Fig. 19.8. Quartzite lithic implements from Ribeira da Atalaia Q3 bottom ....................... 175 Fig. 19.9. Lithic implements from Ribeira da Atalaia Q3 bottom ...................................... 177 Fig. 20.1. Obsidian and flint tools from early settlements of Azerbaijan ........................... 182 Fig. 20.2. Bone tools from early settlements of Azerbaijan ............................................... 183 Fig. 21.1. Jazidas Pré-Históricas do Cabo Espichel ........................................................... 186 Fig. 21.2. Núcleo levallois em quartzito das Areias de Mastro .......................................... 187 Fig. 21.3. Ponta em quartzito da Baia das Aguncheiras ..................................................... 187 Fig. 21.4. Esboço da estratigrafia da Boca do Chapim Norte............................................. 187 Fig. 21.5. Ponta de retoque convergente da Boca do Chapim Sul...................................... 188 Fig. 21.6. À esquerda, lasca de quartzito proveniente de escavações do sítio arqueológico da Boca do Chapim (Sul) ........................................................................ 188 Fig. 21.7. À esquerda: núcleos em quartzo leitoso, verificando-se, em cima, levantamentos bifaciais para lascas; e em baixo, um esboço de núcleo (camada A2, 2008). À direita: produtos alongados, em sílex, detectados nas sondagens efectuadas no Alto da Fonte Nova ...................................... 189 Fig. 21.8. À esquerda: lascas de quartzito e à direita um seixo talhado, também em quartzito provenientes das prospecções realizadas na Chã dos Navegantes ................................................................................................. 190 Fig. 22.1. Location of the Cova del Rinoceront (Barcelona, Spain) .................................. 194 Fig. 22.2. Cova del Rinoceront site .................................................................................... 195 Fig. 22.3. Plan site of level I bone assemblage .................................................................. 196 Fig. 22.4. Materials from level I. Humerus with the proximal epiphysis gnawed off by carnivores (1-5). Humerus-ulna-radius of red deer; the proximal epiphysis of humerus and ulna and the distal epiphysis of radius are clearly gnawed (6). Femur with gnawing damage (7) ............................. 197 Fig. 23.1. Map showing the locations of Quinson village in South-eastern France ........... 202 Fig. 23.2. Distribution of the Quinson points in the stratigraphic sequence of La Baume Bonne cave (Quinson, South-eastern France) ......................................... 203 Fig. 23.3. Raw materials sources exploited for the lower Middle Palaeolithic industry at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France).................................... 204 Fig. 23.4. Distribution of the blank types produced or selected for the Quinson points manufacture at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) .................................................................................. 205 Fig. 23.5. Scatter plot of length and breadth of the Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ............................................. 208 Fig. 23.6. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ......... 209 Fig. 23.7. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ......... 210 vii

Fig. 23.8. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ......... 211 Fig. 23.9. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ......... 212 Fig. 24.1. Location of Cueva de El Castillo and the main palaeolithic sites around it ....... 216 Fig. 24.2. El Castillo’s stratigraphy.................................................................................... 216 Fig. 25.1. Trou Al’Wesse, site plan.................................................................................... 222 Fig. 25.2. Location of the principal Mesolithic sites in Belgium ....................................... 223 Fig. 25.3. Trou Al’Wesse, complex 4, row I 6-10. Vertical distribution of find classes ............................................................................................................... 225 Fig. 25.4. Trou Al’Wesse. Sample column K4, upper section ........................................... 228 Fig. 26.1. Location of the sites ........................................................................................... 232

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LIST OF TABLES Tab. 10.1. List of mammals of Pinilla del Valle sites ........................................................ 114 Tab. 11.1. Ungulates: number of identified elements (NISP) and corresponding percentages for each level .............................................................. 122 Tab. 11.2. Use-wear on the archaeological sample ............................................................ 124 Tab. 19.1. OSL and TL results ........................................................................................... 173 Tab. 19.2. Q3 bottom General lithic assemblage composition ........................................... 174 Tab. 19.3. Technologic Flake Categories frequencies........................................................ 175 Tab. 19.4. “Retouched” implement frequencies ................................................................. 176 Tab. 22.1. Faunal remains from cova del Rinoceront ........................................................ 195 Tab. 23.1. Raw materials of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-East of France) .................................................................................. 205 Tab. 23.2. Fracturation of the Quinson points supports at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) .................................................................................. 205 Tab. 23.3. Characters of the retouches on each side of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France).................................................. 206 Tab. 23.4. Apical and mesial sections of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) .................................................................................. 207 Tab. 23.5. Base characters of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) .................................................................................. 208 Tab. 23.6. Average dimensions of the Quinson points in each stratigraphic unit of La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) ................................................. 213 Tab. 23.7. Type of damage observed on the tip of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France).................................................. 213 Tab. 24.1. Raw Lithic Materials from the overall sample .................................................. 217 Tab. 24.2. State of microdebris .......................................................................................... 217 Tab. 24.3. Representation of cortex ................................................................................... 217 Tab. 24.4. Module of length-width of complete microdebris ............................................. 217 Tab. 25.1. Trou Al’Wesse. Stratigraphic distribution of find classes................................. 226 Tab. 26.1. Pottery from Casa Chávez Montículos, Mound 1 ............................................. 233 Tab. 26.2. Pottery from Cueva Cacao 1A .......................................................................... 235 Tab. 26.3. Pottery from Real Grande 6 .............................................................................. 236

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FOREWORD The XV world congress of UISPP gathered the contributions of over 2.000 experts, and over one hundred sessions were organised and almost 50 volumes of proceedings have resulted from them. Some sessions, for specific reasons, could not be published as separate volumes, despite the relevance of the papers presented in them. With the collaboration of those session’s co-ordinators, and of course of the authors of the various papers, this volume gathers together 28 papers, divided into four main topics: prehistoric art and symbolic behaviour; relations between Man and animals; Museology and Education; and the relevance of technology in the society. In the first section, N. Yoshida discusses the relevance of comparative studies for approaching symbolism in rock art. Iconography is the focus of the papers by A. Garcia & Mª.A. Quintana, by S. Casini, A. Fossati & M.G. Simonelli, by A. Fossati, and by M. Farajova. Symbols are approached from a landscape perspective in A. Figueiredo’s and in G. Bardales et al. papers, whereas V. Enăchiuc attempts to move from symbols description into the reconstruction of rituals and rites. J. Feliks proposes a challenging approach to H. Erectus mind and C. Cunha et al. offer a discussion on preservation strategies in rock art. Hunting strategies in the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic are discussed in the papers by J.L. Arsuaga, E. Baquedano & A. Pérez-Gonzalez, by V. Borgia & J. Crezzini and by M.C. Beltrão & M. Locks. In the same section, S. Figueiredo reviews the evidence for Pleistocene avifauna from Portugal. The section on Museums and Education includes one paper on global quality assessment of prehistoric sites (M. Quagliuolo & L. Oosterbeek), one example of virtual visit (P. Moscati), one discussion on the most relevant problem of vegetation in archaeological areas (A. Canal & J. Jordá) and two papers on education (I. Scheunemann and J. Collis). The last section includes ten papers dealing with global epistemological approaches to technology (by R.F. Guevara, by G. Dimitriadis), on specific novelties related to technology, function and meaning (by Rosina et al., by RR. Arazova, by S. Figueiredo, by J. Daura & M. Sanz, by J. Gagnepain, C. Gaillard an O. Notter, by J. Barba Rey & A. Mingo Alvarez, by Rebecca Miller et al. and by A. S. Vidal). This volume is published after one of its authors, Jean Gagnepain, passed away. Jean was a bright scholar, educated in the Institut de Paléontologie Humaine, in Paris, then a researcher in several prehistoric sites in Southern Europe and namely at the cave of Baume Bonne, and later the director of the Museum of Quinson. UISPP congress participants, and namely all those related to the Erasmus Mundus Master in Quaternary and Prehistory, knew Jean well and keep a good scientific and personal memory of him. Luiz Oosterbeek

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Part I PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

SYMBOLISM IN ROCK ART: FROM COMPARATIVE STUDIES ON DESIGNS & FORMS Nobuhiro YOSHIDA President of Japan Petrograph Society, CMF International Univ., Hiroshima & Univ. of East Asia, Japan

specifically disposed or combined together on the object rock walls. And the pigments are of red, yellow, blue, green and black, most of which seemed to be taken out of special soil or sometimes the pigment was powdered stone of a certain specific color. The engravings and coloring are so clear and strong enough to attract those who look at them.

INTRODUCTION When we want to trace back the history of art, paintings or engravings in their original stages, the most proper stuffs must be imagery of “Kofun” (old chambered tombs with paintings, relief’s or engravings on the rock walls. Of course, besides those chambered tombs, we have a lot of rock art and petro-glyphs as engraved rocks or painted rocks which we used to see on the fields or on the cliffs.

Such a chambered tomb with engravings or paintings on the walls can be seen in Ancient Korea and so some archaeologists used to insist on the relation between ancient Korea and Japan. As seen in the cases of “Kitora Kofun” (Kitora chambered tomb) or “Tamakatsuduka tomb) in Nara district, the paintings and the figures on the walls are very similar to ancient Korean ones, and show strong influence of Old Chinese Taoism upon Japanese culture at that time. The figures and designs of the chambered tombs in western Japan, however, are quite different from Korean and Chinese ones, and show independent, peculiar localism adapted to the imagery.

In these 26 years, we have found about 4500 engraved rocks, with financial help of Ministry of Science and Education, Japan, and identified a lot of Rockwall paintings in Japan... The most remarkable are paintings and engravings on the rock walls of old chambered tombs in the 500’s A.D., for sometimes they are similar to ancient Egyptian, Korean ones. Other notable imagery are cupules and petro glyphs found at 850 sites, because 40% of them are similar to European or American ones, which implies that waves of immigrations and diffusions carried them to the Far East.

In discussing the designs, motifs and figures on the rock walls of those Kofuns, Chambered tombs, I had better show you most impressive case of comments given on the painting of a distinguished Kofun, chambered tomb of Mezurashikioka, at Yoshii in Ukiha province, Fukuoka pref. Dr. El-Rahamn, chief curator of Cairo Museum, Egypt, once visited the tomb in 1977 and was strongly impressed with the design of the painting. He gave a comment, “This is same as the ones we see on the walls of Pyramids in Egypt, and surely telling that ancient Egyptians reached here and built this tomb with these paintings, imitating the ways and technique of original Egyptian tombs. We can profess that ancient Egyptians crossed the seas and ascended the River, Chikugo from the Adriatic Sea to settle down in this district. After the death of their great leader, they built this mound with a chambered tomb, and in memory of native places, they painted the same designs as Egyptian tombs.”

We intend to analyze the typical symbols of Rock Art with comparative studies on the western and the eastern symbols which appeared on eminent rock art features. Strange to say, 90 % of painted or engraved chambered tombs are concentrated in the northern part of Kyushu, the big island in south-western Japan. In Kumamoto prefecture and Fukuoka prefecture, we can see very colorful paintings or characteristic engravings on the rock walls of chambered tombs dated about 500 to 550 A.D. Most of those chambered tombs are made of rocks, built in the hill-sides or in mounds apparently constructed only to set in the rock chambers inside the formation.

The seaways they took must be from Egypt to the Mediterranean Sea and by way of the Gibraltar straits, they went to the Atlantic Ocean and via the Cape of Good Hope, they took the route of the Pacific to go up north heading for the Far East."

Sometimes, relief’s or colored engravings, are the simple ornaments for the tombs, which generally we classify into the category of the same “Kofun” (old tombs) with paintings or engravings in the field of archaeology in Japan. Sarcophaguses are to be included in the same category. It is to be noted that such chambered tombs with paintings, relief’s or engravings consist of imagery or design of arrow-cases, shields, swords, boats, men, horses, birds, waves, Sun, concentric circles, triangles, lines, arcs, stars or bracken-patterns and so on,

This supposition by Drew Brahman accords with the route which Dr. Reinaud de Jorge (a Dutch mathematician) and Mr. Jay S. Wakefield, American zoologist, inspected with rock art sites on every island which Egyptian sailors must have stopped over on their 3

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

The people are said to have had such scale patterned skin on the chests. According to local legends, they had a dynasty to rule over the wide area of western Japan in the 300’s to 500’s A.D., and that must be the reason why such scale patterns were painted on the tomb walls to show that the master of the tomb was their chief.

ways. The both scholars clearly state the route on their joint work of “How the Sun God Reached America, 2500 B.C?” (ISBN 0-917054-19-9.); the book will show you distinct seaways ancient Egyptians are supposed to take. Recently Dr. Reinaud de Jonge wrote me that the Egyptian seafarers were supposed to take the seaways from the Red Sea to the Indian Sea to go up to the north. But those who sailed by way of the Atlantic took another way; leaving Egypt, through the Straits of Gibraltar they landed on the Canaries, and there they left a lot of engravings to show the distance from Egypt, the latitude, longitude and directions of the sailing. Next they headed for Ireland, Shetland, Iceland and finally to Newfoundland to go up the St. Lawrence River to reach Montreal and far into the inner lands. It is to be noted that everywhere they made a stopover has a lot of rocks with engraved data of and for sailings and journeys.

(4) The fourth is Idera Tomb of which chamber is 2, 3 meter wide, 3,2 m long and 3 m high, with straight lines, arcs, concentric circles, pillar patterns and ladder type patterns, painted in red, white, green and blue color. The bright greenish blue color was made of special kind of clay at the river-bed of the Midorikawa (Green River) which flows through the province. The designs of Benkei-ga-ana Tomb gather attention of scholars to the horse on a boat and the concentric circle above the horse, probably the image of the Sun.

Through communication with Dr. Reainaud and Mr. Wakefield, I have known that those Egyptian seafarers reached the Far East crossing the Pacific after they had passed several years, and this information is enough for us to suppose that some of the Egyptian seafarers arrived in the inner land of Kyushu island, where they built mounds with chambered tombs and made the colorful paintings and relief’s on the walls as seen at Mezurashizuka Tomb.

Such a design of combinations of a horse and a boat appears in the case of another tomb, Takehara Tomb in the northern part of Kyushu Island. The image of a horse on a boat will tell the first coming of the horse by sea into Japan. The prow of the boat is so high and it seems that the boat was designed to cross the seas to ride out high waves, which surely proves that the immigrants came over seas. (5) The fifth shows the entrance at Nabeta Tomb, Yamaga city. The vandalism has damaged the relief on the entrance wall so badly, but as seen in the picture to the left, which was photographed just after the cave was found, the engraving are very clear. From left to right, an arrow case, an animal (probably a horse), a dog, and a figure with a bow can be seen, although the present state is bad as seen in the picture to the right.

The intricate and specific analysis of designs or patterns prehistoric people preferred red are to follow in the next discussions on rock walls of the chambered tombs. ANALYSIS (1) The first to discuss is the rock wall of Chibusan Tomb at Yamaga in Kyushu.

(6) The sixth is the engraved relief on the entrance rock at Nabeta Cave, Yamaga city. Vandalism has made it difficult to identify the designs, but the former picture helps us to see the engraving better. From left to right, a big arrow case, a figure with a bow, a horse and a concentric circle are to be seen. The horse, just beneath the arrow case is aboard a boat, which shows that the horse came by sea.

This tomb has a combination of a round mound and a square hill with 44 meter long chamber in it. The main chamber where a sarcophagus is placed has 3 rock- walls with ornament designs of red, white and blue paintings. Since old ages, the two concentric circles in the center, which look like eyes or bosoms, made villagers name the tomb as “Chibusan Kofun” (Bosom tomb). The squares and triangles which compose the ornament design make a feature of the tomb.

Horses painted on the walls sometimes are on boats, just as the case of Benkeiga-ana and Takehara-Tomb in the next slide. The horse seemed to be believed a holy animal on which Deity appears in front of human beings by prehistoric people.

(2) The second is the walls of Senkinko Kofun. As seen in the pictures, concentric circles and colored bricks form the inner chamber. The colors are dark red, blue and yellowish brown. Such colored threefold circle often appear in chambered tombs of the same ages, 500’s to 550’s A.D., and make characteristics of the tombs.

That is why a lot of rocks with horse-shoe prints or engravings are still worshiped by villagers, and so a dark horse was painted on the pillar walls of chamber-tombs, as seen by the case of Ohzuka (great king’s mound) at Keisen town in Kyushu.

(3) The third is Daiboh Tomb, of which walls consist of colored equilateral triangles of red and blue colors. And the second and fourth levels have 3 circles each, who semeaning has not been known. Some scholars insist that the equilateral triangles stand for the scales, symbol marks of a certain maritime tribe, “Munakata.”

(7) The seventh shows painted horses on the walls of chambered tombs. As seen in the picture left above, a worrier and a horse are aboard a boat on waves, with 2 big fans at both sides, which means the boat is very 4

N. YOSHIDA: SYMBOLISM IN ROCK ART: FROM COMPARATIVE STUDIES ON DESIGNS & FORMS

located now, 21 stone tablets were excavated during the construction. Every tablet has curious engravings, about which Prof. Masaaki Kimura (Ryukyu Univ.) tells that the engravings stand for legendary civilizations of Lost Continent of Mu.

sacred. Above the horse is a strange animal, probably an imaginary blue dragon or a legendary spanker. The horses of Ohzuka tomb are black, and colorful bracken or abstracted waves adorn the horse. The bracken was a symbol of vital energies, and it appears often in the designs of old paintings, while the abstracted form of waves stands for the sea, by way of which the horse was believed to have come to prehistoric Japan.

On the tablets we see simplified images by prehistoric people, some of which look like the ones on chambered tombs. The characteristic are loops with a snake, which was a symbol of the motive power of Mu, A pentagonal building with a dome atop implies a shrine of Mu dynasty. Some swirls and triangles may imply sacred beings of Mu continent.

Concentric circles painted with blue, white and red color may stand for the Sun, or a mirror which people worshiped as an alternative Sun, symbol of Dynast.

(13) The thirteenth is the famous enigma rock at the top of Sugita hill, Shimonoseki city, Yamaguchi pref. The rock was found by a farmer in 1922, and at last in 1776 the pictographs were deciphered with an old Japanese letter code by a linguist, Tatsuo Sohma. The engraved letters say, “We fought bravely day and night since the days our ancestors came to live here, and we do continue our labor to start our dynasty here with the help of Sun God.”

(8) The eighth shows the gorgeous inner wall of Ohzuka chambered tomb, Keisen. As seen in the pictures, so many white disks, blue, red, black triangle patterns are on ornament rocks. On the both pillar rocks at the entrance to the main chamber are the black horses, which look like guardian animals for the buried master, King. Blackens or waves patterns also accurately decorate the inner walls from bottom to the ceiling. This is the most splendid, beautiful chamberedtomb in a big scale in Japan. The room has a built in bed made of stone, where the master’s body was laid. It is a bedroom for him to rest forever surrounded by brilliant ornaments.

As seen in the picture, three concentric 3 circles stand for Sun God, Himika. These are letter codes used by “Sanka” (mountain-people) who used to be dominant in the earliest Japan. They are said to be the off springs of Tungus and Gilyak who came down from north-eastern part of Siberia about 6700 B.P., when the original form of Japanese language was being formed from proto-Korean and pre-Mongol language, according to linguistic chronology.

A small screen rock in front of the bedroom has a painted arrow case with seven arrows in it and a mirror with legs, bracken type patterns in red and white color. (9) The ninth shows the inside walls of Ohzuka tomb. White cupules mean the stars and constellations. The left picture shows a throne with arm-rests at both sides.

(14) The fourteenth is the summing-up of the analysis made on design, patterns of prehistoric rock paintings in chambered tombs of Japan. We can make out that the tomb builders and artists dared to simplify things into several patterns with beliefs that combinations of abstract patterns would lead to divine representation to gather pious faith and expression of prayers who gathered at the tombs for rituals.

Equilateral triangles in red, black, yellow and blue color, bracken shaped patterns, white stars and arrow cases compose the gorgeous corner. The entrance for the bed-room is a small gate with two barrier rocks with painted black horses.

(15) The fifteenth is the typical cases of Tibetan Buddhism and the very traditional Japanese carps and a streamer. The colors in both cases, Tarucho and a streamer are blue, red, yellow, white, black and green. As far as philology goes up, the first literature on the meanings of colors appear in old China about the 300’s B.C. in “the philosophy of 5 elements” (Yin and Yang Uh gyan sih). The Chinese philosophy gave strong influence on ancient Japanese after it was introduced into Japan in the 300’s A.D. Of course it is probable that ancient Japanese had their own philosophy about colors, although there is no document in prehistoric ages. People, however, must have had aesthetics and ideas of colors of things they used to see in their life and livings.

(10) The tenth shows typical designs and patterns of chambered tomb painting; bracken, triangle, horse, man, hoop, Sun, arrow case, ring, footed mirror and cupmarks. Here we can estimate how prehistoric people made abstracts of images and used them in combination to paint or engrave on the walls of chambered tombs. (11) The eleventh is a front rock wall of Mezurashizuka Tomb, Yoshii, up the Chikugo River. Dr. El-Rahamn, chief curator of National Cairo Museum, Egypt, once gave a comment, “This is surely the painting made by naturalized Egyptians who came crossing the seas and settled here. This tomb was built imitating the custom of their home-land. They somehow reached here in some stage of prehistoric ages.”

It is an interesting fact that Navaho Indian, as shown in their Nation’s Flag, has same images of colors; East=white, West=yellow, South=blue and North=black, while the land of their reservation is brown & yellow, and

(12) The twelfth shows Mezurashi tomb and the tablets kept at the Governmental Museum in Okinawa. About 60 years ago, at Kadena shore, where USA air-base is 5

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

the world view or aesthetics of the early Japanese people in many aspects of life.

the ceiling is in the image of a rainbow of red, yellow and blue colors. Mongoloid, which Chinese, Japanese and most tribes of Native Americans belong to, seemed to have similar philosophy about color.

Of course originally by nature, chamber builders had made up their own images of colors; red from blood and the setting Sun, blue from water or trees, yellow from soil, white from the moon and day, and black from the darkness and night, hollow caves or charcoal, and perhaps were able to use the colors to paint the designs and patterns they had abstracted to simple ones from their belongings.

(16) The sixteenth is the list of philosophy about colors of 5 elements in old China. As seen in the file, every color stood for each thing. This philosophy and aesthetics can be seen in the cases of chambered tombs in the 600’s A.D. in Japan. It is a matter of course that prehistoric people had their philosophy or aesthetics of natural colors around themselves; generally speaking, red stands for blood, fire, Sun, and vital color of life, while black stands for night, death, and negative sides of things. That is why black horses were painted on a tomb wall, dedicated to the master of tombs, who was believed to live in Land of the death, and blue or white horses were sacred symbols, messengers from divine beings. Blue and white colors were thought to be celestial color, so sacred, and so Japanese rituals of shrines are attended by white horses, not black ones as appear on walls of chambered tombs.

It is a matter of note that in the designs and paintings of Japanese chambered-tombs there appear no hand-print, foot-print, lizard, tortoise, frog or snake, though they frequently appear in the rock art of petro glyphs in Americas, Europe and east Asia. Such a representational paintings of figures never appears on Japanese rock walls. I saw a lot of rock art in Arizona, Hawaii’s, New Mexico, Australia, China, Korea and Canada, and have come to notice that only similar designs to Japanese rock-walls paintings are concentric circles, horses, cupules and circles with legs. Hand-prints or footprints are popular in Australia and Americas as seen in cases of aboriginals and Native Americans, but strange to say, such easy patterns never appear in Japan, which is to tell that the chambered tombs or the caves dedicated to the masters were too sacred for a tomb to be decorated with normal figures of animals or human bodies. Since earliest ages, noble people were believed to become deities after their deaths, although the people remain people even after deaths.

CONCLUSIVE SUPPOSITION The old Chinese philosophy, “Yin Yang Uh Kou Sei” (Doctrine of 5 elements of Negatives and Positives) was the base of astrology, fortune-telling, almanacs, calendar, agriculture, rituals and all aspects of life. According to the philosophy, all things in the universe consist of 5 elements which circulate between the sky and the earth to create things; the 5 elements are wood, fire, soil, metal and water. Wood makes fire, fire makes soil, soil makes metal, metal makes water and water makes wood. Also wood beats soil, soil beats water, water beats fire, fire beats metal and metal beats wood. The philosophy, in the 403’s to 200’s B.C. was connected with fortune-telling or astrology and prevailed wide in old China.

It may be why lords, kings or noble people were enshrined respectfully in specially made shrines, temples or tombs to be worshipped long after their deaths, but plain people were only buried in pits with simple markers. A chambered tomb has a rather big scaled mound, elaborately built by so many workers in order to bury a very noble or powerful leader of the tribes, and it may be properly right that only sacred symbols were painted on the walls in holy colors to represent heavenly precious things which the master used to like.

The philosophy seems to have been introduced officially into ancient Japan in the 500’s A.D., but since much earlier ages before the official introduction, such philosophy had influenced Japanese culture by way of private immigrants, refugees or literates who managed to reach ancient Japan to give many effects upon making of

Further comparative studies and considerations on the rock paintings of chambered tombs in other countries by earnest colleagues would reinforce my thesis, thanks.

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LAS REPRESENTACIONES ICONOGRÁFICAS DEL BRONCE FINAL SOBRE SOPORTES RUPESTRES EN CAMPANARIO (BADAJOZ, ESPAÑA) UN NUEVO CONCEPTO DE ESTELA DE GUERRERO Y ESTELA-GUIJARRO DIADEMADA A. DOMÍNGUEZ GARCÍA C/ Segovia, nº 21 4ºB, 10005 Cáceres, España [email protected]

Mª A. ALDECOA QUINTANA c/ Góndola, nº 9, 28500 Arganda del Rey,, Madrid, España – Fundación Carpetania [email protected] Abstract: The documentation in Tamajuso Brook of a great amount of rock at open air with engraving made with incisory or pickaxe tools has shown the outstanding of this steam of water as an artistic-symbolic space of the recent prehistory, in particular of Final Bronze Age and Iron Age. The representations show an excellent technical quality and iconographic diversity. The placing of several rocks with a similar iconographic like Peninsular South-western Warrior Steles next to another one, which there is a female figure comparable to anthropomorphic steles. The importance of this new artistic whole lies in newness of kind of support, where the representations are place: ordinary slate outcrops instead of mobile elements. Key words: Tamajuso Brook, Final Bronze Age, Iron Age, Warrior Steles, Anthropomorphic Stele

de la Estelas del Suroeste. Para ello mantendremos la división en zonas geográficas que realiza Celestino Pérez (2001)- I: Sierra de Gata; II: Valle del Tajo-Sierra de Montánchez; III: Valle del Guadiana-Zújar; IV: valle de Guadalquivir- y trataremos de englobar nuestro conjunto dentro de lo que él denomina Zona III o Valle del Guadiana-Valle del Zújar.

INTRODUCCIÓN El presente trabajo forma una pequeña parte de los resultados obtenidos tras la ejecución del proyecto de “Prospección intensiva y documentación de arte rupestre en la Z.E.P.A. de La Serena: términos municipales de Puebla de Alcocer, Esparragosa de Lares y Campanario” financiado por la Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Extremadura (España), ejecutado por la Fundación Carpetania y dirigido por Arturo Domínguez.

UBICACIÓN Y ENTORNO

Si bien los grabados mantienen cierta uniformidad en cuanto a su técnica de ejecución e iconografía sobre todo en los términos municipales de Puebla de Alcocer y Esparragosa de Lares encontrando paralelos con los grabados de las Hurdes (Sevillano, 1991), podemos observar como en Campanario existen, en algunos casos, claras diferencias que nos permiten realizar ciertas matizaciones crono-culturales.

El arroyo Tamujoso, con una longitud aproximada de 8,5 Km, se localiza en el extremo Nordeste del término municipal de Campanario y vierte sus aguas al río Guadiana por su margen izquierda, unos 600 m. por debajo del dique del Embalse de Orellana. Su curso alto discurre entre suaves lomas que apenas impiden la visibilidad del entorno. Una vez superada la carretera Ba634 se encajona flanqueado por pequeños cerros en ambas orillas y su trazado se hace tortuoso. En su último tramo, donde su trazado vuelve a ser más rectilíneo, se abre en una estrecha vega. A lo largo del año, su curso es intermitente, presentando un fuerte estiaje que seca sus aguas. (Fig. 2.1)

En el presente artículo se pretende realizar un estudio de aquellos elementos de iconografía adscrita a Edad del Bronce Final que hasta el momento habían sido localizados sobre soportes móviles, ya fueran Estelas de Guerrero o Estelas-guijarro, y que en nuestro caso se han documentado sobre soportes rupestres. En el transcurso de las siguientes páginas realizaremos un estudio pormenorizado de las distintas rocas y de sus elementos, su contextualización dentro del conjunto en el que aparecen, así como su incorporación al contexto general

El paisaje que acompaña actualmente al arroyo en todo su recorrido es de tipo estepario con una cubierta vegetal formada casi en exclusiva por pastos para el ganado ovicáprido. Pero si atendemos a los estudios realizados para el yacimiento de La Mata, también dentro del Término Municipal de Campanario, se destaca una mayor humedad ambiental a mediados del I milenio a. C. con una estructuración del paisaje formada por, según orden de importancia, encinares, alcornocales y bosques riparios (fresnos, chopos, sauces, alisos y olmos). Este

Dentro del presente proyecto se han localizado un total de 175 rocas grabadas, en su inmensa mayoría inéditas, junto a tres nuevos abrigos con pintura rupestre esquemática.

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PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 2.1. Mapa de localización del Arroyo Tamujoso

mayores dimensiones y la mayor densidad de grabados dentro de todo el conjunto del arroyo. Sus representaciones son totalmente esquemáticas primando las retículas y las formas geométricas sobre otros motivos también no figurativos. Sus grabados están más próximos a los localizados por nuestro equipo en Puebla de Alcocer y Esparragosa de Lares que a las representaciones figurativas que describiremos más adelante. (Fig. 2.2)

tercer ámbito parece poner de manifiesto la existencia de auténticos bosques de galería, de especies hoy localizadas en las cabeceras de los ríos. En este sentido, la mayor humedad ambiental se traduciría en la existencia de cursos de agua de mayor entidad y permanencia (Grau, Duque y Cuenca, 2004, p. 68-71). Para nuestro estudio este aspecto es muy destacable ya que podría cambiar la idea que tenemos de los arroyos estudiados y su entorno, y lo que hoy es un cauce puramente estacional podría haberse tratado de un arroyo con un curso de agua mucho más constante que discurriría junto a una dehesa. LOS GRABADOS RUPESTRES DEL ARROYO TAMUJOSO A lo largo de todo el recorrido del arroyo se han localizado un total de 27 estaciones inéditas, más la ya conocida “Peña del Moro” de la Finca de las Gamitas recogida por Alonso Gutiérrez Ayuso (2003) y en adelante Roca 1. Salvando el primer y último kilómetro y medio, las rocas con representaciones rupestres se distribuyen por todo el curso del arroyo. Esto se debe a que, tanto en la parte alta como en su tramo final, las pizarras son casi inexistentes y las que encontramos no crean buenas superficies para ser grabadas. Las diferentes estaciones se localizan de un modo bastante disperso, con la excepción del importante conjunto formado por las rocas 8 a 16, localizado en la desembocadura de un pequeño regato, afluente del Tamujoso por la izquierda, que fluye desde la Casa del Chiquero, en una zona de grandes afloramientos de pizarra que crean importantes planos tanto horizontales como verticales en los que se ejecutan los grabados.

La Roca 4 se localiza en uno de los puntos en donde el regato discurre más encajonado y tortuoso. Se encuentra tan próxima al regato que pueden observarse los efectos erosivos del agua producidos en los momentos de grandes crecidas de su curso. Iconográficamente destaca porque únicamente se han representado cazoletas piqueteadas y líneas incisas asociadas entre sí.

Una de sus rocas más significativas es la Roca 1. Se localiza en la cabecera del arroyo en una zona de suaves lomas y donde los afloramientos de pizarra son muy someros y dispersos. A pesar de esto, la roca presenta las

El conjunto formado por las rocas 8 a 16 es el más interesante de todo el arroyo junto con la Roca 21, de la que hablaremos más adelante. Este grupo se localiza en un afluente de cierta entidad de la margen izquierda del

Fig. 2.2. Vista general de la Roca 1

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gran rectángulo ejecutado en un piqueteado más disperso. Junto a todas estas figuras, se localiza también un grupo de ocho cazoletas que no forman ninguna figura identificable, una barra piqueteada, una mancha de tendencia circular de piqueteado disperso y varias líneas incisas dispersas. En los siguientes apartados desarrollaremos con más detalle esta roca. (Fig. 2.4)

Tamujoso con una longitud aproximada de dos kilómetros. Será junto a su desembocadura en el arroyo principal en donde se localicen el mayor y más interesante grupo de estaciones. (Fig. 2.3)

La Roca 10 presenta la peculiaridad de tener representadas sus figuras sobre un plano vertical que, junto con las rocas 15 y 16 serán las únicas, localizadas hasta el momento, que presentan grabados prehistóricos sobre este tipo de plano. Las figuras representadas poseen también gran interés al tratarse de los únicos zoomorfos conocidos en todo el arroyo. Nos encontramos ante tres animales seminaturalistas identificables como un ciervo, un caballo y otra figura acéfala, posiblemente otro caballo. Junto a ellas se representa también una punta de lanza. No está clavada en ningún animal ni apunta a ninguno de ellos, de modo que no parece representar ninguna escena de caza. Su adscripción cronológica resulta complicada. Algunos de los paralelos conocidos hasta el momento, como pueden ser los grabados del valle de Vermelhosa y Vale da Casa dentro del Parque Arqueológico do Vale do Côa (Simoes, M.; Arca, A.; Jaffe, L., Fossati, A., 2000; Baptista, A. M.,1983), nos llevan a fechas de la Edad del Hierro. Estarían, por tanto, más en relación con los grabados incisos gruesos que con las figuras de la Edad del Bronce del presente estudio. Sólo un análisis detallado de estas representaciones nos ayudará a profundizar sobre sus características y su adscripción cronocultural. (Fig. 2.5)

Fig. 2.3. Conjunto de rocas 8-16 La Roca 8 es la primera de las rocas que nos lleva al presente estudio ya que en uno de sus extremos se documenta un guerrero con espada a la cintura, un escudo, una lanza, un espejo y un punto junto a la cabeza del antropomorfo, todos ellos piqueteados. Junto a este conjunto, con una iconografía similar a las estelas de guerrero, se localizan otras figuras también destacables. En trazo inciso se definen tres figuras: dos retículas y una gran figura triangular cruzada por varios trazos transversales que podría definirse como un trineo muy irregular. Junto a ellas y en trazo piqueteado, destaca un antropomorfo de características diferentes al representado junto al armamento, con piernas y brazos en arco y con representación del pene. Sus paralelos hay que buscarlos más en la pintura esquemática que en el mundo de las estelas de guerrero. Este antropomorfo resalta también porque tiene asido un elemento desconocido formado por un trazo vertical en cuyo extremo superior se localiza un

Muy próxima a ella se localiza la Roca 11. Se trata de una gran superficie ligeramente inclinada cuya parte inferior forma parte del curso del pequeño regato afluente del Tamujoso. En ella se localizan gran cantidad de grabados de época contemporánea (fechados en 1965 y 71), de cuidada elaboración pero carentes de interés históricoarqueológico. Alejados de ellos, y sin resultar afectados

Fig. 2.4. Calco completo de la Roca 8 9

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

cuanto al número de figuras representadas. Entre ellas destacan círculos concéntricos y antropomorfos entre otras figuras. Su mal estado de conservación y el liquen que cubre algunos puntos de la superficie impiden hacer otras apreciaciones. A pesar de esto y a falta de un estudio detallado, no parecen existir interrelaciones entre los círculos y antropomorfos que pudieran representar conjuntos iconográficos comparables a la Roca 8 o, lo que es lo mismo, a las estelas de guerrero. (Fig. 2.7) La Roca 15 es otra de las piedras de elevada importancia dentro de los grabados localizados dentro del término municipal de Campanario. Se trata de una representación femenina con una iconografía comparable a las estelasguijarro diademadas y que estudiaremos en las próximas líneas. (Fig. 2.8) Muy próxima a ella se localiza la siguiente estación. La Roca 16 tiene representada una única figura de difícil interpretación y datación. Su cuerpo central está formado por un conjunto de líneas curvas concéntricas, estranguladas en su zona central y que dejan en la parte interior un espacio en forma de óvalo también estrangulado, en cuya parte superior están inscritos nueve trazos horizontales y paralelos. Los trazos que definen este óvalo se prolongan hacia la parte inferior de la figura conformando un espacio rectangular con un trazo interior que lo divide en dos. La parte superior de la figura está formada por un rombo compartimentado en seis espacios mediante un aspa y un trazo vertical que cruza tres cuartas partes de la figura. La pátina del grabado y el hecho de que existe una pérdida de soporte que afecta significativamente a la figura nos permite pensar en la antigüedad de la figura. Al no conocer paralelos para esta representación, resulta muy complicado establecer una aproximación crono-cultural. Como presenta unas características similares en cuanto a su ejecución y tipo de grabado con respecto a la figura femenina de la Roca

Fig. 2.5. Detalle del calco de la Roca 10

por éstos, se localizan tres figuras piqueteadas, destacando la figura 1 frente a las dos barras verticales. Está representado un antropomorfo con los brazos en asa con su interior relleno de piqueteado muy somero y sosteniendo un elemento en posición horizontal no identificable al carecer de detalles. Presenta las piernas en “V” y su cabeza está representada mediante un punto. De ella se proyectan hacia atrás dos cuernos ligeramente curvos y de gran tamaño. (Fig. 2.6) La Roca 14 es, después de la Roca 1, una de las mayores de todo el conjunto del arroyo Tamujoso y la segunda en

Fig. 2.6. Detalle del calco de la Roca 11 10

A. DOMÍNGUEZ GARCÍA & MªA. ALDECOA QUINTANA: LAS REPRESENTACIONES ICONOGRÁFICAS DEL BRONCE FINAL...

Fig. 2.7. Roca 14

Fig. 2.8. Roca 15 y entorno inmediato en el que se localiza

Fig. 2.10. Conjunto de Rocas 18-23 y su entorno

estudio y de difícil interpretación ya que, a pesar de su desarrollo y abundancia dentro de la roca no representan ninguna figura identificable, se identifican dos escudos con escotadura en “V”, una lanza, una espada, dos puñales y un espejo. Junto a ellas se hallan cuatro figuras de muy difícil interpretación. Se trata de un círculo irregular con un gran punto central y tres figuras rectangulares, dos de ellas con cuatro puntos inscritos, uno en cada esquina, y otra con seis puntos, uno en cada esquina y dos en la parte central. Su técnica de ejecución y características de trazo es similar al resto de figuras, pudiendo hablar así de una coetaneidad entre ellas. (Fig. 2.11)

Fig. 2.9. Calco Roca 16

15, podríamos establecer, con muchas precauciones, una cronología similar para ambas figuras. (Fig. 2.9)

Una vez realizada esta breve descripción de las principales rocas localizadas a lo largo de todo el recorrido del arroyo Tamujoso, realizaremos un estudio pormenorizado de aquellas rocas con una iconografía adscribible al Bronce Final, o lo que es lo mismo, de aquellas con representaciones similares a las estelas del suroeste y encuadrarlas así dentro de este fenómeno cultural.

Si nos desplazamos unos centenares de metros aguas abajo y sin formar un conjunto tan homogéneo como el anteriormente descrito, encontramos las rocas 18 a 23. Se localizan en la parte alta de la misma elevación y muy próximas entre sí, situándose las rocas 19, 20 y 21 en el mismo afloramiento de pizarra. (Fig. 2.10) La Roca 21 es la última de las piedras con una importancia muy relevante dentro del conjunto de grabados del arroyo Tamujoso al presentar un grupo de figuras con una iconografía similar a las estelas de guerrero del suroeste. Además de otras líneas piqueteadas, infrapuestas a los motivos del presente

Soporte y técnica Para la realización del presente estudio nos centraremos en las rocas 8, 15 y 21 ya que son las únicas piedras con una iconografía claramente perteneciente al Bronce final

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Fig. 2.11. Calco Roca 21

A pesar de estas diferencias, las estaciones mantienen algunas características en común como son el hecho de situarse en grandes afloramientos de pizarra, a una altura de entre 1,5 y 2,5 m. con respecto al suelo y el hecho anteriormente descrito de la iluminación solar.

y que pueden ser incluidas dentro de los corpus al uso de las estelas del guerrero (rocas 8 y 21) y de las estelasguijarro (Roca 15). Por lo que respecta al soporte en el que se localizaron, todos los grabados están realizados sobre el mismo tipo de roca y se emplearon las superficies planas que crean los afloramientos de pizarras para la disposición de las figuras. Las características de este material permiten la realización de los grabados con bastantes detalles, sobre todo cuando se emplea la técnica del trazo inciso fino.

Por lo que respecta a la Roca 15, se observa como existe una clara diferenciación en cuanto a su ubicación y elección del soporte con respecto a las otras dos rocas anteriores. Esta figura femenina se localiza en una superficie de reducidas dimensiones totalmente vertical, prácticamente a ras de suelo y con una orientación que no impide que los rayos del sol incidan directamente sobre los grabados. (Fig. 2.12)

En cuanto al plano eligieron para ubicar los grabados sí se observan diferencias. Así, se eligiendo planos horizontales o ligeramente inclinados para la realización de los grabados con una iconografía de estela de guerrero, mientras que para la representación de la figura femenina de la Roca 15 se utilizó una pequeña superficie perfectamente vertical. Por lo que respecta a la forma y tamaño del soporte existen grandes diferencias entre las distintas rocas objeto de estudio. La Roca 8 es una gran superficie horizontal en la que apenas se han grabado figuras. Las que se documentan se concentran en la mitad Sur dejando el resto de la roca sin ningún tipo de grabado. La Roca 21 presenta un tamaño considerablemente menor, con una inclinación de unos 25º y en la que apenas existen espacios libres para ser piqueteados. Otra diferencia entre ambas es la ubicación de los grabados dentro de la superficie. En la Roca 8 las representaciones de estela de guerrero ocupan un lugar marginal dentro de la gran superficie. Se eligió un lateral en el que la iluminación natural apenas incide unas horas a lo largo del día debido a la presencia de un gran afloramiento vertical junto a los grabados que le hacen sombra. A pesar de esta marginalidad, se eligió un espacio claramente definido por grietas que enmarcan las representaciones del Bronce Final y las individualiza del resto de figuras. Con especto a la luz, algo parecido ocurre con la Roca 21, ya que en ningún momento del día la superficie se encuentra totalmente iluminada por los rayos del sol. Este hecho dificultó enormemente la toma de fotografías.

Fig. 2.12. Plantas y secciones rocas 8, 15 y 21

Al contrario de lo que ocurre en la mayoría de las estelas de guerrero realizadas sobre esquistos en las que se ha producido una importante pérdida del soporte, en los casos que aquí expondremos la conservación ha sido perfecta, con la salvedad de la pequeña fractura que afecta a la cara de la mujer de la Roca 15. Este excelente estado de conservación de los grabados nos permite tener una visión completa de las nuevas estelas sin los inconvenientes de trabajar con figuras parciales.

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A diferencia de lo que ocurre en la mayoría de las estelas de guerrero conocidas en la que la técnica de ejecución es la línea incisa, tanto en la Roca 8 como en la 21 se ha empleado el piqueteado para la realización de las figuras pertenecientes al mundo de las estelas de guerrero. En la Roca 8 conviven dos técnicas de grabados. Junto con las representaciones ya citadas se identifican diferentes figuras en trazo inciso pero sin relación aparente con el conjunto del guerrero. Por el contrario, en la Roca 21 se eligió únicamente el piqueteado para la ejecución de todos los motivos.

La mayoría de las estelas de la zona de Zújar han sido realizadas sobre un soporte cuarcítico gracias a la abundancia de este material en la zona, siendo importante la presencia de soportes naturales de cuarcitas en amplias zonas de El Viso, Zarza Capilla, Capilla o Cabeza del Buey. En la zona se puede apreciar la gran cantidad de piedras de tamaños y formas similares a estelas amontonadas en estos campos, lo que debió facilitar enormemente su elaboración (Celestino, 2001, p. 80). A pesar de esta matización sobre el área del Zújar, nuestras estelas hay que ponerlas más en relación con las dos localizadas en Esparragosa de Lares debido a la similitud del soporte en los que se han ejecutado. Todo el área comprendida entre esta población y Campanario (varias decenas de kilómetros) está cubierta por una ingente cantidad de afloramientos de esquistos tipo “dientes de perro”, que también pudieron haber servido para la obtención de un soporte apropiado para la realización de estas estelas exentas y que, por motivos hasta el momento desconocidos, se descartaron eligiéndose estos afloramientos naturales con optimas superficies. Se aprovechan, por tanto, los materiales locales sin necesidad importarlos de otras áreas alejadas. Además, su contextualización dentro de uno de los conjuntos postpaleolíticos de grabados de arte rupestre al aire libre más importantes de toda Extremadura recientemente descubiertos por nuestro equipo, nos puede ayudar a comprender un poco mejor este mundo de las estelas del suroeste.

El empleo de esta técnica crea problemas a la hora de representar detalles en las figuras. Así, el pequeño tamaño de las representaciones de la Roca 8 no permite ningún tipo de matización en el antropomorfo, espada, lanza o espejo. Por el contrario, en la Roca 21, el hecho de haber grabado sus figuras con unas dimensiones sustancialmente mayores nos permitirá analizar con más precisión las representaciones. Por lo que respecta a la composición de las nuevas estelas encontramos datos muy interesantes. La Roca 8 mantiene una unidad estilística y compositiva muy acorde dentro del conjunto de estelas del Valle de Zújar. Se mantiene la independencia compositiva del escudo con un tamaño no demasiado desproporcionado con respecto a la figura humana. Por el contrario, no se mantiene la proporción del resto de elementos ya que el espejo tiene un tamaño excesivo comparado con el resto de figuras que conforman el conjunto (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 95-98). Su estructura compositiva es comparable a la estela de Magacela, a pesar de que ésta presente un mayor grado de detalle en las figuras y con sustanciales diferencias en el antropomorfo. En ambos casos el escudo cierra la parte inferior de la composición y la lanza y espejo permanecen juntos y en paralelo al cuerpo del guerrero. Con los dos ejemplares de Cabeza del Buey II y Esparragosa de Lares también encontramos similitudes sustanciales en cuanto a la composición, pero pueden encontrarse más diferencias formales que con la estela de Magacela.

Las características especiales de nuestras rocas generan diferencias con respecto al resto de estelas conocidas. Con respecto a su disposición horizontal podemos decir que hubo por parte de los autores de los grabados una clara intención a la hora de elegir esta ubicación, ya que existen en la zona importantes planos verticales que pudieron haber sido elegidos para la colocación de las estelas y que fueron rechazados. Este importante hecho hace pensar que estas estelas están concebidas más como una losa que como una estela para ser vista en posición vertical. Por el contrario, para la Roca 15, se eligió un pequeño plano vertical para situar la figura. Este hecho, junto a sus proporciones y la colocación de la figura en la parte alta de la superficie a pesar de no ser necesario clavarla en el suelo, hace que esta nueva roca se mantenga dentro de los parámetros conocidos hasta el momento dentro del mundo de las estelas-guijarro. Además de estas cuestiones de tamaño y distribución de la figura, podemos decir que no existió una intención de trabajar la parte lateral y posterior de la roca para tratar de conferir a la estela un aspecto de betílo.

En cuanto a la Roca 21 es difícil encuadrar sus represtaciones en lo que se refiere a su composición y ubicación dentro del Valle del Zújar ya que, a pesar de mantener una estructura bastante similar a las estelas básicas, presenta enormes diferencias con ellas. En primer lugar, como hecho más destacado y enormemente novedoso, presenta dos escudos con escotadura en “V” de características y dimensiones muy similares. Además, sus dos puñales, la espada y lanza no se distribuyen a ambos lados de los escudos, al igual que ocurre con las estelas básicas de la zona de la Sierra de Gata. Este hecho abalaría la tesis propuesta por Celestino (ob. cit., p. 95) según la cual en la zona del Valle del Guadiana-Valle del Zújar se abandona la constante de espada y lanza agrupadas en horizontal sobre el escudo, pasando éste a ocupar posiciones independizadas del resto de la composición. En nuestro caso, la novedad radica en la existencia de dos escudos en una misma estela y en el hecho que parece tratarse de una evolución de las estelas básicas.

Así, las dos estelas de guerrero no están concebidas para ser vistas verticalmente, al contrario de lo que ocurre con la representación de la mujer de la Roca 15, en la que su aspecto es el de una roca clavada sobre el terreno. Por lo tanto, se podrían cuestionar las teorías que exponen que las estelas de guerrero con representaciones humanas irían hincadas en el suelo (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 82).

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Fig. 2.13. Estelas de guerrero de las rocas 8 y 21

Como ya se ha esbozado líneas arriba, es también una novedad la representación de dos puñales en una misma estela de guerrero. La presencia de este tipo de arma sólo es conocida en la estela de Pedro Abad dentro del Valle del Guadalquivir en la que se representa un puñal sin ningún tipo de detalles. Los dos puñales de la Roca 21 ocupan una posición central dentro del conjunto, paralelos a la espada, situada en la parte derecha, y superpuestos, al igual que ésta, a una gran cantidad de piqueteado que no llega a configurar ninguna figura reconocible. En el siguiente apartado realizaremos un estudio formal mucho más detallado de los distintos elementos representados.

Fig. 2.14. Roca 21 no estar asociados entre ellos y la ausencia de otros elementos que nos pudiesen acercar al mundo de las estelas de guerrero nos hace desvincular, a falta de un estudio más detallado de la roca, estas figuras con las representaciones de las estelas del suroeste, aproximándonos más a la iconografía del arte rupestre esquemático.

LAS ESTELAS DE GUERRERO Elementos decorativos representados Si atendemos ahora a los elementos decorativos representados en las estelas localizadas en el arroyo Tamujoso, no encontramos grandes diferencias con respecto al resto de las documentadas en la zona del Guadiana-Zújar. En nuestro caso son siete los elementos que analizaremos: la figura humana, las espadas, las lanzas, los puñales, los escudos y, como único elemento de prestigio, el espejo. Junto a ellos analizaremos también otros elementos que aparecen junto a estas figuras pero de difícil identificación. (Fig. 2.13 y 2.14)

En cuanto a la Roca 11, si bien su relación con el mundo de las estelas del suroeste es más dudosa, la figura antropomorfa representada con casco, asiendo un elemento de difícil interpretación entre sus manos, nos recuerda a muchos de los antropomorfos conocidos en éstas. Por ello, su descripción en este apartado trata más de realizar una aproximación crono-cultural, dentro de un contexto muy determinado como es el arroyo Tamujoso, que de incluir la roca y la figura dentro del mundo de las estelas del suroeste.

Los antropomorfos Dentro del conjunto de rocas localizadas en el arroyo Tamujoso sólo en las rocas 8, 11 y 14 encontramos este tipo de figura. En la última de ellas, como ya describimos en las primeras páginas, predominan las representaciones de círculos concéntricos y los antropomorfos. El hecho de

Es en la Roca 8 donde nos encontramos el único antropomorfo de indudable relación con el mundo de las estelas de guerrero. Está piqueteado y siguiendo los

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mismos patrones que en las estelas ya conocidas, con los brazos en ángulo recto y la espada a la cintura, aunque carente de cualquier tipo de detalle como en las estelas de Cabeza Buey II, Esparragosa de Lares I y II, Navavillar de Pela, Zarza Capilla I, Valdetorres I o Belalcázar. (Fig. 2.15)

Fig. 2.16. Evolución de los tipo de espadas representa dos en las estelas, según las distintas zonas geográficas (Celestino, 2001)

vertical sin ningún tipo de detalle ni punta y con una longitud algo superior a la altura del guerrero, en la Roca 21 ocupa una posición central y tiene marcada claramente la hoja con una forma ovalada y apuntada. Sus dimensiones son desproporcionadas, presentando una hoja demasiado grande con respecto al resto de armas y un astil demasiado corto para el tamaño de ésta.

Fig. 2.15. Evolución de la representación de los antropomorfos en las estelas según las diferentes zonas geográficas (Celestino, 2001)

Su posición con respecto al resto de figuras es diferente. Mientras que en la Roca 8 su disposición está acorde con el antropomorfo y el resto de figuras manteniendo uniformidad compositiva con respecto al resto de estelas del área del Guadiana-Zujar, en la Roca 21 su ubicación difiere en cuanto a las rocas básicas. No debemos olvidar que no nos encontramos ante una típica estela básica con las localizadas en la zona de Gata, sino que podría tratarse de una evolución de éstas (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 101 y 102), ya que en la zona de Guadiana-Zújar no se ha localizado ninguna estela de este tipo. Así, la lanza no está dispuesta de modo horizontal, en posición de ser lanzada y junto a un escudo, sino que aparece representada en una posición central, casi dividiendo la composición en dos mitades y con una colocación oblicua.

Las Espadas Como ya hemos citado, este tipo de arma sólo lo encontramos en las rocas 8 y 21. En la primera de ellas aparece representada en la cintura del guerrero, dispuesta en posición paralela a la línea de los hombros y muy próxima a las manos, pero sin llegar a asirla. Su pequeño tamaño, el hecho de estar piqueteada y ceñida a la cintura del guerrero impide la realización de cualquier tipo de detalle que nos permita realizar cualquier tipo de identificación o matización. Únicamente presenta un gran trazo perpendicular a la hoja a modo de apéndice de la empuñadura. La espada de la Roca 21, a pesar de sus 41 cm. de longitud, no ha sido realizada con una gran precisión. Está realizada en piqueteado ligeramente abrasionado. La empuñadura carece de detalles que permitan hacer grandes matizaciones. Su guardamano está representado de manera irregular y está rematada mediante un pomo. La hoja, engrosada en su parte distal, parece estar realizada en dos momentos diferentes ya que se nota cierta discontinuidad en el trazo en el punto donde la hoja cambia su trazo recto y comienza a engrosarse para acabar rematada en punta. Su forma, tanto por la empuñadura como por la hoja, se encuadra dentro de las espadas pistiliformes (Coffyn, 1985; Fernández, 1986). (Fig 2.16)

Los Puñales

Las Lanzas

Los Escudos

Aparecen en las rocas 8 y 21 y, en cuanto a los detalles, su representación es muy diferente. Mientras que en la Roca 8 únicamente aparece dibujada mediante un trazo

Se encuentran presentes en nuestras dos estelas de guerrero, existiendo claras diferencias entre ellos. En la Roca 8 se localiza un escudo formado por dos círculos

Representados únicamente en la Roca 21, se trata de un elemento bastante novedoso dentro de la iconografía de las estelas de guerrero ya que únicamente se conoce la existencia de este tipo de arma en la estela de Pedro Abad del valle del Guadalquivir. Son dos los puñales representados en nuestra roca y de tipología totalmente diferente. El primero de ellos, a pesar de su irregular ejecución recuerda a las formas pistiliformes, mientras que el segundo debido a su hoja triangular parece remitirnos a época posteriores al Bronce Final.

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concéntricos, algo irregulares, con un punto central, aunque ligeramente desviado, a modo de umbo. Como evidencia (Celestino ob. cit., p. 121) este tipo de escudos pierde protagonismo dentro de la escena compositiva, presentando un tamaño más acorde con el resto de las armas y aparecen por lo general integrados dentro de la panoplia del guerrero. Según este argumento, la distribución de la Roca 8, su tipo de escudo, proporciones y ubicación encajarían perfectamente dentro del conjunto de estelas de la zona del Guadiana-Zújar.

presencia en uno de nuestros escudos de un apéndice en forma de “U” en la diagonal opuesta a la escotadura en “V”. Como paralelos sólo tenemos la estela de Buoux II. Si bien, los distintos autores tratan de interpretarla como una escotadura, ya sea en “U” o en doble “V”, en nuestro caso parece claro que no se trata de una escotadura y sí de un apéndice inferior cuya función desconocemos por el momento. (Fig 2.17)

Por lo que respecta a los escudos con escotadura en “V” de la Roca 21, el primer hecho que llama la atención, es la existencia de dos escudos dentro de una misma estela, no conociéndose hasta el momento ningún caso parecido dentro del mundo de las estelas del suroeste. Ocupan un lugar destacado dentro del conjunto de la roca y su ejecución es bastante precisa, manteniéndose las distancias en todo momento a la hora de disponer los círculos concéntricos.

Presentes de igual modo en las dos estelas estudiadas, sus características son bastante diferentes. En la Roca 8, el espejo se representa en una posición central dentro de la composición general con un tamaño desproporcionado con respecto al resto de las figuras. Por el contrario, en la Roca 21 su posición es marginal y su tamaño es bastante reducido comparado con resto de motivos.

Los Espejos

Su presencia en ambas rocas encaja perfectamente dentro del área del Guadiana-Zújar en donde aparece en el 80% de las estelas (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 165-166). Del mismo modo, su ubicación dentro del conjunto de grabados y su importancia dentro de la escena es también desigual. Por lo que respecta a sus formas, en la Roca 21 aparece representado mediante dos puntos piqueteados de distinto diámetro unidos por un trazo horizontal mientras que en la Roca 8 se diseña mediante un gran círculo piqueteado y un mango largo. En ambos casos carece de más detalles que permitan deducir sus tipos y analogías formales. (Fig 2.18)

Por otro lado, al igual que ocurre con el resto de estelas en las que figuran escudos con escotadura, éstos no presentan una homogeneidad absoluta, sus escotaduras son en forma de “V” y, a pesar de no tener asideros, las escotaduras están claramente dispuestas en la parte superior del escudo. La representación en ambos de un umbo podría explicar la falta del asidero, muy común en la zona que nos ocupa, y significaría la intención por parte del autor de los grabados de marcar la cara exterior del escudo (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 116). Destaca la

Fig. 2.17. Tipología de los escudos según las distintas zonas geográficas (Celestino, 2001)

Fig. 2.18. Representaciones de espejos en las estelas, según las zonas geográficas (Celestino 2001) 16

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líneas piqueteadas, que en algunos casos forman ángulos, pero que no forman ninguna figura claramente definida. Este hecho junto con la misma técnica de ejecución nos hablaría de la coetaneidad entre todas las figuras formando parte todas ellas de la estela de guerrero.

Otros elementos Como ya citamos líneas atrás, en la Roca 8 aparecen representados otra serie de elementos que, a priori, no tienen relación con la escena del guerrero. Su relación hay que buscarla más dentro del conjunto de grabados que constituyen los yacimientos de Campanario, Puebla de Alcocer y Esparragosa de Lares y cuya cronología parece estar más cercana a la Edad del Hierro que a los momentos finales de la Edad del Bronce. Por eso, estos elementos no los tenemos en cuenta a la hora de estudiar la composición de la estela de guerrero ya que se encuentran bien diferenciados y no parecen formar parte de ninguna escena más compleja. Por el contrario, en la Roca 21 nos encontramos otros elementos que parecen tener una clara relación con las figuras que aquí nos ocupan y cuya identificación resulta enormemente complicada al no haber encontrado ningún paralelo dentro del mundo de las estelas del suroeste que nos permita realizar cualquier tipo de aproximación interpretativa. Se trata de tres figuras rectangulares (Figs. 2.11 y 2.13) en cuyo interior se han inscrito una serie de puntos con una ordenación muy cuidada. Se han buscado las esquinas interiores para ubicar estos puntos y, en uno de los casos, se han dispuesto dos puntos más en el centro de la figura. Junto a ellas, se localiza una cuarta figura formada por un círculo muy irregular, casi cuadrangular, con un gran punto central (Fig. 2.13).

LA ESTELA-GUIJARRO DIADEMADA La Roca 15 supone un nuevo concepto dentro del mundo de las estelas-guijarro, ya que se trata de la única estelaguijarro conocida diseñada sobre un soporte no móvil. A pesar de esto, responde al mismo concepto ideológico por lo que respecta a sus características generales, encajando tanto su diseño como su composición dentro del conjunto de estas particulares estelas como veremos en las siguientes líneas. (Figs. 2.19 y 2.20)

Además, estas figuras junto con el conjunto formado por las armas y espejo se superponen a una gran cantidad de

A pesar de que los hallazgos de estelas diademadas son cada vez más numerosos, este dato no se traduce en una mayor dispersión geográfica de la serie, muy centrada en el suroeste peninsular y más concretamente en las tierras interiores de esa área (Celestino, ob. cit., p. 239-240). Además, atendiendo a su área de distribución, observamos que en la zona de Guadiana-Zújar no se localiza ninguna estela-guijarro. Nuestra estela supone, por tanto, una ampliación del territorio de dispersión hasta ahora conocido para este tipo de representaciones, localizándose en una de las áreas en donde las estelas de guerrero y diademadas son más abundantes y presentan una iconografía más compleja. Con ello, se enriquece aún

Fig. 2.19. Detalle del calco de la Roca 15

Fig. 2.20. Detalle de la Roca 15

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Fig. 2.21. Mapa de dispersión de las estelas-guijarro diademadas (círculos) y de las estelas diademadas (triángulos) (Celestino, 2001)

En nuestro caso, la diadema no aparece adosada a la cara de la figura, como ocurre en casi todas las demás representaciones. Parece existir una individualización con respecto al rostro dejando un pequeño espacio en blanco entre ambos elementos.

más esta zona y su ubicación, por tanto al Este de la provincia de Badajoz, rompe con la concentración de estelas-guijarro al Oeste de Extremadura y Salamanca. (Fig. 2.21) Será en el soporte en el que se representa la figura en donde encontramos la gran diferencia con respecto al resto de estelas-guijarro diademadas conocidas. Mientras éstas se representan sobre guijarros o estelas propiamente dichas, en nuestro caso nos encontramos con un pequeño afloramiento vertical de pizarra sin ningún tipo de preparación o remate por parte de los autores. Por lo que respecta a sus dimensiones, 42 cm. de alto por 17 cm. de anchura máxima, encaja perfectamente entre los 40 y 80 cm. del tamaño de los guijarros en los que se representan este tipo de figuraciones.

Por lo que respecta a los collares y cinturones, elementos también muy característicos de este tipo de figuras, no aparecen dibujados. Según Celestino (ob. cit., p. 246-247) la desaparición de estos dos elementos y el hecho de representar a la figura de cuerpo entero, responde al hecho de encontrarnos ante las estelas más avanzadas dentro de la serie. Partiendo de los modelos más extendidos, donde sólo se hace hincapié en la cara y manos del antropomorfo, se tiende paulatinamente a representarlos de cuerpo entero, momento que coincide con la decadencia figurativa tanto del cinturón como del collar. Por el contrario, la diadema mantendrá todo su valor simbólico. En nuestro caso, esta teoría podría verse reforzada ante la individualización existente entre ella y el rostro.

La clasificación realizada Almagro-Gorbea (1977, 1998) resulta la base para intentar encuadrar nuestra representación dentro del mundo de las estelas-guijarro. (Fig. 2.22)

Por último, y como elemento más novedoso y claramente diferenciador con respecto al resto de estelas, nos encontramos con la representación del sexo femenino en el que parece existir una clara intención de representarlo de modo bastante explícito. Si bien no existían entre los distintos investigadores muchas dudas con respecto al sexo de este tipo de figuras, esta representación sería la prueba irrefutable para definirlas como figuras femeninas.

En primer lugar y como elemento fundamental nos encontramos con la diadema, que junto con su ojo izquierdo son los únicos elementos parcialmente perdidos, hecho que no interfiere para observar la figura con su máximo detalle. Tipológicamente difiere en algunos aspectos con respecto a la gran mayoría de estelas, pero en esencia su similitud es clara. La diferencia está en su diseño para el que se emplearon únicamente dos arcos paralelos para definir su contorno frente a las tres líneas de la mayoría de las restantes. Frente a esta pequeña discrepancia, nos encontramos con el otro elemento característico de las diademas como son las líneas radiadas que rellenan el espacio interior.

CONCLUSIONES Una vez estudiados y analizados los distintos elementos iconográficos representados, parece claro poder

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Fig. 2.22. Estelas-guijarro diademadas basadas en la tipología de Almagro-Gorbea: 1. Esperança; 2. Crato; 3. Hernán Pérez I; 4. Conquinho; Torrejón el Rubio V; 5. Robledillo de Gata; 6. Hernán Pérez V; 7. Hernán Pérez IV; 8. Ciudad Rodrigo II; 9. Arrocerezo; 10. Los Santos; 11. Salvatierra de Santiago; 12. Cerezal I; 13. Cerezal II; 14. Toniñuelo; 15. Hernán Pérez VI; 16. Hernán Pérez II; 17. Hernán Pérez III; 18. Hernán Pérez VII; 19. Bodonal; 20. Riomalo; 21. Ciudad Rodrigo I; 22. Cambroncino; 23. La Lentejuela. (Celestino, 2001); 24. Arroyo Tamujoso

su amplio estudio (1995, p. 107 y 110), o la roca localizada por Gutiérrez Ayuso (ob. cit., p. 15-16) también en el Término Municipal de Campanario, localizada en lo alto de un cerro y dentro de otro conjunto de grabados al aire libre parcialmente estudiados dentro del presente proyecto de investigación bajo el topónimo de la Serrezuela con la representación de un gran escudo con escotadura en “V” entre otras figuras piqueteadas, junto con las rocas del presente trabajo ayudarán a ampliar el concepto de estela y conocer con más precisión este fenómeno cultural. Por lo tanto, nuestras rocas no son un hecho aislado sino que parece abrirse ante nosotros un nuevo campo aún por descubrir, en el que hay que comenzar a buscar este tipo de representaciones sobre los afloramientos naturales de pizarra u otras superficies (Figs. 2.23 y 2.24).

adscribirlas dentro del Bronce Final e incluirlos dentro del corpus de estelas de Suroeste. El hecho de englobarlos dentro de los fenómenos culturales de las estelas del Suroeste conlleva la necesidad cambiar la idea que tene-mos de ellas y ampliarla a este tipo de representaciones al aire libre que repiten la misma iconografía y los mismos esquemas de distribución de las figuras. Nos encontramos ante un hecho todavía muy desconocido pero con ejemplos cada vez más numerosos de rocas grabadas con este tipo de representaciones. Los hallazgos realizados por Varela Gómes (1989) de los grabados rupestres de Cachão do Algave entre Castelo Branco y Portoalegre en los que se representan dos espadas y un escudo con escotadura en “V”, actualmente bajo las aguas del Pantano de Fratel y recogidos por Galán Domingo en 19

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Fig. 2.23. Roca 8 en su entorno inmediato

Fig. 2.24. Conjunto de rocas 19-21

Una vez dentro del mundo de las estelas del suroeste, las características de las rocas estudiadas, el contexto general en el que se localizan, junto con el hecho de encontrarlas in situ y completas, nos ofrecen una información muy amplia que nos pueden ayudar a conocer un poco más el mundo de las estelas de guerrero y estelas-guijarro diademadas.

para ser vistas desde lejos. Los afloramientos en los que se localizan, si bien son de gran tamaño, no destacan con respecto al resto del paisaje. Así, las rocas 8 y 15 se encuentran más bien escondidas en uno de los puntos en donde el arroyo discurre más encajonado. Al no tratarse de una zona de paso directa, hay que conocer perfectamente el entorno para llegar al lugar exacto en donde se ubican y poder observar los grabados, ya que no pueden verse hasta que uno no se encuentra prácticamente encima del conjunto.

Por lo que respecta a las particularidades de las rocas podemos ofrecer algunas consideraciones significativas. Parece existir una clara intención de representar las estelas de guerrero sobre planos horizontales descartando las superficies verticales como sería lo más lógico si se quisiese dar a la escena un aspecto de estela. Si bien es cierto que las mejores superficies para la realización de grabados son las horizontales, existen superficies verticales optimas en las que pudieron haberse realizado los grabados. Este hecho se observa perfectamente en las rocas 11, 15 y 16 en las que se eligieron estos planos para ubicar las representaciones. Esta apreciación podría ayudar a corroborar parte de las teorías según las cuales las estelas de guerrero estaban dispuestas como losas, a pesar del hecho bastante contrastado y aceptado de la aparente disposición vertical de la gran mayoría de las estelas conocidas.

Con respecto a la Roca 21, su ubicación en la parte superior de un pequeño cerro le confiere una posición dominante de su entorno inmediato. A pesar de esto, el afloramiento de pizarra tampoco destaca en la zona y la visión que se tiene desde la roca no va más allá de la pequeña vega en la que se abre el arroyo en el tramo en el que se localizan los grabados. Su localización resulta también complicada entre la gran cantidad de afloramientos de pizarra de similares características de su entorno. Entendemos que tanto las estelas de guerrero como la estela-guijarro diademada hay que comprenderlas dentro de una apropiación del territorio de un modo ideológicoespiritual en el que el arroyo funciona como eje vertebrador y dentro de un fenómeno más extendido de grabados al aire libre. Este esquema puede observarse también en los yacimientos de arte rupestre localizados en los términos municipales de Puebla de Alcocer y Esparragosa de Lares en los que parece existir una clara vinculación entre arroyos y conjuntos de arte rupestre, en los que preferiblemente se eligieron los afloramientos de las zonas bajas de los ríos y arroyos para realizar los grabados.

Como es lógico pensar, al localizarse los grabados en un afloramiento de pizarra descartaría la teoría, si bien es cierto muy denostada, que expone que las estelas son marcadores de enterramientos. Aunque su uso en otro tipo de rituales funerarios no está descartado, parece que también podría rechazarse la idea de depositar el cuerpo del fallecido sobre la superficie grabada, ya que, si bien en la Roca 8 se puede realizar sin ningún tipo de problema, en la Roca 21 la inclinación de su superficie impediría la colocación de un cuerpo inerte.

Si nos fijamos en la ubicación del arroyo Tamujoso y sus grabados con respecto a las rutas ganaderas tradicionales siguiendo las teorías de Ruiz-Gálvez y Galán (1991; y Galán 1995) observamos como el arroyo Tamujoso, y por tanto los grabados, se localizan entre una cañada, un cordel y una colada que, junto con el río Guadiana, enmarcan nuestro yacimiento (ver mapa). Si bien la relación entre el arroyo y las rutas ganaderas podrían

Por el contrario, la disposición de la Roca 15 apoyaría las teorías que apuntan a que las Estelas-guijarro diademadas estarían hincadas en el suelo y dispuestas para ser vistas verticalmente. Si atendemos ahora a su emplazamiento en el espacio podemos decir que, nuestras estelas no están dispuestas 20

A. DOMÍNGUEZ GARCÍA & MªA. ALDECOA QUINTANA: LAS REPRESENTACIONES ICONOGRÁFICAS DEL BRONCE FINAL...

transición, en los que no se ha documentado ningún yacimiento relacionado directamente con los grabados rupestres. Sólo han sido localizados yacimientos arqueológicos en el Cerro del Álamo, Finca Bahondillo (Campanario) y junto a la Fortaleza de Lares (Esparragosa de Lares), todos ellos en la parte alta de destacadas elevaciones, no habiendo sido localizado ningún yacimiento en las zonas de llanura junto a los grabados. Por tanto, los pocos datos existentes en la zona impide sacar cualquier tipo de conclusión en lo que respecta a la relación ente arte rupestre y yacimientos de habitación.

parecen claras, nosotros pensamos que los grabados no están señalizando estas rutas, y sí parecen tener una relación más marcada con el curso fluvial en el que se localizan los grabados. Entendemos, por tanto, esta proximidad con las rutas ganaderas más como la simbiosis entre una población ganadera que reflejan parte de su idiosincrasia en los arroyos, en un entorno en el que el único aprovechamiento del suelo es el de pastos, que el hecho de definir rutas de tránsito. Esta idea se ve reforzada con el conjunto de grabados localizados por nuestro equipo en Puebla de Alcocer y Esparragosa de Lares en el que, junto con Campanario, puede observarse una clara relación entre grabados y cursos fluviales.

Una vez incluidas nuestras rocas dentro del mundo de las estelas del Suroeste queda pendiente analizar los motivos que llevaron a sus autores a elegir en unos casos la realización de una estela exenta y en otros a la utilización de estas superficies naturales localizadas sobre el terreno. Los nuevos estudios deben dirigirse a la búsqueda de los motivos que llevaron a los autores de los grabados a elegir un tipo u otro de soporte y ver si tuvo el mismo significado una estela exenta y un grabado sobre un soporte no móvil, o por el contrario nos encontramos ante una misma iconografía que encierra dos realidades simbólicas diferentes.

Podría también pensarse en la señalización de puntos para uso como abrevadero de ganado, pero no debemos olvidar que nos encontramos en un curso de agua muy secundario con grandes estiajes, a pesar de lo expuesto en las primeras líneas, y en el que parece más lógico pensar en la utilización de las aguas del río Guadiana distante apenas tres kilómetros y con agua todo el año. Siguiendo con las teorías de estos autores, las estelas aquí estudiadas no parecen tratarse de hitos destacados del paisaje. No se localizan en un área de contraste geográfico en donde se constituya una frontera natural entre espacios de aprovechamientos diferenciados (RuizGálvez y Galán, ob. cit., p. 269) ni se sitúan en lugares elevados con buena visibilidad (p. 263) ni son referencias en el paisaje (p. 264). Únicamente podría relacionarse con la relativa proximidad al vado que la Cañada Real Leonesa realizaba sobre el río Guadiana antes de la construcción del Embalse de la Orellana, ya que el vado prehistórico recogido por Enriquez Navascués (1982, p.10) para cruzar el Guadiana se localiza en Cogolludo, junto al yacimiento prehistórico y romano de Lacimurga y lugar próximo a la aparición de la estela de Orellana la Vieja, que se ubica casi una decena de kilómetros aguas arriba. A pesar de esta cercanía, la disposición de nuestras estelas con respecto al paisaje en el que se ubican, a priori no parece que tenga una estrecha relación con este vado de Orellana la Vieja y sí con el arroyo en el que han documentado.

Bibliografía ALMAGRO GORBEA, M. (1977) – El Bronce Final y el Periodo Orientalizante en Extremadura. Biblioteca Praehistorica Hispana XIV. Madrid. ALMAGRO GORBEA, M. (1998) – Precolonización y cambio sociocultural en el Bronce Atlántico. In Intercàmbio e comércio: as economías da Idade do Ferro. Lisboa, pp. 81-100. BAPTISTA, A.M. (1983) – O complexo de gravuras rupestres do Vale da Casa (Vila Nova de Foz Côa. Arqueologia, 8. Porto. CELESTINO PÉREZ, S. (2001) – Estelas de guerrero y estelas diademadas. La precolonización y formación del mundo tartésico. Ed. Bellaterra. Barcelona. COFFYN, A. (1985) – Le Bronce Final Atlantique dans la Péninsule Ibérice. París: Difusión de Bocard.

Con respecto a la localización de yacimientos de habitación a lo largo de los trabajos de prospección tenemos que hacer varias apreciaciones. En primer lugar hay que destacar que los trabajos estuvieron dirigidos a la búsqueda de arte rupestre siguiendo las directrices marcadas por la Dirección de Patrimonio de Junta de Extremadura. Por este motivo, se descartó prospectar aquellos lugares susceptibles de presentar yacimientos de habitación, como pueden ser por ejemplo destacados cerros, siempre que no tuviesen algún tipo de afloramiento susceptible de presentar arte rupestre. Por eso, la información relativa a la relación entre yacimientos y arte rupestre es demasiado sesgada. A pesar de esto, podemos decir que nuestro trabajo no sólo se limitó a la revisión de los afloramientos de pizarra sino que al efectuar los traslados desde una estación con arte a otra a pie, se prospectaron igualmente los espacios de

ENRÍQUEZ NAVASCUÉS, J.J. (1982) – Dos nuevas estelas de guerrero en el Museo Arqueológico de Badajoz. Museos, 1, pp. 65-68. FERNÁNDEZ MANZANO, J. – Bronce Final en la Meseta Norte española, el utillaje metálico. Junta de Castilla y León, Consejería de Educación y Cultura. GALÁN DOMINGO, E. (1993) – Estelas, paisajes y territorio en el Bronce Final del suroeste de la Península Ibérica. Complutum Extra, 3. Madrid. GRAU ALMERO, E., DUQUE ESPINO, D., CUENCA GARCÍA, C. (2004) – Paleoambiente y paisaje en La Serena. In Rodríguez Díaz, A., (ed.)- El edificio protohistórico de “La Mata” (Campanario, Badajoz) y su estudio territorial, Vol I. Universidad de Extremadura, Servicio de Publicaciones. Cáceres.

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SEVILLANO S. JOSÉ, Mª del C. (1991) – Grabados rupestres en la Comarca de las Hurdes (Cáceres). Ed. Universidad de Salamanca. Salamanca.

MARTÍN NIETO, D.A., DÍAZ DÍAZ, B., GUTIÉRREZ AYUSO, A. (2003) – Historia, Tomo 2. In Miranda Díaz, B. (coord.) Enciclopedia de Campanario. Ed. Ayto. Campanario, Concejalía de Cultura, Consejería de Cultura Junta de Extremadura y Diputación de Badajoz. Villanueva de la Serena, pp. 7-33.

SIMOES de ABREU, M., ARCA, A., JAFFE, L., FOSSATI, A. (2000) – As gravuras rupestres da Idade do ferro no vale de Vernelhosa (Douro- Parque Arqueológico do Vale do Côa). Noticia Preliminar. In Oliveira Jorge, V. (coord.)- 3er Congresso de arqueologia peninsular, Vol. 5. Porto.

RUIZ-GÁLVEZ PRIEGO, MªL., GALÁN DOMINGO, E. (1991) – Las estelas del suroeste como hitos de vías ganaderas y rutas comerciales. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 48, pp. 257-273.

VARELA GOMES, M. (1989) – Arte rupestre do vale do Tejo- um satuário pré-histórico. In Cuadernos de San Benito de Alcántara, 2. pp. 49-75.

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NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA Stefania CASINI Civico Museo Archeologico, Piazza Cittadella 9, I-24129 Bergamo [email protected]

Angelo FOSSATI Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Via Trieste, I–25121 Brescia [email protected]

Mario G. SIMONELLI Piazza Novelli 1, I-20129 Milano [email protected] Summary: The Valtellina statue-stele of 3rd mill. BC are now enriched by new discoveries, thanks to the surveys of M.G. Simonelli, member of the Istituto Archeologico Valtellinese, together with his team. Seven new fragments were found inside the walls of buildings and terracing and three new peaces were collected. We now may affirm that there were at least 12 cerimonial sites with statue-stele in Valtellina, 9 of which in the surroundings of Teglio. The male stele are now 19 in Valtellina. They are characterised by the sun (Le Crocette 1), the Remedello type dagger (Cornal 2, 3, Boalzo 2, Caven 4) and sometimes by the halberd of laurel-leaf type (Cornal 3) during the phase III A1 (2900-2500 BC). The same stele are re-engraved during phase III A2 (2500-2200 BC) with figures of Villafranca type halberds and animals, which frequently (Sommasassa 2, Cornal 3 e Boalzo 2) cover the figures of weapons of the previous phase. This fenomenon occurs quite frequently on the monuments of Valtellina and may have a special symbolic meaning. The fragment called Caven 5 is particularly important because of the Ciempozuelos type dagger engraved on it, which is the only evidence among Valtellina monuments. The female stele are now 6: Caven 3, Cornal 1, Valgella 1, Ligone, already known, and Cornal 4 e Castelvetro 1, the new ones. The peculiarity of this type of stele are the U shape lines, which are more frequently engraved upside down on the Valcamonica monuments. On the stele Cornal 1 and Valgella 1 this pattern is absent, as the double spiral pendants are lacking too; we could be allowed to think that they represent non adult individuals. We have now enough documentation to affirm that the monuments of Valtellina are quite different from those of Valcamonica, for being anthropomorphic stele, with closest relations with the Trentino Alto Adige group. The lack of the fringed rectangle feature, documented on the Valcamonica monuments, could reveal a slight difference in the religious beliefs of the two groups. In Valtellina the divine triad could be represented by a male and two female deities, while in Valcamonica there are two male and a female one. Moreover we do not find male and female features engraved on the same stone, and these symbols of the phase III A1 are not substituted by anthropomorphic figures during the phase III A2, as it occurs on the Valcamonica monuments. This is probably due to the general conceptions of each stele, which is intended to represent a single personage. This aspects makes the Valtellina monuments much more similar to those of the other alpine groups.

Il patrimonio di stele incise del III millennio a.C. in Valtellina si è recentemente arricchito di nuovi monumenti, grazie alle ricerche condotte nella zona di Teglio (SO) da Mario G. Simonelli, dell’Istituto Archeologico Valtellinese e dai suoi collaboratori1. Segnalazioni e ricognizioni hanno portato, infatti, all’individuazione di 7 nuove stele e al recupero di altre 3, tutte variamente frammentate. Ad eccezione delle ultime, sono tutte ancora inglobate nei muri di terrazzamento o di edifici in cui sono state reimpiegate, fatto che rende talvolta difficoltosa la lettura e il rilevamento.

stele di carattere maschile (Caven 1 e Caven 2) e la più famosa, di tipo femminile (Caven 3), detta “La dea madre”.

L’area di Teglio (fig. 3.1) è sede di rinvenimento di stele e massi incisi già dagli anni ‘40 del secolo scorso, con le note scoperte di M. Reggiani Raina2, in particolare a Caven, dove furono rinvenuti tre monumenti integri, due

I siti di Cornal e Boalzo avevano restituito un solo monumento istoriato, cui si aggiungono ora i nuovi ritrovamenti. Da Ligone, Chiuro, Castelletto di Chiuro e Tirano, si conoscono per il momento monumenti singoli. Le nuove località di rinvenimento sono Le Crocette e Castelvetro.

Caven non è l’unico sito con più di un monumento: nel 1965 Davide Pace3 scoprì 3 stele a Valgella, di cui due frammentate di tipo maschile (Valgella 2 e 3) e una femminile (Valgella 1). Nel 1980 M. Simonelli rese noti i tre frammenti di Vangione: 2 stele maschili quasi integre e un frammento sempre di carattere maschile (Vangione 3).

1 M.G. Simonelli, P. Annibaldi (2000) – Tre nuove stele frammentarie rinvenute nel territorio di Teglio (SO), Bollettino della Società Storica Valtellinese, 53, 2000, p. 9-20; Simonelli 2003, p. 55-74. 2 M. Reggiani Rajna (1942) – Incisioni litiche dell’età del Ferro in Teglio (Valtellina), Resoconti Scienze Morali e Storiche, Reale Accademia d’Italia, f. 12, s. VII, II, p. 617-632.

3 D. Pace, M.G. Simonelli, L. Valmadre (1985) – Escursione nell’antichità della Valtellina: da Teglio a Grosio, Tirano, 1985, con bibliografia precedente.

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PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 3.1. Posizionamento delle località di rinvenimento nell’area di Teglio: 1) Ligone (Ligone 1); 2) Vangione (Vangione 1, 2, 3); 3) Castelvetro (Castelvetro 1); 4) Cornal (Cornal 1, 2, 3, 4, 5); 5) Valgella (Valgella 1, 2); 6) Caven (Caven 4, 5); 7) Caven (Caven 1, 2, 3); 8) Le Crocette (Le Crocette 1 e 2); 9) Boalzo (Boalzo 1 e 2). Chiuro e Castelletto non sono cartografati

Sulla base della documentazione raccolta possiamo affermare che in Valtellina erano presenti almeno 12 centri cerimoniali con monoliti istoriati, 9 dei quali concentrati nella zona di Teglio (fig. 3.1), 2 in particolare da localizzare a Caven. CATALOGO DELLE NUOVE SCOPERTE Località Cornal Con le ultime ricerche anche a Cornal si delinea la possibilità dell’esistenza di un’ampia area cultuale, poiché alla prima stele di carattere femminile, già conosciuta (Cornal 1, fig. 3.2)4, si aggiungono ora 2 frammenti di grandi monumenti di carattere maschile e un ulteriore frammento di una stele con attributi femminili. Cornal 2 Del frammento di stele, reimpiegato alla base di un muro di terrazzamento di una vigna, non si conosce lo spessore. Si tratta apparentemente di un grosso blocco riferibile alla fascia mediana del monolito istoriato. La superficie, per quanto levigata prima dell’incisione, è attualmente piuttosto irregolare e la lettura delle incisioni è dunque poco chiara. 4

Fig. 3.2. Teglio, loc. Cornal. 1) Cornal 1 (ril. S. Casini-P. Frontini; da Valtellina)

h. max visibile 59 cm; largh. 108 cm (fig. 3.3:2).

Pietre degli dei, p. 156, fig. 94.

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S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

conservazione. Questo fatto, unitamente alla posizione poco agevole del reimpiego, rende difficile la lettura delle figure e, in modo particolare delle sovrapposizioni. h. 103 cm; largh. max visibile 64 cm (fig. 3.4).

Fig. 3.4. Teglio, loc. Cornal. Cornal 3 (ril. S. Casini-A. Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

La stele è stata incisa in due diverse fasi, corrispondenti, in base alla tipologia delle armi allo stile III A1 e III A 2. Alla prima fase (2900-2500 a.C.) sono pertinenti 6 pugnali di tipo Remedello, allineati in successione verticale lungo il margine destro della stele. Lungo il sinistro vi sono, disposti specularmene alla fila di destra, la lama di un pugnale e, un poco più in basso, un altro pugnale inserito nel fodero; questo, di forma triangolare con la punta rivolta verso l’alto, si sovrappone, forse in guisa di correzione, a una figura rettangolare campita da fasci di tre linee regolarmente distanziate. Si tratta forse di un fodero di dimensioni maggiori, poi corretto. Leggibile con difficoltà, perché in parte obliterato dalla frattura, è invece un pugnale con la lama rivolta verso il basso, sotto al precedente, forse anch’esso inserito in un fodero, poiché non è rappresentata la barretta dell’impugnatura.

Fig. 3.3. Teglio, loc. Cornal. 1) Cornal 4; 2) Cornal 2 (ril. S. Casini-A. Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

La faccia visibile presenta una sola fase di istoriazione composta da una successione verticale di quattro pugnali a lama triangolare, di cui uno inserito nel fodero; a ridosso delle loro impugnature semilunate vi è una lunga asta verticale attribuibile all’immanicatura di un’ascia o di un’alabarda. Il pomo del primo pugnale, inserito nel fodero, è marcato da tre coppelle, due delle quali, alla base del pomo, sono inscritte in un cerchio e collegate da un trattino. Il fodero, a profilo triangolare e con la punta rivolta verso l’alto, è campito da un reticolo. Le impugnature dei pugnali senza fodero sono alternate a coppelle disposte, in modo asimmetrico, in corrispondenza delle estremità della base del pomo. Il frammento, per la presenza dei pugnali a lama triangolare tipo Remedello, è databile allo stile III A1 (2900-2500 a.C.).

Tre dei pugnali hanno la lama costolata. Le impugnature sono conservate solo in tre casi: l’ultimo pugnale della fila di destra ha un pomo semilunato; quello entro il fodero ha il pomo indicato da 5 piccole coppelle e di quello disposto verticalmente sono visibili quattro coppelle.

Bibl.: Simonelli 2003, pp. 55-74, fig. a p. 69.

È da associare a questa composizione dello stile III A1 anche un’alabarda con lama foliata tipo Capitello dei Due Pini5.

Cornal 3 Il frammento, di grandi dimensioni, è un blocco subrettangolare, corrispondente con ogni probabilità alla parte centrale di una stele di tipo maschile. È attualmente reimpiegato alla base di un muro di terrazzamento, in un’area boschiva. La superficie, levigata in antico prima di realizzare le incisioni, è in cattivo stato di

Un tratto verticale presso la frattura potrebbe essere attribuito a un’alabarda o un’ascia, con ogni probabilità della prima fase. 5

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De Marinis 1994, p. 78-82.

