Lanzelet 9780231501095, 9780231128681, 9780231128698

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Foreword (page ix)
Introduction (page 1)
Lanzelet (page 27)
Notes (page 135)
Selective Bibliography (page 233)
Index of Proper Names (page 239)

Citation preview

Lanzelet

RECORDS OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION

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by Jerome Taylor. , |

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Stahl and Richard Johnson with E.L. Burge.

The See of Peter, by James T. Shotwell and Louise Ropes Loomis. | Two Renaissance Book Hunters: The Letters of Poggius Bracciolini to Nicolaus de Niccolis. Translated and

annotated by Phyllis Walter Goodhart Gordan. Guillaume d’Orange: Four Twelfth-Century Epics. Translated with an introduction by Joan M. Ferrante.

expanded bibliography.

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with a new foreword and bibliography by Jonathan Phillips. | Defensor pacis. Translated with an introduction by Alan Gewirth, with an afterword and updated bibliography by Cary J. Nederman. History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen. Translated with an introduction and notes by Francis J. Tschan, with a new introduction and bibliography by Timothy Reuter. The Two Cities: A Chronicle of Universal History to the Year 1146, by Otto, Bishop of Freising. Translated in

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James A. Brundage.

The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, by Henricus Lettus. Translated with a new introduction and notes by

Lanzelet ULRICH VON ZATZIKHOVEN

Translated by Thomas Kerth with additional notes by Kenneth G.T. Webster and Roger Sherman Loomis

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW YORK

Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893

New York Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 2005 Columbia University Press All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data , Ulrich, von Zatzikhoven, fl. ca. 1200.

[Lanzelet. English]

Lanzelet / Ulrich von Zatzkihoven ; translated by Thomas Kerth ; with additional notes by Kenneth G.T. Webster and Roger Sherman Loomis. p. cm. - (Records of Western civilization) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-231-12868-1 (cloth) - ISBN 0-231-12869-X (pbk.) 1. Lancelot (Legendary character)-Romances.

III. Series.

2. Arthurian romances. I. Kerth, Thomas. II. Title. ,

PT1661.U8L2613 2004

833’.21-dc22 2004049390 Columbia University Press books are printed on

permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America

C10987654321 p10 987654321 .

Records of Western Civilization is a series published under the auspices of the Interdepartmental Committee on Medieval and Renaissance Studies of the Columbia University Graduate School.’ The Western Records are, in fact, a new incarnation of a venerable series, the Columbia Records of Civilization, which, for more

than half a century, published sources and studies concerning great literary and historical landmarks. Many of the volumes of that series retain value, especially for their translations into English of primary sources, and the Medieval and Renaissance Studies Committee is pleased to cooperate with Columbia University Press in reissuing a selection of those works in paperback editions, especially suited for classroom use, and in limited clothbound editions.

Committee for the Records of Western Civilization Caroline Walker Bynum

Joan M. Ferrante Carmela Vircillo Franklin

Robert Hanning Robert Somerville, editor

BLANK PAGE

Contents

Foreword IX

Introduction I Lanzelet 27 Notes = 135 Selective Bibliography 233 Index of Proper Names = 239

BLANK PAGE

Foreword

Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet was first translated into English by Kenneth G.T. Webster and published posthumously by Columbia University Press in 1951. Webster's task was difficult, for the manuscript tradition of the work is notoriously unreliable and the only edition of the Middle High German text is a reconstruction by Karl August Hahn (1845); Hahn’s list of manuscript variants and emendations encompasses fifty-nine pages of very small print. In an effort to ensure the reliability of his reconstructed text, Hahn submitted it to the eminent philologist and editor, Karl Lachmann, who, possessed of the supreme confidence that often marks the nineteenth-

century scholar, proceeded to emend the difficult passages until they made | sense—to him. The need for a critical edition of Lanzelet has long been recognized: Oskar Hannink reported that he was working on such a project in 1914, as did Werner Richter in 1934; the British scholar Rosemary Combridge has been pursuing the same goal since the early 1960s. To date, however, no new edition has appeared.

The present translation began as the straightforward task of writing a new introduction to Webster’s translation; however, as we compared his work with the medieval text, it soon became clear that a new translation was in order. Webster was not a specialist in medieval German, and his work was remarkably uneven: in some passages his translation was so literal, often based on etymological cognates, that one could make sense of the English only through a good knowledge of English philology; in others, he relied on the modern German meaning of a word, when its medieval cognate could mean something quite different. One example suffices for many:

he systematically rendered the words wirt as “host” and gast as “guest,” even when those translations make little sense in the context. In medieval German these words also can also signify “lord of the castle, castellan” and “stranger, traveler, foreigner, enemy, invader,” respectively. All in all, one has

x FOREWORD the impression that his translation was a work in progress, and had he lived, this fine scholar would no doubt have improved upon it further. Our new translation, naturally, has been influenced by Webster’s work, as have recent translations of Lanzelet into French and modern German. Following Webster's death, his widow entrusted the manuscript to famed Arthurian scholar Roger Sherman Loomis, who was to see it through pub-

lication. Loomis, also not a specialist in medieval German, made slight modifications to the translation and added, to say the least, copious additional notes documenting what he believed to be the Celtic origin of the Lancelot legend. At the time, exploring Western Europe's Celtic past was all the rage, and Loomis had come to view everything in medieval literature through a Celtic lens. What he refused to see, however, was that the literary motifs he regards as Celtic belong for the most part to international folklore, as other scholars endeavored to make clear to him. Scholarly opinion today has generally rejected Loomis’s extremist view of Celtic influence,

and it was tempting in this new edition to eliminate many of his footnotes; however, because some readers find such observations to be of literary-historical value, we chose to retain them, although we have deleted some of his more outrageous speculation, replacing those passages in the notes with ellipsis marks. In addition, we have augmented the Webster-Loomis notes with additional commentary reflecting the fifty years of scholarly work on

Lanzelet since the publication of Webster’s translation. | For their advice and helpful suggestions, which proved to be of invaluable assistance in this project, I should like to express my gratitude to Sandra Burner and Professors Ross G. Arthur, Robert K. Bloomer, David A. Dilworth, and Andrea Fedi. The bibliographic sections of this book could not have been written without the assistance of the Interlibrary Loan staff of the Ward Melville, Jr., Library at Stony Brook, and I would particularly like to thank Donna Sammis for her active interest in the project.

| | THomas KERTH

Introduction

The world of King Arthur would be unthinkable to modern readers without Sir Lancelot of the Lake, although he is actually a relatively late addition to the matiére de Bretagne, the Matter of Britain that encompasses the medieval /ais and romances concerning Arthur. His name is not to be found in the early Celtic tales that were later preserved in the great repositories of Middle Welsh literature: The Black Book of Carmarthen (ca. 1250), The Book of Taliesin (ca. 1275), The White Book of Rhyddrch (ca. 1300-25), and The

Red Book of Hergest (ca. 1375-1425). Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia regum

Britannia (History of the kings of Britain, ca. 1136-38), which gave literary form to the Celtic-Welsh legends surrounding Arthur and introduced the

Matter of Britain to a wider and more sophisticated European audience, does not mention him. Nor does he appear in Robert Wace’s Roman de Brut (1155), an Anglo-Norman romance based upon Geoffrey, nor in Layamon’s Brut (ca. 1190), a Middle English adaptation of Wace. Rather, Sir Lancelot

enters the written literary record in France, in the Arthurian romances of Chrétien de Troyes (d. ca. 1190). In Chrétien’s first Arthurian romance, Erec et Enide (ca. 1170), he accords “Lanceloz del Lac” (1. 1694)! the position of third-best knight of the Round Table, following Gawain and Erec, although Lancelot plays no further role

in the work. Chrétien also ranks him as third-best knight in C/igés (ca. 1176), following Gawain and Perceval, and records his defeat by Cligés in a joust (Il. 4764-99). Only in Chrétien’s incomplete Lancelot romance, Le Chevalier de la charrette (The knight of the cart, ca. 1177-81), do we find Lancelot as we have known him ever since: the best of Arthur’s knights and the adulterous lover of Guinevere.

Although Arthur, along with Kay and Walwan (Gawain), had already been introduced into German literature as minor characters in Eilhart von Oberge’s Tristrant (ca. 1170)*——a translation of a French version, now lost,

2 INTRODUCTION of the Tristan story—it was primarily Chrétien's literary realization of the Arthurian world, in both characterization and structure, that became the model for the German Arthurian romance. His Evec and Yuain: Le Chevaher au lion (The knight of the lion, ca. 1177-81) were adapted, perhaps by way of an intermediate source, by Hartmann von Aue as Exec (ca. 1180-90) and Iwein (ca. 1199-1205), respectively.* Chrétien’s final and incomplete Perceval romance, Le conte du Graal (The story of the Grail, ca. 1190), served as one of the sources for Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival (ca. 1200-10);4

Wolfram does mention Chrétien, but only to state that he did not do the story justice. He further claims that he used as his source a certain Kyot, a figure now regarded as almost certainly a literary fiction (§827, 1-2). Chrétien’s Ciigés and Lancelot, however, were not adapted into German by Hartmann or Wolfram. Perhaps Cligés’s adulterous love for Fenice and

Lancelot’s for Guinevere seemed too great a departure from the notion of the Arthurian world cultivated in Evec and Yvain, where the knightly quest culminates, after trial and tribulation, in the reconciliation of knighthood and love, or in Chrétien’s unfinished Perceval, where knighthood was presumably to have an altogether more spiritual purpose—service to the Grail—as it does in Wolfram’s Parzival. Cligés was finally translated into German verse around 1230, by either Konrad Fleck or Ulrich von Tiirheim; this work now survives only in manuscript fragments. Although Chrétien’s

Lancelot in its original form was not translated into German, major elements of his plot found their way into the German Prose Lancelot (ca. 1230),° a nearly contemporaneous translation of the French Lancelot-Grail cycle—Lancelot du Lac ou Lancelot propre, Queste del saint Graal, and Mort le rot Artu—which forms a part of the immense French Vulgate Cycle (ca. 1215-30)° that chronicles in prose the entire Arthurian legend from the early history of the Grail and the life of Merlin to the death of King Arthur. In the Lancelot-Grail cycle, Chrétien's tale of Lancelot’s adulterous love for Guinevere is combined with the story of his youth and numerous other

“new” adventures to form a complete biography. ; | Though Chrétien introduced the figure of Lancelot into the courtly romance, he did not invent him out of whole cloth. That distinction most probably belongs to the storytellers (conteurs) of Brittany. There had been a

long and energetic exchange of literary material between Britain and Brit- ! tany, through which legends of Arthur and an ever-increasing number of satellite figures passed from northern Britain through Wales and Cornwall to Brittany and, eventually, back again to Britain. The historical ties be-

tween Celtic Britain and Brittany reach back at least to the fifth century, |

INTRODUCTION 3 when the Saxon invasions prompted a great immigration of Celtic peoples from Wales and Cornwall. By the middle of the twelfth century, the Matter of Britain had become a favored subject of the Breton /ais, songs in the language of Brittany—Breton, like Cornish and Welsh, belongs to the Cymric

| branch of the Celtic languages—based on myth and folklore. ‘The /ais were performed to musical accompaniment at the courts of northern France by bilingual Breton poets (¢rouveres) and wandering minstrels (jongleurs), who provided some sort of narrative introduction to the song in French so that the audience had a sense of what it was about. These, in turn, became the

basis for narrative poems written down in French, also called /ais, which provide the only surviving record, distorted though it may be, of the content of the ephemeral Breton songs.’ Brittany itself had played a role in the Arthurian story ever since Geoffrey of Monmouth’s assertion in his Historia® that Roman Brittany, the province of Armorica, was conquered by the British king Maximianus and given by him to Conanus Meridiadocus to rule. According to Geoffrey, Uther Pendragon and, thus, his son Arthur belonged to a collateral branch of Brittany’s royal family. We also know that the Bretons actively developed the Arthurian legend on their own: according to Wace’s Roman de Brut, they are the source of his information about the Round Table (IL. 9751-52), and he roundly criticizes those storytellers who have embellished the adventures of Arthur to the point that they have come to seem like fiction (Il. 9785-98).? In his De gestis regum Anglorum (Deeds of the kings of England, ca. 1125), William of Malmesbury ridicules the false “trifles of the Bretons”! that demean the greatness of the historical Arthur; and in the Speculum ecclesia (Mirror of the Church, ca. 1216), Giraldus Cambrensis

complains that it was the “credulous Bretons and their poets”!’ who invented the legend that Arthur did not die, but would one day return from the Isle of Avalon. Even Chrétien himself, although he does not mention the Bretons specifically, complains about the tendency of wandering storytellers “to fragment and corrupt” the true story of Erec “in the presence of kings and counts” (Evec ll. 19-22). After the Norman Conquest in 1066, Breton poets followed the courts of the Norman-French princes across the

English Channel, thereby providing one possible mechanism for the reintroduction of the Matter of Britain into Wales and Cornwall in a form nurtured and developed on the Continent.’ The origin of the Lancelot character in Brittany, and not in Britain, is further supported by the likely derivation of the name Lancelot from French names of Germanic origin. Germanic composite names beginning

4 INTRODUCTION with “Lan(t)-” or “Lan(d)-” (for example, Lantbert) were given French diminutives with endings like “-(s)el,” “-et,” “-ot,” “-in.” The name Lancelin is documented already in Brittany in 1034, well before Chrétien’s romances.

The existence of multiple diminutive forms for the same name—Merlin, Merlet, Merlot; Ansel, Anselet, Anselot—suggests similar variation for Lancelin: that is, Lancelet and Lancelot (G. Paris 1881:492; Brugger 459-65n109). Despite this relatively straightforward derivation, however, some zealously defend the essential Celticness of the Matter of Britain,

unwilling to believe that the tradition that had given us such important Arthurian figures as Gawain, Kay, Yvain, Bedivere, and ‘Tristan did not also produce Lancelot. R.S. Loomis (Webster 1951:201f.7148) theorized that the

name derived originally from the Irish sun god Lug (or Luch), who bore the epithets Lamfada, “of the Long Hand,” and Lonnbemnech. Lug had two counterparts in Welsh tradition: Lleu (or Llew) and Lluch Llauynnauc, “Lluch of the White (?) Hand,” also called Lluch Lleminawc. From Llauynnauc, Loomis derives Lancelot, although there are no phonological __ laws that would justify this linguistic development. Such “creative etymology” has now been rejected by most scholars and belongs, as has been rightly observed, in the realm of fantasy (Brogsitter 84; summary of the scholarly

debate in Glinka-Janczewski 189-93). , |

-While Chrétien did not invent the Lancelot character or his name, it has long been suggested that he introduced the adulterous relationship with Guinevere into the literary tradition (G. Paris 1883:516). In the prologue to his Lancelot (Le Chevalier de la charrette), Chrétien states that he has taken up the story at the request of Countess Marie of Champagne (1145-98), who gave him both its “material and treatment” (“Matiere et san,” 1. 26). Marie was the daughter of Eleanor of Aquitaine and her first husband, the

French king Louis VIJ; and through Eleanor’s second marriage, to Henry | II of England, she was the half-sister of Richard the Lionhearted and King John. Marie had married Count Henry I “the Liberal” (i.e., the Generous, r. 1152-81) around 1159, and their court at Troyes was an important center of literature and learning.’ In addition to Chrétien,'* Marie’s most prominent protégé was Andreas Capellanus, whose De amore (The art of love, ca. 1185) served as the handbook of courtly love!’ in the Middle Ages. The exact nature of Countess Marie’s “material” is unknown, but one must assume that it contained at least some version of the central event

of Lancelot, which is Guinevere’s abduction by Meleagant, prince of the land of Gorre, and her subsequent rescue by Lancelot. Since Lancelot had already appeared in two earlier works by Chrétien, Evec and Cliges, which

INTRODUCTION 5 contain no hint of his love for Guinevere,!° it stands to reason that Marie’s new “treatment” consisted of introducing the adulterous relationship into the story of Guinevere’s rescue,!” the purpose of which might have been to explore the concept of courtly love being nurtured and developed at Marie’s court not just by Andreas Capellanus but by Chrétien himself: in his Ciigés (Il. 2-3) he lists among his works Les comandemanz Ovide and L’Art d’Amors, now lost, but generally presumed to have been translations of Ovid’s Reme-

dia amortis (Love's cure) and Ars amatoria (The art of love). Chrétien also hints in Lance/ot that he is acquainted with additional material concerning the hero’s youth and upbringing, information that he has not incorporated into his romance. As in Erec and Cligés, he uses Lancelot’s epithet de/ Lac (Il. 3676, 5164) as a given, without explaining its significance; he also refers to a mysterious lady who has given Lancelot a magic ring with the property of protecting against enchantments. Chrétien does not further identify her beyond the rather vague allusion, “This lady was a fairy, who had given it to him, and who had cared for him in his infancy” (Cele dame une fee estoit / Qui l’anel doné li avoit, / et si le norri an s'anfance, \l. 2357-59).

Although Geoffrey of Monmouth (X, §13) tells the story of Guinevere’s adulterous relationship with Arthur’s nephew, Modred, the first known reference to an actual abduction of Guinevere is found in the Vita Sancti Gilda (Life of St. Gildas, ca. 1130) by Caradoc of Llancarfan,"* a friend of Geoffrey and a fellow Welsh historian. There the abductor, King Melwas of the Summer Country (Somerset?), holds her prisoner in Glastonia (Glastonbury), from which Arthur, who arrives with a large army, means to free her.

Through the intervention of the abbot of Glastonia and St. Gildas, however, bloodshed is averted, and Melwas surrenders Guinevere to Arthur.!’ There is no Lancelot figure in Caradoc’s work: Arthur himself rides to the queen’s rescue. It is doubtful that Chrétien knew of this story directly, but there is ample evidence to suggest that between Caradoc’s tale and Chrétien’s Lance/ot there existed a transitional French version, in which Arthur was assisted in Guinevere’s rescue by Lancelot and others, but Lancelot was not the queen’s lover. Although no extant French text confirms the existence of this transitional stage in the development of the Lancelot story, a descendant of this text—if its author can be believed—does indeed survive, not in French but in a German translation: Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lan-

zelet,”” the genesis of which is mysterious and the interpretation of which is still a matter of scholarly debate. Ulrich’s Lanzelet is the earliest known biography of Lancelot and relates, among other adventures, those to which Chrétien only refers—his youth

6 INTRODUCTION spent in the care of a fairy on her island in a lake—as well as the adventure of Guinevere’s abduction and subsequent rescue. Ulrich states specifically that his source “first became known to us” (1. 9325) through a “French book of Lancelot” (Daz welsche buoch von Lantzelete, |. 9341; ein welschez buoch,

1. 9324), which he translated into German at the urging of dear friends (ieber vriunde, |. 9342).*! Further, he assures the reader that his translation is faithful to the French original: “there is nothing taken from it nor added to it” (So entst da von noch zuo geleit, |. 9323); this dependency on his French source is underscored by fifty-three explicit and more general references to it during the course of the narration (Webster 1934:219—-27). Ulrich’s text, however, which otherwise certainly does not shy away from the hero’s romantic adventures—Ulrich labels him wipselig, “lucky with women’ (1. 5529)—knows nothing of Lancelot’s adulterous love for Guinevere. A comparison with the Vulgate Cycle indicates that Ulrich’s French

source, or a version very similar to it—a collateral descendant of a lost original—may well have served as the basis of the adventures of Lancelot’s youth transmitted there (Martens 690-700), although they were combined, as noted above, with Chrétien’s tale of adulterous love.? The text of Lanzelet, a romance of 9,444 verses in rhymed tetrameter couplets, has been preserved in two incomplete manuscripts and three (formerly four) fragments:

W Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, cod. vindob. 2698; date: second quarter of the fourteenth century; dialect: Alemannic P __ Heidelberg, Universitatsbibliothek, Cod. pal. germ. 371; place of origin: Strassburg; date: 1420; dialect: Alemannic

b Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Germ. b. 3, f. 9-10; date: first quarter of the thirteenth century; dialect: Low Alemannic; contents: ll. 2259-2412, with lacunae

g (= Goldhahn’s fragment) Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library, Ms. Ger. 80; date: first half of the fourteenth century; dialect: Central German; contents: Il. 4422-4542, 5271-5357

g< Klagenfurt, Universitatsbibliothek, Perg.-Hs. 47; from the same manuscript as g; contents: Il. 3628-3891, with lacunae

S Strassburg, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. A 107; date: fourteenth century; dialect: Alemannic; contents: ll. 3089-3214, 3472-3598; destroyed

during the First World War, but its readings are preserved in two (diverging) printings.