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

La seconda fase (2500-2200 a.C.) è rappresentata da due alabarde di tipo Villafranca, disposte in successione verticale specularmente alla fila dei pugnali di destra. Una lunga asta arcuata è forse pertinente a una terza alabarda dello stesso tipo.

si individuano almeno 4 pugnali di tipo Remedello, di cui uno inserito nel fodero e con pomo dell’impugnatura indicata da tre piccole coppelle. Sono visibili, inoltre, il tratto di una bandoliera all’interno della quale la parte inferiore di un’asta potrebbe essere pertinente a un’alabarda (fig. 3.5).

Nella seconda fase, inoltre, sono stati incisi uno stambecco e un altro animale non identificabile sull’alabarda di tipo foliato e sul fodero del pugnale; un terzo animale, non perfettamente leggibile, copre un pugnale di tipo Remedello della fila di destra.

Bibl.: I. Gambarri, La stele “Cornal 4”, in Notiziario Istituto Archeologico Valtellinese, 2, 2004, pp. 8083.

Bibl.: Simonelli 2003, pp. 55-74, fig. a p. 70. Cornal 4 Il frammento è riferibile a una stele femminile ed è caratterizzato da un’accurata levigatura della superficie, dove sono state incise figure molto nette, con martellina fine e regolare. Fu localizzato nell’aprile del 2002 da Simonelli quando era ancora inglobato in un muretto a secco e poi recuperato nel mese di giugno dello stesso anno, quando, in seguito a intense precipitazioni si verificò il crollo della struttura. Si trova oggi conservato presso palazzo Besta di Teglio. h. max 34,2 cm; largh. max. 23,8 cm (fig. 3.3:1). Fig. 3.5. Teglio, loc. Cornal, Cornal 5 (foto I. Gambarri)

Il piccolo frammento riporta una sola fase di istoriazione, composta da 2 pendagli a doppia spirale, posti all’interno di un collare a U. In alto, sopra i pendagli e con posizione centrale, si osserva un tratto curvilineo di difficile interpretazione.

Località Boalzo

Dalla stessa località si conosce un’altra stele di carattere femminile, Cornal 1, con il collare a U, il motivo a cerchio con due bande oblique e una sorta di pettorale centrale e gli orecchini a grandi cerchi. Questa stele è tuttavia priva di figure di pendagli a doppia spirale e l’assenza di questi attributi potrebbe indicare un personaggio, sempre femminile, ma con caratteri leggermente diversi, oppure un soggetto non adulto.

Questa località era già nota per il recupero nel 1985 da parte di M. Simonelli di un frammento di grossa stele di tipo maschile (fig. 3.6:1), caratterizzato da un tratto di cintura a festoni e una porzione di pugnale di tipo Remedello entro il fodero8, che giaceva parzialmente interrato lungo la sponda destra del torrente.

Bibl.: Simonelli 2003, pp. 55-74, fig. a p. 72.

Il nuovo frammento è stato individuato da M. Simonelli nell’agosto 2002 alla base del muro di contenimento di una vigna, dove è reimpiegato. Presenta una litologia a grana molto fine e un’accurata levigatura della superficie. La martellina è fine e regolare.

Boalzo 2

Cornal 56 Di questo frammento, localizzato nella primavera 2004, non è stato possibile effettuare né un’analisi autoptica, né un rilievo analitico, perché il muro dell’abitazione in cui è reimpiegata è stato, in breve tempo, intonacato dal proprietario, inconsapevole dell’esistenza del frammento. Possediamo però la descrizione e la fotografia dello scopritore, l’arch. Ivano Gambarri, che mostra il frammento murato con la faccia istoriata verso il basso7. Si tratta della porzione centrale di una stele maschile: vi

h. max 71,3 cm; largh. max. 35,5 cm (fig. 3.6:2). Le poche incisioni superstiti indicano due fasi di istoriazione. Della prima fase (stile III A1) non si conserva altro che un pugnale a lama triangolare e pomo semilunato di tipo Remedello. Un cervo, con profilo dorsale ricurvo, quindi tipico del successivo stile III A2, si sovrappone alla punta del pugnale. L’animale è rappresentato con lunghe corna a V.

6

Va evidenziato che questa stele viene denominata dallo scopritore Cornal 4, forse dimenticando che il n. 4 era stato assegnato al frammento recuperato da Simonelli nel 2002. 7 L’arch. Gambarri sostiene di essere riuscito a individuare il frammento grazie al cedimento del muro e di aver avvisato la Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici, che, però, non ne ha autorizzato il recupero.

8

26

Valtellina, p. 43, nota 8, fig. 24:5.

S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

Fig. 3.6. Teglio, loc. Boalzo. 1) Boalzo 1 (ril. S. Casini-P. Frontini, da Valtellina); 2) Boalzo 2 (ril. S. Casini-A.Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

martellature che sembrano intenzionali e finalizzate ad obliterare le incisioni che sono perciò di difficile lettura.

Un secondo cervo, identico al primo, ma rivolto in direzione opposta, va attribuito alla medesima fase, per il profilo dorsale ugualmente ricurvo. Una cerbiatta di piccole dimensioni è incisa a ridosso del palco di corna di quest’ultimo e dunque sembrerebbe in stretta connessione con lui. La presenza del pugnale fa supporre il carattere maschile della stele.

Come già accennato, questo monumento era stato localizzato al margine di una strada, semicoperto dalla vegetazione, presso la colonna dedicata a S. Antonio nella loc. Le Crocette. Nel 2001, nel praticare l’allargamento della strada, il masso venne portato, insieme ad altri, presso un deposito di pietre a Teglio, per essere riutilizzato; M. Simonelli è riuscito a rintracciarlo, dopo lunghe ricerche, a riconoscerlo e a salvarlo da un destino di reimpiego.

Località Le Crocette Con le scoperte di M. Simonelli una nuova località si aggiunge alla topografia dei monoliti istoriati di Teglio. Le ricerche hanno permesso di localizzare due nuovi frammenti di stele: il primo fu visto nel luglio 2000 in loc. La Cruseta (Le Crocette) di Somasassa, presso un’edicola dedicata a S. Antonio, un’altra, attualmente reimpiegata nella costruzione recente di un muretto lungo la strada che conduce al laghetto di Somasassa9, si suppone provenga dalla stessa località della precedente.

h. max 89,2 cm; largh. max 110 cm (fig. 3.7). Come si è detto, lo stato di conservazione della superficie compromette una chiara lettura delle incisioni. Si configura come una stele maschile per la presenza del sole raggiato nel registro superiore. Il sole è di forma leggermente ovale, con raggi a brevi trattini, e forse al suo interno è inserita una figura antropomorfa, con corpo filiforme, le braccia oblique verso il basso e le gambe aperte a V; questa lettura sembra supportata dal confronto con il masso Borno 610, su cui è raffigurato un sole con i raggi a brevi tratti, che reca inscritta una figura incisa di difficile interpretazione. È possibile che il sole si sovrapponga a un’altra figura solare di una fase precedente.

Le Crocette 1 La stele, un grosso blocco sagomato artificialmente per delineare la testa e le spalle di una figura umana, è mancante della parte inferiore e ha la superficie molto abrasa, caratterizzata da una serie di profonde 9 I due reperti ricorrono in letteratura con la denominazione Somasassa 1 e 2, ma si preferisce indicarli con il nome esatto della località in cui sono stati effettivamente recuperati.

10

R. Poggiani Keller, G.C. Vaira (1990) – Borno (BS). Stele calcolitiche, NSAL, 1988-89, Milano, p. 69, fig. 52.

27

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Lo stato di conservazione non è buono, poiché la superficie è coperta da licheni e da colature di bitume che rendono difficoltosa la lettura delle incisioni. h. max 77 cm; largh. max. 146 cm (fig. 3.8).

Fig. 3.7. Teglio, loc. Le Crocette, Le Crocette 1 (ril. S. Casini-A. Fossati. Foto A. Fossati) Fig. 3.8. Teglio, loc. Le Crocette. Le Crocette 2 (ril. S. Casini-A. Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

Sotto il sole a sinistra si intravede la figura di un’alabarda a lama triangolare, ma l’immanicatura è persa. Sovrapposto alla lama sembra esserci un animale, di cui resta visibile la parte posteriore con le zampe, incise sulla lama dell’alabarda.

La prima fase di incisione è attribuibile allo stile III A1, per la presenza di tre pugnali a lama triangolare di tipo Remedello e il pomo di un quarto. I due pugnali inferiori sono sottoposti alle figure di due cervidi, caratterizzati dalla linea dorsale leggermente ricurva, quindi da riferire con ogni probabilità alla successiva fase III A2.

Sempre nel registro centrale, verso sinistra è leggibile la figura di uno stambecco, mentre a destra quella di un cervo, ampiamente lacunoso. Sono visibili, inoltre, altre porzioni di animali, troppo lacunose per una corretta interpretazione. In altri punti si riconoscono tracce di martellina, ma le figure non sono chiaramente distinguibili: sotto il sole, sulla destra alcune linee che appaiono incoerenti, andranno analizzate più a fondo e potrebbero essere pertinenti a una bandoliera. Difficile suggerire una datazione precisa delle fasi di istoriazione.

Il registro delle incisioni è chiuso in basso da una fila di due cervidi e un capride e, ancora più in basso, da una fila di 6 coppelle. Presso la frattura si intravedono quattro segmenti di difficile interpretazione: due sono paralleli e due hanno le estremità convergenti. Particolarmente interessante è la sovrapposizione degli animali ai pugnali remedelliani, già osservata su Cornal 3, oltre che su altri monumenti già noti11.

Le Crocette 2 Si tratta della porzione inferiore di una stele di grandi dimensioni di carattere maschile, con due fasi istoriative.

11

28

Si veda la discussione generale a fine contributo.

S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

Fig. 3.10. Teglio, loc. Caven. Caven 2 (ril. S. Casini-P. Frontini-A Fossati, da Pietre degli de)

Fig. 3.9. Teglio, loc. Caven. Caven 1 (ril. S. Casini-P. Frontini, da Valtellina)

tura, intesa come tumulo o piattaforma, costituita da un perimetro circolare di grosse pietre infisse verticalmente nel terreno, che contenevano un accumulo di pietrame non molto rilevato. Adagiata sul cumulo vi era anche una pietra parallelepipeda, interpretata come segnacolo.

Località Caven Questa località è nota per i famosi ritrovamenti degli anni ‘40 del secolo scorso, ad opera di Maria Reggiani Rajna12, e anche per la presenza di rocce incise con figure topografiche.

La struttura ha parecchie similitudini con quelle individuate in Valcamonica a Ossimo-Pat e OssimoAnvòia, per le quali viene proposta però una differente interpretazione.

Come è già stato accennato è possibile che in questa località vi fossero due distinte aree cerimoniali. Una deve essere localizzata sulla sommità del colle, in un pianoro rivolto a ovest, dove sono state rinvenute contestualmente le tre stele Caven 1, 2 e 313 (fig. 3.9, 3.10, 3.11:1). In quest’area la Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici della Lombardia ha effettuato nel 1998 e 1999 alcuni saggi esplorativi, al fine di individuare l’originario luogo di collocazione delle stele, che si suppone non troppo lontano dal luogo di rinvenimento, per il fatto di essere state trovate vicine, e di verificare l’esistenza di altre eventuali strutture pertinenti all’area cerimoniale14.

A Ossimo, in loc. Pat, R. Poggiani Keller ha individuato cumuli di pietre, sempre nell’area di ritrovamento delle stele, interpretati come strutture sepolcrali, pur in assenza di reperti ossei16. Nell’area di Asinino-Anvòia, invece, F. Fedele ha portato alla luce, presso l’allineamento di stele già noto17, verso sud-est, un cumulo o piattaforma artificiale formato da ciottoli intenzionalmente collocati in quel punto, bordato a est da pietre poste di coltello e definito cairn; un grosso ciottolo dalla forma antropoide era inglobato tra le pietre, così come anche un frammento di stele. Il ritrovamento di frammenti ossei selezionati e parzialmente combusti di due individui ha indotto Fedele a pensare che nell’area cerimoniale avvenissero comportamenti rituali legati alla

Le ricerche hanno evidenziato la presenza di un antico terrazzamento, su cui nel III mill. a.C. erano stati con ogni probabilità collocati i monoliti incisi; questi dovevano trovarsi, forse allineati15, in prossimità di una strut12 M. Reggiani Rajna (1942) – Incisioni litiche dell’età del Ferro in Teglio (Valtellina), Resoconti Scienze Morali e Storiche, Reale Accademia d’Italia, f. 12, s. VII, II, p. 617-632. 13 Al momento della scoperta, come dimostra la fotografia da lui pubblicata, era presente anche Francesco Mazzoni (F. Mazzoni (2003) – Intervento sul rinvenimento delle stele di Caven, Notiziario, 1, Istituto Archeologico Valtellinese, p. 49-54), del Centro Tellino di Cultura, il quale sarebbe in grado di rintracciare il punto esatto del rinvenimento delle 3 stele. 14 R. Poggiani Keller, M. Baioni (2001) – Teglio (SO), Località Caven, NSAL, 1998, Milano, p. 25-27, fig. 11. 15 Soltanto nel sito di Ossimo-Anvoia in Valcamonica, grazie agli accurati scavi di F. Fedele (Fedele 1995), sono state rinvenute ancora in

situ 3 stele, di cui è stata verificata la disposizione in allineamento. Per analogia si ritiene che anche le stele rinvenute fuori contesto avessero una collocazione in allineamento, che si osserva anche nel sito di Aosta, St.-Martin-de-Corléans (F. Mezzena, in Atti Riunione Scientifica IIPP). 16 R. Poggiani Keller (1999) – Due siti megalitici in Valcamonica (Brescia-Italia): gli scavi in corso ad Ossimo, località Pat e Passagrop, Prehistoric alpine environment, society and economy, UPA, 55, p. 122125. L’interpretazione come tumuli funerari è stata avanzata nel corso del Congresso “Le pietre degli dei”. 17 Fedele 1994 e 1995.

29

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

pugnale dello stesso tipo, inserito nel fodero, campito da 4 linee parallele verticali, e con il pomo delineato con sette ribattini; un fascio di almeno 8 linee parallele orizzontali chiude in basso la composizione ed è riferibile a un cinturone. L’intera composizione è attribuibile alla fase III A1 (2900-2500 a.C. ca.). Nella porzione superiore del frammento sono poi visibili il dorso ricurvo e le zampe posteriori di un capride, inciso in una fase successiva (III A2, 2500-2200 a.C.). Un elemento triangolare campito da piccole coppelle presso la frattura destra è di difficile interpretazione. Caven 5 Il frammento si trovava ai margini del sentiero non lontano da Caven 4. La litologia del frammento ricorda Caven 1 e 219. h. max 49,4 cm; largh. max 40,4 cm (fig. 3.11:3).

Una seconda area cerimoniale si può ipotizzare si trovasse sul versante meridionale del colle, dove sono venuti alla luce i nuovi frammenti, ossia nella zona da cui parte il sentiero che conduce alla località vera e propria.

La superficie è molto abrasa e le figure sono dunque di difficile lettura. Si riconoscono una lama di alabarda di tipo foliato, pertinente dunque alla prima fase di istoriazione, lo stile III A1 e, nel registro superiore, due pugnali a base trapezoidale, di tipo campaniformei, aggiunti successivamente, nella fase IIIA2. Nell’area al di sopra e al di sotto della parte prossimale dell’alabarda si vedono rispettivamente una linea arcuata e due serie di doppi trattini obliqui. Si tratta evidentemente delle corna e delle zampe di uno stambecco. Poiché la superficie è molto abrasa, non è stato possibile stabilire se l’animale copre l’alabarda o ne è coperto. Tuttavia, per confronto con molti altri casi della Valtellina, è possibile che l’animale sia stato inciso sopra l’alabarda20. Sono visibili altri segni a martellina, di difficile interpretazione; lungo la frattura di destra potrebbe esservi una porzione di un pomo di pugnale. La stele doveva essere di grandi dimensioni, considerate le misure straordinarie della lama di alabarda.

Caven 4

Località Castelvetro

Questo frammento, di forma approssimativamente rettangolare lunga e stretta, è reimpiegato nel muro di contenimento di nuova costruzione lungo il sentiero all’interno delle vigne.

Questa località, sita poco più a sud-ovest di Teglio e poco più a valle di Vangione, non aveva finora restituito testimonianze di statue-stele dell’età del Rame. Una recente ricognizione di M. Simonelli ha permesso di rintracciare un piccolo frammento, rinvenuto nella ristrutturazione di un’abitazione privata, originariamente reimpiegato nella muratura. Considerata la vicinanza della località di rinvenimento delle stele di Vangione, si potrebbe supporre che questo frammento facesse parte della stessa area cerimoniale.

Fig. 3.11. Teglio, loc. Caven. 1) Caven 3 (ril. S. CasiniP. Frontini, da Pietre degli dei); 2) Caven 4; 3) Caven 5 (ril. S. Casini-A. Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

manipolazione delle reliquie18 e quindi al culto degli antenati, un’ipotesi che al momento attuale appare più fondata.

Si tratta verosimilmente della porzione centrale di una stele di carattere maschile. La patina molto chiara che caratterizza la superficie, senza traccia di consunzione, fa supporre che il monumento sia stato all’aria aperta per poco tempo, per finire rapidamente interrato.

Castelvetro 1

h. 49 cm; largh. 9/15,4 cm (fig. 3.11:2).

Il frammento è di forma approssimativamente rettangolare, la litologia è a grana fine, la superficie è accuratamente lisciata e la martellina piccola e regolare.

Le incisioni superstiti sono: la lama costolata di un pugnale di tipo Remedello, la parte prossimale di un

19 18

20

Fedele 2006, p. 33-37.

30

Valtellina, fig. 23: 1-2. Si veda più oltre la discussione.

S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

Fig. 3.12. 1) Teglio. loc. Castelvetro, Castelvetro 1; 2) Teglio. loc. Ligone, Ligone 1 (ril. S. Casini-A.Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

Si tratta della porzione centrale di una stele di carattere femminile.

CATALOGO DI ALCUNE RILETTURE Al corpus dei rilievi delle stele della Valtellina mancavano i due frammenti di Ligone e di Chiuro.

h. max 35 cm; largh. max. 13,4 cm (fig. 3.12:1). Le incisioni superstiti si riferiscono a un tratto di collare a U, formato da almeno cinque linee, decorato lungo il margine esterno da due pendaglietti a V; in alto a sinistra è visibile la figura di un pettine disposto verticalmente.

Ligone 1 Questo frammento, già segnalato da M. Simonelli nel 1981 e reso noto nel 1989 è attualmente reimpiegato nel muro di una casa.

Un pendaglietto a V isolato si scorge lungo la frattura destra in basso; un poco più sotto vi è anche una piccola coppella.

La litologia del pezzo è a grana fine e la patina della superficie è molto chiara, indizio di una breve permanenza all’aria aperta. La superficie è accuratamente levigata e la martellina è fine e regolare.

Per la sua frammentarietà si può stabilire l’orientamento del pezzo solo in base ad alcune considerazioni: innanzitutto in Valtellina non sono per il momento documentati monumenti con collari a U rovesciata, che prevalgono, invece, sui massi incisi della Valcamonica. I pettini, inoltre, sono solitamente incisi nel registro superiore delle composizioni. Dunque è probabile che anche questo frammento avesse il collare disposto a U.

h. max 29,5 cm.; largh. max. 53 cm (fig. 3.12:2) Si tratta della porzione centrale di una stele su cui è visibile parzialmente il motivo che caratterizza alcune stele femminili e che può essere interpretato come una sorta di pettorale, che solitamente è inserito all’interno del motivo a U, come nel paradigmatico caso di Caven 3, ma può essere presente anche singolarmente, come in Vagella 124.

Il carattere dell’iconografia ci riconduce a un soggetto femminile. La fascia di linee a U decorata con i pendaglietti richiama il motivo di Caven 321 e in Valcamonica di Ossimo 4, prima fase, Ossimo 10 e Borno 1 (faccia A)22; il motivo a U con pendaglietti compare anche sulle stele camune Ossimo 1, 2 e Ossimo 423, seconda fase, e Ossimo-Anvoia C20 C14-15 e M23, dove però risulta rovesciato.

Bibl.: Valtellina, p. 40, fig. 22 in alto. Chiuro 1 Il frammento è reimpiegato alla base di un muro che delimita il giardino di una villa storica di Chiuro, nei pressi di una cappelletta. Era stato riconosciuto da M. Simonelli nel 1986 e reso noto nel 1989. Si tratta di un blocco sub-trapezoidale, costituente la porzione inferiore di una grossa stele, presumibilmente di carattere maschile, stando alle incisioni superstiti.

21

Pietre degli dei, p. 155, fig. 93. Pietre degli dei, rispettivamente p. 182-185, fig. 115, p. 185-187, fig. 118, p. 192-197, fig. 124. 23 Pietre degli dei, pp. 181, fig. 113 (Ossimo 1), p. 105, fig. 60 (Ossimo 2), p. 182-185, fig. 115 (Ossimo 4), Fedele-Fossati 1995, p. 251 ss., fig. 3:3 (Ossimo C20), 5 (Ossimo C14-15), Fedele 2006, fig. a p. 24; per il tema si veda in generale S. Casini, I pendagli a doppia spirale, in Pietre degli dei, pp. 97-108. 22

24

31

Pietre degli dei, fig. 93 (Caven 3); Valtellina, fig. 23:5 (Vagella 1).

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

la figura del pugnale a lama triangolare di tipo Remedello, che rimanda cronologicamente alla fase Remedello 2 (2900-2500 a.C. ca.), ossia allo stile III A1. Talvolta il pugnale è raffigurato inserito nel fodero, campito da fasci di linee verticali e con la punta rialzata, come sulle stele Cornal 2 (fig. 3.3:2) e 3 (fig. 3.4) e Caven 4 (fig. 3.11:2). Un unico confronto si riscontra tra i monumenti della Valcamonica26, dove un pugnale con fodero compare sul masso Cemmo 127. Il pomo dei pugnali, oltre che semilunato, è talvolta indicato da 3, 5, 7 e 8 piccole coppelle che riproducono i ribattini di fissaggio degli esemplari originali; questo espediente iconografico è utilizzato soprattutto quando il pugnale è raffigurato entro il fodero. Il pomo con 3 coppelle/ribattini compare sulle stele Caven 1, 228, Cornal 2 (fig. 3.3:2) e Cornal 5 (fig. 3.5). Quello con cinque ribattini compare sui monumenti Valgella 229 e Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4), con un confronto sul già citato masso Cemmo 1 in Valcamonica; Caven 4 (fig. 3.11:2) ha un pugnale con pomo a 7 ribattini e, infine, Tirano-Lovero30 con 8 ribattini. Il pugnale posto in verticale sulla stele Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4) presenta quattro ribattini a delineare il pomo, tuttavia la figura non è completa e la mancanza dell’impugnatura potrebbe far ritenere possibile la presenza di un fodero. Fig. 3.13. Chiuro, Chiuro 1 (ril. S. Casini-A.Fossati. Foto A. Fossati)

Il motivo del pomo delineato dalle coppelle/ribattini compare anche quando il pugnale ha la lama sguainata, ma più raramente, come nel caso di Caven 2. Pugnali a lama sguainata con pomo decorato da ribattini, assenti sui monoliti incisi della Valcamonica, compaiono, invece, numerosi sulla roccia 22 di Foppe di Nadro31 su quella del Dos Cuì32.

h. max. 78 cm; largh. max 117 cm (fig. 3.13). Il rilievo, che non era mai stato eseguito in precedenza, ha evidenziato, oltre al cinturone composto da 9 linee parallele, già noto dalle immagini fotografiche, la presenza di un’appendice all’estremità superiore destra del cinturone stesso e di una lama triangolare di un pugnale di tipo Remedello.

Talvolta sono rappresentati anche i ribattini di fissaggio dell’impugnatura; il secondo pugnale dall’alto raffigurato sulla stele Cornal 2 (fig. 3.3:2) è decorato con quattro piccole coppelle di cui due poste alla base del pomo e due, ancora più piccole, ai margini della guardia.

Bibl.: Valtellina, p. 40, fig. 22 in basso.

Relativamente ai casi dei ribattini raffigurati lungo l’impugnatura buoni confronti sono i pugnali della stele Campolungo 133 e uno dei due esemplari della stele

CONSIDERAZIONI ICONOGRAFICHE E CRONOLOGICHE25

26 I confronti riportati in tutto questo contributo non tengono conto delle raffigurazioni delle nuove stele recuperate dalla Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici della Lombardia nell’area di Ossimo Pat-Passagrop e di quelle scavate sia nella località Pat, sia nell’area dei massi di Cemmo, poiché, a distanza di parecchi anni, non ne è stato pubblicato ancora un rilievo analitico. 27 Pietre degli dei, fig. 99. 28 Valtellina, fig. 23:1. Pietre degli dei, fig. 92. 29 Valtellina, fig. 23:6. 30 Pietre degli dei, fig. 90. 31 C. Chiodi, Masnata E (2004) – Incisioni rupestri tra età del Rame e del Bronzo sulle rocce 4 e 22 di Foppe di Nadro, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 12, p. 301-312. 32 A. Arcà (2004) – Valcamonica, Dos Cüi, le fasi neolitiche e calcolitiche: cronologia, temi e interpretazioni, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 12, p. 279-299. 33 A. Marretta (2004) – Nuove statue-stele dal versante orientale della media Valcamonica: il sito di Campolungo (Cedegolo) e un frammento

Le stele maschili Con le nuove scoperte le stele di carattere maschile in Valtellina ammontano a 19 esemplari. Soltanto del monolito Le Crocette 1 si è conservata la parte superiore, occupata dalla figura del sole (fig. 3.7), come risulta anche dai monumenti già conosciuti. Su tutti i nuovi frammenti, pertinenti a porzioni centrali o inferiori dei monumenti, è presente, spesso incisa in serie, 25 I riferimenti cronologici e stilistici utilizzati in questo contributo fanno riferimento alle ricerche pubblicate nel volume Pietre degli dei, in particolare per la cronologia al contributo di De Marinis 1994, cui si rimanda per la trattazione dettagliata.

32

S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

Ossimo M1434; su questo monolito compare un altro pugnale in cui piccole coppelle circondano il pomo altre sono disposte a bordare la guardia.

invece attestate sulle stele Vangione 1 e Castionetto40, con confronti numerosi sui monumenti dello stile III A2 in Valcamonica. Relativamente a questo tipo di arma si può osservare che nella fase III A1 l’alabarda compare più spesso singolarmente (Vangione 1, Valgella 3, Borno 1, faccia B) o associata a un’ascia (Caven 1 e 2, TiranoLovero, Cemmo 2), mentre le alabarde più recenti sono rappresentate in serie (Cornal 3, Corni Freschi di DarfoBoario, Cemmo 341, nuovo masso da Pat42).

Appare particolarmente interessante sulla stele Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4) la presenza di un pugnale di tipo Remedello disposto verticalmente con la punta della lama rivolta verso il basso, che non trova confronti nello stile III A camuno-valtellinese, ma nelle stele del Trentino Alto Adige. Su Arco 1, Lagundo B, Santa Verena, Tötschling e Laces35 il pugnale remedelliano con lama costolata è raffigurato al centro della stele, subito sotto il collo del personaggio, come se pendesse da un collare. Una posizione simile è anche quella del pugnale di tipo Ciempozuelos sulla stele di Velturno36.

Sui nuovi frammenti di stele sono attestate anche figure di animali, esclusivamente attribuibili alla fase III A2 di età campaniforme43. Questo è in sintonia con quanto si osserva sui monumenti della Valtellina già noti, dove appare evidente una prevalenza numerica di figure di animali riferibili allo stile più recente. Se si esclude, infatti, il frammento di Castionetto di Chiuro, dove due serie verticali di animali dello stile III A1 sono sottoposti all’alabarda tipo Villafranca, sembrerebbe di poter attribuire allo stile più antico, con qualche dubbio, solo un cervide presente su Caven 1, il cervo di Caven 2 e alcuni stambecchi della stele Tirano-Lovero.

Sulla stele Cornal 3, invece, non sembra che il pugnale si trovasse nella fascia centrale, che è individuabile nell’area in cui si fronteggiano i pugnali e le alabarde, ma risulterebbe relegato in una posizione laterale e più bassa, come se pendesse da una cintura, che però non sembra essere rappresentata. Vale la pena ricordare, come possibile confronto, il pugnale verticale con la punta rivolta verso il basso inciso nel registro inferiore del masso Cemmo 2, nell’ambito di una serie di 9 pugnali disposti orizzontalmente. Non è improbabile che questa posizione avesse un preciso significato simbolico, difficile da decifrare.

La presenza degli animali, che compaiono su tutti i frammenti di carattere maschile, ad eccezione di Cornal 2 e Chiuro, probabilmente solo a causa del loro stato frammentario, pone interessanti questioni sulla relazione con le armi. Figure zoomorfe risultano, infatti, sovrapposte ai pugnali remedelliani su Le Crocette 2 (fig. 3.8), Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4) e Boalzo 2 (fig. 3.6:2). Su Caven 5 un animale si sovrappone probabilmente all’alabarda di tipo foliato.

Le nuove acquisizioni introducono in Valtellina la presenza di lame di pugnali di tipo Remedello con costolatura, non altrimenti attestate. Tre pugnali costolati sono presenti su Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4) e uno su Caven 4 (fig. 3.11:2). Questo tipo di lama è, invece, frequente sui monumenti della Valcamonica.

Questa relazione si osserva peraltro sulla stele già nota Tirano-Lovero, dove cervi e cerbiatti sono incisi sulle lame di un pugnale e di un’alabarda, facendo pensare a una pratica ricorrente in quest’area, forse con un particolare significato rituale.

Il ritrovamento di Caven 5 (fig. 3.11:3), per quanto frammentato, è particolarmente importante perché offre la prima attestazione di un pugnale campaniforme in Valtellina, dove lo stile III A2 era finora documentato esclusivamente da raffigurazioni di alabarde tipo Villafranca e di animali a dorso ricurvo37.

La sovrapposizione di animali di età campaniforme alle armi della fase remedelliana si rintraccia anche sui monumenti della Valcamonica, come Cemmo 1 e Anvoia C144; il fenomeno si osserva poi nel corso del periodo campaniforme, quando sui pugnali di tipo Ciempozuelos di Cemmo 3 e 4 vengono incise figure zoomorfe dal dorso arcuato, tipiche della fase III A2.

Sulla stele Cornal 3 (fig. 3.4) compaiono i due tipi di alabarde38, indicativi di due fasi istoriative (stile III A1, il tipo foliato, e A2, il tipo Villafranca). L’alabarda a lama foliata di tipo Capitello dei due Pini, trova confronti sulle stele Caven 1 e 2, Valgella 3, Vangione 1 e 2 e Tirano-Lovero39. Le alabarde di tipo Villafranca sono

Le stele femminili I recenti ritrovamenti hanno fornito due nuovi esemplari di stele di carattere femminile al repertorio già noto; purtroppo il loro stato frammentario ci impedisce di conoscere nella sua completezza la sintassi compositiva.

dalle Foppe di Nadro (Ceto), Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 12, p. 235-251. 34 Fedele 2006, p. 62, M14. 35 Pedrotti 1995, fig. 2:1 (Arco 1), fig. 5 (S. Verena), fig. 8 (Laces); Dal Ri-Tecchiati 1994, fig. 10 (Tötschling). 36 Dal Ri-Tecchiati 1994, fig. 3. 37 Per le alabarde di tipo Villafranca si vedano Valgella 3, Vangione 1, Castionetto di Chiuro (Valtellina, figg. 23:7 e 24: 1, 4), oltre al nuovo frammento Cornal 3. È possibile che anche le lunghe aste visibili su Valgella 2 siano pertinenti ad alabarde tipo Villafranca. 38 De Marinis 1994. 39 Valtellina, fig. 23:1; Pietre degli dei, fig. 92; Valtellina, fig. 23:7, fig. 24:1-2; Pietre degli dei, fig. 90.

Possiamo attualmente contare in tutto 6 monumenti con simbologia femminile in Valtellina: Caven 3, Cornal 1, 40

Pietre degli dei, fig. 95. Pietre degli dei, rispettivamente figg. 38 e 102. 42 Inedito, presso il Parco Nazionale delle Incisioni rupestri di Naquane. 43 Per l’analisi delle figure di animali sulle stele si veda: A. Fossati (1994), Gli animali nei massi incisi, in Pietre degli dei, pp. 115 ss. 44 Pietre degli dei, fig. 121; Fedele-Fossati 1995, fig. 3:4. 41

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Valgella 1, Ligone, oltre ai nuovi frammenti Cornal 4 (fig. 3.3:1) e Castelvetro 1 (fig. 3.12:1). La caratteristica che accomuna queste stele tra di loro è la disposizione del fascio di collari, sempre a U, al contrario dei monumenti camuni sui quali questo ornamento è rappresentato a U rovesciata in 10 casi su 1445.

L’assenza della simbologia del rettangolo frangiato, presente in Valcamonica su numerosi monoliti50, cui è attribuita una valenza maschile51, è forse indicativa di una lieve differenza nella composizione del “pantheon” delle popolazioni telline, dove l’eventuale triade potrebbe essere rappresentata da due soggetti femminili, di cui uno non adulto, e un soggetto maschile con attributi solari. Ciò in contrasto con quanto osservato per la Valcamonica, dove le stele sono dedicate a una triade formata da due soggetti maschili e uno femminile.

Peculiare della Valtellina è anche l’assenza del motivo a U su stele comunque di carattere femminile, come ad es. Valgella 1, e in alcuni casi anche dei pendagli a doppia spirale, come in Valgella 1 e Cornal 1. Le motivazioni dell’esclusione di questa simbologia femminile46, allusiva oltre che al genere, anche al rango, come dimostrano i ritrovamenti archeologici, potrebbe essere finalizzata a rappresentare personaggi, sempre femminili, ma forse non adulti.

Non sono presenti, inoltre, in Valtellina casi di raffigurazione di simbologie sia femminili sia maschili su uno stesso supporto52. Una differenza significativa si avverte, inoltre, per la fase III A2, le cui testimonianze in Valtellina sono numericamente inferiori rispetto alla Valcamonica e spesso limitate all’aggiunta di armi di foggia più recente (soprattutto alabarde) o di animali a dorso arcuato sulle stele dello stile III A1. Durante fase III A2 non è attestato, inoltre, il fenomeno dell’antropomorfizzazione dei simboli, che in Valcamonica porta alla sostituzione dei tre gruppi simbolici (sole e armi, pendagli a doppia spirale e motivo a U, mantello frangiato e animali) con altrettante figure antropomorfe: una maschile con attributi solari e guerrieri, una maschile priva di attributi e una femminile. Ciò è probabilmente imputabile alla concezione generale dei monoliti istoriati valtellinesi, in cui viene identificato un singolo personaggio, come sembra rivelare la morfologia stessa dei monumenti, da ritenersi a tutti gli effetti vere e proprie stele antropomorfe. Questo aspetto rende i monoliti della Valtellina formalmente più simili a quelle degli altri gruppi dell’arco alpino.

Questa considerazione appare rafforzata dal confronto con gli altri gruppi di stele dell’arco alpino, dove coesistono, personaggi maschili, femminili e soggetti privi di attributi ed asessuati, di dimensioni inferiori, interpretati come individui non adulti. Si vedano in particolare il tipo Pontevecchio in Lunigiana, e gli esemplari del Trentino, Arco VI e Revò47. Come nei casi già noti, i nuovi frammenti, forse con la sola eccezione di Ligone (fig. 3.12:2), permettono di affermare che le stele raffiguranti personaggi femminili sono di dimensioni inferiori rispetto a quelle maschili. CONCLUSIONI I monumenti della Valtellina presentano aspetti peculiari se confrontati con quelli della Valcamonica: la forma, innanzitutto, più frequentemente a stele, la disposizione delle figure, che tendono ad accentuare il carattere antropomorfo, i maggiori legami con l’ambiente del Trentino-Alto Adige per la presenza di motivi comuni (il cinturone a festoni, la figura di arciere)48, la presenza molto più diffusa del cosiddetto motivo “a bandoliera”, di difficile interpretazione49.

Riferimenti bibliografici DAL RI L.-TECCHIATI, U. (1994) – L’area megalitica e la statua-stele eneolitiche di Velturno-loc. Tanzgasse (BZ). Contributo alla storicizzazione delle statue-stele dell’area atesina, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, Contributi allo studio dell’archeologia e dell’arte rupestre in Valcamonica e nell’arco alpino, 2, Bergamo, p. 15-35.

45

Come già avvisato, non siamo in grado di valutare i nuovi monumenti scoperti nei siti di Ossimo Pat e Passagrop e di Cemmo, per la mancanza di edizione dei rilievi. Nel computo vengono inserite, tuttavia, anche le stele Cemmo 6 e 10, di cui è pubblicata la fotografia e dalla quale è chiaramente visibile il carattere antropomorfo delle stele, dovuto alla presenza dell’arcata sopraccigliare “a cappello di gendarme” e degli occhi; gli ornamenti, tra cui il collare a 3 linee, con pendaglietti, e i pettini, in particolare su Cemmo 6, permettono di identificarvi due soggetti femminili (R. Poggiani Keller (1999-2000) – Il sito cultuale di Cemmo in Valcamonica: scoperta di nuove stele, RSP, L, p. 229 ss., fig. 12 e fig. 17. 46 S. Casini (1994) – I pendagli a doppia spirale, in Pietre degli dei, p. 97 ss. 47 R.C. De Marinis (1995) – Le statue-stele della Lunigiana, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 3, Bergamo, p. 195-212, in particolare p. 199 e fig. 1. Pedrotti 1995, pp. 259-280, in particolare p. 264, figg. 1213. 48 S. Casini-A. Fossati (1994) – Le stele e i massi incisi della Valcamonica e della Valtellina nell’ambito dell’arco alpino, in Le Pietre degli dei, pp. 59-62. 49 In Valcamonica questo motivo compare sulla faccia D del masso Borno 1 (P. Frontini (1994) – Il masso Borno 1, Notizie Archeologiche

De MARINIS, R.C. (1994) – La datazione dello stile III A, in Casini S. (ed.), Le pietre degli dei. Menhir e Bergomensi, 2, 1994, pp. 67 ss., fig. 4), su Ossimo 3 (E. Anati (1990) – Le statue-menhir, in BCCSP, 25-26, p. 314, fig. 223) e su Borno 6 (R. Poggiani Keller-G.C. Vaira (1990) – Borno (BS). Stele calcolitiche, NSAL, 1988-89, Milano, p. 69, fig. 52). 50 Ossimo 5, Ossimo 7, Borno 1-faccia A (Pietre degli dei, figg. 109, 121 e 124); una stele con simbologia del rettangolo frangiato proviene da Ossimo Pat-Passagrop ed è visibile presso il Parco di Naquane (Capo di Ponte). 51 S. Casini (1994) – Il motivo del “rettangolo frangiato”, in Pietre degli dei, p. 93-96. 52 In Valcamonica sono presenti tutte e tre le simbologie su uno stesso supporto su Borno 1, quella maschile e femminile associate su Bagnolo 1 e probabilmente Campolungo 4, le simbologie maschili del sole e delle armi e del mantello frangiato su Ossimo 7. Gli altri monumenti riportano un unico gruppo di simboli.

34

S. CASINI, A. FOSSATI & M.G. SIMONELLI: NUOVI MONOLITI ISTORIATI DELLO STILE III A IN VALTELLINA

Le pietre degli dei, CASINI S. (ed.) (1994) – Le pietre degli dei. Menhir e stele dell’età del Rame in Valcamonica e Valtellina, Catalogo della mostra, Bergamo.

stele dell’età del Rame in Valcamonica e Valtellina, Catalogo della mostra, Bergamo, p. 69-87. FEDELE, F. (1994) – Il contesto rituale delle stele calcolitiche camuno-valtellinesi: gli scavi di Ossimo (Valcamonica), Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, Contributi allo studio dell’archeologia e dell’arte rupestre in Valcamonica e nell’arco alpino, 2, Bergamo, p. 37-66.

PEDROTTI, A. (1995) – Le statue-stele e le stele antropomorfe del Trentino Alto Adige e del Veneto occidentale. Gruppo atesino, gruppo di Brentonico, gruppo della Lessinia, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 3, Bergamo, p. 259-280.

FEDELE, F. (1995) – Ossimo 1. Il contesto rituale delle stele calcolitiche e notizie sugli scavi 1988-95, Quaderni Alpi Centrali, 1, Gianico.

SIMONELLI, M.G. (2003) – Pietre sacre, Notiziario, 1, Istituto Archeologico Valtellinese, 1, 2003, Milano, p. 55-74.

FEDELE, F. (2006) – Asinino-Anvòia. Il Parco Archeologico, Torino.

Valtellina, R. POGGIANI KELLER (ed.) (1989) – Valtellina e mondo alpino nella Preistoria, Catalogo Mostra, Modena.

FEDELE, F.-FOSSATI A. (1995) – Centro cultuale calcolitico dell’Anvoia a Ossimo (Valcamonica): scavi 1988-95, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 3, Bergamo, p. 251-258.

35

ANÁLISE INTRA E INTER-LOCAIS: OS SISTEMAS DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA NA ANÁLISE DE SÍTIOS ARQUEOLÓGICOS – O CASO DO COMPLEXO MEGALÍTICO DE REGO DA MURTA (ALVAIÁZERE) Alexandra FIGUEIREDO Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Docente de Arqueologia do Departamento de Território, Arqueologia e Património [email protected] Resumo: O uso dos sistemas de informação geográfica na arqueologia são importantes ferramentas que nos auxiliam na interpretação dos vestígios. Partindo desta prática pretendemos com este artigo atingir dois objectivos: por um lado explicar de um ponto de vista pedagógico a metodologia utilizada e por outro, resumir algumas ideias chave com que ficamos da compreensão da região do Alto Ribatejo, nomeadamente do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta, Alvaiázere. Palavras-chave: Sistemas de informação geográfica, megalitismo, Análises intra e inter-locais, Alvaiázere Abstract: The use of geographical information systems are important tools in interpreting the traces of prehistory remains. From this practice we intend with this article to achieve two objectives: firstly to explain in a pedagogical point of view the methodology used and secondly, to summarize some key ideas that we get in understanding the Alto Ribatejo prehistory region, namely the Rego Murta Megalithic Complex (Alvaiázere – Leiria). Keywords: GIS, megalithism, intra e inter-site analyses, Alvaiázere

hidrografia, estruturas, entre outros) são correlacionadas com os vestígios arqueológicos (objectos, organização espacial, deposições simbólicas, relações intra e intersites) permitindo percepcionar os padrões de comportamento. Os SIGs permitem aceder a essa linguagem, contribuindo para uma melhor conjugação entre os diferentes elementos em análise.

INTRODUCÃO As novas tecnologias de informação aplicadas à arqueologia abarcam toda uma série de sistemas de análise relacionados com as aplicações informáticas. Estes mecanismos que em todas as sociedades se vão gradualmente difundindo, em maior ou menor escala, conduzem a alterações no modo de produzir e apresentar os dados.

O caso de estudo que aqui apresentamos e que mais concretamente se refere à compreensão do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta e da análise contextual da região em que se integra – o Alto Ribatejo – esteve envolvido nos seguintes níveis de dados:

As diferentes ferramentas de análise, onde integramos os modernos Sistemas de Informação Geográfica, têm progressivamente alcançado as ciências humanas, criando uma relação interdisciplinar bastante coesa. O seu papel potenciador de análise é um dos principais factores do seu uso em Arqueologia.

– Tratamento de imagens de satélite; – Tratamento de fotografias aéreas; – Exposição de camadas dos serviços de cadastro das mais diversas temáticas (hidrografia, geomorfologia, etc.);

Actualmente é incompreensível não se recorrer à construção de um SIG1 em todo o tipo de estudos que envolvam a realização de inputs e/ou outputs de natureza cartográfica. Ele surge como a ferramenta mais eficaz para isolar, descrever relações espaciais e elaborar modelos estatísticos de análise. O espaço é o factor cenário onde se desenvolvem os vários comportamentos humanos. Às descrições geográficas e geológicas juntamse, cada vez mais, análises que associam o meio e o homem, numa inter-relação entre cultura, sociedade e espaço… entre sistemas de pensamento, formações socioeconómicas e paisagem. Os comportamentos são pensados e perpetuados, inscritos numa linguagem de código que podem ser convertidos em números. As entidades físicas (características dos solo, geologia,

– Inserção de imagens georreferenciadas; – Vectorização das curvas de nível das cartas militares 1/25.000; – Levantamentos topográficos específicos da zona de implantação das estações arqueológicas; – Levantamentos de coordenadas das estações com tecnologia GPS; – Levantamentos espacial com estação total (X, Y, Z) de todos os objectos exumados; – Vectorização e georreferenciação das estruturas registadas. Todos estes elementos formam a base de análise espacial, em que os produtos criados são traduzidos como ficheiros digitais (mapas, gráficos, tabelas e relatórios convencionais). Estas informações podem ser visualizadas

1

Um Sistema de Informação Geográfica é uma estrutura informática, que combina um conjunto de elementos, que permitem ao utilizador guardar, processar, manipular, analisar, mapear e visualizar dados dispostos numa superfície espacial georreferenciada.

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PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 4.1. Localização do Alto Ribatejo no território português Qualquer trabalho arqueológico irá sempre defrontar-se com duas dimensões: a do tempo e a do espaço. São elas que perfazem o tal designado “contexto” tão usado na linguagem arqueológica. Daí que um sistema de análise de dados que possibilite a conjugação do maior número possível de informações permita ir mais fundo na questão e percepcionar melhor os acontecimentos.

através de mapas, imagens, banco de dados, textos e fotos, activados por botões e ferramentas adicionais. Assim, conceitos como auto-correlação espacial, buffering (áreas de influência), análises de visibilidade e de pendentes ou overlay (sobreposição de diferentes coberturas geográficas, criando novas coberturas) são operações características dos SIGs e elementares para uma compreensão mais rigorosa da área investigada.

Também, todos sabemos que o trabalho arqueológico não se prende ao trabalho de campo e que, na realidade, a grande fase interpretativa ocorre depois. Por este mesmo motivo um bom registo será essencial para uma boa reconstrução da estação arqueológica em gabinete.

No caso concreto das estações analisadas, os dados foram georreferenciados, atendendo a um sistema de posicionamento criado para o efeito, a onde todos os objectos são coordenados, à semelhança do característico ponto zero. Assim, cada estação possuí a sua própria base de referência geográfica que de forma mais pormenorizada permite as interpretações intra-site.

O caso do estudo do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta parece-nos ser um bom exemplo para análise da aplicação de um SIG.

METODOLOGIA

Este complexo é composto na totalidade por 11 monumentos que se enquadram numa cronologia que se prolonga entre o Neolítico Médio e a Idade do Bronze final. Integra-se numa extensa região– o Alto Ribatejo, onde correm três grandes rios: o Nabão a ocidente, o Zêzere a leste e o Tejo que o atravessa a sul (fig. 4.1 e 4.2). Estes três rios terão, durante o período em questão, tido um papel essencial na movimentação e introdução de

No estudo de uma paisagem e dos comportamentos que nela tiveram lugar devemos considerar vários níveis de análise ou melhor, várias escalas interpretativas. É neste sentido que consideramos pertinente referir que qualquer SIG deverá pois, permitir entender o conjunto de dados nos seus diferentes patamares de relação.

38

A. FIGUEIREDO: ANÁLISE INTRA E INTER-LOCAIS: OS SISTEMAS DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA NA ANÁLISE DE SÍTIOS ARQUEOLÓGICOS…

Fig. 4.2. Localização do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta no Alto Ribatejo

Neste sentido, foram desenvolvidos dois sistemas, um atendendo à escala mais elevada (região), onde se integram todas as estações arqueológicas inventariadas, com uma base referencial que incide no sistema de coordenadas Datum: WGS -1984 e onde se analisam as questões inter-site. E outro, próprio de cada estação, com referência, por facilidade e maior eficiência nos trabalhos de campo, a um ponto zero, que divide a estação em dois eixos ortogonais: X (este-oeste) e Y (norte-sul) e onde nos é dado uma óptica de análise intra-site. O Z (profundidade), também tido como valor numérico, é associado como informação ao objecto, podendo ser analisado em cortes ou numa perspectiva tridimensional.

novas ideias e conceitos na vida das populações que viviam nesta área. Para entender as diferentes estações arqueológicas do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta e considerando para já dois exemplos, a Anta I e II de Rego da Murta, os dois monumentos mais estudados neste complexo, ponderamos reflectir sobre pelo menos três escalas de análise. O primeiro, a nosso ver mais concreto, deveria recair sobre cada monumento, percepcionando as relações entre objectos, as relações entre estruturas e as relações entre estruturas e objectos, tentando entender os diferentes acontecimentos e deposições de forma individual e depois no seu conjunto; indo desde o pormenor e desenvolvendo vários zooms-outs até chegar ao monumento na sua totalidade. Uma segunda escala deveria integrar o chamado complexo, isto é compreender os dados dos monumentos vizinhos, exactamente seguindo a mesma metodologia individual, até que no seu conjunto, esses dados pudessem ser relacionados entre os monumentos, percepcionando o espaço que os envolve e os diferentes comportamentos que ali terão ocorrido. O último patamar vai de encontro à compreensão da região, que posteriormente se pode relacionar com outras regiões, no sentido de captar questões mais gerais, numa escala de análise muito mais ampla.

O SISTEMA DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA DO ALTO RIBATEJO: ANÁLISE INTER-SITE O SIG do Alto Ribatejo engloba mais de 1000 estações arqueológicas que têm sido inventariadas pelo projecto TEMPOAR (onde nos integramos) e pelo Centro de Préhistória, do Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, encontrandose os seus dados registados na base de dados ARQSOFT (Cruz, 2007). Os dados descritivos das estações, normalmente presentes numa ficha de inventário/ prospecção (não pretendendo enumera-los para não nos 39

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 4.3. Modelo digital do terreno. A vermelho o Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta. 1 – Complexo megalítico de Rego da Murta; 2 – Gruta de Ave Casta; 3 – Relvas; 4 – Outeiro de São Pedro; 5 – Serra Mosqueiro; 6 – Castelo da Loureira; 7 – Forno do Cal; 8 –Penedos Altos; 9 – Sobral Chão; 10 – Castelo da Ameixieira

monumento, das estruturas e dos objectos nele encontrados. Privilegia uma visão mais pormenorizada dos dados, centrando-se numa escala menor de análise. Neste sentido, ele obedece a um sistema de coordenadas criado para o efeito e que corresponde ao mesmo que é registado em campo. Os objectos são todos eles levantados segundo os três pontos: X (eixo de referência este-oeste), Y (eixo de medida sul-norte) e Z (eixo de profundidade). Em campo foram estabelecidos dois pontos fixos, um de referência para o ponto X e Y e outro para o de Z. Estes pontos possuem o valor de zero, sendo que todo o sistema de coordenadas toma como ponto de partida este valor.

estendermos no artigo) estão associados a cada um dos elementos registados no SIG. Neste sistema, para além das estações arqueológicas, foram inseridos dados referentes à paisagem, desde hidrografia; geomorfologia; geologia; uso dos solos; etc. no sentido de permitir análises de relação entre as estações arqueológicas (estudos de visibilidade, distancia/ proximidade de recursos, analise da funcionalidade das estações, territórios de exploração, pelo desenvolvimento de buffers e cálculos tempo/distancia, tipos de implantação, etc.). A conjugação deste tipo de dados permite ir ainda mais longe alcançando o uso dos modelos preditivos, como apresentamos juntamente com outro investigador, em 2004, no congresso do CAA Portugal.

O levantamento é realizado por uma estação total, que minimiza qualquer erro humano de medida e que está referenciado a este sistema de coordenadas. Ao valor espacial dos objectos podem associar-se outros elementos descritivos referentes ao contexto percepcionado em campo ou à própria descrição do objecto, que poderá ser posteriormente completada, em gabinete, na base de dados desenvolvida e inter-relacionada com o SIG (fig. 4.16).

É também neste sistema que integramos o conjunto dos monumentos do Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta e que analisamos a forma como se relacionam e se estruturam na paisagem.

O caso do registo das estruturas obedeceu a uma metodologia, ainda não muito praticada, na comunidade arqueológica portuguesa, mas já muito usada internacionalmente. Esta apresenta um grau de eficiência e rapidez extraordinária, possibilitando que não se perca tempo com o registo manual dos desenhos, sempre tão

O SISTEMA DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA DOS MONUMENTOS – ANTA I E II DE REGO DA MURTA: ANÁLISE INTRA-SITE O SIG da Anta I e II do Rego da Murta é, como já referimos, mais individual, tratando concretamente do 40

A. FIGUEIREDO: ANÁLISE INTRA E INTER-LOCAIS: OS SISTEMAS DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA NA ANÁLISE DE SÍTIOS ARQUEOLÓGICOS…

Fig. 4.4. Modelo digital do terreno com a representação de um corte topográfico. Uma das potencialidades de análise num SIG. Na imagem é visível que o Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta se localiza próximo de um curso de água (Ribeira do Rego da Murta) e implantado sobre uma planície rodeado de pequenas cumeadas também elas com vestígios arqueológicos do mesmo período

calcários do Mesozóico (Cunha, L. 1990), numa zona de depressão entre o rio Nabão e o rio Zêzere, na zona oriental de S. Saturnino e do Vale de Rodrigo e a sul da Serra de Alvaiázere [Cunha, L.90]. A área de implantação ronda os 200 a 230 metros de altitude.

morosos e nada precisos – refiro-me à técnica da fotografia digital-vectorizada (fig. 4.15). Esta técnica releva-se muito produtiva, sendo somente necessário que as fotografias sejam tiradas na vertical e que no espaço fotografado existam 3 a 5 pontos precisos coordenados. Já em gabinete essa fotografia é inserida como imagem no SIG e georreferenciada por esses pontos, sendo colocada pelo sistema na posição espacial a que pertence no monumento. Após a georreferenciação, as estruturas são vectorizadas, materializando-se espacialmente. A cada uma é-lhes também dado um valor de Z.

O acesso é feito pela estrada nacional nº 348 – Tomar – Alvaiázere – entre os quilómetros 63 e 64. Nesta zona corre o ribeiro de Rego da Murta que seca completamente durante o Verão. Os monumentos megalíticos encontram-se localizados na margem esquerda deste ribeiro, que durante a pré-história atingiria dimensões muito superiores às actuais (fig. 4.6).

Com o auxílio de outras ferramentas todo este sistema bidimensional pode ser transferido para um tridimensional, ao somar-se o valor de Z à realidade espacial. Esta possibilidade pode já ser encontrada em alguns softwares de SIG, como é o caso da funcionalidade ArcScene, do ArcGis da ESRI, onde desenvolvemos este modelo.

Em redor deste complexo, implantados em altitudes mais elevadas, observam-se vestígios de possíveis habitats de épocas contemporâneas (fig. 4.3).

O COMPLEXO MEGALÍTICO DE REGO DA MURTA

Do conjunto dos monumentos registam-se três dólmens e oito monólitos isolados, que se localizam numa área com cerca de 1 km2, encontrando-se os menires muito próximos da Anta II.

O Complexo Megalítico de Rego da Murta centra-se na carta militar nº 287 “Alvaiázere”, à escala 1/25.000, do Instituto Geográfico Português. Assenta sobre os terrenos

De seguida descrevem-se resumidamente dois destes monumentos e algumas das principais conclusões retiradas com o auxílio dos SIGs. 41

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Fig. 4.5. Modelo digital do terreno com a representação (a verde) do cálculo das melhores vias de movimentação, atendendo às informações sobre pendente, elevação, hidrografia e localização das estações arqueológicas

Fig. 4.6. Núcleo megalítico composto por 10 monumentos pré-históricos, concentrado numa área de pouco mais 1 Km2. Dispersão espacial dos artefactos verificados em prospecção. 2 – Anta I de Rego da Murta, 3 – Anta II de Rego da Murta, 4 – Monumento III de Rego da Murta, 5 – Menir I, 6 – Menir II, 7 – Menir III, 8 – Menir IV, 9 – Menir V, 10 – Menir VI e 36 – Menir VII

42

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Fig. 4.7. Representação da dispersão dos artefactos e tipo em associação com os monumentos megalíticos registados. 4. Anta II de Rego da Murta; 1.2.3.8. Menires; 10. Estrutura do período romano

Os artefactos observados revelam uma grande diversidade morfotecnológica, verificando-se, no caso das cerâmicas, sete tipos de vasos e quatro formas decorativas. Quanto aos líticos foram exumados um grande número de artefactos em pedra lascada, nomeadamente: mais de uma centena de lascas simples, nove objectos com uma ligeira carena; dois com um afeiçoamento a buril; duas poderão ser consideradas como pontas; quatro como furadores; três objectos apresentam ligeiros levantamentos que os incluem no grupo dos denticulados; dezasseis foram considerados como elementos de foice; nove raspadeiras; vinte e cinco raspadores; treze compósitos, sendo que cinco possuem a dupla função raspadeira / raspador; e dez micrólitos. Quanto às lâminas e lamelas foram inventariadas cento e trinta e sete peças e no caso das pontas de seta, trinta e três, correspondendo a doze tipos distintos. O número de artefactos polidos é relativamente reduzido, contando-se somente com uma goiva e um machado com gume macerado, em anfibolito. Dos objectos de adorno, simbólicos ou em osso destacamos a presença de dois pendentes, um em esteatite e outro em quartzito; quarenta contas de colar, na maioria em xisto talcoso, seguidas das variscites; três dentes de javali; um botão, em osso,

ANTA I DO REGO DA MURTA A Anta I de Rego da Murta é um dólmen de câmara subpoligonal e corredor diferenciado que se abre a sudeste. Entre o corredor e a câmara observa-se um desnível acentuado, atingindo quase 50 cm de profundidade no centro da câmara. O revolvimento registado no monumento não permitiu separar com segurança as diferentes camadas de deposição. No entanto foi possível identificar alguns contextos bem preservados, devendo referir-se a estrutura pétrea central da câmara, onde entre as diferentes hipóteses levantadas consideramos mais exequível (Figueiredo, 2006) corresponderem a suportes de um possível mobiliário em madeira, provavelmente semelhante aos ídolos de pedra detectados um pouco por todo o território peninsular, desde a Galiza, com Dombate (Bello Diéguez, 1994: 300); a Cádiz, com o dólmen de Alberite (Bueno Ramírez e Balbín-Behrmann, 2000: 289). Na base do monumento registou-se um conjunto de blocos que ponderamos terem servido como planeamento à construção do monumento.

43

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Fig. 4.8. À esquerda: Anta I do Rego da Murta vectorizada com a representação de todas as estruturas identificadas. À direita: Duas imagens do monumento esférico, com perfuração em V, típico dos contextos do campaniforme; um disco e uma placa em micaxisto; três fragmentos de placa do tipo alentejano, em xisto, sem decoração; e um cossoiro ou peso de rede, em quartzito. Os macrolíticos observados apresentam-se pontualmente e foram essencialmente recolhidos da câmara.

presença de dois locais com incinerações. As conclusões obtidas pelas antropólogas de laboratório permitiram identificar um número mínimo de cinquenta indivíduos, sendo trinta e seis adultos e catorze não adultos (com idades inferior a quinze anos).

Todos estes materiais, ainda que analisados em conjunto, poderão corresponder a duas fases de ocupação do monumento, observadas pelas datações absolutas obtidas sob AMS, em osso. Um primeiro período, que datará a altura da construção e as primeiras deposições, corresponde ao Neolítico final/ Calcolítico inicial que, atendendo aos erros de calibração, se poderá prolongar entre 3360 a 2900 a.C e um outro período mais tardio, correspondente ao Calcolítico final/ Idade do Bronze inicial, sensivelmente entre 2130 e 1730 a.C. (Figueiredo, 2006; 2007a, b).

ANTA II DO REGO DA MURTA A Anta II do Rego da Murta localiza-se a norte da área que congrega o espaço em que se integra o complexo megalítico de Rego da Murta. Ao contrário da Anta I do Rego da Murta, encontra-se mais bem conservada, registando-se os processos de deposição pré-histórica relativamente selados por um aglomerado pétreo de condenação do monumento, deposto aquando das últimas ocupações do monumento (Calcolítico médio/final). Este monumento ainda se encontra em estudo, pelo que os dados aqui apresentados são provisórios.

Quanto às deposições de vestígios orgânicos recolheu-se um conjunto de fragmentos de animais que perfazem um número mínimo de dezanove deposições, sendo que a maioria pertence a coelhos ou lebres, registando-se também animais associados à domesticação como o porco, cabra/ovelha e o cão (Detry03:3-4; 05: 3). Os rituais de deposição humanos pautam-se pela inumação e

O monumento é constituído por uma câmara poligonal composta, à semelhança da Anta I, por oito esteios de pequenas dimensões, em calcário, e um corredor ligeiramente alongado, indiferenciado, do tipo ferradura. As lajes da câmara encontram-se ligeiramente imbricadas por lajes de menores dimensões que as firmam, ocupando 44

A. FIGUEIREDO: ANÁLISE INTRA E INTER-LOCAIS: OS SISTEMAS DE INFORMAÇÃO GEOGRÁFICA NA ANÁLISE DE SÍTIOS ARQUEOLÓGICOS…

Fig. 4.9. Várias perspectivas da disposição artefactual da Anta I do Rego da Murta. Em cima, representação das 3 zonas com maior quantidade de deposições. Em baixo à direita – representação de 3 contextos bem preservados: a) e c) observa-se uma grande quantidade de deposições; o contexto b) apresenta um conjunto de buracos de poste de possível sustentação de algum mobiliário perecível, conclusão obtida, entre outros dados, pelo reduzido número de artefactos depositados, o que indica que poderia estar ocupado por outro objecto, indiciado pelas estruturas encontradas

elementos e todos eles muito fracturados; dos objectos polidos observam-se dezanove peças exumadas, sendo que dentro dos vários objectos, dois são machados e duas são enxós, localizadas lado a lado, junto às paredes do corredor. No caso dos adornos, objectos simbólicos ou em osso, destacam-se os furadores e alfinetes; dois botões em laço; uma grande diversidade de contas em variscite, azeviche, xisto talcoso, anidrite e esteatite e dois pendentes em esteatite, um deles de tipo zoomórfico.

os lugares vazios deixados na sobreposição dos esteios. As zonas laterais, entre a câmara e o corredor, apresentam uma pequena contrafortagem. As estruturas que o monumento conservou revelaram a existência até ao momento, de pelo menos oito possíveis ossários, integrados nas duas camadas registadas no interior do monumento. Associado a cada ossário observou-se um conjunto artefactual que morfotecnologicamente apresenta certas diferenças.

Quanto à fauna registamos a presença associada de animais de caça a animais domésticos, sendo de salientar, que no corredor, só foram registados animais considerados não domesticados.

Os vestígios osteológicos humanos encontram-se associados a ossos de animal (coelho, cabra/ovelha e porco) e a diversos artefactos, entre eles: um conjunto de vasos cerâmicos, num número mínimo de cinquenta e quatro recipientes, que englobam seis tipos distintos; cerca de quatro centenas de objectos líticos (lascados e polidos) concentrando-se, a maioria nas lascas e variantes, com mais de uma centena de peças; seguidas das pontas de seta com cerca de uma centena; do grupo dos macrolíticos, incluindo percutores, seixos e moventes, com cerca de três dezenas; e das lâminas e lamelas, registando-se somente duas dezenas de

ANÁLISE INTER E INTRA-SITE: ALGUNS PONTOS EM OBSERVAÇÃO Analisando o conjunto de dados que englobam estes monumentos verificamos que estamos perante um espaço que parece interligar os diferentes elementos naturais da paisagem com os monumentos construídos. Primeiro pela 45

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Fig. 4.10. Representação da Anta I do Rego da Murta e dos vestígios zooarqueológicos exumados

a matéria para a construção das suas estruturas. Na realidade, quer em Val da Laje (Oosterbeek, 1994), Anta das Pedras Negras (Cruz e Oosterbeek, 1998) ou no núcleo de Rego da Murta (Figueiredo, 2002; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2006) registam-se aparentes cortes artificiais de alguns afloramentos. No caso do núcleo de Rego da Murta, esta observação é feita a norte do complexo, onde afloram rochas arredondadas e outras aplanadas, que facilmente terão sido cortadas e transportadas por um grupo de pessoas relativamente reduzido.

relação com a ribeira, verificando-se que as diferentes estruturas (quer os monumentos, quer os menires), possuem uma orientação clara direccionada para este local; depois com o relevo que os rodeia, encontrando-se no centro de um espaço, onde se registam diversas cumeadas com vestígios pré-históricos (fig. 4.3); e por fim, com a zona de melhor circulação, que com certeza funcionaria como entrada nesta microregião e teria uma importância social acrescida (fig. 4.5). De facto, um dos principais factores para a demarcação ritual e social de uma paisagem é o que se refere à concentração destes monumentos em áreas com mais possibilidades de circulação, quer utilizando os rios, quer as áreas de transumância. O desenrolar dos diferentes acontecimentos e do processo de uso deste espaço poderia passar não somente pela realização de actos rituais nestas estruturas, mas também pela sua presença, que seria já por si determinante para estas comunidades. O simples facto destes monumentos se localizarem numa zona central de movimentação, onde se pressupõe que serviria como via de penetração e contacto entre os grupos que habitavam o Alto Nabão, bem como permitia uma certa visibilidade de qualquer área das cumeadas mais próximas, poderia ser suficiente, para se estabelecer um conjunto de significados que automaticamente faziam parte do dia-a-dia destas populações.

A relação entre os monumentos de Rego da Murta também parece ser registada pela associação exclusiva dos menires à Anta II do Rego da Murta, rodeando-a (fig. 4.6). Quando analisamos, em SIG, eles parecem estruturar-se segundo uma ordem, ainda que, os menires se localizem a uma distância relativa, uns dos outros, se comparados com os recintos de menires, quer no que diz respeito aos cromeleques (Gomes, 1994; 1996; 2002; Albergaria, et al. 1995; Calado, 2006), quer no que diz respeito aos alinhamentos (Rocha, 2000). A análise demonstrou uma certa equidistância entre a Anta II do Rego da Murta, localizada ao centro e os monólitos observados em seu redor. Esta organização monumental, em torno de um monumento principal, provavelmente imbuída de uma conotação simbólica mais forte, atribuída pela deposição dos antepassados, poderá ter desempenhado um papel central na articulação dos monólitos e, mesmo, na totalidade do conjunto dos monumentos.

Na análise inter-site é também inequívoca a relação destes monumentos com a paisagem quanto à sua proximidade com afloramentos de onde terá sido extraída

46

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Fig. 4.11. Representação dos blocos observados na base da Anta I de Rego da Murta. À esquerda: Anta I do Rego da Murta com algumas possibilidades de conjugação. À direita: Sopreposição dos blocos registados na Anta I de Rego da Murta, com a orientação da Anta II. Interessante registar que o alinhamento e-f, o qual consideramos ter sido o que permitiu a orientação da Anta I, também serve como alinhamento do corredor da Anta II

Fig. 4.12. À esquerda: Anta II do Rego da Murta vectorizada com a representação das estruturas de contrafortagem. À direita: Duas imagens do monumento

No que diz respeito à análise intra-site, uma das conclusões diz respeito à Anta I de Rego da Murta, onde é visível no estudo da disposição artefactual (fig. 4.9) uma preferência pela deposição em três áreas: uma corresponde ao centro do monumento; outra junto à parede esquerda, no final do corredor; e outra à entrada da anta. O exemplo mais visível parece ser o da

disposição espacial das pontas de seta. No entanto, o mesmo também é evidente para outros objectos mais dispersos, como as lascas ou mesmo os fragmentos cerâmicos. A estrutura central (fig. 4.9 a), a que nos referimos inicialmente pode, por isso, representar um desses locais que poderia ser simbolicamente intensificado pela representação de um grande ídolo 47

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 4.13. Representação dos vestígios osteológicos registados na Anta II do Rego da Murta. Na escala de vermelhos (do escuro para o mais claro) registam-se os ossos a cotas superiores, na escala a verde (do mais claro para o mais escuro) os ossos a cotas mais baixas. Em baixo à direita dois exemplos com traços de manipulação

astrológicos, orientações e cálculos de distâncias. Observando os dados registados para este monumento, o conjunto estrutural aparenta estar exactamente orientado em direcção aos pontos cardeais norte-sul/ este-oeste. Na totalidade foram observados oito blocos ou agrupamento de blocos. Entre cada um destes blocos ou agrupamento de blocos observou-se uma distância média que rondava os 1,60 metros, um pouco semelhante à distância observada na largura do corredor e duas vezes mais o seu comprimento.

construído em material perecível, a onde foram depositadas oferendas. Á que referir também que não se recuperaram do interior desta zona vestígios osteológicos. No exterior desta área também foi possível exumar alguns ossos de animais, sendo que todos os outros se verificaram encostados às paredes do monumento (fig. 4.10). Um outro ponto que consideramos relevante em que os SIGs contribuíram na sua interpretação, refere-se aos blocos que foram registados na base da Anta I de Rego da Murta, por baixo do solo de regularização do monumento (fig. 4.11). Estes elementos, em que já apontamos algumas propostas de interpretação (Figueiredo, 2006), nomeadamente constituírem de marcos espaciais de orientação, que perfazem alinhamentos para a produção e auxílio nos cálculos de orientação do monumento, corroborando com a defesa de que estas populações deteriam um sentido de planificação reflectida e provavelmente, usando fórmulas matemáticas, baseadas, segundo cremos em cálculos de triangulações e ângulos, desenvolveriam um sistema para a construção e posicionamento dos monumentos. Estas metodologias poderiam ser usadas, quer para a formulação de estruturas arquitectónicas, análise e previsão de acontecimentos

No que diz respeito à Anta II de Rego da Murta foi com análise tridimensional da disposição espacial dos vestígios exumados, que encontramos a justificação para a presença de oito possíveis ossários (fig. 4.13), uma vez que em campo as interpretações nos levavam para a compreensão de uma amalga de vestígios osteológicos descontextualizados. Na realidade eles encontram-se estruturados em pequenos agrupamentos, encimado por pedras que os condenam. Os artefactos encontram-se, quer em redor destas estruturas, quer integrados no substrato. A análise espacial permitiu verificar que, pelo menos, um recipiente cerâmico inteiro parecia estar directamente relacionado com cada um dos agrupamentos, coroando a estrutura de condenação dos mesmos (fig. 4.14). 48

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Fig. 4.14. Representação dos objectos cerâmicos registados na Anta II do Rego da Murta e sua associação com os vestígios osteológicos. As bolas vermelho a cheio referem-se a vasos ou fragmentos de vasos que ofereceram o perfil completo

Fig. 4.15. Pormenor da Anta II do Rego da Murta com a representação de uma foto das estruturas de contra-fortagem identificada a sul do monumento. Á direita: Imagem desse pormenor georeferenciada e vectorizada para a inserção dos dados registados no SIG 49

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Fig. 4.16. Representação do uso da estação total e relação do SIG com a base de dados

BELLO DIÉGUEZ (1994) – Grabados, Pinturas e Ídolos en Dombate (Cabana, La Coruña). Grupo de Viseu o Grupo Noroccidental? Aspectos taxonómicos y cronológicos, Actas do Seminário “O Megalitismo no Centro de Portugal” (Mangualde, Nov. 1992), Viseu, pp. 287-304.

Quanto aos outros artefactos é notório que, em alguns casos os mesmos tipos de objectos, se associam a um ou outro ossário. Este exemplo é bem visível para as contas de azeviche, que só se registam num ossário ou das pontas de seta de base concava e aletas muito pronunciadas, quase que registando a influência deste material num período especifico. Para além disto as contas de colar para além de se associarem, em parte, aos grupos propostos, relacionam-se em conjunto, ainda que de uma forma aparentemente dispersa. Tal situação só pode ser observada com a análise 3D, concentrando, cerca de cinco a dez contas por conjunto.

BUENO RAMIREZ, P., BALBIN BEHRMAN, (2000) – R. Arte megalítico versus megalitismo: origen del sistema decorativo megalítico, in Actas do I Colóquio Internacional sobre megalitismo: Muitas Antas, pouca gente, pp. 283-302. CALADO, M. (2006) – Menires no Alentejo Central, GEMA, Grupo de Estudos do Megalitismo Alentejano. http://www.crookscape.org/, em pdf, 1º volume.

Neste sentido, os exemplos expostos evidenciam actos importantes na compreensão dos rituais da pré-história recente, que poderão escapar a interpretações que não possuam o auxílio de sistemas de disposições espaciais ou ferramentas digitais que permitam agregar os dados obtidos em campo. É através de uma reconstrução bi e tridimensional dos dados recuperados, que podemos aferir e conjugar diferentes níveis de informação, detectando padrões de assentamentos e deposições imperceptíveis numa base de um processo arqueológico tradicional.

CUNHA, L. (1990) – As Serras Calcárias de CondeixaSicó-Alvaiázere: estudo de geomorfologia, Instituto Nacional de Investigação Cientifica, Lisboa. CRUZ, A.R. (1997) – ArqSoft, Base de dados georeferenciada do Alto Ribatejo, ARKEOS, nº 4, Quaternário e Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal), pp. 251-259.

Bibliografia

CRUZ, A.R. e OOSTERBEEK, L. (1998) – Anta das Pedras Negras (Tomar), TECHNE, vol.4, pp. 235249.

ALBERGARIA, J., SILVA, M.L. (1995) – Cromeleque do Torrão (Elvas): identificação. Vipasca. Aljustrel. 4.

DETRY, C. (2003) – Relatório Arqueozoológico da Anta I e II do Rego da Murta, IPA.

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(March 2005 – Tomar, Portugal), CAAPortugal, pp. 353-358.

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2002) – Relatório das escavações de 2001 da Anta I do Rego da Murta/Ramalhal, Alvaiázere. Instituto Português de Arqueologia. Torres Novas (policopiado).

GOMES, M.V. (1994) – Menires e Cromeleques no Complexo Cultural megalítico Português – Trabalhos Recentes e Estado da Questão. “Actas do Seminário «O Megalitismo no centro de PORTUGAL»” (Mangualde, Nov.1992), Viseu, pp. 317-342.

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2003) – Anta 1 do Rego da Murta – Campanha 2001, TECHNE 8, Tomar, pp. 23-28. FIGUEIREDO, A. (2004) – A Anta II do Rego da Murta (Alvaiázere) – Resultados da 1ª campanha de escavações, Techne, vol 9, Tomar, Arqueojovem, pp. 127-138.

GOMES, M.V. (1996) – Megalitismo do Barlavento Algarvio – Breve Síntese. Setúbal Arqueológica. 1112, pp. 147-190.

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2005) – Contributo para a análise do megalitismo no Alto Ribatejo. O complexo megalítico do Rego da Murta, Alvaiázere, AL-MADAN, Almada. 2ª série: 13, pp. 134-136.

GOMES, M.V. (2002) – Cromeleque dos Almendres. Um monumento socio-religioso neolítico. Lisboa: Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universiadade Técnica de Lisboa. (texto policopiado).

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2006) – Complexo megalítico de Rego da Murta. Pré-História recente do Alto Ribatejo (IV-IIº milénio a.C.): Problemáticas e Interrogações, dissertação de doutoramento em Arqueologia e PréHistória, Universidade do Porto, Faculdade de Letras.

OOSTERBEEK, L. (1994) – Echoes from the East: The western network. North Ribatejo (Portugal): an insight to unequal and combined development, 7000 – 2000 BC. London, Dortorate thesis presented to the University College London, Tese fotocopiada, Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Tomar.

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2007) – Entre as grutas e os monumentos megalíticos: Problemáticas e interrogações na pré-história recente do Alto Ribatejo, Almadan, versão digital.

ROCHA, L. (2000) – O alinhamento da Têra, Pavia (Mora): resultados da 1ª campanha (1996). in V.S. Gonçalves (2000) (ed.) – Muitas antas, pouca gente? Actas do I Colóquio Internacional sobre Megalitismo (Reguengos de Monsaraz, 1996) Trabalhos de Arqueologia, 16. Lisboa: IPA.

FIGUEIREDO, A. (2007b) – Walking in a Way: Some conclusions of the recent Pre-history in Alto Ribatejo region. of the XXXIII Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology Conference

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IRON AGE STATUE-STELAE AT GAZZO, COLOMBARA (VERONA), ITALY* Angelo FOSSATI Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Via Trieste 17, I–25121 Brescia [email protected] Abstract: The paper deals with the study of four statue-stelae and of three decorated fragments found, out of context, in the Colombara site near Gazzo Veronese at the beginning of the 1980’s. These monuments differ greatly from the morphology of the stelae known to date in the Etruscan or in the Ancient Venetic areas. Stelae D has been studied in detail and is interpreted, due to the clothing, as a female monument. Comparisons and links are proposed with contemporary Greek statuary. Key words: Iron Age, statue-stelae, feminine clothes, Greek statuary

INTRODUCTION*

stelae and three decorated fragments were found out of the context (Salzani, 1987: 67-69). As L. Salzani rightly observed (he is the first who published studies about these stelae) that the three fragments seem to be cippus vaguely anthropomorphic, with a light tapering in the higher part to suggest the presence of the head. Two stelae out of these four, called A and B, look sub pyramidal and upside-down; stelae C, the smallest, has an ovoidal body; stelae D, the tallest, is sub cylindrical and it is decorated, so, for this reason, is more predisposed to a stylistic, typological and chronological study, in spite of its bad state of conservation. Instead, the three decorated fragments, A, B and C, could be considered part of the stelae D frame’s decoration, or maybe related to other stelae still unknown. These monuments differ greatly from the morphology of the stelae know to date in the Ancient Venetic area.

The presence of statue-stelae in Italy1 is well-known during the Copper Age2, but it is not just confined to this period. In fact, groups of stelae and statue-stelae are also present during the Iron Age, both in the north and in the south of the peninsula: into Golasecca area (Fusco-Mira Bonomi 1970), into the Etruscan area (both historic and Padanian, see Morigi Govi-Vitali 1988 and Meller Padovani 1977), in Lunigiana (Ambrosi 1988), into Picena area (Colonna 1992), in Daunia (Nava 1980) and into the Veneto Region, too. In this last area just some funerary stelae have been discovered so far, mainly in the area of Padua and Este (Aa.Vv. 1978), until the new Gazzo’s findings, that is the object of the present study.

The state of conservation about these archaeological finds is various: each of them show cracks, superficial lacks (as it concerns the original surface), cases of exfoliation (very common for this kind of material that is sandstone) and crumblings in different levels. It is important to underline that some deep damages on the stelae A, B and C, are due to the accidental work of ploughshares or harrows. However on these ones is still possible to understand the total shape of the monument; but about the stelae D, unluckily, just the medium-inferior portion is still preserved, because the upper part of the body (arms, shoulders and head) is lost.

At Este have been found, mainly, tronco-pyramidal cippus with inscriptions (Chieco Bianchi-Tombolani 1988: 57-58), while some rectangular and sub-rectangular stelae, plate-shaped, frequently with an inscribed frame, are present in Padova. They show many subjects: fighting in the model of ‘Thracian knight’, journeys by cart, offerings to deads (Chieco Bianchi-Tombolani, 1988: 9395). During some agricultural works at the beginning of the 1980’s nearby Gazzo Veronese in the Colombara site, already studied thanks to the discovery of an important Iron Age3 necropolis (Salzani, 1987: 67-68), four statue-

The stelae and the fragments have been engraved above a compact grey-yellow kind of sandstone. The latest petrography analysis (A. Ferrari and V. Rioda 2005) suggest the origin of the stone from the Northern Apennine4, considerations, these ones, which probably are not only interesting under a geological point of view.

*

I want to thank Dr. Luciano Salzani for offering the study of these monuments and Mauro Campagnolo and collaborators of the Archaeological Museum of Gazzo for the help. I also want to thank Francesca Morello for the translation in English of this paper. 1 The same phenomenon is attested in France, Germany, Portugal and Spain, where there are some Calcolithic and Iron Age’s statue-stelae. The bibliography is wide, see: Kimming, 1987; Bonenfant, 1998; Gomes Varela, 1992. 2 In Northern Italy, groups of Calcolithic statue-stelae are present in Aosta, Ivrea, Valcamonica, Valtellina, Trentino Alto Adige, Lessinia, Lunigiana, Garfagnana; in the Southern Italy there is the group of Bovino-Castelluccio of Sauri, Puglia; Sardegna is the most important island under this point of view. For a synthesis: Casini-DemarinisPedrotti, 1995. 3 The necropolis must be dated between 10th and 6th cent. BC, as it’s testified by 1999’s studies. See: Salzani, 2001, p. 83.

DESCRIPTION OF THE STELAE Stelae A (h. 90 cm, l. 41 cm, thickness 38 cm) (Fig. 5.1) 4 Before, the R. Bugini and G. Alessandrini’ s analysis for the CNR G. Bozza Center of Milan suggested, instead, a more Northern origin, from the Lombard and pre-alpin area.

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Fig. 5.1. The statue-stelae from Gazzo Veronese (photo by A. Fossati)

Stelae C (h. 70 cm, l. 52 cm, thickness 34 cm) (Fig. 5.1)

It’s one of the two cippus statue-stelae tronco-pyramidal upside-down, with a light tapering on the superior portion that gives it a phallic shape.

Its morphology allows to draw the stelae C near the stelae D. In fact, it has an oval section, a dressed surface with some patina’s dark signs concerning the already abovementioned anciently applied film.

The main and larger sides look totally dressed, the lateral ones have marks of a making and a decoration with the bush hammered technique and with chevron large motives, too.

Instead, the stelae’s top doesn’t look like the other tapering workings, but its tapering leads off the body and joins a flat basement which begins from the two oval’s summits. Some ‘head’s’ basal hollows could suggest that probably something had to fit on this neck, maybe made separately and in a different material (wood?).

The surface shows some ploughshare’s furrows. Where there is the head is possible, in some defined points, to note traces of the original patina, probably anciently put on with a film: different analysis made by G. Bozza’s Centre underlines that this patina is composed by calcium carbonate charge with a protein content substance.

One of the two sides is heavily compromised by ploughshare’s furrows, but a medial line sharing the superior and the inferior parts of the monument can be considered, with doubts, the representation of a female breast.

This particular film is also present, in a different quantity, on the stelae C and D, and on the decorated fragments B and C.

Stelae D (h. 100 cm, l. 49 cm, thickness 31 cm) (Fig. 5.1) This stelae has got a little sud-cylindrical column shape. The mid-inferior part is the only still in a good state of preservation. Here, it is possible to see details of a decorated dress, and on the superior portion, probably, there were the elements that would have allowed to understand the sex of the character. The dress seems to be constituted by two different kinds of decorated clothes: a long tunic, decorated with a chevron edge in the last part, and a swallow-tailed cape that had to cover the shoulders, also decorated on the inferior edge (fig. 5.2). Probably, the frontal side is the part where the cape is open, whilst the back is characterized by the closed cape. On the frontal side, in a particularly degraded zone, the sandstone shows a circular cracking that sets up a natural

Thanks to this film the sandstone seems to be shiny and the decorations more evident. Stelae B (h. 78 cm, l. 38 cm, thickness 27 cm) (Fig. 5.1) This is the second cippus morphologically trocopyramidal, upside-down and with apical tapering. It’s possible to note a considerable shortage of material on one of the two main sides; the ploughshare’s damages are evident on the lateral and on the second main sides. Many scratches and signs adorn every face of the stelae with short, oblique and parallel segments or with the chevron technique. 54

A. FOSSATI: IRON AGE STATUE-STELAE AT GAZZO, COLOMBARA (VERONA)

Fig. 5.2. The statue-stele D from Gazzo Veronese: a – front view; b: decorazion of one side) (drawing by Soprintedenza per i Beni Archeologici del Veneto – a and by A. Fossati – b)

circle. Many circular elements engraved above all the stelae’s body can be interpreted like hanging for the belt or the dress. It’s very difficult to say if the arms were totally covered by the cape or if it was just on the frontal side. The mentioned ancient patina is evident on the area where the swallow-tailed cape is engraved, on the sides of the stelae and on the main faces.

Fig. 5.3. The fragments A (a) and B (b) from Gazzo Veronese (photo by A. Fossati)

Fragment A (h. 18,2 cm, l. 21 cm, thickness 8 cm) (Fig. 5.3)

Fragments C (h. 11,4 cm, l. 38 cm, thickness Max. 1,9 cm) (Fig. 5.4)

Four engraved chevron orders can be identifiable on the fragment called A.

The fragment C, even if badly preserved, shows some decorated portions that have engravings imitating the superimposed stitchs of a robe.

These motives lead off four parallel strings put in a particular way that narrows gradually the intermediate spaces. Can these chevron motives look like any hair decoration (maybe plaits)? So, are these elements constituting a head? It’s very hard to say that, because of the state of conservation which can’t help to suppose a reassembly of the fragments.

It’s not easy to associate this decoration with a specific part of a body. This is due to the bad state of conservation and the meagreness of the decorated area, which, however, has the some film found on the fragment B and on the stelae.

In any case, the fragment A is the only one that seems to keep the original edge which, on the picture, is indicated on the right and superior part.

THE CASE OF THE STELAE D: MALE OR FEMALE REPRESENTATION? In other occasions, the studies about the stelae D have already been published by L. Malnati (2002 a, 2002 b, 2003; also Rizzetto 2004, with the same interpretation), who interpreted the monument like male representation. He has, in fact, seen in the above-mentioned circular cracking, that outlines a natural rounded area, similar to a kind of armour called kardiophylax (Stary 1981: 67-72) for the two predominant typologies: the first is circular,

Fragment B (h. 21,3 cm, l. 25 cm, thickness 7,6 cm) (Fig. 5.3) On this fragment the chevron orders are engraved on the decorated side. The decorated surfice is covered with the ancient film. The fact that this patina is totally absent on the fragment A can mean that maybe these two fragments could be part of two different stelae. 55

PREHISTORIC ART AND SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

Fig. 5.4. The fragment C (drawing by Soprintedenza per i Beni Archeologici del Veneto) and the second one is ‘bell-shaped’ or ‘copper ingotshaped’). The circular elements present on the stelae, according to this reading, are interpreted like part of the mounting of these metallic plates which had to protect the warriors’ vital organs. Statues of warriors with kardiophylax are well-known in the Picenic area, in Daunia (Puglia Region) over the ‘Daune’ stelae provided with kardiophylax (it’s important to remember the stelae’s fragment from Monte Saraceno; see Nava, 1992: 278), but they are not attested, till now, in the Etruscan culture and in the Venetic one. The most famous warrior statues provided with kardiophylax are certainly the Capestrano and Guardiagrele’s one, in Abruzzo (Landolfi, 1988). In these monuments the discshaped armour is tied to the chest and to the back with bandoliers. The Capestrano’s warrior wears a short heartshaped skirt with naked legs. There isn’t any mark of clothes on the superior part of the body. Evidently, a too long or too elaborated tunic wouldn’t have been comfortable for the warrior for moving purposes. This kind of description about the Capestrano statue’s clothes is important because it seems to be totally different from our Gazzo stelae’s. It could be legitimate to ask which kind of movements the Gazzo stelae’s warrior could make with a till feet-long tunic and a very close-fitting cape like those. In my opinion, in fact, for these reasons and for the one that I’ m going to list, it can’ t be a male clothes, and the Gazzo’s stelae cannot represent a warrior, either. They should be, instead, a female statuestelae and dress.

Fig. 5.5. The stele Camin from Padua (from Chieco Bianchi 1988)

tunic under the cape is different, because it ends at the middle of the legs and shows the feet of the woman. The cape covers also the head. Some scholars think that this stelae of Camin could refer to an Etruscan individual, due to the onomatology not Venetic (Capuis, 2000: 193).

A dress like the one engraved on the stelae D is not totally unknown into the Ancient Venetic art. In fact, the shallow-tailed cape is already common in other representations from the Ancient Venetic area, suggesting the hypothesis that it could be a typical female clothes. The most famous example is, probably, the one of the funerary stelae with a conjugal greeting scene, from Camin, Padova (Chieco Bianchi, 1988: 53 pict. 59). This stelae, dated at the end of the 6th cent. BC, shows a woman with a shallow-tailed cape like the Gazzo stelae’s cape (fig. 5.5). In spite of the woman’s figure is engraved in profile, both the cape’s tails are well highlighted, like two sharpened hems that diverge from the body. The

It’s visible another example of shallow-tailed cape on a bronze sheet from Casale di Este (PD), dated at the 5th cent. BC (Chieco Bianchi-Tombolani, 1988: 102 pic.133) (fig. 5.6). But in this case, it doesn’t cover the head of the devoted woman who, maybe, could wear a large circular decorated hat. Also in this cape the tails are far from the body and are frontally engraved; the tunic doesn’t reach the feet, but just half-leg: on the other portion of the legs

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A. FOSSATI: IRON AGE STATUE-STELAE AT GAZZO, COLOMBARA (VERONA)

Another typical female dress of the Etruscan area is a shallow-tailed cape but worn like a poncho, with the tips in front and behind the body not on the hips. This poncho-cape can cover the head, like in the Castelvetro mirror’ s scene (Aa.Vv., 1961: 42-43, pic. 21) or not, like in some Vulcense-style small bronzes, for example like the one kept into the Leningrado-S.Pietroburgo’ s Museum (Aa.Vv., 1980: 78 pic. B 7.53). Also the Gazzo statue-stelae’s morphology, in particular for the stelae A and B, doesn’t find any precise comparisons in the Etruscan area, but just a light assonance with two statuestelae from Bologna that can be defined like a xòanon6: Arnoaldi cippus and S.Giovanni in Persiceto cippus (Morigi Govi-Vitali, 1988: 261 and 317-318). These are antropomorphic cippus, with a tapering for the indication of the head and, regarding the S. Giovanni in Persiceto cippus, also the schematization of the face. This cippus, a kind of dressed and cylindrical column, has dimensions very similar to Gazzo’s stelae, reaching the height of 98 cm. Instead, Arnoaldi’s cippus is 38 cm high, but it shows the same working signs of the stelae A and B from Gazzo, not being totally dressed. These cippus are dated to 7th cent. BC. The other stelae from Bologna, generally dated between 7th and 6th cent. BC, look morphologically different from the ones from Gazzo: during the earliest phase, these stelae are shaped like rectangular slabs surmounted by a sub-cylindrical disc, representing, in this way, an human figure; the frontal parts of these stelae are decorated with a bas-relief characterized by a sequence of symbolic motives like meanders, phytomorph, mythological animals and scenes of duel. In the latest stelae, the morphology changes and they are now shaped like a horse-shoe bat with bas-reliefs engraved into a frame: the themes consist in the journey of the dead towards the other world with carts or boats, mythological scenes, funerary rituals like greetings, banquets, athletic games, duels, races with bigae, and a winged demons receiving the dead (Meller-Padovani, 1977; Morigi GoviVitali, 1988).

Fig. 5.6. Bronze sheet with the figure of a devotee from Este, Casale site (from Chieco Bianchi- Tombolani 1988)

it’s possible to note the typical ankle-boat footwear, which is present in many Ancient Venetic female representations (for all the decorated devoted from Este, Caldevigo: Chieco Bianchi-Tombolani 1988, pic. 100) .

Even though the stelae from Bologna seem to have influenced the stelae from Padua, also under a thematic point of view, they have nothing in common with the Gazzo’s stelae (except the two cases mentioned before), wandering off the typologies of Bologna’s stelae for the statue-stelae of Gazzo.

The cape hadn’t to be used just by women of high social standing, but also by attendants, as it’s proved by the symposium scene engraved on a little steely buckle of a belt from Este5 (Tombolani 1987: 149-150, pic.280), Carceri, grave number 23, dated to 5th cent. BC (fig. 5.7). Also in this case the woman wears the ankle-boat footwear.

It’s impossible to find comparisons also with the stelae from the ancient Etrurian area. The funerary stelae of warrior from Fiesole, Tarquinia, Vetulonia and Volterra, dated between 7th and 6th cent. BC, show different morphology, because they are sub-rectangular and the warrior is engraved with his panoply and he is into a frame with inscriptions (see Cateni 1993: 15-18 for Volterra’s stelae).

If the Gazzo’s stelae could make think to a clear Etruscan influence due to the origin of the sandstone used for the stelae, it’ s the Etruscan female clothes that doesn’ t seem to show possible approachings. Coeval representations of Padanian Etruria’s art show women wearing capes, but these ones are without the shallow-tailed. In example, it’s useful to look the female figures on the grave 5’s tintinnabulum from the Arsenal of Bologna (Rallo, 2000. 134).

But also the other cultures of the Northern Italy show any monuments that can be compared with the Gazzo’s statue-stelae: the funerary stelae from Golasecca are very

5

The engraved figures and the Este’s buckle are considered the diffusion’s proof of Etruscan furnishings in the Ancient Venetic area, linked to the symposium activity.

6

The Greek xòanon is a God simulacrum done with wood but also ivory, marble and metal.

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Fig. 5.7. Decorated belt hook from Este, Carceri site, tomb n. 23 (from Tombolani 1987) different (Fusco-Mira Bonomi 1970), being sort of slabs with warrior motives, instead the Illyrian sculptures from Nesazio (Stipcevic, 1963) show just some generic affinity with the use of the three-dimensional statuary, aspect surely influenced by the Greek world, like it’s possible to see also in the contemporary Hallstattian funerary sculptures from Hirschlanden and from TübingenKilchberg nel Baden- Württemberg (Frey, 1991). Another reading key is possible thanks to the comparison with some little statues from Greek world. Some of these, in fact, present tunic like the Gazzo’s stelae, with a covering cape without the hood: the most famous is called ‘Lady of Auxerre’ (fig. 5.8a), characterized by a singular hairstyle with plaits. It is dated at the middle of 7th cent. BC, probably found in Creta (kept in Paris, Museum of Louvre), together with the coeval wooden statue of Hera (fig. 5.8 b) found into the Herarion of Samo (kept in Samo Museum; see Fuchs, 1982: 138 pic. 152). These two Greek examples make think about the role of the Gazzo’s stelae: are they funerary or divine representations? The typical Venetic clothes with shallow-tailed cape could be, in reality, an oriental imitation. Are they, maybe, monuments that represent Ancient Venetic or Etruscan (Etruscan family of high social standing in the Etruscan area that want to acquire, also in the clothes, the Venetic ‘traditional’ way of living and so they decide to be represented in this style but using stones coming from their place of origin) that lived in a Venetic land following the oriental style, or was there, next the necropolis, a cultural area in which it was possible to see statues dedicated to greek gods/goodness? Or are Etruscan the artists and Venetic the outsorcers? Maybe it’s just the outcome of a cultural mixture. L. Malnati and L. Salzani, many times have insisted on the point that Gazzo Veronese is a borderland between

Fig. 5.8. The “Lady from Auxerre” (a) and the “Hera from Samo” (b) (from Fuchs 1982) 58

A. FOSSATI: IRON AGE STATUE-STELAE AT GAZZO, COLOMBARA (VERONA)

GOMES VARELA, M. (1992) – Proto-história do Sul de Portugal, in Silva Coelho Ferreira da A., Gomes Varela M. (ed.), Proto-história de Portugal, Lisboa, p. 122-123, fig. 38.

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FREY, O.H. (1991) – I primi principi celti nel VI sec. a.C., in S. Moscati (ed.), I Celti, catalogo della mostra, Milano, p. 75-92.

STIPýEVIû, A. (1963) – Arte degli Illiri, Milano. TOMBOLANI, M. (1987) – I bronzi etruschi della seconda età del Ferro, in R.C. De Marinis (ed.), Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po, II, catalogo della mostra, Mantova, p. 146-152.

FUCHS, W. (1982) – Scultura Greca, Milano. FUSCO, V., MIRA BONOMI, A. (1970) – Menhir nell’area della cultura di Golasecca, zona occidentale, Sibrium, X, p. 153-160.

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RITE ET RITUEL DU NÉOLITHIQUE PRÉCÉRAMIQUE DANS LE CADRE DE LA NECROPOLE DE DRIDU (ROUMANIE) Viorica ENĂCHIUC Giurgiu – Roumanie Abstract: As part of the archaeological researches from Dridu the place “La Metereze” that I did in 1979 – 1986 years I discovered levels of living with more stages of living superposed from preceramic Neolithic (no. 1) till the modern period XVIII – XIX centuries. In the preceramic Neolithic level I identified and searched a surface dwelling which had included a skull under the floor of trodden clay and necropolis from the same period in which I identified and searches 5 tombs of inhumation and a circular grave (no. 26) where I discovered the skeletons of a man and a woman that can correspond to the human sacrifice ritual. The antropological research of skeletons was done by Cantemir and Irina Riscutia. The archaeological and paleonthological materials from the preceramic Neolithic level I named the Dridu-Snagov Culture, this being the first discovering from this period in Romania and in the rest of Central and accidental Europe and I dated it by ritual analogies and the types of materials with aceramic Neolithic from Middle Orient in which this period offered us the dating with C 14 by the researches of the British Museum Laboratory and communicated by published studuies by the archaeologists Cathleen Kenyon (for Jerico) and Mellart (for diggings from Hacilar, 1970). The anthropologic researches made by Cantemir and Irina Riscutia showed that the bearers of the Dridu – Snagov preceramic culture belong to the local population being dolichomorphe paleoeuropeans type with vague lepto-dolichomorphe expansions becoming from meridional contact yone with Central Europe South Europe. All typological archaeological analogies lead to date Dridu – Snagov preceramic Neolithic beginning 7300 – 7200 before Christ. This archaeological and anthropological horizon belonging to Dridu – Sanagov preceramic contributed for forming the culture from early ceramic neolithic (the Hamangia Culture) identified on the Dobrogea territory and East Muntenia in Romania beginning with 6800 before Christ.

stratigraphique à partir de la couche de base stérile de l’éperon jusqu’à sa partie supérieure1:

L’ouvrage présent contient des résultats des recherches, à travers les fouilles archéologiques de sauvegarde, que j’ai entreprises en tant qu’archéologue et chercheur scientifique du Chantier archéologique de la commune Dridu, point “La Metereze”, département Ialomitza; les recherches ont été inclues dans le Plan national, approuvé par la Commission d’archéologie, de l’Académie de Sciences Sociales et Politiques, pendant les années 19791986.

– Niveau no. 1: Néolithique précéramique (habitat avec des logements de surface et nécropole d’inhumation); Niveau no. 2: Hallstatt précoce, la Culture Babadag, avec quatre phases d’habitat; Niveau no. 3: Hallstatt moyen (habitat appartenant à la Culture Basarabi); Niveau no. 4: La Tene (habitat et reste de nécropole d’incinération du VIème-Vème siècle avant J.C.); Niveau no. 5: Cité géto dace, protégée par une douve et repli de terrain fortifié et tombeaux d’incinération, les siècles IVème-IIIème avant J.C.; Niveau no. 6: La Tenez: Restant d’habitation appartenant aux IIème –Ier siècle av. J.C – IIIème siècle après J.C. et nécropole d’inhumation du II-ème – III-ème siècles après J.C.; Niveau no. 7: Fortification défensive, habitats et nécropoles d’inhumation de rite chrétien (phases I-III) des Roumains du XIème – XIIème siècle après J.C.; Niveau no. 8: habitat médiéval (XIIIème – XVème siècles) avec quatre phases d’habitat; Niveau no. 9: Nécropole d’inhumation de rite chrétien, XVIIIème – XIXème siècles.

Le site archéologique Dridu, “La Metereze”, est situé sur un éperon de terrasse sur la rive droite de la rivière Ialomitza, à la confluence avec la rivière Prahova, à environ 800 mètres nord-est du village Dridu et 5 km, sud-est du village Moldoveni; la terrasse élevée descend en pente qui n’est pas escarpé vers le sud et sud-ouest, et dans la partie nord, nord-est et est elle est limitée par des pentes escarpées jusqu’à 15 mètres. Cet éperon de terrasse a été, partiellement détérioré par les transformations physiques, suite aux travaux édilitaires ou agricoles modernes et contemporains comme: travaux pour l’extraction de l’argile utilisée par les habitants de la commune Dridu pour le crépi des maisons et plus tard on a décapé la partie la plus haute de l’éperon de la terrasse, à l’appui d’un bulldozer, en vue de boucher les fosses pour l’extraction de l’argile et le renforcement de la rive.

Comme résultat des observations stratigraphiques entreprises dans le cadre des sections et ensembles 1 Viorica Enăchiuc, Recherches archéologiques sur la Culture précéramique Dridu-Snagov, dans la “Revue d’Histoire”, Tome 34, no. 3, pp. 567-572, les Éditions de l’Académie R.S.R., Bucarest, 1981; IDEM, Recherches archéologiques de Dridu “La Metereze”, pendant les campagnes, 1979-1980, sur les Matériaux et les recherches archéologiques, les Éditions de l’Académie R.S.R., Bucarest, 1983.

Les recherches archéologiques, par des fouilles de sauvegarde, que j’ai entreprises, pendant 5 ans, ont surpris l’ensemble archéologique qui ont mis en valeur la superposition de 9 niveaux d’habitat avec plusieurs étapes, que nous allons énumérer du point de vue 61

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Carte 6.1 A: La culture Schela Cladovei, le dernière étape d’habitation gravetienne tardive dans la zone de “Portes de Fer” et d’Adam – Târgúor, Roumanie et les découvertes archéologique en Europe Occidentale (Star Carr et Stellmoor) et dans le Proche Orient (Nahal Oren, Jericho A, Shanidar et Karra Kamar); B: La culture Dridu – Snagov, Néolithique précéramique (Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie) et les découvertes archéologique des Néolithiques précéramique dans le Proche Orient

ovale avec un diamètre d’environ 3,5 – 3,40 mètres et orientation nord-est sud-ouest; le plancher réalisé en lœss doré foulé, plus foncé par rapport à la couleur de la couche d’où elle faisait partie avait incorporé près du côté sud, un crâne humain, sans mandibule inférieure, avec le regard orienté vers l’ouest, probablement vers l’entrée dans le logement. Au dessus le crâne on a déposé une lame en silex jaune grisâtre, avec double nervure médiane et retouches marginales (Planche 6.3, figure B,3), qui avait la même orientation avec le regard du crâne estouest.

archéologiques recherchés j’ai remarqué que le Niveau archéologique no. 1 (néolithique précéramique, la Culture Dridu – Snagov) représente la plus ancienne agglomération dans une couche de lœss sablonneux de couleur jaune doré qui était sédimenté au-dessus de la couche stérile avec concrétions calcaires, de couleur jaune grisâtre, qui constituait la base alluvionnaire de la terrasse élevée. Dans le niveau archéologique, le Néolithique précéramique, la Culture Dridu-Snagov on a découvert: un logement de surface, cinq tombeaux d’inhumation, chacun avec un seul squelette humain et une fosse rituelle, sous forme circulaire où on a surpris deux sacrifices humains.

Les caractéristiques anthropologiques2: méditerranéen gracile; sexe masculin; l’âge selon le grade d’abrasion dentaire et le grade de solidification des soutes crâniens: âge 37 ± 5 ans. Les analogies concernant les habitations du Néolithique précéramique, avec crâne humain incorporé dans le

DESCRIPTION DES ENSEMBLES ARCHEOLOGIQUES

2

Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia, l’Étude anthropologique sur les matériaux des squelettes provenant du Chantier archéologique Dridu, point “La Metereze”, Étude monographique, Chapitre IV, 1989, pp. 173 – 233.

Le logement de surface, fragmentaire, a été surpris dans la Section no. 6, les Boîtes 18 et 18-1 avec une profondeur d’1 mètre et 1,30 mètre; avait une forme 62

V. ENĂCHIUC: RITE ET RITUEL DU NEOLITHIQUE PRECERAMIQUE DANS LE CADRE DE LA NECROPOLE DE DRIDU (ROUMANIE)

plancher de l’habitation on été découvertes dans le Proche Orient à Jericho3.

anthropologiques4: caractères mixtes leptodolicho et euromorphe (zone de contacte); sexe masculin; taille corporelle 160 ± 5 cm.; âge 30 ± 5 ans.

La nécropole d’inhumation se trouve au nord-est de l’habitat, sur la partie élevée de l’éperon de la terrasse:

Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 4 a été découvert dans les Boîtes D-E de la Section no. 6, entre 8,50 – 9,50 mètres à une profondeur de 0,45 cm.; la fosse du tombeau a une forme légèrement semi-circulaire avec l’arche vers le sud-ouest; l’orientation du squelette était nord-ouest / sud-est et le regard des yeux était orienté vers nord-est. (Planche 6.2, fig. 4) Le défunt a été assis en décubitus latéral gauche avec les jambes pliées vers la gauche et la patte du pied droit autour de la cheville gauche; le bras gauche a été arraché et passé autour du bras droit et la paume a été placée sur la colonne vertébrale. Le bras droit a été plié à partir du coude vers la droite avec les doigts de la main éparpillés au-dessus desquels il y a une lame en silex, microlithique; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,2). Caractéristiques anthropologiques5: formes anciennes eury dolichomorphes, paléo européennes et la vague d’expansion lepto dolichomorphes de provenance méridionales: appartient à la zone de contacte de l’Europe centrale et du sud européen; sexe: masculin; taille corporelle 174 ± 5 cm.; âge: 20 ± 5 ans.

Le tombeau no. 1 a été découvert dans la Section no. 6, M. 17,75 – 19,25 à une profondeur de 0,53 m par rapport au niveau supérieur de l’éperon; le squelette avait l’orientation nord-est / sud-ouest et était assis sur le dos avec les jambes étendues avec rotation latérale gauche; entre le crâne et l’atlas et ensuite les vertèbres cervicales on a constaté une fracture de la colonne cervicale double, ce qui atteste une décapitation rituelle du défunt, selon laquelle le crâne a été placé auprès de la colonne avec le regard dirigé vers la gauche, vers nord-est; l’outil avec lequel probablement on a effectué la décapitation, un petit ciseau en granite de couleur brun rougeâtre (Planche 6.3, fig. A,1), a été placé perpendiculairement sur la région occipito-pariétale gauche, sur l’articulation, pour la fixation du crâne dans la position dans laquelle il a été découvert. Le squelette a l’orientation sud-ouest. On remarque aussi la fracture de l’humérus droit dans la troisième partie moyenne; les mains sont amenées devant le crâne ayant les paumes orientées vers l’intérieur; dans la zone du coude on a surpris le dépôt en tant qu’offrande de trois escargots. Planche 6.2, fig. 1a – 1b; caractéristiques anthropologiques: dolichomorphe, gracile; sexe masculin: taille corporelle 163 ± 5 cm.; âge 38 ± 10 ans.

La fosse circulaire rituelle no. 26 a été découvert dans la Section 3A et la Boîte no. 2 entre 3 – 4,80 mètres, à la profondeur de 1,80 – 2,40 mètres. Dans cet ensemble funéraire on a découvert deux squelettes humains qui appartiennent à un homme et à une femme. Probablement qu’il s’agit des sacrifices humains à l’égard du culte du Soleil, si on met sur le tapis la forme circulaire de la fosse et le rituel employé. Les squelettes avaient l’orientation nord-est / sud-ouest; le squelette no. 2 est assis en décubitus latéral gauche avec les bras pliés en avant et la jambe droite a été amenée avec le genou près des coudes des bras et le talon à l’endroit du bassin, en réalisant ainsi une position recroquevillée; la jambe gauche a été arrachée et déposée au-dessus du crâne; le regard était orienté vers le sud-est; le squelette no. 1 a été assis en décubitus dorsal avec la jambe gauche passée autour de la jambe droite du squelette no. 2 et le fémur droit lui a été amputé à partir de la mi-jambe; le bras droit a été plié du coude avec la paume jusqu’au niveau des yeux, le regard lui étant dirigé vers la droite, dans la direction nord-ouest; devant le défunt on a découvert un fragment d’une mandibule droite, passée par le feu, appartenant à la variété Canis Familiaris, et entre le bras droit et le thorax on a découvert encore aussi d’autre os d’animaux: un métatarse gauche et un humérus droit appartenant à la variété Ovis Aries; un tibia gauche fragmentaire, diaphysaire d’Ovis – Capra; un fémur fragmentaire de Bos Taurus et un calcanéum gauche de Sus Scrofa; entre les crânes des deux squelettes humains assis dos à dos on a découvert une mandibule droite à partir de Canis Familiaris, une omoplate gauche, une vertèbre du thorax et nombreux fragments des côtes de la variété OvisCapra; une mandibule droite depuis les ovins caprins et un fragment depuis la base crânienne mètres avec la

Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 2 a été découvert dans la Boîte C de la Section no. 6 entre 8 – 8,40 mètres à une profondeur de 0,50 m; le squelette humain a l’orientation ouest nord-est / sud-est; la forme du fossé est légèrement semi-circulaire avec la partie sud-ouest droite Planche 6.2, fig. 2. Le défunt a été placé en décubitus; légèrement latéral droite, avec la main droite étendue auprès du corps et retournée, ayant les doigts de la main accrochés par le fémur de la jambe gauche qui avait été soulevée à proximité du bassin vers la droite; la jambe droite a le genou légèrement plié vers la droite; le bras gauche est plié en angle droit, par-dessus l’abdomen, ayant les phalanges accrochés sous la main droite. La tête a été détachée du tronc, et la vertèbre disloquée a été placée conjointement, au-dessus l’épaule. Ensuite, la tête a été positionnée près de la colonne vertébrale avec le regard orienté vers sud-est; sur la clavicule de l’épaule droite on a découvert un grattoire sur éclat de silex microlitique (Planche 6.2, fig. A,3). Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 3 a été découvert dans les Boîtes C – D de la Section no. 6, à une profondeur de 0,60 mètres; la fosse du tombeau a une forme presque circulaire avec la partie droite orientée vers le nord-est; l’orientation du squelette était ouest-nord-ouest / sud-est; le défunt a été assis en décubitus latéral gauche, avec les jambes légèrement accroupies et les bras amenés vers le stern. Le regard était orienté vers nord / nord-est; n’avait pas d’inventaire Planche 6.2, fig. 3; caractéristiques

4 3

5

Kathleen Kenyon, Digging up Jericho, London, Pl. 20 – 23.

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Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia, Op. cit., 1989. Ibidem.

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a

b

Figures 1a et 1b – Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 1 avec une décaptation rituelle du défunt

Figure 2 – Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 2 avec une décaptation rituelle du défunt

Figure 3 – Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 3

Figure 4 – Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 4

Figure 5 – Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 31

Figure 6 – La fosse circulaire ritualle no. 26

Planche 6.2 Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie; Néolithique précéramique (d’après Viorica Enăchiuc, Recherches arhéologiques de Dridu le point “La Metereze”. Étude monographiques, 1989 Bucarest) : figures 1-6 64

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partie occipitale d’un exemplaire de Bos Taurus et aux pieds des deux squelettes on a découvert un squelette entier d’Ovi – Capra d’où on a récupéré les vertèbres et les mandibules6. Planche 6.2, fig. 6.

profondeur 0,70 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,9); éclat avec retouches dans la partie supérieure, silex; dimensions: L. 28 mm., LA. 24 mm., G. 8 mm.; Section no. 23, profondeur 0,75 m.; pointe de main, silex grisâtre; dimensions: L. 58 mm., LA. 52 mm., G. 4 – 15 mm.; (Planche 6.3, fig. B,4); Pointe de flèche, os, dimensions: L. 25 mm., LA. 7,5 mm., G. 5 mm.; Section no. 2, profondeur 0,90 m. (Planche 6.3, fig. A,4); patte humaine, jambe gauche, pierre, de couleur brun rougeâtre, polissage; dimensions: Hauteur de 22,2 mm., LA. 32 mm., G. 12 mm.; (Planche 6.3, fig. B,5).

Les caractéristiques anthropologiques7: le Squelette no. 1, eury morphe; sexe: masculin; taille corporelle: 164 ± 5 cm.; âge: 57 ± 5 ans; Squelette no. 2, eury morphe – brachycrâne, eury prosope; sexe: féminin; taille corporelle: 163 ± 5 cm.; âge: 41 ± 10 ans. Le tombeau d’inhumation no. 31 a été découvert dans la Boîte L de la Section no. 6 entre 6 – 9 mètres à une profondeur de 0,64 mètres. La fosse du tombeau a une forme semi circulaire avec l’arche vers le nord-est et le côté droit vers sud-ouest Planche 6.2, figure 5; le défunt a été placé en décubitus latéral droit avec les jambes légèrement pliées vers la gauche; le bras droit était plié depuis la zone du coude avec la paume au niveau des yeux et le bras gauche a été tendu jusqu’aux niveau des épaules et passé au-dessus du bras droit; l’orientation du squelette était nord-est / sud ouest. Les caractéristiques anthropologiques8 type méditerranéen gracile; sexe féminin; taille corporelle: 160 ± 5 cm.; âge: 43 ± 10 ans.

CONSIDERATIONS CONCERNANT LE PASSAGE DU MESOLITHIQUE FINAL AU NEOLITHIQUE PRECERAMIQUE SUR LE TERRITOIRE DE LA ROUMANIE La fin du Mésolithique et le début du Néolithique sur le territoire de la Roumanie a provoqué, dans la recherche, des hypothèses de la part des chercheurs étrangers et roumains. Ainsi, V.G. Childe a considéré que le passage d’une économie de chasse et de pêche à l’agriculture s’est produit dans les conditions de la fonte des glaciers et de l’échauffement du climat à la fin du pléistocène, évènement qui a déterminé la transformation des steppes et des toundras dans des forêts de zone tempérée et des prairies du sud de l’Asie Antérieure en déserts9. La preuve matérielle constituerait la découverte des lamelles de silex montées sur les côtes d’animaux, que Childe les considérait les premières faucilles, mésolithiques, mais ne laissent pas la possibilité d’entrevoir si elles étaient utilisées pour la récolte des plantes domestiques ou sauvages. La datation des découvertes d’Ierihon par la méthode C. 14 aux environs 7.000 avant J.C. ont déterminé le même auteur de croire que l’Ierihon est une des premières agglomérations de cultivateurs. En ce qui concerne, l’Europe, il soutenait que l’agriculture et les céréales cultivées seraient introduites ici par les paysans jardiniers arrivés du nord de l’Afrique, en Europe Occidentale, et d’autre part, par les populations qui sont montées tout au long du Danube jusqu’en Allemagne. À l’appui de cette idée on trouve comme argument, le fait que les ancêtres sauvages du blé ne se sont jamais développés au nord des Balkans10.

Dans la couche de lœss jaune doré, sablonneux qui appartient au Néolithique précéramique Dridu-Snagov on a découvert encore dans la partie élevée de l’éperon, dans le cadre de différentes sections, des outils en silex, marne, marbre; petit ciseau, silex jaune grisâtre; dimensions: L (Longueur) 31 mm., LA (Largeur) 21 mm., G. (Grosseur) 19 mm.; Passim.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,13); petit ciseau, marne, ù.L. 41 mm., LA. 32 mm. G. 10 – 12 mm., Section no. 26, M. 70, profondeur 0,70 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,10); fragment de ciseau, marbre; dimensions: L. 59 mm., LA. 44 mm., G. 15 mm., Section no. 6, Boîte K, mètres 15, profondeur 0,60 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. B,1); ciseau en marne; dimensions: L. 28 mm., LA. 19 mm. G. 15 mm.; Section no. 6, Boîte K, mètres 15, profondeur 0,60 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. B,2); lamelle à triple nervure médiane, silex jaune grisâtre; Passim (recherches de surface); (Planche 6.3, fig. A,11); dimensions: L 13 mm, LA. 21, G. 7.; lamelle à double nervure médiane, andésite, couleur brune – grisâtre; dimensions: L. 28 mm. LA. 16 mm., G. 7 mm.; Section no. 24, M. 95, profondeur 0,90 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,6); grattoir double, sur lamelle avec nervure médiane, silex jaune grisâtre; dimensions: L. 25 mm., LA. 15 mm., G. 4 mm.; Section no. 6, M. 15,50, profondeur de 0,65 m. (Planche 6.3, fig. A,5); grattoir sur éclat, silex jaune grisâtre; dimensions: L. 39 mm., LA. 17 mm., G. 7 mm.; Section no. 24, M. 75, profondeur 0,90 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,6); Grattoir sur lamelle à nervure médiane, silex jaune grisâtre avec des reflets rougeâtre; dimensions: L. 34 mm., LA. 24 mm., G. 6; Section 24, profondeur 0,90 m.; (Planche 6.3, fig. A,8); grattoir sur éclat avec retouches sur le coté droit, silex jaune grisâtre, dimensions: L. 31 mm., LA. 24 mm., G. 7 – 9 mm.; Section no. 24,

Les recherches ultérieures entreprises par Burchard Brenties, à Shanidar11 l’ont conduit à la conclusion que l’agriculture était pratiquée depuis le début du Xème millénaire avant J.C., simultanément avec l’élevage des animaux. Les uns des chercheurs roumains se sont ralliés à ces points de vue, notamment Vladimir Dumitrescu et Kurt Horedt, qui ont considéré que l’agriculture a été pratiquée, la première fois, sur le territoire de la Roumanie, par les portes paroles de la culture Starcevo – 9 V.G. Childe, À partir de la préhistoire jusqu’à l’histoire, les Éditions Scientifiques, Bucarest, 1967, p. 60. 10 Ibidem, p. 63. 11 Burchard Brentjes, Von Shanidar bis Akkad, Urania Verlag, Leipzig – Jena – Berlin, 1968, pp. 1 – 39.

6

L’identification des variétés a été réalisée par le paléontologue dr. Mircea Udrescu. 7 Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia, Op.cit., 1989. 8 Ibidem.

65

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Figure A: 1-13, outilage litique en silex, marne et granite

Figure B: 1-5, outilage litique en silex, marne et marbre

Figure C: 1-2, les reconstitutions physiques d’apres dues crânes de individus par les rechercheurs Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia, Bucarest – Roumanie Planche 6.3. Dridu le point “La Metereze”, Roumanie; Néolithique précéramique: figures A et B (d’après Viorica Enăchiuc Op. Cit., 1989); figure C (les reconstitutions physiques par les rechercheurs Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia) 66

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Criú, à partir de la moitié du VI millénaire avant J.C12. Selon l’opinion du prof. dr. Dumitru Berciu, le processus de l’apparition et de la diffusion sur le territoire de la Roumanie du mode de vie fondé sur la culture des plantes et l’élevage des animaux ne peut pas être considéré seulement comme une pénétration de l’extérieur, mais en se déroulant aussi sur le fonds local, mésolithique13. Les découvertes de la caverne “Chez Adam” Târgúor, (de Dobroudja) par les archéologues C. Rădulescu et P. Samson, mettent en évidence des outils à caractère micro mésolithique, dont certains outils présentent des actions de néolithisation, près des os de mouton domestique, Ovis Aries14. L’archéologue Vasile BoroneanĠ découvre dans la zone des “Portes de Fer”, un horizon culturel qu’il attribue à la Culture mésolithique “Schela Cladovei” (l’Echaffaudage de Cladova), où il a découvert les plus anciennes serfouettes en corne d’os qu’il les met en liaison avec les premiers débuts de la culture des céréales15. Pourtant, Vladimir Dumitrescu et Homer L. Thomas considèrent qu’il n’y a pas assez de preuves pour soutenir l’existence du Néolithique précéramique en Roumanie et Bulgarie et que pour l’instant on peut admettre le développement de l’horizon du néolithique précéramique du sud-est de l’Europe seulement en Tésalie et Yougoslavie16.

tardenoisiens ont vécu jusqu’à l’arrivée, ici, des porteurs de la culture Hamangia; – Bien que, certains chercheurs comme M. Escalon, Arnette Laming – Emperaire considèrent le mésolithique comme une phase terminale d’un épipaléolithique qui se néolithise (9000 – 7500 avant J.C.), Alexandru Păunescu soutient qu’il ne peut pas se prononcer si les communautés humaines tardenoasiennes ont commencé se néolithiser et passer de l’état des chasseurs – moissonneurs à celui de producteurs de nourriture par la culture des plantes et l’apprivoisement des animaux. Les résultats des recherches polinniques effectuées sur le territoire de la Roumanie, pour la période 60000 – 8000 avant J.C. mettent en évidence l’alternance de la végétation de forêt où le pin et l’épicéa ont un pourcentage élevé, caractéristique pour un climat frais (Nandru et Oahaba-Ponor du sud-est de la Transylvanie) la végétation ayant un caractère prononcé thermophile où se font remarqués l’aulne, l’hêtre, le chêne, l’orme, le tilleul, l’épicéa, etc. caractéristique pour le climat chaud (au sud-est de la Transylvanie – Le Pays d’Oaú et les Bains Herculanes) avec des interstades de steppe et sylvo steppe (dans les recherches de Vădastra, Cuina Turcului ou du sud-est de la Transylvanie et de la Moldavie18.

L’archéologue Alexandre Păunescu prend, à maintes reprises, en discussion, le problème de la fin du mésolithique et des débuts du néolithique précoce sur le territoire de la Roumanie, en publiant en 1984 une synthèse de ces recherches qui est fondée sur des déterminations concernant les preuves avec C 14 et analyses polinniques et présente les conclusions suivantes17:

Depuis le début de la période on distingue la présence des graminées, dont les quantités calculées en pour-cent augmentent ou diminuent, en fonction du climat, pour qu’à la fin de la période, simultanément avec la stabilisation du climat on constate l’augmentation de leur représentation calculée en pour-cent dans le cadre des plantes herbacées. On distingue aussi le fait que dans les recherches polinniques effectuées, dans le Pays Oaú pour la couche musterienne noté B 2y, datée dans l’interstade W1 – W2 on a pu séparé 0,3 % grains de 5 % graminées et dans la couche stérile de Cuina Turcului – Dubova posé entre les couches de culture épipaleolithique (8175 avant J.C.) et Starcevo Criú (la moitié du millénaire VI avant J.C.) l’existence de céréale a été certifiée.

– En faisant référence au développement du mésolithique sur le territoire de la Roumanie il soutient que, la Culture “Schela Cladovei” est la dernière étape d’habitation gravettienne tardive (8265 ± 100 – 7690 ± 90 avant J.C.) qui se développe dans la zone les Portes de Fer et appartient aux communautés de chasseurs, pêcheurs et moissonneurs. Les recherches entreprises par dr. Sergiu Haimovici précisent que les porteurs de la Culture Schela Cladovei avaient apprivoisé le chien.

Les résultats des recherches polinniques corroborées avec la découverte des serfouettes en corne de cerf des agglomérations de la culture Schela Cladovei (datée dans la période 8265 ± 100 – 7690 ± 90 avant J.C.) infirme au chercheur V.G. Childe conformément à laquelle les ancêtres sauvages des céréales ne se seraient pas développés au nord des Balkans et tant les préoccupations

– En Moldavie (à Măluúeni, Bereúti – La Colline Taberei et Ripiceni – Izvor) et en Dobroudja (à Gherghina) se développe pendant cette période le tardenoisien nordouest pontique aux influences des territoires voisins; il considère, qu’en Dobroudja, certains groupes 12

Vladimir Dumitrescu, Concernant la culture néolithique en Roumanie en SCIV 21, 2, 1970, pp. 187 – 200; Kurt Horedt, l’Histoire de la commune primitive, les Éditions pédagogiques, Bucarest, 1970, p. 95. 13 Dumitru Berciu, Les Aubes de l’Histoire dans les Carpates et le Danube, les Éditions Scientifiques, Bucarest, 1966, p. 64. 14 Ibidem, pp. 43 – 48. 15 Vasile BoroneanĠ, Recherches archéologiques sur la Culture Schela Cladovei de la Zone des “Portes de Fer”, en Dacie N.S., 1973, p. 5 – 25. 16 Vladimir Dumitrescu, concernant un récent essai de synthèse sur la chronologie préhistorique du Proche Orient, de la Méditerrané et de l’Europe, en SCIV 1, Tome 20, 1969, pp. 125 – 128. 17 Alexandru Păunescu, Chronologie du paléolithique et mésolithique en Roumanie, en SCIV 3, Tome 35, Bucarest, 1984, pp. 240 – 254.

18

Arlette Leroi – Gourhan, Cornelius N. Mateescu, Em. ProtopopescuPache, Contribution à l’étude du climat de la station de Vădastra du paléolithique supérieur à la fin du néolithique, en Bull de l’ASS. Française pour l’étude du Quaternaire, 1967, 4, p. 271 et suiv. et la planche III; Marin Cârciumaru, Oscillations du climat du pléistocène supérieur, en SCIV 2, 1973, pp. 195 – 200; H. Asvadurov, Maria Bitiri, P. Roman, Chronologie du paléolithique du Pays d’Oaú, en SCIV 21, 3, 1970, p. 369 et le Tableau no. 3; Viorica Enăchiuc, Agriculture et végétation sylvicole dans la commune primitive avec référence spéciale en Olténie et Banat, dans les Contributions des cadres de l’enseignement et des chercheurs d’histoire de MehedinĠi, Drobeta – Turnu Severin, 1974, pp. 1 – 5.

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agricoles que les céréales auraient été amenées sur le territoire de la Roumanie par des populations orientales dans leur migration vers l’ouest19.

dans la tombe no. 1 on a déposé comme offrande trois coquilles d’escargots. Le rituel d’inhumation est pratiqué en trois variantes:

Les agglomérations mésolithiques de la zone des “Portes de Fer”, de la Roumanie, qui constituent la dernière étape d’habitation gravettienne tardive, où on a découvert des serfouettes en corne de cerf et on a certifié l’apprivoisement du chien se sont développées parallèlement aux découvertes similaires de Asie Antérieure en Afganistan, dans la grotte Kara Kamar (C 14 – 8500 avant J.C.; en Levant, à Jericho, la phase A, et Nahal Oren (vers 8000 avant J.C.) en Angleterre à Star Carr (avant 7500 avant J.C.) et en Allemagne de Nord, à Stellmoor (avant 7000 avant J.C.).

a) Tombeaux d’inhumation avec décapitation rituelle du défunt – les tombes 1 – 2; b) Tombeaux d’inhumation dont les squelettes n’ont pas pratiqué le rituel de décapitation; c) La fosse circulaire avec des sacrifices humains; un homme et une femme assis dos à dos en position recroquevillée; les deux cadavres ont soufferts le déchiquetage des corps des sacrifiés.

Les découvertes archéologiques de Dridu – le point “La Metereze” amène de nouvelles preuves pour la certification du néolithique précéramique sur le territoire de la Roumanie (sud-est) “Culture Dridu – Snagov par une agglomération avec des logements de surface sous forme ovale (ayant les dimensions 3,5 – 3,4 m), l’organisation sur l’éperon élevé de la terrasse à proximité de l’habitat d’une nécropole d’inhumation, où on a découvert aussi une fosse circulaire avec des sacrifices humains; du niveau de culture du Néolithique précéramique et dans les ensembles archéologiques, les outils ont un caractère microlitique, étant exécutés en silex, marne, granite, marbre, et réalisés par l’incision et le polissage; dans la fosse rituelle circulaire on remarque le dépôt comme offrande d’un exemplaire entier d’Ovi Capra domestique et d’autres exemplaires domestiques: Canis familiaris, Ovis Aries, Bos Taurus et un os fragmentaire d’animal sauvage et un sanglier.

On rencontre le rituel de la décapitation des défunts en Europe20, avec des dépôts rituels de crânes; sans corps on les rencontre depuis le mésolithique à Ofnet en Bavière, où dans un niveau azilien on été découverts 33 crânes groupés 27 et 6 crânes en deux niches; dépôts rituels de crânes humains on été encore découverts à Kaufertsberg (3 crânes) et à Hohlestein; la présence de cimetières relativement étendus (Muge – Portugal), Hoëdic et Teviec (France) relève l’existence d’un réel culte des morts et d’une vie compliquée à la fin du mésolithique; certification dans la fosse rituelle, du Néolithique précéramique dans le cadre de la nécropole de Dridu “La Metereze” d’un exemplaire d’ovi – capra domestique et des fragments d’os qui appartiennent aux certains animaux domestiques démontrent que cet horizon se développe parallèlement avec l’horizon précéramique des régions du néolithique précéramique du Proche Orient21: les découvertes d’Irak – Jarmo, Shanidar, Coyönü Tepesi, Abu Hureya; en Iran – Belt Cave, Tepe Ganj Dareh; en Afganistan – à Aq Kupruk; et en Turquie – à Catal Hüyük, Hacilar, Mersin, à Levant – Jericho phase B.

Des habitats de surface avec le plancher en lœss foulé avec des dimensions plus petites (3,5 / 2 m) se rencontrent encore à partir du mésolithique, en Europe, à Tannstock en Würtemberg (où on a découvert environ 87 habitats) en Angleterre à Star Carr et au Danemark, à Duvensee, les dernières 2 découvertes certifient le revêtement des planchers avec écorce de bouleau en vue d’isoler le logement de l’humidité des marécages environnants; d’autres logements, sous forme carrée et coins arrondis, avec le plancher tapissé avec écorce de bouleau a été découvert à Aamosen (Seeland); habitats contemporains avec les découvertes de Dridu “La Metereze”, des logements avec des crânes incorporés dans le plancher de l’habitation ont été découverts à Jericho, phase B, dans le néolithique précéramique. Toutes les analogies mènent à la datation de l’habitat et de la nécropole de Dridu dans la période 7300 – 7200 avant J.C. pendant le néolithique précéramique.

Les recherches anthropologiques sur les squelettes découverts dans la nécropole de Dridu, le point “La Metereze” réalisées par les chercheurs Cantemir RiúcuĠia et Irina RiúcuĠia démontrent que les porteurs de la Culture Dridu – Snagov ont des caractéristiques de type dolichomorphe, gracile, méditerranéen gracile, des formes anciennes eury dolichomorphes paléo européennes et la vague d’expansion lepto- dolichomorphes de provenance méridionale dans la zone de contacte avec l’Europe Centrale et sud européenne; ce fait impose la conclusion que les membres de la communauté humaine de Dridu du Néolithique précéramique appartiennent à une population locale et non pas à une population arrivée du Proche Orient. Les anthropologues nous ont présenté aussi, à la conclusion des recherches deux reconstitutions physiques d’après les crânes des individus: le crâne humain

Les tombeaux d’inhumation contiennent chacun un seul squelette placé en position accroupie (les Tombeaux 2 – 4,31) sur le côté droit ou gauche, ou en décubitus latéral gauche et avec les jambes étendues (le Tombeau 1). L’inventaire des tombeaux est représenté par des outils microlithiques en silex, marne, granit, marbre, andésite et 19

20 I. Nestor, l’Histoire de la Société primitive, Université Bucarest, 1970. 21 Viorica Enăchiuc, le Développement des habitats du Néolithique précéramique sur le territoire de la Roumanie parallèlement avec les habitats de l’Asie Antérieure; le Congrès International d’Histoire de Vienne, 2003, Poster.

Viorica Enăchiuc, Op. cit., 1974, p. 4.

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incorporé dans le plancher de l’habitation (Planche 6.3, fig. C, 1) et le squelette no. 2 de la fosse rituelle circulaire; (Planche 6.3, fig. C, 2).

ENĂCHIUC, V. – Agriculture et végétation sylvicole dans la commune primitive avec référence spéciale en Oltenie et Banat, Roumanie, en les Contributions des cadres de l’enseignement et des chercheres d’histoire de MehedinĠi, Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Roumanie, p. 1 – 14.

Les preuves paléontologiques, archéologiques et anthropologiques démontrent que le Néolithique précéramique, la Culture Dridu – Snagov s’est développée sur le plan local conformément à la dernière étape de l’habitation tardigravettienne (la culture Schela Cladovei) et a contribué à la formation de la culture du néolithique précoce céramique (la Culture Hamangia identifiée sur le territoire de Dobroudja et l’est de la Munténie – Roumanie, à partir de l’an 6800 avant J.C.)22

ENĂCHIUC, V. (1989) – Recherches archéologiques de Dridu le point “La Metereze”. L’étude monographiques, Chapitres I – III, VI, p. 5 – 172; 253 – 263 et Planche I, Bucarest. ENĂCHIUC, V. (2003) – Développement des habitats Néolithique précéramique sur le territoire de la Roumanie, parallèlement avec les habitats de l’Asie Antérieure en Le Congrès International d’Histoire de Vienne, Poster.

Bibliographie

HORED, K. (1970) – Istoria comunei primitive (Histoire de la commune primitive), Les Éditions Didactique et Pédagogiques, Bucarest.

ASVADUROV, H., BITERI, M., ROMAN, P. (1970) – Cronologia paleoliticului în ğara Oaúului, Cronologie du paléolithique du Pays d’Oas, Roumanie, en SCIV 21, 3, 1970, p. 369 et Tableau no.3.

KENYON, K. – Digging up Jericho, London. LEROI-GOURHAN, A., MATEESCU, N.C., PROTOPOPESCU-PACHE, E. (1967) – Contribution à l’étude du climat de la station de Vădastra du paléolithique supérieur à la fin du néolithique, en Bull. De l’ASS Française pour l’étude du Quaternaire, 4, p. 271 et suiv. Et la planche III.

DUMITRU, D. (1966) – Zorile istoriei în CarpaĠi úi la Dunăre, Les Aubes de l’histoire dans les Carpates et le Danube, les Éditions Scientifiques, Bucarest. BORONEANğ, V. (1973) – Recherches archéologiques sur la Culture Schela Cladovei de la zone des “Portes de Fer”, en Dacie NS, Bucarest.

MELLAART, J. (1970) – Excavations at Hacilar I, Edinburgh.

BURCHARD, B. (1968) – Von Shanidar bis Akkad, Urania Verlag, Leipzig – Jena – Berlin.

NESTOR, I. (1970) – Istoria societăĠii primitive (Histoire de la Societé primitive), Université Bucarest.

CÂRCIUMARU, M. – OscilaĠiile climatului din pleistocenul superior Oscilations du climat de pléistocène supèrieur, en SCIV 2, Bucarest, pp. 195 – 200.

RISCUTIA, C. et RISCUTIA, I. (1989) – L’étude anthropologiques sur les matériaux des squelettes provenant du Chantier archéologiques Dridu, le point “la Metereze”, en Étude monographiques par Viorica Enăchiuc, Op.cit., Bucarest, Chapitre IV, p. 173 – 233.

CHILDE, V.G. (1967) – Á partir de la préhistoire jusqu’à l’histoire, les Éditions Scientifiques, Bucarest. DUMITRESCU, V. (1969) – Concernant un récent essai de synthèse sur la chronologie préhistorique du Proche Orient, de la Méditerrané et de l’Europe, en SCIV 1, Tom. 20, Bucarest, p. 125 – 128.

PĂUNESCU, A. (1984) – Cronologie du paléolithique et mésolithique en Roumanie, en SCIV 3, Tom. 35, Bucarest.

IDEM (1970) – Concernant la culture néolithique en Roumanie, en SCIV 2, Tom.21, Bucarest, p. 187 – 200.

22 Viorica Enăchiuc, Recherches archéologiques de Dridu le point “La Metreze”. Étude monographiques, Chapitres I – III, VI; pp. 5 – 172; 253 – 263; Planche I, 1989, Bucarest.

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THE GRAPHICS OF BILZINGSLEBEN: SOPHISTICATION AND SUBTLETY IN THE MIND OF HOMO ERECTUS* John FELIKS 32619 Dover St., Garden City, MI 48135, U.S.A. [email protected] Abstract: In 1988, Dietrich and Ursula Mania published images of unmistakably deliberate engravings on bone artifacts dated between 320,000-412,000 years BP, found near the village of Bilzingsleben in central Germany. Contrary to traditional notions of early peoples, Mania and Manias’ preliminary interpretations suggested that these markings implied the existence of advanced human traits, which included abstract thinking, language, and a “concept of the world.” In this presentation, I will demonstrate that the Bilzingsleben markings go well beyond these already stunning assertions, and document a very large number of graphic innovations and highly advanced intellectual traits in Homo erectus, innovations and traits that have long been regarded the exclusive domain of Homo sapiens. In fact, the artifacts contain so much information that, collectively, they constitute nothing less than a detailed and expansive map directly into the extraordinary mind of this early ancestor. I will demonstrate that the markings reflect graphic skills far more advanced than those of the average modern Homo sapiens. A new list of qualities, abilities, and innovations which must now be credited to Homo erectus, and which are directly indicated by the markings includes: abstract and numeric thinking; rhythmic thinking; ability to duplicate not only complex, but also, subtle motifs; iconic and abstract representation; exactly duplicated subtle angles; exactly duplicated measured lines; innovative artistic variation of motifs including compound construction, doubling, diminution, and augmentation; understanding of radial and fractal symmetries; impeccably referenced multiple adjacent angles; and absolute graphic precision by high standard and, practically, without error. Each of these will be demonstrated visually. Hence, the following advanced cognitive qualities may be quite easily assumed for the species Homo erectus by way of geometric analogy: interrelationship sensitivity and complex organizational skill; language; use of metaphor and hidden meaning; philosophy; mysticism or other “spiritual” perspectives; and a general ability to discern, appreciate, and create the most subtle nuance within any area of intellectual endeavor. Keywords: Cognitive Archaeology – Bilzingsleben – Bach – Linguistics – Cartography

the archaeological record not only over millions of years time but also over smaller periods, even tens of thousands of years time. This is simply not the case, for unlike in the easy-to-confirm sciences (e.g., biology, genetics, physics, etc.) which are characterized by a never-ending supply of material or subjects for real-time observation or testing, the study of early human cognition is characterized by an incredibly small amount of evidence with which to work and no real-time access whatsoever. This clearly makes the task of understanding early human cognition far more difficult a challenge than virtually any other science. However, when one looks at the evidence that is available from an interdisciplinary point of view it is seen to be quite far from suggesting a cognitive evolution of any kind. Although, it is still possible to move the continuously changing sliding scale of modern human cognition attainment farther and farther back in time, the evidence as it now stands does not support Darwin’s 1859 proclamation that each mental capability will be shown to have been necessarily acquired by “gradation” (Charles Darwin, The Origin of Species, 1859: 488).

INTRODUCTION1 It is a long-standing axiom of modern science that human intelligence evolved slowly over time and that our own species, Homo sapiens, is the obvious pinnacle of an evolutionary sequence. In this paper, however, I will provide unambiguous geometric evidence that the abovementioned axiom may be wrong on both counts. First, I propose that the engravings from Bilzingsleben, an Acheulian age Homo erectus site in central Germany (dated 320,000-412,000 years before the present) offer more than enough evidence to conclude that there has been no increase in the innate intelligence of Homo sapiens individuals over Homo erectus individuals despite a 200,000-300,000-year time span in which Homo sapiens could have accomplished this; and second, I propose that the real per capita pinnacle of human culture in degree, and the crucial point in time at which the modern intellectual condition was attained are each within the purview of Homo erectus. In effect, what I am proposing is that all individuals of the genus Homo use intelligence either to the degree they choose or the degree to which they are constitutionally capable; however, the intelligence of the genus as a whole never changes.

When studying the cognition of early peoples, dedication to preconceived artificial notions such as cognitive evolution can be powerfully limiting. For example, the engravings from Bilzingsleben have been available for 20 years now (since Mania and Mania 1988); but since they were always considered in the predetermined context of “Homo erectus the ape-man,” it was highly unlikely that they would ever be seen as having been engraved with a straight edge despite the exceptional straightness of the

It is almost unanimously accepted in the scientific community that what is called “cognitive evolution” (a gradual increase in human intelligence) is observable in 1 This paper is the first half of a two-part program which the author presented at the XVth UISPP Congress, September 7, 2006. The second half was Program #C80-06, ‘Phi in the Acheulian: Lower Palaeolithic intuition and the natural origins of analogy.’

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lines comprising them. If anything should humble modern Homo sapiens and cause us to question our presumed position as the pinnacle of evolution, it is the very real possibility that these straight edge-engraved artifacts, which are demonstrably profound, are neither a fluke nor even the work of genius but rather are reflective of Homo erectus intelligence in general. Based on the developed level of subtlety these artifacts exhibit, it is likely that they were influenced by traditions or ideas taught or passed down already for many generations. And certainly, if we apply modern psychological or sociological principles that all individuals are a product of their community in one way or another, then at the very least, we must see the engraved artifacts of Bilzingsleben as reflective of all Homo erectus people living at that particular time and in that particular region. It is only one step further, as explained in Part V, to compare physical and cultural similarities between the Homo erectus people of Bilzingsleben and their contemporaries living in other parts of the world in making these principles applicable to the species as a whole worldwide. In all, the real evidence is quite contrary to the preconceived notion of cognitive evolution that has given us a view of these ancestors as ape-men rather than as the remarkable innovators they actually were.

ARTIFACTS, and 350,000 YEARS BEFORE BACH) involve methods of approaching Lower Palaeolithic language. PART IV (TOWARD THE REALM OF IDEAS) relates to geometric means of accessing Lower Palaeolithic mathematics, philosophy and abstract thinking. The purpose of PART V (WHO WERE THE PEOPLE OF BILZINGSLEBEN?) is to place all of this extremely abstract material into the more accessible context of real people who were not unlike us although this contrasts the image promoted by popular science which discusses early peoples as being lesser-developed than ourselves. Since the human remains from Bilzingsleben are essentially the same as those of their 400,000 year-old contemporaries in Africa, China, and Indonesia (a fact that tends to be avoided in scientific literature), the cultural evidence of Bilzingsleben and elsewhere also supports a consolidated image of our ancestors worldwide as one interrelated group. Finally, PART VI (TWO SKETCHES FROM BILZINGSLEBEN) would certainly seem absurd to readers of modern science were it presented without first reassessing entirely the intelligence of Homo erectus people toward whom I am hoping, by this point, readers will have no difficulty whatsoever considering their capability for cartography.

INFLUENCES AND POSITION IN A LARGER SYSTEM

It is my hope in this paper to demonstrate that the people of Bilzingsleben, and other Lower Palaeolithic peoples dating as far back as 2 million years, were highly advanced intellectually, including mathematically and philosophically, long before we stepped into the picture, and that this is provable by way of basic geometry (Euclidean and fractal), trigonometry, representation, and linguistics. From this perspective, I suggest that the question of whether or not these peoples had language should no longer be asked. In fact, the buffer-zone notion that early peoples must have had some sort of “rudimentary” language should also be withdrawn because the evidence from Bilzingsleben alone unambiguously indicates cognition as highly developed as anything present in today’s modern world.

The theoretical aspects of this paper were inspired by and owe a great debt to the work of Mania and Mania, Bednarik, Gowlett, Mikiten, Dissanayake, Chomsky, Sacks, White, Capra, and others. And while its use in archaeology may seem at first unwarranted, many ideas regarding the Bilzingsleben graphics were drawn from knowledge regarding the musical style of J.S. Bach, especially Bach’s use of extra-musical effects linked with his little-known mystical/philosophic interests (Feliks 1992, 1993, 1994). Indebtedness to Plato will also be readily apparent throughout. The 3D map section requires additional explanation, as its influences, apart from the fractal aspects, were quite different from those of the other sections. They included studies of Sumerian, Minoan, Medieval and Renaissance maps (primarily 3D picture maps), and the geometries of megalithic sites. The earliest maps are sometimes referred to in the literature as “attempts” at cartography. However, what I am proposing as the Bilzingsleben map, at 320,000-412,000 years old, is far from timid. In fact, it exudes a seasoned confidence and style, with a quality and accuracy uncommon even in many Discovery Age maps. It certainly equals the precision and style of the famed Catal Huyuk town plan of 6200 B.C. (created about 3000 years before the first cuneiform script). The map section contains only a small portion of the author’s systematic work on the layout of Bilzingsleben especially as it relates to Bilzingsleben Artifact 6.

PRESENTATION OF MATERIAL The thesis will proceed entirely by way of its figures which are basically consolidations of the original slides and thumbnails handout presented at the Congress. The entire program was conceived as only a visual thesis rather than thesis paper. The idea was essentially to allow the Bilzingsleben engravings to speak for themselves visually by merely drawing attention to their geometric qualities. (The studies offered here represent only a portion of those that were produced for the program.) Since the figures are for the most part self-contained, from this point onward, one may go directly to the figures (Figs. 7.1-7.16, in any order) or read the following explanatory sections.

It is through conclusions reached by a 15-year study and confidence in the work of the above-mentioned researchers, as well as such as Oakley and Marshack, that

Overview: PARTS I, II, & III (STRAIGHT EDGE THEORY, THE EARLIEST MOTIF DUPLICATED ON TWO SEPARATE 72

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not my intention to create an impression of early peoples as being any more focused on mathematics as anything else. Rather, I am attempting to prove by way of testable mathematical and linguistic capabilities that early peoples were just as diverse as we are today and with as many different abilities and interests.

I decided to approach the matter of early human cognition from the top down rather than the traditional bottom up. I worked from the principle that once any single profoundly advanced capability is proven, no matter how unlikely it may seem at first (e.g., use of a straight edge), that we can safely assume every other modern cognitive ability to have also been present. To my surprise, this approach required no downward movement of any kind. This is part of what led to a system of study based in large part on fractals. It is a system which I regard as fully capable of translating the “core ideas” of Lower and Middle Palaeolithic peoples. In this fractal system, individual facts work as complete concepts rather than in the traditional way like mere letters of an alphabet. This is a very economical use of facts and enables access to complex Palaeolithic ideas which would traditionally be deemed inaccessible without text or representational images.

PART I STRAIGHT EDGE THEORY: BEGINNING ACCESS TO A LOWER PALAEOLITHIC LANGUAGE The groundwork for straight edge theory was laid out in a prior publication (Feliks 2006). The visual data offered in the original paper and this new paper is straightforward, confirmable by direct observation, and testable on the page by anyone. It clearly indicates that the engravers of the Bilzingsleben artifacts used a straight edge to facilitate creation of the many subtle radial patterns and parallels featuring perfectly straight lines. The proposal is demonstrated in this paper by direct comparison of the Bilzingsleben engraved motifs with modern standardincrement rulers, the proposed Bilzingsleben rib-bone “ratio ruler,” and by superimpositions of duplicated radial motifs.

DISCLAIMERS AND NOMENCLATURE Except for in the Bach section as noted below, all geometric studies are of the utmost accuracy and exactly as stated. The angles — measured with the protractor seen in Figures 7.5 and 7.9 — are also exactly as stated and refer to the superimposed lines. Any deviations, e.g., the rounding of angles, are usually within one-half a degree. In all cases, the tolerances applied are clearly visible. It should be noted, however, that Mania and Mania’s original drawings were not made with such meticulous studies in mind, so qualities of the actual artifacts may vary slightly.

The idea that Homo erectus could have used a straight edge had never been considered in science for one simple reason: the necessity of retaining in the evolutionary paradigm an assumed ‘cognitive half-way-there zone’ between early ape-like creatures such as Ardipithecus and modern Homo sapiens. Accepting this assumption as a central axiom, the scientific community in general has long been pre-convinced that Homo erectus was unable even to speak let alone create engravings of a quality level suggesting the work of modern draftspersons or technical designers. Prior to publication of Mania and Mania’s 1988 paper, Deliberate engravings on bone artifacts of Homo erectus, it was considered by most in archaeology that markings on Lower and Middle Palaeolithic bone artifacts were likely a by-product of nothing more intentional than scraping the bones for meat. Not surprisingly, and due to universal acceptance of the paradigm, publication of the images did not result in an immediate reversal of opinion, either. In fact, so engrained has the “ape-man” perspective of Homo erectus been that the idea has budged very little even two decades after Mania and Mania published the engravings. The most profound effect seems to be that of a debated name change for the Bilzingsleben hominids from Homo erectus to Homo heidelbergensis. H. heidelbergensis serves as a mere buffer-zone species between H. erectus and H. sapiens and is regarded arbitrary by some researchers. Still, even if the name heidelbergensis were adopted, the switch would be a moot choice of association as the straight edge studies point to a level of technology not even attributed to Homo sapiens until 350,000 years later.

Minor adjustments were made in the Bach section involving the spacing of vertical lines. These were tempered so as to make for easier viewing of the interpretations offered. It is important to emphasize that the topic of this paper is early human cognition and not biological evolution. However, the more completely I studied the Bilzingsleben engravings the more I realized that their cognitive implications did not at all align with the standard picture of Homo erectus long-promoted by the scientific community. Since it became increasingly clear that the inhabitants of Bilzingsleben were not “half-waythere” intellectually, it stood to reason that they may also not be intellectually different from other Lower Palaeolithic peoples living at the same time. Therefore, I will generalize by referring to all Lower Palaeolithic peoples as a single group, namely Homo erectus, rather than specify whether or not certain researchers regard local populations as erectus, ergaster, heidelbergensis, etc. I will explain this position further in Parts I and V. To be clear, this paper is about Lower Palaeolithic cognition regardless of the species involved. Finally, I wish to say that my background is in the arts, not mathematics, and that my approach to mathematics is by choice artistic and poetic. And even though I am using mathematics as the primary structure of this paper, it is

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Fig. 7.1. Straight edge theory: Artifacts 1–3. Note: The Artifacts 1–6 numbering system is from Mania and Mania 2005. Rulers were superimposed by J. Feliks. (a & c) Detail, Artifact 1 engravings cropped from photograph by R. Bednarik 1997. Used with permission. Artifact 1 is the tibia bone of a straight-tusked elephant. (b) Artifact 1 after Mania and Mania 1988. (d) Artifact 2, the rib bone of a large mammal, after Mania and Mania 1988. (e) Detail, Artifact 2 engravings showing duplicated 3-part compound motifs, cropped from photograph by Mania and Mania 1988. Used with permission. (f) Artifact 3 after Mania and Mania 1988. (g) Close-up, double-engraved lines of Artifact 3

motifs is unmistakably clear evidence not only for language but for highly-evolved language and mathematical abilities. The link is the concept of analogy at two levels.

At the basic level, the straight edge in and of itself is a profoundly simple analogical invention easily associated with language because a line engraved with the aid of a straight edge is directly symbolic of the straight edge

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Fig. 7.2. Straight edge theory, Artifacts 3–6. (a) Detail, Artifact 3, highlighting an unambiguously straight engraved angle tapered at less than 2° and comparable to modern standards of quality. Photograph by Mania and Mania 1988. Used with permission. (b) Artifact 4, a flat piece of bone, after Mania and Mania 1988. (c) Detail, Artifact 4 photograph, Mania and Mania 1988. (d) Extreme close-up, Artifact 4 photograph. Mania and Mania 1988. Used with permission. (e) Artifact 5. Bednarik 1995. Certainly, straight lines engraved on a slab of stone cannot be explained away as survival behavior. Used with permission. (f) Artifact 6. This work represents either simple musings by someone fascinated with straight lines and trig angles or a highly purposeful arrangement. (g) Engravings from Artifact 6 isolated—highlighting presence of the special trig angles 30, 45, 60, 90; parallels, diagonals, perpendiculars, and planes—all within ±3° deviation. Apart from a few slight curves, the draftsmanship consists entirely of straight lines likely drawn with an edge. “Non-obvious parallel etchings” were bolded and color-coded

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Fig. 7.3. Proposed early straight edge. (a) Artifact 2 compared with a modern ruler. (b) Proposed early straight edge in use. (Artifact 2 after Mania and Mania 1988, Artifact 1 drawing after photograph by R. Bednarik 1997.)

Fig. 7.4. Straight edge theory and the “Realm of Ideas.” (a) Proportional line compression of “two” fan motifs as though from different locations along the length of a “single” fan motif. Referring to Plato’s “realm of ideas” or “theory of forms,” the two motifs in Artifact 1 suggest an awareness of the fan shape or radial image in a way that transcends simple observation of the physical world or as writers such as Morris (1962) or Gowlett (1984) might refer to as a “mental template.” (b) Compression-expansion and one means by which radial measurement (or ratio measurement as in the Part 2 paper) can be a geometric equivalent of analogy (Artifact 1 drawing after photograph by Bednarik 1997, Detail Artifact 1 cropped from photograph by R. Bednarik 1997. Used with permission.)

or that one idea can be compared with another. Any analogy based on radial symmetry can be instantly applied to philosophical or mathematical ideas; e.g., Fig. 7.4a & b, “The Realm of Ideas,” where one portion of a radial motif can be readily compared with another portion because angles remain the same at any magnification or distance; Fig. 7.9, “Fractal Angle Symmetry,” where duplicated angles may branch off of base angles; and Figs. 7.11–7.14, where small motifs can be used to imply association with larger or even infinite motifs. Regardless of how unlikely these claims may seem under the old paradigm view of Homo erectus, use of a straight edge to create radial motifs demonstrates that Homo erectus

itself, being a “representation” of the edge. This clearly indicates that Homo erectus understood the association between a physical object and a graphic representation of a particular quality of that object, i.e. its straightness. It is analogous in language to a spoken word or graphic symbol being used to represent an object, a person, or an idea. On a more complex and genuinely unlimited level both philosophically and mathematically, a central thesis of this paper is that multiple straight edge-engraved lines forming “radial motifs” is a confirmation that the people of Bilzingsleben fully understood the concept of analogy 76

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be applied to any other knowledge. This development was not a biological or evolutionary effect brought about by simple expansion or reconfiguration of the physical brain as is commonly taught in anthropology but was the result of what is better described as a “discovery” or “cognitive realization.” (These ideas are not the least bit esoteric because discovery and realization are two ways the brain functions in all creatures that possess a brain.).

people not only fully understood what they were doing but were also fully determined and committed to the process of engraving similar motifs at a very high level of quality. The focus is on analogy because attainment of analogy was crucial in the development of modern human cognition as it is the means by which any knowledge may

Fig. 7.5. The earliest motif duplicated on two separate artifacts. Part 1. (a) The motifs in context with other syntactic variables. (b) Photographs. (c) Observation 1: The motifs are the same size. (d) Observation 2: The motifs share “identical” outer angles. (e) Observation 3: The motifs share identical “inner” angles. (f) Observation 4: The motifs share many other identical angles. Beyond the angles detailed in this paper, there are at least 5 more near identical angles and more than 10 other angles that are within one degree of each other. The difference with these additional angles is that they do not share the same radial points 77

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opposites. Specifically, the motif on Artifact 3 radiates from the end corner of the artifact, whereas the motif on Artifact 1 radiates from the center. Since the motifs are otherwise alike, this indicates deliberation of design independent from the medium, i.e. the motifs were not mere responses to the shapes of their mediums.

However we choose to understand its appearance in human history, the evidence from Bilzingsleben overwhelmingly indicates that analogy and all of its accompanying benefits were in full swing at least 400,000 years ago. Finally, apart from the obvious uses of a straight edge with increments for standard measurement as demonstrated in Figure 7.3, the Bilzingsleben engravings can also be used to measure ratios at any distance, and then immediately translate these observations into scaled reductions with radial accuracy in a manner similar to how an architect or cartographer might use a triangular scale or transit. This has already been tested in regards to the map theory of Figure 7.16.

The similarity between these two motifs is so great as to suggest the possibility that one of them was being viewed as the other was being engraved. This would make one of the motifs either the earliest confirmed iconic representation or the earliest variation on a complex theme. It is possible that the same individual created both motifs. However, if different individuals created the motifs, then the only reasonable conclusion is that this represents communication occurring between two different people by way of a graphic symbol 320,000412,000 years ago. Further, if different individuals created the motifs and if each used a straight edge in the process, this would suggest that not only the motifs but also the subtle skill of straight edge use itself had cultural significance at Bilzingsleben. It would support the idea explained in the Conclusion that the nature of the Bilzingsleben graphics seems more in alignment with the intellectual environment of larger societies where, for instance, straight edge use is common than what would be expected in a more survival-oriented setting such as a base camp for hunter/gatherers. As distant as this comparison may seem from Homo erectus according to the standard paradigm, I suggest that most people alive today would not be able to reproduce either motif by memory including accuracy of line length and angle

PART II THE EARLIEST MOTIF DUPLICATED ON TWO SEPARATE ARTIFACTS As with straight edge theory, the groundwork for this section was also laid out in a prior publication (Feliks 2006). The studies which compare the two motifs by precise geometric means are visually self-explanatory; however, in the next two paragraphs I will relate a few essential points from the earlier publication that are equally important in understanding the motifs as ‘deliberately-duplicated’ complex symbols. Of utmost importance is that the positional contexts of the two motifs are quite different from each other, in fact,

Fig. 7.6. The earliest motif duplicated on two separate artifacts, Part 2. In each of these studies, the two smallest lines of Artifact 1 have been hidden so as to make the similarities readily visible. The effects demonstrated here remain the same with or without the two smaller lines. Even though graphics are usually laid out in two dimensions, they reflect the internal world of three-dimensional thinking. 3D studies offer access to the three-dimensional mind of Palaeolithic peoples. (a) Although the two motifs appear different on the surface, when they are compared via a Cartesian grid approach, they are each seen to account for “most” of the same points, merely by different means. (The effect of how things can appear quite different on the surface yet be quite alike on a fundamental level is easy to grasp when one compares a scallop shell, for instance, with an octopus. Although completely different in external appearance they are closely related internally, and are each classified as mollusks.) (b) Comparing and interpreting two lines (each labeled EF) as positioned on “separate planes” from the other lines in each set (collectively labeled ABCD and interpreted as defining two planes)

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Fig. 7.7. The earliest motif duplicated on two separate artifacts, Part 3. (a) The two motifs superimposed with the Artifact 1 motif flipped in reverse. (b) The two motifs, with all lines present, superimposed according to their standard orientation. One way to test the veracity of the duplicated motif theory is to find out if any modern persons could duplicate such precision as indicated here. Computers aside, I propose that even in modern times these two motifs could not be duplicated this accurately without a straight edge or protractor and reference to the other image or its outer angle and vertex

compared with modern analogues. For instance, expressed in the language of musical scale degrees, the ratio and its reverse translate perfectly into two quite playable six-tone scales (Feliks 2006). The sequence of lines read according to this ratio and translated into the musical terms known as “universal key” or “universal scale” becomes 1, #2, 3, #4, #5, 7, and, in the key of C, would be played as C D# E F# G# B. This is known as “Augmented Scale X” (Kadman 1995: Fig. 46). Reading the sequence from the opposite end of the artifact, the ratio would be 3:2:2:1:3 or 1, b3, 4, 5, b6, 7, which, in classical Indian music is known as “Raga Takka.” In C, that would be played as C Eb F G Ab B. Of course, knowledge such as this does not equate to the sound of a human voice but it is a starting point for understanding early spoken language.

(as exemplified in Figs. 7.5-7.7), especially if attempting to do so with the same materials and tools originally used by Homo erectus, namely, a few bones and a flint knife. Significance of The Earliest Motif Duplicated on Two Separate Artifacts: Duplicated motifs are the hallmark of language. Motifs duplicated with as high a degree of precision and subtle variation as those found at Bilzingsleben are likely indicative not only of language itself but of a highly-developed language. These observations are contrary not only to the idea of no language at all for Homo erectus but even with the now popular buffer-zone notion that Homo erectus may have had a form of “rudimentary” language.

Another comparison quantifies in musical terms Mania and Mania’s observation that the engravings are “rhythmic” (1988: 94–5). In point of fact, the ratios translate into “exact” rhythmic units. Ratio 3:1:2:2:3, for instance, equates precisely to dotted quarter, eighth, quarter, quarter, dotted quarter, eighth. Whether we interpret these engravings literally only as per visual space or audibly in time, the nature of Artifact 2 suggests that there already existed well-developed ideas of rhythm by the time of Bilzingsleben.

PART III 350,000 YEARS BEFORE BACH: PITCH, RHYTHM, AND SYNTAX IN HOMO ERECTUS LANGUAGE The studies in this section were inspired by Mania and Mania’s discovery of a mathematical ratio in Bilzingsleben Artifact 2. Although the studies make use of “musical measuring systems,” for the most part, they are not about music per se. Rather; they are a brief introduction to how various rules and techniques of musical composition may be applied to understanding the language abilities and mentality of early peoples.

BACH’S COMPOSITION TECHNIQUES AS INTERPRETATION AIDS FOR THE BILZINGSLEBEN ENGRAVINGS: Most of the ideas for this approach to Bilzingsleben are based on the author’s earlier extensive research into the musical style of J.S. Bach which included Bach’s “non-musical” influences and little-known non-musical techniques of composition (Feliks 1992, 1993, 1994). These techniques, both standard and non-standard, are applicable to

In their original observations, Mania and Mania noted that the engraved lines on Artifact 2 were a measurable sequence (60–20–40–40–60 mm) expressible in the ratio 3:1:2:2:3 (Mania and Mania 1988: 94). As it turns out, this ratio is remarkably transparent and can be readily 79

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Fig. 7.8. 350,000 years before Bach. Reading the mathematical ratios by way of universal key and rhythm standards. These studies were inspired by Mania and Mania’s 1988 discovery of a mathematical ratio in the Artifact 2 engravings, namely, 3:1:2:2:3. As explained in a prior paper (Feliks 2006), these ratios are applicable to the concepts of pitch, rhythm, and syntax in Palaeothic language. (a) Artifact 2 musical scales and rhythms, only a few examples. (b) Artifact 1 side-fan motif “line end ratios,” measuring the ratios by universal key and rhythm standards. Note: spacing of vertical lines in these studies was “tempered” for easier viewing. The tolerances applied are clearly visible and are used for this interpretation only; they are not suggested as the only interpretation. The deviations are within 2%, inconsequential by archaeological standards. Side-fan motif redrawn after photograph by R. Bednarik 1997

the Bilzingsleben engravings by means of geometric equivalents that are recognizable in the engravings. Although neither time nor space permit explaining each and every one or to point out where they may be represented in the artifacts, suffice it to say that the traits are visible in Figs. 7.2-7.14 & 7.16 of this paper and Figs. 8-11 and 16-18 of the Part 2 paper (Feliks 2008). The following paragraphs detail several of the musical techniques of Bach which are helpful in understanding the Bilzingsleben engravings.

Bach’s primary composition style is characterized by what is known as “counterpoint.” Briefly, counterpoint is a type of music in which two or more melodies are carefully constructed so as to be played simultaneously while abiding by rules of composition that can take a lifetime to master. A few examples of techniques used in counterpoint which have geometric equivalents in the Bilzingsleben engravings include: duplication of motifs (i.e. duplicating a series of notes), sequence (a pattern of notes repeating at higher or lower pitch), stretto (an

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THE MODAL SYSTEM AND HOW IT CAN SHED LIGHT ON BILZINGSLEBEN: The modal system in music is like syntax in language where changing the order of words changes the meaning, sometimes subtly, and sometimes dramatically, as in the following three variations (see Chomsky 1972 for in-depth study of similar effects): “You go there” (1-2-3), “Go there, you” (2-3-1), “There you go” (3-1-2). In the modal system of music, completely different moods are created by shifting positions of the half and whole steps in a scale sequence of notes. In the standard C major scale or do-re-mi—C D E F G A B C—for example, the distance between any two consecutive notes in terms of whole steps and half steps (C to D is a whole step, E to F is a half step) is whole-whole-half-whole-whole-whole-half. This exact sequence may also be thought of as “Ionian mode.” If we follow instead the sequence from D to D, i.e. D E F G A B C D, the sequence of whole and half steps becomes whole-half-whole-whole-whole-half-whole, otherwise known as “Dorian mode.” Dorian mode has an entirely different emotional feel and cognitive effect from that of Ionian mode even though it contains essentially the same elements. In Fig. 7.8 showing Artifact 2, the Indian scale Raga Takka is represented in the first mode, C Eb F G Ab B. If we were to duplicate the artifact only change the order of engraved lines to the second mode, Eb F G Ab B C, placing more emphasis on Eb than C, an entirely different mood would be created visually. In other words, whether or not the engravings are translated as audible sounds, a different arrangement of lines on Artifact 2 would certainly create an entirely different visual mood, and mood may be just as important a means of understanding our earliest ancestors as would be a few lines of written script.

echoed phrase beginning in overlap with another), diminution (shortening phrase length), augmentation (extending phrase length), retrograde (a phrase played backwards), inversion & mirror (up notes down/down notes up), contrary motion (melodies moving in different directions), and compound line (where one melodic line may be interpreted as two). Such techniques of counterpoint and other forms of musical composition as used by Bach are clearly recognizable in the engraved artifacts of Bilzingsleben. In addition to standard techniques of musical composition, Bach employed many “non-musical” techniques influenced by the mysticism of the Pythagoreans, Plato, etc., as well as other ancient techniques which may be regarded as artistic or poetic. As difficult to believe as it may seem at first, many of these non-musical techniques also have comparable geometric equivalents in the Bilzingsleben engravings. Since it is beyond the scope of this paper to detail the geometric equivalents of each of these techniques, suffice it to say that as far as Bach is concerned they included such as number symbolism (turning words and names, etc., into musical melodies through the use of numerology), acrostichon (writing sentences, etc., in such a way as to convey a second message if certain letters from each word are singled out and then re-combined to form new words), chiasmatism (using the Greek letter chi in various creative ways; in musical symbolism chi or X is known as Plato’s cross), and Figurenlehre (using sequences of musical notes to suggest specific human emotions, an idea inspired by techniques of rhetoric developed by Greek philosophers). Bach also wrote “puzzle canons” in which he presented one melody to be sung as a round with up to six separate voices, but withholding the critical information of exactly when the other voices were to enter. The famous portrait of Bach in which he is holding a readable musical score shows just such a puzzle canon creating the impression of a challenge to contemporaries and future generations. In fact, one of Bach’s puzzle canons was not solved for over 100 years.

SYNESTHESIA AND FRACTALS: Scale-like ratios such as present in Artifact 2 have the potential of visually communicating Palaeolithic ideas and emotions in a way similar to “hearing” scales after one learns the visual basics of music theory or notation. Related to this are synesthesia, where experience of one sense translates into the terms of another as exemplified by such as Feynman who saw colors in his physics equations (Feynman 2001; see also Sacks 1990, 2003), and what I have termed ‘cross-dimensional fractals’ (where a shape, pattern, or concept in one medium can be related to similar in entirely different mediums, such as a landscape being represented by a map; see also Eglash 1999 and Eglash et al. 2005 regarding scale models of African villages present as religious altars within the villages). These are all part of the normal analogical functioning of the human mind and are very useful tools for studying the engravings of Bilzingsleben. (See Harrod 2006 for a similar approach based in part on the work of abstract painter Vassily Kandinsky.)

The point I am attempting to make with these comparisons is that contrary to the traditional “err-on-theape-side” approach in archaeology, approaching the Bilzingsleben material with the expectation that there are deeper inherent meanings to be found increases the chance that such things, if they exist, can be found. It is the approach employed in this paper. For those who may automatically question the value of such an approach, let me add that except for being contrary to the paradigm of gradually-evolving mental abilities it is no less scientific to presuppose high intelligence in early peoples than it is to presuppose low intelligence. Presupposition of low intelligence is what has brought us the concept of apeman, which has effectively blocked our ability to understand these people on an intellectual level. Presupposition of high intelligence, on the other hand, opens up the entire world of Lower Palaeolithic mathematics and philosophy.

Significance of 350,000 years before Bach: Historically, the complexities of a culture’s language tend to be reflected in the arts, including the musical arts. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that a complex engraved motif such as that of Bilzingsleben Artifact 2 which can be interpreted in terms of pitch, rhythm, and syntax implies

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behind and beyond the artifacts themselves. This is possible because geometric extensions make accessible an invisible field of information outside of, but within the vicinity of, any given artifact. The extent of this field is more limited in some artifacts than in others, and the further out we go from various artifacts the more speculative the interpretations may be. However, depending on what specific information we are seeking, and despite what may be presumed, this is not necessarily the case, as suggested by Fig. 7.14, “Proof of association between an abstract point and infinity.” Depending on how the lines are organized, many interpretations of a surrounding field are perfectly safe.

an equally complex and sophisticated spoken language. As detailed in Part IV, Artifact 2 contains not only an immediately visible surface ratio in the form of a “fan motif” but also duplicated sub-motifs of an intricate fractal nature – a technique which is also found in the work of Bach – making it a composition capable of expressing on many levels (see also Chomsky 1972 regarding deep and surface structure in language). Special Note: The double meaning title of Part III was inspired by the fact that Bach himself lived within 20-30 kilometers of Bilzingsleben. PART IV TOWARD THE REALM OF IDEAS: RADIAL AND FRACTAL SYMMETRIES, INVISIBLE SHAPES

Once the invisible geometric qualities are discovered and mapped out one can then genuinely access the thoughts of individuals who lived hundreds of thousands or even millions of years ago but who took the time to engrave a few lines. As difficult to believe as it may seem a vast amount of information that extends well beyond

By employing extensions of engraved lines and points cognitive archaeology can access the geometric mind

Fig. 7.9. Fractal angle symmetry. (a) Definition of fractal, with natural world example: living fern scan (Feliks 1998). (b) Two views of Artifact 2 radial motif showing “Level 1” angles (upper image) consisting of submotif self-similar “Level 2” angles (lower image). Awareness of fractals is a geometric equivalent to awareness of analogy. (c) “Magnification of sub-motifs showing “Level 2” fractal angles in Artifact 2. Very notable is the engraved 3° angle. As with the 2° angle of Fig. 2a, a 3° angle is stunning by any standards. (d) “Level 1” and “Level 2” fractal angles in Artifact 2. These self-similar angles exhibit even more sophisticated variations than detailed here such as diminution and augmentation (Feliks 2008: Figures 8, 9, and 18). Most of the math regarding fractals has only been developed during the past 25 years. However, roots in ancient Africa are now known (e.g., Eglash 1999). Artifact 2 drawing after Mania and Mania 1988 82

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(“Euclidean”) and fractal sense. In fact, the Bilzingsleben graphics are so advanced in regard to fractals (see also the Part 2 paper, Phi in the Acheulian, Feliks 2008) as to suggest a long prior development. The repeated subtleties within the repeated composite line segments of Artifact 2, for instance (Figures 7.9 & 7.11), do not in any way give one a sense of spontaneity. Rather, these particular motifs display such high refinement as to suggest a long established Acheulian knowledge system. Consider this reasoning: If the Acheulian is regarded as a million years of static technology (the standard interpretation which has long been equated with static intelligence), one could in no way expect engravings at this level of complexity and subtlety to have simply popped in out of nowhere. However, if we pursue this line of thought further and try to account for the engravings by proposing the possibility that they were all the work of a single rare Lower Palaeolithic genius (in other words, a fluke rather than representative of the general population), then a case would necessarily have to be made that, with all things considered and all things relative, this hypothetical individual would have been far more intelligent than our own da Vinci and Einstein combined. The reason I have taken this point to such an extreme is to emphasize that the most likely explanation for the advanced qualities in the Bilzingsleben engravings is that they reflect the general level that Homo erectus intelligence and culture had already attained long prior to Bilzingsleben, extending perhaps another 1.5 million years into the past, i.e. to the beginnings of the Acheulian (e.g., Gowlett 1984, 1993).

Fig. 7.10. Numbering system for the radial motif of Artifact 2. Lines which do not participate in the radial motif are not focused upon in this particular series. If the two small engraved lines at the left side of Artifact 2 are needed, their points may be referred to as 18a, 18b, and 21a, 21b geometry and mathematical constructs is available that easily extends into the realms of philosophy by means of geometric equivalents or ‘cross-dimensional fractals.’ This is possible because all human cognition is based upon relationships between abstract points. Speaking only on the mathematical level, when the technique of extension is applied to Bilzingsleben, it becomes clear that Homo erectus had a developed awareness of geometry in both a standard sense

Significance of Toward the realm of ideas: As originally suggested by Mania and Mania in 1988, the people of

Fig. 7.11. Three-level, self-similarity fractal characterized by parallels in thirds. Interpreting components of the central double-motif as parallel rather than subtly radial, they are seen to perfectly echo the structure and basic angles of the entire artifact—whether rotated left or rotated right. Level 1 is the doubled composite motif. Level 2 is the motif duplicated three times in a row where it is seen to align perfectly with parallels 21-16, 3-8, 9-15 and 12-13. Level 3 is the double composite motif enlarged to the length of the entire artifact, at which point it is seen to still align with these very same parallels. While seeming like an inexplicable puzzle, it is simply more evidence of fractal mental structure in Homo erectus, the acceptance of which will be indispensable in understanding their language capabilities. It is notable that this interpretation works whether the motif is rotated to the left or rotated to the right. In Bach’s famous Art of the Fugue (his final work), Contrapunctus XII and XIII are known as “mirror fugues,” working equally well played forward or backward. Also, one of the mirrors is “upside-down,” while the other is a syntax inversion (see Part III). This same level of mathematical symmetry was also demonstrated by the radial motifs of Bilzingsleben Artifacts 1 & 3 (Fig. 7), that matched each other whether superimposed in standard positioning or as mirror images. (a) left rotation. (b) right rotation

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Fig. 7.12. Invisible shapes. All angle measurements are based on the original drawing by Mania and Mania 1988. (a) Radial motif of Artifact 2 pointing to invisible vertex, and defining a triangle. (b) Bottom edge of Artifact 2 divides the triangle into a smaller “fractal triangle” and a trapezoid. (c) The earliest completely abstract and measurable two-dimensional shape. (d) Excerpt from symmetric asymmetry studies. This one shows fractal extensions from the Artifact 2 central doubled motif, the same motif as in Fig. 11

Fig. 7.13. Proof of association between a complex graphic and an abstract point. Explanation: First, the primary engravings of Artifact 2 consist of repeating and varying composite fractal elements (see Figures 9, 11, and 14) which form a larger radial motif by way of self-similar fractal angles; this is what makes it a “complex” graphic. Second, the radial motif is traced backwards to an invisible point in space. This study suggests that the abstraction abilities necessary for complex language in which an arbitrary word stands for something which is not visually or audibly similar was already fully developed by the time of Bilzingsleben 400,000 years ago. Artifact 2 after Mania and Mania 1988

Bilzingsleben clearly had a “concept of the world.” At the time Mania and Mania suggested this, such a claim was about as far on the fringes as anyone in traditional archaeology would dare to go. It is my hope that these

detailed and intricate studies of the Bilzingsleben engravings will serve not only to confirm Mania and Mania’s claim but to go much further and demonstrate that the inhabitants of Bilzingsleben had a concept of the 84

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Fig. 7.14. Proof of association between an abstract point and infinity. As in the complex works of Bach, which have sometimes been described as hinting at infinite structures, the 3-part composite nature of the Artifact 2 engravings, likewise, suggest an infinite structure. Put in other terms, the fractal location of the artifact itself within the infinite radial motif is suggested by the middle segments of each 3-part composite line, which appear to have been conceived of as “breaks” in continuous radial lines, clearly “in-between” two directions of sight or thought. Conclusion: The inhabitants of Bilzingsleben were easily capable of abstract concepts at any level of complexity

2002). This similarity of appearance across such a wide geographic range effectively covers all four corners of the Lower Palaeolithic world.

world that was not at all limited in scope. The engravings of Bilzingsleben unmistakably demonstrate that by 320,000-412,000 years ago, Lower Palaeolithic peoples were already working with advanced “ideas.” They were not only focused on their day-to-day survival needs as traditional scientific portrayals tend to suggest.

Much more important, however, than physical and even genetic traits is the accumulating evidence for unifying symbolic and technological activities during the Lower Palaeolithic which includes similar stone tools and the shared technology of fire. Also, intricate bone engravings not unlike those from Bilzingsleben are known from other Lower and Middle Palaeolithic sites as well. On the level of what it actually means to be human, therefore, the presence of shared cultural traits must be considered far more important than physical appearance or genetics when it comes to either linking or distancing different human populations.