INTRODUCTION 7 Although the dialect of the text places its likely origin in the Alemannic region of southwestern Germany and Switzerland, the Alemannic MS P

also contains significant elements of West Central German, particularly the Mid-Rhine and Lower Rhine ( = Dutch, Flemish) dialects (literature in Kantola 1982:22-24); signficantly, the oldest surviving fragment b also manifests some of these dialect markers (Combridge 1963:202; Kantola 1982:39). his has led some, notably Kantola, to speculate that the source of Ulrich’s work might have been a German text from the Central Rhine region, which he used alongside or even in place of the French original, contrary to his own statement (summary of the controversy in Zellmann 3136). The text of W, although the older of the two complete manuscripts, is “lexically refined” in terms of its courtly vocabulary, making P, though later, appear to be the more reliable of the two, as a comparison with the oldest fragment (b) has demonstrated; however, the scribe of P, or his source, was not a careful copyist, and P occasionally offers a nonsensical reading when compared to W (Combridge 1968:7off.). K.A. Hahn’s edition, upon which the present translation is based, generally—but not systematically—tfollows P, with emendations from W. Ulrich specifies the provenance of his source: a manuscript, presumably in Norman-French,”° in the possession of a certain Hugh de Morville (1. 9338: Huc von morville, W; H. v. morille, P), one of the hostages given by the English to guarantee the payment of Richard the Lionhearted’s ransom to Emperor Henry VI (ll. 9326—41).** Although some of the names of the hostages are known, there is no documentary evidence to confirm the presence of any member of the Morville family among them, and the identity of Hugh de Morville himself remains elusive. The de Morvilles (or Morevilles, Morvills), who take their name from the village of Morville, which lies about twelve miles southeast of Cherbourg in what was then the Duchy of Normandy, belonged to the minor nobility. Among those de Morvilles who sought their fortune in Norman England were William, who became a minor landowner at Bradpole, between Lyme Regis and Dorchester; Geoffrey and Herbert, who became tenants in the holdings (honor) of the Mowbray family in Yorkshire and the Midlands; and Hugh (d. 1162), hereditary constable of Scotland, who was by far the most successful of the four.”° Noting the fact that the name Ada—Lanzelet’s second lover is called Ada, a name otherwise unknown in the Matter of Britain—appeared in at least two branches of the Morville family, some have suggested that the French Lanzelet may originally have been commissioned by the Morvilles (for ex-

8 INTRODUCTION ample, Norman in Hahn 1956:288; Loomis in Webster 1951:179767; Glinka-

Janczewski 75f., 91; Hesse 95; see also 725). , The relationship of these four branches of the de Morville family is unclear; even the currently available genealogies of the Morville descendants contradict one another, as do the “Morville” entries in the Dictionary of National Biography (1901). Scholars have tended to narrow the list of possibilities to two men: the Norman archdeacon Hugues de Morville (ca. 1160-1238), Bishop of Coutances, 1207-38; or the (in)famous Hugh de Morville, who was one of the four assassins of Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, on December 29, 1170 (summary of arguments in Glinka-Janczewski 33-75). The DNB identifies Becket’s assassin as Hugh (d. ca. 1202), lord of the barony of Burgh by Sands (Cumberland);”° recent scholarship, however, suggests that the murderer was more probably Hugh, son of Hugh the Scottish constable, who succeeded his father as lord of north Westmorland and died circa 1174.7’ If this date is correct, Becket’s assassin could not have been one of Richard the Lionhearted’s hostages; nor does Bishop Hugues seem a likely choice as a hostage, since he was in 1194 only a priest and was not made bishop until more than a decade later. This leaves Hugh, lord of Burgh by Sands, as the most probable candidate for the bearer of the French Lanzelet to Germany. In truth, however, we have no way of knowing whether Hic von Morville belonged to the more prominent Scottish and Cumberland branches of the Morville family or instead to the Yorkshire, Dorset, or Somerset Morvilles, about whom little

or nothing is now known. ,

- The identity of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven himself, whose name appears in verse 9344 of the epilogue as Von zatzichoven |W; zezichoué, P| Volrich, also remains a mystery. Scholars have traditionally identified him with a certain capellanus Volricus de Cecinchouin plebanus Loumeisse, who witnessed a donation by the family of Count Diethelm von Toggenburg to the monastery of St. Peterszell on March 29, 1214 (bibliographical survey in Glinka-Janczewski 5-32, Barmann 69). Loumeisse is Lommis, a village near Zezikon in the Swiss canton of Thurgau. This identification, however, is not without problems. Although a village lay priest (capellanus plebanus)—whatever the exact meaning of that term—would have possessed a certain level of literacy, the translator of Lanzelet would have had to be fluent in NormanFrench and to have had access to a substantial library of secular literature in German, since his own work shows the influence of other German authors and of Latin literature, as references to Ovid’s Fasti, Publius Syrius’s apophthegms, Virgil’s Eclogues, and Servius’s commentary on the 4ineid

INTRODUCTION 9 would indicate (see text 27161-63, 227). Additionally, one must ask, through

which connection to the court of Emperor Henry VI, captor of Richard Lionheart, could this “harmless” (Richter 1934:8) village lay priest have had access to Morville’s manuscript? Denecke sought to establish a connection between Zezikon and the im-

perial court by positing that Ulrich might have been in the service of the above-mentioned Counts of Toggenburg, whose territory lay just southwest of Lommis, in the Canton of St. Gallen (Denecke 113-23). ‘The Toggenburgs are known to have been patrons of literature and a presence at the imperial court; and indeed, among those in the service of the counts in the thirteenth century, there is documentary evidence of the name Zezikon: Eppo de Zezikon in 1228, Eppo von Zechinkon in 1266, and Eppo de Zezinkon

in 1286 (Bachtold 19-20). Denecke’s vision of Ulrich, however, was not as a simple village priest but as a notary for a nobleman at the imperial court who might have retired to Zezikon after a career in the secular world; Eis (621) echoes this view, suggesting that Ulrich may have written Lanzelet

in his youth, before he entered the spiritual life. Richter (16-23) argues for a connection of Zezikon and Lommis to the imperial court through the abbey at Reichenau, which controlled property in both villages. The Reichenau abbot Diethelm of Krenkingen (1169-1206), who also served as bishop of Constance after 1189, had close ties to the Hohenstaufen emperors Frederick I Barbarossa and his son, Henry VI. More recently it has been suggested (Barmann) that Zatzikhoven refers to Zizingen, near Neuenburg on the Rhine; the spelling of Zizingen—also rendered as Cicinchouin, Cecinchouen, Zetzinkouen, Cecichon, etc. in contem-

porary documents—was almost indistinguishable from that of Zezikon in Thurgau. Although no contemporary documentary reference to an Ulrich in Zizingen has been unearthed, an Volrich fon Cecichon does appear in a document from the period 1278-80, almost a century after the composition of Lanzelet. This later Ulrich was a member of a well-documented family of stewards in Zizingen and could perhaps be a descendant or relative of the literary Ulrich. The identification of Zatzikhoven with Zizingen has two distinct advantages. It would obviate the question why a lay priest would translate such a worldly work—the Zizingen Ulrich would have belonged to the secular class of ministertales—and it solves the problem of the source of the text, for Zizingen would place Ulrich in the sphere of Duke Bertold V of Zahringen (1. 1186-1218), another well-known patron of literature.*® Bertold even had family ties to Chrétien’s patron in Champagne, and it has also been suggested that he—or his father, Bertold [V—might

10 INTRODUCTION have been the patron of Hartmann von Aue (Gottzmann 1986:22f.). The identity of both Hugh de Morville and Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, however, must remain obscure and a matter of conjecture and speculation until new

documentary evidence comes to light. | | The date of King Richard’s release and the arrival of the hostages—Feb- : ruary 1194—provides the date before which Morville’s French book of Lanzelet was written and the date after which Ulrich made his German trans-

lation of it. The argument for establishing the date of the French book’s composition has generally depended on the particular scholar’s view of its relationship to the works of Chrétien. Noting a similarity of motifs—the dwarf’s whip stroke and the hunt for the white stag (Evec); the three days’ tournament (Ciligés); the magic fountain (Yvain); a youth spent in ignorance of knighthood, fosterage by an older knight, and the quest for identity (Perceval)—some scholars have argued that the author of the French book must have been familiar with Chrétien’s romances, particularly Evec but excluding Lancelot (e.g., Richter; Brogsitter,; Pérennec), and with the notion of courtly love as propagated by Andreas Capellanus (Ruh 1980:46; see text 7196). [hat would place the earliest possible date of its composition in the late 1170s. The extreme formulation of this position is the suggestion that Morville’s book is actually cobbled together from Chrétien’s works (among others), including his Lancelot (Bruce; Hofer); however, in order to accept this latter theory, one must consider this question: had the author of the French book known about the aspect of Chrétien’s work that has made it so popular—Lancelot’s adulterous relationship with the queen—could he or would he have dared to disappoint his audience by omitting it? (See

n22, above.) ,

Another and opposite argument has been that Chrétien’s romances and Morville’s book are independent of each other, but based upon common sources (Gottzmann, Grubmiiller, McLelland), perhaps a series of individual Breton /ais of diverse and independent origin, based on Celtic and classical myth and folklore (Weston, Singer, Paton, O Riain-Raedel) or even a complete biographical romance (Paris, Martens, Webster, Loomis, Kantola, Tilvis).’? In general outline, this source, composed around 1150, would have belonged to the narrative type known in folklore as the Fair Unknown (see text 712). Based on her assumption that the tyrannical behavior of Lanzelet’s father, King Pant, is an allusion to Henry II of England, Gottzmann (1986:29) places its composition during his reign, 1154-89 or shortly thereafter. If the theory is correct that the author of Morville’s French book knew all of Chrétien’s romances, he could not have written his

INTRODUCTION II Lanzelet much before 1190, the year in which Chrétien is presumed to have died, leaving his Perceval incomplete. This date would make some sense, in that it would mean Morville was bringing with him a recent work (Ruh 1975:49), ‘a brand-new bestseller in the Matter of Britain series” (Spiewok 1995:332), to amuse him during his confinement in Germany. For those presuming Chrétien’s romances to be precursors of Morville’s book, the nature of their relationship to Lanzelet is still a matter of controversy: the latter is, for example, a decadent version (Hofer); a reduction (Haug); a countermodel (Ruh, McConeghy, Spiewok 1993); a variant model (Thoran); a superseding model (Welz); a negation (Grubmiiller); a corrective model (Spiewok 1997); a humorous critique (Pérennec); an ironic reply (Feistner); a parody (Bertau). Knowing that Ulrich’s translation of Morville’s book took place after 1194 leaves the more difficult task of determining its date of completion. It has long been recognized that Ulrich’s diction shows the influence of the works of other German writers, particularly Eilhart von Oberge’s Tristrant (ca. 1170), mentioned above, and Heinrich von Veldeke’s Eneide*® (ca. 1183-

89), a work based on the French Roman d’Enéas and Vergil’s Eneid. However, since both these works were composed before 1194, they provide no assistance in establishing the date of completion. For that one must look to other contemporary German writers of Arthurian romance: Hartmann von Aue and Wolfram von Eschenbach. Ulrich’s Lanzelet reveals many linguistic parallels to the early works of Hartmann, particularly with Hartmann’s rather free translation of Chrétien’s Evec (detailed discussion in Richter 147-214). Although one must be careful in this point, since Hartmann, like Ulrich, may also have been influenced by Veldeke’s Eneide (Richter 144 et passim), the sheer number of incidences of identical diction and parallel linguistic constructions in Hartmann’s Evec and Gregorius make his influence on Ulrich almost a certainty. While Hartmann’s influence on Lanze/et¢ is important for the placement of the work in the context of German literary history, it is less helpful in establishing its date of composition, since Hartmann’s own dates, alas, are merely conjectural, as is the order in which his works were composed. Erec is generally agreed to be his earliest known work, written between 1180 and 1190; his Gregorius, between 1190 and 1197.°! This also does not bring us much farther than 1194. A comparison of similar diction and constructions

in Lanzelet and Wolfram’s Parzival, particularly the handling of rhyme (Richter 204-15, 260-69; Leitzmann 293ff.) suggests that Ulrich was most probably familiar with this work, particularly books I-III, as do the details

12 INTRODUCTION of Lanzelet’s youth and education (Cosman 105-9, u15f.): both heroes are

nursed by their own mothers, not the customary wet nurse; they spend their childhoods isolated from courtly society; they cannot ride properly, their shields hang askew, and they do not know how to hold a bridle or use knightly weapons; they are ignorant of their names (motif of the Fair Unknown); the first knight they meet thinks they behave foolishly out of love penance demanded by a lady.°? This familiarity proves more helpful in dating Lanzelet, since it is possible to assign a date to at least part of Parzival, namely, book VII, where the narration refers to the vineyards of Erfurt as having been trampled by horses (§379, 18-20), a historical event that took place during Philipp of Swabia’s invasion of the Landgravate of Thuringia in July 1203. It is logical to assume, therefore, that the earlier books of Parzival, including books I-III, which show the greatest similarity to Lanzelet, were written before 1203. It should also be noted, however, that there remains great disagreement among scholars with regard to the dating of Parzival,*? although most agree that there was a break in its composition—demonstrated particularly by an examination of Wolfram’s rhyme technique—between books VI and VII, which mitigates somewhat the significance of the Erfurt allusion for the dating of Lanxzelet: the relevant books I-III may have been written considerably earlier than 1203. Indeed, there may well have been a kind of proto-Parzival, consisting of books I-VI, in circulation perhaps around 1200, which Ulrich knew and by which he was influenced. It is also interesting to note that book XIII of Parzival may demonstrate a contrary vector of influence: Wolfram’s famillarity with Ulrich’s Lanzelet (Fourquet 977-80; also text nnt06, 129, 239). Based on these considerations, the date of composition for Ulrich’s translation is usually placed between 1195 and 1200.

Not all scholars, however, have taken Ulrich at his word regarding his source. Noting the rather remarkable fact that there are no known French transmissions of Morville’s book—although one might also conclude that its incorporation into the Vulgate Cycle made such transmission irrelevant—Spiewok proposes that Morville’s French book is a literary fiction, parallel to the fictional source, Kyot, for Wolfram’s Parzival (Spiewok 1995:333-39; Buschinger ix—xii). Accordingly, Ulrich need not have known

Chrétien's romances at all, but could have found in the German adaptations by Hartmann and Wolfram the motifs supposedly borrowed from Chrétien. Both these motifs and the thematic treatment of love similar to Wolfram lead Spiewok to posit that Ulrich’s Lanzelet is a “patchwork” of medieval French and German romances and dates from 1210-20 (Spiewok

INTRODUCTION 13 1997:xv, xxxi; see also Hofer).°* Based on his study of Ulrich’s metaphors, Pastré (1984:156) believes Ulrich must have known both Parzival and Gottfried von Strassburg’s Tristan, and, as a result, he also supports the late dating. [his would place the composition of Lanzelet at about the same time as the oldest manuscript, the b fragment. Noting the unexpected presence of those Middle Dutch and Rhine-Frankish dialect forms in an Alemannic

text, Kantola (1982:164f.) has suggested, as the simplest theory to explain the data, a reinterpretation of Ulrich’s statement that the work “first became known to us” (I. 9325) through Morville’s French book. Emphasizing the word “first” (von érst), he theorizes that even though Ulrich might originally have become acquainted with the French version of the text in Morville’s book, the desire of Ulrich’s friends for a German version may have arisen later, after Morville had returned with his book to England, and so a Middle German or perhaps Flemish version of the story—now lost—was secured from northwestern Germany, upon which Ulrich then based his Alemannic translation. Regardless of the actual relationship between Ulrich’s text and the Arthurian romances of Chrétien, Hartmann, and Wolfram, its comparison to them has traditionally fallen out to the disadvantage of Lanzelet. Nineteenth-century German literary historians, when they treated the text at all, held a universally low opinion of it, based upon what they deemed a lack of narrative structure, inferior poetry, and a frivolous attitude toward sex, love, and marriage. These same objections found their way into the major literary histories and lexica of the twentieth century, as well (representative quotations in Ruh 1975:48; Schtippert 123-26; Welz 47f.; Schmidt I-5; Spiewok 1997: xixf., Zellmann 13-21, among others; Richter 1934:6-10 summarizes the older literature). For example, the following judgment appears in the Verfasserlexikon (1953), a definitive reference work on German medieval literature: Lanzelet is “an ill-considered compilation of heterogeneous flotsam and jetsam of barbaric origin” (Eis 622). Even as late as 1988 the Lexikon der Welthteratur still characterizes the work as “a clumsy, disorderly, unrefined accumulation of adventures with a crude view of courtly love” (Wilpert 1543). More importantly, perhaps, these historians of literature missed in the character of Lanzelet—a serial bigamist, “lucky with women’—the spiritual dilemma and existential suffering we have come to

expect from the heroes of the Arthurian romances of Chrétien and his German successors, a thematic element that is also reflected in the bipartite structure of their works, the “double pathway”® along which their heroes progress: after the initial harmony of the Arthurian world is disturbed, the

14 INTRODUCTION knightly hero leaves the court to undertake an adventure through which he achieves recognition in the eyes of Arthur and the court; this status is soon revealed as false, precipitating an ethical crisis; through a second series of adventures, the hero is rehabilitated and achieves true glory, and harmony is restored. Recent scholars have come to recognize that there is indeed a structural principle underlying the seemingly random series of adventures in Lanzelet, although what that principle is remains a matter of interpretation. Some

have found in the work a symmetrical structure that develops multiple threads of plot around a central episode (Schultz, Rossbacher, McLelland),

a tetrapartite structure (Fisher), a linear “pathway” (Thoran); others, by far the majority, detect a bipartite structure resembling Chrétien's “double pathway” formula, with two series of adventures divided by Lanzelet’s arrival at Arthur’s court and his admission to the Round Table. Behind the “double pathway,” however, one can also discern a circular structure that resembles the Expulsion-and-Return pattern of the French Enfances-romances (recounting a hero’s childhood and youthful exploits)°° and the Anglo-Norman “ancestral romances”*’ (Pérennec, Zellmann, McLelland). Even the briefest summary of the narrated events of Lanzelet lends credence to a bipartite structuring of the plot, with the revelation of the hero's identity forming the central episode.*® The linear narration of the first series of adventures is punctuated by ever stronger attempts to pull Lanzelet into Arthur’s world:°? 1. Prologue (1-40).

2. King Pant of Genewis (41-188). The vassals of tyrannical King Pant rebel, and he is killed; Queen Clarine is spared, and their baby son, Lanzelet, is kidnapped by a water fairy (the Mermaid Queen). 3. The Land of Maidens (189-388). Lanzelet grows up without knowing his true identity, which he can only discover by defeating Iweret of the Beautiful Wood (Behforet).

4. Furst series of adventures. |

Pluris I (389-451). Before the castle of Pluris, a dwarf strikes Lanzelet in the face with a whip. Johfrit de Liez (452-666). Lanzelet receives his education in horsemanship and knightly sport. Moreiz (667-1321). Lanzelet is seduced by the beautiful daughter of Galagandreiz; after killing him, Lanzelet is awarded his daughter and is chosen to rule in her father’s place.

INTRODUCTION : 15 Arthur I (1322-1356). Orphilet suggests to Lanzelet that he present himself to Arthur at Karidol. Limors (1357-2238). Lanzelet defeats Lord Linier; after killing him,

he is awarded his niece, Ade, and is chosen to rule in her uncle’s place.

Arthur IT (2239-2648). Arthur sends Walwein to Lanzelet with an invitation to the court. Lanzelet jousts with Walwein. Dyoflé (2649-3439). Lanzelet is victorious in the three-day tournament.

Arthur III (3440-3474). Arthur personally invites Lanzelet to visit the court. Schatel le Mort (3475-3928). Mabuz the Craven turns Lanzelet into a sniveling coward. The Beautiful Wood (3929-4673). Lanzelet defeats Iweret and flees with Iweret’s daughter, Iblis. 5. Furst series of adventures ends (4674-4926). The messenger of the wa-

ter fairy reveals Lanzelet’s identity. Lanzelet rides off in search of Walwein.