PART V WHO WERE THE PEOPLE OF BILZINGSLEBEN? WHAT FIRE USE AND OTHER TRAITS SAY ABOUT OUR LOWER PALAEOLITHIC ANCESTORS The site of Bilzingsleben has been variously dated to between 320,000 and 412,000 years old (Mania and Mania 2005). The inhabitants, therefore, were contemporaries of the Homo erectus people that lived in Zhoukoudian, China, between 300,000 and 400,000 years ago. Zhoukoudian Homo erectus is also known as “Peking Man” (Fig. 7.15). The inhabitants of Bilzingsleben were similar in appearance to those at Zhoukoudian (Vlþek 1978, 2002) so the skull reproduction of Fig. 7.15 may be regarded as a reasonable likeness of the people of Bilzingsleben. Not only do the Bilzingsleben and Zhoukoudian Homo erectus share physical similarities with each other but also with the Olduvai Hominid 9 Homo erectus, otherwise known as “Chellean Man,” who lived in Tanzania, Africa about 1.4 million years ago; as well as the Sangiran 17 Homo erectus who lived in Java, Indonesia about 1.7 million years ago (Vlþek 1978,

Most scholars agree that both Bilzingsleben and Zhoukoudian (not to mention many other Lower Palaeolithic sites such as Olorgesailie, Gadeb, Karari, Chesowanja, and Swartkrans, all in Africa; Yuanmou in China; L’Escale and Terra Amata in France; and Vértesszöllös in Hungary; as per Gowlett 1993: 56–7) contain abundant evidence of fire use. This is an extremely important observation when assessing the cognitive abilities and possible cultural affiliations of early peoples. The cognitive implications of the ability to create fire have been severely understated in palaeoanthropology which focuses on evolutionary distinctions and which, subsequently, necessitates finding these distinctions. Taking Gowlett’s lead, I suggest that there is

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To help drive home the idea that human intelligence does not evolve, consider the following which I believe most objective persons will intuitively grasp instantly as factual without requiring any proof or testing, in other words, as a genuine axiom: If any modern Homo sapiens who had no prior knowledge of how to artificially create fire were dropped by parachute into a remote area, he/she despite their modern status would not be able to create fire even if it were necessary in order to survive. Under real-world circumstances such as this and without the aid of a supportive culture bank to inform them, even the most intelligent modern Homo sapiens individual would prove no more intelligent than the average Homo erectus. For Homo erectus and Neanderthals to have devised how to create fire in more ways than one (safely assumed), therefore, is a profound accomplishment which has been downplayed far too long. Fig. 7.15. Who were the people of Bilzingsleben? Putting a face on the Lower Palaeolithic. In addition to their many shared cultural traits, the inhabitants of Bilzingsleben were similar in physical appearance to Homo erectus people living all over the Lower Palaeolithic world in Africa, China, and Indonesia as far back as 1.7 million years ago (Vlþek 1978, 2002). This is Homo erectus from Zhoukoudian, China, also known as “Peking Man.” Skull reconstruction by I. Tattersall and G.J. Sawyer. Photograph courtesy of David Brill

Significance of The people of Bilzingsleben There are two entirely unrelated schools of thought regarding early human cognitive ability and what it means to be “modern.” One is based on physical traits, and the other on symbolism or other aspects of human culture such as the use of fire. Physical anthropology, genetics, and neuroscience are telling us one story about what it means to be modern, namely, this means to be Homo sapiens; while evidence of Lower and Middle Palaeolithic symbolism is telling us a dramatically different story. The story of symbolism is far more convincing as it is based on human abilities recognizable by all people regardless of whether or not they have been specially trained. Knowledge of symbolism, fire use, etc., is what makes our shared cultural heritage accessible to everyone.

only one reason for this persistent de-emphasis. It is because what fire use actually says about the cognition of early peoples (Neanderthals included, by the way) is that they were “as intelligent” as modern humans. Our longheld belief that learning how to create fire is a sign of some transitional level of intelligence rather than completely modern intelligence is a by-product of the idea that human cognitive ability keeps evolving over time. And as Gowlett strongly hints at but does not quite say; if we accept any evidence whatsoever of higher intelligence during what are regarded as necessary-to-thetheory developmental periods then the whole idea of gradual cognitive evolution collapses entirely. This is, essentially, how Gowlett accounts for the “hostility” to evidence of early fire use by some archaeologists (Gowlett 1993: 57).

PART VI TWO SKETCHES FROM BILZINGSLEBEN: WHEN A MAP IS A 3D FRACTAL Representational images are all but unknown from the Lower Palaeolithic. It would therefore seem impossible that a “map” could exist, let alone a fractal drawing (engraving) in 3D perspective. However, such capabilities are well within range of peoples now seen as capable navigators (Bednarik 1997), cooperative builders of large free standing shelters (e.g., Terra Amata, Bilzingsleben), and the makers of composite tools, necklaces and figurines (Thieme 1997, 1999, 2005; Marshack 1997). Supported by the level of cognitive ability already demonstrated in the other 5 artifacts of Bilzingsleben, I suggest that the even more complex engraving of Artifact 6 displays an image serving both as an accurate and sophisticated 3D map and a 3D perspective drawing simultaneously, each aspect done with style and a developed sense of visual impact. The confidence-of-line demonstrated in this artifact suggests the artistic flair of a confident professional graphic designer, i.e. someone who has done this type of thing many times before. This is an observation that few would question were the designer not already known to be Homo erectus. Artifact 6 (the tarsal joint bone of an extinct straight-tusked elephant) was found just 10 meters

In reality, fire use is a cultural trait linking all Homo erectus populations from Africa, Europe, the Middle East and Asia by way of a shared cognitive similarity. It also crosses all human time boundaries as fire use is characteristic of Neanderthals and modern Homo sapiens as well. Therefore, based on fire use alone, it is difficult to see any cognitive evolution having taken place since the earliest campfires likely created from scratch (e.g., Chesowanja, Kenya, 1.5 million years ago) Abandoning the idea of gradually-evolving intelligence in the genus Homo (as the human culture traits of long-term fire use and complex graphics suggest we should) is the key to understanding our ancestors intellectually as peers rather than as subjects of observation.

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                                               Fig. 7.16. When a map is a 3D fractal. (a) Non-iconic interpretation of Artifact 6 demonstrates, at the very least, presence of the special trig angles 30, 45, 60, 90; parallels; diagonals; perpendiculars; and planes—all within ±3° deviation, and all likely drawn with the aid of a straight edge. Trig skills are important in surveying, mapmaking, navigation, and astronomy. (b) Seeing the planes as two tiers of a 3D map. If Artifact 6 is a map, it represents a remarkable solution by H. erectus to 3D problem. Note that the eye-line horizontal is parallel to the ground plane (as “given” by H. erectus in the lower horizontal registration notch labeled “6° Slope” in the lower right corner of the central square of Fig. 16a; parallel registration for the upper plane is visible both directly above the lower registration and to the upper left), theoretically locating the artist-cartographer in an elevated position, probably about 35 meters away from the northernmost “huts.” Ground-plane to eye-line-plane, ground-plane to observer elevation, and observer-to-huts, are measurable distances using techniques of trigonometry and a few basic assumptions. Notice other aspects of 3D perspective style including hut, ground, and angle references, depth increments (lower plane), occlusion (upper plane), and cardinal directions. (c) Comparing Artifact 6 (UPPER LEFT, Bednarik 1995) with angular views of the entire site from the shoreline south as in the original archaeological map by Mania and Mania 1988. BELOW: Site map angled to match the lower plane in Artifact 6. RIGHT: Site map angled to match the hut lines and demonstrate how the entire site is accounted for (including unanticipated nonrelief [unless the “6° Slope” and implied position of cartographer are considered] topographic features) in Artifact 6. (d) Comparing the upper plane of Artifact 6 with the two northernmost huts in the archaeological map. The map has been angled to resemble the plane suggested in the engraving. North orientation is preserved not only in the map, but in the artifact as well by way of its unambiguously engraved 90° corner. (e) LEFT: Life-size reconstruction of Bilzingsleben hut (after photo, Praehistoria Thuringica, September 2004). RIGHT: Detail from the Artifact 6 sketch perhaps by someone actually involved in the original hut’s construction, 400,000 years ago. (f) The two planes of Arfitact 6 brought to a single plane and lined up via the parallel left-right oblique “registration guides.” As a 2D map, the upper-left right angles of Artifact 6 are taken as NSEW. In the 3D interpretation, the “exactly parallel” doubled oblique registration guides are taken as NS. Remarkably, reading the artifact in this way still matches NSEW of Mania and Mania’s original archaeological map 

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scientifically-sound response is to simply acknowledge rather than resist its obviously intentional threedimensional nature.

north of the Bilzingsleben campsite proper (Mania and Mania 2005), a fact which brings its interpretation as a map of the very same site into immediate accessibility. In fact, the location of where the artifact was found at the site can even be plotted onto the central upper tier of the artifact’s proposed 3-dimensional representational image.

Significance of When a map is a 3D fractal: If Artifact 6 is what it appears to be then it is the least enigmatic of all the Bilzingsleben engravings. As such, it can also quite reasonably serve as a sort of “Rosetta Stone” between our preconceptions of what intelligence in early peoples may have entailed on one extreme and the obviously sophisticated yet highly enigmatic nature of the other five engraved artifacts on the other. Also, if Artifact 6 is indeed an accurate layout map of the site, then its twotiered system represents a remarkable solution by H. erectus to the problem of three-dimensional representation in cartography indicating extremely high intelligence. Most modern maps are abstract twodimensional fractals (scaled representations) of object relationships in three-dimensional space (i.e. the height dimension is usually excluded), thus allowing the mapmaker to focus entirely upon only two dimensions. This is infinitely simpler than what may be represented here because even in modern times, it is no easy task to express the crucial two-dimensional information accurately while simultaneously representing the third dimension.

As an objective courtesy, I include a plain angles study in “two” dimensions (Figure 7.16a) to demonstrate where we are going if we choose to interpret the engravings of Artifact 6 not as a map or representational drawing but rather as mere two-dimensional “scribbling.” From the perspective that Lower Palaeolithic peoples would not have been capable of representational drawing, this is as far backwards as I am willing to go in the nonrepresentational direction. Even this allegedly simpler 2D interpretation, however, still shows Artifact 6 to be one of the most sophisticated Palaeolithic artifacts yet known. In fact, given its 320,000-412,000 year-old date, the limitations of a supposedly “rudimentary” language, the medium of expression (bone), and the nature of available drafting implements (flint, bone, wood), it is as advanced as anything a modern technical designer would be capable of doing under similar circumstances. If there is one thing that I am certain of in studying the Bilzingsleben engravings it is that they consistently express qualities analogous to the music of Bach, i.e. multiple levels of meaning. This inclines me to think that Artifact 6 was intentionally laid out to represent several perspectives simultaneously: a 2D map reflecting the campsite layout in NSEW orientation (mentally ignoring the 3D components), an accurate two-tiered 3D map, and a 3D perspective drawing to give one a sense of place, all making it a ‘cross-dimensional fractal’ in a manner similar to Artifact 2, e.g., Fig. 7.14.

There is nothing at all absurd about the Bilzingsleben map proposition, wherever it may lead, or for whatever hard-to-believe capabilities it may imply. Science begins with objective observation and measurement. Apart from the studies offered in this paper, there already exist many other studies detailing the likely association between Artifact 6 and the layout of Bilzingsleben, all of which are based on openly testable evidence understandable by anyone. It is my belief that if the various archaeological maps produced by Mania and Mania over the past 20 years are accurate representations of the site, and if Artifact 6 is indeed from this very site in place and time, then there can be little doubt that Artifact 6 is a map or layout plan of the site in three dimensions. Finally, just in case the map interpretation proves not to be correct, it hardly seems to matter whether we regard this engraving as a three-dimensional map or a two-dimensional study in some basics of trigonometry; it all seems to be telling us the same thing, namely, that Homo erectus people were as intelligent and as capable as any peoples in modern historical times.

There is no advantage whatsoever in interpreting the Artifact 6 engravings as “only” two-dimensional. This is because one would then have to explain the engravings in overly complex two-dimensional terms which irresistibly pull one back into 3D anyway, at which point the mind naturally settles into a relaxed state. This claim can be immediately tested simply by looking at the engraving (Figure 7.16c) and forcing oneself to see it as twodimensional. I would compare the attempt to interpret 3D intentions as 2D to listening to a piece of music being played in a particular well-defined key (i.e. replete with tonic, sub-dominant, and dominant 7) while contrarily attempting to imagine it as though it were in a different key. In other words, certain chord combinations and progressions automatically “pull” the listener to a particular key. Could someone succeed in actually “hearing” the piece as though it were in a different key than what is obvious to everyone else? Certainly, and this kind of exercise (or technique, if one prefers) has many creative uses. However, for this type of resistance against a readily-apparent proposition in science, most traditionalists would quickly invoke Occam’s Razor—the idea that entities should not be multiplied beyond necessity. Since it takes a great deal of persistent effort to even imagine this drawing as two-dimensional, the most

CONCLUDING THOUGHTS About 20 years ago, Mania and Mania, the excavators of Bilzingsleben, suggested that the Homo erectus inhabitants of the site were capable of abstract thought and language and that they had a spiritual concept of the world. Although these claims may seem perfectly reasonable in light of the studies above, ideas such as these that suggest Homo sapiens-like qualities in early peoples are greatly resisted by mainstream science as they do not support the preconceived notion of gradual cognitive evolution. Homo erectus, as noted earlier, has

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Bilzingsleben engravings as well as those from other Lower Palaeolithic sites represent unequivocal proof that there has been no change whatsoever in human cognitive ability for at least 400,000 years and that a great deal of reflective thought was a characteristic trait of Acheulian culture. In the Part II paper, Phi, this idea is extended back even further to the beginnings of the Acheulian.

long played the central role of “half-way-there” link in the cognitive evolution paradigm. In this paper, I hope to have demonstrated by openly-testable empirical means not only that Mania and Mania’s interpretation of Bilzingsleben was correct from the beginning but that they actually understated it. The geometric and representational complexity of the engraved Bilzingsleben artifacts is not anything one would expect in a survival-level environment or even in the traditional notion of a prehistoric hunter/gatherer society. Instead, it suggests an advanced cultural setting highly-supportive of pursuits unrelated to questions of survival, one that seems better matched, in fact, to a much larger society. This is especially the case if one considers the evidence offered for duplicated motifs and mathematics as most cultures that have developed anything even remotely resembling a writing system or advanced mathematical system tend to be regarded as civilizations.

Once we move past the idea of gradual cognitive evolution, the entire world of Lower and Middle Palaeolithic mathematics, language and philosophy opens up for us to study and learn from. This process has only begun to occur during the past 20 years or so but it promises to be a much more interesting and diverse story than we ever anticipated. In the case of Homo erectus, it is a story that involves the longest surviving and most successful group of people ever to have lived on the earth, who they actually were, and what they were capable of. The evidence is beginning to show that not only have we severely underestimated these people, but that we have done so to the highest degree imaginable. Surely, it is time to accept them as our equals.

While Mania and Mania’s advanced hunter/gatherer interpretation of Bilzingsleben (e.g., Mania and Mania 2005) has been difficult enough for traditional archaeology to accept, it is not at all unreasonable to point out that in modern times such an unparalleled concentration of evidence within so small an area (about 35 meters in diameter) for precision graphics which are easily readable in philosophic, linguistic, or mathematical terms would be readily identified as an academic setting of some kind. Regardless of whether or not one accepts the “academic setting” interpretation, a social environment diverse enough to inspire innovative work at the level of the Bilzingsleben engravings would certainly have been one in which artistic and academic pursuits were encouraged and held in high regard, even at this early time, 400,000 years ago. Moreover, the high degree of sophistication and innovation reflected in the six artifacts discussed does not support the idea of this being a case of sudden or isolated creativity by a single, even highly-motivated, individual; rather, it points to the presence of a larger intellectual community where there has been an exchange of similar ideas between many individuals and even between many groups of individuals for quite some time.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank the following scholars for encouragement and/or contributions to my work during the past few years. In alphabetical order: Robert Bednarik, David Brill, Noam Chomsky, Ellen Dissanayake, James Harrod, Ekkehart Malotki, Adrienne Mayor, Steven Pinker, Oliver Sacks, Raymond Tallis, and Randall White. In addition, I wish to thank my family and friends, and others who have offered support and inspiration; but I especially wish to thank the 11 sponsors who made my presentations at the XVth UISPP Congress possible. About the author John Feliks is an anthropology theorist specializing in the study of early human cognition. His approach is based on a long-time background in the arts and techniques of geometry and design. His recent work involves understanding the linguistic and mathematical capabilities of Homo erectus through empirical geometric studies of engraved artifacts and stone tools.

If Bilzingsleben represents a typical Homo erectus hunter/gatherer campsite, it is clear that early human societies were far more inclusive than traditional baselevel survival interpretations have long implied. From this point of view, I suggest that “hunter/gatherer campsite” and “academic setting” are two equally important and integrated aspects of early human culture that likely developed in tandem from the very beginning rather than via the unnecessary standard scenario that organized hunters and gatherers came first followed by artists and philosophers a distant second hundreds of millennia later. This latter idea, of course, is based on the single-theory mindset which has dominated Western thought ever since Darwin, the idea that humanity gradually becomes more and more intelligent over hundreds of thousands of years time. In contrast, the

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PROYECTO LA PUNTILLA: INVESTIGACIONES SOBRE SOCIOLOGÍA DE LA CENTRALIZACIÓN COMUNITARIA EN EL VALLE DE NASCA (1ER MILENIO ANTES DE NUESTRA ERA) Giannina BARDALES Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Perú

Pedro V. CASTRO MARTÍNEZ Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Barcelona, España

Juan Carlos DE LA TORRE ZEVALLOS Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Barcelona, España

Nicolau ESCANILLA ARTIGAS Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Barcelona, España

Trinidad ESCORIZA MATEU Universidad de Almería, Almería, España

Maria Concepción GODOY ALLENDE University College London, Reino Unido

Bárbara LAPI Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Barcelona, España

Israel NAVARRO MAYOR Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Barcelona, España

Julio César ZAVALA VARGAS Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Perú La Puntilla Project: Investigations on sociology of centralization in communities of the valley of Nasca (1st millennium BC) Abstract: The project aims to produce sociological research on the communities living in the valley of Nasca in the 1st millennium BC. We are working in several sites in the area. The excavations have provided evidence about a singular building for centralised work, with two courtyards, and also domestic units that show the availability of the products manufactured in the central building of the settlement. This means, it will be possible to analyse production of social life and whether there was a dominant class controlling production or not. Keywords: Social Archaeology – Peru – Formative Period – Paracas – Nasca Resumée: Le projet a pour but une étude sociologique des communautés qui peuplaient la vallée de Nasca pendant le premier millénaire avant notre ère. Nous travaillons sur plusieurs sites de la région. Les fouilles ont mis en évidence un bâtiment singulier destinée à une activité centralisée, avec deux plateformes ainsi que des espaces domestiques où l’on trouve des objets fabriqués de la plateforme centrale de l’installation. Cela signifie qu’il nous sera possible d’analyser la production de la vie sociale, et s’il existait une classe dominante qui contrôlait la production. Mots Clef: Archeologie Sociale – Pérou – Période Formative – Paracas – Nasca

res e investigadoras de la Universidad de Almería, de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú y University College London. Gracias a la ayuda económica de la Dirección General de Bellas Artes del Ministerio de Cultura español, dentro del programa de Proyectos Arqueológicos en el Exterior, se han realizado los primeros trabajos de campo en el año 2005.

EL PROYECTO LA PUNTILLA: HACIA UNA SOCIOLOGÍA HISTÓRICA Nuestro equipo de investigación está llevando a cabo un proyecto arqueológico en la Costa Sur del Perú, encaminado a conocer como eran las comunidades del Ier Milenio antes de nuestra era. Concretamente estamos trabajando en el área arqueológica de La Puntilla, en la cuenca del río Nasca, dentro de la provincia de Nasca (departamento de Ica, Perú). El “Proyecto La Puntilla” se inició hace un año, con la formación de un equipo de investigación hispano-peruano formado por investigado-

La campaña de trabajos arqueológicos constituye el inicio de un programa de actuaciones orientadas a realizar 93

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Fig. 8.1. Mapa de localización del área arqueológica de La Puntilla (Nasca, Ica, Perú)

fin es establecer horizontes temporales que delimiten situaciones sociales específicas, para abordar las relaciones político-económicas (a nivel sincrónico) y para detectar las transformaciones sociales a lo largo del tiempo (a nivel diacrónico).

excavaciones sistemáticas en extensión. Nuestro objetivo final es la documentación de los espacios sociales de las comunidades del área de La Puntilla y, por lo tanto, nuestra metodología de excavaciones se centra en el registro de las áreas de actividad detectadas en conjuntos arqueológicos de génesis social localizados en los yacimientos excavados (Castro et al. 1999). No pretendemos, por tanto, una mera constatación de secuencias crono-culturales, a través de la elaboración de seriaciones de fósiles-directores, ni una aproximación a las singularidades y excepcionalidades de valor estético o artístico. Nuestros objetivos se enmarcan en formulaciones de una Arqueología Social centrada en el conocimiento de las prácticas sociales (Castro et al. 1996; 2002) y de la producción material de la vida social (Castro et al. 1998; 2002; Castro y Escoriza 2005) que permitió la reproducción de las condiciones de existencia de las mujeres y hombres de las comunidades de la Costa Sur del Perú a lo largo del 1er milenio antes de nuestra era.

2) Paleoclima y Paleoecología: Caracterización del territorio del área de La Puntilla, en clave de soporte físico de la vida social: condiciones paleoclimatológicas, ecología botánica y zoológica, recursos hídricos y minerales. El objetivo es establecer las condiciones de la base material para la existencia de las comunidades y la adecuación de los territorios a la reproducción de la vida social. 3) Mujeres y Hombres como Sujetos: Identificación de los sujetos sociales sexuados y de sus condiciones de vida, a partir de los estudios paleoantropológicos (osteológicos, genéticos, isotópicos), iconográficos (representaciones figurativas) y de las asociaciones funerarias (ajuares en tumbas). Esta línea implica un enfoque vinculado a la Arqueología Feminista (Escoriza 2004; 2005), de manera que se prioriza la determinación de la situación del colectivo femenino, como punto de partida para los análisis sociológicos, contemplando su imbricación en el conjunto de los colectivos sociales de las comunidades estudiadas.

Podemos resumir los objetivos del proyecto en las siguientes líneas de investigación: 1) Horizontes de sincronía: Demarcación cronométrica de las evidencias materiales de las comunidades de la región, sobre la base de series radiométricas analizadas según criterios arqueológicos (Castro y Micó 1995). El

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abordar: como vivían los grupos sociales, que formas económicas desarrollaron, que relaciones mantenían mujeres y hombres, con que sistema político se gobernaban y, en definitiva, como se establecían las relaciones entre los diferentes colectivos sociales y sexuales.

4) Producción y Tecnologías: Se abordan las condiciones técnicas en la producción de alimentos y en la producción de utillaje y otros artefactos. El estudio de la producción alimentaria y de las condiciones de subsistencia, en términos de tecnologías implementadas y de la gestión económico-política de la nutrición y la salud, se relacionan con las bases materiales de la calidad de vida de los distintos colectivos. Las tecnologías de fabricación de herramientas o de objetos singulares afectan a la organización y especialización económicas y a su papel en la eficiencia del trabajo social (Castro et al. 2005).

EL MARCO HISTÓRICO: LOS HORIZONTES DE PARACAS Y DE NASCA En la actualidad Nasca es una ciudad que da nombre a una provincia peruana, con amplia repercusión mediática gracias a los geoglifos, una serie de dibujos figurativos y geométricos de grandes dimensiones, que se trazaron en las pampas desérticas de la región, las llamadas “líneas de Nasca” (Aveni 1990; Lumbreras 2000). También ha dado nombre a un periodo de la secuencia histórico-cultural elaborada por la arqueología tradicional, la llamada “cultura Nasca” (Tello 1959), definida a partir de diversos estilos cerámicos que se encuentran en la región de la Costa Sur del Perú. Dicha “cultura” se ha vinculado a la etapa de “Desarrollos Regionales” del Perú (Lumbreras 1974), correspondiente al periodo “Intermedio Temprano” (Rowe 1962). En esos momentos las comunidades pasarían a depender de formas organizativas dependientes de una clase dominante que instituyó un estado en la región del valle de Nasca, cuyo centro político e ideológico creemos que debe situarse en el actual yacimiento de Cahuachi (Orefici 1996). Las “líneas de Nasca” también se asocian a este periodo. La cronología para esta etapa se inicia entorno al cambio de era (c. 100 cal ANE-600 cal DNE).

5) Prácticas Sociales: Determinación de las prácticas realizadas por los diferentes colectivos, tanto económicas como político-ideológicas (Castro et al. 1996; 2002). La especialización de lugares sociales o del trabajo de los distintos colectivos, tanto en la esfera económica como en la político-ideológica, permiten caracterizar las formas de la vida social. La singularización o recurrencia de las actividades o la demarcación de ámbitos sociales con prácticas diferenciadas sirven también de punto de partida para el reconocimiento de los colectivos sociales. 6) Lugares Sociales y Formas Urbanas: Definición de los espacios sociales, tanto al nivel de lugares de prácticas sociales como de las características de las comunidades, con especial énfasis en la caracterización de unidades domésticas (Castro et al. 2003a; 2006a) y en la identificación de núcleos urbanos y de la posible emergencia de situaciones de dualidad urbano-rural (Castro et al. 2003b). El patrón de asentamiento y la organización de los territorios sirven de marco para poder abordar los mecanismos político-sociales de relación entre colectivos.

La etapa anterior corresponde al llamado “Periodo Formativo” del Perú (Lumbreras 1974) u “Horizonte Temprano” (Rowe 1962), que se extiende entre los años 1000 y 100 antes de nuestra era. La arqueología tradicionalmente ha hablando de una “cultura Paracas” en la Costa Sur del Perú, a partir de las destacables producciones de vasijas cerámicas y tejidos halladas en sepulturas de la península de Paracas, localizada más al Norte (Tello 1959). Al mundo de Paracas se asocian una serie de estilos cerámicos, que se conocen a partir del nombre de Ocucaje, la localidad que sirvió para ordenar cronológicamente los estilos en fases sucesivas (Menzel et al. 1964), según criterios cronotipológicos que también han sustentado la reciente propuesta formulada para la estratigrafía de Jauranga en la provincia de Palpa (Isla et al. 2003), al Norte de Nasca.

7) Reciprocidad y Explotación: Reconocimiento de las relaciones entre colectivos en términos de la existencia o no de reciprocidad o de explotación, y de dominio o no entre grupos sexuales y sociales (Castro et al. 2003c). Se propone la medición de la disimetría o nivelación de las condiciones de reproducción social y de calidad de vida entre colectivos a partir de la comparación de indicadores de los beneficios sociales que alcanzan a cada grupo (nutrición, salud, calidad y habitabilidad de las viviendas, riqueza amortizada en las sepulturas, posesión de objetos singulares de alto coste, amortización de riqueza en sepulturas). 8) Política, Ideología y Estado: Estudio del funcionamiento y dinámica histórica de las estructuras políticas de gestión y control social, con la finalidad de determinar la presencia, emergencia o disolución de instituciones de dominio coercitivo de carácter especializado (Estado), y las políticas e ideologías desarrolladas por las comunidades previas, coetáneas o posteriores a la implantación estatal (Castro et al. 2006b).

Nuestro proyecto de investigación se centra en estos “periodos” en el valle de Nasca. Si bien la arqueología histórico-cultural ha presentado una sucesión ParacasNasca, son numerosas las dudas sobre la diacronía o sincronía de sus indicadores crono-tipológicos (estilos cerámicos fundamentalmente). Por ello, uno de los primeros objetivos es aclarar, mediante cronometrias radiométricas, la ubicación temporal de los yacimientos y conjuntos arqueológicos objeto de nuestras investigaciones, ante la constatación de la coexistencia de “fósiles-directores” presuntamente diacrónicos.

Por lo tanto, los trabajos de campo en el área de La Puntilla se encaminan a obtener datos que se pueden vincular a las cuestiones que nuestro grupo pretende

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evidenciar que en ellos se realizaron actividades económicas y que esas tareas tenían un carácter comunitario y centralizado. Así, se ha observado que los materiales destinados a trabajos artesanales entraban en la comunidad a través de ese edificio central y, allí mismo, se realizaban tareas de manufacturación (hilado de algodón, manufacturas de ornamentos, fabricación de herramientas de trabajo líticas y de puntas de obsidiana).

EVIDENCIAS SOBRE CENTRALIZACIÓN COMUNITARIA: LA CAMPAÑA DE EXCAVACIONES DE 2005 En la campaña de excavaciones arqueológicas de 2005 se han realizado trabajos de campo en dos yacimientos: La Puntilla-1 (LP1) y El Trigal (LP2) (Bardales et al. 2006). Ambos yacimientos ya habían sido localizados y estudiados en el marco de algunas prospecciones arqueológicas realizadas en los años 80 (Schreiber 1989); en concreto el primero de ellos también había sido objeto de excavaciones arqueológicas en el año 2001, a cargo de la Universidad de California-Santa Bárbara (De La Torre y Van Gijseghem 2005; De La Torre 2005). La información proporcionada por las excavaciones realizadas en la campaña del 2005 en La Puntilla-1 (LP1) ha permitido documentar la existencia de un asentamiento de larga perduración. Se trata de una ocupación en la cima y la ladera de un cerro, donde se constata el uso social en diversos horizontes temporales, desde el Ier milenio antes de nuestra era hasta los últimos momentos prehispánicos. Por lo tanto, este yacimiento nos ofrece información de los cambios a largo plazo que vivieron las comunidades de la zona y, sobre todo, qué ocurrió entre los siglos I antes de nuestra era y I de nuestra era, coincidiendo con la emergencia del estado de Cahuachi.

Además, se ha podido documentar como los grupos domésticos, cuyas unidades de habitación aparecen en las laderas del poblado, podían acceder a productos procesados en el edificio central de la comunidad, es decir que no había restricciones en el acceso a los productos. Por ello, se ha establecido la hipótesis inicial de que la producción social colectiva pudo beneficiar a las distintas unidades domésticas. Sólo la excavación de nuevas unidades domésticas permitirá contrastar esta sugerencia. De esta forma, a partir de este momento nos resta averiguar si lo que se produce revierte en el grueso de la población, o si, por el contrario, encontramos pruebas de coerción y de que un grupo dominante se beneficiaba del trabajo conjunto de la sociedad, es decir si existía explotación, o incluso si ya se había constituido un estado. En cuanto a la circulación de productos en el ámbito intercomunitario, en El Trigal se han podido encontrar materias primas y productos de procedencia lejana. Así, la existencia en el edificio central de depósitos de conchas de Spondylus y de otras especies de moluscos marinos, o de obsidiana, indica que los grupos del valle de Nasca podían mantener vínculos directos o indirectos con comunidades de otras regiones.

Sin embargo, ha sido en el yacimiento de El Trigal (LP2) donde las excavaciones de 2005 han proporcionado informaciones de mayor interés. Al igual que el anterior, el asentamiento también ocupaba la cima y laderas de un cerro. Pero El Trigal es un yacimiento que ofrece evidencias correspondientes sobre todo a una ocupación de corta duración, concentrada en un momento anterior al estado de Cahuachi. Las producciones cerámicas se asocian al estilo de la llamada fase “Ocucaje 8” (Menzel et al. 1964), así como a la tradición alfarera denominada “Tajo” (Silverman 1994). Atendiendo a esos indicadores cronotipológicos, sugerimos que la ocupación puede datarse entre los siglos V y II cal ANE, aunque hasta que tengamos los primeros resultados de los análisis de Carbono 14, no podemos concretar más. En la campaña de 2005 se ha excavado un área habitacional de la ladera y un sector de un edificio singular ubicado en la cima.

El Spondylus princeps, por ejemplo, es un molusco que solo puede vivir en las aguas litorales afectadas por la corriente cálida septentrional de El Niño Southern Oscillation, de manera que hoy solo se encuentra en el Golfo de Guayaquil (Ecuador), a más de 1.000 Km. de distancia del valle de Nasca. El desplazamiento hacia el Sur de aguas cálidas por el fenómeno de El Niño pudo situar el biotopo del Spondylus en costas más meridionales (Díaz y Ortlieb 1992), pero en cualquier caso localizadas a cientos de kilómetros de Nasca. En el edificio singular de El Trigal se trabajaban placas rectangulares recortadas de la concha del molusco.

Las excavaciones en el edificio singular, ubicado en la cima de El Trigal, han puesto de manifiesto la existencia de una unidad arquitectónica con varios patios y estancias. Se trata de un edificio de mayores dimensiones que las viviendas, en cuya construcción se emplearon bloques de piedra de grandes dimensiones. La documentación arqueológica nos indica que la finalidad del edificio era realizar de manera centralizada una serie de actividades económicas.

La obsidiana que encontramos en El Trigal, por su parte, procedería de alguna de las fuentes localizadas en la región de los Andes Centrales. En todos los casos se trata de fuentes ubicadas en lugares a más de 3.000 m de altitud. A la espera de análisis de caracterización, podemos sugerir que probablemente la obsidiana que llegó a El Trigal procedía de Quispisisa (Ayacucho), una fuente identificada en 1999 (Burguer y Glascock 2000). Esta fuente se caracteriza por ser de muy buena calidad, con núcleos que llegan a alcanzar los 30 cm de diámetro, y que destaca porque algunos de sus nódulos, son rojos o con vetas rojas, un atributo reconocido en algunas piezas de El Trigal. La obsidiana de Quispisisa se encuentra a unos 120 Km de El Trigal.

Hasta ahora se pensaba que estos edificios centrales con patios, situados en la parte más elevada de los poblados, estaban destinados a prácticas de carácter ritual o ceremonial, es decir que eran lugares reservados estrictamente para actividades político-ideológicas. Pero gracias a nuestras excavaciones, hemos podido

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Fig. 8.2. Planimetría del asentamiento de El Trigal. Excavaciones 2005

acceso a materiales de procedencia lejana que hemos detectado en las excavaciones de 2005 sugieren un fuerte componente comunitario en la región del río Nasca. Podemos señalar que las políticas comunitarias, asentadas en grupos domésticos cuya naturaleza deberemos clarificar, podrían estar configuradas en función de intereses colectivos, pero no podemos descartar la existencia de sectores sociales beneficiados por la gestión de la producción. De la misma manera, la política y la ideología con la que se organizaron las comunidades a escala local, debe aún ponerse en relación con las políticas supracomunitarias y, aunque se puede sugerir una importante autonomía político-económica de comunidades como El Trigal, deberá determinarse como se construyeron los territorios políticos en la región.

Las relaciones intercomunitarias también podrían explicar la presencia de ciertas manufacturas, como ocurre con algunas cerámicas de estilo Ocucaje 8, que pudieron llegar desde el Norte hasta el área de La Puntilla de Nasca (Castro et al. e.p.). Las políticas que expliquen la circulación de productos deberán entenderse en el marco global de la reproducción social de las comunidades de la comarca de Nasca y de sus relaciones con las comunidades de otras áreas. En primer lugar, los mecanismos de circulación de materiales alóctonos (materia base y/o productos finales) pueden ser variados y responder a formas diversas de intercambio intercomunitario (regalos, reciprocidad, comercio), a una imposición coercitiva (tributos, botín) o, incluso, a la práctica de viajes de abastecimiento desde Nasca a las fuentes de las materias primas. Por otra parte, aún resulta necesario avanzar en un conocimiento de la presencia de materiales alóctonos (materia base y/o productos finales) en los diversos espacios sociales de una comunidad, como de El Trigal, para establecer qué colectivos gestionaron y accedieron a ellos. No se pueden establecer de manera mecánica inferencias sobre la asociación a “élites” sociales de ciertos materiales (algo habitual para el Spondylus) antes de conocer el acceso, procesos de trabajo y distribución de los productos entre los colectivos de una formación social.

No nos cabe duda de que, a partir del siglo I de nuestra era, la información arqueológica en la cuenca del río Nasca señala la existencia de una sociedad estatal con un aparato ideológico legitimador que se materializa en centros monumentales (Cahuachi), así como de beneficios particulares de una clase dominante que se apropia del trabajo social, tal como se muestra en sepulturas donde se amortizó un elevado volumen de riqueza. Pero esa situación social representa una realidad posterior a la situación de centralización comunitaria y circulación de productos que el Proyecto La Puntilla ha documentado en El Trigal. No obstante, aún no podemos saber si durante el Ier milenio antes de nuestra era ya se gestaron las bases para la consolidación del estado, o si la ruptura histórica que vivieron las comunidades de la cuenca del valle de Nasca fue fruto de otros factores que rompieron las políticas comunitarias vigentes.

Como estamos viendo, resulta fundamental poder determinar las relaciones entre colectivos en cuanto a las condiciones materiales de la vida social. El trabajo centralizado en edificios singulares, la circulación intercomunitaria e intracomunitaria de productos y el

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CASTRO MARTÍNEZ, P.V., ESCORIZA MATEU, T. y OLTRA PUIGDOMENECH, J. (2006b) – Social Hypotheses for the Communities of the Iberian Mediterranean Basin (From the VI to II mllennia BC), in P. Díaz del Río & l. García Sanjuán, eds (2005), Approaches to Social Inequality in Iberian Recent Prehistory, Oxford, “British Archaeological Reports, International series”. CASTRO MARTÍNEZ, P.V., DE LA TORRE ZEVALLOS, J.C., ESCANILLA ARTIGAS, N., ESCORIZA MATEU, T., GODOY ALLENDE, M.C., LAPI, B., NAVARRO MAYOR, I., ZAVALA VARGAS, J.C. (ep), Trabajo, Producción y Cerámica. Sociología de la alfarería Paracas: Ocucaje y Tajo, Estudios Atacameños, en prensa.

CASTRO MARTINEZ, P.V., GILI, S., LULL, V., MICO, R., RIHUETE, C., RISCH, R. and SANAHUJA YLL, E. (1998) – Teoría de la producción de la vida social: Mecanismos de explotación en el sudeste ibérico, Boletín de Antropología Americana, 33, p. 25-77. CASTRO MARTINEZ, P.V., CHAPMAN, R.W., GILI, S., LULL, V., MICO, R., RIHUETE, C., RISCH, R. y SANAHUJA YLL, Mª E. (1999) – La Teoría de los Conjuntos Arqueológicos, In Castro Martínez, P.V. et al. Proyecto Gatas. 2. La dinámica arqueoecológica de la ocupación prehistórica. Sevilla. Dirección General de Bienes Culturales, “ArqueologíaMonografías”, p. 26-34.

DE LA TORRE ZEVALLOS, J.C. (2005) – Arqueología y sociedad en la costa sur del Perú: Sujetos sociales y espacios domésticos en la sociedad Paracas (1100-100 ANE). Excavaciones Arqueológicas en La Puntilla. En América Latina, realidades diversas. Aula Oberta 2001-2005. Laura Mameli y Eleonora Muntañola, eds (2005) Institut Catalá de Cooperació Iberoamericana. Centre D’Estudis Internacionals i Interculturals: Estudis D’América Llatina, UAB. Amer&Cat, 13, p. 76-90.

CASTRO MARTINEZ, P.V., ESCORIZA MATEU, T. and SANAHUJA YLL, E. (2002) – Trabajo y espacios sociales en el ámbito doméstico, Scripta Nova, Revista Electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales VI, 119 (10), URL: www.ub.es/geocrit/ sn/sn119-10.htm. CASTRO MARTINEZ, P.V., ESCORIZA MATEU, T. and SANAHUJA YLL, E. (2003a) – Mujeres y Hombres en Espacios Domésticos: Trabajo y Vida 98

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LUMBRERAS, L.G. (2000) – Formulación de los lineamientos para la elaboración de un Plan de manejo de las líneas de Nasca. In Contexto arqueológico de las líneas y geoglifos de Nasca (Volumen I). UNESCO, INC, Lima.

DE LA TORRE ZEVALLOS, J.C. y VAN GIJSEGHEM, H. (2005) – Excavaciones en La Puntilla (1300-100 a.C.). Arqueología en la Costa Sur de Perú, Revista de Arqueología del Siglo XXI, 286: p. 22-31. DIAZ, A. y ORTLIEB, L. (1992) – El fenómeno “El Niño” y los moluscos de la costa peruana. In Ortlieb, L. y Macharé, J. eds., Paleo-ENSO Records International Symposium: Extended abstracts. Nuevo Mundo, Lima.

MENZEL, D., ROWE, J.H. y DAWSON, L.E. (1964) – The Paracas Pottery of lca: A Study in Style and Time, University of California Press, Berkeley. OREFICI, G. (1996) – Nuevos enfoques sobre la transición Paracas-Nasca en Cahuachi (Peru). Andes: Boletín de la Misión Arqueológica Andina – Universidad de Varsovia, 1: p. 173-197.

ESCORIZA MATEU, T. (2004) – Mujeres y Arqueología, in Sobre mujeres: economía, historia y sociología., nº 1. Guerrero, Mª A. y Nestares, Mª.J. (eds). Universidad de Almería, Servicio de Publicaciones: p. 135-159.

ROWE, J. (1962) – Stages and Periods in Archaeological Interpretation. En Rowe, J. & Menzel, D. (Eds.): Peruvian Archaeology. Selecting Readings: Peek publications. Palo Alto, California, p. 1-15.

ESCORIZA MATEU, T. (2005) – Desde una propuesta Arqueológica Feminista y Materialista, Complutum, Madrid, 2005.

SCHREIBER, K.J. (1989) – Proyecto Nasca-Sur 1989: Informe Final. Memoria depositada en el Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, Lima.

ISLA, Johnny, REINDEL, Markus und DE LA TORRE ZEVALLOS, Juan Carlos (2003) – Jauranga: un sitio Paracas en el valle de Palpa, costa sur del Perú, Beiträge zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archäologie, 23: p. 227-274.

SILVERMAN, H. (1994) – Paracas in Nazca: New Data on the Early Horizon Occupation of the Rio Grande de Nazca Drainage, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 5 (4): p. 359-382.

LUMBRERAS, L.G. (1974) – Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú (Segunda edición: “De los orígenes del Estado en el Perú”). Colección El Ande y la Vida, Milla Batres editor, Lima.

TELLO, J.C. (1959) – Paracas. Primera parte. Publicación del Proyecto 8b del Programa 1941-42 de The Institute of Andean Research de New York. Empresa Gráfica T. Scheuch. Lima.

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COMPLEXO DE SÍTIOS DE PINTURAS RUPESTRES DA PEDRA GRANDE NA REGIÃO DOS INSELBERGUES DE ITATIM, BAHIA, BRASIL: ESTADO ATUAL E PERSPECTIVAS DE PRESERVAÇÃO DE UMA ÁREA ARQUEOLÓGICA EM ALTO RISCO DE DEGRADAÇÃO Claudia CUNHA Mestra em Arqueologia Pré-histórica e Arte Rupestre Pesquisadora – Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia – Universidade Federal da Bahia [email protected]

Flávio FRANÇA Laboratório Taxon – Departamento de Ciências Biológicas – Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana [email protected]

Efigênia de MELO Laboratório Taxon – Departamento de Ciências Biológicas – Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana

Jacqueline Miranda GONÇALVES Laboratório Taxon – Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana Resumo: O complexo de Sítios da Pedra Grande está localizado em Itatim, semi-árido da Bahia, Brasil em um inselbergue granítico tipo “Koppje”. Este conjunto de sítios é dividido três núcleos de pinturas rupestres: Pedra Grande, Torre Pintada e Sítio do Conflito. Este artigo apresenta uma breve descrição da arte rupestre dos sítios e da ecologia no seu entorno imediato. São também discutidos fatores de risco à integridade do sítio e do contexto ecológico onde este está inserido, bem como uma primeira proposta de alternativas para a conservação de ambos, via manejo sustentável da área. Palavras chave: Arte rupestre, Inselbergues, Ecologia, Arqueologia, Itatim Abstract: The set of rock art sites of Pedra Grande is located in Itatim, semiarid region of the state of Bahia, Brazil in a granite Koppje inselberg. This set of sites is divided into three separate nuclei of rock art paintings: Pedra Grande, Torre Pintada and Sítio do Conflito. This article presents a brief description of the rock art within the sites and the ecology of its surroundings. Risk factors threatening the integrity of the art and its ecologic context are discussed, as well as a first proposal for the conservation of both. Key words: Rock art, Inselbergs, Ecology, Archaeology, Itatim

larmente de Pedra Grande, para onde os pesquisadores foram conduzidos.

INTRODUÇÃO Durante a elaboração do levantamento florístico do Morro do Agenor (França et al. 1997; França et al. 2005), uma equipe de estudos entomológicos comandada pelo Prof. Dr. Gilberto Mendonça Santos chamou a atenção para a existência de pinturas rupestres em uma pedreira perto do Morro do Agenor, que foram então fotografadas e esquecidas nos arquivos da Flora dos Inselbergues, projeto institucional da Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana. Este projeto sofreu uma interrupção de pelo menos cinco anos, depois do que foi retomado com um trabalho de avaliação da diversidade florística no Morro do Agenor em 2004, quando foi convidada a Profª. Claudia Cunha para fazer um registro oficial do sítio junto ao IPHAN (Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional).

A partir desta primeira visita, nosso trabalho tem revelado um bom número de sítios ainda existentes na região. Neste artigo trataremos de três destes sítios. ENTORNO DOS SÍTIOS E SUPORTE O complexo de Sítios da Pedra Grande está localizado no município de Itatim, na borda leste do semi-árido da Bahia, a uma altitude de cerca de 400 m s.n.m (Fig. 9.1). A Pedra Grande (Fig. 9.2) é um inselbergue do tipo “Koppje” (Porembsky & Barthlott, 2000) formado por 5 matacões principais entre os quais formam-se grotões com umidade elevada e maior desenvolvimento vegetacional. Em suas fendas é possível encontrar abrigos ocupados pela fauna local, principalmente mocós (Kerodon rupestris) e algumas espécies de morcegos.

Contudo, o antigo lugar onde as pinturas foram encontradas já se achava praticamente destruído pela extração de pedras para a construção, atividade comum naquelas localidades. Restava do painel original apenas parte de uma composição com pouco mais de 1,5 m2. Diante da visível decepção dos pesquisadores, os populares acorreram para contar que perto dali existiam pinturas muito maiores em um local chamado popu-

A face Leste do inselbergue da Pedra Grande é mais uniforme, sem formar grandes matacões, sendo amplamente explorada para extração de paralelepípedos e brita. A face Oeste do mesmo, onde se encontram as 101

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Fig. 9.1. Região arqueológica dos inselbergues de Milagres e Município de Itatim (em escuro) em relação ao Estado da Bahia. Desenho: Jucimara Lobão

recursos alimentares) utilizadas pelas populações autóctones. O impacto desta população na flora atual é objeto de pesquisa deste grupo e resultados deverão em breve ser publicados. No que se refere à arte rupestre, este complexo é singular na medida em que a maioria dos sítios de arte rupestre no Estado da Bahia que sobreviveram aos séculos de intervenção antrópica, tanto por parte da população de origem européia quanto, posteriormente, por parte da população nacional encontra-se nas terras altas no centro, centro-oeste e sudoeste do estado onde o processo de colonização demorou mais de chegar ou onde as terras não são, ou até pouco tempo não eram, próprias para a exploração econômica. Até onde temos conhecimento, esta região arqueológica representa a presença mais oriental de arte rupestre sobrevivente no estado da Bahia.

Fig. 9.2. Inselbergue da Pedra Branca, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

pinturas rupestres ainda não apresenta grande atividade de pedreiras. Antigamente a criação extensiva de caprinos era importante, o que foi abandonado em favor de outras atividades econômicas, mas que teve forte influência no processo de antropização do ambiente.

As pinturas estão sobre suporte rochoso em granitognaisse-migmatito pertencente à unidade LitoEstratigráfica Superior Pré-Espinhaço, representada pelo complexo Granulítico Ocidental, também Conhecido como Complexo Jequié (Soldatelli, 1987). Os Gnaisses são rochas metamórficas com estrutura tipicamente orientada (gnáissica) e com feldspatos, sendo que, os gnaisses oriundos de rochas ígneas contêm minerais muito similares aos das rochas originais; o granitognaisse-migmatito é um tipo de rocha gerada em condições de metamorfismo alto, atravessados por veios de material estranho (Shomann, 1989).

A vegetação circundante foi convertida em pasto ou é uma savana estépica arborizada em regeneração. Sobre os lagedos podem-se observar grandes populações de macambira de flecha (Encholirium spectabile), Cansanção (tanto Cnidoscolus bahianus como Aosa gilginana) e Caroá (Neoglaziovia variegata). Nos grotões formados entre os matacões é freqüente a presença de Ipê-Roxo (Tabebuia impetiginosa) e Licuri (Syagrus coronata). As paredes dos matacões são forradas por várias espécies de Tillandsia. As espécies encontradas são típicas dos inselbergues localizados no grande Bioma da Caatinga (França et al., 1997; França et al. 2005). É importante notar que várias destas espécies nativas são fontes de matérias primas (madeira, látex, fibras e

O sedimento proveniente da degradação natural do suporte rochoso formou uma camada considerável de depósitos em alguns dos sítios deste complexo. Material lítico já foi encontrado à superfície em regiões planas entre os inselbergues, marcadamente próximos a lagoas sazonais embora, até o momento, vestígios cerâmicos de 102

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Calderón para este estilo. Porém, faz-se necessário mais pesquisas específicas sobre definição de estilos a nível estadual para uma melhor abordagem do tema.

origem indígena não tenham sido achados. Pesquisas arqueológicas sistemáticas se fazem necessárias para coleta mais específica de dados sobre o passado material dos grupos indígenas que habitaram a região.

A maioria dos motivos e composições observados nos sítios são não figurativos, em menor freqüência aparecem figuras antropomórficas, zoomórficas ou mais raramente fitomórficas. Em termos quantitativos, não há muita diferença do que pode ser observado na maioria dos sítios em terras baixas do estado onde este estilo se faz presente. Nos lugares em que ele pode ser encontrado dentro das atuais fronteiras do estado da Bahia, há uma predominância dos motivos geométricos em relação aos motivos figurativos. Em maiores altitudes, na Chapada Diamantina, por exemplo, em contraposição, este estilo é bem menos freqüente, predominando as composições altamente naturalísticas do que hoje é classificado como Tradição Nordeste (Guidon, 1991). Os sítios similares aos da Pedra Grande são bem menos representativos nas regiões de domínio dos povos Nordeste.

A ARTE O primeiro conjunto de sítios pode ser dividido em três unidades, havendo diferenciação temática e espacial entre estes: Pedra Grande (composto por dois painéis em rochas isoladas), Torre Pintada e Sítio do Conflito (que apresenta apenas um pequeno, mas singular painel). Os painéis observados podem estar tipologicamente associados à Tradição Agreste de pinturas rupestres descrita para os estados de Pernambuco e Piauí (Aguiar, 1986; Guidon, 1991; Martin, 1999). Esta tradição é caracterizada por motivos de grande tamanho, na maioria das vezes isolados. Composições de cenas são raras, e quando aparecem são compostas por poucos motivos zoomórficos e/ou antropomórficos, executados em postura estática e sem atenção a detalhes. Motivos não figurativos, simples ou complexos são bastante comuns, o que leva alguns autores a defender a existência de uma Tradição Geométrica (Guidon 1991).

Nos dois painéis do sítio da Pedra Grande, apesar de grande número de motivos geométricos, são as figuras antropomórficas (Fig. 9.3) que mais chamam a atenção, quer por suas dimensões (a maior delas tem 65 cm de altura por 85 cm de largura) quer por seu posicionamento no suporte nos níveis mais altos dos painéis, onde há pouca interferência de sobreposições ou super-utilização do suporte. Os geométricos dominam a parte mais baixa e super-utilizada dos painéis.

Ao resumir os trabalhos que abordam o que ela chama de “duvidosa Tradição Geométrica”, Martin (1999, p.291) questiona a própria existência desta tradição, argumentando que a própria definição do que é geométrico é um problema “subjacente à ambiguidade das definições e do que pode ser considerado ‘geométrico’”. A autora argumenta ainda que haja uma forte tendência ao geometrismo dentro das Tradições Nordeste e Agreste. O que se constata na Bahia, é que não há uma delimitação rígida de estilos separando o que a literatura da área subdivide em Agreste e Geométrica. Muitas vezes motivos que em contextos diferentes poderiam ser associados à Agreste e outros que seriam associados à geométrica aparecem em um único painel, em um mesmo nível estratigráfico e possivelmente executados com a mesma receita de pigmento. A iconografia, então, não parece ser um elemento definidor de estilo confiável. As barreiras entre o que pode ser considerado “Agreste” ou “Geométrica”, na Bahia em geral, e nestes sítios em particular parecem estar mais calcadas em um rationale iconográfico e iconológico do que estilístico. Os sítios aqui descritos se situam como impedimentos de classificação a menos que tenhamos uma abordagem menos ortodoxa. Na década de 1960 Valentin Calderón (1967), pioneiro da pesquisa arqueológica na Bahia cunhou o termo Tradição Simbolista ou Geométrica para definir o estilo que segundo ele seria “geométrico [em sua maioria] ou grosseiramente figurativo”. Estes resultados são frutos de pesquisas executadas em boa parte do sertão baiano. Passamos então a adotar a terminologia cunhada por

Fig. 9.3. Figura antropomórfica em postura estática, executada a dedo com pigmento vermelho. Sítio da Pedra Grande, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

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Fig. 9.4. Composições não figurativas executadas com pigmentos vermelhos e pretos em sobreposição. Sítio da Torre Pintada, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

Há ainda neste sítio um par de figuras executadas em pigmento vermelho escuro denso que se assemelham a outras representações muito comuns por todo o estado (Cunha 2002 e 2007): são figuras bípedes de torso arredondado ou oval (como é o caso aqui), com apresentação de membros inferiores, superiores e cabeça. Estas motivos variam em um leque de formas que, ora as aproxima de uma representação antropomórfica, ora zoomórfica (quelônio). O par em questão tende a parecerse mais com representações zoomórficas. Já no sítio da Torre Pintada (Fig. 9.4) há uma presença maciça de geométricos em contraposição a poucas figuras antropomórficas. O pigmento observado é geralmente escuro e denso, o que pode indicar um cuidado maior na confecção da receita ou condições podológicas mais favoráveis à sua sobrevivência neste sítio em particular. Todos os motivos são executados a dedo. Círculos com diversos tipos de preenchimento podem ser observados e se destacam em tamanho e número em relação a outros motivos não figurativos. Formas que lembram propulsores de dardos aparecem pintados em vermelho e preto. Cinco linhas dentadas percorrem grande parte da área pintada. Originalmente executadas em pigmento vermelho, uma destas linhas foi posteriormente retocada em amarelo sobre o pigmento vermelho esmaecido. As figuras antropomórficas são em sua maioria simplificações de formas humanas ictifálicas, executadas com poucos traços retos com pigmento vermelho. Apenas uma figura antropomórfica foge a algumas destas características sendo executada em pigmento preto e tendo o torso ligeiramente ovalado.

Fig. 9.5. Decalque digital de composições não figurativas. Os motivos circulares (cinza claro) executados em um primeiro nível estratigráfico da área pintada, foram intencionalmente ‘mutilados’ no quadrante inferior esquerdo e por cima da área mutilada do motivo central, foi parcialmente executado um quarto motivo em nível estratigráfico posterior. Sítio do Conflito, Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

O Sítio do Conflito (Fig. 9.5) é composto por um único painel contendo quatro motivos executados a dedo com pigmento vermelho. Os três primeiros motivos a serem executados são círculos cujo pigmento está bastante esmaecido. O primeiro na parte superior da composição

tem o interior preenchido por linhas que se cruzam formando ângulos de 90º, os dois inferiores têm o preenchimento em círculos concêntricos. Estas três figuras tiveram parte de sua integridade intencionalmente danificada com golpes que levaram parte da rocha e 104

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pintura no lado inferior esquerdo de cada motivo. Sobre a zona quebrada do motivo central e no espaço entre este e o inferior, foi pintado um quarto motivo em pigmento mais denso. Este tem o formato de um U fechado na parte superior. Seu interior foi preenchido com linhas retas paralelas verticais. As diferenças de pigmento, forma e preenchimento, bem como o fato dos primeiros motivos terem sido intencionalmente danificados sugerem uma temporalidade diferente para os dois conjuntos e possivelmente autoria também diversa. O porquê da quebra intencional será sempre um mero palpite, mas há uma sugestão de conflito no ato de destruir (ou danificar) uma composição anterior para se fazer uma outra marca no suporte. A quase totalidade dos motivos observados nestes sítios são executados a dedo, em sua maioria com pigmento pouco denso em tons de vermelho claro (à exceção do Sítio da Torre Pintada). Há contudo alguns motivos em vermelho escuro, preto, amarelo e mais raramente com presença de bicromia vermelha e amarela e vermelha e preta.

Fig. 9.6. Extração manual de granito nos inselbergues de Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

com nenhum tipo de vínculo empregatício com os proprietários das pedreiras. Conseqüentemente, não podem fazer uso dos direitos trabalhistas básicos garantidos pela legislação brasileira. Não possuem qualquer tipo de assistência médica ou seguro contra acidentes.

ATIVIDADES PREDATÓRIAS Consideramos atividades predatórias aos sítios e seu entorno as interferências antrópicas para fins comerciais e de subsistência que põe em risco não apenas a integridade dos sítios, mas também do frágil ecossistema no qual estes estão inseridos.

Vale ressaltar que em outros sítios rupestres baianos em regiões igualmente sujeitas à atividade mineradora como fonte principal de subsistência, a batalha entre preservar o sítio ou ganhar meios de sustento para a população é inevitavelmente ganha pela segunda. O sítio da Pedra do Tapuio (Cunha 2002) decoberto em 2000 e cadastrado no Catálago Nacional de Sítios Arqueológicos do Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico do Brasil hoje não mais existe, a não ser nas imagens do seu levantamento fotográfico feito em 2000. Em 2004 o sítio foi complatamente destruído apesar de todos os esforços de grupos conservacionistas locais e da proteção garantida pela legislação Brasileira3.

A extração comercial do granito (Fig. 9.6) é a principal atividade econômica do município de Itatim. Ela emprega a maioria da população masculina da região na faixa etária acima dos 14 anos1. Até a implementação de programas governamentais de combate ao trabalho infantil, não era incomum vermos crianças trabalhando nas pedreiras, algumas menores de 10 anos de idade. Segundo moradores locais entrevistados, os meninos na faixa dos 8-9 anos “começam a ir para as pedras com os pais, para brincar com as ferramentas e aprender um pouco”. O trabalho é de alto risco, envolvendo o uso de explosivos e todo o desgaste físico que acompanha a lavra não mecanizada da pedra sob o calor do sertão baiano. Também segundo os moradores, acidentes, principalmente envolvendo o uso dos explosivos são comuns. Os danos mais freqüêntes são perdas de dedos, mãos e cegueira. Em entrevistas, vários casos de pessoas mutiladas foram mencionados. Destas pessoas que hoje estão incapacitadas de trabalhar, apenas uma conseguiu a aposentadoria por invalidez o que é uma garantia para qualquer trabalhador sob regime de contrato de trabalho. A jornada diária de trabalho é em média das 07:00 às 17:00 de segunda a sexta e das 07:00 às 14:00 no sábado e os trabalhadores são remunerados por produção. Em média, um homem adulto faz cerca de 20 reais por dia de trabalho (o equivalente a 8 dólares2). Sendo meeiros, eles não contam

Coleta e venda ilegal de plantas (Fig. 9.7) é outra atividade predatória que ameaça espécies agora valorizadas nas grandes cidades para ornamentação de casas e jardins, como por exemplo, orquídeas (Encyclia dichroma, Catasetum luridum etc.), bromeliáceas (Vriesea nahoumii, Aechmea lingulata) e cactos (Melocactus ernestii, Pilosocereus gounellei). A extinção de populações nativas é uma perda inestimável para o ecossistema e desencadeia a extinção de espécies faunísticas que dependem da vegetação para sua sobrevivência. (Leme & Marigo, 1993; Zappi, 1994). Após séculos de ação antrópica, a fauna da região está bastante degradada. Praticamente todos os grandes mamíferos foram dizimados. Animais de pequeno porte como mocós e tatus (Euphractus villosus, Tolypentis trincinctus) tornam-se cada vez mais raros. Atualmente populações de animais considerados animais de estimação como Cágados (Phrynops sp.) e micos

1

Comunicado pessoal: entrevistas realizadas dia 11 de junho de 2006 com trabalhadores em 3 diferentes pontos de extração de pedras. 2 Cotação do dólar em 19 de julho de 2006. http://www.bcb.gov.br/ htms/infecon/taxas/taxas.htm

3

a Lei nº 3.924/61 torna os sítios arqueológicos bens da União e preseumidamente estes contariam com sua proteção.

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de sítios que possam gradualmente ser abertos à visitação pública guiada. Paralelo a este trabalho de pesquisa, fazse necessário o estudo de formas efetivas de utilização do potencial da região para a exploração do turismo arqueológico, ecológico e de aventura. Tal utilização tem que ser pautada pela lei brasileira de proteção do patrimônio arqueológico. Os parâmetros para a utilização de cada sítio devem resultar de um estudo detalhado de especialistas tanto em arqueologia como em biologia e áreas afins, mas a gestão deveria idealmente ficar a cargo de entidades protecionistas locais sem fins lucrativos. Trabalhos bem sucedidos de manejo de sítios arqueológicos no sertão nordestino (como é o caso dos sítios na região de São Raimundo Nonato, Piauí), mostram o potencial deste tipo de uso do patrimônio arqueológico e ecológico como fator de revitalização econômica de uma região. Desta forma, passaremos de uma área degradada com um complexo de sítios com pinturas rupestres em processo de destruição, para uma área em recuperação protegida por uma atividade econômica sustentável.

Fig. 9.7. Venda ilegal de plantas nativas à beira da rodovia BR116. Itatim, Bahia, Brasil

(Callithryx sp.) sofrem grandes perdas, sendo comum vermos pessoas vendendo estes animais à margem das estradas que cortam a região. Milagres, município vizinho a Itatim é citada entre as cidades famosas como fornecedoras de animais silvestres (Rodrigues, 1986; Vanzolini et al., 1980; Murad, 2006).

Referências bibliográficas AGUIAR, A. (1986) – A Tradição Agreste – Análise de 20 Sítios de Arte Rupestre em Pernambuco. Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade Federal de Pernambuco. Recife.

PERSPECTIVAS A extração de blocos para pavimentação pública é a principal atividade econômica local, onde sequer a criação de caprinos, animais altamente adaptáveis ao semi-árido, mostrou-se economicamente viável. A venda irregular de espécies animais e vegetais nativas da região é praticada, mas é apenas uma alternativa eventual. Apesar do proprietário dos sítios garantir que a extração de pedras é restrita àquelas soterradas e que nenhum dos painéis está ameaçado, é visível o avanço das pedreiras a cada dia que passa, fazendo esvanecer as esperanças que os sítios sobrevivam por mais tempo.

CALDERÓN, V. (1967) – Notícias Preliminares sobre as Sequências Arqueológicas do Médio São Francisco e da Chapada Diamantina, Estado da Bahia. Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueológicas. Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Publicações Avulsas. Belém. CUNHA, C. (2002) – Nota Prévia: Descição Comparativa de Três Sítios de Arte Rupestre na Região de Oliveira dos Brejinhos – Bahia – Brasil. Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia. Vol. XLII. Porto, 2002. CUNHA, C. (2007) – Distribuição de Tradições e Estilos de Pinturas Rupestres – uma Análise Preliminar Comparativa entre os Sítios do Complexo da Chapada Diamantina e da Depressão Sertaneja Meridional do Bioma Caatinga. Vol 7, Número 1. Sitientibus. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana. Feira de Santana.

A conservação dos sítios passa necessariamente pela ação integrada de educação da população infantil, infantojuvenil e adulta, resgatando a auto-estima da comunidade a partir da valorização das antigas expressões artísticas, e da sua utilização para atividades economicamente sustentáveis como o estímulo para a visitação turística. Um segundo elemento para que seja viabilizada a proteção dos sítios em uma reagião tão pobre e sem perspectivas econômicas é o uso destes como fonte de suporte ou ajuda financeira à comunidade que habita seu entorno. A população local deve entender que a proteção dos sítios pode render-lhes não apenas o retorno cultural, mas também financeiro que compense a interrupção da exploração predatória.

FRANÇA, F., MELO, E., SANTOS, C. (1997) – Flora de Inselbergs da região de Milagres,Bahia, Brasil: I. Caracterização da Vegetação e lista de espécies de dois Inselbergs. Sitientibus, 17. Feira de Santana FRANÇA, F. [et al.] (2005) – Estudos Ecológico e Florístico em Ilhas de Vegetação de um Inselbergue no Semi-árido da Bahia, Brasil. Hoehnea, 32 (1): 93101. GUIDON, N. (1991) – Peintures Prehistoriques du Brésil. Hérissey-Évreux. Paris.

A alternativa mais lógica para a proteção da região arqueológica de Itatim aponta para a implementação de um trabalho sistemático de registro de seus sítios arqueológicos com vistas à salvagurada do patrimônio arqueológico, mas também como suporte para a definição

LEME, E., MARIGO, L. (1993) – Bromeliads in the Brazilian Wilderness. Rio de Janeiro: Marigo Comunicação Visual. 106

C. CUNHA ET AL.: COMPLEXO DE SÍTIOS DE PINTURAS RUPESTRES DA PEDRA GRANDE NA REGIÃO DOS INSELBERGUES DE ITATIM, BAHIA.

RODRIGUES, M. (1984) – Potencial Faunístico da Caatinga. In Borges, K. (Org.) Simpósio sobre a Caatinga e sua Exploração Racional. EMBRAPA/ UEFS. Feira de Santana.

MARTIN, G. (1999) – Pré-história do Nordeste do Brasil. Ed Universitária, UFPE. Recife. MURAD, F. Primeiro relatório Nacional sobre tráfico de animais silvestres. Rede Nacional de Combate ao Tráfico de animais silvestres. [Consult. 20/06/2006] http://www.renctas.org.br/files/REL_RENCTAS_pt_f inal.pdf

VANZOLINI, P., RAMOS-COSTA, A., VITT L. (1980) – Répteis das Caatingas. Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira de Ciências. ZAPPI, D. (1994) – Pilosocereus (Cactaceae): The genus in Brazil. London: R.B.G. Kew.

POREMBSKY, S., BARTHLOTT, W. (2000) – Inselbergs: Biotic Diversity of Isolated Rock Outcrops in Tropical and Temperate Regions. Springer-Verlag, Berlin.

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Part II MAN AND ANIMALS

NEANDERTHAL AND CARNIVORE OCCUPATIONS IN PINILLA DEL VALLE SITES (COMMUNITY OF MADRID, SPAIN) J.L. ARSUAGA Centro de Investigación UCM-ISCIII sobre Evolución y Comportamiento Humanos C/Sinesio Delgado, 4, 28029-Madrid; y Dpto. de Paleontología, Facultad de Ciencias Geológicas, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Ciudad Universitaria 28040-Madrid [email protected]

E. BAQUEDANO Museo Arqueológico Regional de la Comunidad de Madrid, Plaza de las Bernardas, s/n, 28801-Alcalá de Henares (Madrid) [email protected]

A. PÉREZ-GONZÁLEZ Dpto. de Geodinámica, Facultad de Ciencias Geológicas, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Ciudad Universitaria, 28040-Madrid [email protected] Abstract: An assemblage of archaeological and palaeontological sites dated to the Late Pleistocene has been found in Pinilla del Valle (Community of Madrid, Spain). Two of them (Camino and Cueva de la Buena Pinta) were used as hyena dens as shown by the observed faunistic association (characterized by high carnivore proportions) and consumption patterns. Meanwhile, Navalmaíllo shelter, with abundant presence of mousterian lithic industry, fauna consumed by humans and some hearths, corresponds with a Homo neanderthalensis habitation place with some occupation levels. Keywords: Homo neanderthalensis, Crocuta crocuta, Late Pleistocene, Spain Résumé: Un ensemble de gisements archéologiques et paléontologiques, datés du Pléistocène Supérieur, a été trouvé à Pinilla del Valle (Communauté autonome de Madrid, Espagne). Parmi eux, deux (dites Camino et al Grotte de la Buena Pinta) furent utilisés comme des tanières des hyènes selon les charactéristiques de l’association faunistique obtenue (avec une grande proportion des carnivores) et les patrons de consommation. D’autre part, l’Abri de Navalmaillo, avec la présence d’une industrie lithique moustérienne abondante, des restes fauniques avec des évidences de consommation humaine et aussi des quelques foyers, se correspond avec un site d’occupation d’Homo neanderthalensis et inclut différents couches d’occupation. Mots clés: Homo neanderthalensis, Crocuta crocuta, Pléistocène Supérieur, Espagne

INTRODUCTION The pleistocene sites of the upper Lozoya Valley have been known since 1979 (Alférez et alii, 1982) but it was not until 2002 when a group of interdisciplinary investigators that included: archaeologist, geologists and biologist started with a new project in the area of El Calvero de la Higuera. The investigations were coordinated by the Museo Arqueológico Regional of the Comunidad de Madrid. Since 2002 another two sites were also discovered at the same promontory (Figs. 10.1 & 10.2). These sites are located in the cavities of a carbonated karstic system. This contribution informs about the discoveries and emphasizes the importance of the interdisciplinary studies: in order to know the possible competition relationships between the different groups of large predators sharing the same territory known as the upper valley of Lozoya river.

Fig. 10.1. Aerial view of Calvero de la Higuera

GEOLOGICAL CONTEXT

upper valley of the river Lozoya in the Sierra of Guadarrama, a mountainous alignment with direction NE-SW (Fig. 10.3) and general structures in pop-up that form part of the Spanish Sistema Central.

The archaeological sites found at the Calvero de la Higuera in Pinilla del Valle (Madrid) are located in the

The upper valley of the river Lozoya is a tectonic depression (pop-down) in the same direction as the pop111

MAN AND ANIMALS

in Utrillas facies. Over this formation, sands, lutites and carbonates can be found as well as sandstones and dolomites, the later with a thickness of about 35 m. Within the dolomites there has been an evolution of carstic processes such as lapiaz and sinkholes in the exterior and stone shelters and galleries within caves. The archaeological sites of the Calvero de la Higuera are associated to this type of processes. The marine sequence seems to end with a few metres of sands, clays and gypsum in a marine-continental environment (Pinilla del Valle borehole, De la Losa Román, 2002). Continental palaeogene materials formed by conglomerates of igneous, metamorphic and cretaceous dolomitic limestone pebbles are placed in erosive discordance. The most recent tertiary continental sediments, neogene in age, are placed over the previous formations in angular and erosive discordance. It consists on coarse materials up to 20 m thick, formed by blocks that can exceed 3 m in its greater axis and granite and gneiss boulders.

Fig. 10.2. View from the west

The Quaternary deposits found in the Lozoya valley area are highly represented. The archaeological sites at the Calvero de la Higuera (1.114 m) in Pinilla del Valle are associated to cavities that have evolved on a cuesta out of late Cretaceous carbonated rocks with slight inclination towards the Lozoya river. The river flows on a W-E direction barely 200 metres north from the site.

Fig. 10.3. View of the sites from the south

The Lontanar and Valmaíllo streams are two affluents on the right margin of the Lozoya River. They dissect the cuesta relief of the Calvero de la Higuera, leaving the three known sites hung up in the area.

up of the Sistema Central. To the north it demarcates with the Montes Carpetanos, being the peak of Peñalara its maximum altitude (2.428 m) within the whole of Sierra of Guadarrama. To the south it’s delimits with the Cuerda Larga that has Cabeza de Hierro as its maximum altitude (2.380 m).

THE SITES Three sites have been found to date: Cueva del Camino (The Cave of the Path), the Abrigo de Navalmaíllo (Navalmaillo Rockshelter) and the Cueva de la Buena Pinta (The Promising Cave).

From a geological point of view, the upper valley of the river Lozoya is located within the Esquisto-Grauváquico Complex of the Central-Iberian Zone, which is formed by rocks of the Proterozoic to the Carboniferous deformed and metamorphosed in part and with intrusions of different types of granitoids previous to the Permian (Vera, 2004). The main Variscan deformation occurs during the Carboniferous period although it is during the Alpine Orogeny when the pop-down of the Lozoya River was formed.

Camino site The first site at Pinilla del Valle (Madrid, España) was discovered in 1979 by palaeontologists from the Complutense University in Madrid. Excavations were carried out during 1980 until 1989 by Alférez et al., which resulted in the development of an enclave of great palaeontological significance dated to the middle-upper Pleistocene. It is important to highlight the discovery of two molar teeth that were, at the time, claimed to be preNeanderthal (Alférez, F., 1985).

The oldest outcrop of rocks consists of ortogneisses, leucogranites, adamelites, granitoids, migmatites and to a lesser degree to schists and quartzites (Bellido et al. 1991; Arenas et al. 1991). Lamprofids, porfids and late quartzite dykes are also present.

Current ongoing excavations were initiated in 2002 by the team now directed by J.L. Arsuaga, E. Baquedano and A. Pérez-González.

The Mesozoic sedimentation, Late Cretaceous in age (Bellido et al. 1991) begins with sands, clays and gravels 112

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sands with horizontal lamination that incorporates limestone nodules with an average size of 4 cm in its greater axis. It is brown in colour (light-brown 7.5YR 6/4) and the maximum thickness of the layer is 30 cm.

This cave is located about 6-7 m relative height over the bottom of the valley of the streams Lontanar-Valmaíllo and 10-12 m over the banks of the Lozoya River. The preserved stratigraphic sequence is formed, from bottom to top as follows:

Level 07. Silty-clay sands with a 10-15% of limestone gravels up to 4 cm in its greater axis and mud-balls which originate from the erosion of level 04. The deposit is laminated on the base and massive towards the top. It is light brown in colour (7.5 YR 6/7) with a thickness of 35 cm.

Level 03. Formed by fluvial gravels of igneous rocks with an average size of 1,5-2,5 cm and centile of 4 cm. It is a massive deposit with scarce sandy matrix in between the gravels (“clast supported”) in which fine sands can be found towards the top (5-6 cm thickness) with a crossed and horizontal internal stratigraphic structure. There are some horizons of coarse sands and granules of up to 9 cm thick. The total thickness of this level, as seen so far, reaches 40-50 cm.

Level 08. This level consists of barely carbonated sandysilty-clay, massive, light brown (7.5 YR 6/4) in colour. It is constituted of limestones nodules (centile of 4 cm), a few mud-balls and thin calcifications (2 cm) with small lateral development as they do not even reach 16 cm in length. The deposit is up to 35 cm thick.

Level 04. This level consists of sandy laminated clays, dark brown in colour (dark brown 7.5YR 3/3). It intercalates with sand, fine gravel and very fine sands with apparent horizontal lamination. This level represents the last sections of the fluvial sedimentation of flood plain facies. This level has a thickness of 30-40 cm and has an age by TL of 140.447+-11.304 years ago (MOI6/5).

Level 09. This deposit, up to 10 cm thick, closes the sequence as at the top it is covered by the limestone rock. The sediment is composed of a carbonated sandy-silt with some limestone pebbles up to 2 cm in its greater axis. Very light brown in colour (10 YR 7/4).

Levels 03 and 04 are allogenic in origin and are associated to the evolution of the fluvial valley of the stream of Valmaíllo.

Levels 05 and 09 have an autochthonous nature associated to the chalk environment of the area, even though there has been contamination from the allochthonous fluvial levels that form their stratigraphic base.

Level 05. This deposit extensively erodes the previous levels. It is formed by a sand-silt-clay, dark brown in colour (strong-brown 7.5YR 5/4) that includes fragments of heterometrics carbonated pebbles that can reach up to 20 cm in its greater axis and mud-balls originated from the erosion of the previous level (level 04). This level contains great amounts of faunal remains (Fig. 10.4). It represents some consistency via carbonated cementation. The maximum thickness of this deposit as seen so far is 52 cm and has been dated by TL in 90.961 ± 7.881 years ago (MOI 5).

Camino site stands out by its rich palaeontological record. Studies have been carried out by different researchers on the vertebrate fauna from the first excavation campaigns (Alférez et al., 1982, 1983, 1985a & b; Alférez & Iñigo, 1990; Alférez & Buitrago, 1994; Alférez & Chacón, 1996; Arribas, 1994; Buitrago, 1992; Cerdeño, 1990; Laplana & Sevilla, 2006; Maldonado, 1997; Toni & Molero, 1990). This has resulted in the identification of the largest associated of mammal species belonging to the Pleistocene within the Iberian Peninsula (Table 10.1).

Level 06. Erodes away over the previous level and has a typical structure of cut and fill. It is composed of silty

From a conservation stand point of the macro-mammal record and the range of species represented there are a great proportion of carnivores, the spotted hyena (Crouta crouta) being highly represented. It is highly probable that the site may have been used for hyena den (Díez, 1992). The almost absent lithic industry, no evidence of fire or cut marks on bone surface and the high accumulation of osseous remains confirm that it is unlikely of there being any kind of human activity as it was suggested in the beginning (Alférez et al. 1982). There is a high concentration of fallow deer (Dama dama) and horse (Equus caballus torralbae). Considering the micro-mammals, the mediterranean vole (Microtus gr. duodecimcostatus), the common vole (Microtus arvalis) and the rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) are the most common within the faunal assemblage. The presence of porcupine (Hystrix cf. brachyura), wild boar (Sus scrofa), fallow deer (Dama dama) and rabbit (O. cuniculus), together with that of Herman´s tortoises

Fig. 10.4. Excavation of the rich accumulation of bones in level 5. Camino site 113

MAN AND ANIMALS

Tab. 10.1. List of mammals of Pinilla del Valle sites Camino Artiodactyla Cervus elaphus

Red Deer

Dama dama

Fallow Deer

Capra pyrenaica

Pyrenean Ibex

Capreolus capreolus

Western Roe Deer

Bos primigenius

Auroch

Rupricapra rupricapra

Chamois

Sus scrofa

Wild Boar

Perissodactyla Equus caballus

Horse

Stephanorhinus hemitoechus

Narrow-nosed Rhinoceros

Carnivora Crocuta crocuta

Spotted Hyaena

Panthera sp.

Panthera, Lion

Felis sylvestris

Wild Cat

Canis lupus

Wolf

Cuon alpinus

Dhole

Vulpes vulpes

Red Fox

Ursus arctos (primitive form)

Brown Bear

Mustela eversmanni

Steppe Polecat

Mustela cf. nivalis

European common Weasel

Lutra lutra

Otter

Meles sp.

Badger

Primates Homo neanderthalensis

Neanderthal

Rodentia Arvicola cf. sapidus

Southwestern water Vole

Arvicola cf. terrestris

European water Vole

Clethrionomys glareolus

Bank Vole

Chionomys nivalis

Show Vole

Microtus arvalis

Common Vole

Microtus agrestis

Field Vole

Microtus cabrerae

Cabrera’s Vole

Microtus gr. duodecimcostatus

Mediterranean pine Vole

Microtus oeconomus

Root Vole

Microtus cf. vaufreyi

Vaufrey’s Vole

Pliomys lenki

Lenke’s Vole

Apodemus sylvaticus

Word Mouse

Allocricetus bursae

Hamster

Eliomys quercinus

Gardel Dormouse

Sciurus vulgaris

Red Squirrel

Marmota sp.

Alpine Marmot

Castor fiber

European Beaver

Hystrix cf. brachyura

East Asian Porcupine

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Naval.

Buena Pinta

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Camino

Naval.

Buena Pinta

Soricomorpha Sorex gr. araneus

Common Shrew

Sorex minutus

Pygmy Shrew

Neomys anomalus

Miller's water Shrew

Crocidura russula

Greater white-toothed Shrew

Galemys pyrenaicus

Pyrenean Desman

Talpa europaea

European Mole

Talpa occidentalis

Iberian Mole

Erinaceomorpha Erinaceus europaeus

Brown-breasted Hedgehog

Chiroptera Plecotus auritus

Brown long-eared Bat

Myotis myotis

Greater mouse-eared Bat

Rhinolophus hipposideros

Lesser horseshoe Bat

Rhinolophus ferrumequinum

Greater horseshoe Bat

Lagomorpha Oryctolagus cuniculus

Rabbit

Lepus sp.

Hare

(Eurotestudo hermani) suggest that the site was formed under warm climatic conditions. The landscape must have included wooded areas as reflected by the presence of species such as red deer (Cervus elaphus), squirrel (Sciurus vulgaris) and bank vole (Myodes glareolus), as well as open spaces through the presence of horse (E. caballus torralbae), narrow-nosed rhinoceros (Stephanorhinus hemitoechus), and auroch (Bos primigenius).

NAVALMAILLO SITE The new site of Navalmaíllo, discovered in 2002, while the site was partially covered by colluvium, is a rock shelter carved by the stream of Valmaíllo, with a minimum surface area of ~250-300 m2 (Fig. 10.6).

At present, the two human molars have been considered to belong to Homo neanderthalensis1 (Fig. 10.5).

Fig. 10.6. General view of Navalmaíllo site

The site is situated at about 130 m to the south of the Camino site. The top is situated about 8 m as it hangs over the valley of the stream of Navalmaillo. The presence of this rock shelter was not evident in the field. This was due to the collapse of part of the rock roof posterior to its abandonment, therefore giving a uniform look to the topographic outline of the slope. Only a slight structural limestone bed with a NW-SE direction

Fig. 10.5. Homo neanderthalensis molars from Camino site 1

Bermúdez de Castro, J.M. pers. comm.

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Level 1F that is highly deformed due to the weight of the fallen blocks just above this level have a sandy-clay consistency with carbonated fragments (4-12 cm in their greater axis) altered and brown in colour (10YR 4/3). Thickness it is still to be determined. The chronology by TL of level F ranges between 71.685 ± 5.082 and 77.230 ± 6.016 years ago (MOI 5/4) and documents an important Middle Paleolithic occupation.

could be seen about 30 m in length and an associated platform, that together with a slight evidence of some lithic industry and some faunal remains on the surface made possible to place the first stratigraphic test trench that reached 2 m, up to the top of level (F) that was considered to be in primary position. Presently 46 m2 are under excavation. The stratigraphic section exposed can be summarised as follows from the highest to the lowest:

Three of the archaeological levels have been documented with Mousterian industry (D, F and H). Levels D and F are currently the best documented. This occupation level contains hearths (Fig. 10.7), faunal remains (with cutmarks) consumed by the hominids, burned bones and lithic industry. Level H has only been partially excavated within a small area toward the N of the shelter. It also shows presence of lithic industry and faunal remains.

– At the bottom horizon A (1A), about 40 cm in thickness, grey-brown in colour (10 YR 5/2), sandysilt with dispersed limestone fragments that are more abundant toward the bottom, two phases of colluvial deposits have been differentiated (1B and 1B`) formed by carbonated rock fragments that have been altered. They can reach up to 15 cm in their greater axis. It is of a sandy-silt matrix, pale brown in colour (10YR 5/2). These colluvial facies can reach up to 1 m in thickness depending on the area. – The deepest levels are formed by horizon (1C) of claysilt from 10-15 cm thick without rock fragments, massive, with little lateral development, gray in colour. It is followed by levels 1D and 1E with a thickness of 0,80-0,50 m formed by gravels and blocks sometimes more than 1 m long in its greater axis. These are occasionally highly altered and come from carbonated rocks that have collapsed from the top of the shelter. In between the fallen limestone blocks there has been a process of build up via hydroplasticity and pressure of sediments which arise from the level immediately below (1F) that contains faunal remains and lithic industry.

Fig. 10.7. Hearth from Navalmaíllo

Fig. 10.8. Lithics tools coming from Navalmaíllo site: 1.- Flint BPF (broken blade); 2.- Flint BN2Ge (Core); 3.- Flint BN2G (Denticulate); 4.- Flint BN2G (Denticulate); 5.- Quartz BN1Ge (Core); 6.- Hyaline quartz BN2G (Denticulate); 7.- Flint BP (Simple flake); 8.- Flint BN1Ge (Core); 9.- Flint BN2GF (Denticulate); 10.- BN2G (Transversal convex sidescraper)

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The lithic industry (Fig. 10.8), currently under study and at present without percentages, is characteristic of the Mousterian culture. Abundant hammerstones, flakes and knapping remains are present, as well as finished tools including points, denticulates and side-scrapers. The raw material most frequently used is quartz, located near the site. Other raw materials used include: hyaline quartz, porphydic rock, flint, quartzite, etc. Discoid cores are very frequent. The Levallois technique is present only in the best quality materials. The Quina-type and abrupt retouch is present in the most elaborated tools. The palaeontological record from Navalmaíllo rock shelter up till now is fragmentary in nature compared to that of the Camino site. The results here stated are only preliminary as the material is currently under study (Table 10.1). The most abundant macro-mammal remains correspond to various species of herbivores. Carnivores are hardly represented and when they are, only by a small group of species. The most frequent micro-mammals are represented by the mediterranean pine vole (Microtus gr. duodecimocostatus), common vole (Microtus arvalis) and field vole (Microtus agrestis) with the exception of level H where the Lenke vole (Pliomys lenki) is the most abundant of the species.

Fig. 10.9. General view of Cueva de la Buena Pinta site

A few remains, including flakes made on flint and quartz as well as hammerstones, indicate a scant human presence at the site.

Cueva de la Buena Pinta Site The site of the Cueva de la Buena Pinta is located 80-90 m south of the Navalmaillo rockshelter site. It was discovered in 2003 during some preliminary prospections in the area. The cave entrance was completely silted over prior to excavation. An elliptic section phreatic in origin was left exposed (1,5 m in its greater axis and 1 m in its minor axis), and the gallery is situated about +9-10 m above the stream of Valmaíllo (Fig. 10.9).

This site is characteristic in its abundance of palaeontological remains. The Pleistocene and Holocene levels are rich in macrofaunal and microfaunal remains retrieved during the last excavation campaigns (20032006). This is the reason why the materials are currently under study. According to the preliminary data collected the mammals found at the site are similar to those found at the Camino site, both in the state of conservation and the species that are represented (Table 10.1).

The understanding of the stratigraphic sequence of this site is still insufficient. A deposit of colluvium from the Holocene has been differentiated, this blocked the cave entrance and has a thickness of 1,80 m. The texture is sand-silt-clay with carbonated fragments grey-brown in colour (10 YR 5/2) or dark gray (7.5 YR 4/1) with a 14C AMS (2 sigma) chronology between 5.740 to 5.610 and 1.940 to 1.800 BP.

Both Cueva de la Buena Pinta site and Camino site were used during the Upper Pleistocene as a spotted hyena den. This evidence can be seen through the fractures on the bone remains, on the fossil remains (mainly young individuals) and coprolites that in some levels can be extremely abundant. Again, the most abundant macromammal species are those of herbivores. Within the micro-faunal remains the lusitanian pine vole (M. gr. duodecimcostatus) and the common vole (M. arvalis) are the most common, although at the Cueva de la Buena Pinta some forest species such as the bank vole (Myodes glareolus) are not present. As a novelty groundhog (Marmota sp.) has been found at the Cueva de la Buena Pinta which could be indicative of a colder climate.

Under the Holocene sediments three levels of fill up deposits have been differentiated (1/2, 2 and 3) sand-siltclay yellow in colour (10 YR 7/6) with carbonated clasts up to 0,40 m in their mayor axis. The total thickness of these three levels reach up to 1 m. From level 3 an OSL date has been obtained of 63.451+-5.509 years ago (MOI 4). Like the site of Camino, this cave was used as a den by hyenas during the Upper Pleistocene, which introduced the faunal remains that show typical marks of carnivore activity and abundant coprolites, as well as immature hyena remains.

PRESENT AVENUES OF RESEARCH An interdisciplinary project has been initiated to undertake research into the following areas: Landscape 117

MAN AND ANIMALS

evolution; climate changes during MOI 5 and 4; floral, faunal and human evolution; interaction between hyenas and Neanderthals in the same territory; denning activity of the hyena groups at the Cueva del Camino and Cueva de la Buena Pinta; behavior of the Neanderthal groups and study of the different occupation levels at the Abrigo de Navalmaillo.

ALFÉREZ, F., MOLERO, G., MALDONADO, E., BREA, P., BUSTOS, V., BUITRAGO, A.M. y TONI, I. (1983) – Paleontología del Cuaternario. Yacimiento cuaternario de Pinilla del Valle. En: Madrid en sus orígenes. Editado por la Comunidad de Madrid. Consejería de Cultura, Deportes y Turismo, 1-11.

CONCLUSIONS

ALFÉREZ, F., MALDONADO, E. y MOLERO, G. (1985a) – El équido del Pleistoceno Medio del yacimiento de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid): Equus caballus pinillensis nov. subsp. VII Bienal de la Real Sociedad Española de Historia Natural, Barcelona.

The site known as Calvero de la Higuera, in Pinilla del Valle, contains a karst, with at least three cavities developed in limestone of late Cretaceous age, whose entrances were occupied by Homo neanderthalensis and Crocuta crocuta.

ALFÉREZ, F., MOLERO, G. y MALDONADO, E. (1985b) – Estudio preliminar del úrsido del yacimiento del cuaternario medio de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid). Coloquios de Paleontología, 40, 59-67.

The Cueva del Camino, whose roof is presently collapsed, was used as a hyena den around 90 ky ago. Level 5 has yielded two molars of Homo neanderthalensis.

ALFÉREZ, F. e IÑIGO, C. (1990) – Los restos de Dicerorhinus hemitoechus (Perissodactyla, Mammalia) del Pleistoceno Medio de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid). Actas de Paleontología (Acta Salmanticensia, 68), 2545.

The Cueva de la Buena Pinta was also used as a hyena den and there is evidence of moments of human occupation. This site dates to around 60 ky ago.

ALFÉREZ, F. y BUITRAGO, A.M. (1994) – Los restos de Sus scrofa (Artyodactila, Mammalia) del Pleistoceno Medio de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid). En: Comunicaciones de las X Jornadas de Paleontología, 12-13. Madrid.

Both carnivore dens provide an exceptional picture of the faunal and environmental evolution during the early Upper Pleistocene in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula.

ALFÉREZ, F. y CHACÓN, B. (1996) – New data on the Middle Pleistocene bear from the Pinilla del Valle, Madrid. 44th Symposium of Vertebrate Palaeontology and Comparative Anatomy (SVPCA), Londres.

The Navalmaíllo rockshelter has various levels with mousterian tool industry and evidence of the activities and lifeways of Homo neanderthalensis around 75 ky ago.

ARENAS, R., FUSTER, J.M., MARTÍNEZ-SALNOVA, DEL OLMO, A. y VILLASECA, C. (1991) – Mapa Geológico de España a E. 1:50.000, Segovia (483). IGME. Madrid.

Acknowledgements

ARRIBAS, A. (1994) – Paleontología de macromamíferos del yacimiento mesopleistoceno de Villacastín (Segovia, España). Bol. Geol. y Min., 105 (4), 344361.

Everyone who comprises and has collaborated with the research team in the Lozoya river valley, specially to J. M. Bermúdez de Castro which has co-directed the excavations from 2002 to 2005. The Comunidad de Madrid for their institutional support. The Universidad de Alcalá Foundation and the Atapuerca Foundation for their administrative and technical assistance. To Mahou and IBM for their patronage. To the inhabitants of the Lozoya river valley for their warm reception.

BELLIDO, F., ESCUDER, J., KLEIN, E. y DEL OLMO, A. (1991) – Mapa Geológico de España a E. 1:50.000, Buitrago de Lozoya (484). IGME. Madrid. BUITRAGO, A.M. (1992) – Estudio de los artiodáctilos del yacimiento del Pleistoceno Medio de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid). Tesis Doctoral Universidad Complutense, Facultad de Biología, vol. 1 y 2. CERDEÑO, E. (1990) – Stephanorhinus hemitoechus (Falc.) (Rhinocerotidae, Mammalia) del Pleistoceno Medio y Superior de España. Estudios geol., 46, 465479.

Bibliography ALFEREZ DELGADO, F. (1985) – Dos molares humanos procedentes del yacimiento del Pleistoceno Medio de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid), Trabajos de Antropología XIX (4). Resúmenes IV Congreso Español de Antropología Biológica. Barcelona.

DÍEZ FERNÁNDEZ-LOMANA, C. (1992) – Zooarqueología de Atapuerca (Burgos) e implicaciones paleoeconómicas del estudio tafonómico de yacimientos del Pleistoceno medio. Tesis Doctoral, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Facultad de Geografía e Historia.

ALFÉREZ, F., MOLERO, G., MALDONADO, E., BUSTOS, V., BREA, P., y BUITRAGO, A.M. (1982) – Descubrimiento del primer yacimiento cuaternario (Riss-Würm) de vertebrados con restos humanos en la provincia de Madrid (Pinilla del Valle). Coloquios de Paleontología, 37, 15-32.

LAPLANA, C. y SEVILLA, P. (2006) – Nuevos datos sobre los micromamíferos (Roedores, Insectívoros y Quirópteros) del yacimiento Camino (Pleistoceno

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Superior, Pinilla del Valle, Madrid). En: Fernández Martínez, E. (ed.), XXII Jornadas de Paleontología, Libro de resúmenes, 135-137.

DE LA ROSA ROMÁN, A. (2002) – Hidroquímica del alto valle del Lozoya. DEA (inédito). Dpto. de Geodinámica UCM. Madrid.

MALDONADO, E. (1997) – Revisión de los équidos del Pleistoceno Medio y Superior en España. Tesis Doctoral Universidad Complutense, Facultad de Ciencias Biológicas, 1-249.

TONI, I. y MOLERO, G. (1990) – Los roedores (Rodentia, Mammalia) del yacimiento cuaternario de Pinilla del Valle (Madrid). Actas de Paleontología, 359-372. VERA, J.A. (Ed.) (2004) – Geología de España. SGEIGME. Madrid.

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ANIMAL EXPLOITATION IN THE ANCIENT GRAVETTIAN OF GROTTA PAGLICCI (FOGGIA– ITALY) TAPHONOMY, EXPERIMENTATION AND USE-WEAR ANALYSIS Valentina BORGIA Università degli Studi di Siena, Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali “G. Sarfatti”, Sezione di Ecologia Preistorica – Via delle Cerchia 5, 53100 Siena, Italy [email protected]

Jacopo CREZZINI Università degli Studi di Siena, Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali “G. Sarfatti”, Sezione di Ecologia Preistorica – Via delle Cerchia 5, 53100 Siena, Italy [email protected] Abstract: Layers 23 and 22, part of the very rich Upper Paleolithic series of Paglicci Cave (Foggia – Italy), have been dated between 28.100 ± 400 BP and 26.800 ± 300 BP and attributed, through the analysis of the lithic industry, to an initial phase of Gravettian, a facies much rare in Italy. Taphonomic study of ungulate remains recovered from these two layers shows the presence of large numbers of skeletal elements modified by human actions. A wide range of experimental activities, followed by use wear analysis on lithic tools, has the objective to better understanding the techniques adopted by Gravettian hunters to butcher their prey. Keywords: Grotta Paglicci, Gravettiano, animal exploitation, use-wear analysis Resumé: Les couches 23 et 22, qui font partie de la très riche série du Paleolithique supérieur de Grotte Paglicci (Foggia – Italie), ont été datées entre 28.100 ± 400 BP et 26.800 ± 300 BP et attribuées, sur la base de l’analyse de l’industrie litique, à une phase initiale du Gravettien, un facies très rare en Italie. L’étudie taphonomique mené sur les restes d’ongolés retrouvés à l’intérieur de ces couches a mis en évidence une elevée incidence de l’action anthropique sur les éléments anatomiques analysés. Une vaste activité expérimentale, suivie de l’analyse des traces d’usage sur les outils litiques, a l’objectif d’arriver à des interprétations en ce qui concerne les chaînes opérationnelles liées à l’abattage des proies de la part des chasseurs gravettiens. Mots clé: Grotta Paglicci, Gravettien, exploitation animale, tracéologie

Microtus arvalis and Microtus savii are most common, typical taxa of continental steppe environment, with scarce arboreal elements. The majority of the remains of avifauna in the two layers belong to species of dry and rocky environments such as the alpine chough (Pyrrochorax graculus) or the wild pigeon (Columba livia). The anthracological analysis underline the good presence of junipers (Juniperus sp.) of various species, with the relevant appearance, in layer 22, of Pinus cf. nigra, which indicates a cooling in the climate (Maspero, 2004). As far as the lithic industry is concerned, in the above mentioned layers a total of 1998 retouched elements were found, as well as other various thousands of unretouched pieces and cores (Palma di Cesnola, 2004).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT The Ancient Gravettian layers 23 and 22, placed at the base of the rich Upper Paleolithic series of Grotta Paglicci (Foggia, Italy), provided the following radiometric dating: 28.100 ± 400 BP (layer 23) and 26.800 ± 300 BP (layer 22B) (Palma di Cesnola, 1993). Recent studies carried out on the faunal (Boscato, 1994, 2004; Bartolomei, 2004; Tagliacozzo and Gala, 2004) and anthracological remains (Maspero, 2004) recovered from the two layers, have allowed the reconstruction of the paleoenvironment during this phase of occupation of the site. The ungulate association of layer 23 is characterized by the prevalence of remains of caprines, aurochs and equidae, and it witnesses a cold grassland environment. Within the lowest levels of layer 22 (22F-22D), it is possible to notice a lower presence of Capra ibex, Rupicapra and of equidae, combined to a strong increase in the presence of aurochs, suggesting the diffusion of an arboreal grassland related with mildly cold climate. On the other hand, in the highest part of the layer (22C-22A), caprines increase and Bos primigenius decreases, together with Equus hydruntinus and Sus scrofa; these variations suggest a cold phase, probably referable to the KesseltTursac transition (Tab. 11.1). Other faunal and paleobotanical studies, useful to define the paleoenvironment around the cave, are in line with what described above. In the microfauna, the remains of

The study of the lithic industry, carried out in accordance with the analytical typology of G. Laplace (1964) has allowed the cultural attribution of these horizons to the most ancient phase of the Italian Gravettian, called “with backed points” or “undifferentiated”. Both the lithic complexes are dominated by backed tools, almost totally represented by backed points, with increasing percentages in the frame of the series, which reach 81.6% in level 22E. Burins and end-scrapers are not very numerous, with a variable B/G ratio in favor of the end-scrapers in layer 23 and of the burins in layer 22; the substratum reports the highest value (28.8%) at the base of the sequence to subsequently decrease progressively. 121

MAN AND ANIMALS

Tab. 11.1. Ungulates: number of identified elements (NISP) and corresponding percentages for each level (Boscato 1994, 2004) Equus ferus

Level

Equus hydruntinus

Equus sp.

Sus scrofa

Bos primigenius

Capra ibex

Rupicapra sp.

Cervus elaphus

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

NR

%

22a

30

15,4

5

2,6

5

2,6

1

0,5

50

25,7

65

33,3

30

15,4

9

4,6

22b

9

16,6

0

0

2

3,7

0

0

3

5,6

15

27,8

21

38,9

4

7,4

22c

3

5,2

3

5,2

0

0

1

1,7

8

13,8

19

32,8

20

34,4

4

6,9

22d

16

15,7

8

7,8

5

4,9

4

3,9

40

39,2

10

9,8

14

13,7

5

4,9

22e

59

19,1

12

3,9

4

1,3

26

8,4

140

45,3

42

13,6

14

4,5

12

3,9

22f

73

15,6

40

8,5

10

2,1

29

6,2

235

50,1

37

7,9

23

4,9

22

4,7

23a

73

15,8

50

10,8

8

1,7

34

7,4

132

28,6

92

19,9

36

7,8

37

8,0

23b

59

18,8

29

9,2

9

2,9

37

11,8

69

22,0

57

18,1

37

11,8

17

5,4

23c

25

15,1

21

12,7

9

5,4

13

7,8

28

16,9

36

21,7

20

12,0

14

8,4

Fig. 11.1. Evidence from the bones: 1) traces of hyaena gnawing on metacarpus of Capra ibex 2) cut marks on phalanx II of Bos primigenius

a precise taphonomic study on faunal remains thanks to their good conservation state, constitute the starting point for the realization of a multidisciplinary study of the archaeological content of layers 23 and 22.

OBJECTIVES This work is part of a wide research project aimed at obtaining a broader vision of subsistence strategies carried out by man during the ancient Gravettian of Grotta Paglicci (Borgia, 2006; Boscato and Crezzini, 2005; Crezzini, in press).

In this paper, the first results of the use-wear analysis of the lithic industry of Paglicci are detailed. A comparison between use-wear produced on the flakes used in experimental trials and those observed on the archaeological findings was carried out with the purpose of detecting some categories of lithic instruments used in the butchering process.

The taphonomic study carried out on the remains of ungulates retrieved in levels 22F and 23C has allowed the evaluation of how much human action contributed to forming the bone accumulation. The combination of the remarks obtained with this analysis and some experimental trials suggested a probable method of butchering of the distal portions of the limbs of aurochs, assuming, at least for that anatomical sector in this species, how human intervention could feature the bone sample analyzed. The high quantity and good workmanship of the lithic industry, as well as the possibility of conducting

TAPHONOMIC STUDIES A first taphonomic study has taken into consideration ungulate remains from levels 22F and 23C (Boscato and Crezzini, 2005). Within sample 22F, among the elements

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Fig. 11.2. The operational sequence followed in experimentation

identifiable to species level, 17.4% show traces of human activities. The same type of percentage value decreases to 3.6% in 23C. In the most ancient level, the presence of spotted hyaena (Crocuta crocuta spelaea) is attested not only by its skeletal remains but also by numerous coprolites and bones carrying signs of hyena gnawing (3.4% of the total assemblage; Boscato and Crezzini 2005). The utilization of the SEM has allowed to distinguish more clearly those marks left on the bone surfaces by the carnivore from those left by human activities (Fig. 11.1). TAPHONOMIC STUDIES + EXPERIMENTATION Further taphonomic analysis have regarded the anthropic traces distribution on every single identifiable skeletal element of ungulate. The high quantity of traces, identified on carpal, tarsal and metapodial bones, as well as sesamoids and phalanges, probably due to the good degree of preservation and high number of identified bones, has prompted us to concentrate the study on the distal portion of the limbs. Experiments have been carried out, using unretouched flint flakes on cattle legs. Marks obtained through experimentation and those recognized on remains of Bos primigenius, suggest a chaîne opératoire consisting of three precise processing phases: skinning, removal of main fibrous fascicles and breakage of metapodial and phalanges assembled through the cartilages and the thinnest fibrous bundles (Fig. 11.2). The evidences produced on the bones during experimenttation and those already available on the remains of the same skeletal elements of the fossil sample retrieved at Grotta Paglicci, show strong analogies (Fig. 11.3).

Fig. 11.3. Comparison between traces generated on the bones undergoing experimentation and traces detected in the fossil sample: 1. Cuts generated by the disarticulation on back surfaces of big cuneiform of cattle (above) and of aurochs (under); 2. Evidences of fracture on a first phalanx of cattle (left) and of aurochs (right)

quite long period of time (about one hour for every experimental trial), the traces created on these tools are not particularly marked. Figures 4 and 5 show some of the most developed polishes, which are always quite light. This could lead, during analysis of the archaeological material, to underestimated butchering activities (Lemorini, 2000). Preliminary examination (around 40 pieces) of the archaeological sample, made of retouched and unretouched elements, has pointed out a very high percentage (57,5%) of tools which display traces of use (Tab. 11.2).

TAPHONOMIC STUDIES + EXPERIMENTATION + USE WEAR ANALYSIS Other experimental tests have been conducted with the aim to identify traces left on the tools utilized by removal of skin, fibrous fascicles and disarticulation.

The expected traces, following butcher operations, are due to the contact with skin, flesh and bones. Butchering, however, is not the only activity which brings a lithic instrument into contact with these materials. In fact, we should also take into consideration, for instance, activities linked to the tanning of hides or to the bone working. These activities leave generally extremely developed traces on the active margins of tools, and, in case of the

For each of these actions, different lithic instruments were used, always consisting in unretouched flakes with a good shearing edge. In spite of the fact that these procedures require an intensive use of instruments for a

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Fig. 11.4-5. Microwear on experimental instruments used for skinning (100X)

Tab. 11.2. Use-wear on the archaeological sample Archaeological sample of Paglicci

Without use-wear

Use-wear compatible with butchering

Hide

Vegetable material

Unretouched blades

10

3

1

1

2

Unretouched flakes

1

1

2

3

Burins

3

Fr. of scrapers

Indeterminate material

1

End-scrapers Scrapers

Bone

2 1

1

1 2

2

1

Denticulates

1 1

Fig. 11. 6. Group of instruments which show compatible traces with butchering

treatment of hides, are linked to well determined categories of instruments (end-scrapers). Nevertheless, it could be difficult to distinguish the group of instruments used uniquely for butchering, whereas we can detect elements, which show traces compatible with this activity (Fig. 11.6). In the studied sample, this subgroup of elements does not seem to have particular morphological characteristics, including retouched and unretouched tools belonging to different typological and technological categories. The only observed recurrence consists in the fact that the traces always concern the unretouched shearing edges.

The continuation of the functional analysis of lithic tools of Paglicci will have, among others, the objective of detecting whether and how the techno-typological and morphological features of instruments compatible with butcher activities differ from those used for other activities carried out on the site.

The same remark is also true for the tools displaying traces associated with vegetable matter processing, whereas for the instruments clearly linked to the tanning of hides, we can notice mainly the use of retouched margins.

BARTOLOMEI, G. (2004) – Paleoecologia e paleoclimatologia dei livelli dell’Aurignaziano e del Gravettiano antico di Grotta Paglicci nel Gargano sulla base dei micromammiferi. In: Palma Di Cesnola, A., ed. – Paglicci. L’Aurignaziano e

(Photos and drawings of Stefano Ricci, Jacopo Crezzini and Valentina Borgia) Bibliographical references

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V. BORGIA & J. CREZZINI: ANIMAL EXPLOITATION IN THE ANCIENT GRAVETTIAN OF GROTTA PAGLICCI (FOGGIA– ITALY)

CREZZINI, J. (in press) – Studio della distribuzione delle tracce antropiche sui resti di ungulati del Gravettiano antico di Grotta Paglicci (Rignano Garganico-FG): il trattamento delle frazioni distali degli arti di Bos primigenius. Atti del I Convegno Nazionale degli studenti di Antropologia, Preistoria e Protostoria. In: Annali dell’Università di Ferrara. 2006.

il Gravettiano antico. Claudio Grenzi Editore: p. 6369. BORGIA, V., (2006) – L’analisi funzionale degli elementi a dorso come strumento conoscitivo per ricostruire le strategie di sfruttamento delle risorse territoriali nel Gravettiano antico di Grotta Paglicci (strati 23 e 22), Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche, LVI: pp. 53-82.

LAPLACE, G. (1964) – Essay de typologie systématique. Annali Università di Ferrara, sez. XV: I, suppl. II.

BOSCATO, P., CREZZINI, J. (2005) – L’uomo e la Iena macchiata. Tafonomia sui resti di ungulati del Gravettiano antico di Grotta Paglicci (Rignano Garganico – FG). Atti del 4° Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia, Pordenone. In: Malerba G., Visentini P. ed. – Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli Occidentale, 6: p. 67-74.

LEMORINI, C. (2000) – Reconnaître des tactiques d’exploitation du milieu au Paléolithique Moyen, BAR International Series 858, Oxford: p. 142. MASPERO, A. (2004) – Le analisi antracologiche degli strati aurignaziani di Grotta Paglicci. In: Palma Di Cesnola, A., ed. – Paglicci. L’Aurignaziano e il Gravettiano antico. Claudio Grenzi Editore: p. 91101.

BOSCATO, P. (1994) – Grotta Paglicci: la fauna a grandi mammiferi degli strati 22-24 (Gravettiano anticoAurignaziano). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche, XLVI: 1. p. 145-176.

PALMA DI CESNOLA, A. (1993) – Il Paleolitico Superiore in Italia, Firenze, Garlatti-Razzai ed.

BOSCATO, P. (2004) – I macromammiferi dell’Aurignaziano e del Gravettiano antico di Grotta Paglicci. In: Palma Di Cesnola, A., ed. – Paglicci. L’Aurignaziano e il Gravettiano antico. Claudio Grenzi Editore: p. 4962.

TAGLIACOZZO, A., GALA, M. (2004) – L’avifauna dei livelli 24-22 (Aurignaziano e Gravettiano antico) di Grotta Paglicci: l’aspetto ambientale e quello economico. In: Palma Di Cesnola, A., ed. – Paglicci. L’Aurignaziano e il Gravettiano antico. Claudio Grenzi Editore: p. 71-89.

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AS AVES DO PLISTOCÉNICO DE PORTUGAL Silvério FIGUEIREDO Instituto Politécnico de Tomar; Centro Português de Geo-História e Pré-História, Grupo Quaternário e Pré-história do Centro de Geo-Ciências – FCUC [email protected] Abstract: There are many sites where Plistocene bird remains have been found. In what concerns older periods, the paleoornithological knowledge is still very feeble. There are a greater number of findings from the Plistocene, all of them in archaeological context, almost all of them in caves. Fifteen sites containing avifauna are known (Gruta Nova da Columbeira, Gruta de Salemas, Gruta das Fontainhas, Gruta da Furninha, Gruta do Pego do Diabo, Gruta da Casa da Moura, Gruta do Caldeirão, Lapa da Rainha, Gruta da Figueira-Brava, Gruta do Escoural, Grutas do Almonda, Abrigo do Lagar Velho, Lapa do Picareiro, Foz do Enxarrique and Buraca Escura), some of them with fauna previously undiscovered and in some others (Gruta da Furninha and Gruta das Fontainhas) where it had already been fully or partially studied by Harlé (Harlé, 1910-11). Those are, however, very old studies that needed to be reviewed, especially in taxonomic attributions. Key-Words: Birds, Pleistocene, Palaeolithic, Portugal, tafonomy, palaeornitology, palaeoecology, archaeology, palaeontology Resumo: São várias as jazidas com presença de restos de aves plistocénicas. No que respeita a outros períodos mais antigos, o conhecimento paleornitológico ainda é mais escasso. Do Plistocénico existe um maior número de descobertas, todas elas em contexto arqueológico e, a quase totalidade, em gruta, conhecendo-se 15 jazidas com avifauna (Gruta Nova da Columbeira, Gruta de Salemas, Gruta das Fontainhas, Gruta da Furninha, Gruta do Pego do Diabo, Gruta da Casa da Moura, Gruta do Caldeirão, Lapa da Rainha, Gruta da Figueira-Brava, Gruta do Escoural, Grutas do Almonda, Abrigo do Lagar Velho, Lapa do Picareiro, Foz do Enxarrique e Buraca Escura), algumas delas com a avifauna ainda inédita e noutras (a Gruta da Furninha e a Gruta das Fontainhas) já se encontravam estudadas ou parcialmente estudadas por Harlé (Harlé, 1910-11). Trata-se, no entanto, de estudos muito antigos que precisavam ser revistos, especialmente no que diz respeito à atribuição taxonómica. Palavras-chave: Aves, Plistocénico, Paleolítico, grutas, Portugal, tafonomía, paleoornitologia, paleoecologia, arqueologia, paleontologia

Lisboa (Mourer-Chauviré, C & Telles-Antunes, M., 2003).

INTRODUÇÃO A primeira publicação onde foi feito um estudo sobre as aves plistocénicas de Portugal data de 1910-11 (Harlé, 1910-11). Até à década de oitenta a referência na bibliografia à existência de aves no Plistocénico português apenas revela reproduções nominativas, sem a actualização taxonómica daquela listagem de inícios do século passado (Zbyszewski, 1958; Veiga Ferreira, 1964; Roche, 1972). Nestes estudos apenas se actualizou o conhecimento da avifauna plistocénica de Portugal com a referência a aves na Lapa da Rainha (Roche, 1972). Desde a década de oitenta até à actualidade novos estudos foram feitos sobre outras jazidas aumentando exponencialmente as jazidas com aves plistocénicas (Mourer – Chauviré e Antunes, 1999; Davis 2002; Marks et al. 2002; Moreno-Garcia & Pimenta, 2002).

A maioria das jazidas com avifana plistocénica em Portugal está numa área limitada por três rios: a este pelo rio Zêzere, a sul, pelo Tejo e a norte, pelo Mondego. Em termos cronológicos, conhece-se apenas uma jazida do Plistocénico Médio (Paleolítico Inferior): as Galerias Pesadas, no Almonda, datados de há cerca 241 mil anos (Marks et al. 2000, 2002). Todas as restantes jazidas estão datadas do Plistocénico Superior (Paleolítico Médio e Superior), sendo, destas, a mais antiga, a Gruta da Furninha, com uma datação de cerca de 80 mil anos (Cardoso, 1993). O presente artigo pretende apresentar uma súmula do que se conhece sobre as aves plistocénicas de Portugal e, apresentar alguns dados novos, resultantes do trabalho de doutoramento do autor (Figueiredo, 2010), sobre oito jazidas: Gruta Nova da Columbeira; Gruta da Furninha e das Fontainhas (revisão taxonómica do estudo de E. T, Newton e estudo de alguns materiais inéditos); Gruta de Salemas, Gruta do Pego do Diabo, Gruta da Casa da Moura, Lapa da Rainha (estudo dos materiais inéditos, não publicados por Roche), Gruta do Caldeirão (estudo de alguns materiais de micro-vertebrados, não estudados por Simon Davis). Estes materiais resultaram de escavações e recolhas efectuadas nos séculos XIX (Gruta da Furninha, Gruta das Fontainhas, e Casa da Moura) e século XX (Gruta de salemas, Gruta Nova da Columbeira, Lapa da Rainha, Gruta do Pego do Diabo e Gruta do Caldeirão.

Dos períodos geológicos anteriores pouco se continua a conhecer. Do Mesozóico, só se conhecem poucos restos de aves. Trata-se de dentes atribuídos ao género Archaeopteryx (cf. Archaeoptryx), em níveis do Jurássico Superior (cerca de 150 milhões de anos) na Mina da Guimarota, em Leiria (Weigert, 1995). No que respeita ao Cenozóico há que referir os achados da Silveirinha, uma jazida do Eocénico Inferior, onde se encontraram três ossos de uma ave limícola (Harrison, 1983). Do Miocénico estão referenciadas alguns achados em Amor, (Leiria), na Praia do Penedo (Sesimbra), Aveiras (Sanchez-Marco, A.S., 1996a) e a existência da parte distal de um tibiotarso dum Paleoperdix e um resto de gruidae, no Miocénico da Charneca do Lumiar, em 127

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Fig. 12.1. Mapa de localização geral dos sítios estudados (1 a 8) e seu enquadramento no contexto das jazidas plistocénicas com restos de aves, em Portugal (9 a 16): 1 – Gruta Nova da Columbeira; 2 – Gruta da Furninha; 3 – Gruta das Salemas; 4 – Gruta do Pego do Diabo; 5 – Gruta das Fontainhas; 6 – Gruta da Casa da Moura; 7 – Lapa da Rainha; 8 – Gruta do Caldeirão; 9 – Gruta da Figueira-Brava; 10 – Gruta do Escoural; 11 – Grutas do Almonda; 12 – Abrigo do Lagar Velho; 13 – Lapa do Picareiro; 14 – Foz do Enxarrique; 15 – Buraca Escura. (Fonte: Grande atlas mundial – Selecções do Reader’s Digest, 1978)

JAZIDAS PUBLICADAS OU COM REFERÊNCIA Á PRESENÇA DE AVES

o que poderá estar relacionado com a posição geográfica desta jazida.

Gruta da Figueira-Brava

Dos restos osteológicos de aves ali encontrados dominam os ossos do esqueleto apendicular (os membros), não tendo sido encontrados vestígios do esqueleto cefálico. As espécies identificadas por Telles Antunes e Cécile Mourer-Chauviré indicam climas característicos do litoral, uma vez que apresentam uma percentagem maior de espécies que habitam as zonas de litoral. Verifica-se uma predominância de aves que vivem na zona marinha costeira e em zonas de rochas. Mais uma vez se verifica a influência da Arrábida no ambiente desta zona.

Na Gruta da Figueira-Brava foram identificadas 29 espécies de aves (Antunes & Mourer-Chauviré, 2000). A avifauna aqui identificada apresenta algumas características semelhantes à da Gruta da Furninha. Apesar de estarem as duas grutas localizadas junto da costa, verifica-se uma maior influência dos ambientes marinhos na Gruta da Figueira-Brava, dominam as aves que vivem na zona marinha costeira e em zonas de rocha, 128

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Fig. 12.2. Sistemática paleontológica das aves da Gruta da Figueira-Brava (Segundo Antunes & Mourer-Chauviré, 2000)

Corvus monedula, Corvus corone / frugilegus) e perdizes (Alectoris sp). No caso do Cygnus olor, do Mergus albellus e do Pyrrhocorax graculus, são espécies ainda existentes, mas que já não aparecem em Portugal. Foi também identificada, com reservas, uma espécies já extinta: o Corvus antecorax, antepassado do corvo actual.

Galeria Pesada (Almonda) Foram identificadas cerca de duas dezenas de táxones de aves, cuja presença poderá derivar de dois factores: algumas viviam nas escarpas próximas da gruta e outras viveram na entrada (Marks et al. 2002 – b, p.18). Como alguns dos táxones identificados são de aves de rapina, é provável que tivessem trazido para a gruta outras como presas, bem como partes de aves relativamente grandes que tivessem morrido nas proximidades. É também provável que os outros carnívoros e o próprio homem tivessem contribuído para a acumulação de aves nesta cavidade (Marks et al. 2002 – b, p.18).

Abrigo do Lagar Velho – Lapedo As aves desta jazida representam uma pequena amostra que não permite tirar conclusões paleoambientais. Alguns táxones identificados estão relacionados com paisagens rochosas, como as que se encontram neste vale (MorenoGarcia e Pimenta, 2002). As gralhas (Pyrrhocorax sp) vivem em zonas de montanha com precipícios e ravinas; enquanto as perdizes (Alectoris sp) também podem ser encontradas nestes ambientes (Moreno-Garcia e Pimenta, 2002, p. 118).

Foram então identificadas por Marks (Marks et al. 2002 – a e b), entre outros, os seguintes táxones ainda vivos: antídeos (Anas sp, Cygnus cf. Olor e Cf. Mergus albellus), Ciconia sp, Columbiformes (Columba palumbus e Columba livia / oenas), rapinas nocturnas (Athene noctua, Bubo bubo), aves de rapina (Buteo buteo, Falco sp) e corvídeos (Pica pica, Pyrrhocorax graculus,

As aves identificadas por Marta Moreno-Garcia e Carlos Pimenta são as mesmas que ocorrem noutras estações do 129

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Columba livia; Pyrrhocorax ou corvus; Corvus frugilegus ou Corvus corone.

Plistocénico Superior. Foram identificadosos seguintes taxones: Phyrrhocorax sp, Alectoris sp, passeriformes indet., accipitridae, Falco tinnuculus, Corvus munedula, Corvidae, Sturnus vulgaris (Moreno-Garcia e Pimenta, 2002, p. 126, quadro 6-9).

A acumulação dos restos de aves na Gruta do Escoural terá sido não antrópica. Estes restos terão tido duas causas: restos transportados por carnívoros (Felis sylvestris e Lynx pardina), também presentes na gruta, ou restos de aves que frequentavam a gruta. As espécies maiores de anseriformes, tais como Anas platyrhyncos, Tadorna tadorna e Mergus merganser, terão sido caçados pelo lince, enquanto as espécies mais pequenas (Alectoris rufa, Columba palumbus e Streptopelia sp, bem como a maioria dos passeriformes) terão sido caçadas pelo gato selvagem. A presença de Athene noctua estará relacionada com a frequência desta espécie nas grutas. A presença de Columba oeanas/livia terá duas explicações: ou foi também caçada pelo gato selvagem ou os restos acumularam-se naturalmente, por estas espécies construírem os ninhos nas paredes das grutas e alguns indivíduos ai morrerem (Deville, 1996). A paleoecologia da zona seria variada, com zonas com água, tal como sugere a presença dos anseriformes, e zonas secas com arbustos e árvores, onde custumam viver as espécies Allectoris rufa, Columba livia/oeanas, Columba palumbus e Streptopelia turtur e os géneros Turdus e Corvus (Deville, 1996).

Fig. 12.3. Relação da ocorrência dos diferentes táxones de aves identificados no Abrigo do Lagar Velho, com base nos dados de Moreno-Garcia e Pimenta, 2002

Gruta do Caldeirão

Gruta do Escoural

As aves encontradas nesta jazida são, em termos gerais, os mesmos grupos taxonómicos que encontramos nas outras estudadas neste trabalho. Foram identificadas por Davis (Davis, 2002) doze espécies de aves, a partir de um universo de 146 ossos. Em termos taxonómicos, a ordem dos passeriformes é a mais frequente, e destes a família corvidae. Tal como nas outras jazidas de interior, os patos estão aqui muito pouco representados.

As aves da Gruta do Escoural foram estudadas por Johan Deville (Deville, 1996). Este estudo não foi muito conclusivo na atribuição de restos a algumas espécies, muito semelhantes osteologicamente das ordens dos anseriformes, columbiformes e passeriformes: não foram especificados os restos entre Branta sp ou Anser sp; Anas platyrhyncos ou Tadorna tadorna; Columba oeanas ou

Fig. 12.4. Relação da ocorrência dos restos dos diferentes táxones identificados na Gruta do Escoural, com base nos dados de Deville, 1996 130

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pedogénese da gruta e não tanto a eventuais intervenções de carnívoros ou do próprio homem. É provável também que alguns dos ossos tenham sido fragmentados durante a escavação, uma vez que foi possível colar alguns dos fragmentos.

Outras jazidas com referências à existência de avifauna Existe, na bibliografia sobre jazidas com fauna plistocénica, quatro (Lapa do Picareiro, Foz do Enxarrique, Buraca Escura e Lapa do Anecrial), com referência à presença de aves. Algumas delas estão actualmente em estudo. Trata-se apenas de referências superficiais sem ser indicada a taxonomia.

A partir do estudo tafonómico, em especial pelo facto da não se terem encontrado marcas nos ossos, e pelas espécies identificadas, pode concluir-se que a grande maioria das aves presentes na amostra da Gruta Nova da Columbeira se deve a acumulações naturais de aves que a frequentavam ou lá ficavam presas. Apenas uma pequena parte terá sido consumida pelos carnívoros ou pelos homens que também frequentaram a gruta. Existe um predomínio das espécies características de um ambiente de cariz mais de interior, como era de esperar, devido à sua localização geográfica. Na Gruta Nova da Columbeira, as espécies marinhas são residuais. Por outro lado, verifica-se um grande número de restos de espécies de ambientes secos (charnecas, matas e bosques) e uma quase inexistência de espécies de zonas húmidas. A grande prodominância dos Phyrrhocorax está de acordo com a zona envolvente à gruta: zona de montanha e com rochedos, o habitat das duas espécies deste género (P. phyrrhocorax, na montanha e nos rochedos, e P. graculus, na montanha).

JAZIDAS COM AVIFAUNA NÃO PUBLICADAS OU ACTUALIZADA Gruta da Columbeira Da Gruta Nova da Columbeira foram identificadas, nos materiais que se encontram no Museu Municipal do Bombarral, 540 restos ósseos de aves. A maioria pertence ao esqueleto apendicular e encontra-se muito fragmentada, o que explica o grande número de restos sem atribuição taxonómica abaixo da classe. Dos ossos fragmentados, 185 (cerca de 46 %) correspondem à parte proximal; 10 (cerca de 2 %) à parte mesial e 215 (cerca de 52 %) à parte distal. Das espécies identificadas nos níveis plistocénicos da Gruta Nova da Columbeira, com a excepção de três espécies, o Pyrrhocorax graculus, o Lagopus mutus e a Perdix perdix, que estão actualmente extintas em Portugal, todas as restantes espécies identificadas vivem ou ocupam sazonalmente o actual território português.

As espécies identificadas são maioritariamente de clima temperado frio, o que revela que, aquando da ocupação paleolítica da gruta, as temperaturas, um pouco mais baixas, correspondiam a um clima algo mais frio que o actual. Estas conclusões são dadas pela ocorrência de algumas espécies de aves de climas mais frios, de que são exemplo o Phyrrhocorax graculus e o Lagopus mutus. Estes dados correspondem aos indicadores fornecidos pelos grandes mamíferos que, segundo o estudo realizado por João Luís Cardoso, indicam “um biótopo frio com uma componente de secura, embora não muito acentuada” (Cardoso, 1993, pp. 527).

O estudo taxonómico foi feito segundo a sua proveniência estratigráfica. Verificou-se, nas camadas com maior número de restos, a predominância dos mesmos grupos. Verifica-se a ocorrência de apenas algumas espécies residuais diferentes nessas camadas. Analisando os dados pelos diferentes táxones verifica-se igualmente uma maior abundância dos passeriformes e, de entre estes, o predomínio dos corvídeos, em especial do género Pyrrhocorax. Esta situação é explicável pelo tipo de jazida: uma gruta, local frequentado por estes animais. O número relativamente elevado dos galliformes (sobretudo do género Alectoris) e dos columbiformes (com destaque para a espécie Columba livia) poderá ser explicado pela zona envolvente à Gruta Nova da Columbeira: o vale, que se alarga para jusante da Ribeira da Columbeira, formando uma área aberta, que é o ambiente ideal para a ocorrência dos Alectoris, enquanto a zona de escarpa rochosa em que se enquadra a Gruta Nova é a preferida da Columba livia.

Gruta da Furninha Como foi referido, os primeiros estudos sobre a avifauna da Gruta da Furninha foram realizados por E.T. Newton e foram publicados em 1910 e 11 por Edouard Harlé (Harlé, 1910/11). As aves desta jazida assumem-se como importantes, no contexto da avifauna plistocénica portuguesa, uma vez que são relativamente abundantes: representam cerca de 10% da totalidade dos tetrápodes lá encontrados. Dos restos de aves agora identificados, surge em destaque um fragmento de osso encontrado no meio de outros não classificados no lote 1143. Neste lote foram identificados 79 restos de aves. De entre estes encontrava-se um fragmento de úmero esquerdo com parte da zona mesial e com a zona proximal (número de inventário: 1143.28). Este osso apresenta características osteológicas da família Alcidae: pronunciado espalmamento longitudinal da diáfise, projecção lateral e ventral da articulação proximal do úmero e crista pectoralis pouco proeminente em relação a margo dorsalis (Pimenta, Figueiredo &

Os materiais estudados não tinham marcas de corte nem indícios de terem sido queimados. À excepção de um resto, também não foram encontradas marcas de depredação nos ossos estudados. Este resto apresenta marcas que poderão ser de pequenos dentes de pequenos roedores ou marcas de larvas, também não foram encontradas nos ossos estudados. No entanto, como se viu, a maior parte dos ossos encontra-se partida. Este facto estará ligado às condições de sedimentação e de

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Moreno-Garcia, 2010, Figueiredo, 2010). Através destas características e por comparação dos úmeros das diferentes espécies de alcidae da colecção do CIPA, concluiu-se que este resto da Furninha pertence a um Pinguinus impennis. A maioria destes restos foi encontrada a 7.5 metros, enquanto este resto é proveniente dos 7 metros, o que corresponde à camada 5 da segunda unidade estratigráfica, definida por Nery Delgado. Esta camada corresponde ao 3º nível ossífero, definido por Nery Delgado (Delgado, 1882) e a que tem o maior número de restos ósseos e também os melhores conservados (Harlé, 1910/11). Este fragmento tem um comprimento máximo de 42,9 mm, apresenta a secção da diáfise de forma oval achatada e duas fracturas antigas, provalmente resultantes do processo de deposição sedimentar. Uma das fracturas é na diáfise e a outra, oblíqua no sentido dorsal/mesial, na epifise, ao nível da intumescência. Esta última originou a ausência do tubérculo ventral.

representada, se encontram inteiros, o que pressupõe um rápido enterramento e um transporte pouco intenso. No caso dos ossos partidos, é provável também que alguns deles tenham sido fragmentados durante a escavação, uma vez que foi possível colar alguns dos fragmentos. Com base nestes dados, na ausência de marcas de corte nos ossos, pela caracterização geológica e arqueológica da jazida, pensamos que a grande maioria das aves presentes na Gruta da Furninha se deve a acumulações naturais das aves que frequentaram ou ficaram presas nesta gruta, no caso das espécies que frequentam e vivem em grutas, e que algumas das aves marinhas tenham sido transportadas post mortem, por acção do mar. No entanto não se põe de parte a possibilidade de uma parte ter sido consumida pelos carnívoros ou pelos homens que também frequentaram a gruta. Pelo estudo das aves encontradas na Gruta da Furninha pode afirmar-se que os ambientes eram, para além do ambiente marinho, derivado da sua localização geográfica, caracterizados por existirem nas proximidades zonas de bosques de campos abertos, de matos, zonas húmidas, de água doce e de montanha. Em relação a esta última, não é de estranhar, pois existem na zona de Óbidos algumas zonas mais acidentadas.

Neste estudo foram contabilizadas 31 espécies, num total de 436 ossos, que se encontram nas colecções do Museu Geológico. Destas 31 espécies, 14 (cerca de 45%) foram agora identificadas pela primeira vez, nesta jazida. Das restantes 17 (que correspondem a 55%): 10 (32% do total das espécies presentes) foram actualizadas e revistas e 7 (23%) mantiveram a atribuição inicial. No estudo taxonómico dos restos da Furninha foi possível atribuir uma classificação taxonómica a 406 (mais de 93% do total da amostra) e a apenas 30 não se conseguiu atribuir um táxone abaixo da classe. Dos restos classificados, dois foram-no ao nível da ordem, 14 ao da família, 70 ao do género e 350 ao da espécie.

A presença de aves como o Pinguinus impennis, a Tadorna tadorna, o Cygnus olor e a Somateria molíssima, entre outras, apontam para um clima mais frio, uma vez que são espécies características do Norte da Europa, regiião de climas mais frios que os verificados actualmente em Portugal. Os indicadores da avifauna são contraditórios com os resultantes do estudo dos mamíferos que apontam para condições climáticas temperadas quentes e húmidas (Cardoso, 1993, pp. 526).

Apesar de nesta jazida predominar uma espécie, a Tadorna tadorna, com 163 restos ósseos identificados, a Gruta da Furninha apresenta uma maior diversidade taxonómica, quando comparada com as outras jazidas agora estudadas. Verifica-se também uma grande percentagem quer de restos quer de anseriformes e, ainda comparativamente às outras jazidas, uma percentagem inferior de passeriformes. Constata-se igualmente uma fraca ocorrência de aves de rapina e as que ocorrem são sobretudo as nocturnas. A grande ocorrência do grupo dos patos e afins (anseriformes), em especial as espécies marinhas é explicado pela localização da gruta: no litoral. Quanto à atribuição de idades, tal como nas restantes jazidas, há uma esmagadora maioria de individuos adultos (mais de 97 % do total da amostra) sobre os subadultos ou jovens. Não foram detectados, nos materiais da Gruta da Furninha, marcas de corte1, indícios de terem sido queimadas, nem marcas de depredação. Apesar de uma quantidade considerável se encontrar inteira, a maior parte da amostra encontra-se partida. È ainda de realçar que muitos dos ossos de Tadorna tadorna, a espécie mais

Fig. 12.5. Desenho de Pinguinus impennis. Autor: Charles B. Cory, publicado em “Beautiful and Curious Birds of the Word” (1881). Retirado de Bengtson, 1984

1 O resto de Pinguinus impennis, que apresenta uma fractura que poderá ser de origem antrópica, será o único com marcas directas de actuação humana sobre a fauna.

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foram identificados cinco restos de aves. Destes, foi possível classificar abaixo da classe três, atribuindo aos restantes dois a classificação de ave indeterminada, o que corresponde a 60% de restos classificados e 40% a aves indeterminadas.

Gruta das Salemas Apesar de não ter sido referido por Roche qualquer vestígio de avifauna (Roche, 1970), o presente estudo desta colecção permitiu identificar 48 restos ósseos de aves. Destes foi possível identificar taxonomicamente 36, correspondendo a perto de 70% do total da amostra.

Nos ossos analisados a grande maioria dos ossos pertencem aos membros, 80% do total da amostra de restos de aves, e apenas foi identificada uma vértebra. Tratam-se portanto de restos do esqueleto apendicular e axial.

Apenas existem restos ósseos do esqueleto apendicular, essencialmente ossos longos, estando ausentes os ossos do esqueleto axial e do esqueleto craniano. Verifica-se um maior número de ossos partidos relativamente aos ossos inteiros. Neste estudo foram contabilizadas seis espécies, cinco de passeriformes (corvídeos e turdídeos) e uma de columbiformes.

Apesar de não se encontrarem marcas de corte nos ossos, os grupos taxonómicos descobertos fazem supor que a presença das aves nesta gruta resulta da acção antrópica, dado serem espécies que não vivem ou frequentam grutas, ao contrário da maioria das espécies encontradas, por exemplo, na Columbeira, na Casa da Moura, na Lapa da Rainha e nas Salemas. O facto de se ter encontrado apenas elementos do esqueleto apendicular, poderá estar relacionado com estes serem os ossos mais resistentes, e por isso terem mais condições de se preservarem durante o processo de fossildiagénese.

Taxonómicamente a ordem mais abundante é a dos passeriformes com 94% dos restos identificados. Aparecem também columbiformes (6% do total dos grupos identificados), os passeriformes predominam os corvídeos (91%). Destes foram identificados os géneros a vinte e quatro restos (75%), o género Pica (espécie Pica pica) com quatro elementos ósseos (17%), o género Corvus (espécie: Corvus monedula) também quatro elementos (17%) e o género Pyrrhocorax (espécies Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax, seis restos, Pyrrhocorax graculus, oito restos e Pyrrhocorax sp, com dois), num total de desasseis elementos ósseos, o que corresponde a 66% dos restos de passeriformes identificados nesta gruta. Foram também identificados três ossos de Turdus (Turdus merula), que representam cerca de 9% dos passeriformes encontrados.

Gruta das Fontainhas Os restos de aves da Gruta das Fontainhas são, comparativamente aos mamíferos, residuais. Apenas foram identificados 20 restos de aves, dos quais a 19 (95%) foi possível atribuir uma classificação taxonómica (espécie) e a apenas um (5%) só se conseguiu definir como ave indeterminada. Das espécies identificadas dominam as pertencentes à ordem dos passeriformes e destes apenas existem corvídeos. As espécies dominantes são o Pyrrhocorax graculus e o Corvus monedula, com doze restos, somando as duas espécies, o que corresponde a cerca de 63% da totalidade dos restos (31,5% para cada uma destas espécies). Dos outros grupos estão representados os galliformes, com um resto de Alectoris rufa e os chadriiformes, com um resto de Vanellus vanellus.

A associação paleornitológica indica uma acumulação natural, uma vez que as espécies identificadas frequentam as cavidades e, com a excepção do Columba livia, que é a espécie menos representada, não são tradicionalmente consumidas pelo homem. Por outro lado, a fraca ocorrência de carnívoros sugere que a avifauna ali presente não terá sido transportada por esses animais para esta gruta. As espécies de aves aqui identificadas são características de um ambiente terrestre seco, não se encontrados táxones de aves marinhas ou de ambientes húmidos, nem de zonas florestais. A grande ocorrência de espécies de montanha e zonas rochosas corresponde à zona onde se encontra a gruta: zona elevada rochosa. Com excepção do Pyrrhocorax graculus, de climas mais frios, as restantes espécies indicam climas de temperaturas semelhantes às actuais.

Pelo estudo do estado de conservação dos ossos, verificase que a maioria (65%) encontra-se inteira e apenas 35% está fragmentada. Os restos não apresentam marcas de predação ou marcas de corte. Com excepção de duas espécies (Vanellus vanellus e Alectoris rufa), cuja totalidade dos restos apenas corresponde a apenas 10% de todos os restos de avifauna desta jazida, todas as outras espécies frequentam grutas. Estes dados indicam que a maior parte dos restos aqui encontrados resultam de acumulações naturais e que apenas uma pequena parte poderá, mesmo apesar de não terem sido identificadas marcas de depredação, ter resultado do transporte para dentro da gruta por carnívoros ou pelos homens que a utilizaram.

Os indicadores paleoecológicos das espécies de aves identificadas não coincidem com os das espécies de mamíferos identificadas, que indicam a proximidade de manchas florestais e climas mais frios (Cardoso, 1993 p. 529). Pego do Diabo

Pela análise taxonómica e pelo número de restos e do número mínimo de indivíduos de cada espécie identificada, verifica-se, em termos paleoecológicos, um predomínio de espécies de montanha e uma ocorrência

Dos materiais ósseos da Gruta do Pego do Diabo depositados no Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, apenas 133

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Fig. 12.6. Diferentes ambientes, segundo a ocorrência das espécies pelos respectivos habitat, nas jazidas estudadas (Bos – bosques; CA – campo aberto; Zh – zonas húmidas; LAD – lagos de água-doce; Mont – zonas de montanha; ZR – zonas rochosas; Flo – zona de floresta; Cós – zona costeira)

deverão ter sido feitos apenas sobre uma pequena parte dos materiais e, possivelmente sobre os materiais que estão depositados na Universidade Nova de Lisboa, uma vez que os materiais observados no Museu Geológico aparentam não terem sido mexidos após a sua escavação. As espécies identificadas por Roche foram: Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax, Corvus monedula, Pica rustica (=Pica pica) e Athene noctua (Roche, 1972, p. 235). Com excepção do Mocho-galego (Athene noctua), todas outras foram também identificadas nos materiais observados no Museu Geológico.

relativamente fraca de aves de zonas húmidas. As aves encontradas nesta jazida indicam a proximidade de zonas de mato e de campo aberto bem como pequenas manchas de zonas húmidas, sendo as mais abundantes as zonas de montanha rochosa. Casa da Moura Apesar de apresentar um grande número de restos de aves, a Gruta da Casa da Moura é a que menor biodiversidade de avifauna apresenta: apenas foram identificadas 12 espécies.

Do estudo, agora realizado e apesar de ter uma maior biodiversidade da avifauna que a gruta da Casa da Moura, a Lapa da Rainha também apresenta um número relativamente pequeno de espécies de aves identificadas (17) em relação ao número total de restos. Foram identificados, no total entre espécies, géneros, famílias e ordens, 20 táxones.

Dos táxones identificados, verifica-se uma maior abundância dos passeriformes (em especial de corvídeos), com cerca de 94% do total dos restos identificados e estudados. No caso específico das aves carnívoras destacam-se as aves de rapina nocturnas, com 2% do total da amostra estudada. Os restantes 4% dividem-se por dez táxones, contendo, cada um deles, uma percentagem inferior a 1% do total dos restos identificados.

Tal como na Casa da Moura, nesta jazida, também abundam sobretudo os corvídeos e, de entre estes, o Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax, o Pyrrhocorax graculus e o Corvus monedula. As outras espécies apresentam quantidades pouco significativas, destacando-se destas a perdiz (Alectoris rufa), com cerca de 2,2% da totalidade.

Pelo estado de conservação dos ossos, a maioria (63%) encontra-se inteira e apenas 37% está fragmentada. Não foram encontradas, nos restos estudados marcas de depredação, nem marcas de corte. Pelo facto de não se terem encontrado marcas de corte nos ossos, pelo facto da grande maioria dos restos identificados ser de aves que frequentam as grutas e pelo facto de a ocupação humana desta gruta não ter sido muito intensa, faz supor que esta acumulação terá sido natural.

Nos ossos analisados não foram encontradas marcas de corte ou de depredação. A grande maioria das aves é de espécies que frequentam grutas. Estes dados apontam para acumulação natural dos ossos das aves encontradas na Lapa da Rainha, tal como na maioria das outras jazidas estudadas. A pequena percentagem das aves encontradas nesta jazida e que não frequentam grutas poderá ter resultado do transporte por carnívoros, por humanos ou por transporte pelos agentes de erosão do exterior para dentro da gruta. Provavelmente esta última hipótese poderá ser a responsável pela acumulação do maior número de restos destas aves, uma vez que não têm marcas e a grande maioria se encontra partida. Estes ossos fragmentados poderão ser o resultado do transporte ou da pedogénese e acumulação de sedimentos.

Verifica-se, em termos paleoecológicos uma presença mais significativa das espécies de montanha e de zonas rochosas. Constata-se ainda uma ocorrência, embora de uma forma relativamente menos abundante de aves de zonas húmidas e de zonas de campo aberto. Pelos dados paleoecológicos fornecidos pelo estudo das aves concluise que a Gruta da Casa da Moura se caracterizava por ambientes de montanha, existindo nas proximidades zonas de mato e de campo aberto e pequenas manchas de zonas húmidas.

Os estudos paleoecológicos, resultantes da associação das espécies identificadas aos seus respectivos ambientes, concluíram, que tal como na Casa da Moura, se verifica, na lapa da Rainha, um predomínio de espécies de

Lapa da Rainha Nos estudos sobre a fauna da Lapa da Rainha (Roche, 1972) foram identificadas algumas aves. Estes estudos 134

S. FIGUEIREDO: AS AVES DO PLISTOCÉNICO DE PORTUGAL

Fig. 12.7. Conjunto de desenhos de ossos de aves recnhecidos na Gruta Nova da Columbeira (desenhos de Ana Catarina Ferreira): 1 – Carpometacarpo esquerdo de Corvus monedula. Vista ventral (esquerda), vista dorsal (direita); 2 – Úmero esquerdo de Pyrrhocorax pyrhocorax. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 3 – Úmero direito de Pyrrhocorax pyrhocorax. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 4 – Ulna direita de Pyrrhocorax pyrhocorax. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 5 – Ulna direita de Turdus merula. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 6 – Úmero esquerdo de Columba palumbus (Vista cranial); 7 – Úmero direito de Columba livia. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 8 – Úmero esquerdo de Turdus pilaris. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 9 – Úmero direito de Turdus merula. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 10 – Úmero esquerdo de Turdus merula. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 11 – Úmero direito de Carduelis carduelis. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 12 – Fémur esquerdo de Corvus monedula. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 13 – Tarsometatarso esquerdo de Alectoris rufa. Vista caudal (esquerda), vista cranial (direita); 14 – Fragmento distal de tarsometatarso de anatidae indet. Vista caudal (esquerda), vista cranial (direita); 15 – Fragmento distal de úmero de passeriforme indet. Vista cranial (esquerda), vista caudal (direita); 16 – Escápula direita de de passeriforme indet. Vista lateral (esquerda), vista costal (direita)

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Stratigraphique. in Ciências da Terra, nº 6, p. 169188. Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa.

montanha e de zonas rochosas. Verifica-se também uma ocorrência relativamente fraca de aves de zonas húmidas e de zonas de campo aberto. Assim o paleoambiente em que se enquadra a Lapa da Rainha era dominado montanha de zonas rochosas, existindo nas proximidades áreas de mato e de campo aberto, bem como pequenas manchas de zonas húmidas.

ANTUNES, M.T. & RUSSEL, D.E. (1981) – Le gisemente de Silveirinha (Bas Mondego, Portugal): La plus anciente faune de vertebrés Éocènes connue en Europe. in Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires dês Séances de l’Academie dês Sciences, nº 293, p. 10991102. Paris. ANTUNES, M.T. (2000) – “The Pleistocene Fauna From Gruta da Figueira-Brava: A Synthesis”, in actas do colóquio Últimos Neandertais em Portugal, evidência, odontológica e outra, pp. 259-282, Academia das Ciências, Lisboa. BICHO, N.F., HAWS, J., HOCKETT, B., MARKOVA, A., BELCHER, W. (2003) – Paleoecologia e Ocupação Humana da Lapa do Picareiro: resultados preliminares, in Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, Vol. 6, Nº. 2, pp. 49-81, IPA.

CONCLUSÕES A avifauna plistocénica de Portugal apresenta algumas diferenças, a nível taxonómico com a avifauna actual, pois algumas das espécies plistocénicas identificadas já estão extintas ou, pelo menos, já não são observadas em Portugal. Destas, são exemplo, o Pyrrhocorax graculus, identificado em quase todas as jazidas; o Cygnus olor, indentificado na Furinha (Harlé, 1910/11) e na Galeria Pesada (Marks et al. 2000), a Melanita fusca identificada na Gruta da Figueira-Brava (Mourer-Chauviré & Antunes, 2000), o Anser albifrons, agora identificado na Gruta do Pego do Diabo (Figueiredo, 2009) e o Mergus albellus, identificado também na Galeria Pesada (Marks et al. 2000). Dass espécies já extintas pode-se referir o Grus primigenia e o Pinguinus impennis, identificado na Gruta da Figueira-Brava (Mourer-Chauviré & Antunes, 2000); o P. impennis, foi também agora identificado na Gruta da Furninha (Pimenta, Figueiredo & GarciaMoreno, 2009); o Corvus antecorax, na Galeria Pesada (Marks et al. 2000).

BRUGAL, J-P e RAPOSO, L. (1999) – Foz do Enxarrique (Ródão – Portugal): Preliminary Results of the Analysis of a Boné Assemblage From A Midle Palaeolithic Open Site in The Role of Early Humans in the Accumulation of European Lower and Middle Palaeolithic Boné Assemblages, pp. 367-379, Mainz. CARDOSO, J.L., RAPOSO, L. & FERREIRA, V., (2002) – A Gruta Nova da Columbeira Bombarral, Câmara Municipal do Bombarral, Bombarral. CARDOSO, J.L. & GOMES, M.V. (1994) – Zagaias do Paleolítico Superior de Portugal, Portugália, Nova série, Vol. XV, pp. 7-31. CRESPO, E.G. (2001) – Paleo-Herpetofauna de Portugal, Publicações Avulsas, 2ª Série, Nº7, Museu Bocage – M.N.H.N., Lisboa. DAVIS, S. (2002) – The mammals and birds from the Gruta do Caldeirão, Portugal, Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia. Volume 5, nº-. 2, Lisboa, pp. 29-98.

Pelo estudo paleoecológico realizado verifica-se que em todas as jazidas ocorrem espécies de ambientes de bosques, campo aberto e zona costeira. A ocorrência deste último habitat é estranha, nas jazidas do interior, no entanto é explicada, como foi referido na análise paleoecológica das jazidas, pela presença de espécies que ocorrem vários habitat de litoral e interior. O habitat que ocorre em menos jazidas é o de lagos de água-doce. Os habitat de zonas rochosas e montanha aparecem associados. O ambiente de floresta aparece associado a espécies da Gruta do Pego do Diabo, mas não aparece na Gruta das Salemas, o que é estranho porque as duas jazidas estão relativamente próximas. Este facto poderá ser explicado pelo pequeno número de restos de aves encontrados nestas jazidas. A maioria das espécies analisadas sugerem uma predominância de climas temperados e secos, no entanto a presença de espécies como o Pinguinus impennis, a Somateria molíssima, a Melanita fusca, o Cignus olor, Pluvialis squatarola, Lagopus lagopus, Lagopus mútuos, e a Alca torda, sugerem climas frios e húmidos, enquanto as espécies Falco rusticolus, Pyrrhocorax Pyrrhocorax e o Phyrrocorax graculus, sugerem climas frios e secos. No geral, as primeiras ocorrem ou abundam em jazidas junto á costa, enquanto as segundas ocorrem ou abundam em jazidas localizadas mais para o interior.

DELGADO, J.F.N. (1882) – La Grotte de Furninha – Peniche, in Actas do IX Congresso Internacional de Antropologia e Arqueologia Pre-Histórica, Lisboa. DEVILLE, J. (1996) – Restes dÓiseaux de la Grotte d’Escoural, in Recherches Prehistoriques a la Grotte d’Escoural, Portugal, pp. 337-331, Marcel Otte e António Carlos Silva, Dir. (Etudes et Recherces Archéologiques de l’Université de Liège, nº 65), Liége. FERREIRA, O.V. (1964) – Jazidas quaternárias com fauna de vertebrados encontradas em Portugal. Arqueologia e História, 8ª. Série, 11, p. 39-57. FIGUEIREDO, S. (2009) – Aves Plistocénicas do Vale do Tejo, in Actas das Jornadas de Arqueologia do Vale do Tejo em Território Português, Centro Português de Geo-História e Pré-História, Palmela, pp. 167-178. FIGUEIREDO, S. (2010) – Aves Plistocénicas de Potugal: especificidades evolutivas, anatómicas e o seu contexto paleontológico, geológico e arqueológico, memória para obtenção do grau de

Referências bibliográficas ANTUNES, M.T. & MEIN, P. (1981) – Vertebrés du Miocéne Moyen de Amor (Leiria). Importance 136

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Neandertais em Portugal, evidência, odontológica e outra, pp. 129-162, Academia das Ciências, Lisboa.

doutor, apresentada à Universidade de Salamanca e Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa, Lisboa e Salamanca.

MOURER-CHAUVIRÉ, C. & ANTUNES, M.T. (2003), Présence de Palaeoperdix media (Aves, Galliformes, Phasianidae) et d’autres oiseaux dans le Miocéne du Portugal, in Ciências da Terra Nº 15, UNL, Lisboa, pp 191-198.

HARLÉ, E. (1910-11) – Les mammifères et oiseaux quaternaires connus jusqu’ici en Portugal. Mémoire suivi d’une liste générale de ceux de la Péninsule Ibérique. Comunicações dos Serviços Geológicos de Portugal, VIII, p. 22-85.

PIMENTA, C., FIGUEIREDO, S. MORENO-GARCIA, M. (2010) – Novo registo de Pinguim (Pinguinus impennis) no Plistocénico de Portugal, Trabalhos de Arqueologia, IGESPAR, Lisboa.

HARRISON, C.J.O. (1983) – A New Wader, Recurvirostridae (Charadriiformes), from the early Eocene of Portugal. in Ciências da Terra, nº 7, p. 916. Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa.

RAPOSO, L. (1995) – Ambientes, Territorios y Subsistencia en el Paleolítico Medio de Portugal, Complutum, 6, pp. 57-77, Madrid.

SANCHEZ-MARCO, A.S. (1996) – Tertiary Avian Localites of Portugal, in Acta Universitatis Carolinae Geologica, n. 39, p. 699-701, s/l.

RAPOSO, L. & CARDOSO, J.L. (1998a) – Las Industrias Líticas de la Gruta Nova de Columbeira (Bombarral, Portugal) en el Contexto del Mustierense Final de la Peninsula Ibérica, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 55, nº 1, pp. 39-62, Cosejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Madrid.

MARKS, A.E., BRUGAL, J.P., CHABAI, V.P., MONIGAL, K., GOLDBERG, P., HOCKETT, B., PEMAN, E., ELORZA, M., & MALLOLL, C. (2002) – Le gisement Pléistocéne moyen de Galeria Pesada, (Estrémadure, Portugal): premiers résultats, in Paléo nº. 14, 77-100.

REGALA, F.T. & GOMES, E (1995). Grutas Arqueológicas da Maceira in Trogle, nº 4, pp. 12-21, Torres Vedras.

MARKS, A.E., BRUGAL, J.P., GOLDBERG, P., HOCKETT, B., PEMAN, E., ELORZA, M., MALLOL, C. (2000) – Excavations at the Middle Pleistocene cave site of Galeria Pesada, Portuguese Estremadura: 1997–1999, in O Arqueólogo Português Série IV, nº. 18, pp. 29-40, Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, Lisboa.

ROCHE, J. (1971) – Le Climat et les Faunes du Paléolithique Moyen et Supérieur de la Province d’Estremadura, in Actas do II Congresso Nacional de Arqueologia, p. 39-48. ROCHE, J. (1972) – Faunes du Pléistocène Supérieur et Final de l’Estremadura, Portugal. Annales de Paléontologie (Vértébrés), 58 (2), p. 229-242.

MARTIN, T & KREBS, B, (2000) – Eds, Guimarota – a Jurassic Ecosystem, Verlag (Dr. F. Pfeil), München. MORENO-GARCÍA, M & PIMENTA, C.M. (2002) – The Abrigo do Lagar Velho: the paleofaunal context, in Portrait of the Artist as a Child: the gravettian human skeleton from the Abrigo do Lagar Velho and its Archaeological context , pp. 112-131, João Zilhão e Erik Trinkaus, eds (Trabalhos de arqueologia, nº 22), Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Lisboa.

STRAUS, L., ALTUNA, J., JACKES, M. & KUNST, M. (1988) – New Excavations in Casa da Moura (Serra D’El Rei, Peniche) Anda t the Abrigos de Bocas (Rio Maior), Portugal, in Arqueologia, nº 18, Grupo de estudos Arqueológicos do Porto (GEAP), pp. 65-93, Porto. ZBYSZEWSKI, G. FERREIRA, O da V. (1967) – Découverte de vertébrés Fossiles dans le Miocéne de la Région de Leiria, in Comunicações dos Serviços Geológicos de Portugal, nº. 52, p. 5-10, Serviços Geológicos de Portugal, Lisboa.

MOURER-CHAUVIRÉ, C., ANTUNES, M.T. (1991) – Presence of Great Auk, Pinguinus impennis, (Aves, Charadriiformes) in the Pleistocene of Portugal, in Geobios, 24, 2, pp. 201-205, Lyon.

ZILHÃO J. (1987b) – A Gruta do caldeirão (Tomar, Portugal) – Balanço de sete anos de escavações arqueológicas (1979 – 1985), in Algar, nº. 1, pp. 2938, Sociedade Portuguesa de Espeleologia, Lisboa.

MOURER-CHAUVIRÉ, C. & ANTUNES, M.T., (2000) – “L’Avifaune Pléistocène et Holocene de Gruta da Figueira Brava”, in actas do colóquio Últimos

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QUALITY IN CULTURAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT OF PREHISTORIC SITES Maurizio QUAGLIUOLO [email protected]

Luiz OOSTERBEEK [email protected] perceived value, conservation, communication, services offered.

Researching, discovering, studying, preserving, diffusing, using Cultural Heritage is a matter of ours. We are so acquainted with these processes that it seems normal not to deeper discuss about them.

These four areas have to be monitored when managing Cultural Heritage.

But we should spent some time at least thinking about two characteristics of Cultural Heritage:

HERITY, the International Organization for Quality Management of Cultural Heritage (www.herity.org), was launched in 1994 for this purpose. HERITY principles are:

– it is common; – it is fragile.

– Cultural Heritage is the collective memory of Humankind.

A good from Benin and another from Rome have to be considered a wealth to be shared by a citizen from Québec as well as from Japan.

– Cultural Heritage is a non renewable resource. – Quality Management of Cultural Heritage should be oriented to its preservation, in the context of sustainable development.

At the same way, this capital should be conserved to produce benefits for Iran people, USA people, Sweden people, Peru people etc. In other words, for Humanity.

According to this perspective, the four critical areas were defined on the basis of the following criteria:

As a consequence, a common responsibility should be taken to enforce the consciousness that everyone of us, first of all specialists, should be involved in the above mentioned processes.

– Perceived value as the material and immaterial importance generally attributed to a site, regardless of reason;

Being aware that our common Cultural Heritage, namely Prehistoric and Protohistoric Heritage, is subject to rapid deterioration and needs care as well as that we have the responsibility to diffuse the knowledge of this Heritage to the public, we’ll have to face some issues. In fact, these activities have costs, sometimes expensive. On the other hand, if the using of Cultural Heritage for tourism and other economic activities can help us to maintain it reducing costs and creating job opportunities, we should in turn consider that there is a breaking point.

– Preservation capability as the existence of conditions for the creation, maintenance and growth over time of the aforementioned perceived value;

We have to study very well to what extent a compatible development (which takes care of the context) and sustainable development (which is able to maintain itself) can be granted in a balanced way. For this reason skills in Management of Cultural Heritage are needed.

Thanks to a proprietary system, called HGES (Herity Global Evaluation System) which takes in account the opinion of site managers, international specialists, stakeholders and the public, HERITY provides responsible people with a technical report, and the public with enough information on the site(s) they visit through a visual symbol called ‘the target’.

– Transmitted information as the set of initiatives taken towards the dissemination of knowledge and awareness of the aforementioned perceived value; – Provided services as all those direct or indirect activities which foster the optimum appreciation of the value of the cultural heritage site under consideration.

These considerations start from the point of view that a cultural good has a value recognized at a social level and that the perception of this value can support its preservation and improvement. So that the good itself can transmit a significant message to contemporary and future generations, which are put in the condition to understand, live, use and enjoy the asset.

So, we are not alone: several stakeholders, and the public overall, can help us in preserving our cultural richness. Starting from this previous experience, a proposal was set up to constitute a scientific committee at UISPP. From Lascaux to Shanidar caves, from Malta to Stonenge temples, from Serra da Capivara to Foz Coa parks, from Australia to North African Rock Art, from Pechino to

In this perspective monuments, archaeological sites, museums, libraries, archives have four critical areas: 141

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Fig. 13.1. HERITY Target

Isernia excavations, from the Musée de l’Homme in Paris to the Museum of Civilization in Quebéc, from Catal HȨyȨk to Varna villages, from the Rift Valley to the Grand Canyon landscapes, most of the problems have to be fronted in a common perspective. Commission for the Quality Management of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sites, Monuments and Museums (UISPP-PPCHM) is aimed to do it with the help of specialists in Prehistoric and Protohistoric disciplines from different Countries and to exchange opinions with other colleagues from other fields and/or organizations.

x letting Rock Art Sites and Parks, Prehistoric excavations, Museums and Interpretations Centers on Prehistoric and Protohistoric subjects and related structures open to the public to be managed according to criteria agreed at an International Level, both in normal and critical conditions;

Expected results from the work of the Commission include:

x analyzing tourism benefits and risks at these destinations;

x discussing the reasons and the possibilities for preserving and using Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sites, Monuments and Museums;

x introducing new training and job opportunities in this field;

x enhancing standards in preserving, diffusing and using Prehistoric and Protohistoric subject Sites, Monuments and Museums; x involving the public;

x developing networks in connection with Organizations (e.g.: HERITY International).

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other

A VIRTUAL VISIT TO THE ANCIENT SABINE PRINCES Paola MOSCATI CNR – Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà Italiche e del Mediterraneo Antico Area della Ricerca di Roma 1 – Via Salaria km. 29,300 – 00016 Monterotondo Stazione (RM) [email protected] Abstract: This paper illustrates a project of virtual reconstruction and exhibition of the grave goods found in the Sabine necropolis of Colle del Forno, lying on the Via Salaria 30 km. north of Rome. The tomb, excavated in 1972 and unfortunately already looted, held a princely burial. The grave goods, whose two main nuclei are today kept in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen and in the Museum of Fara in Sabina, have been integrally reconstituted. A virtual restitution of the tomb and the cart found inside it has been carried out. A website and an interactive multimedia application complete the project, allowing users to immerse themselves in the ancient habits of an Italic people, located in the Tiber Valley. Keywords: Archaeology, archaeological computing, virtual reconstruction, interactivity, multimedia Résumé: L’article présente un projet de reconstruction et d’exposition virtuelle d’un ensemble d’objets funéraires provenant de la nécropole sabine de Colle del Forno, près de la Via Salaria, à environ 30 km au nord de Rome. La tombe, fouillée en 1972 et malheureusement déjà saccagée, contenait la sépulture d’un prince italique. Les objets, répartis en deux lots principaux conservés dans la Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek à Copenhague et dans le Musée de Fara in Sabina, ont été intégralement reconstitués et une restitution virtuelle de la tombe et du char retrouvé à l’intérieur a été réalisée. Un site web et une application interactive multimédia complètent le projet, en permettant aux utilisateurs de s’immerger dans la vie d’un peuple de l’Italie ancienne, qui vivait dans la Vallée du Tibre. Mots clés: Archéologie, archéologie et informatique, reconstruction virtuelle, interactivité, multimédia

THE BIRTH OF THE PROJECT

THE SETTLEMENT AND THE NECROPOLIS

The Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà Italiche e del Mediterraneo Antico (ISCIMA) of the Italian National Research Council (CNR) has recently promoted a project of virtual reconstruction of a Sabine princely tomb and its grave goods, dating back to the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th century BC (Emiliozzi, Moscati, Santoro 2007). The project was brought to completion and presented to the public on 27 June 2006, at the inauguration of the new museum exhibit in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen1. In fact, the programme of renovation and improvement of the Greek, Etruscan and Italic collection gave central importance to the exhibition room dedicated to the precious collection of grave goods from the tomb, and in particular to the cart found inside it.

The discovery of the tomb (hereafter called Tomb XI) dates back to 1972, during the excavations carried out by the Centro di studio per l’archeologia etrusco-italica of the CNR, under the scientific direction of Paola Santoro (Santoro 1977; Santoro 1983). Excavations brought to light a Sabine necropolis, lying on the Via Salaria, 30 km. north of Rome. Situated at the top of a hill facing the Tiber valley, the Colle del Forno necropolis was found by chance on the occasion of the establishment of the CNR Research Area of Rome 1 – Montelibretti. It is related to Eretum, a Sabine settlement located according to historical sources in the southern part of the Sabina Tiberina (Quilici Gigli, Santoro 1995). The fact that the ancient texts pay particular attention to Eretum in the context of the conflicts between the Romans and the Sabine people underlines its tenacious resistance against the Roman expansion. As a matter of fact, Eretum, which since the second half of the 7th century BC expanded over an area of about 20 hectares and was organised according to urban parameters, held a primary importance as a frontier town.

Theoretical and methodological aspects of the project were based on the twenty-years of experience that the Institute has in the sector of archaeological computing, which has been well illustrated by regular publication – since 1990 – of the international journal “Archeologia e Calcolatori”2. The Laboratory of Archaeological Computing of the Institute, responsible for the planning and supervision of the project, has promoted the integration of sophisticated computer graphic techniques with methods of data processing, allowing for the implementation of a multimedia system as a new interactive and multi-user form of presenting and consulting information.

The necropolis is made up of underground chamber tombs with loculi cut into the walls and with access dromoi of various lengths. At the moment of the discovery, Tomb XI had already been looted, with considerable damage to its architectural structure and the loss of a notable amount of the grave goods. In any case, its location in a high and isolated position on the peak of the hill as well as the remarkable dimensions, the architectural typology and the remains of rich grave goods, testify for certain that the Tomb, one of the richest in the necropolis, belonged to a local “prince”.

1 The project, conceived by the ISCIMA, under the auspices of the Italian Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, was approved by the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, the Rieti Province, the Lazio Region and the Municipality of Fara in Sabina. The Lazio Region, as well as the Ministero dell’Università e della Ricerca, have assigned special funding for its realisation. 2 http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/.

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THE DISPERSION OF THE GRAVE GOODS Thanks to a long and rigorous archaeological and archival research, it has been possible to throw light on the history of the illegal excavation activity and it was ascertained that the finds from Tomb XI had been purchased by the Ny Carslberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen in the early 1970s. In this way, and with the close collaboration of the Glyptotek, a group of bronze sheets decorated in relief with motifs from the Orientalising repertory, along with other precious artefacts such as bucchero, impasto and bronze vases, bronze shields, iron spear points, gold laminae and fragments of the structural part of an ancient cart, were assigned to the original nucleus of the princely grave goods, which was constituted both by local products and objects imported from the Orient.

Fig. 14.1. Colle del Forno necropolis: virtual reconstruction of the cart found inside Tomb XI

It was therefore suggested to create a multimedia product with the purpose of virtually recomposing in their substantial unity all the objects found in the tomb of the Sabine prince of Eretum, presently exhibited in two different Museums: the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, which holds the main nucleus of the grave goods, and the Museo Civico Archeologico of Fara in Sabina, which holds the material coming from the archaeological excavation and which was recently opened to the public.

The video certainly constitutes an explanatory aid and an instrument to recontextualise the finds, as it accompanies the visitor to the hill occupied by the ancient necropolis. He can see the slight slope that leads to the tomb, walk along the dromos and immerse himself in the interior, through a virtual architectural reconstruction of the burial chamber cut out of the tufa. Finally, he can see the cart in its entirety and in the position in which, according to excavation data, it must have been buried3.

The purpose of the project was therefore to create a network of information and visual data, in order to give better evidence of the standard of life and the prosperity of the Sabine ruling class during the historical period in which the Etruscan kings reigned in Rome. The Orientalising princeps social model was assimilated by the Sabines and, as it was characteristic of this society, the celebration of death became a moment in which to make a parade of the rank, power and sumptuousness of the deceased. The prince of Eretum was buried surrounded by objects that underline his role in life – related both to his apparel and the banquet ceremonies – as well as with two vehicles, a cart and a chariot, following a practice which comes from the Orient and spread from the Mediterranean to the Transalpine Europe.

At this point, the virtual 3D model of the vehicle is shown and, through the assembly of the single components, the structural and functional mechanisms in action can be reconstructed: the cart is raised, moves, the wheels rotate and the virtual dimension can be considered completed on the two conceptual axes of space and time. Regarding decoration, the excellent photographic documentation of each bronze sheet, provided by the Glyptotek, allowed for the use of digital techniques perfected in the Laboratory of Computer Graphics in ISCIMA (Santoro, Bellisario 2003). They made it possible to enhance and therefore appreciate details functional to the study of both the iconographical motifs and the various decorative techniques – such as the embossing and the chiselling – used in his workshop by a craftsman (or better to say a master) of excellent expertise (Fig. 14.2).

THE MULTIMEDIA PRODUCTS In view of the new exhibition in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, specific criteria were chosen to show the remains of the cart from Tomb XI of Colle del Forno. In order to give the visitor an idea of the volumetric space occupied by the vehicle, without reconstructing the supporting structure, a wire silhouette (1:1 scale) outlines the horses and the passengers on the cart, and transparent synthetic panels support the bronze sheets which decorated its two sides, as well as the naves of the wheel; the bronze elements belonging to the harness hang from the front part of the two horses.

In its completeness, the architecture of the project proposes two separate sections which are distinct but complementary to each other: the phase of visual “perception”, mainly for exhibition purposes, and the phase of “knowledge”, mainly for scientific and educational purposes. The first phase involves aspects connected to the renovation of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek and its visit. Computer methodology has been 3 The original position of the other grave goods exhibited in the Glyptotek is not shown since we have no objective data on their original location, and any attempt to place them in their original “found” state would have been arbitrary.

In addition to the traditional visit to the museum, a video is shown in a corner of the exhibition room, with a 3D reconstruction of the Tomb and of the cart (Fig. 14.1).

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Fig. 14.2. Photograph and digital graphic restitution of one of the bronze sheets that covered the sides of the cart decorated with real and imaginary motifs

exploited as a support which will allow the visitor to navigate inside the necropolis and the burial chamber, gaining the opportunity of an immersive experience in the habits and customs of this ancient Italic people, located in the Tiber valley and characterised by the grave goods of one of its “warrior princes”.

for objects kept in Copenhagen and light blue for those kept in Fara in Sabina – gives the opportunity to immediately perceive the entity of the two groups.

The second phase is more concerned with the analysis of the different stages that gave birth to the project and to its development. Within a single information container, it is possible to retrace the complex phases of this long archaeological research in each of its aspects: from fieldwork to laboratory analysis, comparative studies, hypothesis for restoration, planning of the best solutions for safeguarding, fruition and exhibition.

The fourth section of the website focuses on the virtual 3D reconstruction of the cart, which is a unique example in the framework of the vehicles produced in the Etruscan and Italic world6. In comparison to the video, the documentation is integrated and enriched by technical and structural information. The description of the methodology, which was followed to obtain the complete reconstruction of the vehicle from the metal fragments, is very enlightening. Chronological and cultural aspects are also presented, through various comparisons relevant to the Orientalising period that illustrate the practice among the populations of ancient Italy of depositing a vehicle in the tomb with the deceased.

TECHNICAL ASPECTS

The project, in fact, is enriched and completed by a website4, which retraces the progress of the research, describing the innovative methodological procedures adopted. The website is divided into four sections, which are integrated by information files, a glossary and bibliographic references (Fig. 14.3). The first three sections are dedicated to the antique Sabine settlement of Eretum, the necropolis of Colle del Forno and the discovery of Tomb XI5.

In order to reconstruct the cart, a virtual laboratory has been implemented, in which computer tools have permitted to operate as an ancient craftsman, simulating the construction of the structural elements of the vehicle and its movement mechanisms. Needless to say, the 3D reconstruction of the cart has been the result of a complex and capillary scientific analysis, carried out under the guidance of Adriana Emiliozzi, who is specialised in the study of Orientalising vehicles (Emiliozzi 1997-2000; 2001) and had already manually prepared a preliminary

In this respect, particular attention is given to the reconstruction of the original nucleus of the grave goods. For the first time, it is possible to observe together all the objects belonging to Tomb XI, divided into the personal goods and the grave goods of the prince. Each object is accompanied by a brief explanatory outline and illustrated with images, whose background colour – black

6

For a recent BBC virtual reconstruction of an Iron Age chariot discovered in Wetwang (East Yorkshire) see http://www.bbc.co.uk /history/ancient/british_prehistory/launch_ani_wetwang.shtml. Very interesting from a scientific point of view, even if in reference to a Renaissance vehicle, is the interactive functioning virtual model of the so-called Leonardo’s “Automobile”, created, thanks to the rigorous analysis of ancient manuscripts and drawings, through the digital reconstruction of single mechanisms and their progressive assemblage: http://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/automobile/.

4 http://www.principisabini.it/. The multimedia project was realised in collaboration with the Lallaria – ICT Agency (http://www.lallaria.it/). 5 The documentation is enhanced by the digital acquisition of Latin and Greek sources, providing information for the historical background, published and unpublished excavation reports, actual and historical maps, and other images of the site in its present state.

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Fig. 14.3. The homepage of the website http://www.principisabini.it/ line drawing which included an exploded axonometric view. The restitution was therefore the result of a research based both on the philological study of the small metal fragments and on a long restoration work. Due to the perishable nature of wood, metal fragments are in fact the only remaining parts.

AIMS AND ENJOYMENT OF THE PROJECT The actualisation of the project has made it possible to enjoy precious Sabine archaeological evidence, differentiating it according to the dimensions of space, time and typology of users. A scheme of presenting information, which proceeds from the general to the particular, gives specific attention to the relationship between archaeological facts and details. From the description of the Sabine site and the history of the discovery to an in-depth analysis of each detail of the cart, interesting prospects for research on ancient techniques are opened and the complexity of an archaeological research, which implies the integration of different kinds of knowledge, is well illustrated.

The 3D reconstruction, performed thanks to the expertise of the architect Federico Cavalli, combined with the analytical study of the vehicle, has enabled us to make new and interesting observations, providing the archaeological community with further knowledge on this masterpiece and on its dynamical behaviour. As said before, reconstruction of the cart implied operating within a virtual laboratory equipped with sophisticated tools, that allowed to “work” the structural parts of the vehicle as a craftsman, by cutting, indenting and making holes in each element, just as if they were real. In the virtual world, however, one works in space and the objects that are modelled are pure geometric entities, without material, which is then assigned by sampling textures of wood, metal, etc.

Through its homepage, the website – in which specific terminology is not lacking, but aims to take into account the prior knowledge of the user – gives a general idea of the content and at the same time encourages the visitors to plug-in to the history of an ancient Italic people. The result should therefore enhance interest in learning more according to the personal queries and needs of various audiences, from a general public to specialised scholars.

Finally, the bronze sheets which constituted the decoration elements have been recontextualised, finding their place in the new 3D image of the cart. These sheets, decorated in relief with real and imaginary animals, constitute a unicum among archaeological artefacts in ancient Italy and were of primary importance also for the reconstruction of the structure of the cart. At the end of the virtual process, what originally was in a fragmented state is transformed in a meaningful, dynamic object.

Moreover, an interactive application allows users to experiment with a dynamic representation and communication tool, which offers the possibility of seeing the images of all the components of the cart, with their original chromatic and surface characteristics (Fig. 14.4). Each image is accompanied by a technical note, in 146

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Fig. 14.4. The interactive application

reiterability in different archaeological and exhibit situations.

which one can appreciate the scientific effort of giving all information relative to the original position and material of each component and its rebuilt measures. The user can also choose the option to see the structural elements mounted in their original position on a transparent image of the cart. The use of opacity to visualise the cart underneath gives the opportunity to achieve a more comprehensible reading of the relationship between the entire form and its single parts.

The virtual “musealisation” of Tomb XI has allowed researchers to recreate the burial moment as well as the prince’s grave goods with a visual immediacy, otherwise not appreciable. Thanks to multimedia technologies, efficient communication strategies integrate the knowledge coming from a museum with factual and logical relations, capable of illuminating the meaning of artworks translated into digital information objects (Galluzzi 1999).

The aim pursued, therefore, was to diffuse scientific knowledge in order to stimulate rather than limit the curiosity of visitors. Through technology-based installations, we also plan to make the applications usable not only online, but also in three different locations: the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, where a multimedia educational hall is planned to be located; the Museo Civico of Fara in Sabina, with training activities for schools through educational laboratories; and the CNR Research Area of Rome 1 – Montelibretti, where in the 1970s the excavation began.

In this way, it is possible to acquire a different kind of knowledge from that offered by direct inspection of artefacts which are exhibited separated from the historical context in which they originated. Objects and information that in reality exist scattered in various locations can be gathered together again and become directly perceivable, replacing them in situ. A precious artwork, can be reconstructed and presented in an innovative way, i.e. as it was produced and used in its social and cultural environment. The reality, integrated in its perception by substantial and detailed information, can be enhanced or “augmented”7, becoming a hyper-reality, as it has been defined in the presentation of the Session C05.

REALITY AND SIMULATION: WHAT ARE THE CONTRIBUTIONS? The experience illustrated above constitutes a scientific example of an ideal reunification and recontextualisation of archaeological artefacts (Tolva 2005), which, due to different exhibition events and/or trade in art objects, are dispersed in various museums in different parts of the world. This project, which was based on a very promising international cooperation, opens new prospects for research that go beyond national boundaries, thanks to its

Furthermore, during the modelling process each interpretational stage gained by the archaeologist is graphically represented and rendered explicit, giving rise to a better visual understanding of the past and of its 7

For the diffusion in archaeology of the concept of virtual reality as “augmented” reality see in particular Barceló, Forte, Sanders 2000.

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characteristic features. This aspect, as well as the potential offered by ICT technologies, assume an important role in the so-called Information Society, which promotes the dissemination and sharing of cultural information: the enhancement of the relationship between scientific research and the public understanding of the mechanism of archaeological interpretation.

Academy for Advanced Studies in America at Columbia University (New York 2000), Nicosia, pp. 315-334. GALLUZZI, P. (1999) – Musei virtuali: istruzioni per l’uso. If. Rivista della Fondazione IBM Italia. 1999, 2, pp. 8-13. QUILICI GIGLI, S., SANTORO, P. (1995) – Eretum. Ricerca topografica sull’abitato in epoca arcaica. Archeologia Laziale, XII, Roma, CNR, pp. 641-663.

References

SANTORO, P. (1977) – Scavi nella necropoli sabina arcaica a Colle del Forno. Notizie degli Scavi, pp. 211-298.

BARCELÓ, J.A., FORTE, M., SANDERS, D.H., eds. (2000) – Virtual Reality in Archaeology. BAR International Series 843, Oxford, BAR Publishing.

SANTORO, P. (1983) – Colle del Forno (Roma), località Montelibretti. Relazione preliminare di scavo della campagna settembre-ottobre 1979 nella necropoli. Notizie degli Scavi, pp. 105-140.

EMILIOZZI, A., MOSCATI, P., SANTORO, P. (2007) – The Princely Cart from Eretum. In Moscati, P., ed., Virtual Museums and Archaeology. The Contribution of the Italian National Research Council. Archeologia e Calcolatori. Supplemento 1, pp. 143-162.