6. Valerin I (4927-5396). Lanzelet defeats King Valerin of the Tangled Pinewood and is subsequently admitted to the Round Table. Just as the whole first series in its entirety is the result of the quest initiated by the water fairy, each of its subsidiary adventures is linked to a female character (Fisher 282; Schmidt 8): Galagandreiz’s daughter, Ade, and Iblis. The adventures recount Lanzelet’s progress toward his main goal, as stated explicitly in ll. 314f., to discover what he does not know: his own identity and that of his kinsmen, which establishes his place in the world.*° The social shame he feels because of his namelessness is a recurring theme. As is the case with the heroes of Chrétien’s romances, Erec, Yvain, and Perceval, achieving the goal is associated with the winning of a rightful wife and consort. Because each of the women Lanzelet wins by force of arms is

also the heir of her father or uncle, Lanzelet’s victories gain him both the maidens and their territories. Each adventure is marked by the increasing difficulty of the challenge, as well as the “knightliness” of the mode of com-

bat: at Moreiz, he fights on foot against the knife-wielding Galagandreiz; at Limors, against the club-wielding giant, two hungry lions, and, lastly— on horseback and bearing knightly weapons—against Linier himself; at Dyoflé, against the best of Arthur’s knights: Kay, Iwan, Erec, Karyet, and King Lot; at the Beautiful Wood, against Iweret, the best of all knights. It is noteworthy that the three knights Lanzelet does not defeat—Walwein,

16 INTRODUCTION Erec, and Karyet—are all members of his own family, his maternal cousins, although he does not yet know this. Lanzelet’s experience with women reveals a similar progression toward

true love.*! The nameless daughter of the tyrannical, Pant-like Galagandreiz, who can quote from memory her father’s tirade against love (IL. 923-32), does not require the love-service of a knight to win her affection (Schiippert 128). Rather, she, “burning with a powerful desire for love” (1. 857) because her father has forbidden her to marry,” offers herself more or less randomly to the three knights. Orphilet and Kuraus properly refuse her, but Lanzelet, still ignorant of the courtly way to earn a lady’s love, all too readily accepts. Her granting of unearned love, itself an uncourtly act, has as its consequence the unknightly and unsportsmanlike contest; violating the rules of the game, Lanzelet does not throw his knife at Galagandreiz: he stabs him to death. Though his lover rewards him with herself and rule over her land—unlike his father, Lanzelet is by nature a generous lord (1. 1249)—their love cannot compete with his quest for his knightly identity. He abandons her.

Linier of Limors is also a tyrant; his main characteristic is his anger (Il. 1607, 1645, 1660, 1662, 1664, 1988), and his requirement that all armed

knights who approach his castle must bear a palm branch is not designed to produce peace, but to initiate combat. His niece, unlike Galagandreiz’s daughter, is given a name: Ade. This is a sign of progress. Ade also initiates the love relationship with Lanzelet, but it is he who has inspired it; she admires him for his manly courage (1. 1493). Each earns the other’s love through love-service. Ade first saves his life, then tends to him both in prison, where Linier had thrown him because he interpreted Lanzelet’s refusal to give his name as an insult, and afterward, when she nurses the wounds he has received in combat with her uncle. Lanzelet wins her by fulfilling the demands of her uncle’s adventure, and the burghers award him both Ade and the land as his prize, since she is Linier’s heir. Lanzelet demonstrates his development toward proper knighthood not merely through fair combat but also by his decision to journey with Ade to her father in order to seek reconciliation over Linier’s death (Schiippert 127) and to gain proper recognition of their love. When his bravery fails through Mabuz’s magic at the Schatel le Mort—a world turned upside down in which, through the water fairy’s magic, the natures of craven and valiant knights are reversed—her love fails as well. At the insistence of her brother

and seemingly against her will, she abandons him. |

INTRODUCTION 17 The winning of Iblis at the Beautiful Wood is a culmination of courtly development in the behavior of both Lanzelet and the maiden; this love is characterized by its predisposition and mutuality: she is his “femme du coeur” (Pastré 1997:106). Iblis is of exemplary character: she is beautiful (IL. 4016, 4021, 4032), courteous (4021), honorable (4031), virtuous (4042), of noble birth (4047), gentle, wise, and pure (4032f.); moreover, she is without

guile, envy, and hate (4022, 4024). Most important, she is happy (4029) and blessed by fortune (4039), two qualities she shares with Lanzelet and that also indicate their perfect suitability for each other. She is already in love with him before she meets him, for he has appeared to her in a dream, standing under a linden, the emblematic tree of love. Iblis’s father, Iweret, like Lanzelet’s own father, is an unjust tyrant who eagerly prosecutes similarly unjust wars of aggression against his neighbors; he also shares with Galagandreiz the desire to keep his daughter at his side, a fairy-tale motif. To win her, each suitor must do combat with him, and he has mercilessly slain every one of them. Like Iblis, Lanzelet is in love before they actually meet; having heard of the adventure from an abbot—already a good sign— he sets out with the purpose of winning her for himself. When the lovers do meet for the first time, Iblis is “almost burning with passion’ (I. 4380) for his beauty and virtue—a state reminiscent of both Galagandreiz’s daughter and Ade—and urges him to flee with her, in order to save him from death at the hand of her father. Lanzelet rejects this suggestion, insisting that he must win her “in proper fashion” as “a knight should” (IL. 4346-352). Follow-

ing his victory over Iweret and denying the merciless lord’s own plea for mercy, Lanzelet pledges to love Iblis always and requires of her the same commitment (Il. 4569-73). They flee the Beautiful Wood and what they anticipate to be the anger of Iweret’s vassals, and consummate their love in an ideal landscape (/ocus ameenus), an “earthly paradise” (1. 4836) replete with

linden tree, flowers, and birds. ‘That their love is true is symbolically confirmed by their entry into the Enchanted Pavilion sent by the water fairy, and its perfect mutuality is confirmed by the Magic Mirror (Il. 4913-923), in which each lover can only behold the other's face. The killing of Iweret at the Beautiful Wood represents the completion of Lanzelet’s doubly motivated quest, avenging the water fairy and discovering his own place in the world, since the fulfillment of the former leads to the latter. Parallel to the amorous adventures, during which he gradually perfects his knightly skills, runs a gradual but reluctant approach to Arthur’s court. Although his skills would qualify him for a place among

18 INTRODUCTION Arthur's knights, without knowing his identity, he cannot know if he belongs there. Each adventure ends with an increasingly powerful exhortation to seek out the court of Arthur: after Moreiz, Orphilet suggests Lanzelet journey to Karidol; after Limors, Arthur sends Walwein with an invitation; and after Dyoflé—where Lanzelet conceals himself out of shame for not knowing his name (1. 3226f.), the lack of which is symbolized by his appear-

ance in battle gear of three different colors (Thoran 61)—Arthur invites him personally. After his victory over Iweret, when Lanzelet has learned his name and his relationship to Arthur, he himself makes a first movement

toward the Arthurian world by resolving to seek out Walwein, to whom he is now doubly bound as friend and kinsman (ll. 4960-61). At Karidol both his excellence and his place in that world are confirmed when he is able to approach unharmed the Stone of Honor (Il. 5177ff.), a version of the Siege (Seat) Perilous motif usually associated with later Grail adventures.

That Lanzelet joins Walwain, heretofore Arthur's best knight (as also in Chrétien), at the stone is a symbolic demonstration that Lanzelet has now achieved a status equal to his. Lanzelet then assumes his birthright, a place in the ranks of Arthur’s young relatives—Walwein, Karjet, and Erec—and immediately asserts his primacy over them by championing Ginover against Valerin. Having fought for and won his own proper helpmate, his first act _ as amember of his newly discovered family is to fight to restore Ginover to Arthur (Combridge 1973:56). There is scholarly disagreement as to exactly where the first series ends: with the revelation of Lanzelet’s identity (Lerner, Huby, Soudek, Schiippert,

Giirttler, Schmidt, Schultz, Welz, Thoran, Rossbacher, Gottzmann, Péren- | nec, Spiewok, Zellmann), which allows him, as Arthur's nephew, rightfully to champion Ginover against Valerin’s challenge; or with the defeat of Valerin and Lanzelet’s admission to the Round Table (Trendelenburg, Ruh, Haug, Fisher, Bertau, Borck, McConeghy, Hesse, Feistner), with the Pluris II adventure (see below) as the beginning of the second series. Unlike with Chrétien’s heroes, Lanzelet’s second series of adventures is not motivated by an ethical or spiritual crisis; indeed, such a crisis is precluded by his having spent his youth on the Isle of Maidens: “whoever dwelt there | a day would never feel sorrow but would live always in joy until the hour of ... death” (Il. 237-40). Lanzelet’s integration into the Arthurian world, once achieved, is never called into question, and his love for Iblis endures. When, immediately upon being admitted to the Round Table, he resolves to return to the scene of his first adventure, the unresolved Pluris I episode in which he failed to avenge the dwarf’s whiplash, he finds himself in, if not

INTRODUCTION 19 a spiritual crisis worthy of Erec or Yvain, at least a “crisislike” situation: his separation from the Arthurian family (Hesse 104). 7. Second series of adventures.

Pluris IP? (5397-5573). Lanzelet returns to Pluris, where he remains for a year as the prisoner of the queen; he pines for Arthur’s court. Kardigan (5574-5640). Iblis pines for Lanzelet. Pluris IT (5641-5678). Lanzelet conceives of a strategy for escape; he pines for Iblis. Kardigan (5679-6228). The Mantle Test. Pluris IT° (6229-6562). Walwein, Karyet, Erec, and Tristant rescue Lanzelet. Valerin IT? (6563-6974). hey learn that Valerin has abducted Ginover.

Malduc I (6975-7305). Arthur, Lanzelet, Karyet, and Tristant secure

the help of the sorcerer Malduc. | Valerin II” (7306-7479). Ginover is freed; Erec and Walwein are delivered up to Malduc. Malduc IT (7480-7716). Lanzelet, Karyet, and Tristrant lead an expedition of 100 knights to free Erec and Walwein. Kardigan (7717-7816). Erec and Walwein’s joyous return to the court. The Audacious Kiss (7817-7961). Lanzelet dares to kiss a dragon that is then transformed into a beautiful woman, Clidra of Thyle. Kardigan (7962-8040). Clidra is brought to Arthur’s court. 8. Genewts (8041-8462). Lanzelet regains his right to the throne.

Kardigan (8463-9145). Lanzelet and Iblis return with Arthur to Kardigan. 9. Dodone (9146-9303). Lanzelet and Iblis are crowned. Kardigan (9304-9308). Arthur returns to Kardigan. 10. Epilogue (9309-9444). Lanzelet and Iblis live happily ever after.

The very structure of the second series of adventures attests to the fact that their geographic and ideological center is Arthur’s court; their theme is disruption—of the joy (e.g., Combridge 1973:60f.; Ruh 1980:45; McLelland 156-58); of the equilibrium and order (Thoran 66; Rossbacher 196); of the honor (Rossbacher 198)—of the Arthurian world and its restoration. The adventures of the second series could be characterized by the themes of imprisonment and liberation (Haug 57; Spiewok 1993:141), defined as the involuntary separation from and the return to Arthur’s court: Lanzelet in Pluris, Ginover in the Tangled Pinewood, Walwein and Erec at the Misty Lake. All those separated from the court are members of Lanzelet’s

20 INTRODUCTION own family, and their restoration, accomplished by members of Arthur’s extended family, also restores the family unity (Pérennec 1984:2:36; Zellmann 249). As the winning of land and maidens by Lanzelet, acting alone and in his own interest, carried the first series, so the second is carried by Lanzelet’s acting in concert with others; the act of restoration is not the work of an individual, but is acomplished through communal effort, the “knightly team-spirit” (Combrige 1968:79) that confirms Lanzelet’s new role as best of knights among his Round Table equals (Ruh 1975:51). When Lanzelet himself is rescued, it is by his three cousins and Tristant. Confirmed, as well, is Iblis as Lanzelet’s true love. The adventure in Pluris

is, in a sense, the mirror image of the episodes of the first series (Pérennec 1993:137f.). Unlike his first encounter with Pluris, where the callow youth and incompetent horseman suffered insult at the hands of a dwarf, Lanzelet now

returns as an accomplished knight and defeats one hundred knightly opponents; he also wins yet another wife. But here he does not, cannot, win the kingdom; this upside-down world of Pluris is ruled by a queen who is herself both the maiden to be won—as in the first series of adventures—and her own guardian who must be—vicariously—defeated (Feistner 249). The glory Lanzelet won by defeating Iweret and Valerin and by approaching Walwein at the Siege Perilous is trumped by his display of valor at Pluris: only he can defeat the full complement of one hundred knights; Walwein, who can subsequently defeat only ninety-nine, must now be ranked second to him in Arthur's hierarchy. Instead of assuming the kingship of Pluris, his natural, one might say genetic, place in the hierarchy, Lanzelet is deprived of his weapons—symbolic of his knightly identity—and languishes as the queen's pampered love prisoner. It is in this unnatural world of Pluris that Lanzelet experiences his first moment of sadness (1. 5645), which can only be relieved by regaining his place in the Arthurian world (Il. 5570-74) and reuniting with Iblis (Il. 5646-50). The episodes of Lanzelet’s captivity and the Mantle Test, the essential unity of which is emphasized by their interlaced narration, represent simultaneous tests of the couple’s love (Pérennec 1984:2:62, 64);*4 however, unlike some versions of this | folkloric motif, the mantle does not expose sexual infidelity, but instead reveals those behaviors that destroy the courtly love relationship. Iblis’s victory over all the ladies of the court is a public confirmation of her excellence that parallels Lanzelet’s successful trial of the Siege Perilous in the first series (Knoll 196): she is worthy to be the wife of the best knight (Ruh 1975:52). In comparison to Ade, Lanzelet’s almost-perfect wife, who nevertheless forsook him when he was imprisoned by Mabuz, Iblis remains faithful to him when the Queen of Pluris

also imprisons him, albeit in more tender fetters. |

INTRODUCTION 21 In the episode of Ginover’s abduction by Valerin, Lanzelet is integral to the restoration of joy in the Arthurian world: he aids Arthur in procuring the assistance of Malduc’s magic to counteract the evil magic of Valerin, and it is specifically Lanzelet’s grief over the abduction that motivates one hundred knights to undertake her rescue (Il. 7496-503); unlike his father, Lanzelet inspires the loyalty of his men (Thoran 67). He also leads the expedition to save his kinsmen Walwein and Erec, whose

lives have been traded for Malduc’s help, and restore them to Arthur. Malduc’s beautiful daughter does not, however, become yet another wife for Lanzelet—Iblis’s position has now been validated; rather, following her efforts to save the lives of Walwein and Erec, she is integrated into the whole of Arthurian society. After the adventure in Pluris, which has potentially disastrous consequences for him, Lanzelet no longer confronts adventure alone, but as part of a communal, familial effort; however, when he rides off with his nine companions—against the entreaties of [blis—to seek the adventure of the serpent’s kiss, he encounters a quest at which only one man can succeed. This adventure is the earliest known literary representation of a well-known motif found in Celtic folklore, the Audacious Kiss (fer dbaiser). It is represented in various medieval literatures—e.g., in Renaut de Beaujeu’s Le Jel inconnu (ca. 1195-1230), the Middle English Libeaus Desconus (ca. 1320-40),

and, as the motif of the Loathly Lady, in Chaucer’s “The Wife of Bath’s Tale”—and survives, in a variant form, even in modern popular culture as the fairy tale of Beauty and the Beast. In the Be/ inconnu (Fair unknown), which seems to represent a more authentic use of the motif, the kiss brings about a revelation: the knight Guinglain learns that he is the son of Gavain. Since Lanzelet has already learned his name at the end of the first series of adventures, the meaning of his kiss must be sought elsewhere. The Loathly Lady episode of an ancient Irish tale, The Adventures of the Sons of Eochaid Mugmedon, recounts how Niall of the Nine Hostages (r. 379-405) and his

heirs achieved the right to become the Irish High Kings: he alone among his five brothers could bring himself to kiss a hideous old hag, who was thereby transformed into a beautiful woman representing the Sovereignty of Erin (see text 7230). In Lanzelet the serpent’s kiss serves a double purpose: it symbolically completes the treatment of the love theme and unifies it with the theme of kingship. Violation of love’s proper rules brings punishment.*” Like the knight Gilimar (IL. 6563-672), who punishes himself with an oath of silence for having spoken too openly about his love, so Clidra, daughter of the King

2.2 INTRODUCTION of Thyle (Thule), has been transformed into a monstrous shape as punishment for trifling with the affections of a knight who was serving her for her love (Il. 8010f.). Lanzelet’s kiss ends her punishment and restores her to her proper maidenly form and to her place in society, as well—another instance

of the imprisonment-and-restoration theme. She is brought to Arthur's court, like Malduc’s daughter before her, where she will now adjudicate on | matters of love. That there may be some need for such a judge at Arthur's , court is demonstrated by the failure of all the ladies but Iblis to pass the test

of the Enchanted Mantle (Schmidt 15). |

As in the Irish version of the motif, the kiss also validates Lanzelet’s chivalric perfection and worthiness to assume his father’s kingship in Genewis (Pérennec 1993:135f.): “for he who is destined for the deed ... is the best knight now alive.” Lanzelet begins the second series of adventures by returning to the scene of his first adventure, Pluris, to resolve the lingering blot on his knighthood; now, following the adventure of the Audacious Kiss, he returns to the land of his birth to resolve the lingering blot on his heritage: his right to assume the throne of his father (Il. 8046-53). Lanzelet

is accompanied to Genewis by a mighty army from all sides of the sea (I. | 8135f.) that includes Arthur, Walwein, Erec, and Iwan, demonstrating for his own people his ability to inspire loyalty and that he has the support of _ his kinsmen and the Arthurian world they represent. While King Pant’s barons have indeed held the throne vacant for Lanzelet, his return to rule is not based solely upon his right to inherit it; he has proven worthy of kingship through his virtue and valor (1. 8204f.), but he must agree to treat his subjects better than did King Pant (1. 8210f.). He does this by confirming — his vassals in their feudal holdings and by demonstrating his innate (1. 8389) generosity—inherited from his mother (Combridge 1973:51) and his maternal uncle, Arthur (Il. 4946-48, 9409-11)—on a grand scale. Restored to his

throne, he is also restored to his mother. After reclaiming his own patri- | mony, Lanzelet is offered Iblis’s inheritance by representatives of the nobles of Dodone, to which he is entitled by having married her after winning the right to do so through a demonstration of his prowess (1. 8627), that-is, by killing her father.4® Thus, the royal couple returns to Dodone, scene of the last adventure of the first series, and Lanzelet assumes the kingship over the

three lands inherited by Iblis. Like the Irish King Niall, Lanzelet and his

children after him will rule in peace and harmony. = ~— _ The interpretations of the work vary widely, but they can be loosely — grouped together under several general statements. Lanzelet is an entertaining quest romance with no deeper meaning (Norman, Fisher). It is an

INTRODUCTION 23 entertaining, biographical quest romance that glorifies the family and dynastic succession (Pérennec), that glorifies courageousness (McLelland). It is a biographical romance with developmental stages analogous to those of saints lives (Zellmann). It is a parody of the superlatives of Arthurian heroism (Buschinger). It is a rejection of the disruptive passions of courtly love in favor of marital love (Spiewok). Lanzelet must discover his own identity, then confirm his rightful place in the Arthurian world through knightly deeds (Ruh, Haug, Schtippert, Fisher, Welz, Borck). He must demonstrate his prowess and ethical worthiness as a knight in order to take his rightful place in the Arthurian world (Lerner, Soudek). He must perform knightly deeds to prove his worthiness to assume the kingship of his father (Combridge, Margetts, Pérennec, Hesse). He must both discover his identity and prove his worthiness as corequisites for assuming the kingship of his father (Welz, Thoran, Rossbacher, Ranawake). He must atone for the tyrannical misrule of his father and prove himself worthy of kingship (Jackson, Gottzmann). He is a flawless hero destined for exemplary kingship (Brogsitter, Schmidt, Schultz, Zellmann). He is a parody of the ethically conflicted Arthurian hero (Feistner). In contrast to Chrétien’s Lancelot, he advocates the primacy of knightly adventure and fame over love (McConeghy, Schwartz). Happy Coincidence is the main hero in Lanzelet (Bertau).

Ulrich von Zatzikhoven cannot be counted among the great poets of his age; the competition—Hartmann von Aue, Wolfram von Eschenbach, Gottfried von Strassburg, not to mention the extraordinary lyrical poets— is simply too stiff. However, he does demonstrate a certain poetic ambition, which can be seen, for example, in his elaborate descriptions of the Beautiful Wood, the castle at Dodone, and the Enchanted Pavilion. His vocabulary is rich and varied, encompassing antiquarian and rare words—including not a few words otherwise unattested, French words and constructions (see text 716), and idiomatic expressions (especially in MS P) more common to the popular epic tales told by wandering entertainers (Spie/mannseptk) than to the elevated literary language of the romances of Hartmann and Wolfram; furthermore, he employs more of the language of courtly love poetry than any other German writer of romance before Gottfried’s Tristan (Richter 231). He has an endearing fondness for homely apothegms and other sententious bits of folk wisdom, with which he ornaments the narration. With regard to his technical skills, one can say that Ulrich makes a special effort to form pure rhymes (Kantola 1982:23, 161), although he does occasionally resort to filler lines or unusual words to achieve his couplets. It is difficult to judge his handling of meter, however, because of the scribal

24 INTRODUCTION conventions in the manuscripts; MS P, for example, shows an inclination toward full forms and even unnecessary unaccented syllables (paragoge and epenthesis), while W shows a contrary strong tendency toward apocope and syncope (Combridge 1993:42). The meager manuscript tradition does not adequately reflect the popu-

larity or importance of Lanzelet. Ulrich was held in high regard by the German poet Rudolf von Ems (ca. 1200-54), who mentions him in his catalogue of poets in two romances, Alexander and Willehalm von Orlens.*”

Lanzelet is known as king of Genewis and Dodone in the thirteenth-century romances of Der Pleier, Garel von dem bhihenden Tal and Tandarets und Flordibel.°° The childhood of the eponymous hero of the thirteenthcentury Wigamur, who was kidnapped by a fairy, received his knightly edu-

cation from a merman, and had difficulty with horsemanship, is a clear imitation of Lanzelet’s.°! Johann von Konstanz names Lanzelet and Iblis among the literary lovers in his Minnelehre (ca. 1300), and he may have based his description of Dame Love on Ulrich’s text.°* Lanzelet and Iblis are listed among the lovers who knew great joy in the fourteenth-century Minneburg,> a love allegory. The early fourteenth-century Codex Manesse (Heidelberg, Cpg. 348), the most important collection of German Minnesang, also contains a subtle tribute to Ulrich: the miniature for Alram (or Waltram) von Gresten (311') portrays the poet and a lady sitting under a coat of arms inscribed “AMOR?” and reading Lanzelet (Salowsky 1975). Another collection of lyric poetry, the Kénigsteiner Liederbuch (second half

of the fifteenth century) knows “Lantzelot” as a sorrowless knight who is sustained by the love of the beautiful “Ubles.”4 About the same time, the Munich patrician and noted bibliophile Jacob Ptiterich von Reichertshausen (1400-69) confirmed the enduring popularity of Lanzelet, when he wrote to the Countess Palatine Mechthild in 1462 that his private library contained a “Lantzilot, von Sahnenhouen . . . vlrich,” which he describes as

a work that can be read at every court; furthermore, Piiterich’s protégé, the painter Ulrich Fiietrer (ca. 1420-96), cites Ulrich “von Satzenhofen” as one of the sources for his gigantic verse Lannzilet (more than 42,000 lines in 6,009 strophes!), which formed the largest section of his Buch der Abenteuer (Book of adventures).°°

A NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION Lanzelet presents several difficulties, if the translation is not only to be an accurate rendering of the original into English but also to convey in some

INTRODUCTION 25 way the tone of the romance, as far as that is possible in a translation. The most notable feature of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s style is perhaps his convoluted syntax, in which he occasionally pushes the comparatively free word order of Middle High German verse to its limits. To convert this into the fixed word order of English prose might convey the literal sense of the text, but would leave little trace of Ulrich’s lively narrative style. To retain the feel of the original, this translation attempts to follow, as far as the rules of English syntax permit, the twists and turns of Ulrich’s verse. As was noted earlier, Ulrich often employs conservative vocabulary associated more with the medieval epic than with the romance. Nothing reveals this more than the terms wigant, recke, degen, kneht, and helt, which he uses interchangeably to refer to his knights, ritter (ritere). While elt, “hero,” and kneht, etymologically related to “knight,” have their obvious English translations, and recke, though originally meaning a “warrior in exile, wandering warrior, heroic warrior, adventurer,” was used in romances as the technical term for the “knight-errant” on his search for adventure, it is difficult to think of an English word that distinguishes the wigant, the fierce, formidable, battle-tried warrior, from the additional battle-keen, swashbuckling qualities of the degen, the latter a metonymy for “dagger, sword.” In this translation, both are rendered as “warrior,” which, though blurring a bit the slightly diverging connotations of wigant and degen, reminds the reader of their origin in the more violent world of the epic. Another translation difficulty is presented by vriundin and the French loan word, amie, which Ulrich properly uses to refer to what Victorians liked to call the “lofty lady” of courtly love, that is, the noble lady worshiped from afar by a knight who strove for excellence in order to gain her favor; however, Ulrich also uses vriundin more prosaically to refer to a nobleman’s wife and the masculine form, vriunt, to refer to her husband. Webster (1951) translated vriundin as “ladylove,” which, though technically correct, sounds so cloyingly sentimental—and Victorian—in modern English. The literal “girlfriend” or “ladyfriend,” on the other hand, would sound too modern and remind one of terms like “significant other” or “lover”; but the more general terms of endearment like “sweetheart” or “true love” do not seem to convey the loftiness of courtly love. We have, therefore, settled on the translation “beloved,” which, though itself perhaps too liturgical and too lofty, emphasizes the spiritual—as opposed to the physical—nature of the bond between knight and lady; it stresses the love felt by the lover, but does not necessarily imply acceptance by the lady who is loved, though this is certainly his goal.

2.6 INTRODUCTION , With regard to format, the translation generally follows the paragraphing of Hahn’s edition; however, long passages that seem to contain logical breaks in the narration have been subdivided, and dialogue has been set off according to the practice in prose texts. In addition, the romance has been divided into “chapters” or “adventures” that correspond to structural divisions in the narration, with titles supplied by the translator. Bracketed line numbers have also been provided, so that those with a knowledge of Middle High German can more easily find the corresponding passage in

_ the original. ,

Lanzelet

PROLOGUE (1-40) , Whosoever can recognize true words, let him consider what a wise man! said in days long past, one with whom all the world has since concurred. He deemed that man lacking in courage, who tries to please everyone in the world. The brave man is always hated by the cowardly; but this he must not unduly lament, since they are always disheartened when his endeavors meet with success. Now hear what I mean by this. He will remain friendless who does not prefer some people over others. It is my prayer, as well as my advice, that courtly persons hear what I have to say, those to whom praise and honor are due. I am anxious to keep their good will and to drive away those who are filled with wicked envy. May God keep this story, which I am about to begin, from such people! In any event, they will quickly depart when they hear this

poem recited. They will scarcely be able to bear it, that success came to a knight who ever strove after the steadfast virtues; he was courtly and wise and

wrested many a prize from proud warriors in far-off lands. But at that time he did not know his own name nor from what noble family he came, until the famed hero brought it about through his manly prowess that his name was revealed to him and his lineage as well. His virtues burgeoned in great

2,8 Lanzelet abundance, this same man favored by fortune, for he was never disposed to dishonorable deeds.

KinGc Pant or GENEwIs (41-188) Now do not become impatient, for I will tell you, without your asking, how his proper place in the world became known. There was once a prince

named Pant (Ban)? who was king of Genewis. His hair had turned gray from many wars, of which he had fought an exceeding number, as does many a man who wants more than rightfully belongs to him. That sort of behavior does not in the long run last, for it often provokes a counterattack. The custom that Pant followed was this: since he was by nature a warrior, he would treat alike those in his kingdom who sought justice of him, both the great and the humble. He would also suffer no one to contradict him, and the offender perished there on the spot. He had so harried both counts and dukes and so vented his wrath upon them that life was very difficult

for the highborn lords; they became hostile and plotted how they might take his life. Those who once were rich and powerful relinquished all their possessions and led wretched lives. A harsh man indeed was this king. Now he had a beautiful wife, steadfast and unassuming. In her womanly goodness she alleviated much suftering. Her name was Clarine.? So well did she lead her life that knights and

ladies thought most highly of her. One should consider this astonishing | fact: those who wished her husband dead served her the best they knew how, for her heart was set on naught but honor. That the king survived as long as he did was due to her generous kindness. Now this fair lady had borne a child who was to enjoy extraordinary good fortune. The queen looked after him herself, without a nurse,* in her own chamber, where he was well taken care of and gave but little trouble. He was often rocked by , the hands of beautiful ladies. It was foretold that he would become a great warrior, which brought great joy to King Pant. As has been told to us, the child was a year and I know not how many weeks old [100] when the angry knights whom the king had mistreated so unjustly formed a conspiracy. They got together a mighty band with such cunning secrecy that none of those who should have warned the king knew about it. Then he had to pay dearly for having so cruelly oppressed them

with his military might and for having caused their kinsmen to be slain.

They assembled a great army and rode openly against him. The brunt of this was borne by those who gained absolutely no advantage from it, for in

Lanzelet 29 order to injure and humble the king, many a prosperous village was pillaged and burned. Now it so happened that Pant had an ancestral residence, a fair

castle by the sea. To this the mighty army laid siege, when it was learned that he had taken refuge there. Few of the people whom they found in the outer bailey escaped alive; many they wounded, sparing neither the old nor the children. They had no wish to cease till they had utterly destroyed them, for their hearts were much aggrieved. The king was in great danger. Thus the old saying was proved true: Victory will elude him who holds his vassals in contempt.” He had been too fierce in his ways, and for this reason all his knights had abandoned him; he was left almost alone, except for his castle guard, who were famed warriors. They defended their fortress well, for they were driven by dire necessity to fight against the invaders. The castle was close beset on all sides. Then food became scarce; moreover, because of the king's evil reputation, they had very little hope that they should be relieved by men of arms from any other land.

With difficulty Pant was restrained from making a stand, solitary and alone, before the castle. The enemy reached the gate and quickly hewed it down, for they paid little heed to the missiles hurled and shot at them. Then there was a great exchange of spear thrusts in the gateway; many a man who had fought well tasted death. The castle guard could not hold back the assailants; they pressed into the fortress, and at once a hand-tohand struggle took place. King Pant was wounded, and most of his men were slain. Then the weeping and wailing began, for the castle was taken. Now the king had a spring located between the castle and the lake.° He hurried there because he was in pain, and with him went the queen, who carried nothing but their little child. Presently the king’s suffering became so great that the queen tried to refresh him with a drink of water. After he drank, he died. The queen was in great distress and was concerned for the safety of her child. She took refuge under a tree, where she believed herself to be all alone. Then there came a water fairy, as in a mist’ driven by the wind; she took the child from the queen and carried it with her into her land. The enemy, perceiving this at once, took the lady captive, returned to the castle with their bloody swords, and did whatever they pleased.

Tue Lanp of MaiIpEns (189-388) If it pleases you, at this point I will tell you right away what became of the child. A lady took him, a wise mermaid who was a queen, better than any who now live. She had ten thousand ladies in her land, not one of whom

30 Lanzelet had ever seen a man nor even man’s apparel. [200] They had shifts and gowns of brocade? and of silk. I shall not fail to tell you the truth, that all the year round her land was abloom as in the middle of May;? moreover, the residence of these ladies was splendidly wide and long, and the enclosure magnificent. [he mountain was a crystal, round as a ball, on which the mighty castle stood. They feared no foreign foe nor any king’s army. All around the land lay the sea and a wall'so strong that no one could be cunning enough, even if he might entertain the thought, to get over it, except where the gate stood; and that was a hard diamond. So those within were

quite without fear. Whoever had built the castle had embellished it with great artistry. Outside and within it was made of gold that glittered like a

, starry constellation. Nothing at all grew old inside that castle ditch; even someone said to be a hundred always remained as beautiful as ever. There also no one became spiteful through anger or through envy. The ladies who dwelled there were blissfully happy. The precious stones that had been worked into the building possessed such virtue, so we are told, that whoever dwelled there for even a day would never feel sorrow, but would live always

in joy till the hour of his death.1° |

And now in this land the child grew up knowing no dishonor, in joy and without sorrow. He was to be loyal, well-mannered, and of good spirits—so the good lady admonished him, who taught him much concerning honorable conduct.!! He was not given to mockery, as the ill-bred are wont to be. As soon as he understood what was good and seemly, he was turned over

to the ladies. They made great sport of him, and he was able to observe their proper comportment, for they all had courtly manners. They taught him how to behave and how to make conversation with ladies. He had no wish ever to rouse any woman’s anger against him, for he was of noble birth. He learned that he must keep silent at the proper time. About harping and fiddling and playing all manner of stringed instruments he knew more than a great deal, for such was the custom of that land. Along with this the ladies eagerly taught him to sing.!* He excelled in everything and was extraordinarily gifted. Each of the ladies wished that he would come to love her;'° and if he had no desire to win any of them, none deemed his conduct improper, for he was both courtly'* and intelligent. At the noble lad’s request the lady did a wise thing, for he seemed to her to possess a lively disposition: she sent for mermen! and had them teach him to defend himself in combat. In these exercises he would never | rest until he had mastered them completely. He had to run the a/ebar,'° to jump extraordinarily far; to wrestle strenuously; to hurl stones, both large

Lanzelet 31 and small, a good distance; to throw spears—he never tired of doing as he was instructed—to still-hunt; to hawk; to chase with the full pack;!” and to shoot with the bow.!® Those men who came from the sea taught him quickness and agility. In all things he was skillful and manly, except that he knew nothing whatever about chivalry, for he had never mounted a horse, and he did not know what armor was. [300] And so he grew to be fifteen years old in that land. Then the bold hero desired to ask his lady’s permission to depart. He longed to see tourneying and riding, and he was eager to learn something of fighting. When the time came to ask to take his leave, he went to a suitable place where he might have a good opportunity of speaking to his liege lady, the queen. “Look now with favor,” he said, “on my request and reveal to me my kinsmen, for I do not know who I am. I have idled away all this time, so that I am heartily ashamed that I am ignorant of my name;!’ be assured that it grieves me.” She replied, “It will never be told you.” “Why? Who has forbidden you to tell it?” “My shame and my great distress.” “Explain them to me, no matter how great they are.” “You are too young for that: you do not know how to protect yourself

from harm.” |

“Then let me go forth nameless; surely my name will be made known to me.” “You must first get the upper hand of the best knight who ever lived.” “Tell me his name. Why hesitate?” “He is called Iweret?? of the Beautiful Wood, Behforet.*! His castle is called Dodone. Avenge what he has done to me, and I shall ever be grateful.

And be certain beyond any doubt that your name shall be kept from you till you have first vanquished him. If you are valiant, you will find him. God grant that things go well for you! For his manly prowess is so great that I know no one who is his equal. In my opinion, he surpasses all the best.” The boy replied, “Then he has my hatred. Fit me out for combat; the time is at hand. Give me all the good advice you can, for my heart is eager to confront him.” As soon as the queen realized that he wished to leave the land for no reason other than to win glory, the noble lady provided him with a most handsome war horse,” spirited and strong, on which he could pursue anyone who provoked his anger. The lady also provided him with armor, white as a swan,”> the best that any man ever wore, decorated in a most courtly

32 Lanzelet fashion. His surcoat*4 was richly adorned with little golden bells,”° and this was quite fitting for the hero, for he was worthy of the finest possessions.

The lady gave him a sword too, which had golden engraving and which easily cut iron and steel when it was wielded in the fury of combat.*° The shield that he was to bear was exactly as he could have wished.?’ A broad eagle of gold was incised in the middle of it,?? and the edge was adorned with sable. Geun of Turie,?? a member of the lady’s household, had taken great pains with it. The lad wore splendid clothing. His bridle and reins were excellent in every way. And now he departed over the waves of the sea with the blessing of many a lady. They watched after the warrior as long as

they were able to keep him in sight, and if it were possible for them ever to be sad, no man in all the world would have been more wept over by so many lovely ladies.

KNIGHTLY EDUCATION (389-666) The adventure tells us that a mermaid was his steersman. The queen too made the journey with him, accompanied by a delightful throng. She admonished and instructed him to treat all the world with great regard, to be steadfast, and always to endeavor to do the best he could. A short time thereafter they reached land. [400] The warrior took his leave—he did this in a most fitting manner—and mounted his charger. Now hear something quite strange: the lad did not know how to hold his reins; he just trusted to chance and held on tight to the saddlebow! His horse began to rear wildly, for he had pricked it with his spurs, and the ladies could have sworn that he was sure to crash into many a great tree. But Dame Fortune was his guide, and the horse turned into the road that lay near the Lake. And thus he rode all day long; this hardly tired him, for he was so delighted by his good fortune that he was oblivious to fatigue. Early the next morning he saw not far from his road a castle, lofty and fair. Moderating its pace, his charger turned toward the castle gate. In front of it was a dwarf, sitting on a white palfrey and carrying a long whip.*? He was a creature devoid of all honor, and he struck a blow below the eyes of the famed hero’s horse. ‘The hero—and this is no falsehood—thought that that must be the proper thing to do, and the stalwart warrior took the affront very lightly until he himself got a whip cut from the little troll. Even then he took no vengeance on the miserable wretch, for he deemed him too unworthy, but he conceived a great anger toward the castle where this had taken place. He had no choice but to go wherever his horse took him,

: Lanzelet 33

whether over dry land or through deep water, but he made inquiry as to

who might be lord of the castle where this affront had occurred. “The castle is called Pluris,”>* said a man who stood nearby, “but the name of its lord I really do not know.” From there he turned at once onto a broad heath with splendid shrubbery, and presently he came to a place where a gentle stream flowed that was neither too small nor too large. Alongside it was good land for hawking and a reedy marsh, rich in wild fowl. The horse did not want to go in that direction; the reins were hung about its ears, but its master paid very little attention to this and kept giving it the spur, so that it galloped downhill a little way, but not very far. Then he saw riding rapidly toward him a young

nobleman on a fine palfrey, the mane and tail of which reached to the ground. On his fist was perched a well-mewed hawk. Our worthy knight’s own charger began to neigh and rear and whinny as soon as it caught sight of the palfrey. The falconer observed that he was riding in a very childlike and inexperienced way, and said, “I appeal to your courtliness and ask that you ride in a more proper fashion and not cause me to be thrown to the ground, for which I shall ever be grateful. In return I offer you my service, if it can be of any use to you, and [ also bid you a hearty welcome.” The lad thanked him for that. “So help you God, why do you ride that way?” asked Johfrit de Liez**—I believe that was the young man’s name. “Is this a penance that has been laid upon you? It is certainly a remarkable way to behave, whoever the lady may be who has chosen you for her own.*? You carry your shield in a haphazard fashion and you let your reins dangle. You sit with your long legs all hunched up, so that your horse goes in leaps and just gallops hither and thither. Besides, you handle your lance** in a way that endangers you. [500] Yet your surcoat is magnificent and richly embroidered; you are clad like a proper warrior. I wager that you are not despised by whatever lady has sent you forth. If you would not consider it discourteous, I should like to say, without insulting you, that in all my days I have never met a man in this land whom I should be so glad to know. And so I ask with no evil intent that you tell me who you are. You should reveal your name, and if you will permit me to be your friend, I will gladly offer you my service in return. I would not refuse you, no matter what you might demand of me. For the sake of the lady that you love, do not keep secret from me whatever you can properly tell me.” “I will conceal nothing from you,” replied the warrior, “if you will truly assure me that I commit no fault in doing so. My name I cannot reveal, since

34 Lanzelet I have never discovered it myself. My kinsmen are unknown to me, so I have remained entirely ignorant of who I am and where I am going. Believe me when I say that though I had pledged my head and were to lose it unless I told you where I was born, even then I should know nothing at all about it. That one sees me riding like a fool means that I have done little of it. Today is only the third day since I departed from a land where men are unknown; there only women dwell. Now I long to see knights and their deeds of prowess, and if someone could tell where men were engaged in combat, I would spare no effort to risk my life either for honor or for the love of a lady, no matter whether I lose or win. I should like to win fame, had I the opportunity to pursue it. But if 1 am doomed, may God postpone it for many a day! There is nothing else I can tell you, except that I must ever be at your service for your courteous greeting. You seem to me of such fine upbringing that, if all the world were as perfect in noble sentiment and honor, I should be greatly

surprised if anyone could ever bear arms in order to harm another.” | At these words the courtly Johfrit began to laugh. He judged his companion to be clever, and he declared that he had never seen any youthful warrior who could speak so eloquently and yet rode so like a fool. “Grant me what I ask of you,” said he to the warrior from the Lake, “for you are doing a great disservice to yourself and to your fine steed. Follow my instructions. You should always keep hold of the reins. Stop bobbing about in the saddle; pay more attention to what you are doing and ride as I do for the rest of the day. I shall be forever grateful if you will. I can offer you friendship and honor, ifI find my house as I left it. My castle is not far from here. Consent to stay there and pay court to the ladies; they will help you pass the time pleasantly. It is not half a mile distant,” said the excellent warrior. “Furthermore, I have a mother who has always enjoyed meeting worthy people; she will offer you every comfort she can manage to provide.” Then the young man gave in—and it later proved a good thing for him. He took the reins in his hand and rode so well that one would readily have sworn he had previously been riding badly on purpose, with such skill did he hold to the path. Quickly they came to a place from which they could see the fortress. The lord of the castle began to ride faster and out of courtliness went on ahead of his companion. [600] On his arrival he found fair ladies, clothed to perfection. “A wonderfully courtly guest is coming to us,” he told them all, “who is sure to please you well, damsels and mother mine. Grant

him a good reception.”