SANTORO, P., BELLISARIO, M. (2001) – Elaborazioni grafiche computerizzate nello studio della decorazione di un gruppo di lamine in bronzo da Eretum. Archeologia e Calcolatori, 12, pp. 307-321.

EMILIOZZI, A. (ed.) (1997-2000) – Carri da guerra e principi etruschi. Catalogo della Mostra (Viterbo 1997, Ancona 1999, Roma 2000), Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider.

TOLVA, J. (2005) – Recontextualizing the collection: Virtual reconstruction, replacement, and repatriation. In Museums and the Web 2005 (Vancouver 2005). (http://www.archimuse.com/mw2005/papers/tolva/tol va.html).

EMILIOZZI, A. (2001) – Technical Problems concerning Orientalizing Vehicles in Cyprus and Etruria, in Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity. 1500-450 BC. Proceedings of an International Symposium held at the Italian

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VEGETATION MANAGEMENT IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREAS AND PROPERTIES OF CULTURAL INTEREST Jesús F. JORDÁ PARDO Dpto. de Prehistoria y Arqueología. UNED. C/ Senda del Rey, 7. E-28040 Madrid (Spain) [email protected] Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to show the technologies used for control non-desired vegetation growth on prehistoric sites and archaeological areas, putting a major emphasis particularly on the integral weed control system, combining both physical methods of control and eradication of vegetation through chemical methods. Key words: Integral weed control, vegetation management, archaeological areas, seed killers, herbicides Résumé: Le propos de ce travail est d’exposer les techniques qui sont utilisées pour le contrôle de la végétation non désirée dans des gisements préhistoriques et les zones archéologiques, en faisant une emphase spéciale dans le contrôle intégral de la végétation, qui combine les méthodes de contrôle et l’éradication de type physique avec les méthodes chimiques. Mots clefs: Contrôle intégral de la végétation, zones archéologiques, contrôle chimique, herbicides

success. One of the emblematic cases is the ruins of Pompeii, a Roman city, where the fertility of soils developed over volcanic materials together with the humidity and temperature characteristic of the zone make it have a subtropical climate that lead to great development of vegetation, predominating deciduous species, vigorous perennial species and resistant species. This excessive development of vegetation causes both structural and aesthetic damage in the archaeological unit of Pompeii (Ciarallo, 1994). On the other hand, the quick rise of the vegetation in Pompeii and its abundance produce its eradication by manual and mechanical methods to be ineffective and, at the same time, tremendously expensive in economic terms. Therefore, the Cultural Heritage Department of Pompeii in collaboration with Malberbology Chair of Bologna University decided to develop, for the suitable upkeep of the archaeological rests of the Roman city, an herbicide treatment in order to control the growth of un-desired vegetation. The chemical product used and that it is still used nowadays, is called Gliphosate. Gliphosate’s technical properties are adequate for weed elimination and for the caring of environment, which, at the same time, make it compatible with the socio-cultural function of the site, given that the herbicide is not toxic for human beings (Ciarallo, 1994).

INTRODUCTION The presence of non-desired vegetation (commonly known as “weed”) in historical monuments and archaeological sites and, in general, in Properties of Cultural Interest is one of the main problems that the cultural administration, who is responsible for their conservation and up-keep, is dealing with. Traditionally, weed control in these places has been done both mechanically and manually where permanent up-keep services are maintained, this happens in open public sites in which there are permanent guards. On the other hand, in many cases, the sites are dug up during consecutive campaigns during which the vegetation is kept adequately under control, but once the investigation works are finished the vegetation pours out on to excavated and reserve areas, hurting the exhumed structures and sectors where the archaeological intervention has been partial, causing irreparable losses in the information given by the archaeological record. This also happens in the case of ruins covered by vegetation, whose recuperation as cultural areas would require a suitable treatment of vegetation covering. The aim of this paper is to focus in describing a methodology of integral weed control in historical monuments and archaeological areas. In this sense, once the vegetation has been eliminated by mechanical methods during the phase of cleansing, consolidation, restoration and put-on-value of the monument, weed control systems follow with a periodic chemical treatment in the selected zones with the objective of avoiding new outbreaks and colonization of archaeological sites by opportunistic species, while keeping the necessary vegetation (grasslands, autochthonous flora, copses, vegetal perimeters, …) in non-excavated, passage, information and leisure areas through the realization of periodic reaping and selective treatments.

In Spain, vegetation treatment using herbicide substances in archaeological sites is not common, but there are isolated cases with different outcomes depending on the specific treatments and their periodicity. One of these experiences found in the literature (Carrocera, 1988) was the one undertaken in the hillfort of Mohias (Coaña, Asturias) where only one campaign of treatment was carried out in 1986 using different herbicide products in several areas of the site after having eliminated the vegetation mechanically. Nevertheless, given that successive treatments with a biannual recurrence were not completed the vegetation started occupying the treated areas quickly, with a special development of very resistant autochthonous species and settlers of noncultivated lands like the gorse.

BACKGROUND The eradication of unwanted vegetation in historical monuments and archaeological areas has been carried out in several national and foreign sites with different 149

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beginning of the 20th century, that it was later invaded by mimosas (Acacia dealbata), being very tedious and expensive their eradication when the research and consolidation works resumed in the eighties of 20th century (Hidalgo, 1984-1985, 1987). These vegetal colonizer associations show moreover the problem of being resilient survivors in poor soils and in unfriendly climatic conditions. Furthermore, in many sites, the nonexcavated or partially excavated areas show excellent conditions of soil richness (for the abundance of carbonized organic matter of anthropic nature) for vegetation development. On top of that, if we consider the site location in a geographic and climatic context, the situation can reach alarming proportions, like in the already-mentioned case of Pompeii (Ciarallo, 1994).

Upon request of the Councilor of Culture of the Galician Regional Government, scientists of Santiago de Compostela University have recently evaluated different methods of weed control in the Roman walls of Lugo. The results showed that the most effective method, which also has the slightest effect in the environment and in the proper monument, is the chemical treatment with Gliphosate (Díaz Vizcaino and Rigueiro Rodríguez, 2000). The analysis of the above-mentioned problems prompted Diez and Jordá (2001) to do a methodological test to evaluate different methods of integral weed control in archaeological zones, with the objective of facilitating the work of the civil service in charge of maintaining and conserving our Historical Heritage. For this analysis, Diez and Jordá counted with the collaboration of the Archaeological Park and School Work of the hillfort of Campa Torres (Gijón, Asturias) where the pilot experience was carried out. Later, the experience with the corresponding adjustments was put into practice in different Properties of Cultural Interest of the provinces of Cuenca (Iberian village of Barchin del Hoyo), Zamora (Monastery of Santa María de Moreruela and Monastery of San Martín de Castañeda, Roman camp of Petavonium, Roman fountain of San Pedro de la Viña, and dolmens in the North of the province) and Salamanca (Hill Fort of Saldeana). The results of the pilot test in the hillfort of Campa Torres (Gijón) and the works in the Monastery of Santa María de Moreruela were published in Díez and Jordá (2001).

The colonization of archaeological areas and historical monuments by vegetal species depends on basically the facility of the seeds of these plants to be transported by wind, water, animals, people and human activities. Many seeds may be easily dispersed in animals’ fur, by mechanical means, in clothes and footwear of people and even in tools, appliances and industrial machinery. Similarly, other seeds are resistant to the animals’ digestive system, therefore they can appear through their excrements. Finally, there are other vegetal species, such as the Chenopodiaceae and Amaranthaceae families, whose seeds can remain large periods of time immersed, being easily carried in water. This mobility of seeds favours the appearance of allochthonous vegetal species in areas where farming activities and vegetation control is not normally carried out, such us in archaeological sites. Furthermore, the toughness of colonist plants increases because many of them show reproduction methods independent of the seeds through development of subterranean organs (bulbs, rhizomes, tubers or woody parts) which allow the uncontrolled advance of these plants in the subsoil. Thus, the simple mechanical or manual cutting do not resolve the problem, and the rooting of the said organs favours the destruction of the archaeological record or the invaded monument, at the same time its own subterranean development helps to produce soil bioturbation, with the consequent loss of the archaeological information.

VEGETATION CONTROL IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREAS Objectives The obvious objective of vegetation control in historical monuments and archaeological areas is to keep their vegetal covering in optimal conditions for their conservation and observation, eradicating in some cases the vegetation that could arise spontaneously in its totality and conserving other areas with a suitable vegetal cover for the purposes of conservation and optimal observation of the site. It has been proven that the presence of vegetation in monuments and archaeological areas is associated with their own nature that besides favoring its development for its abundance in nutrients, in many cases the vegetation has impeded the realization of farming practices due to the land irregularity and its topographical location. On the other hand, once the site has been excavated, this normally suffers a quick invasion from vegetation of excavated zones, being the opportunistic species that begin the colonization of the stony structures (masonry walls, junctions between blocks of stone, pavements, mosaics, etc) and excavated areas where substratum stone and bare sediments exist. Similarly, non-excavated sites are also covered by vegetation in an uncontrolled manner due to its topography conditions and irregularity, or even for being non-excavated public areas. An example of the invasion of a partially excavated site in the past is the hillfort of Troña (Ponteareas, Pontevedra), excavated in the

The colonization of archaeological sites and historical monuments by the vegetation has an effect on these in three fundamental zones: stony structures, large excavated areas and reserve, corridor areas and leisure. In the context of traditional vegetation control in monuments and archaeological areas, the stony structures colonization constitutes a severe problem, for which the simple pruning of the vegetation is not enough to resolve since roots remain between the elements of the structure in the form of ashlars or slabs. Given that simple levelcutting does not solve the problem in the long-term, a different method to eliminate roots indefinitely is to displace and replace at a later stage rocky elements of the infrastructure. In some cases the vegetation produces irreparable damages by invading mosaics, relieves and structures linked to fragile materials, and in a similar way bacteria, seaweeds and lichens may colonize stucco or

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physical methods, biological methods, chemical methods and mixed methods (Catizone, 1994; Hermy, 1994). The physical methods are the traditional and more common methods in archaeological sites. They comprise manual and mechanical processes, including reaping, cuttings, clearing of scrub, dead leaves elimination, weeding and unrooting. They affect from herbaceous vegetation to bushes and tree-shaped plants. Usually, these workings require very frequent controls that in sites of a certain size require the existence of a service with permanent labour force. On the other hand, if those works that affect the subsoil like unrooting and unweeding were eliminated, the effectiveness of these methods would decrease and the periodicity in the realization of superficial works such as reaping and removal of dead leaves would increase. Furthermore, the use of machinery in the physical methods can affect the stability and the maintenance of fragile archaeological rests. All these factors limit the use of these methods to areas of small size, given that these methods are economically prohibitive for sites of a larger size. However, the launch to the market of lightweight mechanical tools for the reaping and removal of dead leaves has improved enormously these workings in extensive areas, reserving the use of traditional tools for only certain areas in the sites.

fresco located in shady and moisty areas. In other cases, the presence of herbaceous vegetation on determined zones of the sites does not cause problems, such us grass growing between the slabs of Roman roads, where its presence hardly affects the road and contributes to the aesthetics of the place. In the same way, in the case of excavated areas where bare sediments or substratum stone show, the colonization of the site by herbaceous species and shrubs demands a continued mechanical treatment. In the case the invasion of the site affects partially excavated areas, in which there is still archaeological information to document, causes bioturbation by subterranean organs that will affect the inside layout and the nature of the archaeological materials. Finally, in archaeological sites there are still large areas that remain unexcavated (reserve areas, corridor zones for visitors and of leisure and information), in which the presence of shrubs and woody vegetation would equally produce a bioturbation of the hidden structures and at the same time they would impede the visibility of the excavated areas. Traditionally, this vegetation had been treated mechanically with the consequent problems caused by the unrooting that could affect the archaeological rest of the subsoil. Methods of vegetation control

The biological methods for vegetation control comprise the use of biological agents like insects, fungi and virus in open-air areas and herbivores fishes in water sites. The biological methods can be effective in very concrete cases. However, in general, these methods may not give satisfactory results in controlling unwanted vegetation, and it may carry certain risks of uncontrolled expansion of the biological agents out of their normal environment. Amongst these methods, it is also important to mention the suitable vegetation design, that is to say the planting of robust and easily controllable plants with minimum labour that impede the encroachment on other unwanted vegetal species.

The principal methods and techniques used in vegetation control in historical monuments and archaeological areas comprise structural and non-structural methods. The structural methods consist basically on preventing vegetation growth in historical monuments and archaeological areas during their excavation, consolidation or restoration process. These methods are meant to tackle the causes that originate the unwanted vegetation, avoiding basically seeds germination and subterranean organs propagation. This requires the installation of blocking layers that hinder weed development in areas where vegetation should be absent. The methods that can be used are basically of the following two types:

The chemical methods include the use of chemical substances called herbicides, which were originally formulated to control the growth of weed in croplands, and lately their use was extended to non-farming lands such us road transport infrastructure (Díez García, 1982; Sangwine, 1994), big dams, canals, gas pipelines, oil pipelines, high tension lines, and industrial areas (Díez, 1982), borders of farmlands (Knight, 1994), green areas and urban parks (Salter, 1994, Spagnoli, 1994) and even recognized natural zones (Scott, 1994) and national parks (Foley, 1994).

– Buried structures, like the placing of bituminous materials beddings or impenetrable geo-textiles under layers of filling. – Parallel structures to the areas that are to be kept free of vegetation, amongst these type of structures we can mention: construction of blocks of concrete, subterranean construction of vertical barriers of concrete, placing material strips that inhibit plants growth (keystones of concrete, crushed stone, a pane of glass, etc.), installment of metallic fabrics in ditches, installment of impenetrable and waterproof geotextiles in the sides of the structures foundations, placing low benches of concrete, etc.

Further, as previously mentioned, there have been positive experiences in using these methods in archaeological sites. The chemical methods, when compared with mechanical methods, offer a lesser environmental impact in relation to soil alteration and their effects on nests, earthworms and insects. These methods also reduce consumption of fuel and more importantly, they improve retention of CO2 as vegetal residues decompose more slowly.

The non-structural methods correspond to maintenance works in historical monuments and archaeological areas and they are designed to fight unwanted vegetation in order to eradicate or minimize their effects on the cultural property. Amongst these methods, we can find: the 151

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mentioned in several publications on the matter (Catizone, 1994; Conticello, 1994). Nevertheless, in integral weed control, mechanical treatments should be contemplated, basically un-reaping and clearing of scrub works, which prepare the land to be treated chemically for longer and more-effective results in the medium and long-term.

The mixed methods are those that combine any aforementioned methods and basically they are represented by integral weed control. A different classification of the methods described above refers to the timing in vegetation development in which the methods act upon. These are: – Preventive methods: These are methods that work on the cause that generates the problem and amongst these we can find the structural, chemical, biological (vegetal design) and mixed methods. These methods impede seeds germination, subterranean organs propagation and indiscriminate invasion of species.

Firstly, the regular treatment of colonist vegetation of the stony structures through herbicide products of broad spectrum, would allow the eradication of colonist species, avoiding the development of root systems of vegetal species in the cracks of different structures (walls, pavements, mosaics, coverings). Equally, the disappearance of spaces and shady precincts, once eliminated the weed in areas particularly damp, will impede the micro-organisms development on walls superficially treated with stuccos or repeals and even on painted ornaments.

– Corrective methods: These are methods that work on the symptoms, that is to say once the unwanted vegetation has already appeared. These methods have the objective of annulling or minimizing the effects of this unwanted vegetation and they basically include non-structural methods, such as physical, chemical, biological and mixed methods.

Secondly, the herbicide treatment in excavated areas in which the substratum stone, sediments without soil covering or non-excavated archaeological deposits appear on the surface, can be realized in two ways:

The integral weed control

– In a total way, impeding that the ground will be colonized, this results of interest in excavated areas where works will be continued in later campaigns or in those areas where the works are finished and we desire to keep them without vegetation for being interiors, streets, pavements or mosaics. For this purpose, the treatment of excavated areas with total or broad spectrum herbicides is advisable after the recurrent excavation projects.

Integral weed control in historical monuments and archaeological areas comprises the combined and complementary use of physical and chemical methods, which are included in the planification prepared for the excavation, conservation, up-keeping and exhibition of the considered archaeological site. The integral weed control must be defined and planned adequately at the beginning of the excavation or restoration works and consolidation of a site or monument in ruins, taking into consideration the undertaking of future campaigns and the conclusion of the works. Similarly, it must be taken into account by the management of archaeological parks and visitable sites. The main cases in which integral weed control is important in monuments and archaeological areas are the following:

– In a selective way, eliminating the shrubs and brushwood and allowing the herbaceous species to rise, with the objective of getting a surface covered by a grassland that impedes the superficial ground erosion and the corresponding drags of archaeological sediments. Finally, those areas of the site that remain unexcavated (archaeological reserve areas, passage zones or information and leisure areas) in which we want to keep a herbaceous meadow free of shrubs that protects the ground against natural and human erosion (trampling) without affecting in-depth subsoil, can be treated selectively, after mechanical labour on shrubs and tall herbaceous species.

– Elimination and eradication of vegetation on open-air stony structures (defensive structures, walls of ashlars and of masonry, ornaments with stuccos and paintings, rolling-clay soils, pavements, mosaics, canalizations, engineering works, etc). – Elimination and eradication of vegetation in totally or partially excavated areas where the bare sediments, substratum stone or non-excavated archaeological deposits appear on the surface.

One more aspect of integral weed control in archaeological areas is the collection and elimination of dried up vegetation and the products from reaping and clearing of scrub. The dried-up plants, together with the remainings of the reaping and clearing of scrub, must be collected manually and mechanically with care to avoid any bad effect on the subsoil and on the exhumed structures. Once the vegetal remains of dug-up areas, reserve areas, corridors and rest zones had been collected, they must be stored in a designated area of the archaeological site, in order to be adequately treated and obtain a vegetal fertilizer through composting for the

– Maintenance of herbaceous vegetation and/or autochthonous flora in areas of the site that have not been excavated in corridors, tracks, paths and in public zones at the monument surroundings. Given the archaeological areas and sites delicate nature and the irreparable damage that can be originated using mechanical and manual unrooting of the vegetation, it results totally imprudent to use those kinds of methods, as

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Works to be undertaken in different areas of monuments and archaeological sites ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREAS

RECCOMENDED WORKS

Masonry walls and ashlars, coverings, tiled pavements, streets, canals, bridges and other engineering work

Reaping and clearing of scrub Periodic herbicides treatments

Areas where cleaned sediments, substratum stone or where unexcavated archaeological deposits exist

Periodic herbicides treatments

Excavated areas with herbaceous vegetation

Reaping Periodic herbicides treatments

Excavated areas with shrubs

Clearing of scrub Periodic herbicides treatments

Pulse grasslands in reserve and corridor areas

Reaping Periodic treatment with selective herbicides

Stumps

Weakening through herbicides

Brambles

Clearing of scrub and herbicides treatments

All areas

Collection and elimination of the dried-up vegetation and the remains from reaping and dead leaves elimination. Composting

treatment of such areas of the archaeological park that require so. Through this process, simple and almost costfree, we can achieve a double objective: the elimination of vegetal remains and the production of compost (organic fertilizer) for its use in the same areas.

to carry out the works. The main advantage of this method lies in the fact that it requires less labour than manual or mechanical techniques; this fact is always worth considering in a Civil Service type of management with limited budgets.

As a final note, it is important to say that the use of herbicides in archaeological areas must always seek to follow reasonable procedures that take into account not only the vegetation to destroy but also the geographic location, the regional and local climatology, the autochthonous flora and the trees and shrubs species present in the places in where we pretend to do the treatment, with an integral weed control plan in mind. These considerations should help in the process of choosing the more suitable herbicides for the specific soil and climatic conditions of the areas that will be treated, the physical and chemical properties of the products (effectiveness, sensitivity, steam pressure, applicability) and their selectivity.

In these cases, the integral weed control can be carried out with the required periodicities, with the additional advantage of the decrease on vegetal residues, as we previously mentioned. When the monument or site does not have a permanent guarding service, the appropriate Civil Service should plan adequately the necessary works in order to maintain the site in optimal conditions regarding the growth and proliferation of undesired vegetation that contribute to the monument or site progressive worsening. This also grants the monument a feeling of abandonment, despite perhaps having invested strongly in their excavation. In these cases, integral weed control appears as an essential tool for managers in charge of the preservation of Properties of Cultural Interest.

CONCLUSION

Therefore, integral weed control in historical monuments and archaeological sites should be reasonably organized according to the different activities that will be carried out in them (archaeological excavations, cleansing labours, conservation, upkeep and restoration works) which would be completed yearly or biannually depending on the climatic and vegetal conditions of the area:

As a conclusion to this paper, integral weed control in historical monuments and archaeological sites, and in general in Properties of Cultural Interest is important in view of their preventive conservation and contribution to maintain the areas in optimal conditions for their study and observation by specialists and the public in general. In the case of monuments and sites that do not belong to cultural and/or archaeological parks, the integral weed control turn out to be an useful tool to avoid impairment between the investigation campaigns with growth of nondesired vegetal species. In the case of sites which belong to or constitute by themselves archaeological parks, this integral control turns out to be extremely easy to put into practice, because these parks have normally enough staff

– Elimination and cleansing of the vegetation (cutting, clearing of scrub and reaping), composting the remainings. – Herbicide treatments in designated areas. – Cleansing by reaping (if appropriate) of the treated vegetal remains and composting of the same.

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zonas arqueológicas. Ingeniería Civil, Madrid. 122, p. 83-98.

In light of the above-mentioned, we can conclude that integral weed control allow keeping within small budgets the historical monument or archaeological site in optimal conditions for their study, observation and enjoyment. At the same time, integral weed control prevents the alterations that the vegetal bioturbation generates in unexcavated archaeological areas and in stony structures invaded by vegetation.

FOLEY, C. (1994) – Control of invasive weeds in Killarney National Park. In Boeken, G., ed.Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 53-57. HERMY, M. (1994) – Meeting the enviromental challenge. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 1-9.

Bibliography

HIDALGO CUÑARRO, J.M. (1984-85) – Breve resumen de las excavaciones arqueológicas en el Castro de Troña (1981, 1982 y 1983). Zephyrvs, XXXVII-XXXVIII, p. 307-314.

CATIZONE, P. (1994) – The cointainment of infesting vegetation on sites of archaeological interest. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 15-21.

HIDALGO CUÑARRO, J.M. (1987) – Excavaciones arqueológicas en el Castro de Troña (Ponteareas – Pontevedra). Campañas: de 1984 – 1986. Castrelos, Vigo. 1-2, p. 81-108.

CARROCERA FERNÁNDEZ, E. (1988) – El castro de San Isidro: informe de las excavaciones arqueológicas 1986. Excavaciones Arqueológicas en Asturias 198386, Oviedo. 1, p. 157-162.

KNIGHT, R. (1994) – Management of field margins on farms. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 47-51.

CIARALLO, A. (1994) – Uncovering Pompeii. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 11-13.

SALTER, B. (1994) – Integrating landscape design in an urban environment. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 23-27.

CONTICELLO, B. (1994) – Prologo. In Boeken, G., ed.Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 0.

SANGWINE, T. (1994) – Developing road side verges for conservation impact. In Boeken, G., ed.Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 29-33.

DÍAZ VIZCAÍNO, E.A., RIGUEIRO RODRÍGUEZ, A. (2000) – Evaluación de diferentes métodos de control de malas hierbas en la muralla romana de Lugo. Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Malherbología, 32, p. 15-17.

SCOTT, R.E. (1994) – Control of spartina in estuaries. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 59-64.

DÍEZ GARCÍA, A. (1982) – Malherbología. Tratamientos industriales. Boletín del Servicio de Defensa contra Plagas e Inspección Fitopatológica, Madrid. 8 (1), p. 3-34.

SPAGNOLLI, E. (1994) – Herbicide education: the key for municipality and urban garden use. In Boeken, G., ed.- Vegetation Management in Public Areas. Monsanto, p. 35-39.

DÍEZ GARCÍA, A., JORDÁ PARDO, J.F. (2001) – El control de la vegetación en monumentos históricos y

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EDUCATION AS PART OF CULTURAL PRESERVATION Inguelore SCHEUNEMANN Programa Iberoamericano de Ciencia y Tecnología para el Desarrollo – CYTED Science and Society Area – Coordinator Abstract: The subject of science and society, at present, is one of the main topics in the agenda of international organizations. The main objective is to reach the public understanding that science is part of the daily life, and may interfere positively or negatively in the life pattern of each person and of the society in general. One of the most important concerns is to clarify to the public and to researchers that there is no clear limit between science and culture. As science, culture itself is an indissoluble component of the daily life having an important role on the social and economic level of each society. Only if people understand it as part of their daily life they will take into account the role of each one of these components at any moment in the preservation of cultural heritage as a whole. Measures to have an equilibrium between visits, diffusion of the cultural heritage, and costs is not sufficient to guarantee the preservation. Education is the tool to reach that objective, but is not going to happen soon nor be a simple task. Therefore, some decisions are necessary, in all levels of education, to guarantee that the education programs look to the people as no disagreement in culture, science, history, technology, ethics, emotions, beliefs, sentiments and physical appearance like in the history and the identity of the societies and territories where life is processed.

characteristic require an integrated vision of research into cultural heritage.

This panel, under my point of view, allows many important analysis regarding the relationship among research, science, culture, economy, social variables, development, sustainability, people, communities, heritage preservation and many other subjects.

Besides the science and technologies applied to historical and cultural knowledge of heritage, as to the physical conservation, to inventory, territorial planning for protection, social politic and economic dimension of heritage it is necessary to consider the development of special plans of education in all levels and disciplines. There must not be only professionals on specific topics directly linked to heritage in these fields, since the articulation of technical, political and civil means of cooperation facilitates participation and access to heritage sites.

How the science and the society may reach the public understanding that science is part of the daily life and may interfere positively or negatively in the life pattern of each person and of the society in general is in the agenda of all international organizations. Otherwise, it is not possible to say the same about the culture, since many people, including scientists, are used to establish limits between science and culture.

Therefore, the transmission of ideas and values encourage intercultural dialogue in plural societies that share awareness and responsibility concerning the conservation of the cultural heritage. Education is the main instrument which allows us to recognize different cultures and develop respect to them.

Nonetheless, in a deep, broad and deprived of prejudice way there is not a clear limit between science and culture. As science, culture itself is a no dissociable component of the daily life having an important role on the social and economic level of each society. Having done these previous considerations I’ll try to talk about the gathering of information on the hazards of human economic activities and the use of information to better protect the cultural heritage.

At this point I will introduce some practical observations for the better understanding of education role, concerning the subject of this panel which is to identify measures to achieve a balance among visits, diffusion of the cultural heritage, costs and the guarantee of preservation.

But, I will do the approach considering just one of the variables that influences the protection of cultural heritage, what is the education process. Only if people understand culture as part of their daily life they will take into account the role of each one, science and culture, at any moment in the preservation of cultural heritage as a whole. Measures to have an equilibrium between visits, diffusion of the cultural heritage, and costs are not sufficient to guarantee the preservation.

Taking into account that costs of preservation are higher if there are a large number of people visiting the sites, and facing the paradox that is desirable to have many people visiting that places with the aim to have a diffusion of the cultural heritage, we should hardly to consider the tourism, the cultural tourism a source of high costs of preservation. Increased tourism is one of the benefits accomplished well as a challenge faced by World Heritage Sites.

The first step is to consider that education is not dissociable from research. The research concerning the heritage needs to incorporate the dispersed and segmented nature of the technical and scientific research given by a large number of disciplines involved. This

The primary question for me is how to define Cultural Tourism. Is Cultural Tourism a concern or anxiety of people to know their cultural roots? Or is it a fashion? 155

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Why people decide to visit a cultural asset? The prompt answer uses to be “to know”. What means to know for these people? The questions are: How to know? Why to know? For what to know? Just to see? Or to incorporate it into their interior treasures? In the case that the last assertive is the correct one what kind of background is necessary to reach it?

responsible for history. Understanding it means to appraise the ancient culture and the spaces where it had happened.

To see, to visit, only, do not require a valorisation of the contents of history that exists in a piece or site, doesn’t need to consider that in ancient time people lived there and were protagonists of their individual and collective histories.

References

Of course, the way we perceive the world determines in large part how we act, and information plays a critical role in how we see the world. “We preserve what we love, we love what we understand, and we understand what we learned”. This sentence, pronounced by Mr. Cristoph Hauser, Director of a Culture Programming in Germany, express that education is the tool to achieve the objective of preservation in the context of massive visitation of heritage sites.

CRESPO-TORAL, H., CASARES, R.F.-B. (2001) – Cultural Heritage: Executive Summary. Oxaca, México. 18-23. Novembro, 2001.

Last the hope that people act wisely while we await this new integrated education profile.

BINDÉ, J. (Director of Publication) (2006) – Towards Knowledge Society. UNESCO Publising, 226 p. Paris, 2005. Available on: http//www.unesco.org/ publications. Access in: 2006, June 08.

CYTED. (2006) – Area de Ciencia y Sociedad. Available on: www.cyted.org. Access in: 2006, May 25. FRIEDMAN, J. (2001) – Identidade Cultural y proceso global. Ed. Amarrortu. 396 p. Argentina. GROVES, I. (2005) – Assessing the Economic Impact of Science Centers on Their Local Communities, phase 2, Questacon. The National Science and Technology Center 93 p.

In many meetings promoted by UNESCO it was reinforced that it is necessary to integrate World Heritage education in school and university curricula. Certainly, it is an important measure. Nevertheless, it is necessary to take into account that “learn” on cultural heritage is more than to know about what was discovered, identified, cataloged and about the preservation of it.

LUNA, M. (coord.) (2003) – Itinerarios del Conocimiento: Formas Dinámicas y Contenido Un enfoque de redes. Ed. Anthropos. 398 p. Barcelona. VAZ, S., GEE, D. (Project Managers) (2001) – Late Lessons from early warnings: the precautionary principle 1896-2000. European Environment Agency. Environmental Issue Report. 22. Copenhagen.

To learn about culture and cultural heritage requires programs of education that look to the people without disagreement in culture, science, history, technology, ethics, emotions, beliefs, sentiments and physical appearance like in the history and the identity of the societies and a territory where life is processed.

World Heritage 2002 (2006) – Shared Legacy, Common Responsibility. International Congress organized by UNESCO´s World Heritage Centre and Regional Bureau for Science in Europe. Venice, 2002. Available on: http//www.unesco.org/publications. Access in: 2006, Agost 30.

On the other hand, compartimentalised knowledge, no matter how erudite it is, is an insufficient base for developing great knowledge and to internalize history as present and future, not only as past time, to comprehend history as a process and see that man is part of it and

World Heritage Convention, 1972. Basic Texts. Edition 2005. Available on: http//www.unesco.org/ publications. Access in: 2006, Agost 30.

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UNIVERSITY AND PROFESSIONAL TRAINING John COLLIS [email protected] Abstract: The changes brought in by the Bologna agreement to provide a common structure to archaeology degrees and academic qualifications across Europe has major implications in the way in which we teach and practice archaeology. Archaeology has special problems according to the status of the subject (a subject in its own right or part of another discipline such as history), the aims of university training (a general education or one oriented to obtaining professional qualifications), and there are also implications about how individuals maintain their professional expertise. Keywords: Bologna Agreement, Continuing Professional Development, archaeological training, archaeological excavation

There is also a fundamental difference in the aim of studying Archaeology. In Germany it is strictly professional training to become an archaeologist, so catering for small numbers, and future employment depends either on the students making good contacts during their studies, or relying on the help of the professor. Students are not expected to change subject (this is a sign of failure), and universities do not, for instance, need a ‘Careers Advisory Service’ to help students to get jobs. In Britain, in contrast, Archaeology is treated as a general degree which can provide a good training for many other sorts of careers – it is good on ‘transferable skills’ like an ability to write essays, to work in teams, basic knowledge of theory, or practical laboratory and computing skills, etc. In fact about 1100 students a year graduate in archaeology in Britain, but with a professional force of 6000 archaeologists, only 1015 percent of graduates are likely to get an archaeological post. Also students are expected to move from subject to subject, especially changing course at the Masters level. Thus Archaeology graduates can be found in many walks of life – we even have them in the Houses of Parliament!

The Bologna Agreement was intended by the Ministers of Education in the EU countries to provide a uniform structure for university education which would allow a direct correlation of qualifications throughout the Union, and so permit greater freedom of movement of professional people from one country to another. Thus a standard structure was agreed of a first degree of three years (a Bachelor or Licence), a second degree of two years (the Masters), and a final qualification (the Doctorate) after another three years, making the total time for study for full professional qualification eight years, though allowing the possibility for students to leave at the end of each degree cycle, something which had not been possible under the so-called Humboldt system which had been the norm for much of central and northern Europe. However, this apparently simple idea raises many problems for Archaeology as there are very fundamental differences in how Archaeology is viewed from one country to another (a subject in its own right, or subsidiary to another subject such as History), the purpose of university training (as a general degree or narrowly as professional training for becoming an archaeologist), and how archaeology is organised and carried out in different countries. In this contribution I will outline a few of the problems, and then suggest ways in which we can progress, given the very different traditions and institutional structures across Europe.

Germany and Britain also form another contrast. In Britain, until recently the normal entry point has been after three years with the Bachelor degree, and it was only in the 1980s that Taught Masters degrees started becoming important. Most countries see the Masters degree simply as a step towards taking the professional degree of the Doctorate, but in Britain the Masters can be used for many things: preparation for the doctorate; special training to enter a specialised field; a degree for students converting from another subject; or simply something taken by students out of interest – as a sabbatical leave for teachers, or for retired people. There are more than 170 different Taught Masters degrees in Archaeology on offer in Britain, covering areas such as landscape archaeology, human bones, aerial photography, geophysics, laboratory based courses in animal bones or environmental techniques, or scientific analysis of materials such as metal or glass, as well as more cultural or history based subjects. Commonly students will work for several years after completing their Bachelor before coming back to university to study for a Masters.

Firstly in several countries such as Spain there is no first degree in Archaeology: students must first study another subject such as History or Art History, perhaps taking some Archaeology courses, but only starting training in Archaeology at the Masters level. Secondly the content of courses varies very considerably; in Germany Archaeology is essentially an Arts degree, concentrating on aspects of culture history, material culture, dating, etc., what I have called the ‘closed’ system; departments are small, usually only 3 or 4 lecturers at the most. In contrast, in Britain departments are large, with often 1520 lecturers, teaching a wide range of theoretical approaches, laboratory and fieldwork techniques, such as the study of animal and human bones, soils, metals, etc. This I have termed the ‘open’ system in which archaeology invades areas which in the German system would be taught in a separate department by nonarchaeologists; archaeology is funded as a ‘part science’ rather than as an Arts subject. But across Europe there are many variations on these basic structures.

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Fig. 17. 1. Labour force structures on archaeological excavations. Top right: A traditional hierarchical structure employing workmen without academic qualifications. Top left: A volunteer structure using students and volunteers under which the people who do the digging can progress to excavation director. Bottom left: A professional hierarchical structure employing diggers with academic qualifications. Bottom right: A professional non-hierarchical system

We have also tried to benchmark the sorts of roles that archaeologists carry out, on behalf of our Skills Councils, bodies set up by the Government to encourage training in all professions. We have defined these as ‘National Occupational Standards’. This shows the range of tasks performed by archaeologists is very varied, covering administration, excavation, many specialist skills in the field and laboratory, museum work, journalism, etc. etc., and it is clear that all of this cannot be covered in a single university course. In addition the Skills Councils encourage the development of National Vocational Qualifications, which are basically lists of the skills required for the National Occupational Standards which can then be used to set up qualifications. There are many skills which are best learnt in the context of working in a job, and gradually acquiring the necessary expertise, such as financial controls, personnel management, etc. We need to develop new ways of training which are truly lifelong, but this needs proper organisation and financing.

profession, so now employers are wondering what a student with only a Bachelor degree can do. One obvious contrast is that in countries such as Britain and France digging is usually done by people with an academic training, whereas in Germany this is done mainly by workmen and technicians with no academic training. This figure contrasts the way in which excavations are organised, with, top left, a system in which the people doing the digging will never rise to the level of directing an excavation. In Britain in the last thirty years there has been a more meritocratic system with people evolving from volunteer, through paid worker to supervisor and eventually director (top right). The present trend in Britain is for a more democratic organisation with each member of the team involved in recording and interpreting what they have been digging up (bottom right). Detailed analysis of finds such as animal bones will also be carried out by people with an archaeological training rather than by someone with a training in the Biological Sciences.

This is the other major area of change over the last thirty years, the acceptance that changes in knowledge and technology mean that after the completion of our university training, we all have to keep up to date with recent developments in our subject. Though most of us do this informally through reading, attending conferences and talking to colleagues, increasingly we have to be able to demonstrate our expertise in new areas of knowledge. This can be done by attending formal courses, but in Britain this is now linked with the requirements of our professional bodies, for archaeologists, the Institute for Archaeologists. So, anyone seeking membership or promotion within the grades of the Institute has to be able to demonstrate that they have been carrying out Continuing Professional Development, something which I discuss later.

A major problem which is encountered with traditional university training is that students may have been given a good theoretical and academic training, but this in no way prepares them for the ‘real’ world of work. Recently in Britain we have been attempting to formalise a general statement about what skills students will obtain as part of a degree course, the so-called ‘Benchmarking’ carried out on behalf of a government organisation set up to oversee the quality of teaching and administration in universities, the Quality Assurance Agency, but while this is of general use in dealing with politicians, it does little to assist employers looking for good employees. The Quality Assurance Agency has also investigated every department in Britain to monitor how well they are organised; all archaeology departments did well! 158

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It is clear that given the very different institutions which we have across Europe and the very different traditions, in the short term there is no way that we can achieve the aims of the Bologna Agreement, indeed, it may not be desirable that we should do so. We therefore need a different way in which we can develop our professional profiles and qualifications, and I suggest that one way we can do this is through ‘Continuing Professional Development’ (CPD) which is sufficiently flexible to accommodate the very varied needs of individuals and of employers. Under the system developed by the Institute of Field Archaeologists, individuals are expected to develop their own plans for their career development, under four headings: firstly, a Personal Development Plan in which the individual decides both in the short term and the long term what training and education they require, and how they might be able to obtain it. Secondly there is a Skills Log in which the expertise is documented. Thirdly, a portfolio of work which will contain such items as publications; and finally a Curriculum Vitae. This is now required for advancement in the Institute of Field Archaeologists, and accredited employers are expected to encourage it within their organisations. At present it releases funds for training, but has no legal force in Britain, though in France it is a legal requirement for government funded organisations to make provision for staff training.

However, we should all be involved in training if we wish to maintain high standards, and to this end English Heritage has set up the Archaeology Training Forum which consists of representatives of all archaeological employers, national and local government, commercial excavators, universities, professional institutes, the Skills Councils, etc., and it is now in its second five-year plan setting a national agenda for identifying skills needs and provision training within the profession. One of its major studies has been Profiling the Profession which has been a survey of how many archaeologists there are in Britain, who they are and where they work, what they do (roles), what skills they need, and so what training they need. In the area of Higher Education in Britain, the universities have formed a Subject Committee for Archaeology (SCFA) to represent their interests, with representatives of all departments teaching archaeology in Britain and Northern Ireland, and this is now officially recognised by the government funding bodies as representing the university interests in archaeology. Faced with a major threat to the existence of some departments and the problems of adapting to the Bologna structure, German archaeology departments have recently formed a similar organisation. In Higher Education there have been several official initiatives to improve the standards of teaching in universities and relationships with industry, using government funding. The latest, the Higher Education Academy, has set up centres for various subjects (Archaeology is illogically linked with History and Classics) with part-time staff, and the archaeologists have been setting up day schools on various aspects of teaching such as running field courses, and I personally have a grant to define what theoretical training employers expect graduates to have. But there have also been major grants for projects of up to £300,000, for instance the teaching of disabled students. The latest initiative is to set up an international e-journal on teaching archaeology.

In the last couple of years British universities have been required by the government to introduce a similar scheme for students, based on the concept of ‘Student Centred Learning’ with a similar structure to CPD, but not yet properly linked in with the professional scheme, and it varies from university to university. Each student has a Personal Tutor as advisor. One major problem is also the gap between what students are taught at universities and what they need to know when they start work. Some things are better taught in the work place, and the Institute of Field Archaeologists has decided to set up a professional diploma for graduates using the National Vocational Qualifications, financed in part by employers and government funds in the form of ‘graduate apprenticeships’. I have been trying to develop a similar system to link the university training with the profession and especially with National Occupational Standards using what I call ‘descriptors’ of skills and knowledge, including theory) and which can be used in many ways, for instance in describing and organising university courses, auditing the skills within organisations, and by individuals for their Personal Development Plans and Skills Logs (published in Internet Archaeology). The most important point is that the system should be as flexible and as adaptable as possible

Britain is far from alone in these initiatives (e.g. in Sweden and Catalonia), but because it has special problems with the fragmentation of archaeology due to the pressures of a highly competitive and commercial system both in the profession and in the universities, it has been forced to take the lead. In order to exchange information at an international level, under the aegis of the European Association of Archaeologists, two committees have been set up. The first of them of which I was Secretary is the Committee for Training and Education which attempts to exchange information on the impact of the Bologna Agreement, and at present I am trying to write an overview of university and professional training across Europe. There is also a Committee for Professional Institutes which has been seeking European funding for projects such as ‘Training the Trainers’ based at Mont Beuvray in France (how to train site supervisors). The latest project to receive funding, under the initiative of Kenny Aitchison of the Institute for Archaeologists, is ‘Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe’ which is an extension of the British survey of archaeologists.

As mentioned, I am writing a book on teaching and training of archaeologists, based on my personal experience, and also looking at the different traditions across Europe and how they can be brought together. I shall be recommending that we use the ideas of Student Centred Learning and of Continuing Professional Development as the best way forward.

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References

COLLIS, J.R. (2000) – Towards a national training scheme. Antiquity 74:208-14.

AITCHISON, K. (1999) – Profiling the profession: a survey of archaeological jobs and jobs profiles in the UK. Institute of Field Archaeologists/Council for British Archaeology/English Heritage.

COLLIS, J.R. (2001) – Digging up the Past. Stroud, Sutton Publications. COLLIS, J.R. (2003) – L’avenir de la recherche archéologique française sur l’âge du Fer. In D. Maranski and V. Guichard (eds.) Les Âges du Fer en Nivernais, Bourbonais et Berry oriental. Regards Européens sur les Âges du Fer en France. Actes du XVIIe Colloque de l’AFEAF, Nevers – mai 1993. Glux-en-Glenne, Bibracte 6:353-363.

AITCHISON, K. (2000) – A Survey of Archaeological Specialists. Landward Archaeology, Institute of Field Archaeologists/Museum of London Specialist Services/English Heritage. AITCHISON, K. (2009) – Discovering the archaeologists of Europe: transnational report http://www.discovering-archaeologists.eu/DISCO Transnational Report.pdf.

COLLIS, J.R. (2009) – Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe: Qualifications and Requirements to Practice. http://www.discovering-archaeologists.eu/DISCO_ Qualifications_Report.doc.

AITCHISON, K. and EDWARDS, R. (2003) – Archaeology Labour Market Intelligence: profiling the profession 2002/03. Reading/Bradford: Institute of Field Archaeologists and Cultural Heritage National Training Organisation.

COLLIS, J.R. (2010) – The training and role of archaeologists: Britain and Germany compared. Archäologisches Nachrichtblatt 15/2:111-134.

AITCHISON, K. and EDWARDS, R. (2008) – Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe: United Kingdom. Archaeology Labour Market Intelligence: profiling the profession 2007/08. Reading: Institute of Field Archaeologists.

European Higher Education Area (1999) – Joint declaration of the European Ministers of Education convened in Bologna on the 19th of June 1999. http://www. bologna-bergen2005.no/docs/00Main_doc/990719 bologna_declaration.pdf (accessed January 2009).

Benelux Bologna Secretariat (2009) – Participating Countries and Organisations. http://www.ond. vlaanderen.be/hogeronderwijs/bologna/pcao/index.htm (accessed January 2009).

HEFCE (Higher Education Funding Council for England) (2006) – The Bologna Declaration (accessed April 2006). IfA (Institute for Archaeologists) (2009) – Continuing Professional Development: a guide. http://www. archaeologists.net/module/icontent/inPages/docs/cpd/ CPDguide (accessed November 2009).

BISHOP, M., COLLIS, J. and HINTON, P. (1999) – A future for archaeologists: professional training a career structure in archaeology. The Archaeologist 35:14-16.

QAA (Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education) (2007) – Benchmarking Archaeology. Gloucester, Quality Assurance Agency. http://www.qaa.ac.uk/ academicinfrastructure/benchmark/honours/archaeolo gy.pdf (accessed January 2009).

CARTER, S., and ROBERTSON, A. (2002) – Project to define Professional Functions and Standards in Archaeology. Reading: Institute of Field Archaeologists and Cultural Heritage National Training Organisation.

QAA (Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education) (2009) – Master’s Degree Characteristics: draft for consultation, September 2009.

CHITTY, G. (2000) – A Rapid Survey of Training Needs. Archaeological Training Forum / Institute of Field Archaeologists / Council for British Archaeology / English Heritage.

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PROBLEMES DE L’ETUDE SCIENTIFIQUE DE L’ “HOMINISATION” Roberto FLORES GUEVARA Unité 742 – INSERM, Paris – France, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima – Pérou The problems of the scientific approach to “hominization” Abstract: Many epistemological and ideological obstacles stand in the way of the study of this question. The scientific approach to the problem of emergence of “human abilities” in Hominins needs to take into account the anatomical particularities, fruit of a long evolution, and their concrete conditions of existence. I present my point of view as a neurophysiologist that do not put into the brain the origins of hominization because we are able to show that the human brain does not present the exceptional anatomical particularities that could fully explain the emergence of human mind. Then, I think that we need to study the hominization process within the interactions established between those individuals and their environment, and within the reciprocal transformations derived from their own activity. Key words: hominization – brain – cerebral cortex – hominins – mind Résumé: Plusieurs obstacles épistémologiques et idéologiques se dressent devant l’étude de cette question. Pour aborder scientifiquement le problème de l’émergence des “ capacités humaines ” chez les Hominiens, il nous faut partir des particularités anatomiques, produit d’une longue évolution, et des conditions concrètes de leur existence. Je présente mon point de vue de neurophysiologiste qui ne place pas dans le cerveau l’origine de l’hominisation, après avoir montré que le cerveau humain ne possède pas de caractéristiques anatomiques exclusives qui puissent expliquer à elles seules l’émergence du psychisme humain. Je pense,donc, qu’il faudra étudier le processus d’hominisation dans l’interaction entre ces êtres et leur environnement et dans les transformations reciproques produites par leur propre activité. Mots clé: hominisation – cerveau – cortex cérébral – hominiens – psychisme

connaissances sur le fonctionnement du cerveau, la phrase suivante: “…depuis cette période d’éveil de la recherche sur le cerveau (le XIXème siècle), et malgré une très longue liste de brillants pionniers, il n’est apparu dans cette discipline aucun paradigme dont la généralité et l’efficacité aient approché celles des théories physiques comme la mécanique quantique ou la relativité”. De son côté, Stephen Jay Gould (1987-1994) appelait les savants occidentaux à prendre au sérieux la pensée dialectique en biologie “où les explications réductionnistes ont atteint leurs limites et où, pour progresser, il faudrait des nouvelles approches pour traiter les données existantes, au lieu d’accumuler encore davantage de données”.

Le problème de l’hominisation, c’est à dire de l’acquisition des particularités “humaines” chez les Hominiens, est largement débattu. Il s’agit certainement de l’un des problèmes où l’affrontement de conceptions irréductibles est – et continuera d’être – le plus farouche. Cela tient aux enjeux philosophiques, mais surtout idéologiques, qui découlent de la réponse qui est donnée à la question de l’origine de ces caractéristiques. Le débat commence déjà avec la définition de ce qui est “humain”. Dernièrement, la médiatisation des images provenant de l’exploration du “cerveau en fonctionnement” par des techniques d’imagerie, a produit une très forte impression surtout dans les milieux des non spécialistes. Par ailleurs, la forte concurrence pour des crédits de recherche de moins en moins abondants, pousse beaucoup de scientifiques à la médiatisation forcenée des résultats qui ne sont pas toujours scientifiquement sûrs. D’autre part, l’impasse dans laquelle se trouvent les sciences psychologiques ont poussé certains à accepter les paradigmes cognitivistes qui convergent de plus en plus avec les praticiens de l’imagerie cérébrale, surtout l’IRM fonctionnelle (IRMf). Mais, en fait, quels sont les avancées réelles obtenus par ces techniques et ces “théories”? En ce qui concerne la neurologie les résultats sont minces car ils ne font que confirmer ce que la clinique neurologique classique et les techniques neuroanatomiques et neurophysiologiques proposaient depuis quelques décennies. Et en ce qui concerne la connaissance du fonctionnement du cerveau, la confluence des théories cognitivistes et de l’imagerie cérébrale s’auto-entretient sans apporter une vraie théorie scientifique du cerveau.

Alors, le cerveau d’Homo sapiens a-t-il réellement quelque chose d’unique, de foncièrement nouveau par rapport au cerveau des autres mammifères et en particulier des primates, qui expliquerait les particularités du psychisme humain? Et en quoi la “cognition humaine” est-elle radicalement différente de celle des animaux? LE CERVEAU HUMAIN A-T-IL QUELQUE CHOSE DE SPECIAL? Je prends appui ici, sur le livre de Striedter (2005) qui est une présentation assez complète de ce qui est actuellement connu sur l’évolution du cerveau, même si je ne partage pas toutes ses conclusions. Depuis des siècles, de multiples caractéristiques soidisant “uniques” de l’Homme ont été proposées et toutes ont été rayées de la liste au fur et à mesure de l’avancement de nos connaissances biologiques et psychologiques ou éthologiques. En neurobiologie, le débat tourne autour de ce qui peut être “unique” dans le cerveau humain par rapport aux singes africains, depuis la

Ainsi, nous pouvons lire dans “Cerveau. Information. Connaissance” (Buser et Lestienne, 2001), une des meilleures présentations de l’état actuel des 163

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primates); existence d’une aire prémotrice ventrale spécialisée dans les mouvements du bras et de la bouche; expansion importante du cortex somatosensoriel; existence d’une 3ème région préfrontale unique, appelée “cortex préfrontal latéral (ou granulaire)” impliqué, d’après certains, dans les aspects “rationnels” de la “prise de décisions” (Les autres deux régions préfrontales conservées sont le cortex préfrontal orbital et le cortex cingulaire antérieur).

controverse qui opposa Owen à Huxley entre 1857 et 1861. Mais, les données comparatives dont nous disposons sont encore assez rudimentaires. D’abord, quoi de neuf dans le comportement et le cerveau des primates? Les plus anciens fossiles des primates ont 50 M d’années (Ma). Nous connaissons un certain nombre de caractéristiques générales sur leur cerveau et leur comportement:

Quoi de neuf dans le comportement et le cerveau des Homininés?

– parmi les primates, les plus grands vivent plus longtemps, se développent plus lentement et s’occupent plus longuement de leurs rejetons;

D’après la plupart des estimations, les premiers homininés ont divergé des anciens chimpanzés il y a 6 Ma. La bipédie semble avoir été la caractéristique principale de ces premiers homininés connus comme australopithèques. Ils mangeaient des herbes, des racines et des graines et étaient plutôt collecteurs que chasseurs. Leur utilisation d’outils était probablement limitée, mais il y a 2.5 Ma certains pithécanthropes commencèrent à fabriquer des outils en pierre. Autour de -2 Ma, des australopithèques plus grands et robustes apparurent et restèrent jusqu’aux environs de -1.4 Ma.

– le volume absolu et relatif du cerveau des primates augmente en fonction de la complexité de leur vie sociale, de leur vision plus diurne et chromatique, de leur taille; – le volume cérébral relatif (VCR) doubla de volume juste avant la bifurcation entre les musaraignes arboricoles (tree shrews) et les vrais primates. Puisque les premiers primates étaient arboricoles et petits, cette augmentation du VCR répond vraisemblablement à une diminution évolutive de la taille. En tout cas, il est clair que le cerveau des anciens primates était petit en termes de volume cérébral absolu (VCA), probablement autour de 2-3 grammes!! C’est seulement plus tard, après l’augmentation de leur taille corporelle, que le VCA augmenta chez les primates, surtout chez les simiens. L’analyse cladistique montre, d’ailleurs, que le VCA augmente par poussées successives dans le lignage qui va des haplorhiniens aux Hominiens.

Les plus anciens Homo sont apparus vers -2 Ma et étaient assez variés. Certains d’entre eux (H. rudolphensis et H. habilis) ressemblaient aux australopithèques les plus graciles, tandis que H. erectus était plus grand que ces derniers. H. erectus avait un visage plus vertical, des molaires plus petites et un cerveau plus gros, fabriqua des outils plus variés et probablement maîtrisa le feu. Puis, vers -1.6 Ma H. erectus quitta l’Afrique pour aller vers l’Asie et Indonésie. Vers -250 000 H. erectus disparu et H. sapiens surgit.

– dans le cerveau des primates une structure s’est largement développée: le cortex.

Les premiers H. sapiens occupèrent les zones qui avaient été déjà habitées par H. erectus (autour de –150.000 ou – 100.000), tandis que d’autres Hominiens, les néandertaliens, occupaient l’Europe du Nord. Il y a un débat concernant les capacités des néandertaliens mais il semble bien qu’ils aient développé une technologie assez perfectionnée. Certains leur attribuent même les débuts de la pensée symbolique et, par extension, du langage. La “concurrence” des néandertaliens avec H sapiens dura jusqu’à leur extinction il y a 30.000 ans.

Exemple: chez l’insectivore Erinaceus europaeus (hérisson), le poids du cerveau est de 3.4 g , le néocortex représente 16% du poids et le ratio néocortex/bulbe rachidien est de 1. Chez le prosimien Galago demidovii le cerveau pèse 3.4 g aussi mais le néocortex représente 46% et le ratio néocortex/bulbe rachidien est de 9.3. Chez le chimpanzé, le cerveau fait 405 g et le néocortex représente 76% avec un ratio néocortex/bulbe rachidien de 50. Si l’on ne considère que la substance grise, celle-ci représente 45% et le ratio substance grise/bulbe rachidien est de 30.

Vers – 40 000 ans, H. sapiens avait développé l’ensemble des traits culturels de ses ancêtres. Après avoir occupé les cinq continents, l’invention de l’agriculture et de l’élevage favorisa l’augmentation de la population de même que plus tard l’invention de l’écriture permettra la conservation des acquis des générations précédentes.

Evolution de l’organisation cérébrale chez les primates Les particularités du cerveau des primates se trouvent dans:

Ce schéma très simplifié de l’évolution humaine doit uniquement servir de contexte à la discussion sur l’évolution du cerveau chez les Homininés.

– le système visuel: yeux placés frontalement; vision trichromique des couleurs; décussation à 50% de la voie rétino-colliculaire

Evolution du cerveau chez les Homininés

– le système moteur: présence d’au moins 9 aires prémotrices (contre seulement 2 chez les non

Cette étude se heurte à de très importants problèmes: 164

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intestins, ce qui libéra de l’énergie métabolique nécessaire à ces cerveaux de plus en plus volumineux.

1) les mesures du VCA chez les Homininés sont indirectes et basées sur des estimations du volume endocrânien;

Comment expliquer la croissance exponentielle du VC, constituée par la troisième “poussée”? Une hypothèse controversée dite de la “compétition intraspécifique” a été proposée: à partir de ce moment, la lutte pour la subsistance aurait été remplacé par la lutte contre les congénères pour les ressources naturelles et les femmes.

2) les considérations sur le VCR chez les fossiles sont discutables car les données sur le volume corporel sont elles mêmes estimées à partir de données fragmentaires; 3) les Homininés mâles et femelles diffèrent considérablement en ce qui concerne le VC et le volume corporel, et le sexe des fossiles est difficilement attribuable; 4) l’âge des estimable.

fossiles

est

également

Alors, pour quoi le cerveau des Hominiens cessa-t-il de grossir il y a environ 100 000 ans? On explique cela par une nouvelle “contrainte de l’accouchement”: le cerveau fœtal aurait rencontré des difficultés à passer au travers le “canal vaginal” déjà chez H. erectus. Si cela est juste, alors comment expliquer l’augmentation du VCR chez H. sapiens au-delà du niveau atteint chez H. erectus? Les solutions possibles de ce problème étaient:

difficilement

Malgré ces incertitudes, il semble que l’augmentation du volume cérébral chez les Homininés s’est fait en plusieurs “vagues” ou “poussées” successives:

– l’élargissement du “canal vaginal”: il n’existe pas d’évidence;

– la première poussée, au moment de l’apparition des australopithèques, fut peu importante et sans modification significative de la taille du corps;

– le raccourcissement de la gestation: en fait, la période gestationelle des hommes actuels est légèrement plus longue de ce qu’on pourrait attendre chez des primates de notre taille;

– la deuxième poussée, proche de l’origine du genre Homo, fut un saut important accompagné d’une augmentation importante du volume corporel;

– l’allongement de la période de croissance post-natale du VC: voilà probablement la solution qui a été trouvée à cette contrainte.

– la troisième et dernière poussée, commença lentement pendant l’apogée de H. erectus et s’accéléra ensuite au début des H. sapiens. L’expansion très importante de la voûte crânienne fut accompagnée d’une faible augmentation du volume corporel.

Cependant, pour certains le cerveau des nouveau-nés humains serait “assez mature”. Mais quel sont les critères ou les paramètre choisis pour affirmer cela?

Peut-on parler à ce propos de confirmation de la théorie des “équilibres ponctués” de Gould et Eldredge? Pouvons-nous établir une corrélation fiable entre ces “poussées” anatomiques et les modifications du comportement chez les Homininés?

En tout état de cause, l’expansion postnatale du cerveau aurait rendu les jeunes H. sapiens particulièrement “réceptifs” aux influences environnementales, favorisant ainsi leur socialisation. Evolution de l’organisation cérébrale chez les Hominiens?

La première “poussée” fut elle en corrélation avec: – la fabrication d’outils? Non, les outils lithiques apparurent 3-4 Ma après la “poussée”;

a) Quelques régions cérébrales deviennent plus petites ou plus simples: le bulbe olfactif, la portion magnocellulaire du noyau rouge, le noyau cochléaire dorsal.

– l’apparition de la sociabilité? Il n’y a pas d’évidences; – la capacité de produire un langage? En fait, les premières indications de l’existence d’une pensée symbolique (tombes ou décorations corporels) datent d’environ –1.3 Ma, c’est à dire après l’extinction des australopithèques.

b) Mais, le changement le plus impressionnant est l’augmentation du néocortex: – ratio substance grise néocorticale / bulbe rachidien: 30: 1 chez le chimpanzé 60: 1 chez H. sapiens

L’augmentation du VC chez H. erectus est plus facile à corréler avec la modification du paysage africain (transformation des forêts en pâturages), l’augmentation du gibier, et l’amélioration diététique qui aurait permis l’émergence de ces gros cerveaux métaboliquement gourmands. En retour, le fait d’avoir des cerveaux plus gros probablement permit à H. erectus d’inventer des nouveaux outils et de trouver des “astuces” pour l’obtention d’une nourriture plus riche et diversifiée (coquillages, œufs), éventuellement cuite, ce qui à son tour produit une diminution de la taille des dents et des

De plus, le néocortex a des connexions exceptionnellement abondantes et directes avec les motoneurones du tronc cérébral (qui innervent les mandibules, le visage, la langue et les cordes vocales) et de la moelle épinière (qui innervent les muscles des extrémités). Cette profusion de connexions expliquerait en partie la dextérité atteinte par les organes phonatoires et la main. D’autres questions peuvent alors être posées: quels aspects du néocortex sont responsables de cette 165

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dextérité accrue? Pour quoi le contrôle néocortical est-il si spécial? Nous ne le savons pas. Mais, la “plasticité” cortical y joue certainement un rôle. Cette notion de “plasticité” est elle-même l’enjeu de débats et de recherches intensives en ce moment.

des circuits parallèles) ou si ces circuits divergent à partir du CPL (hypothèse des circuits divergents). Mais, il ne faut pas oublier que les avantages de l’expansion cérébrale ont un prix: – besoins nutritionnels plus importants

c) Existe-t-il des aires ou des régions corticales exclusivement “humaines”?

– contraintes physiques à l’accouchement – échelonnage des réseaux: quel est l’effet de l’allongement des axones? Y a-t-il une augmentation de la durée de la transmission de l’information? Cela rend-il plus difficile la synchronisation entre des régions corticales éloignées? Existe-il une diminution de la densité des connexions cérébrales? Y a-t-il des connexions perdues? Lesquelles?

La réponse est non. Même les aires classiquement connues comme “aires du langage articulé” (l’aire de Broca et l’aire de Wernicke) ont été identifiées chez les primates non-humains. Des auteurs pensent que certaines parties de la région préfrontale latérale, et les aires 39 et 40 du lobe pariétal inférieur, sont exclusives de H. sapiens. Mais nous ne disposons pas de données comparatives concluantes.

Chez les primates, la diminution de la densité des connexions aurait été résolue par:

Cependant, il est vrai que même si (presque) toutes les aires néocorticales sont conservées entre les grands singes et H. sapiens, elles présentent parfois des variations considérables de leur taille proportionnelle:

a) le passage d’un système massivement parallèle à un montage en série qui inclut plusieurs “flux de traitement” distincts, séparés. Nous en avons quelques indices:

– le cortex visuel primaire ou cortex strié représente 5% du néocortex chez le chimpanzé, mais seulement 2% chez H. sapiens;

– des flux de traitement visuel dorsal et ventral existent chez les macaques mais pas chez les chats; – le Corps Genouillé Latéral (qui est un relais visuel thalamique) se projette uniquement sur l’aire primaire visuelle chez le macaque mais sur plusieurs aires corticales chez le chat.

– quelles régions corticales sont les plus représentées chez H. sapiens? Il n’existe pas de données comparatives pour les lobes temporal, pariétal et occipital (à l’exception du cortex strié). En revanche, nous savons que chez les primates il existe une augmentation de la surface proportionnelle du lobe frontal au fur et a mesure que le VCA augmente. H. sapiens a des lobes frontaux plus grands que ceux des chimpanzés mais la différence n’est pas significative!

Striedter (2005) pense que le montage en série rend le cerveau plus vulnérable aux atteintes aux niveaux inférieures, mais je pense qu’au contraire la multiplication de niveaux rend la récupération des circuits interrompus possible par des voies indirectes.

A l’intérieur des lobes frontaux, le “cortex préfrontal latéral” (CPL) paraît plus large chez H sapiens. Au moins l’aire 10 est presque deux fois plus large chez H. sapiens que chez les grands singes. Mais, ce qui n’est pas clair est si le CPL est aussi large qu’on pourrait s’y attendre...

Il faut tenir compte aussi de la découverte récente de multiples aires de projection corticale “silencieuses” chez l’homme, aires qui se “réveillent” quand une lésion atteint le fonctionnement des aires sensorielles primaires classiques.

Une analyse plus poussée permet de conclure que le CPL fait partie d’un circuit qui inclut le cortex pariétal postérieur, le cortex temporal, et le thalamus dorsal (en particulier, ses noyaux dorsal médian et pulvinar dorsal). Et c’est tout ce circuit-là qui est élargi chez H. sapiens. Par ailleurs, le noyau pulvinar dorsal semble exclusif des primates.

b) le fractionnement en “modules” anatomiques et fonctionnels spécialisés qui rendent le cerveau moins symétrique au fur et à mesure qu’il grossit. Ainsi, les deux hémisphères cérébraux deviennent plus indépendants (par exemple, chez les primates, le corps calleux diminue de volume pendant que le néocortex s’élargit).

La signification fonctionnelle de l’élargissement du CPL et son circuit associé est largement débattue. Il semble acquis que le CPL exerce, chez H. sapiens, un contrôle plus important sur d’autres régions cérébrales que chez les autres primates. Certains insistent sur le rôle de ces structures dans le langage et dans la capacité des humains à avoir des comportements “non conventionnels” de la main et des yeux. Pour ces raisons ils proposent d’élargir le débat à la question de savoir si le CPL représente un ensemble de voies vraiment parallèles qui contrôlent séparément les yeux, les mains et la phonation (hypothèse

Alors, qu’est-ce que le cerveau peut nous dire sur l’hominisation? Nous savons beaucoup de choses sur l’évolution du cerveau, mais il nous reste beaucoup de points à découvrir. Nous avons vu, pendant notre rapide survol de l’évolution du cerveau chez les primates et chez les Homininés, que pratiquement tout ce que nous savons aujourd’hui peut être interprété d’au moins deux points de vue différents. Tout est discutable et/ou incomplet. 166

R. FLORES GUEVARA: PROBLEMES DE L’ETUDE SCIENTIFIQUE DE L’ “HOMINISATION”

“Le passage à la conscience est le début d’une étape supérieure du développement psychique. Le reflet conscient, à la différence du reflet psychique propre à l’animal, est le reflet de la réalité concrète détachée des rapports existant entre elle et le sujet, c’est-à-dire un reflet distinguant les propriétés objectives stables de la réalité”. Mais “l’essentiel, lors du passage à l’humanité, c’est la modification des lois présidant au développement du psychisme. Dans le monde animal, les lois générales qui gouvernent les lois du développement psychique sont celles de l’évolution biologique; lorsqu’on arrive à l’homme, le psychisme est soumis aux lois du développement socio-historique” (p. 61).

Une chose est certaine: le cerveau de Homo sapiens (tout comme son génome) ne présente pas de caractéristiques uniques, exclusives, qui puissent expliquer les particularités de son psychisme. EVOLUTION DU PSYCHISME Dans l’étude de l’hominisation il nous faudra certainement remonter au superbe travail de Jean-Marc Gaspard Itard (1801), le médecin du fameux “enfant sauvage de l’Aveyron”, pour trouver pour la première fois en Occident une réflexion scientifique sur les origines du psychisme humain. Itard écrivait déjà: “…. cette supériorité morale, que l’on dit être naturelle à l’homme, n’est que le résultat de la civilisation….”. Plus tard, Léontiev, prolongeant les travaux d’Engels et de Vygotski, a étudié le rôle du travail et de l’organe principal de l’activité de travail chez l’homme, la main, dans l’hominisation. Et l’effet produit, en retour, par le travail sur l’apparence physique, de même que sur l’organisation anatomique et physiologique.

Mais cela est une autre histoire... Bibliographie BUSER, P. et LESTIENNE, R. (2001) – Cerveau. Information. Connaissance. Paris: CNRS Editions, 275 p. DEHAENE, S., DUHAMEL, J-R., HAUSER, M.D. and RIZZOLATTI, G. (2005) – From monkey brain to human brain. Cambridge, MA, USA: The MIT Press, 400 p.

Le psychisme a aussi sa propre histoire, son propre développement. Les animaux, au cours de l’histoire de la vie sur la Terre, sont passés par des stades en rapport avec leur niveau de développement de leur système nerveux. Selon Léontiev (1972-1976), on peut distinguer schématiquement, chez les infra-hominiens, les stades suivants:

GOULD, S.J. (1994) – Un hérisson dans la tempête. Trad française de An urchin in the storm (1987). Paris: Grasset, 227 p. ITARD, J-M.G. (1801) – De l’éducation d’un homme sauvage, ou des Premiers développements physiques et moraux du jeune sauvage de l’Aveyron. In: Gineste, T. (2004). Victor de l’Aveyron. Paris: Hachette, 649 p.

1. Stade du psychisme sensoriel élémentaire: faculté de refléter des propriétés isolées du milieu; 2. Stade du psychisme perceptif: reflet des choses entières;

LEONTIEV, A.N. (1976) – Le développement du psychisme. Trad française de la 3ème édition en russe (1972). Paris: Editions sociales, 345 p.

3. Stade de l’intellect: perception sensible des corrélations objectives entre les choses, sous forme de “situations” relatives aux objets.

STRIEDTER, G.F. (2005) – Principles of brain evolution. Sunderland, MA, USA: Sinauer Associates. 436 p.

Ces trois stades constituent la “préhistoire de la conscience humaine”, selon Léontiev (p 52), qui ajoute

167

THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA (MIDDLE TAGUS BASIN, CENTRAL PORTUGAL) Pierluigi ROSINA Instituto Politécnico de Tomar. Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-Histórica”-Centro de Geociências, Portugal

Sara CURA Museu de Arte Pré-Histórica de Mação. Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-Histórica”-Centro de Geociências

Stefano GRIMALDI Universitá degli Studi di Trento. Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-Histórica”-Centro de Geociências

José GOMES Centro de Interpretação de Arqueologia do Alto Ribatejo. Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-Histórica”-Centro de Geociências

Luiz OOSTERBEEK Instituto Politécnico de Tomar. Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-Histórica”-Centro de Geociências, Portugal Abstract: The prehistoric site of Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra is located on the slope of an ancient valley where tertiary deposits, quaternary fluvial terraces and colluvial deposits alternate. The excavation of this site over the last years falls within the TEMPOAR project, whose main research goals are the establishment of the chronology and succession of the Low and Middle terraces of the Tagus river in the Vila Nova da Barquinha region, together with the achievement of a clearer interpretation regarding the chronocultural framework of the lithic remains coming from these stratigraphic contexts. Moreover, this research aims correlating the terrace levels with the lithic industries of the Tagus Valley. Recently, new dates for the fluvial terraces have been provided that allow us to discern a chronological framework for the middle terrace (300,000 bp) and the low terrace (90,000 bp). Lithic industries seem to confirm this chronology and our interpretations regarding the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic of this site. In this paper, we aim to present the general lithic industry characterisation as well as a geomorphologic study of the terraces’ levels. Keywords: Palaeolithic, Quartzite Lithic Industries, Fluvial Terraces, Central Portugal

1998a, Mozzi 1998, Martins 1999, Rosina 2002 and 2004, Cunha et al. 2005 and 2008).

INTRODUCTION The oldest and largest Quaternary deposits in Portugal are represented by terrace fluvial sediments. Thus, it is not surprising that evidence of the older human occupation is mainly found in association with these kinds of deposits.

At the present time, six terrace levels have been identified, probably resulting from geological dynamics that differ from those observed in the Spanish Tagus basin (cf. Santesteban & Schulte 2007, Bridgland et al. 2006).

In particular, in the Tagus basin (Central Portugal), several open-air Middle Pleistocene sites were identified and some have been excavated over the last decades; only a few sites are found in karstic caves (Marks et al. 2002, 2005).

Also, in contrast with the situation in Spain, fauna or human remains in Ribatejo terraces are very rare and, when present, are found in more recent deposits dating from the Upper Pleistocene (Raposo 1995, Brugal & Raposo 1999, Trinkaus et al. 2003, Brugal & Valente 2007).

Since Breuil & Zbyszewski (1942, 1945, 1946), many studies were carried out with the aim of determining fluvial terrace sequences and relative chronologic attributions (both terraces and associated archaeological remains).

The chrono-stratigraphic sequence suggested for terrace levels in Central Portugal is only based on morphostratigraphic criteria, whereas the absolute dating (Luminescence or Uranium series techniques) come from inorganic samples (Mozzi et al. 2000, Dias et al. in press, Cunha et al. 2008).

Even if there is research carried out in other basins (e.g. Texier & Meirelles 1987, for Minho region; CunhaRibeiro 1999, in Estremadura), fluvial deposit investigations were more intensive in Ribatejo region due to its geological and geomorphologic features.

Lithic industries consisting mostly of quartzite pebbles are common on the surface, but there are also some pebbles made up of quartz and a few others made up of flint. These collections, combined with the Holocene macrolithic industry, gave rise to the misunderstood definition of Languedocense (cf., Grimaldi et al. 1998).

In the last decade, the chrono-stratigraphic studies have been increasing, allowing a better definition of the Alto Ribatejo fluvial deposit sequences (Corral-Fernandez 169

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 19.1. Location of the Ribeira da Atalaia site and the main Lower-Middle Palaeolithic sites in the Tagus Valley

In other cases, these are typologically attributed to different phases of Lower and Middle Palaeolithic (cf., Raposo 1987 and 1995; Cunha-Ribeiro 1999, Grimaldi et al. 1999).

Ribatejo (=bank of the Tagus). The archaeological site is located a few kilometres north from where the stream meets the Tagus, close to the village of Vila Nova da Barquinha.

Lower and Middle Palaeolithic research started in the Alto Ribatejo in the early 1990’s (Oosterbeek et al. 2002). A series of surveys were carried out aiming to establish a chrono-techno-typological characterisation of lithic assemblages. Even if several sites have been found in association with the three younger terrace deposits, only a few of these were excavated.

Three main geological units are present in this region: I) the Cenozoic Tagus sedimentary basin (‘Tagus and Sado Tertiary Basin’), that extends mostly along the low Tagus river valley of Central Portugal; II) the “Estremenho” Limestone massif, essentially Mesozoic, which outcrops at North-west and West; III) the Pre-Cambrian and Palaeozoic schist-metamorphic complex (Ancient Massif) present in the North-eastern and Eastern area.

In this context, three excavations were carried on fluvial terrace deposits: two were rescue interventions (Fonte da Moita 1998, Santa Cita 1999-2000) and the third (Ribeira da Atalaia/Ribeira da Pedra) started in 1999 and is still ongoing (Grimaldi et al. 1999, id. 2000; Lemorini et al. 2001; Grimaldi & Rosina 2001; Lussu et al. 2001).

From a lithologic point of view, the detritic Tagus and Sado Tertiary basin includes clay, silts, sands, and pebbles; the “Estremenho” Massif includes limestones and marls (with weak occurrence of flint); and finally, schist, greywacke, quartzite and granite are the more abundant rocks of the Ancient Massif.

The site of Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra (also known as Ribeira da Atalaia) is located on a slope of a tributary of the Tagus River where tertiary deposits, quaternary fluvial terraces and colluvial deposits alternate. The research activity in this site is part of the TEMPOAR projects (Oosterbeek et al. 2002) and the main research goals are as follow:

There are four regional Quaternary deposits: a) the Holocene alluvial sediments, b) the Pleistocene wide fluvial terraces, c) the karstic cave fillings (in limestone massif), and d) the detritical coverings. Such lithologic diversity caused a differentiated fluvial erosive action that, in association with tectonic regional uplift, produced residual elevations.

a) The establishment of the chrono-stratigraphic sequence of the Low and Middle terraces of the Tagus River in the Vila Nova da Barquinha region

During the Plio-Pleistocene, the hydrographical net deeply embanked for 100 m – 150 m below the original surface that is actually at more than 200 m a.s.l. This net developed according to regional tectonic (cf. Cunha et al. 2005) and, consequentially, the main Tagus tributaries, such as Ponte da Pedra, Nabao, Zezere, Ocreza rivers, show North-South axes in this area.

b) A chrono-cultural framework of the lithic assemblages coming from these stratigraphic contexts GEOGRAPHY, GEOMORPHOLOGY, AND GEOLOGY OF THE ALTO RIBATEJO REGION

According to this geological setting, the Ponte da Pedra valley has been totally excavated in Tagus sedimentary basin, with its sides formed by Cenozoic detritical

Ribeira (=stream) da Ponte da Pedra is a tributary of the Tagus River in the region of Central Portugal, named

170

P. ROSINA ET AL.: THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA…

Fig. 19.2. Pleistocene deposits and location of sites mentioned in the text

previous geological maps, Q1, Q2a, Q2b (high terraces), Q3 (middle terrace), Q4a and Q4b (low terraces).

sediments (from Miocene to the present) and, until the Middle Pleistocene, it extended northward, in continuity with the Nabão Valley (cf. Mozzi 1998). Landscape is characterised by hills no higher than 140 m a.s.l., with their slopes shaped by older terrace sediments.

The artefacts found in the Q3 were ascribed to the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic, according to the technomorphologic features of the bifaces (Breuil and Zbyszewky, 1942): those collected from the basal gravel unit were considered Lower Palaeolithic (ClactonoAbbevillian industries); in the middle part of the Q3, Acheulian industries representing various evolutionary phases of the Middle Palaeolithic were found; and in the uppermost unit of Q3 the artefacts were considered of Micoquian type, as well as the industries found in the Q4 (low terrace).

Fluvial terraces are the most important Pleistocene deposits in the study area. In the Portuguese Tejo river valley, four fluvial terrace levels were identified since the 1940s (Breuil and Zbyszewsky, 1942, 1945, 1946) and labelled in the 1/50000 geological maps as Q1, Q2, Q3 and Q4 (from the top to the bottom). The complete chronology of Tagus terraces is unknown as yet. A glacio-eustatic model based on the classic alpine glaciations was formerly suggested to explain the formation of these terraces (Breuil and Zbyszewsky, 1942, 1945, 1946). Q1 and Q2, the “upper terraces”, were ascribed to the interglacial Gunz/Mindel, or even to an age before the Gunz glacial (Q1). The Q3 “middle terrace” was related with the interglacial Mindel/Riss, and the Q4 “lower terrace”, to the interglacial Riss/Würm.

A more recent chronological attribution (i.e. interglacial Riss/Würm) has been suggested for the Q3 terrace level (Raposo et al. 1985a), according to the typology of the Middle Palaeolithic industries found in Vale do Forno (Alpiarça) and in the Ródão area. The same interpretation was made by Mozzi et al. (2000) thanks to thermo-luminescence ages obtained from three sediment samples collected from the “Upper Sands Unit” of the Q3, at Vale do Forno: 117 ka + infinite, -26 ka; 119 ka + infinite -32 ka; >124 ka.

From a geomorphologic and lithostratigraphic perspective, the identification of the fluvial terraces on the low Tejo valley also has been successively improved. The lower terrace was locally subdivided in Q4-a and Q4-b (Zbyszewsky and Carvalhosa, 1984; Rosina, 2002), Q4-1 and Q4-2 (Corral-Fernandes, 1998) or T5 and T5a (Martins, 1999). Martins (1999) also identified and characterised an older terrace (T1), located above the Q1 of the nomenclature proposed by Zbyszewsky.

Today, there is some absolute dating for the more recent ones, (Cunha et al. 2008; Raposo & Santoja 1995; Raposo & Cardoso 1998). EXCAVATION OF RIBEIRA DA ATALAIA / RIBEIRA PONTE DA PEDRA

Six fluvial terrace levels have been recently recognised for the Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra valley (Rosina 2002 and 2004, op. cit.; but see also Cunha et al. 2005; Martins 1999). These levels were labelled, according to the

Archaeological studies in the Vila Nova da Barquinha area started in the early 1990s (in conjunction with the “Territory, Mobility and Settlement in the Alto Ribatejo” 171

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

terraces, between terraces and substratum, and finally between these deposits and the colluviums. Archaeological remains were found in both terraces (only lithic industries, mostly made of quartzite), which have been attributed to Lower-Middle Palaeolithic; an Upper Palaeolithic hearth was discovered in the colluviums’ sediments.

STRATIGRAPHY The excavation trench has more than 10 m of difference in level (from 32 m – 33 m to 43 m – 44 m. a.s.l.) and it cuts different geological and stratigraphic units.

Fig. 19.3. Intervention area

At the moment, the excavation activities were concerned with four geological units (from the oldest to the youngest): Miocene substrate, bottom of Q3 fluvial terrace, top of Q4a fluvial terrace, and colluviums’ covering.

TEMPOAR projects) with a series of surveys that aimed to establish a chronological and a techno-typological characterisation of lithic assemblages as well as an extended comprehension of the archaeological sites in relation to the Quaternary deposits of the Portuguese middle Tagus River and its tributaries (Oosterbeek et al., 2002). To achieve its goals, this research project set out to study the surface lithic collections, to excavate both Palaeolithic and Holocene sites, and to make some thematic maps (Geographical Information System) in order to provide a more rigorous understanding of the archaeological sites and their respective geological deposits.

Two strata represent the Miocene: the ancient one is characterised by reddish clay while the recent stratum shows very well sorted white sand. The Q3 bottom is formed by at least four different deposition morphologies: x A bar (formed by reddish coarse sand and pebbles); x A channel (filled with big pebbles and cobbles, up to 35 cm, and reddish coarse sand) that cuts the bar;

It is within this framework that the Ribeira Ponte da Pedra archaeological site has been excavated since 1999.

x Flood plain fine grain deposits (grey to yellow); x Transverse channels (filled with reddish sand and pebbles, up to 10 cm) with a very erosive contact with the flood plain deposit.

The main research goal was (and still is) a geoarchaeological approach, including cultural investigation according to a chrono-stratigraphic characterisation. To better accomplish the mentioned aims, a long trench has been made on the flank of the Ponte da Pedra valley that tries to observe the correlation between low and middle

The top of the Q4a terrace is made of well-sorted middle sands with a pebble layer.

Fig. 19.4. Stratigraphy (simplified) 172

P. ROSINA ET AL.: THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA…

Fig. 19.6. Q3 channel and flood plain deposits (detail)

49. Middle and fine sands with silt and clay, some pebbles and gravels, iron oxides, channel structure; presence of artefacts 60. Fine sands and silt horizontally bedded; artefacts are very rare

Fig. 19.5. Miocene and colluviums

50. Para conglomerate, pebbles 10 cm (up to 25 cm), matrix clay-silt and sands; abundant lithics artefacts

The colluviums are divided in three parts: a) a disturbed surface level, b) poorly sorted brown coarse sands and pebbles, c) poorly sorted orange and reddish coarse sands and pebbles.

30. Middle sands with gravels and some pebbles, some silt more abundant in the bottom, some laminar structure; artefacts are very rare 99. Several conglomerate layers with coarse sands, pebbles and boulders (up to 30 cm), some silt, quite compact; artefacts are very rare

Nowadays, we recognise 10 stratigraphic/lithologic units in the Q3 levels: 01. Terrigenous, perhaps formed by a singletree

To sum up, Unit 99 is the older lithofacies; sediments could be interpreted as lag deposits or river bed residuals, probably representing the early middle terrace deposition stage formed during river incision (cold period). Unit 30 results from bar formation in continuity with unit 99. Unit 50 (the thickest one) is a matrix-supported, massive conglomerate that could be considered as a debris flow scouring the bar. Unit 60 is an overbank deposit. Unit 49 clearly cuts the unit 60 in a channel form. Unit 48 presents some discontinuity, perhaps representing a single fluvial episode or an anthropogenic activity. Unit 47 represents another overbank deposit. Unit 46 deeply cuts the unit 47’s fine sediments; the scours are

20. Coarse unconsolidated sands and pebbles (avg. 5 cm – max. 9 cm); few artefacts 46. Coarse and middle sands with pebbles transversally oriented to the valley axe; scanty archaeological evidence 47. Compacted fine sands and silt, horizontally bedded with a unique gravels/little pebbles (2 cm – 3 cm) band; artefacts are very rare 48. Single bed of middle and coarse sands with pebbles (3 cm, up to 5 cm); presence of artefacts

Table 19.1. OSL and TL results (Dias et al. in press) Ref.

Dr [ext] (Gy/Kyr)

De (s)

Error (s)

De (Gy)

Error (Gy)

Th (ppm)

U (ppm)

K (%)

Age (years)

Sed. – Arch.

PA1

0,68 ± 0,15

527

23

50,6

2,2

6,00

1,41

0,86

24750 ± 1571

Quartz. – Arch.

PA5

0,83 ± 0,21

627

43

60,2

4,1

16,30

2,59

0,25

24897 ± 2194

Quartz. – Arch.

PA6

0,83 ± 0,21

453

31

43,5

2,96

3,54

0,37

0,11

24810 ± 2184

Sed. – Geol.

PA2

1,49 ± 0,37

14040

623

1347,9

59,8

9,09

1,83

1,82

304437 ± 19595

Sed. – Geol.

PA3

1,03 ± 0,19

834

22

80,1

2,1

7,42

1,65

1,31

25374 ± 1173

Sed. – Geol.

PA4

0,96 ± 0,17

2467

318

236,8

30,5

5,02

1,46

0,80

89980 ± 13389

Sample – Context

173

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

bottom of the Q3 fluvial terrace, the top of Q4a fluvial terrace and the colluviums’ covering. The lithic industry found at the bottom of the Q3 terrace (1014 artefacts) is essentially characterised by three major groups: worked pebbles (other types of cores are rare), non-retouched blanks, “apparently retouched” blanks (Table 19.2). These groups should be considered as the technological result of a single reduction sequence: pebbles have been knapped in order to produce flakes (mainly cortical or half-cortical ones). Usually, the main debitage method is the unidirectional one. Fig. 19.7. Q4/Miocene

Generally speaking, the lithic assemblage does not show refined and equilibrated morphologies (such as hand axes, cleavers and picks) with the only exception of a unifacial artefact, thus lacking the Acheulean morphotypologies.

transversal respect valley axe, even if at this moment it is quite difficult to say if these channels were formed during or after the terrace formation. Unit 20 covers a large part of the excavation area and is formed by late Pleistocene colluvial sediments; their thickness increases from the top to the base of the slope. Finally, Unit 01 resulted from a singletree roots action.

The scars on the worked pebbles and cores rarely outnumber 4 removals. This probably means a quick production of large/massive blanks without a defined morphology and also indicates a functional need based over quantity rather than quality of the blanks. When the percentage frequencies of blank categories are compared, we observe a very high percentage incidence of cortical/half-cortical blanks (Table 19.3). This feature characterizes retouched blanks: their percentage decreases along with the decrease of cortex presence, being quite rare among non-cortical flakes (Table 19.4).

Luminescence dating Dias et al. (in press) provided ages for the terrace deposits respectively of 304 ± 20 ka from a very fine sand bed, and an age of 90 ± 13 ka from the sandy matrix. A combustion structure found within the colluvial deposit yielded an absolute date of 25,000 years B.P.

Retouched implements present a quite marginal and coarse retouch, quite variable in its position and localisation and not resulting on “classic types” of tools (Table 19.3). We suggest that flakes would be produced mostly to obtain functional edges to cut or scrape, but

LITHIC INDUSTRIES In the Ribeira Ponte da Pedra lithic assemblage (Cura & Grimaldi in press), 3376 lithic implements come from the

Tab. 19.2. Q3 bottom General lithic assemblage composition 100%

Fl ak uc e he d fl a R ke et .A rti fa U ct nd .a rti fa ct D eb ri s H am R m et er .F ra gm en t et o

R

Le v

C or e al lo is co re Fl ak e co re

Other Quartz

Pe b.

Pe

b. w ith

co rt

ic al s

tri ki Pe ng b. w pl W i th at ith tfo m fla ix rm t. ed Pe p st la b. tfo rik 2 rm or in g + . pl st at rik tfo in rm g pl at tfo rm C ho pp C ho er pp in g to ol

0%

Quartzite

174

P. ROSINA ET AL.: THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA…

Fig. 19.8. Quartzite lithic implements from Ribeira da Atalaia Q3 bottom: 1 to 3 – Retouched pebbles; 4 – notch on fragment; 5 – Unifacial tool; 6 to 8 – Worked pebbles

Tab. 19.3. Technologic Flake Categories frequencies % 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10

la ke ca lf co r ti No n

«o ut re pa ss é»

ke

f la ke

fla eb or da nt »

of 20 % >

Fl

ak e

w

ith

20 % ith

w ak e Fl

175

«D

co rte x

la te ra l of 50 %

of di st

al co r te

x

co rte x 20 %

50 % ith w ak e Fl

Fl

ak e

w

Fl

ith

ak e

w

>5 0%

ith

>

of

50 %

Co rti c

of

la te ra l

co rte x

al fla ke

0

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Tab. 19.4. “Retouched” implement frequencies Blank Categories

Technologic Categories

Ret. Flake

Ret. Artifact

Und. Artifact

Ret. Fragment

Total

Pebble

14

14

Pebble with 1 removal

18

18

Core Draft Cortical flake

50

50

Flake with >50% of cortex

10

10

Flake with >50% of lateral cortex

11

11

Pebble with 2/3 unifacial removals Pebble with 2/3 bifacial removals Parcial Core Flake with 20%50% of distal cortex

5

5

Flake with 20%50% of lateral

8

8

Pebble with + 4 unifacial removals

1

1

Pebble with + 4 bifacial Removals 1 surface core 2 surface core Flake >20% of cortex

5

«Debordant» flake

3

1

3

6

Overcrossed flake

1

1

Predetermining flake

1

1

Predetermined flake

4

4

Predetermining/ned flake

1

1

Other fragment Total

99

4

12

7

23

38

12

7

156

pebbles with an important component of worked pebbles, cores and flakes (Oosterbeek et al. 2004).

without the need of being retouched. A possible explanation of this behaviour could be due to the natural resistance of the edge given by the intersection between lower and upper cortical edges of a flake. This would allow human groups to carry out “heavy-duty” (and other) activities through the use of raw edges; the atypical retouch should be the consequence of these activities.