That which he asked was done. The ladies rose with a decorous lack of haste and received the unknown knight with kind greetings. At the same

Lanzelet 35 time, the lord demonstrated his affection for his friend: he was permitted to kiss all the ladies of the best rank, the most noble among those present. He knew how to conduct himself in a way that they deemed praiseworthy. The lady of the castle seated him next to her, close by her side, after he had removed his armor; for then he was presentable in the courtly company. She asked him his story, and he could not postpone telling it, for she managed with a woman’s cunning to get him to recount to her everything that had happened to him from his childhood to the present moment. When all had been revealed to her, it was the strangest tale she had ever heard. Now hear what she did. She was a lady held in great regard, and she sent out pressing invitations to the best men in the land, whom she knew to be valorous, accomplished horsemen and expert in jousting according to the rules of the tourney. When they were gathered together, she requested they ride a bohourt.*° If anyone

wonders at this story, I am telling it to you just as I have heard it. There were three hundred of them, on chargers well trained and swift. Proudly they displayed their decorated lances and plumed bridles and caparisons of silk—yet none aroused the envy of the others because of this—and magnificent surcoats of the finest quality. They charged this way, then that way, and the young stranger paid careful heed to it all. When enough of this had taken place, and many a warrior had broken his lance, and the horses bore wounds, then the ladies were permitted to dance with the knights. Lovely maidens with garlands in their hair moved so beautifully to the dances of that time. And so it went on till the third day,*° when their guest also took to his horse. He hung his shield around his neck and rode with such great skill that many praised him; and he made not the slightest mistake, so that no one could find fault with him.

GALAGANDREIZ OF Moreiz (667-1356) Now that he had improved his skills in this way, the warrior was eager to be off on his journey. He took his leave and rode away, as the adventure tells us, on a straight road;°’ this led him to a forest, dark and vast. Nothing annoyed him, except that he did not encounter anything out of the ordinary.

In the evening he came through the wild wood onto a broad plain, where he saw two gallant knights fighting, as many valiant men of arms are wont to do. Their names have not been forgotten: one was called Kuraus with the Dauntless Heart,*? who had ridden from Gagunne in search of fame and to prove his boldness. The other was named Orphilet the Fair,°”? who had

36 Lanzelet done the same for the love of his lady. He belonged to the retinue of a lord of Britain. Neither of these combatants would give in till he had nothing left in his hand but the armstrap of his shield. The third comrade-in-arms, as he came trotting up to them, said, “I am amazed that you have fought to such excess. [700] You must stop it for my sake; and if one of you refuses, I will come to the aid of the other.” Thus he spoke to them both, and so

they separated. |

They had had enough of fighting and did as he asked them, for necessity compelled them both. Orphilet the Fair spoke: “Night will soon be upon

us, and I am very sorry that I have fought so long today, for I know not where to turn at this late hour. This is an inhospitable land.” To this Kuraus replied at once,*° “It is surely a desolate place, and it is a difficult road that will bring us among people again. Now I come to think of it, there is nowhere for us to find something to eat, except that—to our misfortune—there is a castle not far from here. There they would give us all we require; only, the lord of the castle has the custom of dealing harsh-

ly with anyone who strays from the rules of proper conduct—that is the truth—even by as much as a hair. We are in a dreadful plight. His wife is now long dead, but he has one daughter, one of the most beautiful damsels ever under the sun. On account of his love for her he spares his game animals, though he is a rich forester.*‘—I am telling you what I know about him.—His name is Galagandreiz,* and his castle is called Moreiz.*? He has brought many a man into disgrace for the most trifling of reasons; he is the very font of malicious arrogance, a harsh man given to feuding. No one whom I can dissuade from it would get too near him, however beautiful his daughter may be.” Then spoke the far-famed young warrior who had encountered them on the road: “I understand what you are saying. But a man may get along very well if he always aspires to exemplary conduct. If this lord is so disposed that for the sake of his honor he ardently abhors impropriety, perhaps he will also be of a mind not to harm anyone whose conduct he deems proper. And so I will risk it; that is my firm intent.” The two feared in their hearts that he suspected them of cowardice and might cause them to be the subject of gossip; for this reason they also favored the notion that they would be much better off if they deferred to the youth and made their way toward the castle. Having thus taken counsel, the travelers went off in the direction of the fortress. The castle was massive and lofty. They entrusted themselves to God, that He might govern their fate and protect them, as befitted His grace and as they themselves deserved. I can assure you they had made up

Lanzelet 37 their minds that they could put up with a modicum of ill will; but as it was, things turned out much more to their liking. That must have pleased them indeed.

They were well received and greeted properly as befitted their station. Many squires ran toward them, who relieved them of horse and shield. Now the lord of the castle had been playing games of chance and had met with good luck—fortunately for all of them. Therefore, his greeting was a joyous one, and they overcame their initial fear. Their host invited them to remove their armor, which one could see gleaming, white as tin. When that had been put aside, there was no one who could declare that he had ever before seen three such handsome knights. Their courtly bearing was noted, for each made every effort to show his good breeding. Then Galagandreiz said, “He to whom you grant the honor shall walk beside me: I wish to have

you meet my daughter and her ladies.” There was not a word of protest, [800] and their good manners prompted the two to put forward the youth. So the castellan led them to the door of an apartment where his daughter sat waiting. Never were knights better greeted nor with greater kindness; the powerful castellan had ordered it thus. The castellan’s daughter took him who had always lived among ladies by

the hand and seated him at her side. Never had he met with such success in so short a time. He talked to her about courtly things and about love in its manifold aspects. In whatever vein she addressed him, he gave the appropriate response, earnestly or in jest—and that with complete propriety. His companions were also in a merry mood. The young knight had the good fortune that no one could hold him in disfavor. After he had sat there thus a while, the meal was ready. No matter what one might say of lavish hospitality and of the variety of dishes, one could never describe all that was provided for them. They had a delightful time till the hour arrived when they were to go to sleep; then they had to confront quite a different experience.

As befitted welcome guests, comfortable beds had been prepared, one for each of them.** Their host escorted them himself and had excellent wine poured for them.* He arranged the pillows for each with his own hand. Then he said, “Heroes, as you lie here, do not violate the rules of proper conduct. May God, who reigns supreme over all the world, keep you in His power and grant you now a good night.” They also commended him to God’s care. Then the youthful warrior said, “Unless we are out of our minds, we ought ever to praise the lord of this castle, no matter what he may have done in the past.” Following these words, they fell silent.

38. Lanzelet , Then, just as they thought they would get some rest, the lady, the castellan’s daughter, came quietly walking in. It was her wish that bright candles now be lighted there: she wanted to find out just what the customary behavior of the heroes was and how they, under these circumstances, had arranged their beds, for she was burning with a powerful desire for love.*© She was dressed beautifully and very elegantly. She wore a magnificent mantle: the outside was of Saracen silk,*’ the finest ever seen or heard of at Morzi in the land of the heathens;*® the sable and fur tufts were excellent. The lady wore no hat, because she wished to appear young; rather, she wore a chaplet*? of lovely _ flowers that she had carefully plaited with her own hands. She could not have _ been more wonderful. Her shift was of silk, and she looked pleasing in it, so I am informed. Her mind was bent upon nothing but that which occupies the thoughts of one longing for passion. She had eluded the chaperonage that all women detest.°? Love so tormented her and compelled her thus so

powerfully that she was driven to boldness. Yet she was not alone; two pretty | maidens in close-fitting robes of green samite*! preceded her into the hall. The little maidens carried two golden candlesticks—the candles shed much light—and these they added at once, at the lady’s command, to the candles that they found there. Then she commended them to God’s care, at which

they bowed courteously to her. With graceful mien, they went to their rest. and left the mighty forester’s child alone with her guests. [goo] She was eager

to find at least some relief from her condition. , She sat down beside Orphilet, for he lay nearest to her; and this is how she addressed him:** “Lord God, bless me! It is amazing how quickly these : warriors cease their conversation! Why, handsome knights who travel abroad this way and take pains to behave courteously should be talking a bit about

women and passing their time praising the best of them. I do not know whom to believe. I have been told a great deal’? about love and its sweetness: ‘Love is better than merely good; it fills one with joy.’ They claim that these are its weapons: much thought and little sleep. But now I have had a taste of its treachery and am reminded of my father’s words: ‘Love is visible suffering,

a picture with many flaws, a neglecting of everything worthwhile, a cause of truculence in men. To the coward it is a heavy burden, to the fainthearted an

| unwelcome guest. It parches the world like an oven. It promotes base indolence. Love is a matter of dire peril, a false measure of loyalty.’ So says my _ father, who is, therefore, determined that I shall ever be without a husband. Upon my life, I might be willing to do that, were it not that I long to live like other women, who have set their hearts on the love of valorous men and live

for those who give them great joy.” _ : |

Lanzelet 39 When she had said all this, Orphilet looked at her and asked what she wanted. Quickly she offered him a gold ring.** He dared not take it, for he was afraid of being made the butt of a jest, as often happens. “I have not earned this through serving you,” he said, “so I absolutely cannot accept it.” “O speak not so, dear friend. For the honor of all knights, release me from

my suffering, from the constant chaperonage under which I am placed. | am speaking in all earnestness. Take this ring for friendship’s sake, and after

that take me and all that is mine, anything I can give you.” Orphilet was frightened by this offer and reasoned that the old man would pay him back for this disloyalty with a challenge to combat—that was his custom. “Lady, do as I ask you. Now that I have heard your words, I will come here again very soon. If you then deign to love me, I will gladly carry you away from here and will not hesitate to risk life and honor as far as ever I can. But just now I cannot do anything about it.” Then the noble damsel replied, “O speak not so, valiant knight. Remember that you have always been courtly and praiseworthy, capable and wellbred, and of faultlessly fine sentiments. Look at how beautiful I am. I am a woman fit for a knight, and because of this I make just one request, such as never a woman made before: that you will turn your thoughts to making love to me, for you are so very handsome. I say this with no evil intent; so far as I can determine, I have never laid eyes upon a man for whom a woman desirous of happiness should more gladly risk both her honor and her life. To none of my kinsmen would I grant such great affection as to you, if it could only come to pass that you will release me at once from the distress that brings me such great suffering. If ever a woman has shown you her favor, O knight, you should not timidly refuse, nor deny yourself to me. One finds many a warrior [1000] traveling through unknown lands for the love of beautiful ladies, not one of whom can compare with me in either wealth or noble bearing. Make up your mind, hero, and kiss me tenderly—I shall ever be grateful to you for it—and tell me your desire.” Orphilet then answered at once: “I fear for my honor. Dismiss this notion forever from your mind, for I mean to remain loyal. Even if I dared to make bold with you, unless I killed your father, I might well suffer humiliating punishment for it and be held prisoner for a year.” The lady replied, “It is true that no one ever achieved real manhood who did not at some time or other do something foolish for the love of a woman.” The hero said, “On my life, I have no wish to die on your account!”

40 | Lanzelet a a Angrily she left him, and with disappointment as well; never had she been so offended, nor was her longing for love relieved. Now Kuraus lay close by, between his two companions. Here let me tell you an astonishing thing. The lady, driven by the pangs of love, made up her mind to woo him also: no man has ever made more earnest entreaties for the love of any woman. “A knight who always strives to do his best should never be fainthearted with a woman. I will tell you in truth that I have been assured that you are perfect in your prowess. Demonstrate your bravery to me, and love in me a beautiful maiden. If you take pleasure in a woman who is good to her lover, I shall be well rewarded by you, I am sure. My father has forbidden me any husband: he thinks he cannot live without me. But now I will cease to obey that command. I would sooner myself woo a man who possesses intelligence and honor than wait for the man who would aspire to woo me. Accordingly, I have chosen you: you are stalwart and of noble

birth, and surely dare to undertake anything. But if my hope should be

deceived, I will never show favor to any man.” | Then Kuraus replied, “You should indeed show favor to brave knights. Were it not that I honor your father for the good will that he has shown me, nothing so delightful could happen to me as that I should make love to you. Yet I would sooner incur your ill will than endanger my well-being. But I will always complain to God that I have had to forgo your love. Therefore, dismiss me from your mind.” The hero pulled the covers over his head and

took the proposal as a jest. The lady began to feel humiliated. | That she had been rejected so emphatically seemed to the marvelous damsel a strange thing. Meanwhile, our lad lay there and thought to himself, “Gracious Lord! If it is ever my good fortune that the lady continues in this manner, I shall be joyful forever.” Immediately she approached him, for love was driving her on. Up jumped the young knight and said, “My lady, | Almighty God and I bid you welcome! Gladly will I serve you; you have no need to woo me, for I would rather die this instant than let you leave here. No matter what unpleasantness I may incur because of this, I will ignore it | all. Nothing more delightful could happen to me—that will be made plain to you.” He took her in his arms and kissed her probably a thousand times. ‘They then experienced the best love that ever two lovers knew. [1100] This was unpleasant for his comrades, but he was not bothered by that and took possession of the lady most lovingly. These two were filled with joy and experienced an abundance of bliss, and the very finest night that any woman ever experienced with a young man. However, he never could forget that

Lanzelet AI she had only come to him last. He concealed this feeling from her then, but she paid for it another time.

As this hero lay so comfortably in his bed, the unwished-for day appeared, and the sweet night was ended. Suddenly the resolute castellan burst angrily through the door. The guests were terrified at the sight of him, because he carried two sharp knives, pointed and very long, and two bucklers. His heart was heavy. The knives were double-edged. He said—it would have been better if he had not done so—‘“I am either going to lose my life or to present a morning gift?’ for which no one will thank me: it is sadness and sorrow and everlasting regret, for you have forfeited your loyal-

! ty and your honor. Never in all my born days have I treated any man better than you. What good has that done me? That was my intention then, but now, all of you lie still, as you value your lives, and tell me who has had this woman, my child, this perfidious criminal?” The damsel concealed herself under her lover, the young warrior, and wished she were lying there dead.

Her father caught sight of this, ran over swiftly to him, and threatened him most dreadfully. “He who robs me of my honor,” he said, “will gain little advantage from it! I wish to play a game with you. Take this shield in your hand and stand here against this wall. I will go to the other side, and I will give you your choice: either I deprive you of your life, or you me of mine. One of us must throw first. Whoever hits the mark wins the game; the other pays the price.”°° The youth approved the suggestion: “Since I am on the defensive, it seems proper to me that you should throw before I do. May God give you bad luck, my hateful opponent! If it is God’s will, you will miss me.” Then he relied upon his own skill and kept a sharp eye on his father-in-law, always holding his shield in front of him.—For this game no board was required!—Kuraus and Orphilet would have much preferred to be somewhere else. The castellan took the first turn and hurled his knife with full force through the young warrior’s sleeve into the wall. He fleshed him a little, so that the blood began to flow. Then the wounded one considered how he could compensate for this injury. Instead of throwing or hurling, he rushed at the scoundrel and gave him a frightful stab with his knife, so that he fell onto the stone floor and never spoke another word. And now those in the bedchamber began to worry. They shut the door. The knights-errant in search of adventure now wrung their hands, because they did not have their swords at their sides. But the hero’s beloved came to their aid, so that they indeed could be saved.

A2 Lanzelet At their request she went out, shut the door after her, and sent for some of the most valorous vassals, from whom she was most likely to receive aid and assistance. She said, “Heroes, remember that I have always honored the knights [1200] and shown them the greatest favor; and now I ask you, my friends, to stand by me. My father, I think, is dead, whose rule was always harsh and who treated you unjustly. Now I have a young man, the best that ever a woman won.?’ My father held him for a coward and would have killed him, as he has done to so many others. But this could go on no longer; the knight defended himself out of sheer necessity. Since my father now is dead, his legacy falls to me. I will gladly demonstrate my gratitude to those who prove faithful to me and support me with all their heart.” Then straightway one of the knights spoke: “Tell us, who is this warrior? If it is he who sat next to you last night, no lady has ever had such good fortune. He possesses such fine qualities that, unless I am quite mistaken, a more excellent man was never born. But now that we have lost our lord, we must

use our heads in the matter: he has nothing to fear from us, neither death nor imprisonment.” The others all declared, “We will do what my lady wishes in all things both great and trifling.” Thus conciliation was brought about. Little lament was heard for the castellan: as is still often the case, when a man is lacking in generosity, no one stops to bewail the miser’s misfortune. The knights were also relieved of the uneasiness that held sway in their hearts.

The lady took good care of them in the best way she knew how. Shortly thereafter a great multitude gathered; and in a very few days they buried the dead man in a fitting manner. The lady took the young knight and placed both land and people wholly in his hands. And so, as soon as he recovered from his wound, he inherited that which had lately been the forester’s. The new lord of the castle was most generous, like one to whom possessions are meaningless.°® What his father-in-law had hoarded, he now dispensed bounteously, for he had won it with his prowess. Then he appointed a steward, in accordance with the advice of wise counselors. All that he did was done for the sake of his honor, as a courteous knight knows how to do. When Orphilet, that dauntless man, observed his demeanor, how he dealt so pleasantly with everyone and yet let no one see what his intentions were,

he began straightway to extol to him King Arthur’s°? land and Karidol (Carlisle) the renowned.°° He told him that all the flower of knighthood dwelled there, “who by their chivalry win fame and glory. The king himself is so wise that he knows how to treat each individual man according to his worthiness. Whoever has ridden forth to prove his prowess should see my lord’s court. I tell you truly, the queen is of such a disposition that she would

Lanzelet 43 rather perform two good deeds than one that lacked generosity. There are also other fair ladies there, whose virtue is so faultless that, were there only one of them in a kingdom, all the knights would fittingly be courtly in response. My advice is that you should meet them.” Then the nameless one replied, “It would be a great shame if I should try to fly before I have my feathers.°! I am determined either to endure injury or to know victory before I will ever submit to such bridling and seek out such company as that. What could I have to say to those who through fierce contests have risen so very high in life? It would be dishonorable of me to behave in any other way. [1300] May God exempt me from that journey: I wish to remain as I am.” Then Kuraus asked him to return with him to Gagunne, but he was unwilling to honor the request: his retinue would no doubt all implore him to remain there steadfastly with that lady who had brought him to such great honor.—Yet he had no intention of doing this. Now his friends, the two warriors, wished to tarry with him no longer; they desired to return to their own countries. When it came to parting, he gave them each whatever they wished of his possessions. The knights had proof that he bore them good will. Greatly they praised him for his bearing and for his manly prowess. At Karidol it was also reported that Orphilet was soon to arrive. They were much pleased at that, for he had been away for a long time. Everyone at court then asked him what marvels he had encountered and what news he brought, and where he had been so long. He said, “I can easily tell you that. In recent days I was at a place where I was well provided for, and I met the most worthy warrior ever born of woman. This man blessed by fortune is devoid of guile.’To my mind he is one of the most excellent men that I have ever known. He possesses many fine qualities, and it is a sign of his courtliness that he does not know what sadness is. He makes for a good companion. Whoever could see what I saw, how he broke the adventure at the fortress of Moreiz, would accord him the highest praise. One would like to know who he is, for he will not tell his name to anyone, no matter what you say or do.” Orphilet, that gallant hero, told from beginning to end a great deal about the knight’s prowess and his victory. Then Arthur the blameless and all his court longed for his coming.

LINIER OF Limors (1357-2238) While this was taking place, he of whom this tale is told did not give himself over to indolence. He began to ride out daily into the forest to hunt. The bold hero considered his original purpose in setting forth; it seemed to

44 Lanzelet him he had tarried too long. So one day, when the weather was beautiful, he secretly buckled on his armor. No man or woman knew what it was that impelled him to do so. For four days he rode onward, straight ahead at a good pace, until he came to a forest. There he found three roads. ‘The two on either side he avoided and struck off down the middle one, which led to a mighty castle.°” No traveler whatever, whether foolish or wise, arrived there without carrying an olive branch, which was a sign that he came in peace.°> And whoever came there bearing arms carried his helmet in his hand and turned down his ventail;°* otherwise he rued it later, when he got within sight of the castle. For whoever happened to disregard the custom of the land was dealt with so harshly that he did not survive, no matter how valiant or noble he was. This custom was unknown—hence his subsequent difficulties—to the proud warrior who did not know who he was. Gallantly he rode straight ahead, which those who were watching him from the castle thought a great folly. [1400] They all made haste, the old and the young, to the gate and poured out, armed with all kinds of weapons. First the foot soldiers, who attacked him in droves; but after them, many armed men followed who bore hauberks of chain mail, helmets, and shields. They attacked the goodhearted man in a beech grove, and that proud warrior defended himself fiercely, for he was determined to save his life. The way was deep and narrow where they first closed in on him, which proved the death of many of them. He hewed his way out through the foot soldiers. The knights then took up the fray, for he could not outride them; they began a furious fight with him, as if he had slain their fathers. So he moved to engage them on a wide, open field. Not one of the assailants envied another the gifts that the youth bestowed. They rued this battle both before and afterward; he struck twenty of them from their horses onto the grass so that some never recovered: ten of them were left there dead. They drove him toward the castle, fighting continuously as he rode. The great host attacked him as dogs do a wild boar. He made it all too plain to them that he well understood how to fight: little he spared his sword. The populace all cried out against him. But it sorely grieved the ladies on the battlements to see that he could not escape; therefore, they greatly lamented for him. In the castle there was a maiden; no one in the land knew a damsel pleasanter to behold for her beauty or courtliness. When she was told about the fighting, she did not neglect to do what her honorable station demanded: she mounted a palfrey that was suitable for her to ride. Believe me, it was not lame, broken-down, rawboned, or feeble; never did it veer from its path, for it was not wobbly or skittish; it neither bit nor

Lanzelet 45 kicked, and gave its rider a comfortable seat. One never saw it sweat. It was not chapped or scarred, and it had a steady gait. It was surefooted and did not balk. However much one rode it, its legs never grew weary. It was neither broken-winded nor spavin, neither galled nor blind. A little child could easily have handled it. Moreover, it did not shy on the road, and its gait was by nature exemplary, for it was beautiful and of noble breed. Its coat shone like a mirror; it was quite without blemish and entirely snow white except for one shoulder, which was red.°° It would serve no purpose for anyone to describe to you better trappings than were laid upon that palfrey which the damsel rode as she neared the throng. She came riding from the castle like a flash of lightning.®’ There she saw many a sword blow struck and many a lance thrust at the knight, who now rode boldly toward her. She asked for his word that he would surrender to her. “I have chosen

you for my lover for as long as I live,” she said, “if you are as well born as your prowess indicates. If anyone were to slay you today, truly that would be a crime. Were I a man, I would fight at your side; but be most assured that I will help you as much as I can. Yet I know not why I do this: [1500] only that my heart emboldens me to it.”

He could not answer to that, but he said, “Whatever happens to me, your kindness is great.” Many a spear was thrown at him, for they could not get near him. The lady wished to come to his aid, but the throng kept them apart. Though they pressed him hard, he rode on before them toward the castle. The fighting grew very intense as he arrived there in the lead. Driven on by battle fury, he seized a lance from a knight, set spurs to his horse, and turned again toward the castle. He struck from the saddle many of his pursuers as they shouted after him. He hit the shield of one warrior right on the four nails and pierced his heart through both layers of his hauberk. All clamored for the life of this knight-errant, for he had struck dead the castellan’s counselor. He broke many a shield in two so that they fell to pieces, and paint dust swirled in the air like a fog. The glorious warrior hacked many a spear shaft to flinders that day, but at last he could no longer keep up the struggle against superior force and such worthy knights. He then surrendered himself to the mercy of that very damsel of whom I have already spoken, trusting in her loyalty. She was named Ade,” this we shall not conceal. I have heard tell that her father was Patricius von den Bigen,°? who expended most of his effort on stalking and hunting. He was known far and wide and owned probably a hundred greyhounds besides other hunting dogs—brachets, beagles, and limmers.’? He was an expert in tracking. When a stag was discovered he could follow its slot perfectly,

46 | Lanzelet where it ran, where it stopped. He passed his time more pleasurably than any other forester. His brother was called Linier,’” and to him belonged this mighty castle. It was called Limors,” and it lacked nothing that it ought to

have. Linier wanted to arrange things so that in case he died without heirs his possessions should not be dispersed. Therefore he had adopted—for the sake of both his honor and his self-interest—this damsel, his brother’s daughter; for she lived in pursuit of the greatest honor and perfection. She possessed every quality that becomes a woman the most. Thus it was arranged that when her uncle died, she should rule the land, together with that man of excellent virtue to whom she would grant her favor. Into this lady’s power, as you have already heard, this unknown enemy

now had come. There was no one bold enough to do him the slightest harm, for he had given her his pledge of submission. ‘They refrained from this for their honor’s sake and in deference to the noble lady; otherwise, he would have been lost. Dame Fortune had sworn fealty to him as a faithful attendant; she had watched over him since childhood, for he had set his heart on virtue. After his armor had been removed, the amiable warrior seemed the handsomest creature that any mother ever bore. The lady at-

tended to him herself and declared that she could never have ceased to lament, had he been slain thus so undeservedly. She was glad that he had escaped with his life, yet she feared angry threats from her uncle, that bold warrior; for whoever rode into his stronghold without having signaled his peaceful intent was doomed to death. It was a great piece of luck, therefore, that this day he was not at home. [1600] Where things go well for worthy people, Destiny has a hand in it.’ And so Linier did not arrive before the next morning. When Linier returned home and heard exactly what had taken place, his good humor disappeared. He became red as fire with anger, for he found misfortune and disgrace in his very own castle. He wanted to have the captive warrior put to death. That, however, could not be, for no one can die before his appointed day of death.—This neither want nor plenty can avert: there — is no escape from death.—And so the hero was not doomed, no matter how much ill will the powerful castellan bore him. Linier’s heart was heavy, for it seethed with rage. The damsel fell at his feet and begged him to be lenient. _ She said, “Of what avail is the service that I have rendered you from childhood, if you refuse me this boon? You should let the knight live who has surrendered to me, for I have learned that he has gotten into this frightful predicament quite innocently. Your name will be an evil byword to all the world and you will ever be considered a contemptible knave if anything hap-

Lanzelet 47 pens to him. Therefore follow my counsel. It is a disgraceful thing when a man takes his revenge in such a way that people speak ill of him. Atonement is better than death. This knight defended himself out of necessity. He is, | am sure, of such a nature that he will repay with service whatever harm he has done you. Perhaps he will be of some use to you yet.”

To that the highborn Linier answered angrily, “As for his service, I can forgo that; but I will see to it that he never again does either evil or good to me or to any other man in this world. I can deal properly with him, so that he atones for my disgrace. Let my friends be warned: whoever speaks in his favor will come to grief for it. This I swear by my eternal salvation.” At this his niece grew silent, for she recognized full well his anger and his shame, and knew that he showed no mercy whenever he swore an oath in anger. The others also kept their silence. With expressions of rage and with eyes the color of blood, he commanded the hero, the captive warrior, to be brought forth and at once asked him who he was and whence he came, to have wrought such great suffering on him and his men. _ Then the carefree youth answered, “I will tell you the truth: up till now I was brought up among ladies, and I do not know who I am.” At these words Linier flew into a rage. He thought the youth was making a fool of him, which no one in such a dire predicament ought to do. Therefore, he threw him into a tower where he saw neither the sun nor the moon. There every comfort was rare and beyond all price. Yet the nameless knight was cheerful despite his want and deprivation. His plight was but a jest to him, and even though his death might be at hand, he still could not feel downhearted. Now the noble youth lay in a dungeon full of filth; it would have been most dreadful for another sort of man, who was base by nature. Day after day he was given only bread and water. He suffered greatly from the stench. He would soon have perished from this and died miserably, were it not that the lady who had rescued him [1700] often gave comfort to him. In her treatment of him she demonstrated her kindness. She had bedding, food, and wine brought in secretly to him, with the help of those who guarded him on all sides. The damsel herself often stole there in secret and asked how he was faring. He was ever steadfast, in that he bore his hardship with dignity. One day she revealed to him the dangerous nature of the adventure that her uncle had proclaimed. Then he asked for the particulars of the custom. The lady graciously complied with his request; she said, “For the sake of his chivalry and driven by overweening pride, my uncle has ridden out and proclaimed through many messengers in every land that any knight

48 Lanzelet whatsoever who wishes to win fame through his strength or his prowess, or through any sort of reckless daring, should come here and essay his adventure. I will tell you the nature of it. One must first of all confront a giant,”4 whose strength I can estimate somewhat by means of his club: even with great effort, two men can hardly lift it. Whoever defeats the giant—something that can scarcely happen—must then immediately fight two wild lions,’° savage and fierce; these are kept in a pit enclosed by a wall. Whoever fights them can bear no other weapon than his sword. And if it is granted to him that his good luck protects him and he overcomes the lions—and

that is a perilous undertaking—he must immediately repair to the arena and joust with my uncle as is the custom of worthy knights, on horseback and in full panoply. I can tell you that he is by nature a hero, exemplary in the face of all danger. He has never feared any man. This adventure is constructed so carefully because he wants to ensure his own safety. His life he values highly. Whatever warrior on any given day fails to defend himself against these perils before three in the afternoon is forthwith put to death: they chop off his head. Not a word of what I have said to you is untrue.” Then spoke the well-bred knight: “Have mercy, noble lady! For God's sake, and for the sake of your honor and your noble courtesy, grant what I ask of you: help me to a better existence. You need give me nothing else but this single gift, that through your intercession I might essay this adventure.

I would rather fight in the way you have described to me than languish any longer in this dark prison. Even if I should fail the mark, it is the same to me one way or the other, for my death lies in the balance. I do not care what might happen to me in the combat so long as I have my sword and something to see.” Eager for battle, he continued: “I would rather fight a

hundred knights than be left to die in all this filth.” | When the lady heard that the hero took heart at the very thought of this adventure, the fair damsel spoke thus: “May God grant you His blessing, good fortune, and success in full measure! This I wish you with love, with all my heart and soul. Would that I might know joy through you! I commend you to the God of Heaven; may He comfort your heart!” He thanked

her kindly for that. | |

Then the faultless damsel went to face her uncle, uncertain what to expect.’© She said, [1800] “Whatever service I have done you, great though it be, I am glad of it. I beg your mercy for the sake of that helpless warrior who has now long endured in an irksome plight. Worthy people should

lament his ruin, God knows. But I will tell you something that I heard him say himself—great injustice has been done to him—he has heard your

Lanzelet 49 strength praised and your chivalry too, and he desires to essay your adven-

ture. Now you should check your anger and thank God for the honor of this knight’s presence here, for in him you have found what you have long sought. It is fitting that both your castle and your name should be praised throughout the world. I shall never be ashamed of this counsel, for that hero is of a mind to perform great deeds. And moreover, I will be surety for that loveable knight, that he shall not try to escape from you. He has promised me that; I stake my head on him. If in your kindness you will grant—and I trust you will—that I may release him so that he recovers his strength, I will gladly produce him a fortnight from tomorrow before the knights and ladies and all your kinsmen at your serpent pit.’” I have but one further condition, that you order his armor be given to me, and his horse.” Then Linier de Limors answered, “I will do it, but with guileful intent, since I am of a mind to get my revenge on him in such a way that will not bring him any joy, and no one will ever deride me for it.”

“That is up to God,” said the damsel. | After this had come to pass, the knight was taken from his place of imprisonment. The lady ordered a bath for him and saw to it that he was given plenty of good food, such as was suitable for favored guests, through which he soon regained his health and recovered his strength. The lady kept him in her custody, gently and free of bonds. At all times she demonstrated her great regard for him in every way she could. She loved him beyond measure for his steadfast virtue. But what the castellan did, Linier that haughty man, I will tell you as best I can. During this same time he sent far and wide for friends and kinsmen and for those who ruled the lands that were adjacent to his own. The excellent warrior invited them to his great celebration and also to the contest that was called his “adventure.” He omitted no one whom he could invite to the place where he himself was to suffer both shame and disgrace and a grim death. He said, “He is nameless, the knight who desires to fight there. Whatever one says or does, he takes it all for a jest. There is no man alive like him; this stems from his callow youth.” Meanwhile, everything was prepared that was needed for the adventure. The strong man, whom I mentioned earlier, had also arrived. Linier did a treacherous thing and lost no time about it: he gave orders to confine the lions and had them starved for three days. Thus—according to the words of the story—we come to the night before the morning of the young knight's combat. Believe it who will, there arose a great tumult, both hue and cry; [1900] and crowds of knights and many a mother’s child as well all implored God to preserve the excellent warrior whose name was known to no one there.

50 Lanzelet The next morning at daybreak the unknown knight’s first steps were directed to the place where he entrusted himself to God, for He is the source of all happiness and good fortune. Then he went immediately to an arena, as he was bidden. They permitted him to bear no weapon except — his sword and a helmet and a sturdy new shield copied after his own, with which he fought manfully. The lady had given it to him. Now the giant was accustomed all his life to a club, stout and long. In front of him he raised a battle shield and stood thus ready for combat, as tall men often do. Now the youth was cunning: before the giant knew it, he had struck off the arm with

which he carried the club and showered him with blows. But the strong. man defended himself with his left fist. He ran toward the young warrior

and hit him so hard that he crashed to the ground, and his shield strap broke. But the stranger recovered himself immediately; driven by necessity,

| he quickly sprang up and struck the giant such a blow that he was seized with terror and tried to flee the arena. The youth quickly ran after him and stabbed him from behind in the thigh.”8 When the giant felt that, he tried to kill the knight in front of everyone by falling on him. There was a great crash, but the fall missed its mark. The knight struck off his head and said, “I have prepared you for the grave and for the long journey, whether anyone

likes it or not.” , | , Linier cursed his bad luck. Straightway he took the knight and led him to his lions—their jaws were hungry—and thrust him into their pit. As he approached one of the lions, it did not fail to rip off a strip of flesh from his side with its claws. There was no time to lose; he turned to face the lion that

___ had thus wounded him. Then the other was ready to strike, for hunger had made it ferocious, and tore a large wound in him so that the blood gushed _

| from it as if from a spring. But the hero’s quickness was extraordinary. Let . no one doubt that. He hurled himself against this one and struck its head right off. The other, however, then attacked him and pulled him to the | ground; but he lamed the lion, so that it lost the courage to strike. The hero

was yet to come. os |

chased it down and put it to death just like the other one. But the worst , _ When he left the lions, he was pale and wan, and weak from loss of

blood. Immediately the malevolent castellan, Linier de Limors, called for

his armor and horse, for he was determined to get revenge for what had ~ taken place. Filled with fury, he buckled on the very finest armor that ever a knight possessed, for the suffering in his heart was great. In the meantime his war horse was also caparisoned properly. To our worthy knight

his armor was likewise brought, for he was well aware that he must de- _

Lanzelet 51 fend himself. This favorite of steadfast Fortune also buckled on his armor. Through the rings of his hauberk ran blood from his deep wounds, [2000] for they had not been bound. Many a man was moved to pity at this; whoever was capable of compassion and beheld his distress prayed to God that He would not abandon him. Now they were mounted, both castellan and stranger, so that neither lacked anything befitting a valiant knight when he hangs his shield from his neck. _ Each was devoid of mercy. The castellan showed his great anger in the first encounter. He tucked his lance under his arm and thrust up his shield before him. His carriage was proper for a knight, for he was a most able rider.

At the very same moment the hero, who would yield the field to no one without compulsion, settled himself firmly in his seat. Then they galloped forward, each with his thoughts bent on how to get the utmost out of the charger he rode. They struck their lances through the exact middle of each other’s shield so powerfully that the shafts shivered, and the flinders flew high into the air. They drew two sharp swords that were worthy of them, and they gave and received many a fearful blow. Linier showed great skill, for

he struck only at the right moment; whereas the youth, who bore the eagle as his device, fought without such cunning, for he was well aware of what harm had already been done to him. They each hacked many a chip from the

other’s shield. They played this hostile game a while in the arena. Yet with a sudden blow the nameless novice struck at the older knight and wounded his horse. Then Linier de Limors quickly dismounted onto the ground, greatly humbled. He cursed his horse shamefully. The bold warrior dismounted beside the castellan on the grass, for his war horse too was weaty.

Now that they were both on foot, they raised their shields in front of them and rushed boldly at each other. Linier the dauntless and the knight without a name both gritted their teeth from the force of the resounding blows. The anger they bore toward each other turned into raging fury. They swung their sharp swords at each other so that they rang out through the air, and sparks flew from their helmets like flames of fire. The spectators thought again and again that one of them would gain the victory and the other lie dead; yet whenever one had driven the other back with his blows, the latter did not endure this for long and quickly drove him back again.

At last the castellan beat down the stranger so that he fell to his knees and | let go of his shield. He exposed the side where the lion had already injured him, and there Linier gave him another wound, deep and wide, through his hauberk. The hero recovered from it right away and sprang up like a true warrior. Unable to make use of his shield, he thrust it behind his back, as

52 Lanzelet

| his grim fury commanded him to do. The struggle now seemed to him la- borious and difficult. With both hands he grasped the sword with which he |

| was fighting. He was weak from his wounds and also from his rage. Then | the highborn youth thought, “One way or the other, this must end. Since I - am so badly wounded, I will try one more blow, come of it what may. I will give it all my strength.” With this he ran at the castellan, who just before had nearly destroyed him, [2100] and dealt Linier, that gallant hero, such a blow to the head that the sword carved down till it found his teeth. From

that stroke the warrior died. - | ,

Now let all and sundry mark a strange marvel concerning the youth’s chivalry: he struck the castellan with such force—his teeth clenched—that blood flowed from his own ears and mouth, and at the same moment he ©

| grew faint, so that he collapsed. The spectators saw this clearly and would

thily to the ground. | a

all have sworn that both of them were lost, since both had fallen so unwor-

At this all were alarmed. Amid cries of lamentation, Sir Linier was carried inside. There was much weeping and wailing over the lord of the castle. No one hindered the damsel from doing as she pleased. She commanded

her devoted and friendly knights—and they did so—to carry the young _

| warrior into a chamber.”? They closed the door behind them. She herself | stole there in secret, and fortunately it occurred to her to examine the warrior.°° She detected faint breathing coming from his mouth. The lady did ~ not delay in ordering his head lifted up and promptly bathed. Also all his armor was removed. A fire was made for him, and the warrior was laid before it. He was tended very well by this noble lady. She treated him with as much kindness and high regard as she possibly could, and then, without delay, arranged a wake for her uncle. Whatever was amiss about the castle she settled as she was counseled, as wise people always do, to whom.a great _ inheritance comes and who know well what is in their best interest. She accomplished all this very well. He who hovered between life and death lay unconscious. It was the wish of all who saw him in this state _ that God would spare his life, for he had broken the adventure. Everyone

, - spoke well of him and reckoned him the best of men. Soon they buried

| the lord of the castle with due honor, as was fitting. The people all-gath_ ered together there, knights and ladies, for they were anxious to see ifthe =

, youth would recover. They entreated the far-famed damsel to be gracious to him and left it in her hands how to deal with any injury he had done them. She listened to their petitions with pleasure, the benevolent damsel Ade, for his charm had captivated her the moment she first saw him. The

Lanzelet 53 populace all declared, “Our lord has a good replacement. Let us give land and lady*! to the man who has slain him, if God should spare his life.” The lady’s kinsmen likewise said the same: this knight and a great estate were much more suitable for her than having constantly to bear the ill will of her uncle. Thus she was forced by necessity to cease mourning for him, since this was the desire of all the people. The damsel’s heart overflowed with virtuous constancy; she was anxious to learn how the patient would fare. As yet, however, he had spoken not a word; his eyes were closed. Still in hope of his recovery, the lovely lady of the castle took both oil and wine and cleansed his bloody wounds and bandaged him expertly. [2200] The virtuous damsel began with masterful skill to rub him everywhere with an ointment so potent that his flesh and his blood grew hot enough, that the desire for life returned to the battle-weary man, and he rubbed his eyes. After that he looked up uncertainly and spoke: “IT am in great pain. Where am I? And what has happened to me, I wonder? Whoever tells me this will gain honor from it.” Thereupon the damsel who had him in her care answered him: “Rest well, excellent warrior, you have nothing at all to fear. The adventure that my uncle proclaimed exists no longer, and one of the boldest men that ever won the name of knight lies dead by your hand: Linier the renowned. His death is lamentable, and I must ever be sorry for it. But be that as it may: if you recover, then my sorrow is reduced by half. Do not value it lightly, noble warrior, if I have shown you any kindness, but see to it that you recover; that will be my reward. Such indeed is my command. Now be very silent, or if you must, speak softly.” “T will gladly do as you ask me,” said the warrior, “you have tended me well so far.”