Finally, we underline the presence of a hearth at the base of the colluviums. It presents a sub–circular shape (c. 90 cm x 150 cm). Burnt stones and burnt sediments define the structure; stones are local quartzite pebbles presenting clear signs of rubefaction. The hearth shows a “cuvette” profile, a few centimetres of thickness, filled with burnt grey sediments and covered by thermoclastic horizontally disposed pebbles.

The lithics coming from the top of the Q4a are still too few (314 artefacts) to allow an accurate characterisation; however, preliminary observations indicate that the worked pebbles and raw flakes are predominant, although the number of cores is higher than in the Q3 deposits. In contrast to the Q3 assemblage, one hand axe, some predetermined cores and blanks (discoid and Levallois), and some regularly retouched implements have been found.

The hearth is dated to 25,000 ka B.P. (Dias et al. in press). Only one worked pebble has been found in direct association with this structure. FINAL REMARKS The date of c. 300,000 ka, obtained for the Q3 (isotopic stage 9) requires, naturally, further cross dating, but it remains as a reference that meets the relative established stratigraphy and cultural sequences of the artefacts. While the Q4a terrace is dated at c. 90,000 ka (isotopic stage 5), the series of very consistent TL dates for the hearth (c. 25,000 ka) do impose the acknowledgement of

In the colluviums, 2048 lithic implements have been collected. If one considers the “traditional” chronocultural Upper Palaeolithic typology, no diagnostic implements have been found (i.e. blades or retouched blanks such as burins, end-scrapers, etc.). Despite the ongoing study we can already state that it is an assemblage nearly exclusively made out of quartzite 176

P. ROSINA ET AL.: THE MIDDLE – UPPER PLEISTOCENE OPEN-AIR SITE OF RIBEIRA DA PONTE DA PEDRA…

Fig. 19.9. Lithic implements from Ribeira da Atalaia Q3 bottom: 1 to 8 Quartzite cortical and half cortical flakes; 9 – Non cortical flint retouched flake; 10 and 11 Quartzite non cortical retouched flake

an Upper Palaeolithic open-air occupation of the valley. Further research will focus in these aspects, raising the hypothesis that other known open-air sites, not previously attributed to the Upper Palaeolithic given the lack of “diagnostic artefacts”, might also be tentatively attributed to this period.

BREUIL, H. & ZBYSZEWSKI, G. (1945) – Contribution à l’étude des industries paléolithiques du Portugal et de leurs rapports avec la géologie du Quaternaire. Les principaux gisements des plages quaternaires du littoral d’Estremadura et des terrasses fluviales de la basse vallée du Tage. Com. dos Serv. Geol. de Port., XXVI, Lisboa, 662 p.

References

BREUIL, H. & ZBYSZEWSKI, G. (1946) – Contribution à l’étude des industries paléolithiques des plages quaternaires de l’Alentejo littoral, Com. dos Serv. Geol. de Port., XXVII, Lisboa, pp. 269-334.

BREUIL, H. & ZBYSZEWSKI, G. (1942) – Contribution à l’étude des industries paléolithiques du Portugal et de leurs rapports avec la géologie du Quaternaire. Les principaux gisements des deux rivers de l’ancien estuaire du Tage. Com. dos Serv. Geol. de Port.,, XXIII, Lisboa, 369 p.

BRIDGLAND, D.R., ANTOINE, P., LIMONDINLOZOUET, N., SANTISTEBAN, J.I., WESTAWAY, R. & WHITE, M.J. (2006) – The Palaeolithic occupation of Europe as revealed by evidence from

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CUNHA-RIBEIRO, J.P. (1999) – O Acheulense no Centro de Portugal: o Vale do Lis. Contribuição para uma abordagem das suas indústrias líticas e problemática do contexto crono-estratigráfico, PhD thesis, University of Lisbon, 3 vols.

the rivers: data from IGCP 449. Journal of Quaternary Science (2006) 21(5), pp. 437-455. DOI: 10.1002/jqs.1042. BRIDGLAND, D.R., MADDY, D. & BATES, M. (2004) – River terrace sequences: templates for Quaternary geochronology and marine–terrestrial correlation. Journal of Quaternary Science (2004) 19(2), pp. 203218.

CURA, S., GRIMALDI, S. (in press) – The intensive quartzite exploitation in Midlle Tagus Valley Pleistocene open air sites – the example of Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra. Proceedings of the XV Conference UISPP (Lisbon, September 2006). BAR International series.

BRUGAL, J.P. & RAPOSO, L. (1999) – Foz do Enxarrique (Rodao, Portugal): preliminary results of the analysis of a bone assemblage from a middle paleolithic open site. In S. Gaudzinski and E. Turner (Dir.), The role of early humans in the accumulation of European lower and middle palaeolithic bone assemblages. Monographien des RömischGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 42, pp. 367379.

DIAS, M.I, PRUDÊNCIO, M.I., FRANCO, D., CURA, S., GRIMALDI, S., OOSTERBEEK, L., ROSINA, P. (in press) – Luminescence dating of a fluvial deposit sequence: Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra – Middle Tagus Valley, Portugal. Proceedings of the XV Conference UISPP (Lisbon, September 2006). BAR International series. GRIMALDI, S. & ROSINA, P. (2001) – “O Plistoceno Médio final no Alto Ribatejo (Portugal Central): o sítio da Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra” In: Cruz, A.R., Oosterbeek, L. (coord.), série Arkeos, vol.11, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 89-108.

BRUGAL, J.P. & VALENTE, M.J. (2007) – Dinamic of large mammalian association in the Pleistocene of Portugal. In Bicho N.F. (Ed.) “From the Mediterranean basin to the Portuguese Atlantic shore: papers in honour of Antony Marks”. Proceedings of the IV Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular. (Faro, September 2004), Promontoria Monográfica 07, University of Algarve, pp. 15-28.

GRIMALDI, S., ROSINA, P., BOTON, F. (1999) – A behavioral perspective on “archaic” lithic morphologies in Portugal. The case of Fonte da Moita open-air site. Journal of Iberian Archaeology 1, ADECAP-Porto, pp. 33-57.

CORRAL FERNANDEZ, I. (1998a) – ‘Depositos Cuaternarios en el Área de Constância-BarquinhaEntroncamento y la Riba. Del Bezelga.’ In Cruz, Oosterbeek, Pena dos Reis (coord.) “Quaternário e Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal)”,Arkeos, vol. 4, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 59-144.

GRIMALDI, S., ROSINA, P., CRUZ, A.R., OOSTERBEEK, L. (1999) – A geo-archeological interpretation of some “Languedocian” lithic collections of the Alto Ribatejo (Central Portugal). In: Cruz, Milliken, Oosterbeek, Peretto (ed.) Human Population Origins in the Circum-Mediterranean Area: Adaptation of the Hunter-Gatherer groups to environmental Modification, série Arkeos 5, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 231-243.

CORRAL FERNANDEZ, I. (1998b) – Secciones com material arqueologico en estrato en las proximidades de Atalaia. In Cruz, Oosterbeek, Pena dos Reis (coord.) “Quaternário e Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal)”, Arkeos, vol. 4, CEIPHARTomar, pp. 197-220.

GRIMALDI, S., ROSINA, P., BOTON, F. (2000) – Um sítio ao ar livre do pleistoceno médio no Alto Ribatejo (Portugal): Fonte da Moita. In: Paleolítico da Península Ibérica, Acta do 3º Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular, vol. 2º, ADECAP-Porto, pp. 123-136.

CRISTIANI, E., CURA, S., GRIMALDI, S., GOMES, J., OOSTERBEEK, L. ROSINA, P. (in press) – Functional analysis and experimental archaeology: the Middle Pleistocene site of Ribeira da Atalaia, (Central Portugal). (in press). Proceedings of the workshop on “Recent Functional Studies on Non-Flint Stone Tools, Methodological Improvements and Archaeological Inferences” Lisbon 2008.

GRIMALDI, S., ROSINA, P., CORRAL, I. (1998) – Interpretazione geo-archeologica: di alcune industrie litiche (languedocensi) del Medio Bacino del Tejo. In Cruz, Oosterbeek, Pena dos Reis (coord.) “Quaternário e Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal)”, Arkeos, vol. 4, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 145-226.

CUNHA, P.P., MARTINS, A.A., DAVEAU, S. & FRIEND, P.F. (2005) – ‘Tectonic control of the Tejo river fluvial incision during the late Cenozoic, in Ródão – central Portugal (Atlantic Iberian border).’ Geomorphology, Elsevier Science Publishers, Amsterdam, 64, pp. 271-298.

LEMORINI, C., GRIMALDI, S. & ROSINA, P. (2001) – ‘Observações funcionais e tecnológicas num sítio ao ar livre no Portugal Central: Fonte da Moita.’ In: Cruz A.R., Oosterbeek L. (coord.), série Arkeos, vol 11, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 117-140.

CUNHA, P.P., MARTINS, A.A., HUOT, S., MURRAY, A., RAPOSO, L. (2008) – ‘Dating the Tejo River lower terraces in the Ródão area (Portugal) to assess the role of tectonics and uplift.’ Special Issue of “Geomorphology” (Impact of Active Tectonics and Uplift on Fluvial Landscapes and River Valley Development) P.G. Silva, F.A. Audemard & A.E. Mather (Editors). Geomorphology, 102, pp. 43-54.

LUSSU, T., ROSINA, P., OOSTERBEEK, L., COSTA, F. (2001) – “O Musteriense de Santa Cita (Tomar, Alto Ribatejo, Portugal): investigação e conservação”. In: Cruz A.R., Oosterbeek L. (coord.), série Arkeos, vol.11, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 13-70. 178

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Pré-História, homenagem a O. Veiga Ferreira. Editorial Delta, pp. 153-178.

MARKS, A., MONIGAL, K., CHABAI, V.P., BRUGAL, J.P., GOLDEBERG, P., HOCKETT, B., PEMÁN, E., ELORZA, M., MALLOL, C. (2002) – Excavations at the Middle Pleistocene Cave Site of Galeria Pesada, Portuguese Estremadura: 1997-1999. O Arqueólogo Português, Série IV, 20, pp. 7-38.

RAPOSO, L. (1993) – “O Paleolítico Médio”. O Quaternário em Portugal -balanço e Perspectivas, ed. APEQ e Colibri, Lisboa, pp. 147-161. RAPOSO, L. (1995) – Ambientes, territórios y subsistência en el Paleolítico Médio de Portugal. Complutum, pp. 57-77.

MARKS, A. (2005) – Micoquian Elements in the Portuguese Middle Pleistocene Assemblages from the Galeria Pesada. In O Paleoíitico: Actas do IV Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular, Nuno Ferreira Bicho (ed.), Centro de Estudos de Património, Universidade do Algarve, pp. 195-200

RAPOSO, L., CARDOSO, J.L. (1998) – “O sítio paleolítico da Conceição”. CEMA – Alcochete, 74 p. RAPOSO, L., CARREIRA, J.R., SALVADOR, M. (1985a) – A estação acheulense final de Milharós, Vale do Forno, Alpiarça.” Proceedings I reunião do Quaternário Ibérico, Lisboa, vol. 2, pp. 41-60.

MARTINS, A.A. (1999) – Caracterização morfotectónica e morfossedimentar da Bacia do Baixo Tejo (Pliocénico e Quaternário). PhD. Thesis, Univ. Évora. 500p.

RAPOSO, L., SILVA, A.C., SALVADOR, M. (1985b) – Notícia da descobertada estação Mustierense da Foz do Enxarrique (Ródão). Proceedings I Reunião do Quaternário Ibérico, Lisboa, vol. 2, pp. 79-90.

MARTINS, A., CUNHA, P., HUOT, S., MURRAY, A., BUYLAERT, J. (2009) – Geomorphological correlation of the tectonically displaced Tejo river terraces (Gavião-Chamusca area, Portugal) supported by luminescence dating. Quaternary International, doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2009.01.009.

RAPOSO, L, SALVADOR, M. & PEREIRA, J.P. (1993) – O Acheulense no Vale do Tejo, em território português. In Arqueologia & História, Série X, Vol.3, pp. 3-29.

MOZZI, P., AZEVEDO, T., NUNES, E., RAPOSO, L. (2000) – Middle terrace deposits of the Tagus river in Alpiarça, Portugal, in relation to early human occupation. Quaternary Research, 54, pp. 359-371.

RAPOSO, L. & SANTONJA, M. (1995) – “The earliest occupation of Europe: the Iberian peninsula”. In “The earliest occupation of Europe” (Ed. Roebroeks & Kolfschoten), Leiden, pp. 7-25.

MOZZI, P., RAPOSO, L., CRUZ, A.R., OOSTERBEEK, L., PENA DOS REIS, R. (1999) – “Morphostratigraphy of Quaternary deposits and the archaeological record: the case of the Tejo and Nabão valleys (Ribatejo, Portugal).” In “Human Population Origins in the CircumMediterranean Area”, ed. by A.R. Cruz, S. Milliken, L. Oosterbeek, C. Peretto, série Arkeos vol. 5, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 63-84.

ROSINA, P. (2002) – “Stratigraphie et Géomorphologie des terrasses fluviatiles de la Moyenne Vallée du Tage (Haut Ribatejo – Portugal).” In: Cruz, A.R., Oosterbeek, L. (coord.), série Arkeos, vol.13, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 11-53. ROSINA, P. (2004) – “I depositi Quaternari della media valle del Tago e le industrie litiche associate”. PhD. Thesis, Univ. Ferrara, 204 p.

MOZZI, P. (1998) – Evoluzione Geomorfologica della bassa valle del fiume Nabão. In Cruz, Oosterbeek, Pena dos Reis (coord.) “Quaternário e Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal)”, série Arkeos vol. 4, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 37-58.

SANTISTEBAN, J., SCHULTE, L. (2007) – Fluvial networks of the Iberian Peninsula: a chronological framework. Quaternary Science Reviews 26, pp. 2738-2757.

OOSTERBEEK, L., CRUZ, A.R., ROSINA, P., FIGUEREIDO, A., GRIMALDI, S. (2002) – ‘TEMPOAR – Territórios, Mobilidade e Povoamento do Alto Ribatejo (Portugal) – 1998-2001 (síntese global dos trabalhos realizados)’, In: Cruz A.R., Oosterbeek L. (coord.), série Arkeos, vol 12, CEIPHAR-Tomar, pp. 261-322.

TEXIER, J.P., MEIRELES, J. (1987) – As formações quaternárias do litoral do Minho (Portugal): propostas para uma nova abordagem climato-cronológica e dinâmica, in Cadernos de Arqueologia 4, pp. 9-33. TRINKAUS, E., MARKS, A., BRUGAL BAYLES, S., RINK, W., RICHTER, D. (2003) – Late Middle Pleistocene human remains from Almonda karstic system, Torees Novas, Portugal. In Journal of Human Evolution 45, pp. 219-226.

OOSTERBEEK, L., CRUZ, A.R., CURA, S., ROSINA, P., GRIMALDI, S., GOMES, J. (2004) – “Ribeira da Ponte da Pedra – Relatório da campanha de escavação de 2003”. Techne 9, Arqueojovem-Tomar, pp. 21-54.

ZBYSZEWSKI, G., CARVALHOSA, A. (1984) – Carta Geológica de Portugal na escala 1:50.000, Notícia Explicativa da Folha 31-D Montargil. Serviços Geológicos de Portugal.

RAPOSO, L. (1987) – Os mais antigos vestígios de ocupação humana paleolítica na região de Ródão. Da

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TOOLS AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF HOUSEKEEPING OF EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN AZERBAIJAN Roza ARAZOVA Khazar University, Department Of History and Archaeology, Azerbaijan Abstract: This article is dedicated to the trasological research of tools used in household production of early farmers of Azerbaijan in VI-IV millennium BC. High percentage of various tools points out that the wood and bone processing was dominated over other operations in the settlements. The constant inflow of raw materials provides the further progress of furriery and leather handicraft. This fact is proved by a large selection of tools as well as popularity of bone scraper – knives. The appearance of new types of household production (weaving, pottery and construction) provides the progress of productive capacity and specialization in the sphere of household production. Key words: Tools, functions, trasological research, household production

In the 6 – 4th millennium BC the settled agricultural and cattle-breeding farming (Munchayev 1975: 80, 148, 1982:100 – 131) was formed on the territory of the Southern Caucasus. The main proofs of intensive changes in technology of production are agricultural tools. The wide usage of trace element analysis created a great opportunity for getting Multiplan information about tools as well as pale-economical cultivations. In Azerbaijan in the research of early farming complexes the certain success was made (Korobkova 1987: 124 – 130: Arazova 1986: 46 – 85). The wide review of collection and received results under microscopy reveal progressive character of farming in settlements (Arazova 1986, 86 – 102).

ones. Usually they are multifunctional such as graving scrapers, graving knives, graving scratches. This diversity of carpentering artifacts reveals that the production was a very complicated working process, including various operations: hewing, cutting, grooving and planing. By means of these instruments wooden and bone handles for reaper sickles were made. This can be proved by findings of wooden and bone handles in Shomutepe settlement (Narimanov 1971: 10 – 13, fig. 5, 6). Also grub hoes made from bone and horn, digging tools, spades, trowels, swindlers, gravers, scrapers and the other multiple household equipments (Arazova 1992: 8 – 13) were found in Toyretepe settlement. Unfortunately, the wooden objects were not reserved. But bone objects are often found in every early farming settlement.

Moreover the settled life and the growth of welfare of ancient inhabitants led to the intensive development of productive activity. This sphere of activity was closely connected with the meet of demands of the society out of nutrition sphere.

The agricultural tools used in reprocessing of products of animals played the important role. These tools gave raw material utilized for making clothes and household equipment. The proofs of this are scrapers. Side, concluding edges were among them as well as combined scrapers: scraping grooves, scraping punctures. The variety of these tools shows that they had their own functions and they were used at different levels of leather production. In order to clean scrapings, fat and some others side scrapers with wide working edge were used and covered the large area of leather processing. But for leather cleaning and others, especially for rough surfaces, the ended or sharp – side scrapers were used. Micro scrapers were used for a small – scale finishing.

In this work the main attention was given to the agricultural tools, used in the field of household production (fig. 20.1, 20.2). During microanalyses more than hundred flint, obsidian and bone artifacts were revealed from the early farming monuments of Azerbaijan (the culture of Shomutepe, Toyretepe, Babadervish, and Gargalartepesi) and the southern part – Alikemektepesi on the Mugan. Plain. In the results of trace element analysis it was determined that the group connected with the processing of wood and bone was more various. And this is the fact of high percentage of agricultural tools which are more than 40 % out of very artifacts. Different scrapers chisel – shaped tools, planning knives and gravers were among them. Most of the tools are characterized with the strong crumbling edges or concavity of working surfaces. And this proves that these working surfaces were formed during the proccessing of firm objects or the round shaped artifacts. The protruding shaves are broken or blunt – pointed in the result of intensive usage on the chisel – shaped tools. Most of these tools are the plates with pock and old worn out surfaces, remade into new

Among the group of scrapers more characteristic are bone scrapers – shaving knives from the southern settlements of Azerbaijan (Alikemektepesi). They remind the tools on spades from Jeytun. The sizes of edges are comfortable for leather processing, without spending a lot of time on it. These tools have a high productivity. There are 1, 1 – 1, 2 times less productive than in metallic scrapers (Semyonov, Korobkova 1983: 187). 181

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Fig. 20.1. Obsidian and flint tools from early settlements of Azerbaijan. 1 – 6 – scrapers; 7 – adze; 8 – scraper – knife; 9 – scraper- knife at sickle blade; 10 – saws; 11 – burin at sickle blade; 12 – reamer at knife; 13 – retouching planning knife; 14 – borer at the saw; 15 – double reamer at sickle blade; 16 – planning knife; 17, 18 – awls; 19 – chisel; 20 – burin – planning knife at sickle blade

edges were without processing. Usually they were polished because of long utilization. There were also big swindlers with big round endings. Sometimes they had two edges. These tools were used as reamers. Their aim was to widen the holes.

The other type of tools used for leather cleaning were chisel or tubular bones with tube edges and trowels made of splintering rib. These trowels were used for final smoothing of the skin of animal. The micro analysis defines the tools for leather processing and cleaning. These tools are punctures of different types. But the more original are obsidian tools with the small sing and tools with sharp – ended points. There were also combined tools with two functions: puncturing scrapers and puncturing knife. These tools made holes, cleaned and split the skin. During the leather splitting the early farmers also used the slotting tools with thin and fragile edge. This edge gave the opportunity to process soft material.

The results of micro analyses point out that drills, reamers and sawing were used in making of decorations and religious objects. During the archaeological excavations stone and bone suspensions, beads, carefully drilled wampum, bone figures – amulets were found too. All these findings prove that the ancient craftsmen were aware of all operations: splinting, sawing and drilling. As a result of bimanual way of utilization some products had the holes with the right outlines. The drills were also used in repairing of broken dishes. Sawing with toothed edge was also interesting.

Small and big swindlers were very usual for early farming settlements. During this process the whole and longitudinal pieces of a tubular bone were used. Sharp

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Fig. 20.2. Bone tools from early settlements of Azerbaijan. 2 – 6, 10 – 11 – awls; 7 – 9, 15 – trowel; 1, 12, 14 – hoes

well as combined palette sticking knives and palette knives. All of them were used for smoothing of the surface of clay dishes. These tools, pottery ovens, various samples of earthen – ware were the examples of high level of ceramic production.

The other sphere of productive activity was weaving. Clay spinning wheels and bone pile – weaving shuttles found in Alikemektepesi are the evidence of development of weaving. Progressive character of weaving in this settlement was also known by replicas of material on the walls of ceramic dishes. But these types of tools almost were not found in early farming settlements of western Azerbaijan. The reason of this is insufficient development of weaving.

The findings of stone wastes, nucleuses, chippers and retouches from special “handicraft workshops” reveal the fact that the major business of early farmers was tool making.

The other notable functional group of tools was revealed among objects of Alikemektepesi settlement. These objects are bone palette knives looking like stickers as

So trace element analyses have defined the functions of the tools and their bound to the concrete productive 183

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processes. This helped to reveal different operations in household production of early farmers of Azerbaijan.

References ARAZOVA, R.B. (1986) – Kamenniye orudia truda rannix zemledelchesko-skotovodcheskix plemen Azerbay-djana. Baku, “Elm”, ql. IV-V, s. 46-102.

In the course of time the old traditional productive activities such as tool making, decorations, leather processing assumed the new characteristics. At the same time the improvement of technical manners, the emerging of new tools is going on. All of these considerably improve the efficiency of the production. High percentage of various tools points out that the wood and bone processing was dominated over other operations in the settlements. This different sphere of production specialized with the tools led to further improvement of the ways of wood and bone processing.

ARAZOVA, R.B. (1992) – Trasologicheskoye izucheniye kostyanix orudiy truda ranne zemledelcheskoqo poseleniya Alikemektepesi. – Problemi drevney i srednevekovoy istorii Azerbaydjana. (K 850-letiyu Nizami). Baku, “Elm”, s. 8-13. KOROBKOVA, Q.F. (1987) – Xozaystvenniy kompleks rannix zemledelchesko-skotovodcheskix obshestv yuqa SSSR. Leningrad, “Nauka”. s. 119-150. MUNCHAYEV, R.M. (1975) – Kavkaz na zare bronzovoqo veka: neolit, eneolit, rannaya bronza. Moskva, “Nauka”, s. 80-148.

The constant inflow of raw materials provides the further progress of furriery and leather handicraft. Difficult technological process demands the high level of professionalism. This fact is proved by a large selection of scraper tools as well as popularity of shaving scraper – knives. These tools in their turn accelerated the ways of processing and raised the quality of leather processing.

MUNCHAYEV, R.M. (1982) – Eneolit Kavkaza – Eneolit SSSR. Arxeologiya SSSR, tom 4. Moskva, “Nauka”, s. 100-131. NARIMANOV, I.Q. (1971) – O zemledelii epoxi eneolita v Azerbaydjane. Sovetskaya Arxeologiya, ʋ 3, ris. 5, 6. s. 3-14.

The further appearance of new types of household production such as weaving, pottery and construction provides the progress of productive capacity and led to the differentiation of agricultural tools and specialization in the sphere of household production.

NARIMANOV, I.Q. (1987) – Kulturi drevneqo zemledelchesko-skotovodcheskoqo naseleniya Azerbaydjana (epoza eneolita IV – VI tis. do n.e.). Baku, “Elm”, s. 260. SEMYONOV, S.A., KOROBKOVA, Q.F. (1983) – Texnologiya drevneyshix proizvodstv. Mezolit-neolit. Leninqrad, s. 253.

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A ARQUEOLOGIA DO CABO ESPICHEL Silvério FIGUEIREDO Instituto Politécnico de Tomar; Centro Português de Geo-História e Pré-História, Grupo Quaternário e Pré-história do Centro de Geo-Ciências – FCUC Resumo: Apresentam-se novos dados resultantes de estudos geo-arqueológicos realizados no Cabo Espichel, uma dezena de novos sítios pré-históricos, integrando-os os anteriormente publicados. Os estudos compreenderam trabalhos de campo (prospecções, realização de sondagens e amostragens), de laboratório (palinologia, malacologia e sedimentologia) e de gabinete. No Espichel existiram condições naturais propícias à fixação das primeiras comunidades humanas, confirmadas pelos dados geológicos, malacológicos (do concheiro identificado na Ribeira do Chapim) e palinológicos, que permitiram contextualizar estas ocupações humanas com as condições naturais da zona; essas populações viveram da recolecção de marisco, da pesca e da caça de pequenos animais. Foram estudados artefactos atribuíveis ao Paleolítico Inferior até à Pré-História Recente. Palavras-chave: arqueologia, Paleolítico Médio e Superior, Plistocénico e Holocénico, Cabo Espichel Abstract: Further data is presented, from geo-archaeological studies carried out in Cabo Espichel: some ten new pre-historic sites, integrating those published earlier. These studies included field activities (archaeological surveys, and sampling), laboratory work (palinology, malacology and sedimentology) and office work. In Espichel there existed natural conditions which favoured the fixation of the first human communities, confirmed by geological, malacological (from the “concheiro” identified at Ribeira do Chapim) and palinological data, which permitted the contextualisation of these human occupations, with the local natural conditions. These populations lived basic from shrimp recollection, and from the fishing and hunting of small animals. Tools were studied dating from the Lower Palaeolithic to Recent Pre-history. Key-Words: Archaeology, Meddle and Superior Palaeolithic, Pleistocene, Holocene, Cabo Espichel

Alto da Fonte Nova é exemplo. Esses trabalhos permitiram aprofundar o conhecimento acerca do passado humano no Cabo Espichel. Durante os últimos doze anos de investigações recolheu-se um importante conjunto de materiais arqueológicos que documentam a presença humana naquela área, seguramente com artefactos já do Paleolítico médio (Figueiredo & Carvalho, 2007).

INTRODUÇÃO As primeiras recolhas de materiais pré-históricos no Cabo Espichel foram conduzidas por Carlos Ribeiro na segunda metade do século XIX recolheu artefactos nas “praias elevadas” plistocénicas, que se estendem desde o Forte da Baralha à Praia dos Lagosteiros e, depois, até à Foz da Fonte (Cunha Serrão, 1994).

BREVE ENQUADRAMENTO GEOGRÁFICO E GEOLÓGICO

No início dos anos 40 do século XX, foram realizadas prospecções conduzidas por H. Breuil e Zbyzewsky entre a Boca do Chapim e Areias de Mastro; incidiram em jazidas de superfície, onde foram encontrados “coup de points”, núcleos, lascas, calhaus truncados, bem como instrumentos diversos de quartzo e quartzito (Zbyszewski, 1965).

A zona a que se refere este artigo é constituída por sequências sedimentares calcárias (predominantes), margosas e detríticas (Ribeiro, 2004), com idade mesozóica (Jurássico Superior a Cretácico Inferior), as quais se encontram expostas em arribas (Zbyszewski et al. 1965), com cerca de 60 m de altitude. A partir da extremidade norte do Cabo espichel, as arribas vão perdendo altitude, à medida que se avança para a zona do Meco.

Nos anos 60 e 70, o Museu Municipal de Arqueologia de Sesimbra e o Grupo de Estudos do Paleolítico Português iniciaram novas campanhas de prospecções, descobrindo novas jazidas paleolíticas, publicadas na Carta Arqueológica de Sesimbra (Cunha Serrão, 1994).

Em termos de enquadramento geológico, a norte situa-se o maciço calcário, onde abunda o sílex; a Este já em terrenos Paleozóicos e alentejanos encontra-se o anfibolito; enquanto que a Noroeste em terrenos PlioPlistocénicos abunda o quartzito.

Desde 1998 que o Centro Português de Geo-História e Pré-História tem desenvolvido no Cabo Espichel um conjunto de trabalhos de investigação paleontológica e arqueológica. No que diz respeito especificamente à arqueologia, foi apresentado ao extinto Instituto Português de Arqueologia (IPA) um projecto no âmbito do Plano Nacional de Trabalhos Arqueológicos (PNTA), designado de “Investigação Arqueológica do Cabo Espichel” e que foi aprovado em Outubro desse ano e teve a duração de quatro anos. Após a sua conclusão, foram realizados trabalhos esporádicos nas jazidas mais importante identificadas durante aquele projecto, de que o

As estações arqueológicas identificadas no Cabo Espichel situam-se nos terraços marinhos do Plistocénico, depósito eólicos plisto-holocénicos e em aluviões. Estes terrenos são constituídos por areias, arenitos e alguns níveis de balastros marinhos (Zbyszewski et al. 1965). Os terraços são de génese marinha, por vezes registando sedimentação eólica ou fluvial. 185

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Fig. 21.1. Jazidas Pré-Históricas do Cabo Espichel (sobre a CMP, folha nº 464), in Figueiredo & Carvalho, 2007

superfície e, com excepção das estruturas de combustão, os materiais encontrados em escavação não se encontram in situ, mas distribuído aleatoriamente, nas suas respectivas camadas de origem.

CONTEXTUALIZAÇÃO ARQUEOLÓGICA A península de Setúbal á bastante rica em sítios arqueológicos, bem como o concelho de Sesimbra. Na pré-história antiga destacam-se os seguintes sítios, alguns com importância a nível internacional: o conglomerado de Belverde (Sesimbra) sítio problemático devido à sua longevidade cronológica (paleolítico inferior arcaico); a gruta da Figueira-brava (Sesimbra) com importante ocupação mustierense, onde inclusivamente se encontrou um dos poucos testemunhos fósseis do Homem de Neandertal em Portugal – um dente.

A ARQUEOLOGIA DO ESPICHEL Dos trabalhos de campo realizados resultou a identificação de novas jazidas e uma nova abordagem de outras já referenciadas na bibliografia. Procurou-se, através de sondagens e escavações, ter o contexto estratigráfico das jazidas intervencionadas. A maioria das recolhas são de superfície e, com excepção das estruturas de combustão, os materiais encontrados em escavação não se encontram in situ, mas distribuído aleatoriamente, nas suas respectivas camadas de origem.

Em relação à pré-história recente destaca-se a Lapa do Fumo (Sesimbra), conhecida nacionalmente, devido ao valioso espólio neolítico e da idade do bronze lá recuperado. Na proto-história de destacar algumas necrópoles da idade do ferro. Dos trabalhos de campo realizados pelo CPGP resultou a identificação de novas jazidas e uma nova abordagem de outras já referenciadas na bibliografia. Procurou-se, através de sondagens e escavações, ter o contexto estratigráfico das jazidas intervencionadas. A maioria das recolhas são de

Da análise jazidas identificadas no Cabo Espichel verificou-se que o quartzo leitoso (principalmente seixos rolados de quartzo retomados de formações do Cretácico) é a matéria-prima mais utilizada nos processos de debitagem e de formatação dos artefactos, em especial 186

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Areias de Mastro: estação arqueológica de superfície onde abundam utensílios sobre lasca, núcleos, lascas, esquírolas e restos de talhe. Estes materiais foram atribuídos ao Paleolítico Inferior e Médio e à Pré-História indeterminada. Nos trabalhos efectuados foram recolhidos 67 materiais arqueológicos.

nas jazidas situadas a norte do Cabo Espichel. O quartzito representa a segunda matéria-prima mais utilizada, aparecendo, por fim, o sílex e, mais raramente, a calcedónia. Para melhor enquadrar as jazidas são definidas duas áreas: a costa oeste, que se situa para norte do cabo e a costa sul, que se situa para leste do cabo, vamos apenas referir alguns 20 sítios arqueológicos identificados, doze deles novos (Figueiredo & Carvalho, 2007).

Baía de Aguncheiras: nesta jazida, onde se realizaram apenas prospecções, foram recolhidos vários achados avulsos, atribuídos ao Paleolítico Médio. As categorias tecnológicas e tipológicas identificadas são dominadas pelas lascas e esquírolas. Foram também encontrados alguns utensílios sobre lasca, destacando-se uma ponta mustierense.

Costa oeste Junto das arribas da costa oeste do Cabo Espichel foram identificadas doze sítios arqueológicos a altitudes entre os 50 e os 130 metros (Figueiredo & Carvalho, 2007), numa zona cuja inclinação se vai atenuando, á medida que se afasta do cabo e que é cortada por várias ribeiras sazonais. Estas ribeiras, pouco caudalosas, têm o leito regular, cortado pelo ressalto das camadas oposto ao sentido da corrente (Ribeiro, 2004).

Fig. 21.3. Ponta em quartzito da Baia das Aguncheiras (desenho de Nuno dos Santos)

Ribeira dos Caixieiros: estação arqueológica de superfície, onde foram recuperados vários materiais atribuíveis ao Paleolítico Médio. Neste local dominam grandes lascas e alguns núcleos de quartzito. Nas prospecções recolheu-se cerca de meia centena de artefactos líticos: 11 lascas; 14 fragmentos identificáveis; 15 esquírolas; 5 utensílios e 7 núcleos.

Fig. 21.2. Núcleo levallois em quartzito das Areias de Mastro (desenho de Nuno dos Santos)

Fig. 21.4. Esboço da estratigrafia da Boca do Chapim Norte 187

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concentração de artefactos à superfície, numa zona mais baixa, perto da arriba. Estes materiais resultam da erosão de depósitos arenosos situados imediatamente acima, a uma altitude entre 54 e 60 metros. O conjunto de artefactos é constituído, maioritariamente, por lascas, núcleos e fragmentos. Foram encontrados poucos utensílios, de onde se destaca uma ponta de seta com retoque convergente, em quartzo leitoso.

Boca do Chapim (Norte): estação arqueológica de superfície atribuída à Pré-História Recente. O conjunto artefactual é constituído, maioritariamente, por restos de talhe, o que demonstra uma aptidão para o aproveitamento da matéria-prima local, nomeadamente o quartzo leitoso do substrato Mesozóico, embora também existam artefactos em quartzito e sílex. Esta foi uma das jazidas mais intervencionadas, onde se realizaram várias campanhas de prospecções e sondagens em três zonas.

Alto da Fonte Nova: De todos os sítios, este foi o mais intervencionado e estudado. Foi objecto de estudo de uma tese de mestrado, defendida por um dos autores (JC), em 2009, e foi alvo de várias intervenções de campo pela equipa, desde 1998.

Nestes trabalhos recolheram-se algumas centenas de peças e identificou-se o nível estratigráfico de proveniência desses materiais: as areias da zona superior da estação, que atingem 1,5 m de profundidade, sendo que o nível arqueológico tem uma espessura de cerca de 1 m.

Localiza-se nas proximidades das arribas com estratos do Cretácico, a 50 m de altitude, entre duas linhas de água de regime torrencial: a Ribeira da Fonte Nova, a Sul e a Ribeira do Chapim, a Norte. As intervenções arqueológicas, sondagens de diagnóstico (12 m2), permitiram identificar um nível arqueológico (camada A1 e A2) nas areias eólicas de cobertura, bem como uma estrutura habitacional – uma lareira. A estrutura de combustão caracteriza-se por uma depressão em fossa, aberta nas areias, com cerca de 60 cm de profundidade e 1,30 m de largura, não apresentando qualquer tipo de revestimento ou empedrados, estando apenas presentes no depósito carvões e artefactos líticos.

Foram recolhidos vários tipos de materiais líticos talhados: fragmentos, lascas, núcleos, esquírolas, e utensílios (buris, raspadores, furadores, lascas retocadas).

A indústria lítica é apenas constituída por pedra lascada, elaborada principalmente em: quartzo leitoso local (71%), sob a forma de pequenos seixos (facto que pode explicar a raridade de elementos macrolíticos); sílex (23%), de tonalidades acinzentadas, provavelmente, recolhido nas proximidades; e quartzito (6%).

Fig. 21.5. Ponta de retoque convergente da Boca do Chapim Sul (Desenho de Nuno dos Santos)

As cadeias operatórias, no quartzo e no sílex, demonstraram um talhe local, visando a produção de lascas e também de lamelas. Os utensílios retocados sobre lasca, de pequenas dimensões (” 30 mm), apresentam na esmagadora maioria, retoques marginais/traços de uso, estando presentes, embora em menor escala, buris,

Boca do Chapim (Sul): Esta jazida, com uma classificação cronológica-cultural atribuída ao Mesolítico e, provavelmente, ao Neolítico, apresenta uma

Fig. 21.6. À esquerda, lasca de quartzito proveniente de escavações do sítio arqueológico da Boca do Chapim (Sul) – fotografia de S. Figueiredo. À direita, perfil da estratigrafia (Desenho de Mário Santos) 188

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Fig. 21.7. À esquerda: núcleos em quartzo leitoso, verificando-se, em cima, levantamentos bifaciais para lascas; e em baixo, um esboço de núcleo (camada A2, 2008). À direita: produtos alongados, em sílex, detectados nas sondagens efectuadas no Alto da Fonte Nova (desenhos de J. Carvalho)

Zbyszewsky estabeleceram para este local as seguintes sequências: Abbevilense, Taiaco-Acheulense, Mustierense e Languedocense (Serrão, 1994:89-93).

estando presentes, embora em menor escala, buris, furadores, denticulados e raspadores. O único elemento com retoque abrupto nos produtos alongados proveio da superfície: uma lamela de bordo abatido em quartzo.

Costa Sul Ribeira do Chapim: nesta jazida foram encontrados alguns materiais talhados pré-históricos, constituídos por lascas e núcleos em quartzo e quartzito. Na foz desta ribeira, na margem norte, foi descoberto um pequeno concheiro, sem a presença de artefactos. Devido à grande concentração de conchas e pela sua localização (a cerca de 10 m de altitude e em sedimentos arenosos), esta acumulação de conchas parece ser de origem antrópica.

Na costa sul foram apenas efectuados trabalhos de prospecção nas seis estações lá identificadas (Figueiredo & Carvalho, 2007). A linha de costa nesta zona aparece muito recortada por várias saliências resultantes do encontro de acidentes tectónicos com a linha do litoral, sendo estes o horst do Forte da Baralha, a Ponta do Morro, situada na extremidade do anticlinal do Burgau e a ponta do Forte do Cavalo, que é o vestígio de outro anticlinal, já desaparecido (Orlando, 2004).

Neste concheiro foi identificado uma associação de invertebrados sub-fósseis constituído por nove espécies aquáticas, das quais duas de moluscos bivalves, seis moluscos gastrópodes e um crustáceo cirrípede (Figueiredo et al. no prelo).

Chã dos Navegantes: Nesta zona, apresentando vários níveis de terraços marinhos, descritos na Carta Geológica de 1965 (Zbyszewski et al. 1965), foram encontrados vários materiais líticos talhados, constituídos por lascas, núcleos e seixos talhados, alguns deles com poucos levantamentos. A maioria dos artefactos apresentam-se muito rolados. Tipologicamente, estes materiais sugerem o Paleolítico. As matérias-primas são o quartzo leitoso e o quartzito, sendo este último dominante.

Terras do Areeiro: estação arqueológica da pré-história recente, onde abundam indústrias líticas à superfície. O espólio é constituído por esquírolas, fragmentos, lascas, núcleos, utensílios, lamelas. A matéria-prima dominante nos processos de debitagem é o quartzo leitoso.

Forte da Baralha: Nesta jazida foram encontrados poucos materiais, nomeadamente alguns fragmentos, lascas, núcleos e poucos utensílios. A matéria-prima dominante é o quartzo, mas também foram encontrados alguns artefactos em quartzito e sílex. Dos artefactos encontrados destaca-se a descoberta de uma lasca final de tipologia levallois, em sílex, o que aponta para uma cronologia do Paleolítico Médio.

Cabo Espichel: achados avulsos, de entre os quais se identificou um raspador, uma raspadeira, lascas e um percutor. Todos os materiais são de quartzito. Segundo a carta arqueológica de Sesimbra, foram aqui recolhidos alguns seixos trabalhados de estilo micro-lusitânico (Serrão, 1994:54). Cronologia: Pré-História antiga e PréHistória Recente? Praia dos Lagosteiros: jazida arqueológica de superfície atribuída ao Paleolítico Inferior e ao Paleolítico Médio, onde se recolheram materiais paleolíticos. Breuil e

Porto da Baleeira: Neste sítio, já identificado em trabalhos anteriores (Breuil & Zbyszewski, 1945; 189

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Fig. 21.8. À esquerda: lascas de quartzito e à direita um seixo talhado, também em quartzito provenientes das prospecções realizadas na Chã dos Navegantes (desenhos de Ana Catarina Ferreira)

exemplos. Estas duas últimas podem-se ter constituído locais de oficina de talhe.

Zbyszewski et al. 1965; Serrão, 1994) foram feitos poucos trabalhos pela equipa do CPGP. Talvez por essa razão apenas se encontraram alguns achados avulsos de material lítico talhado em quartzo e quartzito (fragmentos, lascas e núcleos), de pré-história indeterminada.

Referências BREUIL, H. & ZBYSZEWSKI, G. (1942) – Contribution à l’étude des industries paléolithiques du Portugal et de leurs rapports avec la géologie du Quaternaire, I. Les principaux gisements des deux rives de l’ancien estuaire du Taje, Comunicações dos Serviços Geológicos de Portugal, tomo XXIII, pp. 30-34.

CONCLUSÕES O Cabo Espichel possui um elevado potencial arqueológico, atestado pelos abundantes materiais arqueológicos recolhidos em vários trabalhos arqueológicos já realizados naquela zona. Nos últimos doze anos, os trabalhos desenvolvidos pelo Centro Português de Geo-História e Pré-História, constituem-se como os que maior contributo trouxe para o conhecimento da pré-história local. Foram identificados, estudados e preservados materiais provenientes de cerca de duas dezenas de jazidas, que abarcam um horizonte cronológico que vai desde o Paleolítico Inferior até à PréHistória Recente, sendo que as conclusões actuais se baseiam, essencialmente, no estudo tipológico dos materiais arqueológicos e a sua respectiva contextualização estratigráfica. Contudo, está já a ser planeada a amostragem para uma detalhada datação por luminescência.

BREUIL, H. & ZBYZEWSKI, G. (1945) – Contribution à l’étude des industries paléolithiques du Portugal et de leurs rapports avec la géologie du Quaternaire, II. Les principaux gisements des plages quaternaires du littoral d´Estremadura et des terrasses de la basse vallée du Taje, Comunicações dos Serviços Geológicos de Portugal, tomo XXIV, pp. 276-326. CARDOSO, J.L. (2006) – A Pré-História de entre o Tejo e o Sado, in Actas do I Seminário de Arqueologia e Paleontologia do Estuário do Tejo, Edições Colibri e Câmara Municipal de Montijo, Montijo (pp. 4362). CARVALHO, J. (2006) – A Estação Arqueológica do Alto da Fonte Nova, comunicação apresentada no III Seminário de Paleontologia e Arqueologia do Estuário do Tejo, Sesimbra.

Partindo destas evidências materiais, fica igualmente demonstrado que na zona do Espichel existiam condições naturais propícias à fixação das primeiras comunidades humanas, confirmadas pelos dados agora obtidos.

CARVALHO, J. (2009) – O Sítio Arqueológico do Alto da Fonte Nova: Contribuição para o estudo de uma economia costeira. Dissertação de Mestrado. Instituto Politécnico de Tomar/Universidade de Trás-osMontes e Alto Douro. Policopiado. Mação.

O Cabo Espichel possui um conjunto de jazidas, com materiais atribuíveis a quase todos os períodos da Préhistória. Destacam-se as jazidas do Paleolítico Médio com indústrias mustierenses, de provável idade Plistocénico médio, tais como a Praia dos Lagosteiros, a Baía de Aguncheiras e a Ribeira dos Caixieiros, e as que têm indústrias de provável idade holocénica, de que a Boca do Chapim Norte e o Alto da Fonte Nova são

CHOFFAT, P. & DOLLFUS, G.F. (1904) – Quelques cordons littoraux marins du Plistocène du Portugal. Bull. Soc. Géol. Fr., Paris, sér. IV. CUNHA SERRÃO, E. (1994) – Carta Arqueológica do Concelho de Sesimbra: do Vilafranquiano Médio até 1200 d.C. Lisboa: C.M.S, p. 45-106. 190

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Estuário do Tejo, Edições Colibri e Câmara Municipal de Montijo, Montijo (pp.111-124).

DAVEAU, S. & AZEVEDO, T. (1980-81) – Aspectos e evolução do relevo da extremidade sodoeste da Arrábida (Portugal). Boletim Soc. Geol. de Portugal, Vol. XXII, pp. 163-182.

RAPOSO, L. e SILVA, A.C. (1984) – O Languedocense – ensaio de caracterização morfológica e tipológica, O Arqueólogo Português, série IV, vol. 2, pp. 87-166.

FERREIRA, C.J.A., LOURENÇO, F.S., SILVA, C.T.E SOUSA, P. (1993) – Património Arqueológico do Distrito de Setúbal. Subsídios para uma carta arqueológica. Setúbal: Associação de Municípios do Distrito de Setúbal.

RAPOSO, L. (2006) – Algumas Considerações acerca da Ocupação Humana do Paleolítico Inferior e Médio na Zona do do Estuário do Tejo, Actas do I Seminário de Arqueologia e Paleontologia do Estuário do Tejo, Edições Colibri e Câmara Municipal de Montijo, Montijo (pp. 43-62).

FIGUEIREDO, S. (2000) – Boca do Chapim: o seu património paleontológico e arqueológico Sesimbra, CMS.

RIBEIRO, J.P.C. (1990) – Portugal das Origens à Romanização – Os Primeiros Habitante, in Nova História de Portugal, Coor. Jorge de Alarcão – I Vol. Editoral Presença, Lisboa (pp. 16-74).

FIGUEIREDO, S. (2002) – Relatório final do projecto “Trabalhos de Investigação Arqueológica da Zona do Cabo Espichel” Lisboa, CPGP. FIGUEIREDO, S. e CARVALHO, J. (2007) – A PréHistória do Espichel: Subsídios para uma Carta Arqueológica do Cabo Espichel, Chamusca, Ed. Cosmos e CPGP.

RIBEIRO, O. (1968) – Excursão à Arrábida. Finisterra, Vol. III – 6, pp. 257-273.

FIGUEIREDO, S., CARVALHO, J. (no prelo) – A PréHistória do Cabo Espichel, Actas do II Encontro de Arqueologia da Arrábida.

TEIXEIRA, C. & ZBYZEWSKI, G. (1949) – Le niveau marin de 5-8 m au Portugal. Bol. Soc. Geol. Port., Lisboa, vol. VIII, fasc. I-II.

FIGUEIREDO, S., ANTAS, M.N., CALLAPEZ, P., CARVALHO, J., FERREIRA, C. & CUNHA, P.P. (no prelo) – Novos Dados Sobre a Pré-História do Cabo Espichel, Almadan.

ZBYZEWSKI, G. (1965) – Le Quaternaire du Portugal. Bol. Soc. Geol. Port., Lisboa, vol. XIII, fasc. I-II.

RIBEIRO, O. (2004) – A Arrábida: esboço geográfico (3ª. Ed.), Fundação Oriente e C.M. Sesimbra.

ZBYZEWSKI, G., VEIGA FERREIRA, O., da, MANUPPELLA, G., TORRE de ASSUNÇÃO, C. (1965) – Carta Geológica de Portugal na escala 1/50.000 (notícia explicativa da folha 38 b, Setúbal). Lisboa, Serviços Geológicos de Portugal.

MARÇAL, F. & MARTINS, F. (2006) – A Arrábida: um olhar por dentro e por fora, (geomorfologia, geologia e Biologia da região da Serra da Arrábida), in Actas do I Seminário de Arqueologia e Paleontologia do

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THE PLEISTOCENE SITE OF COVA DEL RINOCERONT (BARCELONA, SPAIN) Joan DAURA LUJÁN & Montserrat SANZ BORRÀS Grup de Recerca del Quaternari, SERP –Dpt. Prehistòria, Història Antiga i Arqueologia – Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona, C/Montalegre, 6, 08001 Barcelona Abstract: Cova del Rinoceront (Barcelona, Spain) is a prehistoric deposit, with a long stratigraphy about 11 meters, and a very wide chronology from the Middle Pleistocene until the beginning of the Upper Pleistocene. In this karstic deposit there are abundant remains of fossil vertebrates with a special interest for the reconstruction of the palaeoenvironmental picture of the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula in the Mediterranean coast. There are also some stone tools that verify the older human presence. This is one of the most important places to understand the environmental, human and animal evolution of the Quaternary in this area. Here we present the first results of the research. Keywords: Pleistocene, cova del Rinoceront, neandertal, fauna Resumé: Nous présente les premiers résultats de l’étude d’un nouveau gisement dans la cote Méditerranéen (Barcelone, Espagne) d’âge Pléistocène moyen et supérieur connu comme la Cova del Rinoceront. Il s’agit d’un remplissage karstique de plus 11 m d’épaisseur, divisé en diverses unités stratigraphiques. La grotte du Rinoceront a présente un registre paléontologique très riche en restes du mammifères associes à peux éléments lithiques.

Massif, just above the alluvial plain of the Llobregat river, at a height of 25 m above sea level and at 600 m from the coast.

INTRODUCTION The study of the site cova del Rinoceront, it is the result of a research project (Els primers pobladors del Massís del Garraf-Ordal i eix del Llobregat) centered in the Middle and Upper Pleistocene in the Western Mediterranean coast, specifically, in the Garraf-Ordal complex. The main goal is to investigate the relationship between humans and carnivores, as principal competitors. For a depth study of this aspect, we are conducting an archaeological fieldwork program, working in different deposits, as cova del Coll Verdaguer and cova del Gegant (Daura et al. 2005) all in this area.

Garraf massif is a system inside the Catalan Coastal mountain range. In the south it is delimited by the Mediterranean Sea and the alluvial plain of the delta of Llobregat river, in the east by the final course of this river, in the north by the contact with the miocene depression of Penedès, and in the west by the progressive collapse of the massif. Garraf is formed mainly by a Paleozoic base and in the superior levels we find the units of Jurasic and Cretacicus with a very developed karst; its morphology has awaken the interest in paleontological, espeleological, geological and archeological fields.

The most relevant site is cova del Rinoceront, a pleistocene deposit, with a long stratigraphy with 11 meters of sediments conserved and eight main levels and a very wide chronology from the Middle until the beginning of the Upper Pleistocene. In this karstic deposit there are abundant remains of fossil vertebrates with a special interest for the reconstruction of the environmental picture of the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula in the Mediterranean coast. There are also some stone tools that verify the human presence in this deposit.

Nowadays, the quarry’s front allows to see the geological formation. In the oriental area there are the gray limestone units, characteristics of the Lower Cretaceous, but near the cave there are more complicate units results of a fault. The other side of this main fault is characteristic by the keuper margous, from the Upper Triasic, with yellowish and reddish coloration. In the west there are the limestone from the southern facies of the fault and along it, Cova del Rinoceront was formed.

The archaeological excavations have been carried out by the University of Barcelona since November 2002 and here we present the first results from the excavations in the level I. Nowadays, the complete study of the first level is in progress, because the excavation has not yet finished.

However, pleistocene fossils from the quarry and its surroundings were known. The first discovery was a proboscidian pelvis found in a unknown site in the city of Castelldefels (Almera, 1895, 1898). In the forties, the geologists Llopis Lladó and Solé Sabarís discovered another cavity with a Pleistocene fauna in ca n’Aymerich’s quarry, known as Altissench. They informed the paleontologist J.F. de Villalta and M. Crusafont, who collected some fossils from this place too (Villalta, Crusafont, 1950; Villalta, 1975). At present, this site has disappeared totally through quarrying. Although it is known that some centro-european scientists bought specimens for their collections from the quarry workers. Nowadays only few fossils of this site are preserved in

GENERAL FEATURES The site of cova del Rinoceront is located in Castelldefels, 30 km to the south of the city of Barcelona (Spain) along the Iberian Mediterranean coast. This cavity is situated in an abandoned limestone quarry, known as ca n’Aymerich, in the forehills of the Garraf 193

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Fig. 22.1. Location of the Cova del Rinoceront (Barcelona, Spain) level III there are some rhinoceros bones and tortoises remains.

the Institut Paleontològic Dr. M. Crusafont (Sabadell) and in the Museu de Geologia de Barcelona. These remains are attributed to the Middle and Late Pleistocene (Villalta, Crusafont, 1950), although some researchers suggest an older age (Estévez, 1976; Agustí, 1988). Despite both the Pleistocene site and Cova del Rinoceront being in the same quarry, they are different deposits.

The first intervention in the place was in the sediments fallen from the cova del Rinoceront. Of the recovered material, the most significant is the fragment of mandibular branch of an adult rhinoceros and numerous dental pieces from two individuals, there are some extremities bones, and an occipital part of the skull of an adult rhino from the base of level III.

COVA DEL RINOCERONT

The rest of Mediterranean tortoises emphasize, we’ve documented 1025 pieces and also in number of individuals, a total of 11 (Daura et al. 2006). In addition, a great amount of artiodactyla has been recovered; there are red deer, roe deer, fallow deer and goat, with a good anatomical representation. We have recovered some fragments of posterior extremity of a great bovidae (Bos/Bison), with a difficult chronological attribution. The less numerous species are proboscidian, with and articular bone, and carnivores (lynx and hyena), represented by teeth and phalanges.

Cova del Rinoceront is one smooth slope, near a stream. The cavity is displayed as a section in the wall of ca n’Aymerich’s quarry. The activities of this quarry destroyed the morphology of the relief. In this way, we do not know how was the original appearance of the cova del Rinoceront, and the quarry exploitation has destroyed the entrance and a great part of the deposit. The archaeological site discovery occurred four years ago. Quarrying caused the destruction of a large part of the cova del Rinoceront and its filings, and crated a vertical section of 11 meters. Erosion by rain led in 2002 to the collapse of part of the sediments, where we have found the archaeological remains for the first time. This debris of the archaeological sediments, about 60 m3 was recovered and sieved between December 2002 and May 2003.

By the taphonomical features, bones exhibit frequent fractures and marks produced by carnivores with rare anthropical marks. This first study suggests that the activity of carnivores is the most important accumulative genesis in the cave damage of the hominids activities. In addition, in the fallen sediments eight lithical artefacts have been recovered. Although they are a few in numbers, they represent a testimony of the presence of the hominids in the cave. Four of the objects are made of quartz, three of flint and one of limestone, materials that are available in the proximities of the deposit. The most significant is a nucleus done by small pebble exploitation

The quarry activities make it possible to observe the vertical stratigraphical sequence of the cova del Rinoceront. This section of the filling is 11 m high and varies between 1,5 and 3 m wide. From this section, eight stratigraphic levels are recognized and numbered from the top to the bottom. At the moment, archaeological remains are present in all the section. In relevance, in 194

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and it shows a well morphotechnical definition. The hierarchical exploitation and the other characteristics place it in the technique Levallois (Daura et al. 2004). The preliminary results of this intervention motived the restoration of the cave to guarantee the excavation of the deposit and the security to access. This work was done by the geotechnical and geological techniques in June 2003. Tab. 22.1. Faunal remains from cova del Rinoceront Carnivora

Artiodactyla

Crocuta crocuta sp.

Bos/Bison

Lynx pardinus

Cervus elaphus

Ursus arctos

Dama dama Capreolus capreolus

Chiroptera

Hemitragus sp.

Myotis sp.

Capra sp.

Lagomorpha

Proboscidea

Oryctolagus cuniculus

Proboscidea indet.

Lagomorpha indet. Chelonia Rodentia

Fig. 22.2. Cova del Rinoceront site

Testudo hermanni

Arvicolidae indet.

exterior surface of the actual cave. These limestone blocks of up to 60 cm with subangular morphology reduced quantity and size southward. The coarse fraction is about 60 %, clearly dominated by the autochthonous limestone and some speleothems coming from ceiling and walls. Moreover, this package of level I characterize by the gravel accumulation and a red clay matrix, color ranges from dark red (HUE10R3/6) to reddish yellow (HUE7.5YR7/6). In the interior part of the cave, gravels are less, and in this area red clay dominates clearly. The facies distribution shows also that the entrance of the cova del Rinoceront cavity was to the north, where the coarse clastic sediments are documented, whereas towards the SE-S the deposits change laterally to red clay. At the moment in the first level we have registered about 2.000 archaeological remains composed mainly by fauna.

Apodemus Insectivora Perissodactyla

Talpa indet.

Stephanorhinus hemitoechus

Erinaceus europaeus

STRATIGRAPHY: LEVEL I From 2003 untill the present, most of level 1 was excavated. At this place the filling is about 3 m wide maximum and 3 m deep, resulting in an irregular surface of about 7 m2. The stratigraphic thickness of this unit is around 1 m. The upper limit of level I was a flowstone (Ib1), that sealed all the deposit. This flowstone presented a different crystallinity and purity; moreover, in some areas of the cavity, the lower part’s flowstone cements some bones and sedimentlogical material from the level I. The flowstone’s purity made it an excellent sample for U-series dating, in this way we have carried out some samples, analyzed by Ramon Julià (Institut de les Ciències de la Terra “Jaume Almera”, CSIC, Barcelona). At the moment, we’ve one result from the flowstone, one is 82.924 +4732 -4552 years B.P, thus indicating an age !83 kya for the deposit and for the level I.

From this level we have carried out dating samples from the sediments with bone accumulations. These are done by Pedro Benéitez and Asunción Millán (Laboratorio de datación y radioquímica, Universidad Autónoma Madrid) who analyzed two samples from the level I (cova del Rinoceront) for thermoluminiscense dating analysis by the carbonated sediments. One of these results is 86758 ± 5097 years B.P. In conclusion, the level I is around 86 kya (OIS 5).

The lower limit of level I is an accumulation of subangular limestone blocks of great size and with a concave disposition in frontal view and slope at SE lightly. The greatest blocks are accumulated in the

MATERIALS: LEVEL I Nowadays, the materials recovered from the level I are mainly represented by faunal remains, in less number 195

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Fig. 22.3. Plan site of level I bone assemblage

there is the bovine with an only specimen, at the moment. With regard to carnivores the most represented is lynx, with 78 skeleton remains, and the less represented at this level is the brown bear, by an isolated deciduous tooth.

There are some coprolites and finally, few stone tools. Moreover, during the excavation we have documented small bits of charcoal, distributed in all the surface of this level. The faunal remains recovered from the level I are homogeneous, as in the species represented as the taphonomical characteristics. Up to the present moment, the large mammals assemblage is composed of seven taxa, which belongs, mainly, to the orders Artiodactyla and Carnivora. Artyodactila are represented mainly by red deer, fallow deer, bovine and goat, while Carnivora are by brown bear and lynx. Although micromammals, chelonian, avian fauna, lagomorphs and herpetofauna are also recovered in this level, their study is not included here. Up to now the artiodactyls are represented about 1.500 remains and with a NMI of 20, in contrast carnivores are represented only by 79 remains and with a NMI of 4. The most abundant herbivores are red deer and fallow deer, while goat is less represented and finally,

The concentration of bones assemblage in level I is very high and most of the skeletal elements are in contact with other elements. The groups of articulated elements are in a higher proportion, too. The articulations more frequently preserved are those formed by tibia-tarsalmetatarsal-phalanges, humerus-radius/ulna, radiuscarpal-metacarpal-phalanges and some articulated vertebras. In relevance, and as a representative example, we’ve recovered 39 humerus from Artiodactyla in this first level. All of them, except one, have the proximal epiphysis gnawed off by carnivores with a few marks on the shaft. Despite of the fractures, these humerus are not gnawed profusely. In front limbs, the proximal epiphysis of humerus and ulna and the distal epiphysis of 196

J. DAURA LUJÁN & M. SANZ BORRÀS: THE PLEISTOCENE SITE OF COVA DEL RINOCERONT (BARCELONA, SPAIN)

Fig. 22.3. Materials from level I. Humerus with the proximal epiphysis gnawed off by carnivores (1-5). Humerus-ulna-radius of red deer; the proximal epiphysis of humerus and ulna and the distal epiphysis of radius are clearly gnawed (6). Femur with gnawing damage (7)

radius are clearly gnawed off. The number of radius documented in the first level is 38, a quantity similar at the humerus. Although, the posterior extremity representation is lower, with 35 tibias and 20 femurs. In short, larger part of the radius and tibia haven’t epiphysis broken by carnivores, and the same for the metapodials. Moreover, in the unit I is rare the presence of long

bone cylinders. Finally, cranial elements are well documented in this first level, most identified are red deer and fallow deer, and in less number lynx’s crania. Some of them have some parts consumed by carnivores, and others have an absence of consume. Lynx remains presents the same taphonomical features as the artiodactyla.

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carnivore animals and other natural processes associated with few stone tools, which testify a very punctual human presence. This type of association has been largely documented in Middle and Upper Pleistocene deposits from the Iberian Peninsula. In this type of sites, the stone tools are the result to abandon the site by the humans. Consequently in these deposits, the archaeologist generally documents the stone elements selected by the transport, as nucleus and retouched stone tools (Carbonell et al. 1999; Baldeón, 1993, Arribas et al. 1997).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Cova del Rinoceront presents a long sequence with 11 meters of sediments conserved and a very wide chronology from the Middle Pleistocene until the beginning of the Upper Pleistocene. Moreover, this deposit shows a richness and excellent anatomical conservation of the animal species. Most represented are the Artyodactila (red deer, fallow deer, bovine, goat and roe deer) and less Carnivora (lynx, hyena and brown bear). Otherwise Perissodactyla is represented only by rhinoceros and Proboscidea by an only faunal remain.

There are other sites in this area with the similar characteristics, as the cova del Coll Verdaguer, at 30 km from Castelldefels, and the site of cova del Gegant, near the city of Sitges, some 40 km to the south of Barcelona. In these caves the presence of stone tools is low, too and there is a high presence of herbivores with clear marks of carnivore damage. Cova del Gegant is a small karst system which contains Upper Pleistocene archaeological and paleontological material. In this cave more than 60 stone tools have also been recovered from the site pertaining to the Mousterian technocomplex and a neandertal mandible becoming thus the only known site in this area documenting diagnostic human skeletal remains in association with Middle Paleolithic stone tools and faunal remains (Daura et al. 2005).

Since 2003 until now the archaeological works are developed in level I and here we have presented the preliminary studies and conclusions, because nowadays it has not yet excavated. The upper limit of level I was a flowstone, that sealed all the archaeological deposit. At the moment, we have obtained from this flowstone an age (82.924 +4732 -4552 years BP by U-series), and this indicates a minimum of 83 kya for the deposit. Actually, from level I we have carried out other dating samples, more approximated at the age of this first level (86758 ± 5097 years BP by TL) around 86 kya (approx. OIS 5a). About the interpretation of the archaeological site, the first results in the archaeological debris in years 20022003 point to a low frequency by human groups and aim that the activity of carnivores was the most important accumulative genesis in the cave damage of the hominids activities (Daura et al. 2004). Even thought carnivore/ hominid interaction processes are still under analysis, maybe we can advance that carnivore is the main plausible agent responsible for part of fossil’s assemblage accumulation in this level I.

Acknowledgements This paper is included in project Excavació a la Cova del Rinoceront (Departament d’Innovació, Universitats i Empresa, Generalitat de Catalunya, project 2006EXCAVA00012). The TL datations and part of the fieldworks expenses are assumed by Area de Coneixement i Recerca de la Generalitat de Catalunya. The Departament de Mines assumed the restoration of the cave.

At the moment the carnivore responsible of the bone accumulation is unknown. In level I only are two carnivore species represented brown bear and lynx. We cannot precise the role about theses carnivores in the accumulation, maybe bears use the cave for hibernation and as a den, and lynx role is unknown because they are consumed as the same pattern of other herbivores in this level. The absence of hyena in this level point to another carnivore agent responsible of the faunal accumulation, despite of its presence in other levels in the site. Nevertheless, taphonomical features and the analysis about coprolites maybe can point to a carnivore profile. The hominid role in this level is only documented about few stone tools corresponding to modified elements and rare cut marks in the bone surface; these materials suggest a low frequency of humans occupying the cave at the moment for the first level.

We are especially grateful to Ajuntament de Castelldefels, Generalitat de Catalunya, Alarmas Spitz, Grup Soteras and GREHIC. We would also like to thank Servei de Parcs Naturals de la Diputació de Barcelona, Inaccés, Behr-Service, AVVIC, CAA-Cal Ganxo, Scolarest and all the participants in the fieldworks. The research project Els Primers Pobladors del massís del Garraf-Ordal i eix del Llobregat (el Plistocè Superior i l’Holocè a Catalunya, which includes the research, supported by the SGR2001-00007 Research Quality Group of the Generalitat de Catalunya and the HUM2004-600 project of the Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia). Joan Daura was supported by a postdoctoral grant from the MICINN-FECYT and M. Sanz by a predoctoral grant (FI) from Generalitat de Catalunya (AGAUR).

The question about the relationship between carnivores versus hominids in the Upper and Middle Pleistocene has been deepened by some investigators. In Europe the researchers have distinguished some similar deposits characterized as “paleontological deposits with index of low frequency by human groups” (Brugal et al. 1991). These locations, take as a common feature the presence of many quantities of faunal remains, contributed by

References AGUSTÍ, J. (1988) – Els cordats [excepte els primats homínids]. In: Gallemí, J. (coord.). Registre Fòssil. Historia natural dels Països Catalans. Vol. 15. 198

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Barcelona, Fundació Barcelona, pp. 389-427.

Enciclopèdia

DAURA, J., SANZ, M., SUBIRÀ, E., QUAM, R., FULLOLA, J.Mª, ARSUAGA, J.L. (2005) – A neanderthal mandible from the cova del Gegant (Sitges, Barcelona, Spain). In Journal of Human Evolution, 49, p. 46-70.

Catalana,

ALMERA, J. (1895) – Littoral de la province de Barcelone. In Compte-rendu des Scéances de la Société Géologique de France. Paris: XXIII, p. 564-571.

DAURA, J., SANZ, M., FONT, O., BUDÓ, J. (2006) – Restes de Testudo hermanni procedents de la Cova del Rinoceront (Castelldefels). In Bulletí de la Societat Catalana d’Herpetologia. Barcelona, 17, p. 919.

ALMERA, J. (1898) – Comte-rendu de l’excursion du jeudi 6 octobre, a Castelldefels et costas de Garraf. In Butlletin Société Géologique de France. Réunion extraordinaire a Barcelone (Espagne). Du mercredi 28 septembre au samedi 8 octobre 1898. Paris: XXVI, p. 801-811.

ESTÉVEZ, J. (1975-1976) – Hallazgo de una pantera en el pleistocénico catalán. In Speleon, 22, p. 171-178.

ARRIBAS, A., DIEZ, J.C., JORDÀ, J.F. (1997) – Primeras ocupaciones en los depósitos pleistocenos de la Cueva de los Torrejones (Sistema Central español, Tamajón, Guadalajara): litoestratigrafía y actividad biológica. In Cuaternario y Geomorfología, 11: 55-66.

LÓPEZ, N. (1977) – Revisió sistemática y bioestatigráfica de los lagomorpha (Mammalia) del terciario y Quaternario de España. Tesi doctoral. Madrid. Universidad de Madrid.

BALDEÓN, A. (1993) – El yacimiento de Lezetxiki (Gipuzkoa, País Vasco). Los niveles musterienses. In Munibe, 45: 3-97.

MARTÍNEZ, J., MIRET, J., MORA, R. (1985) – Excavacions a la Cova del Gegant. In Butlletí del Grup d’Estudis Sitgetans. Sitges, 32-33, p. 1-2.

BRUGAL, J.-Ph., JAUBERT, J. (1991) – Les gisements paléontologiques pléistocènes à indices de frequentation humaine: un nouveau type de comportement de prédation? In Paléo, 3: 15-41.

VILLALTA, J.F., CRUSAFONT, M. (1950) – Un nuevo yacimiento pleistocénico en Castelldefels. Nota preliminar. In Estudios Geológicos. VI, p. 275-285. VILLALTA, J.F., CRUSAFONT, M. (1950) – Sobre algunas aves fósiles de Cataluña. In Notas y comunicaciones del Instituo Geologico y Minero de España. 20, p. 145-156.

CARBONELL, E., ROSAS, A., DÍEZ, J.C. (1999) – Atapuerca: ocupaciones humanas y paleoecología del yacimiento de Galería. Memorias. Arqueología en Castilla y León, 7. Junta de Castilla y León.

VILLALTA, J.F., VIÑAS, R. (1975) – El depósito cuaternario de la cova del Gegant. In Speleon. V Symposium de Espeleología. p. 19-33.

DAURA, J., SANZ, M., VAQUERO, M (2004) – El Pleistoceno de la Cova del Rinoceront (Castelldefels, Barcelona). O Paleolítico. Actas do IV Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular (N. Ferreira Bicho, ed.), Faro, setembre 2004. Universidade do Algarve. Promontoria Monográfica, 02: 217-227.

VILLALTA, J.F. (1964) – Datos para un catálogo de las aves fósiles del cuaternario español. In Speleon. XV.

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THE QUINSON POINT: NEW APPROACH FOLLOWING THE RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN THE EPONYMOUS SITE, LA BAUME BONNE CAVE (QUINSON, SOUTH-EASTERN FRANCE) J. GAGNEPAIN † Musée de Préhistoire des Gorges du Verdon, F-04500 Quinson

C. GAILLARD Département de Préhistoire du Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, 1 rue René Panhard, F-75013 Paris

O. NOTTER Département de Préhistoire du Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, 1 rue René Panhard, F-75013 Paris Abstract: La Baume Bonne cave in Quinson (South-eastern France) has recorded a series of Palaeolithic occupations since OIS 10. This is where Lumley and Bottet defined the Quinson points in 1960. In their eponymous site, they occur from the bottom to the beginning of OIS 6, along with rare hand-axes. Their blanks are technologically unstandardised but morphologically rather homogenous. Braking is often involved in shaping the blanks, while the retouch usually concerns the edges only. These convergent tools, rather than points, contribute to the notion of Tayacian facies. Key words: Quinson point, Lower and Middle Palaeolithic, South-eastern France, Tayacian Résumé: La grotte de la Baume Bonne à Quinson (sud-est de la France) a enregistré une série d’occupations paléolithiques depuis le stade isotopique 10. Les pointes de Quinson y ont été définies par Lumley et Bottet en 1960. Dans leur site éponyme, elles sont présentes depuis la base jusqu’au début du stade 6, tout comme les rares bifaces. Leurs supports sont peu standardisés technologiquement, mais assez homogènes morphologiquement. La fracturation intervient souvent dans la mise en forme tandis que la retouche se limite généralement aux bords. Ces outils convergents, plutôt que pointes, contribuent à la notion de faciès tayacien. Mots clés: Pointe de Quinson, Paléolithique inférieur et moyen, sud-est de la France, Tayacien

“limaces”, but some of the “triangles” (kinds of triple scrapers) are Quinson points with retouched base. In the same article, they mention a particular type of points, whose drawing corresponds to Quinson points, and they describe them as “Gothic arch shaped, thick, carefully retouched, but three of them made on non systematic flakes”. Therefore, during the very first excavation season, Bernard and Bertrand Bottet have noticed the originality of particular tools, especially points, some of them being later defined as Quinson points.

INTRODUCTION La Baume Bonne site is composed of a rock shelter and a cave, adjacent to each other, on the right bank of the Verdon River. It is located in the Verdon middle gorges, near the Quinson village (fig. 23.1). It was excavated during three series of field seasons: 1946-1956, 19571967 and 1989-1997, under the direction of respectively Bernard Bottet, then Henry de Lumley and finally Jean Gagnepain and Claire Gaillard. Each phase of the work has been published in synthetic articles (Bottet 1956, Lumley 1969, Gagnepain & Gaillard 1996, 2005). The main interest of la Baume Bonne abodes in its long chrono-stratigraphic and cultural sequence ranging from OIS 10 to OIS 4 and yielding industries from Lower Palaeolithic to typical Middle Palaeolithic (and then Neolithic and historical times). As fauna is rarely and badly preserved, analysis of the very rich lithic material, including nearly 50.000 artefacts, provides the essential part of the archaeological data on this site.

The term “Pointe de Quinson” (Quinson Point) occurs for the first time in 1960 (Lumley & Bottet 1960) in a synthetic article published just after Henry de Lumley had resumed the excavation at la Baume Bonne. This term is used thrice in the legends of the drawings representing the lithic industry, each time associated to the same short description: “pointe trièdrique à retouches unifaces bilatérales (Pointe de Quinson)” (“trihedral point with unifacial bilateral retouch (Quinson Point)”). Later on this type will be included in the typological lists established in the 1960s for the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic, the eponymous site being la Baume Bonne at Quinson (Bordes 1961, Brézillon 1968). These points are known as usually occurring in Tayacian (ProtoQuina) contexts, during the Riss III and Riss II.

THE QUINSON POINT: DISCOVERY, HISTORY AND TYPOLOGICAL DEFINITION Right from his first synthetic publication on La Baume Bonne, Bernard Bottet (1947) mentions “odd objects” not fitting in the typologies in use at that time. He doesn’t name them neither describes them, but among his drawings one Quinson point can be identified. Later on, Bernard and Bertrand Bottet (1951) called “planes” and “triangles” some of the tools they found; according to the drawings, the “planes” may rather be what we now call

François Bordes, in 1961, classifies the Quinson point in the miscellaneous tools, that includes artefacts not fitting in any of the defined categories, and that he compares to the “insoluble residue” in chemistry. He mentions the Quinson point at the end of the chapter: “Lastly, Messrs Bottet and de Lumley have recently proposed to 201

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Fig. 23.1. Map showing the locations of Quinson village in South-eastern France

artefacts, the reconstruction of operating sequences. Several Ph.D. theses contributed to this work, the last one by Notter (2007), and a synthetic presentation of the main results was recently published (Gagnepain & Gaillard 2005).

individualise under the term of “Quinson point” a type found at La Baume Bonnne. This is a tool with a triangular section, one face being covered by the retouch while the other two ones are plain flaked surfaces.” The drawing of the type-Quinson point is placed besides thee “hand-axes-scrapers” (“bifaces-racloirs”). In his book on typology published in 1968, Michel Brézillon presents the Quinson point along with the other points and just quotes François Bordes’ definition (1961). In both books the definition is illustrated by the same artefact presented by Lumley and Bottet (1960) in their figure 9, drawing n°10 (here fig. 23.8 n° 1). This particular tool then stands as the archetype of the Quinson point, while Bordes’ typological definition, being an international reference, leads the Baume Bonne site to be mentioned for decades in many publications on Lower and Middle Palaeolithic sites of Eurasia.

In this context, the Quinson points were focussed on regarding their technology and typology. After selection of the artefacts according to both, the official typological definition quoted here above (Bordes 1961), and the original definition and illustrations (Lumley & Bottet 1960), each step of their manufacture is analysed, especially the selection of the raw materials, the production or selection of the blanks, the shaping and retouching, the resulting morphology, and the utilisation marks. Finally the definition will be revised so that it fits to the typo-technological features of the Quinson points in their eponymous site.

RECENT WORK

PRESENTATION OF THE STUDIED MATERIAL

In 1988, the excavations and research programs were resumed at La Baume Bonne in order to tackle the following issues:

Among the nearly 45,000 Lower and Middle Palaeolithic artefacts from La Baume Bonne, 90 Quinson points were identified. They occur right from the first archaeological sub-unit II-IIIa, probably belonging to the OIS 10 (units II and III are approximately equivalent in the stratigraphic sequence, but the former is severely decalcified while the latter, close to the cave wall, is strongly hardend by calcium carbonate and forms a breccia; the lower unit I is devoid of any human activity record). Then the Quinson points disappear in the lower part of unit IV i.e. in the first half of the OIS 6 (fig. 23.2). At the same time, a noticeable change occurs in the

– updating the chronological framework, especially through radiometric, stratigraphic and micromorphologic analyses; – reassessing the entire cultural sequence (earlier studied by Henry de Lumley, 1969), particularly the lithic assemblages, with special reference to the technological approach, the nature and origin of the raw materials, the search for refitting and conjoining 202

J. GAGNEPAIN ET AL.: THE QUINSON POINT: NEW APPROACH FOLLOWING THE RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN THE EPONYMOUS SITE…

Fig. 23.2. Distribution of the Quinson points in the stratigraphic sequence of La Baume Bonne cave (Quinson, South-eastern France)

Raw materials were not picked up randomly for making the Quinson points. Of course, local rocks were mostly used, but exogenous rocks are considerably more frequent among these tools than in the whole of the industry (table 23.1). Moreover, the Verdon chert usually represents 15 to 20 % of the artefacts, while among the Quinson points it hardly reaches 3 %; this frequency is even less than for the convergent tools in general (8 to 10 %), where high proportion of flint is observed. Obviously, harder and good knapping quality rocks were preferred for shaping the Quinson points, with some exceptions since chert and rhyolite, not as hard as flint, and quartz, much more difficult to control while knapping, were sometimes used too. Along the stratigraphy, exogenous, good quality rocks start increasing in the lower part of the unit IV, in comparison to the lower unit II-III, and the Quinson points also contribute to this trend especially in displaying “more” – numbers are small, indeed – Bedoulian flint from distant sources (table 23.1).

technological sequence, whereas it generally shows a very gradual evolution, from the bottom up to the OIS 5: the development of Levallois core reduction method increases along with the use of better quality raw materials, while tool types like Quinson or Tayac points, limaces and hand-axes disappear. At La Baume Bonne, the Quinson points belong to a Tayacian technotypological context (Lumley 1969) or to a “non-Levallois Acheulian with rare hand-axes” (Bordes 1992) or to an early Middle Palaeolithic (Gagnepain & Gaillard 2005) for being definitely related to the “Mode 3”. RAW MATERIALS The close surroundings of the Baume Bonne cave offers accessibility to a wide range of detrital rocks from two main sources: firstly the alluvium of the Verdon River (50 m down the cave) mostly composed of cobbles in limestone, and also including some cobbles in flint, “chert” (less silicified than flint), quartzite and sandstone, secondly the pudding stone (or conglomerate) of the Riez-Valensole Formation (0.5 to 5 km), dating from the Neogene and comprising a large variety of raw materials, with local concentrations of siliceous rocks of good quality for knapping. Besides, there are sources located much further away: the western middle valley of the Durance River was the most exploited (Stouvenot, 1996), with preference given to very good quality flint varieties, available between 30 and 65 km from the site. As for the rhyolite, it may have two origins; actually, the RiezValensole pudding stone yields some rhyolite fragments, but their nature seems different from that of the rock used by the prehistoric people occupying the Baume Bonne cave, therefore its origin may have to be searched in the volcanic Maures Massif, about 100 km to the SouthEast.

PRODUCTION / SELECTION OF THE BLANKS AND SHAPING The blanks used for shaping the Quinson points are mostly thick flakes, usually broken; the most significant flakes ones are firstly short flakes with a broad and inclined striking platform, forming a rather sharp “angle de chasse” (dorsal ridge of the striking platform); such flakes result from a “clactonian” core reduction method (fig. 23.9 n° 1) or, for the small ones, they correspond to notch flakes, i.e. flakes produced while trimming a clactonian notch (fig. 23.9 n° 6). The second type includes the “débordant” flakes (bearing, as a lateral back, a part of the core face adjacent to the striking platform), flakes with a cortical back (fig. 23.6, n° 5) and 203

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 23.3. Raw materials sources exploited for the lower Middle Palaeolithic industry at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

that even when they are obtained by striking, the breaks may look like flexion fractures. Single breaks are the most frequent but double, even a few triple breaks, preliminary to the retouch, are also observed on the Quinson points. In some cases the flakes, as support for these points, are obviously reduced to such an extent that one of the retouched edges is cutting through the bulb: this recession may be the result of a break covered and hidden by the retouch, or it may be the result of an intensive resharpening of the edge.

a few flakes with a “Siret” accidental break. These blanks already offer a shape resembling a Quinson point and they do not require much retouch to be turned into this type of tool. Besides these particular flakes, flake fragments (flakes with a minimum of two fractures) were also used as supports, in about 1/3 of the cases; one broken core and some undetermined debris have also been selected (fig. 23.4). Broken flakes and flake fragments represent more than half of the supports, while in general the amount 25 % to 30 % of the assemblage. Their breaks show features suggesting that they were intentionally made: about 3/4 of them bear indication of a striking point (and one break was probably made on an anvil); the other ones result from a flexion, whose human origin is possible but not proved (table 23.2). However, the experimentation shows

The selected supports, either rough or transformed by breaking, are usually triangular in shape, approximately symmetrical and with a triangular section, at least near the point. They already have the morphology of Quinson points and the retouch only aims at shaping the tips and regularising the edges, sometimes thinning the tools.

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Table 23.1. Raw materials of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-East of France)

2

II-III sup

7

II-III c-d

8

II-III b

11

II-III a

9

1

undet.

4

1

1

Total of Quinson points

39

3

1

1

9

1

2

43%

3%

1%

1%

10%

1%

2%

% Quinson points

1 1

1

36%

22%

4%

2

2

7

4

16

1

2

1

2

7

21

12

3

1

2

6

22

2

1

2

1

12

1

3

10

20

90

1%

3%

11%

22%

0,1%

2%

27%

44 (49%) % entire industry

1

Total

1

Undetermined Flints

1

Other Flints

Bedoulien Flint (from Lure-Albion)

IV inf

Rhyolite

Bedoulien Flint (from Montgervis)

1

Stratigraphic units

Silicified Microbreccia

Oligocène Flint

Exogenous raw materials

Quartz

Quartzite

Chert

Flint

Local raw material

100%

26 (28%) 0,5%

4%

2%

63%

0,2%

2,4%

11%

27%

Unit IV inf

Fig. 23.4. Distribution of the blank types produced or selected for the Quinson points manufacture at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

no fracture

fracture on anvil

fracture with striking point

fracture by flexion

Table 23.2. Fracturation of the Quinson points supports at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

Total

5

2

7

7

16

5

12

II-III sup

2

7

II-III c-d

1

5

II-III b

1

7

13

21

II-III a

4

7

11

22

undet.

3

5

4

12

Total

11

36

42

90

1

1

usually moderate and for hardly 1/4 of the points it is invasive: unlike in the definition proposed by Bordes (1961), the retouches do not “cover” the face of the tool. They are often scaled (écailleuse), even scaled and stepped (Quina or semi-Quina). They run all along the edges in 2/3 of the cases; otherwise they are only distal (9 %), usually on one side, rarely on both, or mesial and

RETOUCHES According to the typological definition of the Quinson point, the retouch only concerns the flat face (lower face), while the dihedral face (upper face with a longitudinal ridge) is unretouched. The retouches are semi-thick on nearly 3/4 of the edges (table 23.3). Their amplitude is

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TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Table 23.3. Characters of the retouches on each side of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) LEFT SIDE

Total

denticulate

associated notch

1

regular

invasive & scaled

2

invasive

1

Quina

3

semi-Quina

7

Delineation

Total

II-III sup

scaled

3

short

3

marginal

semi-thick

IV inf

Total

thin

1

Unit

Morphology / Amplitude

thick

shallow

Thickness

7

6

1

7

3

16

12

4

16

2

5

1

7

1

16

13

II-III c-d

2

9

1

12

2

3

4

1

1

1

12

12

II-III b

1

14

6

21

1

7

7

1

1

2

2

21

15

3

3

21

II-III a

4

15

3

22

3

4

3

3

4

2

3

22

17

2

3

22

9

2

12

4

1

1

4

2

12

9

3

12

10

62

16

90

9

21

22

7

5

17

9

90

72

5

13

90

undet.

1

Total

2

12

RIGHT SIDE

1

7

7

7

10

4

16

4

4

1

4

3

16

12

II-III c-d

2

9

1

12

2

1

4

1

3

1

12

11

II-III b

1

19

1

21

1

4

9

3

2

2

21

17

21

1

22

6

6

5

3

1

22

18

1

11

12

1

2

5

3

12

12

90

4

19

32

13

1

13

8

90

77

5

8

13

40

54

20

6

20

17

149

10

21

II-III a undet. Total

3

6

73

8

Total left+right

5

16

135

24

1

1

Total

associated notch

denticulate

regular

Total

Delineation invasive & scaled

invasive

4

Quina

2

semi-Quina

7

scaled

2

1

short

II-III sup

3

marginal

2

Total

1

Morphology / Amplitude

thick

thin

IV inf

Unit

semi-thick

shallow

Thickness

2

2

16

1

12

1

3

21

2

2

22 12 90

represents an adapted technical response to the diversity of the supports; they appear as complementary to the shaping (by fractures) or to the simple selection of the blanks for producing thick and strong pointed or just convergent tools.

distal (16 %). The retouched edges are mostly regular and rarely denticulated (cf. Tayac points), but in a few cases they show a notch, either near the base or in the middle. For only 1/3 of these points, both sides are retouched in the same manner. For the other ones, the retouch differs and this may be related to the various types of edges forming the blanks (a break will not be retouched like a cutting edge or like the upper ridge of a striking platform) or may be linked to a time break in the sequence of tool manufacture. In a few cases (10 %) retouching was prepared by small inverse removals, not shaping the edge but creating a striking platform for the retouch; this cannot be considered as a bifacial retouch.

MORPHOLOGY OF THE QUINSON POINTS The Quinson points are usually triangular, as far as their outline is concerned; exceptionally they show a diamond shape. The lateral sides are slightly convex or straight. The angle between both sides is less than 45° for the majority of the tools (54 %), otherwise it is more open, especially in the upper unit IVinf; it is rarely obtuse (more than 90°). The tip itself is truly pointed for one third of the tools only. Most often it is a blunt point; sometimes the apical end is rounded (fig. 23.8, n°2 & 6) or even shaped into a short cutting edge (fig. 23.6 n°1).

It is unclear whether any change, in retouching the Quinson points, occurs through the stratigraphy. Retouches are highly diversified and their variability 206

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undetermined

Total

pentagon

parallelogram

right angled trapezium

trapezium

diamond shaped

right angled triangle

wide asymmetrical triangle

asymmetrical triangle

Unit

wide isosceles triangle

isosceles triangle

equilateral triangle

Table 23.4. Apical and mesial sections of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

2

16

apical section IV inf

1

3

2

II-III sup

3

2

6

1

II-III c-d

2

2

4

II-III b

2

1

13

II-III a

5

1

10

1

1

undet.