Sir WALWEIN (2239-2648) Now let me tell you briefly that in a very few days the nameless one recovered, with no ill effects from his injuries. The treatment that the lady eagerly administered to him every day was lavish. When the worthy man recovered—for she had tended him out of love and her own interest—his boldness returned and he was joyful of heart. And now it came to pass that his feat of prowess did not remain a secret, and his praise echoed through all the lands. Many a warrior and an amazing number of people had witnessed the combat; among them were also knights who had come from Kardigan.®*” They had also seen him slay Linier and declared with one voice

54 C—O | Lanzelet : , that they had never known a better knight, so that his fame increased till it reached the court of Arthur the king. There Erec, fils du roi Lac,®3 asked,

“Can anyone tell us who he is?” : a

To this Orphilet, who was present, answered, “From what we have heard, | it must be that bold hero who does not himself know his own name. Gala-

| gandreiz of Moreiz had his fill of him—forever. To now have slain Linier | with such boldness, as they are saying, was a great feat. He well deserves our admiration.” Then the queen, Ginover,® expressed the wish that she might meet him. It was declared at the Round Table® for all to hear: so stalwart _ a warrior was nowhere to be found, who would ever perform greater deeds

than these. | -

, _ Then King Arthur, as he sat in his castle, spoke to his companions in a | | loud voice for all to hear: “Have I no loyal friend, either kinsman or vassal—I will give him the best reward I can—who will bring this hero here?

It is my greatest desire to see this knight, about whose prowess I hear so _ much. They call him only the valiant Warrior of the Lake, and nothing more than this, for he is nameless, though I do not know why.” The knights then chose Walwein (Gawain),®° the bold hero, because he was accounted

among the best of them, to carry out the king’s request for the sake of the ~ queen [2300] and his dear companions. Then Walwein acted as he always

a did. Courteously he spoke: “I will undertake to do it by friendly means and will be eternally in his debt, if I can persuade this most noble warrior to seek out my lord’s court.” There was not one of the ladies who at that mo- |

ment failed to wish him a good journey. _ |

Immediately Walwein, that courtly man, buckled on his armorand rode. - out on his quest for many a day in the direction where Limors stood, that castle fair and strong. By this time the stranger, who before had beena ~

prisoner there, was recovered.—Now do not tire of the tale I wish to tell. , you.—Lady Ade managed her affairs well, better than any other damsel

| ever did. One day she was riding her palfrey, and no one else rode with her save the handsome knight, without whom she did not enjoy riding at - all—lIn the past it was an accepted custom that no man thought ill of it, if a lady went riding with one companion or even alone.8” Now no woman does this, but refrains from it for fear of angering the men.—The highborn

| maiden very much wished to reconcile her father with the dauntless knight who was riding beside her as her companion. To her the road that led toward Bigen seemed very pleasant, but all day long the warrior kept wishing

| that God would send him a hero against whose prowess he might test his

Lanzelet 55 own. He declared that he would venture to challenge any man, no matter whose son he might be, whom he thought a worthy opponent. His courage was all the greater because he rode beside the lady, who was not indifferent to knightly honor. Did he ever lie with her? I do not know, for I did not see it.** If any such thing ever took place, it remained a secret. It would be an evil state of affairs if everything that happens became com-

mon knowledge. So, though I have heard this very thing, I attribute it to the wishful thinking of the ladies. Now be silent and let me continue.*? As the fond companions kept away all weariness with pleasures of many sorts, and a new joy filled them both, equally and alike,”? it got to be midday; then there came riding over a broad plain toward a crossroad that very Walwein, whose praises were sung by all the world. When our friend saw him, he believed that his wish had been fulfilled. Joyfully he raised his lance, gave rein to his horse, and galloped over the plain. The hero from Britain observed him intently until he espied a golden eagle glittering on his shield. Then that amiable knight thought to himself, “This may well be

the warrior for whose sake I have been sent out.” He recognized him from what he had heard about him, for the sabled rim of his shield was quite hacked to pieces.—Here you can easily observe that Walwein was extremely courteous.—He stuck his lance into the grass and leaned his shield against it. Then he rode forward, taking off his helmet and carrying it in his hand. Without the slightest fear, he removed his coif, so that an experienced warrior might the more easily see that at this time he did not intend to fight with him and was not taking up a defensive posture. The lady’s companion declared that this was an affront. The actions of Sir Walwein seemed to him disgraceful; but, guided by his upbringing, he bid him good day. [2400] It did not seem too much to Walwein to bow courteously in return. The proud knight then asked him what tidings he could relate. Without hesitation Walwein replied, “I know nothing but good news, and I am in a joyful mood and full of pleasant thoughts, since I now have found you. I have heard your valor much praised, if you are he who slew Linier, for you performed a great feat. Hear now my message: my lord King

Arthur and all his court, and first and foremost the queen, have sent me abroad to ask that you might choose to visit them. I wish to tell you that if you go there, you will truly be treated with great honor by knights and by ladies. There you will find all manner of things that will help you pass the time pleasantly. And they, on their part, will take great pleasure in my successful quest for you, since I serve as messenger for them all.”

56 Lanzelet At that the unknown knight replied, “Sir, it were ill done, if you sought to make me famous in that way: if I should ride with you as you propose, whoever saw it would swear that I was your captive. I should also like to know, if it would not offend you, how pleased the king would be with you, if you were such a wicked knight as to compel me to do something against

my will. In truth, you should not have spoken these words to me. That I

greeted you today shall always be something I regret.” Then proud Walwein spoke: “It is proof of a wise mind, if a warrior does not regret that which he has done with the best intentions. Upon my honor, that was always my opinion.” “Sir, cease this talk,” said the lady’s traveling companion, “for nothing has ever offended me as much as fine words in the place of deeds. If you were taller than a mountain, I should have to fight you before I would ride anywhere except whither my lady has commanded me. I fear she is annoyed by all these words we have spoken.” “By no means,” said the maiden. “To be sure, it is right and proper that every worthy knight should execute his commission in such a way that he may know by the time he is finished how or what to report.” Walwein thanked her for that and began to speak again. He said, “Consider, brave sir, that whoever does not visit my lord’s court is regarded in all these lands as incomplete in chivalry.” “Do not trouble yourself; I can manage that at any time. And besides, I do not know who you are,” replied the Knight of the Lake. “This I ask of you, and nothing more: let me, together with my lady, be on our way. And may Almighty God preserve you, for I will not go with you. Of this one thing you may be sure: I can never go to Britain till I have learned other things.” Then said the knight who was inviting him, “And why not, sir? It is a

wonderful place. If my lady will permit it, keep silent a moment and let me speak further. You said just now that you did not know who I am. If I can now improve my message in any way by doing so, I am the one man who can reveal his name to you without risking his honor.” Walwein is my name, the son of King Arthur’s sister, and I have sought you out with good intent, or [am much mistaken. If, however, I have failed to realize that you are not the warrior I seek, then I deeply regret [2500] that I ever took off my helmet, for you might easily have taken it for cowardice.”

At that the proud knight rejoiced and thought to himself: “Here for the first time I meet a knight, hardy and brave. I never heard anyone more highly praised. It would certainly be madness not to test my skill; and if I

Lanzelet 57 should defeat him, I will have both fame and glory forever. If, on the other hand, he defeats me, that is of no great importance to me and would not be at all surprising.” He spoke: “Dear Sir Walwein, I will tell you my decision. You need not concern yourself about who I am. You have doubtless erred in me. Since you regret having removed your helmet, you can immediately remedy that: take up your shield and your lance. I say that he who backs down from this fight will be dishonored forevermore.” The messenger was filled with shame at these words. He prayed to God that He would preserve his honor, and said, “I have never been disposed to be afraid of any man, however much he might vaunt his prowess. Besides, my lady here, whom we now see before us, might well claim that I were an archcoward. Believe me when I tell you that before I yield just one foot of ground to you, you will have to kill me.” Walwein fastened on his helmet, then took up his shield at once and made ready for battle. His foe, likewise, did not delay, but took up his arms to oppose him. They angrily pricked their chargers with their spurs; then with grim fury they dashed forward. Both warriors, equally valiant, thrust their lances so firmly through each other’s shield that these broke and shivered to flinders. ‘Their horses also

were thrown back on their hocks; but quickly they were up again, encouraged by their masters. [he knights did not pause, but began to hew at each other fiercely with their swords. The lady was moved to pity, for they rode fiercely and fought with such determination, as if both of them counted their lives for nothing. They also held up their shields before them, which were soon so hacked to pieces that there was scarcely anything left hanging around their necks. Each received many a blow, and they barely paused at all: the exhausted chargers foamed at the mouth far beyond their wont. So they dismounted and ran at each other, Walwein and that dauntless man who never wearied of combat. The ground became bare of herbage, for they trampled it into the dirt, moving forward to strike and backward in defense as they drove each other about; for they did not spare the swords they gripped in their hands. Fiercely they thrust and slashed. ‘The virtuous Walwein never feared so much for his reputation in the eyes of the world, and he began to fight with uncertain strokes. From this the youth gathered new strength and increased his attack. He struck with such heroism on the hard rings that it seemed as if streams of fire flowed from them. The sparks flew from their helmets, for he fought with bold daring. Now as they were striving with all their might, a herald came running up to them. His short mantle was of fine scarlet wool, and he was clothed in every way like a courtly squire, as they say: white gloves, new hat. [2600] He spoke to the

58 Lanzelet two gallant heroes thus: “I do not address either one of you, for I bid you both, in the name of the best ladies now alive and whom worthy people praise, to cease this fighting, of which you have done much; for it brings but little fame, if only one person witnesses it in this wild wasteland. Did I dare and were I able, I should rebuke you most severely. If you wish to win fame and glory and a reputation for great prowess, I will tell you where you can

find all that in abundance; there you will find plenty of combat—thrusting lance and slashing blade—to delight your chivalrous hearts. And it is a praiseworthy thing that whenever one performs brave deeds, it should be someplace where both knights and ladies can admire them. Hear what I have to say. I am not telling it to you alone: probably a hundred of us have been sent throughout the lands to seek out brave and gallant knights. King Lot of Lohenis (Lothian)”? has proclaimed a tournament against Gurnemanz,’> a wise prince and excellent warrior. They have both given their pledge that they will fight each other in that tournament. And neither of them can do with less than three thousand knights or more, besides other noble warriors who are willing to pay with life and possessions for the sake of love and their noble hearts. Of these there will doubtless be many a cohort. King Arthur is coming there also, together with all those he can bring with him. He who has ever been given to tourneying or now bears the name of knight will disgrace himself beyond measure if he fails to attend this festival of chivalry. If you are worthy men, then separate peaceably with the idea that you will do as I have said.”

THE TouRNAMENT AT DYOFLE (2649-3474) When he had thus spoken, Walwein the dauntless answered him most pleasantly: “I desire always to strive for the favor of noble ladies and am willing to cease my fighting. Since I am so heartily entreated in the name

of all highborn ladies, I should not like to incur their wrath.” | The unknown knight agreed with this: “Whatever my lord Walwein does, who is so courteous and so gallant, I will follow, for it is seemly to do so.”

Then they asked the courtly squire to reveal to them where the tournament was to take place. He replied, “Mark what I say. Three weeks from next Monday the tournament will convene on the designated meadow”* near the new town of Dyoflé. I will tell you about this meadow. Each man can find his match there for whatever he wants to do, both for combat and for knightly sport: fighting, horseracing, long jumping, footracing, fencing, wrestling, board games, and bowling; and music aplenty from rote, fiddle,

Lanzelet 50 and harp;?> and wares of every kind from lands all over the world. Every day you can find more of these things there than anywhere else. For this reason the tournament is being held there, where every manner of courtly

amusement can be found. The field is broad and even. Many a worthy knight will come in pursuit of glory and good fortune. I am delighted to have found my lord Walwein, but I am vexed that it took me so long to recognize him, for no knight was ever born as steadfast in fame, who was so given to feats of valor.” The handsome bachelor had furnished the knights with tidings of many kinds. Then Walwein remembered his quest and pressed his invitation. [2700] He asked the lady’s traveling companion to be his friend and not to forgo the tournament and the chivalry. “This talk is useless,” said the

youthful hero. “Believe me, I cannot ride with you at this time. Do not regard this as an insult. Whatever else you ask of me, you will find me prepared to do for the sake of your great valor. I shall serve you so long as I live, and I give you my oath, the greatest pledge of honor, that I would gladly be a steadfast friend and companion to you. Had I arranged my affairs as | should have, nothing so agreeable could possibly happen to me as to ride with you and not to deny you that which you desire of me.” Thus they strove for excellence in perfect comradeship. When Walwein’s long pleading proved of no avail, he behaved most courteously. Since he could through no entreaty bring the hero to Karidol, he expressed to him and to the noble lady his highest regard. He departed from them in friendship and said many praiseworthy things concerning the stranger: he was the most gallant knight alive anywhere, free of all despicable cunning, that Walwein had ever heard of. Both young and old, and men and women alike in King Arthur’s realm marveled greatly that he did not wish to see all those knights and ladies who had attained the greatest renown. He interrupted his journey for no one till he arrived with his lady in her native land. There his good fortune manifested itself, as I shall tell you. He was received most cordially and treated with great kindness. The lady’s father put aside all enmity, and at his daughter’s request he placed at the knight’s disposal his person, his fortune, and all that he possessed. The stranger was quite devoid of wicked avarice and willingly left some of this for others, for he was born happy and blessed by fortune, and people held him in fond regard. As he observed the customs of the land, he marked them well. One day he was seized with a fancy to witness the tournament, and he felt obliged to tell his lady of this. He regretted that he had not ridden there when Sir Walwein had proposed

60 Lanzelet it. He needed equipment for the journey, which he obtained in abundance. The generous lady procured him two chargers, proud and strong, besides his own that he had ridden there. He wanted no less than twenty-five wellarmed squires with stout, brightly colored lances. The hero had made up his mind just in time. | do not know how much samite and what abundant provisions the young lady gave him, for she held him dear in her heart. The Lady Ade looked after him well from morning till night. She also sent to him her brother, who was named Tybalt;”© whatever is related of squires is as a wind compared with what could be said of him. He was a wise and courtly squire, endowed with many virtues, well-bred and honorable. He knew Britain well. He had also witnessed a great many tournaments. The generous Buroin,”’ Duke of the White Lake, had brought him up, so he possessed more skill than any of his companions. It did not at all displease the squire to serve this foreign visitor, who had come riding in with his sister. Whatever he needed, the unknown knight received in abundance, [2800] both for combat and for sport. Now the day was rapidly approaching on which the tournament,’® with its accompanying festivities, was to be held. Then said the young Tybalt to his dear lord, “Now you are as I would wish and in my judgment very well outfitted as befits a knight, so we should set off immediately. I know the way well; it is time, if you wish to take part in the tournament.” Lady Ade herself did not wish to forgo the journey with her companion. Why should I tell you how long they were on the road? They arrived at a place where they found many proud warriors and saw many a dazzling pavilion roof before them. King Lot with his men had occupied much of the field and had convinced himself that nobody could withstand him. Inside the city, of which I have already spoken, in Dyoflé the magnificent, Gurnemanz and his men had taken up quarters, now filled with the sound of their noisy merriment. Many a knight had joined him, either of their own accord or because they were his friends. Now let me tell you of King Arthur and of those in his service, who owed their well-being to him. He had taken up quarters on a lovely hill to one side of the field. His virtuous and noble pride was evident from his pavilion. Whatever we have heard concerning the magnificence of pavilions, one more beautifully fashioned than his could never be found on this earth.

As the courtly gathering increased, Tybalt rode ahead to one of his acquaintances and straightway procured lodgings in a palace that stood toward the front of the castle and offered every comfort. There our warrior dismounted, as did the lovely lady. You should know beyond a doubt, it

Lanzelet 61 would have been wrong of them to have forgone this journey. Then Tybalt rode out and inquired courteously after the latest news. It was by then midafternoon. Already men were riding across the heath, here two together, there three, for the vesper joust;””? some unskilled fighters were there, and many who sought to break their lances in proper fashion. When Tybalt hurried back with these tidings, he was unable to find his gallant master, who—since time hung heavy on his hands—had already taken to his horse.

He had made a piece of green samite into a pennon, and the charger of that dauntless knight was also covered with the same material. In order not

to be recognized, he had acquired a ready-made shield’” of green. Now he saw Tybalt coming; he met him in the street with a goodly number of squires who were out to experience something for themselves. His own squire began to tell him about the different contingents. “You should not commit yourself to anything until you have looked into it carefully. King Arthur is camped there with all his knights. Avoid them, that is my advice;

for strength and prowess lie there.” The unknown hero rode straight for where he had been advised not to go. Now hear how they received him. When the king’s men caught sight of him, Kay!"! said vaingloriously, “I think you will all agree, when I say I have just espied a fool who has raised his lance against us. Now do this little thing I ask of you: grant me my desire and allow me the first joust. I will accept the challenge of this novice. Give me first choice of his horse, when I have won it from him; after that,

[2900] I will cheerfully divide with you his armor and whatever else he has.” His friends praised the plan, and yet they would have liked to see him humbled, for he was given to ridiculing others, a thing that never becomes a stalwart man. Sir Kay mounted his horse and spurred it faster and faster. He was afraid that the stranger would turn aside and escape, but he, on the contrary, now galloped straight toward him. He struck Sir Kay so that his feet flew right up, high into the air, and the braggart’s head pointed toward the ground. This first joust took place on a muddy marsh, and it was to the seneschal’s discomfort that it happened precisely there, for he landed in a ditch so that the muck oozed in through his ring mail. Both the fall and the stench had

done him but little harm. Then all who saw what had happened laughed over it, and his friends declared that they would claim no share of his prize. Now Tybalt, who kept watch over his lord, was also close at hand, and he seized the reins of the horse the slanderer had ridden. Yet some regretted Kay’s discomfiture. A worthy warrior, far-famed, courteous, and gallant,

who was called Iwan (Yvain) de Lonel,’ then left his companions and

62 Lanzelet charged the young knight, but this was not very wise. For his reward, the unknown knight dealt him such a blow that everyone far and wide saw him struck unworthily from his horse. He then hit the ground as if he had no legs. Then said Arthur, that noble king of enduring glory, “This knight wishes to bring great disgrace upon all of us alike. ] would do anything in my power to see that he fails in this.” Then the wise margrave whose stronghold stood near the Lyle’? spoke: “All this day I have been furious at the disgrace and the harm we have suffered. We have lost two good horses. If I can take him prisoner, he will pay for that.” With this he raised his lance and galloped off, leaving his companions behind. But then the green knight demonstrated what sort of man he was. He struck this one too down onto the grass, who had just boasted of his superiority over him. Tybalt did not forget his responsibility: as each knight took his fall, he promptly seized his horse and quickly led it away.

| When the goodhearted Erec saw this, he behaved as was to be expected of him. He hung his shield around his neck and took a decorated lance. Tybalt also fetched one, which his dauntless lord took. Its shaft was green, like the rest of his arms. Then everyone said, “Whatever may happen from now on, this green knight has done the best this evening. If he can withstand Erec,

he is truly not so feeble as Kay thought him to be.” | At this they stopped talking and looked from one side to the other, to see what would happen now. Erec declined to hesitate any longer, for he possessed great skill in the joust. He drew his reins close to him and let his

horse run at full tilt. The green knight became aware of this, and he too charged, eager for battle. They came together with such force that their lances pierced each other’s shields and splintered; yet both riders remained firmly in their seats. Two other lances were brought to Erec and the stranger. It seemed to the stranger that he had dealt too gently with Erec. [3000] The two excellent men began to joust without a miss till they had destroyed ten lances against each other and had dealt many a swordstroke besides. Then—so we are told—Erec, fils de roi Lac, had had enough. King Arthur now mounted his horse and raced toward them with his companions. The green knight became aware of this and withdrew to his enclosure.1°* My lord Walwein, ever the paragon of virtue, joined them later. He had gone

off to observe the rest of the chivalry.’ As soon as they gave him to understand how things had fared with his comrades, he replied at once: “It is that same hero of whom we have heard so much and who has won such renown. [here is no one on this earth who can equal him. He is dauntless and blessed with the highest qualities.”