1

1

5

1

3

Total

14

7

41

3

10

16%

8%

46%

%

1 3

1

7

2 1

1

1

1

1

12 21

1

3 1

2

5

22 12

3

5

90

11% midsection

IV inf II-III sup

2

1

1

1

2

1

3

2

6

4

2

II-III c-d

4

2

3

7

3

5

7

1

II-III b

1

1

II-III a

2

2 1

1

5

3

6

5

21

undet. Total %

2

1

5

23%

1

7

2

16 12

3 1

2

1

1

28

8

2

31%

9%

6

3

21

2

22

1

12

6

90

rather than oblique (33 %) or at a low angle (forming then a cutting edge, 19 %). Many of the steep bases (backs) are formed by breaks, possibly intentional, and they seem to represent an important morphological attribute of the Quinson points. For about half of the cases (54 %) the base is perpendicular to the axis of the tool; for the other half, it is diagonal and consequently produces an acute angle, sometimes a point proper, retouched or not (table 23.4). Actually more than 20 % of the bases are modified by retouch, forming either another Quinson point (7/90) or a Tayac point (3/90) or an ordinary point (3/90), then giving a total of 13/90 double points of various types (fig. 23.6 n° 5, fig. 23.8 n° 4). The base may also be retouched into a scraper (6/90).

This diversity of the tips suggests that a proper sharp point was not necessarily the aim of the craftsman; the tools with a rounded apex or a short bevel, sometimes even a cortical tip, imply other uses than just as points. The lean of the point sides is quite variable: it is mostly oblique (39 %) but almost as often abrupt and forming a back (33 %) or at a low angle and giving a cutting edge (28 %). According to the way of shaping or selecting the blanks, the sides are either a flake removal or a break, or also a striking platform (18 %) or a cortical surface (7 %). The mid-sections of the Quinson points (typologically oriented) mostly display asymmetrical triangular shapes (23 %) or rhombus shapes (31 %): in most of the cases they are quadrangular, even pentagonal, rather than triangular. However the apical sections are triangular for the large majority of these tools (85 %), hence fitting to the common definition, at least as far as the distal part is concerned. They are usually isosceles triangles (53 %, table), often broad (thin points), or tend to be equilateral triangles (16 %). Other sections are asymmetrical triangles and rarely rhombus (table 23.4). The apical part is often twisted relatively to the mesial part.

The Quinson points form a rather homogenous scatter on the bi-dimensional diagram representing their length and breadth (fig. 23.5). This suggests that they make a consistent group of artefacts. Nonetheless, they cover a wide range of dimensions (20 to 90 cm in length) and they tend to be slightly longer and more elongated in the upper part of the unit II-III, especially in the subunit II-III cd. Above, in the subunit II-III sup, they announce those in the unit IV, which are much shorter and broader and consequently less elongated (table 23.6): they will be replaced by an increasing number of convergent tools (convergent scrapers and Mousterian points).

The base, opposite to the point, is usually unretouched and sometimes cortical. Its lean is mostly steep (48 %) 207

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 23.5. Scatter plot of length and breadth of the Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

Tab. 23.5. Base characters of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France)

Unit IV inf

2

5

7

4

2

1

7

2

II-III sup

7

9

16

7

5

4

16

1

II-III c-d

7

5

12

9

1

2

12

2

II-III b

11

10

21

8

8

5

21

4

II-III a

9

13

22

10

10

2

22

5

indet.

5

7

12

5

4

3

12

3

2

2

Total

41

49

90

43

30

17

90

17

6

20

2 2

Total

plain

thinned

tool

chipped

cortex

Base type

Total

sharp

oblique

Base morphology

steep

Total

perpendicular

diagonal

Base orientation (to the tool axis)

1

4

7

2

11

16

2

1

7

12

7

1

7

21

6

2

9

22

5

12

43

90

4

utilisation of the tool. Almost all the rounded and blunt points are utilised and therefore it may be possible that their retouch actually results from the utilisation rather than from an intentional shaping of the tip.

UTILISATION Very small scars are visible (to the naked eye) on 3/4 of the tips, suggesting that they have been the active parts when the tools where utilised. These scars mostly consist in small chipping on the upper (retouched) face or on both the faces; in a few cases they take the form of burinlike spalls, not more than 2 mm long (table 23.7). It is surprising to note that among the tips showing no damage, true points are quite common (9 for 22 undamaged tips) as if this morphology was due to non

Damage types do not indicate the way these convergent tools were utilised, especially since the same type of wear can be observed on projectile points as on convergent tools simply hold in hand (Shea 2006). Of course the Quinson points were not hafted as their base is often thick and steep. Such bases with perpendicular or diagonal 208

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Fig. 23.6. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France; drawings by B. Bottet)

orientation, relatively to the longitudinal axis, were probably helping in the grip of the tools and they seem to be typical of the Quinson points.

overall shape actually does not show three faces, more or less comparable in size, but only two faces, one of them being dihedral (at least in the distal part), with the dihedron ridge along the symmetry axis. The latter face is not retouched, while the former (flat face) bears retouch on both the edges, but not necessarily all along (partial retouch).

DEFINITION AND LIMITS The Quinson points mainly correspond to a particular morphology characterised by a triangular section, at least near the apex (“trihedral points”). In most of the cases the

The concise description of Lumley and Bottet (1960) do not gain anything in the more developed definition given

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TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 23.7. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France; drawings n° 1 – 7 by B. Bottet, n° 8 by D. Wang)

by Bordes (1961), in which the precision “one face covered by retouch” is not valid in many cases. However, the original description does not express clearly that the retouch is restricted to the flat face only. Therefore the

definition of the Quinson point could be “trihedral point with bilateral retouches on the flattest face only”. Of course, the term “point” is open to criticism as only one third on these tools are strictly pointed, but in a broad 210

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Fig. 23.8. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France; drawings n° 1 – 5, 8, 9 by B. Bottet, n° 6, 7 by O. Notter)

meaning including different types of convergent tools, as the Tayac points for instance, it can be accepted.

determination is difficult when the retouches do probably not belong to the same stage of the tool manufacture. For instance, some of the Quinson points made on small “clactonian” flakes or notch-flakes bear retouches on the distal edge, for one side (converging with the proximal edge), and on the dorsal ridge of the striking platform, for

It is to be noted that the convergent tools with unilateral or bifacial retouches or with retouches located on the dihedral face, are not considered as Quinson points. The

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TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 23.9. Quinson points from La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France; drawing n° 1 – 5, 8 – 10, 13 by B. Bottet, n° 6, 7 by O. Notter, n° 11, 12 by D. Wang)

the other side. These latter retouches could have been made on the core itself, or on the parent flake (scraper), much before the retouches on the distal edge of the flake: is such a tool to be taken as a Quinson point? Even in case of heterochrony, clearly demonstrated, it is quite

possible that the second retouch took place because of the antecedence of the first one. Therefore the tool has been intentionally made even though it benefited from a support that was already half retouched. This opportunistic behaviour in manufacturing the Quinson 212

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Tab. 23.6. Average dimensions of the Quinson points in each stratigraphic unit of La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) Unit

Mean length (mm)

Mean breadth (mm)

Mean elongation ratio

Mean thickness (mm)

IV inf

40,4

36,7

1,17

15,4

II-III sup

42,4

30,9

1,38

17,1

II-III c-d

50,5

33,1

1,59

16,4

II-III b

42,8

27,7

1,56

15,1

II-III a

45,5

32,1

1,45

16,4

undet.

56,7

34,7

1,67

17,9

Tab. 23.7. Type of damage observed on the tip of the Quinson points at La Baume Bonne (Quinson, South-eastern France) Unit

no damage

direct mini- inverse mini- bifacial minichipping chipping chipping

burin-like mini-spall

IV inf

3

1

II-III sup

6

2

2

4

1

II-III c-d

4

4

1

1

1

II-III b

5

8

4

4

II-III a

2

7

2

5

2

indet.

2

1

4

3

2

Total

22

23

13

20

6

fracture

undetermined

3

Total 7

1 1

16 12 21

4

22 12

1

5

90

belong to the “Tayacian” facies. Although the reality of this facies is rejected in some particular cases (Dibble et al. 2006), it is yet implemented by a number of assemblages in South Europe (Grifoni & Tozzi 2006, Lumley 1969). In the lower levels of La Baume Bonne (Quinson), the lithic industry may be called Tayacian (Lumley 1969) or, since it includes a few hand-axes, Acheulian as well. But the core reduction methods (discoid, Quina, multi-directional, etc.) are already structured and should be considered as Middle Palaeolithic; they lead to the production of various types of flakes, among which of a number of thick supports allow the manufacture of tools such as Quinson points, Tayac points and limaces. Such tools support the concept of a Tayacian facies, especially when they occur together.

points has been observed at the stage of shaping or selecting the supports, and it can also be observed at the stage of retouching. CONCLUSION Quinson points occur in several sites in Europe as well as in Asia; they mostly belong to assemblages related to the Lower Palaeolithic or Early Middle Palaeolithic and dating to the Middle Pleistocene. Some of the most significant examples come from La Micoque (pers. obs.), Terra Amata (Lumley 1969), Arago at Tautavel (Lumley 1971) in France, Visogliano (Cattani et al. 1995) and Venosa-Loreto (Barral & Simone 1984) in Italy, Bilsingleben II (Mania 1994) in Germany, Kudaro I (Lioubine 2002) in Georgia, Evron and Tabun (Ronen 1970) in Israel, and even Zhoukoudian (pers. obs.) in China. However they also occur in the Upper Pleistocene of Western Europe, especially in the Charentian Mousterian or typical Mousterian of Southern France: Fontmaure (Pradel & Pradel 1970), Comte (Le Tensorer 1978), La Crouzade, l’Hortus (Lumley 1971), as well as in Spain at Cueva Morin and El Castillo (GonzalezEchegaray & Freeman 1998) or in Italy in the Guattari cave (Monte Circeo; Taschini 1979).

As a type of lithic tool, the Quinson point may appear as not well defined, due to the large diversity of blanks selected or prepared for its manufacture and for the lack of retouch standardisation. But the main character of the Quinson point, i.e. the dihedral point, is very specific; moreover, it cannot be obtained by retouch only and it requires a careful selection or shaping of the support, given that such supports, in La Baume Bonne cave at least, are not readymade in the usual knapping products. Although it is often linked to opportunities, this stage of preparation or selection of the blanks is especially important and it definitely gives to the Quinson point the status of a tool type.

These Quinson points are not always individualised in the tool kit inventories, but they can be identified, through the drawings, among the convergent tools. They usually

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TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

GRIFONI, R. and TOZZI, C. (2006) – L’émergence des identités culturelles au Paléolithique inférieur: le cas de l’Italie. C.R. Palevol, 5, p. 137-148.

References BARRAL, L., SIMONE, S. (1984) – Venosa-Loreto, Basilicata, in: I primi abitanti d’Europa, Catalogo della Mostra, De Luca Ed., Roma, p. 181-186.

LE TENSORER, J.-M. (1978) – Le Moustérien type Quina et son évolution dans le sud de la France, Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, 75(5), p. 141-150.

BORDES, F. (1961) – Typologie du Paléolithique Ancien et Moyen. Bordeaux, éd. Delmas, 1 vol., 85 p., et 1 atlas, 108 p. BOTTET, B., BOTTET, B. (1947) – La Baume Bonne à Quinson (B.A.) (Industries paléolithiques avec oeuvres d’art), Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française, t.XLIV, 152-170.

LIOUBINE V.P. (2002) – L’Acheuléen du Caucase. ERAUL 93, Études et Recherches Archéologiques de l’Université de Liège, Liège, 2002, 140 p. LUMLEY, H. de (1969 & 1971) – “Le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen du Midi méditerranéen dans son cadre géologique”. vol.1: Ligurie, Provence; vol.2: Bas-Languedoc, Roussillon, Catalogne. Gallia Préhistoire, 5ème supplément. Paris, C.N.R.S., 453 p. & 445 p.

BOTTET, B. (1956) – La grotte-abri de la Baume Bonne à Quinson (B.-A.) et ses industries du Paléolithique inférieur et moyen, Bulletin du Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique de Monaco, n°3, 79-121.

LUMLEY, H. de, BOTTET, B. (1960) – Sur l’évolution des climats et des industries au Riss et au Würm d’après le remplissage de la Baume Bonne (Quinson, Basses-Alpes). Steinzeitfragen der alten und neuen Welt, Festschrift für Lothar Zotz, Ludwig Röhrscheid Verlag, Bonn, p. 271-302.

BREZILLON, M. (1968) – “La dénomination des objets de pierre taillée”. Gallia Préhistoire, IVe supplément. Ed. C.N.R.S, 424 p. CATTANI, L., CREMASCHI, M., FERRARIS, M.R., MALLEGNI, F., MASINI, F., SCOLA, V. & TOZZI, C. (1995) – Le gisement du Pléistocène moyen de Visogilano (Trieste): restes humains, industries, environnement, L’Antropologie, 91(1), p. 9-36.

MANIA, D. (1994) – Die Terrassen–Travertin-Sequenz von Bilzingsleben. Ethnograph.-Archäol 34, p. 554575.

DIBBLE, H.L., MCPHERRON, S.J.P., FARRAND, W.R. & DEBÉNATH, A. (2006) – Taphonomy and concept of Paleolithic cultures: The Case of the Tayacian from Fontéchevade, PaleoAnthropology, 2006, p. 1-21. FALGUÈRES, C., BAHAIN, J.-J. & SALEKI, H. (1997) – U-Series and ESR Dating of Teeth from Acheulian and Mousterian Levels at La Micoque (Dordogne, France). Journal of Archaeological Science (1997) 24, p. 537–545. GAGNEPAIN, J., GAILLARD, C. (1996) – La grotteabri de la Baume Bonne: une séquence chronostratigraphique et culturelle de 300.000 ans (Quinson, Alpes-de-Haute Provence), Document Final de Synthèse de Fouille Programmée, programme triannuel, Service Régional de l’Archéologie de Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, Aix-en-Provence, 93 p.

MANIA, D. (2000) – Stratigraphy and Palaeolithic of the Middle and Upper Pleistocene in the Saale-Elbe region. In: Toward modern Humans: Yabrudian and Micoquian, 400-50 k-years ago, A. Ronen and M. Weinstein-Evron (eds), British Archaeological Reports, International Series 850, p. 25-49. NOTTER, O. (2007) – Étude des industries lithiques du Paléolithique inférieur et moyen de la grotte de la Baume Bonne (Quinson, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, France). Thèse de doctorat, Université Aix-Marseille 1, 433 p. (non publié). PRADEL, L. & PRADEL, S. (1970) – La station paléolithique de Fontmaure, commune de Vellèches (Vienne). L’Anthropologie 74 (7-8), pp. 481-526. RONEN, A. (1970) – Des pointes de Quinson en Israël. Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, t. 67, 1970, C.R.S.M., fasc.9.

GAGNEPAIN, J. et GAILLARD, C. (2005) – La grotte de la Baume Bonne (Quinson, Alpes de HauteProvence): synthèse chronostratigraphique et séquence culturelle d’après les fouilles récentes (1988-1997). In: Molines, N., Moncel, M-H., & Monnier, J-L (Eds), “Les premiers peuplements en Europe, Données récentes sur les modalités de peuplement et sur le cadre chronostratigraphique, géologique et paléogéographique des industries du Paléolithique ancien et moyen en Europe” (Rennes, 22-25 septembre 2003)”, BAR Publishing, Oxford, British Archaeological Reports, International Series, S1364, p. 73-86

SHEA, J.J. (2006) – The origins of lithic projectile point technology: evidence from Africa, the Levant, and Europe. Journal of Archaeological Sciences, 33, p. 823-846 (doi:10.1016/j.jas.2005.10.015). STOUVENOT, C. (1996) – in Gagnepain J. et al.: SaintAntoine de Vitrolles: un site de plein air du Paléolithique supérieur final. Document Final de Synthèse de fouilles de sauvetage urgent, 26 février30 juin 1996, Service Régional de l’Archéologie de Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, Aix-en-Provence. TASCHINI, M. (1979) – L’industrie lithique de Grotta Guattari au mont Circé (Latium): définition culturelle, typologique et chronologique du Pontinien. Quaternaria, Rome, 21, p. 179-247.

GONZALEZ-ECHEGARAY, J. & FREEMAN, L.-G. (1998) – Le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen en Espagne, Ed. J. Million, Grenoble, Coll. L’homme des origines . Série “Préhistoire d’Europe”, no 6, 510 p. 214

ANALYSIS OF LITHIC MICRODEBRIS FROM A MOUSTERIAN LEVEL (20C) AT CUEVA DE EL CASTILLO (PUENTE VIESGO, CANTABRIA) Jesús BARBA REY Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología. UNED [email protected]

Alberto MINGO ÁLVAREZ Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología. UNED [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract: The exploitation and use of raw materials may be identified through the analysis of microdebitage and therefore, it is possible to verify the manufacture, use, and maintenance activities of tools. In the work presented herein, we show the methodology employed and the results of the lithic microdebitage study from level 20c (mousterian) at cueva de el castillo. Keywords: microdebitage, mousterian, cueva de el castillo, lithic production system, raw material

recurrent Levallois, whose debitage by-products would be used to make side-scrapers (Cabrera Valdés et al. 2000: 54-55). It is also remarkable the presence of cleavers, although other types of tools are very present such as denticulates, mousterian points, end-scrapers, etc. Regarding the cores, the most numerous are those prismatic, amorphous, and globulous, whereas the more habitual raw materials are quartzite and sílex. Recent investigations have shown the development of laminar operative schemes in level 20 and in the upper 21 with the objective to obtain bladelet. The chronological lapse has been dated between the 70,000 BP corresponding to unit 22 (by Electron Spin Resonance, ESR) and 43,000 BP for the ceiling of unit 20 (by C14 AMS) (Rink et al. 1997; Cabrera Valdés et al. 1996). On the other hand, Butzer (1981) assigned level 22 to Würm II, whereas level 20 was assigned to a cold phase previous to the interestadial Hengelo.

INTRODUCTION The present study deals with the specific analysis of lithic microdebris discovered at level 20c of the archaeological deposit at Cueva de El Castillo, which belongs to the transition period between Middle and Upper Palaeolithic. All lithic fragments smaller than 1 cm2 within the wide category proposed by Fish (1981) have been considered as lithic microdebris. This includes all the by-products of core preparation, the stages of tool-making and the products resulting from the modification and maintenance during the use-life of the artefacts (Fish, 1981:374). The overall target of the present work is to identify the activities related to the lithic production system (or chaîne opératoire) carried out at El Castillo during the manufacture, recycling, maintenance and use of tools. Analogously, we have considered the following specific goals:

METHODOLOGY

1. Analysis and discussion regarding the use of different lithic raw materials.

We have followed the analytical lines and codes proposed by Aschero (1975, 1983), Bellelli et al. (1985-1987) and Nami (1991a and b). The identification of the detached products was carried out according to the presence of certain attributes. Thus, the lithic pieces produced by intentional fracture in the base forms were considered as flakes, upon the identification of certain technological attributes.

2. Provide further contribution to understand better the formation dynamics of this deposit. BACKGROUND El Castillo Cave

The lithic microdebris studied comprises a total of 3927 pieces, collected from only three squares of 1m2 each (N16, N17 y N18). The variables and attributes analysed in the lithic microdebris are the following:

This cave is placed at Puente Viesgo (Cantabria, Spain), 30 kilometres south from Santander (Fig. 24.1). The thickness of level 20 ranges from 35 to 45 cm in the outer area, decreasing slightly towards the interior and the northwest wall. It is composed of dark sandy clays that contain a large amount of organic material with altered limestone pebbles and abundant rests of fauna and lithic industry (Cabrera Valdés et al. 1993). The industry is characterised by discoid operative schemes or centripetal

– Raw material: identification of different types of raw material. – State: a first classification of detached debris has been performed starting from the presence (or absence) of fragmentation (Bellelli et al. 1985-1987). In the present 215

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Fig. 24.1. Location of Cueva de El Castillo and the main palaeolithic sites around it

Fig. 24.2. El Castillo’s stratigraphy

stage of manufacture (Aschero, 1975 and 1983; Cowan, 1999; Nash, 1996).

work and within this category four different types of debris have been considered: complete flakes, fractured with platform flakes, fractured without platform flakes and undifferentiated flakes. The microdebris that shows such a high fracturation degree or a morphology that do not allow to differentiate the dorsal and ventral surfaces have been included in the last group (undifferentiated) despite coming from the flaking debitage.

RESULTS Raw lithic materials The analysis of the fragments recovered reveal sandstone, quartzite, limestone, quartz, flint and ophite as the raw lithic materials in agreement with those defined by Cabrera Valdés et al. (1996). Limestone has been considered in the calculation as was entered to the site, although its altered and decomposed state did not allow a clear identification. Therefore, this raw material has not been considered in the remaining tables. It is very important to note that flint also appears

– Module of Length – Width and Thickness. Relative dimensions of length and width are provided using Bagolini’s graph (1968), modified afterwards by Aschero (1975, 1983), and an absolute measurement -the thickness-. These attributes are used specifically for the evaluation of the different manufacturing stages found. – Presence of cortex. This provides information regarding the degree of reduction achieved at each 216

J. BARBA REY & A. MINGO ÁLVAREZ: ANALYSIS OF LITHIC MICRODEBRIS FROM A MOUSTERIAN LEVEL (20C) AT CUEVA DE EL CASTILLO

Tab. 24.3. Representation of cortex

altered, whereas the quartzite appears distributed as follows:

Cortex

Quartzite 1 (C1): Very fine grain, with a range of coloured small stones Quartzite 2 (C2): Fine grain, larger green-coloured stones

%

Quartzite 1

69,50%

Quartzite 2

2,25%

Quartzite 3

9,25%

Limestone

3,68%

Quartz

7,82%

Ophite

1,44%

Flint

4,36%

Total

100,00%

35,12%

Fractured with S.P.

14,41%

Fractures without S.P.

14,79%

Total

100,00%

%

Narrow blade

0,66%

Normal blade

4,65%

Medium-lengthened

10,49%

Medium-normal

27,09%

Short-wide

23,51%

Short very wide

17,93%

Short widest

15,67%

Total general

100,00%

The identification and analysis of the raw materials knapped for making sets of artefacts at archaeological sites provide some excellent features that may help to discern the technological strategies developed by human groups. In level 20 we have registered the preferential use of quartzite (mainly C1) in comparison to other raw materials found at El Castillo. This observation coincides with the results presented by Cabrera Valdés (1984). A comparison between raw materials observed for the microdebris and those found in tools of this same layer would render a deeper knowledge and comprehension of the implemented exploitation and use strategies.

% 35,68%

Module L-W

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Tab. 24.2. State of microdebris

Complete

100%

Tab. 24.4. Module of length-width of complete microdebris

When taking into consideration all the microdebris (except those in limestone) (Tab. 24.2), the undifferentiated flakes are the most represented (35,68%), followed very closely by the complete flakes (35,12%). The flakes fractured without a striking platform (14,79%) and those fractured with striking platform (14,41%) do not reach, adding both percentages, the 30%.

Undifferentiated

75,42%

The scale of intervals of the registered thickness show a significant number of microdebris into the thinnest group (0,05-0,3 mm).

State of Fragmentation

State

Ausence

The analysis of the length-width module is performed only over the complete microdebris, according to the work developed by Bellelli et al., (1985-1987). A predominance of the medium-normal modules was observed (27,09%), followed by short-wide (23,51%), short very wide (17,93%), short widest (15,67%) medium-lengthened (10,49%). Finally, the addition of the percentages corresponding to blades modules reached 5,31%.

Tab. 24.1. Raw Lithic Materials from the overall sample 1,71%

24,58%

Length-width module

Quartzite 1 (C1) is the more frequent type (69,50%), followed by quartzite 3 (9,25%), quartz (7,82%) and flint (4,36%). The remaining raw materials do not reach 4% (Tab. 24.1).

Sandstone

Presence Total

Quartzite 3 (C3): Very compact fine grain with inclusions of minuscule punctuations of opaque grey coloured manganese

Raw material

%

Cortex presence

The relatively low amount of cortex (24,58%) could be due to raw materials being entered without cortex or, alternatively, in an advanced state of reduction, where the large flakes and cores could keep part of cortex in any of their surfaces (Cowan 1999: 604; Nash, 1996: 86).

The presence of cortex represents 24,58% of the total assemblage, considering that includes primary, secondary, those having cortical striking platform and less than 25% of cortex in the dorsal surface. 217

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BELLELLI, C. [et. al.] (1985-1987) – análisis y procesamiento por desechos de talla lítica (DELCO. Computarizados). Arqueología Buenos Aires. 2: 1, p. 36-53.

As for the state of fragmentation, it was observed that the undifferentiated flakes added to the fractured flakes (with and without platforms) dominated the assemblage despite a slight predominance of complete flakes. This situation is in agreement with that proposed by Ingbar et al., (1989:120-121) and Sullivan and Rozen (1985:762-763). This occurs when the debris produced from the activities involved in the process of knapping tools reaches a much higher percentage of undifferentiated pieces along with those fractured with or without platforms.

Propuesta para el computadora de Desechos Líticos Contemporánea.

BOCEK, B. (1986) – Rodent ecology and burrowing behavior: predicted effects on archaeological site formation. American Antiquity. 51: 3, p. 589-603. BUTZER, K.W. (1981) – Cave sediments, Upper Pleistocene stratigraphy and Mousterian facies in Cantabrian Spain. Journal of Archaeological Science. 8, p. 133-183. CABRERA VALDÉS, V. (1984) – El yacimiento de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Santander). Bibliotheca Praehistorica Hispana. 22. 485 p.

The high index of fracture could also be due to: 1) the action of human trampling as previously established (see among others Clark, 1986; Maíllo Fernández, 1998; Villa, 1982); 2) knapping activities with hard hammers (Patterson and Sollberger, 1978); and 3) other factors that play a role in this breakage could be the action of burrowing animals and the intensity of trampling by other animals (Bocek 1986; Gómez, 1996; Hull, 1987; Gifford, 1978; Villa, 1982). In this case, we believe that the two first factors have largely influenced in the fragments investigated.

CABRERA VALDÉS, V. [et. al.] (1996) – Materias primas y formas líticas del Auriñaciense arcaico de la Cueva del Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie 1, Prehistoria y Arqueología. Madrid. 9, p. 141-158. CABRERA VALDÉS, V. [et. al.] (1996) – Materias primas y formas líticas del Auriñaciense arcaico de la Cueva del Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie 1, Prehistoria y Arqueología. Madrid. 9, p. 141-158.

The analysis of microdebris registered from level 20c at Cueva de El Castillo has provided the following information: 1. Predominance of quartzite (C1).

CABRERA VALDÉS, V. [et. al.] (2000) – Esquemas operativos laminares en el Musteriense Final de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie 1, Prehistoria y Arqueología. 13, p. 51-78.

2. Low index of cortex, which would indicate that the first stages of the chaîne opératoire were mainly carried out in other areas. 3. Verification of the development of manufacture, modification and optional maintenance activities on tools.

CLARK, J. (1986) – Another look at small debitage and microdebitage. Lithic Technology. 15, p. 2133. COWAN, F. (1999) – Making sense of flake scatters: lithic technological strategies and mobility. American Antiquity. 64: 4, p. 593-607.

Finally, one should note that a combination of the data coming from the analysis of microdebris and tools would further enrich the understanding of technological features, the selection of raw materials and use, and the process of site formation. Nevertheless, the study of microdebris per se is relevant because it may lead to the identification and detection of activities and processes involved in the lithic production system, which in turn may provide further evidence concerning the formation dynamics of archaeological records.

FISH, P. (1981) – Beyond tools: middle palaeolithic debitage analysis and cultural inference. Journal of Anthropological Research. 37, p. 374-386. GIFFORD, D. (1978) – Ethnoarchaeological observations on natural processes affecting cultural materials. In Gould, R., ed. – Explorations in Etnoarchaeology. Albuquerque. University of New Mexico Press. p. 77102. GÓMEZ, G. (1996) – Los pequeños mamíferos del sitio Arroyo Seco 2 (Ptdo. de Tres Arroyos, Pcia. de Bs. As.). Aspectos relacionados con la subsistencia, tafonomía y el paleoclima. Tesis de Licenciatura. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional del Centro. Olavarría. MS. HULL, K. (1987) – Identification of cultural site formation processes through microdebitage analysis. American Antiquity. 54, p. 851-855.

References ASCHERO, C. (1975) – Ensayo para una clasificación morfológica de artefactos líticos aplicada a estudios tipológicos comparativos. CONICET. Buenos Aires. MS. ASCHERO, C. (1983) – Ensayo para una clasificación morfológica de artefactos. Apéndice A y B. Cátedra de Ergología y Tecnología. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires. MS.

INGBAR, E., LARSON, M., BRADLEY, B. (1989) – A none tipologycal approach to debitage analysis. In Amick. D.; Maulding, R., eds. – Experiments in Lithic Technology. Oxford: B.A.R., p. 17-135. (BAR International Series; 528).

BAGOLINI, B. (1968) – Ricerche sulle dimensioni dei manufatti litici prehistorici non ritocatti. Annali dell’ Universita di Ferrara. Ferrara. Nuova Serie. Sezione XV, vol. I, N°10, p. 195-219. 218

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Fernando del Valle de Catamarca. Shinca.l 3: 1, p. 151-168.

MAÍLLO FERNÁNDEZ, J. (1998) – Proporciones de debris en réplicas de talla experimental. Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie 1, Prehistoria y Arqueología, 11:45-55.

NASH, S. (1996) – Is curation useful heuristic? In Odell, G., ed. – In Stone tools theoretical insights into human prehistory. New York & London. Plenum Press. p. 81-99.

MINGO, A. [et. al.] (2004) – Los microdesechos líticos del Auriñaciense de transición (nivel 18 b) de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Consideraciones tecnológicas y tafonómicas. Trabajos de Prehistoria. 61: 1, p. 47-61.

PATTERSON, L., SOLLBERGER, P. (1978) – Replication and classification of small size lithic debitage. Plains Anthropologist. 23: 80, p. 103-112.

MINGO, A., BARBA, J. (2001) – Estudio de los microdesechos líticos del nivel Auriñaciense (nivel 16) de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie 1, Prehistoria y Arqueología. 14, p. 151-165.

PERETTI, R., MINGO. A. (2000) – Estudios tafonómicos del nivel auriñaciense arcaico de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria): Los microdesechos líticos. Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie I, Prehistoria y Arqueología. 13, p. 89-124.

MINGO, A., BARBA, J. (in press) – Análisis tecnológico de los microdesechos líticos del nivel 19 base de la Cueva de El Castillo (Puente Viesgo, Cantabria). Zona Arqueológica.

RINK, W.J. [et. al.] (1997) – ESR Dating of Mousterian level at El Castillo Cave, Cantabria, Spain. Journal of Archaeological Science. 24, p. 593-600. SHOTT, M. (1994) – Size and form in the analysis of flake debris: review and recent approaches. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory. 1:1, p. 69-110.

NAMI, H. (1991a.) – Desechos de talla y teoría de alcance medio: un caso de península Mitre, Tierra del Fuego. Shincal. San Fernando del Valle de Catamarca. 3: 2, p. 94-112. Actas del X Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina.

SULLIVAN, A., ROZEN, K. (1985) – Debitage analysis and archaeological interpretation. American Antiquity. 50: 4, p. 755-759.

NAMI, H. (1991b) – Algunas reflexiones teóricas sobre arqueología y experimentación.. Actas del X Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina. San

VILLA, P. (1982) – Conjoinable pieces and site formation processes. American Antiquity. 47, p. 276-290.

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THE MESOLITHIC OF TROU AL’WESSE CAVE (BELGIUM) IN REGIONAL CONTEXT Rebecca MILLER, John STEWART, Nicolas ZWYNS, Pierre NOIRET Abstract: Recent excavations at the cave site of Trou Al’Wesse (Modave, Belgium) have yielded significant new data concerning the Mesolithic occupations at the site that contribute to understanding of the chronology and environmental context of the Belgian Mesolithic. We present the results of analyses of lithic and faunal assemblages, site taphonomy and spatial distribution, and discuss the relationship of the site with other Mesolithic sites in Belgium. Keywords: Mesolithic, Taphonomy, Space Résumé. La séquence des occupations mésolithiques du Trou Al’Wesse (Modave, Belgique) apporte des nouvelles données pertinentes à la compréhension de la chronologie du Mésolithique belge et son contexte environnemental. On présente des résultats préliminaires des analyses des ensembles lithiques et fauniques, la taphonomie du site et la répartition spatiale du matériel archéologique, suivi par une discussion du site dans son contexte régional en Belgique. Mots clés: Mesolithique, Taphonomie, Espace

possible to develop an interdisciplinary research program to address different aspects of the Pleistocene and Holocene from around 60,000 BP to 5,000 BP. Our project integrates archaeological, geological and paleoenvironmental data to place the human occupations in chronological and environmental context at regional and continental scales.

INTRODUCTION The University of Liège has been excavating the cave site of Trou Al’Wesse near Modave, Belgium since 1988 (Fig. 25.1). 19th century excavations include an initial trench in front of the cave entrance by Édouard Dupont in 1864, followed by a tunnel dug by Julien Fraipont and Max Lohest from 1885-87, incidentally the same team that discovered the Spy skeletons in 1886 using the same method.

Geological aims include interpretation of the depositional processes leading to the formation of the stratigraphic sequence, including significant post-depositional processes that affected the archaeological assemblages. Sedimentological analyses also shed light on the climatic sequence; integrated with palynological and faunal analyses, such data will help clarify the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene climate and environment in Belgium.

During the first phase of the recent Liege excavations (1988-2001), excavations focused on a 2 x 25 m longitudinal trench extending from the cave entrance to the alluvial plain of the Hoyoux River and a series of test pits both on the plain and in the cave. Geological and stratigraphic analyses were carried out to describe the long Pleisto-cene-Holocene sequence (Collin et al. 1996; Pirson 1999; Pirson & Collin 1997, 2005). The Mesolithic assemblage in stratum 4, at the time considered a single unit, was subject to technological and typological analyses by C. Derclaye (Derclaye 1999; Derclaye et al. 1999, 2000). The second phase of the project, begun in 2003, has expanded the excavations on the terrace and will begin systematic excavation inside the cave.

Comparison of stratum 12 (considered to be Late Glacial, 20-10,000 BP, based on fauna, although not yet dated) and the overlying Mesolithic facies of stratum 4b will address change and continuity in human behavior and environment at the Pleistocene-Holocene boundary, beginning with the warming trend after the Last Glacial Maximum and continuing to the Atlantic period. One hypothesis that will be tested can be considered the reverse of the northern refugia hypothesis, which suggests that some temperate species persisted in northern refugia during glacial periods (Stewart & Lister 2001). The reverse is that, during the warming trend, cold-adapted species persisted before becoming locally extinct as the southern limit of their habitat range contracted northwards. So it is interesting to know which species became extinct at the end of the Pleistocene and which persisted, at least for a time, at the beginning of the Holocene?

Trou Al’Wesse is one of the rare cave sites remaining in Belgium that contains a long sequence of intact deposits. The 60,000-year-long sequence contains a series of human occupations, including Mousterian, Aurignacian, Mesolithic and Neolithic levels, as well as strata rich in fauna. It is of particular importance for understanding cultural and environmental change during the Pleistocene and Early Holocene.

In terms of human occupation of northern Europe, and the origins of the Mesolithic in Belgium specifically, our goal is to examine land-use patterns prior to and during the Mesolithic. In this, we use lithic raw material and subsistence resource data, comparing the Mesolithic occupations from Trou Al’Wesse with the Lateglacial and Mesolithic occupations known elsewhere in Belgium. Trou Al’Wesse is unique in Belgium in that it contains a

This paper presents results for the Mesolithic and Neolithic assemblages found in the stratum 4 complex. PROJECT STRUCTURE AND AIMS The diversity and richness of the different types of data preserved in the deep Trou Al’Wesse deposits has made it 221

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 25.1. Trou Al’Wesse, site plan

and containing a Neolithic burial with 15 individuals (Masy 1993), opens onto the plateau above the site. Intact deposits are present both on the terrace and inside the cave.

series of stratified Mesolithic occupations dating from the end of the Early Mesolithic to Recent Mesolithic, thus indicating regular exploitation of the cave throughout the Mesolithic.

Conditions at the site would have been favorable for human occupations. Open to the southwest, the cave is warmed by afternoon sun; it is large and deep. Fresh water would have been available from the Hoyoux; different subsistence resources would have been accessible in the valley as well as on the Condroz Plateau. Flint may have been available locally in the form of river cobbles and certainly on the Hesbaye Plateau (Mehaigne Valley 15 km north and on the Meuse terraces between Liège and Maastricht, some 40 km distant).

THE SITE OF TROU AL’WESSE Trou Al’Wesse is located on the right bank of the Hoyoux, a tributary of the Meuse River originating on the Condroz Plateau. The cave consists of a large, relatively horizontal, gallery extending around 35 m to the back of the cave. The karstic system continues, but the corridors are filled with sediment and have not yet been explored. A 9 meter high chimney, excavated in the 19th century

222

R. MILLER ET AL.: THE MESOLITHIC OF TROU AL'WESSE CAVE (BELGIUM) IN REGIONAL CONTEXT

Fig. 25.2. Location of the principal Mesolithic sites in Belgium. 1: Trou Al’Wesse, 2: Grotte Margaux, 3: Abri Autours, 4: Grotte de la Martina, 5: Claminforge, 6: Grotte des Sarrasins, 7: Petit-Ri, 8: Bois Laiterie, 9: Ourthe Basin, 10: Hainaut province, 11: Place Saint Lambert, 12: Grognon, 13: Melsele ‘Hof ten Damme’, 14: Doel Deurganckdok, 15: Verrebroek Dok, 16: Abri du Pape rockshelter, 17: Coléoptère Cave at Bomal, 18: Lechat rockshelter at Hamoir, 19: Station Leduc at Remouchamps

thus lacking stratigraphic data and means of dating. Typological analysis was used to construct a relative chronology. Comparable evidence for Mesolithic occupation has also been recovered in surface context in western Belgium (Hainaut province) (Van Assche 2005).

THE BELGIAN MESOLITHIC The Mesolithic is fairly well-represented in Belgium by open-air sites, caves and rockshelters, but data is diverse, of variable quality and there are significant gaps in our understanding of the chronology, environment and human behavior of the Mesolithic. To place Trou Al’Wesse in geographic context, sites of the Belgian Mesolithic are summarized here (Fig. 25.2).

In contrast to such surface finds, two open-air sites in Wallonia contain Mesolithic and Neolithic occupations in stratified context. These are the Place Saint Lambert site in Liège (López Bayón 1994; Remacle et al. 2000; Van der Sloot 1999; van der Sloot et al. 2003) and the Grognon site in Namur (Meer 1993; Meer et al. 1997; Munaut & Defgnée 1997), both found in modern urban contexts on the Meuse River and which also contain medieval architectural layers. Dates obtained from these sites suggest Mesolithic occupation from Middle to Final Mesolithic. Their location on the banks of the Meuse or along small channels draining into the Meuse, the excellent preservation of fauna, particularly at the Tivoli zone of Place Saint Lambert, has made it possible to better understand hunting strategies, butchery practices and other activities that would have taken place at specialized open-air sites.

A series of Mesolithic burials is known from caves and rockshelters, for the most part discovered and analyzed by N. Cauwe and M. Toussaint (Grotte Margaux, Cauwe 1998; Abri Autours, Polet & Cauwe 2002; Grotte de la Martina, Dewez et al. 1995; Claminforge, and Grotte des Sarrasins, Toussaint et al. 1996; Petit-Ri, Jadin & Carpentier 1994; and most recently, Bois Laiterie, Otte & Straus [dir.] 1997). Interestingly, all of these burials – collective and individual – date only to the Early Mesolithic, between 9640 and 9015 uncal. BP; there is very little data on burial practices for the Middle and Late Mesolithic. The Ourthe Basin in eastern Belgium (Liège province) was subject to intensive surface survey and studied by A. Gob (Gob 1981) and more recently re-analyzed (Henrard 2003). Abundant evidence was found as surface finds,

In Flanders, large open-air sites have been discovered in the sandy lowlands of the Schelde River near Antwerp – Melsele ‘Hof ten Damme’, Doel Deurganckdok and

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Aurignacian, Mesolithic, Neolithic) in stratigraphic context. Comparison between other longitudinal and transversal profiles has verified the geometric coherence of the terrace deposits.

Verrebroek Dok (Crombé 1998, 2005). The first two sites have been subject to a systematic dating programme concentrating on hearths; a long series of dates demonstrates an Early to Final Mesolithic occupation of the region (Crombé et al. 2002).

Stratigraphic complex 4, based on geological and archaeological analyses (Pirson & Collin 2005; Miller et al. 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006), is now divided into strata 4a and 4b and stratum 4b further into four laterally superimposing facies descending downslope to the alluvial plain of the Hoyoux.

Caves and rockshelters containing single-stratum Mesolithic layers have been excavated in Wallonia (Abri du Pape rockshelter, Léotard et al. [dir.] 1999; Coléoptère Cave at Bomal, Dewez et al. 1983; Lechat rockshelter at Hamoir, Lausberg et al. 1984, Lausberg & Lausberg 1985; Station Leduc at Remouchamps, Gob 1981). These caves contain single occupation Mesolithic layers ranging from Early to Late Mesolithic.

Stratum 4a is attributed to the end of the Early Neolithic, based on the identification of the ceramic sherds found in the lower half of the stratum. These are associated with the remains of domesticated (ovicaprines, dog, domestic cattle) and wild (red deer) fauna, and Neolithic flint artifacts. Mesolithic artifacts in secondary context are also present, redeposited as a result of downslope erosion during the deposition of stratum 4a. Rare lithic artifacts attributed to the Neolithic are also present. A small perforated bone pendant, shaped in the form of a vestigial red deer canine, was found in this context. Finally, several elongated sandstone cobbles, interpreted as retouchers, were also found.

Trou Al’Wesse is, to date, the only site in Belgium to contain a stratified Mesolithic sequence for multiple occupations from Early to Late Mesolithic. ANALYSIS RESULTS A series of hypotheses has been proposed to address the nature of the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, the chronology of the Belgian Mesolithic and continuity and change during the Mesolithic. To test the hypotheses, geological, archaeological and paleoenvironmental analyses have been carried out on data recovered from the Holocene sequence at Trou Al’Wesse.

Stratum 4b contains a series of Mesolithic assemblages found in four separate facies (Į-į), dating from the end of the Early to Recent Mesolithic. Each facies contains a palimpsest of lithic artifacts and fauna, but the chronology of the facies appears to be coherent. The earliest facies (Į), dated to 9000 ± 40 uncal. BP (Beta209871), is closest to the entrance of the cave and appears to be the least disturbed by slope erosion. The other facies (ȕ), by contrast, has undergone significant downslope movement, although it appears to retain its assemblage integrity. Lithics are mostly patinated white, fauna is highly fragmented, burnt fauna and lithics are common and charred organics, particularly hazelnut shell, are extremely abundant in these two facies.

These analyses include: a) the geological interpretation of longitudinal profile M/N 5-18 (Pirson & Collin 2005), b) analysis of artifact spatial distribution in stratigraphic context (ceramics, lithics, fauna), c) preliminary description of the ceramic assemblage from stratum 4a, d) description of the perforated bone pendant from stratum 4a,

Facies Ȗ is clearly differentiated from the others by the presence of abundant small light-colored carbonate granules and tufa in brown sandy silt. Lithics are patinated differently and fauna is, in general, in a better state of preservation. Burned bone and flint, and charred organics, while present, are less common.

e) comparative analysis of the lithic assemblage structure for stratum 4a (Early Neolithic) and the Mesolithic facies of stratum 4b, f) faunal analysis for sample column K4: evaluation of the quantity and diversity of faunal remains present, preliminary environmental interpretation and confirmation of the Holocene attribution of complex 4, evaluation of methodology being developed for sedimentary clast analysis,

Facies į, excavated in part during phase 1 of the project, has not yet been excavated in the current phase. It has been dated to 6650 ± 70 uncal. BP (Lv-1751), or Late Mesolithic. Facies ȕ and Ȗ are currently being dated.

g) faunal analysis of identifiable piece-plotted fauna from complex 4, and h) initial dating of stratum 4b, facies Į.

Differences observed between the facies suggest that the site was regularly visited during the different phases of the Mesolithic, continuing a long tradition of human occupation beginning with the Middle Paleolithic. The assemblages within each facies are likely to be palimpsests of seasonal occupations. While analyses of the lithic and faunal assemblages inform on the technological and hunting activities that took place at the

GEOLOGY Interpretation of the longitudinal profile M/N 5-18, recently published by Pirson and Collin (2005), places the human occupations of Trou Al’Wesse (Mousterian,

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Fig. 25.3. Trou Al’Wesse, complex 4, row I 6-10. Vertical distribution of find classes site, redeposition has made it difficult to identify specific activity zones.

ARCHAEOLOGY One of the questions addressed in the second phase of the project was the provenience of the ceramic sherds found in stratum 4: to determine whether or not they were directly associated with the Mesolithic occupations. The vertical distribution as represented by artifacts in row I 610 (Fig. 25.3) clearly demonstrates the distinction between Neolithic stratum 4a and Mesolithic stratum 4b. All Early Neolithic sherds are found in the lower part of stratum 4a, associated with Neolithic artifacts (flint tools and debitage as well as elongated cobbles used as retouchers or polishers) and redeposited Mesolithic artifacts. No sherds are found in the facies of stratum 4b. This distribution, as well as more detailed stratigraphic interpretation of complex 4, clearly demonstrates the presence of an Early Neolithic stratum overlying the Mesolithic facies. There is currently no evidence to support the hypothesis of Mesolithic use of ceramics at Trou Al’Wesse. By contrast, ceramic sherds have been documented in Mesolithic context in the Tivoli zone at the Place Saint Lambert site in Liège (van der Sloot et al. 2003).

The vertical distribution of artifacts in stratigraphic context shows differences between the Mesolithic facies as well as variability between different zones on the terrace, due to variability in post-depositional geological processes. The zone directly in front of the cave entrance (rows N and O) has been subject to more intensive geological processes. Facies alpha and beta are here poor in archaeological material, while artifacts are much more common in facies gamma, located further downslope. Facies gamma has clearly been redeposited, with sediment containing flint and bone filling in the spaces around the large dolomite blocks present in underlying stratum 7a. In addition, the presence of carbonate and disintegrated dolomite fragments and tufa fragments indicate the action of geological processes different from those acting on facies alpha and beta, possibly flooding of the Hoyoux and bank erosion. In contrast, the zone to the right of the entrance (squares H-J 4-7), against the rock face, appears to have undergone less movement: facies alpha is 10-15 cm thick and contains a dense concentration of lithics and fauna, including extremely abundant small debris. This zone would have been protected by the rock face and is in part behind the drip line. Refitting, which is in progress, will clarify the integrity of the assemblages and permit estimation of the degree of downslope movement and mixing of deposits.

The broad artifact categories for the different assemblages in complex 4 show clear differences between the Early Neolithic in stratum 4a and the Mesolithic facies of 4b (Tab. 25.1). Stratum 4a contains all of the ceramic sherds, a series of retouchers on elongated cobbles and the bone pendant. The high degree of fragmentation of ceramics and their dispersal 225

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Tab. 25.1. Trou Al’Wesse. Stratigraphic distribution of find classes Stratum/facies Find class

Early Neolithic 4a

Mesolithic 4b-alpha

4b-beta

4b-gamma

4 sableuse

Total

lithics

692

778

512

788

37

2807

bone

1067

133

267

222

26

1715

teeth

87

14

15

23

1

140

ceramic sherds

103

103

retouchers

5

5

hematite/ochre

6

6

perforated bone pendant

1

1

Total

1961

925

794

1033

64

4777

throughout stratum 4a are consistent with downslope movement on the terrace; artifacts are in secondary position. Faunal remains are much more common, and often better preserved, than in any of the Mesolithic facies. The lithic assemblage is, however, limited, particularly when the redeposited Mesolithic component is excluded.

beta and gamma. The 20 armatures found during phase 2 include three with a retouched base, two with an unretouched base, a Tardenois point and a Zonhoven point. All twenty, however, are distal or mesial fragments; they may possibly be tools broken during hunting and brought back to the site within animal carcasses.

The Mesolithic assemblages are fairly similar in overall composition, although there are significant differences in terms of alteration (burnt flint and bone), patina, degree of bone fragmentation and density of microfauna, mollusks and charred organic remains within each facies, facies 4b-gamma in particular is quite different from alpha and beta.

Microlith production by-products (phase 1: n=90; phase 2: n=17) indicate on-site preparation of microliths, at least to some degree. Refitting will clarify the nature and intensity of on-site reduction activity.

Comparison of general assemblage structure shows that facies 4b-alpha reflects a greater degree of reduction activity in comparison with beta and gamma. Cores are rare and tools are equally present in each facies.

Preliminary results have been obtained from faunal analysis of sample column K4, located to the right of the cave entrance, adjacent to the transversal profile L-M 4/5 studied by Pirson (1999) (Fig. 25.4).

Typological classification of Mesolithic tools was carried out based on the typology used by Charlotte Derclaye (1999) for the analysis of the phase 1 excavation material of stratum 4. Nine tool classes were defined: endscrapers, perçoirs, burins, retouched flakes, blades and bladelets, armatures and microliths. A separate class groups microlith production technical by-products, including microburins, piquant-trièdres and notch fractures. The phase 1 toolkit, grouping stratum 4a and the 4b facies, comes from a longitudinal trench near the midline of the terrace (L-M 5-18). The phase 2 tools come from the zone to the right of this trench (G-I 6-10) and to the left (O6-13 and N7-8, N 12-13).

Samples 4 and 5, attributed to complex 4, support the Holocene attribution. Taxa represented among the small mammals include mole, fat dormouse, mouse and bank vole, which all indicate a temperate climate, grassland and deciduous forest. However, the presence of collared lemming may be the result of redeposited Pleistocene deposits. In general, their presence would indicate open tundra, absent in the Belgian Ardenne since the Late Pleistocene. The complex 4 samples also contain taxa reflecting a local aquatic habitat: fish (eel, percids and cyprinids) and amphibians. The other constant habitat is the cave itself, represented by bats and swallows.

Among the tools, certain types are temporally sensitive. For example, the Recent Mesolithic is characterized by Montbani retouched blades and abundant trapezes. However, while Montbani blades were found during phase 1, the different facies had not yet been distinguished and thus facies attribution is impossible. Trapezes are, however, rare in both phases (phase 1: n=13; phase 2: n=2). The most common microliths are scalene triangles (phase 1: n=10; phase 2: n=13) which, in phase 2, are evenly distributed among facies alpha,

Sample 10 from Lateglacial stratum 12 is proportionately dominated by bird remains including undetermined song birds and one confirmed ptarmigan or red/willow grouse bone. The latter birds are very commonly found in Late Pleistocene deposits of the last glaciation (Tyrberg 1995, 1998; Stewart 1999) and are generally taken to be indicative of an open steppe tundra habitat. The only identified microtines are short-tailed / common vole remains that indicate the presence of grassland. An aquatic habitat is also indicated.

ENVIRONMENT

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R. MILLER ET AL.: THE MESOLITHIC OF TROU AL'WESSE CAVE (BELGIUM) IN REGIONAL CONTEXT

Fig. 25.4. Trou Al’Wesse. Sample column K4, upper section

This preliminary study gives some general indications of the local environment. Other columns have been selected for systematic sampling to integrate more precise analyses of fauna, mollusks, pollen and charred organics, in order to more clearly distinguish the different strata

and facies of complex 4 as well as the Pleistocene sequence. Identification of piece-plotted fauna from complex 4 has demonstrated the presence of domesticated fauna in 227

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stratum 4a in addition to classic Holocene species like roe deer, auroch and beaver. These include ovicaprines, possible pig, cattle, and dog.

gique de la couche 4 du Trou Al’Wesse (PetitModave, province de Liège, Belgique). Notae Praehistoricae 19, p. 85-95. DERCLAYE, Ch., LÓPEZ BAYÓN, I., COLLIN, F. & OTTE, M. (2000) – Contributions à l’étude des dépôts de la grotte du Trô Al’Wesse à Petit-Modave: étude du matériel archéologique de la couche 4. Journée d’Archéologie liégeoise, p. 57-71.

CONCLUSIONS The site of Trou Al’Wesse contains a complex stratigraphy rich in different kinds of data that make it possible to carry out a hypothesis-driven interdisciplinary project addressing a series of research questions at different scales of analysis. Such questions integrate geological, archaeological and paleontological data to clarify the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene sequence in Belgium and to place the human occupations at Trou Al’Wesse in context.

DEWEZ, M., CORDY, J.-M., GILOT, E. & GROESSENS Van DYCK, M.-C. (1995) – La Grotte de La Martina (Dinant, Belgique) et sa sépulture mésolithique (Mesolithic burial place in La Martina Cave (Dinant, Belgium). Comptes rendus de l’Académie des sciences. Série 2. Sciences de la terre et des planètes 321(7):639-641. GOB, A. (1981) – Le Mésolithique dans le bassin de l’Ourthe. Mémoire n°3 de la SOWAP, Liège.

Acknowledgments

HENRARD, D. (2003) – Le Mésolithique du bassin de l’Ourthe (Belgique): implantation dans le paysage et néolithisation. L’Anthropologie (Paris) 107(5):615644.

This project is supported financially by subsidies from the Minister of the Walloon Region (n° 02/16341, 03/15718, 04/15844 and 05/13532). We would like to thank the Compagnie Intercommunale Bruxelloise des Eaux (CIBE) and the Collège de Bourgmestre et Échevins de Modave for their cooperation and logistical support. Thanks are also due to the many students who have participated in excavation and laboratory analysis over the past four years.

JADIN, I. & CARPENTIER, M. (1994) – La sépulture mésolithique du Petit Ri à Malonne (Namur, Belgique). Contexte archéologique et position chronologique. Anthropologie et préhistoire 105:127-146; 65-82. LAUSBERG, J. & LAUSBERG, P. (1985) – Analyses au radiocarbone à la grotte Lechat à Hamoir. Archaeologia Belgica, special number, p. 142.

Web site for Trou Al’Wesse: http://www.paleolithics.com

LAUSBERG, J., PIRNAY, L. & OTTE, M. (1984) – Seconde campagne de fouille de la grotte Lechat à Hamoir. Archaeologia Belgica 258:9-12.

CAUWE, N. (1998) – La grotte Margaux à AnseremmeDinant. Étude d’une sépulture collective du Mésolithique ancien. Liège: ERAUL 59.

LOPEZ BAYON, I. (1994) – La faune mésolithique de la place St-Lambert à Liège. Notae Praehistoricae 14:125-145.

COLLIN, F., LOPEZ BAYON, I., OTTE, M., DERCLAYE, C., & TRINH, D. (1996) – Interprétation de la chrono-stratigraphie sur la terrasse du Trou Al’Wesse (Petit-Modave, Province de Liège). Notae Praehistoricae 16:47-53.

MASY, Ph. (1993) – La sépulture collective néolithique du Trou Al’Wesse à Modave (province de Liège). Bulletin des Chercheurs de la Wallonie 33:81-99.

References

MEER, N. (1993) – L’occupation néolithique et mésolithique du Grognon à Namur. Notae Praehistoricae 13:95-96.

CROMBÉ, Ph. (1998) – The Mesolithic in Northwestern Belgium: Recent excavations and surveys. Oxford: BAR Publishing. BAR S716.

MEER, N., PLUMIER, J., MUNAUT, A.-V., DEFGNEE, A. & Van NEER, W. (1997) – Namur (Nr), L’occupation du confluent du “Grognon” au Mésolithique et au Néolithique. In: M.-H. Corbiau (ed.), Le patrimoine archéologique de Wallonie. Division du Patrimoine, Namur, p. 156-158.

CROMBÉ, Ph. (2005) – The Last Hunter-GathererFishermen in Sandy Flanders (NW Belgium). The Verrebroek and Doel excavation projects. Gand: Archaeological Reports Ghent University (ARGU).

MILLER, R. & OTTE, M. (2003) – Trou Al’Wesse: Rapport préliminaire des fouilles 2003. Notae Praehistoricae 23:75-78.

CROMBÉ, P, PERDAEN, Y., SERGANT, J., Van ROEYEN, J-P. & Van STRYDONCK, M. (2002) – The Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in the sandy lowlands of Belgium: new evidence. Antiquity 76: 699-706.

MILLER, R., ZWYNS, N. & OTTE, M. (2004) – Le site du Trou Al’Wesse (commune de Modave): Campagne de fouilles 2004. Notae Praehistoricae 24:109116.

DERCLAYE, C. (1999) – Étude du matériel archéologique de la couche 4 du Trô Al’Wesse. Mémoire de licence, Université de Liège. 2 volumes.

MILLER, R., ZWYNS, N., STEWART, J., OTTE, M. & NOIRET, P. (2005) – La séquence holocène du Trou Al’Wesse: géologie, archéologie et environnement. Notae Praehistoricae 25:129-144.

DERCLAYE, C., LOPEZ BAYON, I., COLLIN, F. & OTTE, M. (1999) – Contributions à la connaissance du Mésolithique récent en Ardennes. Étude archéolo228

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STEWART, J.R. & LISTER, A.M. (2001) – Cryptic northern refugia and the origins of modern biota. Trends in Ecology and Evolution, 16(11):608-613.

MILLER, R., ZWYNS, N., STEWART, J., TOUSSAINT, M. & OTTE, M. (2006) – Trou Al’Wesse: Campagne de Fouilles 2006. Notae Praehistoricae 26.

STEWART, J.R. (1999) – Intraspecific variation in modern and Quaternary European Lagopus. Smithsonian Contributions to Paleobiology, 89:159168.

MUNAUT, A.-V. & DEFGNEE, A. (1997) – Palynologie: un Mésolithique initial dans la vallée de la Meuse au Grognon (Namur). Acte 5, Cinquième journée d’Archéologie namuroise, p. 29-30.

TOUSSAINT, M., RAMON, F. & DEWEZ, M. (1996) – L’ossuaire mésolithique ancien de la grotte de Claminforge à Sambreville (Province de Namur). Actes de la 4e journée d’archéologie namuroiseDGATLP / Namur 24 Février 1996, 4:19-32.

OTTE, M. & STRAUS, L.G. (dir.), (1997) – La grotte du Bois Laiterie. Recolonisation magdalénienne de la Belgique. Liège: ERAUL 80. PIRSON, S. (1999) – Étude sédimentologique préliminaire au Trou A’Wesse (Modave, Belgique). Bulletin des Chercheurs de la Wallonie, XXXIX:115-177.

TYRBERG, T. (1995) – Palaeobiogeography of the genus Lagopus in the West Palearctic. Courier Forschungs-institut Senckenberg, 181:275-291.

PIRSON, S. & COLLIN, F. (1997) – Révision de la stratigraphie pléistocène du Trou Al’Wesse. Notae Praehistoricae, 17: 39-43.

TYRBERG, T. (1998) – Pleistocene birds of the Palaearctic. A Catalogue. Publ. Nutall Ornith. Club, 27: 1-720.

PIRSON, S. & COLLIN, F. (2005) – Contribution à la stratigraphie du Trou Al’Wesse à Petit-Modave (comm. de Modave, prov. de Liège). Notae Praehistoricae 25:39-47.

Van der SLOOT, P. (1999) – Première approche technoéconomique du gisement mésolithique de la place Saint-Lambert à Liège: le secteur “SDT”. Notae Praehistoricae 19:75-83.

POLET, C. & CAUWE, N. (2002) – Les squelettes mésolithiques et néolithiques de l’abri des Autours (Province de Namur, Belgique). Comptes rendus. Palevol 1(1):43-50.

Van der SLOOT, P., DAMBLON, F., DEBENHAM, N., FECHNER, K., GOB, A., HAESAERTS, P., HAUZEUR, A., JADIN, I., LEOTARD, J.-M., REMACLE, M. & VANMONTFORT, B. (2003) – Le Mésolithique et le Néolithique du site Saint-Lambert à Liège dans leur contexte chronologique, géologique et environnemental. Synthèse des données et acquis récents. Notae Praehistoricae 23:79-104.

REMACLE, M., Van der SLOOT, P., LOPEZ BAYON, I. & LEOTARD, J.-M. (2000) – Liège, place SaintLambert. De nouvelles traces d’occupation mésolithique et néolithique sur les berges de la Légia. Notae Praehistoricae 20:137-142.

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AN INSIGHT INTO THE INTEGRAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATIVE POTTERY IN SOUTHERN ARGENTINE PUNA Aixa S. VIDAL [email protected] Abstract: This paper proposes an insight into the use of ceramic materials in three sites in Southern Argentine Puna: Casa Chávez Montículos, Real Grande 6 and Cueva Cacao 1A. Chronologically and culturally they correspond to the local Formative. Their features are quite different: a village, a hilltop hunting-herding site and a ritual and rock art cave, though their ceramic assemblages are comparable from a technological and formal perspective. The analysis presented here aims at studying the potential functions of these vessels, particularly in what we would call a domestic context. Key words: Formative, southern Puna, domestic pottery

are concentrated in specific points or “nutrient concentration areas” (ZCN sensu Yacobaccio, 1994) due to water availability, such as the microenvironments of the basin bottoms and protected gorges.

We propose an analytical view of the pottery material from three sites in southern Argentine Puna: the residential-base Casa Chávez Montículos, the hilltop hunting-herding site Real Grande 6 and the complex Cueva Cacao 1A, with exceptional ritual and rock art findings. These sites, of diverse functionalities and located in different ecological areas in the region, are, however, chronologically and culturally placed in a period characterized as Formative, with human groups increasingly developing a basically agrarian and herding activity. In spite of their different features, the three sites present a pottery assemblage comparable from a technological and formal point of view.

The Antofagasta de la Sierra micro-region was subdivided into three micro-environmental sections with high concentration of resources (Olivera, 1992): the Basin bottom (3,400-3,550 m.a.s.l.), the Intermediate Sectors (3,550-3,900 m.a.s.l.) and the High gorges (3.900-4.600 m.a.s.l.), whose topographic and resource differences were strongly related to the structure and dynamics of local populations (Escola, 2004; Olivera and Elkin, 1994). The three sites mentioned in this paper (Casa Chávez Montículos, Cueva Cacao 1A and Real Grande 6) correspond to this environmental division.

This analysis aims at studying the possible functions fulfilled by these recipients, especially in what we can consider a domestic context in all these varied locations.

AGRO-PASTORAL SETTLEMENTS IN ANS THE STUDY AREA In different works, Olivera (1988, 1991, 1992, among others) postulated in Antofagasta de la Sierra area the “dynamic sedentarism” model to explain early agropastoral settlements in southern Puna (ca. 2400-900 AP). Summing up, he states that the human groups in this area implemented an agro-pastoral economy with predominance of camelid herding and the contribution of hunting and gathering activities. This model implies a high degree of sedentarism in base settlements, supplemented with a logistics that demands a variable degree of mobility by some members of the group. It would allow the exploitation of areas with high resource concentration, either directly and periodically, or indirectly, by complementarity mechanisms and exchange relations.

The archaeological sites in Antofagasta de la Sierra department (ANS), north-western Catamarca province, are located in the Atacama Puna, a high desert (3,6003,800 m.a.s.l.) with strong solar radiation, great daily thermal variation, marked seasonality with poor summer rains (0-700 mm annually), low atmospheric pressure and irregular distribution of nutrients, determined by important variations in the weather, the topography, the geology and the biomass (Olivera and Elkin, 1994; Yacobaccio et al. 1994). Antofagasta de la Sierra is an endorreic basin running into Antofagasta lagoon, between Antofagasta and Alumbrera volcanoes. The vegetation, in the AndeanPuna fitogeographical region, is characterized by shrublike, halofilous, herbaceous steppe, and damps in different proportions (Cabrera, 1976). Fauna is mainly manifested in camelids, rodents, some carnivorous, lagomorphs and many species of birds, with a low diversity of medium-size mammals (Olivera and Elkin, 1994).

This proposal explains the presence of settlements like Residential bases of annual habitation in the basin bottom, and the seasonal use of protected gorges in intermediate and high areas favourable for herding and hunting, generating temporary settlements or high hunting/herding posts of recurrent occupation. Apart from this differentiation in use according to resource availability, it is necessary, as recent research in the area indicates (Olivera et al. 2004, 2005), to consider the general

Due to the pluvial regime, together with frosts, unpredictable snowstorms and strong winds, puna environment is heterogeneous and unstable, and resources 231

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After 1600 BP there is a lacustrian regression, with deposition and erosion in middle gorges. The high evaporation seems to indicate higher temperatures and dryness, without substantial modification of vegetal levels in previous resource concentration areas (Olivera et al. 2004a). In spite of it, in the social sphere the changes are notorious: CChM is abandoned and the site of Bajo del Coypar is built on the opposite side of the river, related to important agricultural areas (Olivera and Vigliani, 1999).

environmental conditions for the region at the time of the settlement of these first herding-agricultural groups. The palaeoclimatic features did not vary environmental diversity but would have certainly influenced risk estimation by the human groups of the moment, conditioning subsistence and applied technology.

THE SITES Casa Chávez Montículos (CChM) Casa Chávez Montículos site is located in the basin bottom (3,600 m.a.s.l.), on the left side of the Antofagasta/Punilla river, next to the tolar-field area, one of the most fertile micro-environmental sectors for agricultural practices, with good summer grasses for camelid herding. It is a group of ten mounded structures of different dimensions divided in two groups around a depressed central space, with a large number of archaeological materials both in the structures and in the intermediate areas. The studies on site formation processes determine an artificial origin for the mounds, with some scarce natural sedimentation (Olivera and Nasti, 1993). Two mounds were thoroughly studied: 1 and 4 (Olivera 1991). In both mounds, there is stratigraphic evidence of different kinds of structures (habitation, dump, artificial dig structures, hearths), remains of making and use of pottery, abundant lithic material (Escola, 2004c), rests of agricultural activities and processing and consumption of camelids, mainly still-born and young animals, which may indicate some selectivity in animal management (Olivera, 1991; Olivera and Elkin, 1994; Olivera and Nasti, 1993). These elements, together with its long occupational sequence (1530-2120 BP), suggest the existence of an agro-pastoral community with a high degree of sedentarism, probably with a year-round occupation (Olivera and Elkin, 1994).

Fig. 26.1. Location of the sites

According to the sedimentological profiles analyzed by Olivera et al. (2004a), in Antofagasta de la Sierra, between 3000 and 1600 BP, the reduction of 180 and 13C levels may indicate a lacustrian expansion in some areas such as Los Colorados lagoon and swamp formation in high gorges, with an increase in humidity and a probable decline of temperatures.

Real Grande 6 (RG6)

On the one hand, these changes seem to be related to a specific view of the landscape, whose symbolic evidences are still found in caves and shelters such as Cueva Cacao 1A, Real Grande 9, Quebrada Seca 3 and Punta de la Peña 11A (Olivera et al. 2001). By this period, the first cultigens appear in the area (Olivera et al. 2004a), corresponding with a possible population movement towards basin bottoms, abandoning other areas that would be left exclusively for grasses and hunting activities (Tchilinguirian and Olivera, 2004).

This site is next to RG1 and shares its features. They are located on the left side of the high swamp of Real Grande (4,050 m.a.s.l.), in the medium/upper flow of the Las Pitas river, with abundant resources of water and grasses all year long, ideal for winter herding supplemented by high straw (Olivera and Elkin, 1994). This site has no absolute dates, however, due to its similarity with RG1 we can place it chronologically between 1110 and 680 BP (Olivera 1992).

Towards the end of this period, agriculture increase and population growth force the settlement in fixed sites in intermediate areas and high gorges, where cultural influences from valley groups appear, especially in decorated pottery.

Materials are still under study (Escola and Peña, pers. com.); in general, we can say that they do not strongly differ from RG1 material. This larger site revealed abundant lithic and archaeofaunistic remains and a few ceramic fragments, mostly utilitarian pottery. The 232

A.S. VIDAL: AN INSIGHT INTO THE INTEGRAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATIVE POTTERY IN SOUTHERN ARGENTINE PUNA

Tab. 26.1. Pottery from Casa Chávez Montículos, Mound 1 firing atmosphere

texture

colour

inclusions

CChM-Group red.

1

2

3

red. inc.

ox.

ox. inc.

lamin.

granul.

brittle

comp.

3

3

org.+inorg.

8

2

4

6

1

7

1

11

10

10

0

12

8

33

65

17

42

49

4

69

101

63

3

122

39

1c (n=5)

1

1

2

1

1

1

0

3

2

3

0

1

4

2a (n=50)

16

12

13

9

1

18

3

28

24

26

1

21

28

2b (n=586)

145

119

253

69

90

227

30

239

316

271

12

364

216

2c (n=39)

9

5

21

4

4

234

2

19

18

21

0

26

13

3a (n=4)

2

0

2

0

0

3

0

1

3

1

0

2

2

3b (n=48)

18

8

16

6

8

18

7

15

19

29

0

26

22

3c (n=5)

1

1

2

1

1

1

1

2

1

4

0

3

2

unimodal

bimodal

small

med.

large

surface treatment

trimodal

s.-med.

med.-l.

s.-med.-l.

v. smooth

amount of inclusions

smooth

rough

scarce

medium

abund.

1a (n=20)

5

0

0

7

2

6

20

0

0

0

20

0

1b (n=164)

65

1

1

77

1

19

0

164

0

5

151

8

1c (n=5)

0

0

0

78

0

2

0

0

5

0

5

0

2a (n=50)

7

0

0

31

0

12

50

0

0

4

43

3

2b (n=586)

65

8

2

368

10

133

0

586

0

16

509

61

2c (n=39)

5

0

0

16

4

14

0

0

39

0

32

4

3a (n=4)

0

0

0

4

0

0

4

0

0

0

4

0

3b (n=48)

9

1

0

20

2

16

0

48

0

4

37

7

3c (n=5)

0

0

0

3

1

1

0

0

5

0

5

0

composition rock

2

inorg.

49

CChM-Group

1

org.

1a (n=20)

CChM-Group

2

no homog.

1b (n=164)

size

1

homog.

mica

sooth presence quartz

others

yes

thickness

observations

no

1a (n=20)

0

5

13

2

3

17

4 to 5

1b (n=164)

2

12

126

24

13

151

2 to 5

1c (n=5)

0

0

3

2

2

3

5

2a (n=50)

0

6

26

18

8

42

6 to 8

2b (n=586)

9

52

377

148

52

534

6 to 8

2c (n=39)

3

3

15

18

3

36

6 to 8

3a (n=4)

0

2

1

1

0

4

9 to 10

3b (n=48)

0

3

31

14

5

43

9 to 14

3c (n=5)

1

1

2

1

0

5

9 to 13

2 lipids

4 lipids

dominance of Lama vicugna bones suggests that most faunal remains recovered came from hunting activities. Complementarily, the existence of skeletal parts of poor yield indicates the predominance of camelid killing and processing activities over consumption (Olivera, 1992; Olivera and Elkin, 1994).

complete pieces may have been abandoned in view of a return to the site. These practices may be seen as cultural mechanisms to reduce or minimize the frequency and severity of supplying risks.

Escola (2004b) states that, in RG1, most of the lithic assemblage in made of simple and complex instruments that were transported there to fulfil specific functions in the high post. She also stresses that many of them were discarded when exhausted or fragmented, though some

Cueva Cacao is a site that integrates two eaves: one with abundance of rock art and some stone structures (1A) and another one with fewer representations (1B), located in the archaeological area of Paicuqui, about 20 km north of Antofagasta.

Cueva Cacao 1A (CC1A)

233

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

all cases, without marked structural differences, but with some peculiar features interesting enough to postulate decision-making as regards the selection of already manufactured vessels to be carried out to the different sites.

From the different occupational levels, we will discuss here the upper layers that correspond to agro-pastoral moments and, probably, a late Arcaic. The record for these periods shows pottery fragments, lithic artefacts, archaeobotanic and archaeofaunistic remains, and elements related to rock art. Available absolute dates place the upper occupations between ca. 1000 and 1400 BP, whereas a data of 3390 BP corresponds to the Arcaic occupations (Olivera et al., 2003).

In the three sites we found fragments representing Groups 1, 2 and 3, though in different number. The proportionally most abundant Group is the second one (thickness between 6 and 8 mm), followed by Group 1 (thickness 8 mm), that also varies in time, as seen in the strong reduction recorded in the later levels of CChM. In the case of RG6, the presence of thicker containers is virtually inexistent.

In CC1A two structures were identified, one for storing built with stone slabs and kneaded clay mortar, with two possible reuse events, and a probable cist grave that contained wood remains dated in ca. 1000 BP. Rock paintings and engravings show a variety of representations and styles, related to different moments in the use of the site, from the Formative period in the area (3000/3200-1500 BP) to Desarrollos Regionales and Inka (1100-465 BP), with predominance of representations typical of Formative and Medio periods (3000-1100 BP), without definite limitation of the stylistic space as regards chronology (Aschero, 1999, 2000).

In the residential base, Group 1 is not too numerous, but it embeds the larger amount of vessels with sooth remains. They are sherds with very thin walls, not apt to tolerate large structures, with both surfaces smoothed or almost polished, especially on the internal side (Vidal, 2002). In the rest of the sites, this situation is repeated, but it is the second group the one that shows evidences of sooth deposits, as well a larger number of sherds with internal polish.

THE CERAMIC SAMPLE No doubt, Group 2 is the most numerous in all the sites, in particular variant 2b, with both surfaces smoothed only; furthermore, this situation is kept alongside the period. However, it is not strange, as it seems to be the standard of the traditionally called “ordinary pottery”, that is, without decoration and with a smooth surface.

The totality of utilitarian pottery from the three sites was analysed from an archaeometric perspective of fabric analysis. Considering the sherd as the unit, we recorded both surface and fabric features. As regards surfaces, we considered manufacture technique and total thickness of the sherd. Fabric analysis demanded the join consideration of a series of elements, i.e. firing atmosphere, texture, colour distribution, kind, size and amount of inclusions, and mineral composition.

As regards the different varieties of firing atmospheres, the distance between CChM and the rest of the sites is even greater. Whereas in the residential base there is a high variety, being represented –though unequallycomplete and incomplete firings, in RG6 and CC1A, on the opposite, most fragments presented either a reducing atmosphere or an oxidizing one, but always complete. In the case of RG6 there is a strong predominance of the second type. If we consider that incomplete firing atmospheres imply technical deficiencies, we can postulate that only higher quality recipients were selected for temporary sites.

The first division was established according to thickness, as it is one of the variables more sensitive to tecnofunctional differentiation (sensu Rice, 1996). The sample was later subdivided according to a reiterative gathering of important attributes to differentiate vessel structure: surface treatment, size and amount of inclusions, and firing atmosphere. Following these divisions we postulated three groups, with three subdivisions each, summarized in Tables 26.1, 26.2 and 26.3.

As regards the abundance of reducing firings in all the sites, we can possible be considering the consequences of a successive exposition to coal open fires and not of the initial firing. It is interesting to note that in CC1A this kind of firing is predominant in all the groups, whereas in CChM it is predominant only in Groups 1 and 2, and in RG6 is almost exclusive of Group 2.

In the three sites analyzed, the morphological characterization is just tentative because only a low number of diagnostic samples of bases and borders were found. In all cases, however, they seem to be vessels of different sizes, generally with projected borders and concave bases. There are also pucos (bowls) and medium-size and straight wall vessels. As regards size, border estimations indicate openings between 5 and 15 cm wide, being predominant the 10 cm diameter. These borders correspond to non-restricted openings and convex border vessels, between 5 and 9 mm thick.

Though texture is almost similar in all the cases, in CChM it is mainly granular and compact, but in the other two sites the proportion is inverted. On the other hand, the low percentages of laminar textures disappear in the latter groups, appearing some friable sherds that may be affected by postdepositional processes. In general, sherds with granular fabrics show certain amount of macroscopically visible porosity and are more brittle,

The division in groups and subgroups was useful in the three contexts, revealing a homogeneous technology in

234

A.S. VIDAL: AN INSIGHT INTO THE INTEGRAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATIVE POTTERY IN SOUTHERN ARGENTINE PUNA

Tab. 26.2. Pottery from Cueva Cacao 1A firing atmosphere

CC1A-Group

1a (n=6) 1

2

3

texture

colour

red.

red. inc.

ox.

ox. inc.

lamin.

granul.

brittle

comp.

homog.

no homog.

org.

inorg.

org.+inorg.

1

1

4

0

0

3

1

2

5

1

0

5

1

1b (n=15)

5

1

9

0

0

12

1

2

10

5

0

14

1

1c (n=1)

0

0

1

0

1

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

0

2a (n=8)

4

1

3

0

0

6

0

2

6

2

0

7

1

2b (n=19)

8

0

10

0

0

17

0

2

9

10

0

10

9

2c (n=3)

1

0

2

0

0

3

0

0

2

1

0

1

2

3a (n=5)

3

0

2

0

0

0

0

5

2

3

0

3

2

3b (n=5)

2

0

3

0

0

1

0

4

3

2

0

4

1

3c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

size CC1A-Group

1

2

3

3

bimodal

amount of inclusions

trimodal

small

med.

large

s.-med.

med.-l.

s.-med.-l.

v. smooth

smooth

rough

scarce

medium

abund.

1a (n=6)

3

0

0

3

0

0

6

0

0

0

5

1

1b (n=15)

0

0

0

4

0

11

0

15

0

0

11

4

1c (n=1)

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

1

0

1

0

2a (n=8)

1

0

0

6

0

1

8

0

0

0

8

0

2b (n=19)

2

0

0

13

0

5

0

19

0

0

14

5

2c (n=3)

0

0

0

1

0

2

0

0

3

0

3

0

3a (n=5)

2

0

0

3

0

0

5

0

0

0

5

0

3b (n=5)

1

0

0

0

0

4

0

5

1

0

2

2

3c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1a (n=6)

2

surface treatment

unimodal

composition

CC1A-Group

1

inclusions

sooth presence

thickness

rock

mica

quartz

others

yes

no

0

5

4

0

2

4

4 to 5

1b (n=15)

4

9

9

0

4

11

4 to 5

1c (n=1)

0

1

1

0

0

1

5

2a (n=8)

2

2

3

0

1

7

6 to 8

2b (n=19)

2

8

2

0

7

12

6 to 8

2c (n=3)

0

2

1

0

0

3

6 to 8

3a (n=5)

2

0

2

0

2

3

9 to 10

3b (n=5)

3

1

4

1

2

2

9,10,11,13

3c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

with a higher number of larger and more variable inclusions. Laminar fabrics are quite important in the Lower Component of CChM and are drastically reduced in the Upper Component, especially in some groups, such as 1 and 3, matching the numbers in the other sites (Vidal, 2003). Typically, this texture is associated to large amounts of very small muscovite grains in the case of Group 1, and a selection of minerals in Group 3.

observations

3 lipids

2 raw

elements), with a slight predominance of the first. On the opposite, in CC1A virtually all the sample has mineral contents exclusively and, in the case de RG6, these proportions are reversed. The kind of materials is common to all the assemblage: burned vegetables, different types of rocks, all varieties of mica, angular and rounded quartz grains, etc. Mineral inclusions present a higher variety both in composition and in size, though quartz is predominant, rounded or angular, typical of local lithology. In a reduced

In the sample of CChM utilitarian pottery, inclusions are either absolutely inorganic or mix (organic and inorganic

235

TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Tab. 26.3. Pottery from Real Grande 6 firing atmosphere

RG6-Group

1a (n=8) 1

2

3

texture

colour

red.

red. inc.

ox.

ox. inc.

lamin.

granul.

brittle

comp.

homog.

no homog.

org.

inorg.

org.+inorg.

2

0

6

0

0

3

0

5

7

1

0

6

3

1b (n=7)

0

0

7

0

0

3

2

2

7

0

0

7

0

1c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2a (n=12)

7

1

4

0

0

7

3

2

9

3

0

6

6

2b (n=19)

5

4

4

6

0

10

3

6

14

5

0

9

10

2c (n=2)

2

0

0

0

0

0

0

2

1

1

0

1

1

3a (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3b (n=5)

2

1

1

1

0

3

1

1

3

1

1

1

3

3c (n=1)

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

1

size RG6-Group

1

2

3

unimodal

3

surface treatment

trimodal

amount of inclusions

med.

large

s.-med.

med.-l.

s.-med.-l.

v. smooth

smooth

rough

scarce

medium

abund.

1a (n=8)

5

0

1

1

0

1

8

0

0

0

7

1

1b (n=7)

2

0

0

5

0

0

0

7

0

0

5

2

1c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

2a (n=12)

3

0

0

9

0

0

12

0

0

0

11

1

2b (n=19)

3

2

0

10

2

3

19

0

0

0

0

0

2c (n=2)

1

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

1

0

2

0

3a (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3b (n=5)

1

0

1

2

1

0

0

4

0

0

0

0

3c (n=1)

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

1a (n=8)

2

bimodal

small

composition

RG6-Group

1

inclusions

sooth presence

thickness

rock

mica

quartz

others

yes

no

0

2

0

6

0

7

3 to 5 3 to 5

1b (n=7)

1

3

1

1

0

7

1c (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2a (n=12)

4

2

4

0

3

9

6 to 8

2b (n=19)

2

1

2

1

2

17

6 to 8

2c (n=2)

0

1

0

0

2

0

6

3a (n=0)

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3b (n=5)

1

0

0

0

3

0

9,11,12

3c (n=1)

0

0

0

0

0

0

10

observations

2 lipids

higher in CC1A. Almost all fragments with lipids are included in the subgroup 2b (with the exception of two sherds from CChM that fit into 1b), a subgroup characterized by the abundance of inclusions, smooth surfaces and 6mm to 8 mm thick. Anyway, this information is only partial, as we only counted the cases where the patina covers the complete surface and not those fragments with greasy lines or spots, or the deposits that may be present in the pores (Rice, 1996).

proportion we find different varieties of mica, basalt, opals, quartzites and volcanic rocks, all of them local. As regards size, reduced inclusions are predominant, mainly of medium and small size, either combined or just the former. In the case of CChM and CC1A there is also a small percentage of fragments with size unselected inclusions, especially in later moments. This trimodal distribution is made up of inclusions from many different origins, the largest being rock or quartz with extremely angular sides.

The same situation happens with use-marks, though here we have the additional problem of the fragmentation of the vessels that impedes some observations, such as the location, size and orientation of the marks. By now, we

The macroscopic evidence of lipids is scarce, reaching values lower than 1% in CChM and RG6, and slightly 236

A.S. VIDAL: AN INSIGHT INTO THE INTEGRAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATIVE POTTERY IN SOUTHERN ARGENTINE PUNA

technological effort seems to be adopted; in the case of pottery, it would be by choosing recipients apt for a variety of functions.

only counted about 15% of lines or cracks that may be originated during use, most of them in subgroup 2b, though they also appear in 2a. On the other hand, no sherd from Group 1 or 3 seems to present this kind of alterations.

On the contrary, this reduced inversion in effort does not explain another peculiarity of the pottery in these sites: though they are not dissimilar to the ones in the residential base in general terms, here we find only good quality materials, with a better grain selection and more careful surface treatments, inverting the representation proportions in the village. What is the reason for this selection? Perhaps it is just a strategy of risk reduction, as failed or broken recipients could be only replaced in the residential base. In the case of CC1A we can postulate certain aesthetic or symbolic intentionality associated, though we are considering only utilitarian pottery (the decorated record is scarce and limited only to some grey polished sherds). In both cases, the selection is notorious and telling in a context where these recipients will be used for a short time each visit.

UTILITARIAN POTTERY IN ANTOFAGASTA DE LA SIERRA The panorama we have already described can provide an insight into the use of utilitarian pottery in Antofagasta de la Sierra area by the first agro-pastoral groups. Although we can argue that CC1A is not the most representative site in the subregion it is located due to its ritual use, its pottery assemblage do not differ greatly from the other sites. Furthermore, this use differentiation is exactly the feature that provides new elements for analysis. With no doubt, the pottery assemblage in the whole is absolutely similar; moreover, it is highly probable that the pottery found in CC1A and RG6 were manufactured in sites such as CChM, where the excavations unearthed pottery production areas. Its transport is not strange, and is explained by the dynamic sedentarism model (Olivera, 1988) as movements inside the same seasonal shifting planned to feed the llamas and hunt wild camelids in order to supplement the agro-pastoral resources in the residential base.

Another explanation, that is complementary, would postulate the seasonal reuse of the pottery in each new visit to the sites. For the lithic assemblage, Escola (2004b) has noted the possibility of abandoning artefacts for their possible later use. The same situation can be happening with the pottery: though its continual use would be sporadic, in the long time, there would be many events where the same recipient would be useful. It will contribute to risk reduction, as it will create a “hideout” or dependable deposit (Torrence, 1989) to resort to without the need to transport all the basic gear in every movement. In that context, however, it would be fundamental to relay on good quality durable materials, in particular due to the fragility of pottery and the extreme weather conditions of the high posts.

However, some significant differences lead to postulate additional questions. Group representation is quite calling, particularly the virtual absence of Group 3 in CC1A and RG6. In an earlier paper (Vidal, 2002), we postulated that this group would be technically ideal by its morpho-functional features for storage, specially grains or bulky substances. In CChM there is an important reduction of these recipients in the later moments of the settlement, a time that, paradoxically, corresponds to an agricultural expansion. We suggested somewhere, considering available data of later cultivation areas in the region (Vigliani, 2001), that storage activities and probably initial processing may have shifted for that time to the production area itself, arriving at the residential base only the necessary amount of processed grain. In a similar fashion, and especially due to its location far from agricultural production areas, storage will be strange in these higher sites. Its temporal occupation further justifies this absence, as it would be unnecessary, following the model for the use of these areas, and this pottery would be substituted by lighter recipients, equally useful for short-time storage but with a lower transportation cost.

In intermediate areas, the distance to the production centre may also justify the presence of these higher quality materials, though in the case we presented here of CC1A we cannot leave aside the influence of other factors, as we aforementioned. A related question concerns the occupation moment of the sites. Though all three sites are easily placed in a Formative framework, with overlapping dates, the radiocarbon datings for Real Grande archaeological locality are quite earlier or slightly later than the ones for CChM. The datings are neither abundant nor determinant enough to postulate a settlement chronology; it is interesting, however, that pottery in the high post shows a tendency to assimilate to the later moments of the village, with extremely low proportions of the pottery typical of the earlier moments in the residential base. Is it a representation problem due to site alteration? Does it indicate that these gorges were not used in early moments? Or were they only used for a short time, so short that the carrying of pottery recipients was not justified? The last possibility seems to be partially availed by the paleoenvironmental studies aforementioned: during the first occupations of CChM, the higher

It will also explain the abundance of the other groups, particularly Group 2, which would be useful for a variety of functions due to its technical characteristics (middle thickness walls, good surface treatment, low porosity, structural strength by inclusion composition), reinforced by the presence of sooth and lipid deposits in these recipients. It matches the findings in the lithic record (Escola, 2004b), where a strategy to reduce the

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Antofagasta de la Sierra (Catamarca). Ph.D. Thesis. La Plata: Facultad de Ciencias Naturales, Universidad Nacional de La Plata. [Manuscript].

humidity in the basin and nearby area may have favoured subsistence exploitation in a higher spatial scale, with no need to rely on the high gorges –it is important to remember that in intermediate areas the pottery record is more homogeneous. As the region gets more arid, the resources from areas such as RG6 would be more necessary due to a lower fertility in the basin. Together with the demographic increase, it will not only coincide with the more intense agricultural activity found in the profiles but also with a more important presence of the archaeological record at the end of the Formative period in more distant areas also related to the residential base.

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