Lanzelet 63 They all praised his strength. And thus, before nightfall, the dauntless one with his green shield had comported himself in every regard upon the field, so as to carry back to his lodgings fame and glory; after this, everyone considered him to possesses every chivalric virtue. Walwein rode in search

of him among the other contingents, anxious to meet with this hero of such surpassing worthiness. Whenever he came to a group of knights, they always said, “He was here recently and has done us great harm. No one can stand before him. He wreaks frightful havoc and is an indefatigable man. Whatever happens tomorrow, he has won almost all the glory against those who came out this evening and hung their shields around their necks.” Now it so happened that he had made a prisoner of only one stalwart

warrior, of whom we have often heard that he claimed to be one of the worthiest: Sir Maurin of the handsome shanks.!° He captured Sir Maurin for one reason only: that people might know all the better that he could have accomplished even more. He sent his captive right away to his faultless lady. Nor was the booty small that his squires acquired as the knights fell to the ground, whom their master had struck from their horses. One could see that his shield was well hacked and perforated in many places. It was a great marvel that this stranger had broken so many lances in two and yet returned from the tournament in glory and undefeated, and that he had engaged in so many jousts, for he had never before even seen four men fight together against one. Now we shall let him ride to his lodgings till early the next morning, and then we shall see what he will do. He readied his room and prepared to get some rest. Now mark closely what he said: “Since no one knows who I am, it is my firm intention to tell no one what I am going to do. Tomorrow at daybreak, Tybalt, bring me a white shield. Then very carefully make a pennon of white silk, and do not forget to see to it that my surcoat has just the same color.” Tybalt took a piece of white samite and made a splendid caparison. He was courteous and clever, for all things honorable pleased him. At dawn the next morning he had everything ready at the proper time, just as his master had instructed.

Early too the white knight commended himself to Almighty God, that He would preserve his life against all the dangers of the coming day. After that he asked to be given a light breakfast in preparation for the tournament, [3100] for his mind was fixed on jousting and fighting. He rode forth to where he could watch, to his eyes’ delight, as one man unhorsed another. This he greatly enjoyed. Many a handsome hero looked for the green knight to appear. Then the white knight did not hesitate, but quite stole the glory of the green knight and rode hither and yon, wherever he heard

64 Lanzelet a battle cry. He began to joust and emptied saddles; he unhorsed many a man as effortlessly as if he had missed them. Who could stand against him, when Fortune never failed him? They spoke better of the white knight than

of anyone else there, for he had ridden well. ' He struck many down onto the grass and gave no thought to who picked them up: this morning he did not want to capture anyone. He bent his zeal

on thrusting and on slashing till he began to tire a little. Then he wished to cool himself and have a little rest, and he withdrew to an open meadow. There was camped Count Ritschart (Richard) of Tumane,!°” an amiable hero. One hundred exemplary knights had sworn allegiance to him and chosen him for their lord, to fight under his banner. These had all fought well, but had also suffered heavy losses. In the two days, twenty of their knights had been captured; their joy and their possessions were diminished accordingly, so they said. When they caught sight of our friend with head

bared, they invited him to dismount onto the grass. They all sprang up together and in friendship poured him a cup of excellent wine. He could not but be welcome to them, for they told him that their talk had been of nothing else but how they could contrive to gain his aid. They had seen him

that morning performing chivalrous feats among the contingents; therefore, they were ready to offer him their service. Quickly they told him of their losses and their predicament. Then said he, his body unconquered and his glory undiminished, “If you are not too proud to accept me, then let me

be your comrade-in-arms. I swear by my good fortune that I will gladly

take your side. God grant us success!” _

At this they all rejoiced. Then Count Ritschart ordered a hitherto unknown banner be unfurled. Now the dauntless men mounted their horses and enjoyed the benefit of their new comrade, for he began to mow down the enemy like so much straw. He struck so that sparks of fire flew high from their helmets. Wherever his companions came, they seized bridles and took prisoners; and when they withdrew, they heaped ridicule upon anyone who had brought no more than one captive. He struck his opponents so hard that they barely noticed where they were driven or led. Many a man who was otherwise quite eager for combat fled before the white knight, for he struck so fiercely that they were all afraid of his blows. That day no one who opposed him on horseback remained in the saddle, so they tell us, except Karyet (Gareth).'°° He kept his seat for one encounter; but how quickly he then dashed away from him, no one need ask! He had no desire to confront him again, which showed great wisdom on his part. After Karyet had escaped him, the hero was challenged straightway by a far-

Lanzelet 65 famed duke, who wished to win renown at his expense. He was from Walest,!°? so I have heard tell. The white knight unhorsed this prince [3200] and zealously sought to take him prisoner. As soon as he had accomplished this, he sent him to his lady so that she would know that he was thinking of her. As evening drew near, the white knight had enabled Count Ritschart to capture more than 130 additional knights before nightfall. Both young and old turned over their captives to Tybalt’s keeping in honor of his lord, but he accepted no more of them than was deemed seemly. His comrades

also wanted to know who the white knight was, but the knight replied, “This thing I will not tell you so readily. Tomorrow morning at dawn I will gladly come again, should I still live. So now commend me to God and permit me to ride away with your favorable regard.” He spurred his horse’s side and rode to his lodgings. He did this not in order to hide, but only because he was ashamed that he did not know who he was: he did not want this to

be the subject of gossip. Having taken his leave, he departed, and you may be sure that, however much he liked fighting, he passed a delightful night.

Early on the third day there rode many a banner toward the field at Dyoflé. Count Ritschart, of whom I spoke before, hoped to find success awaiting him again, just as on the previous evening; for this reason, he began the knightly games with reckless daring, for he had been very successful indeed. Both he and his men thrust their shields before them; they

broke many a lance, and rode better than anyone else. Through this he also aroused the resentment of Walwein’s father, King Lot, who sent to his knights and demanded they take revenge for the losses that had been inflicted upon him the evening before. When the command had been given, many of them swore that they would bind and truss the destructive white knight. After this was promised to the king, a great charge began, not far

from the castle ditch, during which many a shining helmet was dented. There Count Ritschart lost a great part of his contingent and was left without so much as a halter. The count was disheartened by all this. If the poem does not mislead us, he held back and did nothing, of whom it is related that his shield was white yesterday and before that, green as grass. He bore today, according to his instructions, a pennon and a shield of red, and the rest of his equipment—caparison and surcoat—was of fine linen, red adorned with gold.!!° Then he did as he ought; he did not forget his oath.

He mounted the charger he had brought from the sea, rode out into the host, and did not stop till he found Count Ritschart, who lamented to him his distress. [he red knight then said, “Courage! Let us see what we can do with lance and blade.” With this they rushed toward the thickest array,

66 Lanzelet where the greatest fighting was to be found. There the tourneying knights had become like a wall standing against them. Those who rode with the red knight took great prizes, for they fought so boldly that their enemies gave way before them. They attacked many a man who received such blows that

he lost all courage to fight. a

Here Ritschart the hero captured eighteen exemplary knights, and then they rode elsewhere. [3300] Let me tell you, if I may be so bold, that wherever the goodhearted warrior with the red shield and his companions came racing, the opposing force fled before him as little birds before the eagle:

they saw no hope of saving themselves till they scattered into the hedge. Our hero was at the same time a cutting blade and an impenetrable gate. Whomever he attacked had no expectation of escaping unharmed. Before midday his comrades, who had suffered great losses before his arrival, were rich. The others cursed the battle spirit that never seems to flag in those

_ who strive for honor and glory. _ - | Now listen and let me tell you about our friend. He jousted boldly till both young and old marked his bearing and took hostile action against him. For this they suffered great harm. Now there was another prince come to — this same meadow in search of prizes.4‘4 He had with him two hundred high-spirited knights, ready for anything. He himself was a worthy warrior and kin to the count. When he saw that all joy and happiness was destroyed wherever the red knight turned, the highborn prince rode up to the count and suggested to him that they should help each other by uniting under their two banners. Ritschart agreed that this would be best for them; for it was common knowledge, and all the knights were saying it, that the stranger was superior to anyone on the field. Dame Rumor!” also had it that it was but ~ one man who in all the three days had defeated so many. By this time he had joined his companions and closed on the enemy. Now let him who is brave enough try to grasp his charger’s reins and take him prisoner! There was such thrusting and slashing that one might make a long tale of it. There was fierce combat on both sides. The gallant men fought for the sake of prizes and from battle fury. One heard the loud clangor of blades

and lances breaking and saw many an excellent warrior unhorsed. Horses ran in every direction, confused and riderless. In truth, I can assure you that our hero strove after fame and glory from dawn until night fell, and Count Ritschart captured so many worthy knights that I will refrain from relating © it—you would probably not believe me. Now fate saw to it that Walwein, that dauntless man, and our friend charged at each other and struck so hard that their lances splintered; and they fought well. It was not long before the

Lanzelet 67 warriors were separated; and this brought danger to many a man. When gracious King Lot saw how furious were the blows of the red knight, his bold battle spirit compelled him to splinter a lance on him. The stranger took his revenge, and not in vain. He carefully took King Lot’s measure, and grabbed for his bridle rein. Here it was demonstrated just how beloved a good lord is: Lot’s men stood by him, faithful and devoid of wicked inconstancy. There arose the greatest mélée that I ever heard described. What kind of knight would fail in courage when his king was in danger? Many a horse and many a man were completely red with blood. The unknown knight began to strike so ferociously that whomever he attacked [3400] had to give way before him. Fortune favored him with such great success that he captured Walwein’s father and pulled him away from his companions.

When King Arthur, zealous in pursuit of glory, learned of this, he came rushing in at once and began to attack our friends. And now the fighting really began, for you have often been told how well that noble company could ride that was commanded by Arthur the king. Yet be that as it may, our hero won the highest praise, for he had accomplished great things, surpassing all the chivalry. He performed such feats of strength that very many were wounded; for this reason the tournament was halted, which, according to the proclamation, was to have lasted seven days more. Why prolong the tale? The chivalry dispersed. Now you never heard so many questions as there were concerning the whereabouts of Count Ritschart and the excellent knight. But that glorious hero was at that very moment sitting in the count’s pavilion. He did not wish to leave the field and come into the city before he had received news of various kinds. He sent King Lot to his lady as a token of his esteem; he himself tarried still longer, till he espied a great throng approaching. They rode there to pay court to him, as if to a noble damsel. King Arthur hoped to see him, so as to meet the hero who would not reveal his name. Walwein rode with his lord, as did many a handsome knight; they were all well received. Concerning whatever wondrous tales that were then either sung or told there, I must pass over much in silence; but let me tell you just one thing: they treated our friend with great regard. Walwein was also eager to learn what had become of his father. “Welcome, friend, in God’s name,” said the hero who loved to fight. “I will show him to you before nightfall.” They were much taken with each other. Then King Arthur invited the young stranger to return home with him. “Sir, my affairs will not at all permit it,” said the bold hero. They would all have been glad to hear about these affairs, for he had such fine bearing and was so wellbred, and his manner so friendly, that the people could not take their eyes

68 Lanzelet |

off him for a moment. Openly or in secret he was never deceitful, and this proved to be to his advantage.

SCHATEL LE Morr (3475-3928) I do not conceal from my friends that our hero now wishes to ride to his lady in the town. Soon he took his leave from all the knights alike and departed from them in friendship, as was seemly. He took Sir Walwein with him and brought him to his lodgings, where Walwein declared that he had never before seen such beautiful chambers. There he found Lady Ade and Maurin, and the duke and his well-mannered father, who sat next to the hero's lady. She welcomed his friend Walwein; I need say no more than this: she honored him in every way she could think of. She had drink poured for him and seated him at her side; she surrendered his father to him and also

the two captives. They also did not omit to speak of the combat upon the heath. [3500] Walwein took his leave of her, convinced that he had never met a more charming lady. His friend also confided to him his unhappy adventure at Pluris, and openly declared to him that on that account he wished to return there. Walwein answered, “If God preserves me so that I may act as I desire, be assured that I will come and seek you out wherever you are, for I am quite determined to deny you nothing.” You will never hear of such a loyal parting as that between these two. Each spoke well of the other as a stalwart friend should; for showing friendship to a man’s face and then forgetting it when that man is out of sight is a despicable act. They certainly did not behave like that. Whither the others rode is too long to tell, but our victorious hero sent his followers home. He himself took the road that was supposed to lead to Pluris. Concerning the lovely damsel and her brother, ‘Tybalt, we are told that they did not forgo this journey with him. After they had ridden I do not know how many days, they came to a beautiful land, flat as the palm of your hand;*}° a broad high road led them there. They espied a castle standing on the level plain, with a river flowing around it, which was called Der Kal.14* The castle was painted on the outside! and topped by a strange roof. It lay under a magic spell, such that anyone who entered it uninvited by its lord was turned into a coward; and though he were as fierce as a wild boar, there he lost his courage and strength. But he who was cowardly when outside the castle would not tolerate an impudent word from anyone when inside it.!!© The castle was called Schatel le Mort;!!” the lord, Mabuz!!® the Craven. His heart was devoid of honor and manly bravery. Whomever he captured was led

Lanzelet 69 into a vast prison, where at this very time lay a hundred knights and more, whose hearts were constantly tormented by the fear of death. Whenever Mabuz became angry or anything unpleasant happened to him, he ordered -aman killed. That is how he slaked his wrath. This malevolent coward was

the child of the water fairy who had taken our hero on his journey to the beautiful land where he grew up and found favor with many fair ladies.1!? It had been prophesied to this queen before she bore her son that he would always be a coward; for this reason, she spared no effort over this marvelous castle, so that it could protect him. This land was his fief, her son’s, who was called Mabuz. He held another fine land, which bordered on the Beautiful

Wood that was under the authority of the bold hero, Iweret; but Mabuz derived no advantage from that domain, for he never dared appear there. For this reason, his mother, the wise mermaid, turned all her thoughts to having Iweret killed, for he had taken that land from her son, the coward. She did not know anyone so brave as to take his life and thus fulfill her wish, unless it were he, the wise and faultless, whom she had fostered so tenderly. The hope that she confidently entertained did not deceive her, for he later slew Iweret, a hero of surpassing prowess. [3600] But we have not yet gotten that far. Now hear first what happened at Schatel le Mort and what marvel took place there. When our hero and Tybalt and the noble lady espied the castle, they did not hesitate at all, but made their way toward the castle gate along a bridge that spanned the rushing river. They observed that the gate was surmounted by a high tower with three arches, through which they rode.

When they reached the middle and the vaulted passage began to seem overlong to them, the lady and her traveling companions—they had quickened their pace because of this—were confronted by Sir Mabuz dressed in full panoply. He pierced the shield of our worthy knight and quickly demonstrated that he was ever inclined to wickedness. Many a blow he struck the stranger, who did not defend himself; and when he had battered him well, he tore off his helmet—at which the hero spoke not one word—and 7 stripped him of his coif. Mabuz then seized him by the hair and pulled him down from his horse, so that he afterward lay as still as a corpse and silent.

It was the will of the castellan that he be stripped of his armor. Next the craven Mabuz commanded that the armor and horse be properly attended to. Tybalt observed all this and said to his sister, “Let us depart! For you have seen for yourself what has happened to this coward.” These words angered the lady. “You judge him wrongly,” said she, “dear brother mine. We should forever be disgraced if our uncle, Linier, had been

70 _ Lanzelet slain by an archcoward. And besides, if you will speak the truth, you saw after that how he, where six thousand knights were present, was deemed without question to be the most valiant of them all. When did you ever

observe any unworthy conduct in him?” | Then shrewd Tybalt replied to the lady, “As wise men have told us, it is only at the end that one can distinguish between praise and blame; and no matter what I have seen of him in the past, he has now behaved most basely. I shall never praise him again.” Then the unhappy lady lamented, “Woe is me for his lost honor! Now I dare never again journey another step with him. Alas and alas, that I must leave him, and for such a reason!” She knew nothing about the magic spell and swooned from grief. Her brother Tybalt took her away, so she did not know whither she rode. Not another word will be said to you concerning either of them. Now our knight lay captive at Schatel le Mort. It mattered little to him

| whether he was naked or clothed. From the time he entered the prison, where many knights lay, he was so angry with himself over his disgrace that he gave no thought to either food or drink.!2° Whenever the captives sat down at the table in proper fashion and ate, he took bread in his hand and huddled against a wall, where he chewed and gnawed; he never washed his hands, and showed the manners of a contemptible knave. He was the vilest man who ever lived, without courage and without strength. And thus he lay a fortnight in such a state that he longed for death. Then there was a fire, and those who dwelled in the castle [3700] caught sight of knights on horseback who were torching and burning Mabuz’s land. Those in the castle recognized them, and the squires said one to another, “Those are Iweret’s men from the Beautiful Wood.” The villages were soon ablaze, which sickened Mabuz’s heart. There were only twenty raiders, hardly more, but they had taken great plunder. The lord dared not go where he saw the flames, because he was afraid that Iweret had prepared an ambush for him. It grieved him to see this destruction, and he thought to himself: “I surely have in my custody, among all my prisoners, someone so resolute in warfare who would venture to learn whether anyone has ridden into the forest to lie in wait for me. I will ask this of the vilest whom I can possibly | find among the body of prisoners. He will be the most valiant when he gets outside where the air will restore him. The man of whom I speak must be a proven warrior, and if I never see him again, I will count it a small matter.” With these words, he went to where the captives were held and marked their behavior, their courage and resolution. When the others stood up, our

Lanzelet 71 brave hero hid. Mabuz took the man who displayed such cowardice by the hand, showed him the flames, and asked him to be his scout. “Sit, I will not agree to that,” said the sluggard. “I might come under attack if I should now ride out of the castle; you must excuse me from this, for I should soon be killed.” “On my oath, you are the very one to go!” said the craven Mabuz, “whatever may come of it.”

So they carried the hero up till he came out the gate, and on to the far side of the bridge, where he lay on his back till they laced on his mail hose,!*! as if he were an invalid. Then they buckled on his armor, which had been brought there. He then began to move around a bit. When he mounted his steed, his bodily weakness disappeared. Then Mabuz the Craven spoke: “I remind you, O knight, that you are the most valiant man alive. Do this for the love of all ladies; now be off, and send us a favorable report! My heart is forever heavy that I ever clouded your mind. Do you see where they ride away, the enemy, roaring with pride? If I get the benefit of your help, and you retrieve my plundered property, may I go blind or deaf if, out of regard for you, I do not leave my prisoners unharmed for a year and not kill a one of them. No matter what injury is done me, I will avenge it some other way.”

The stranger replied, “Under that condition, I will see if I can work any harm upon those who have set fire to your land.” Thereupon he rode immediately on the arsonists’ trail, and soon got so close to them that he challenged them to turn and fight. He was eager to pursue glory and win the love of noble ladies; he was of undaunted courage, this man accustomed

to victory. He attacked the proud knight who bore their banner; boldly

| he rode toward him and struck him down from his horse. The others all turned back straightway to rescue their comrade. There were four knights, and they thrust at him together to avenge their friend. Though he gave way not at all [3800] before any of their thrusts, they, on the other hand, broke their lances. One of them he pierced, so that he fell dead upon the sand; and at the same instant the noble warrior drew his sharp sword, with which he dealt many a wound, for they were not well armed. The poem tells us further that their equipment was only suitable for plundering expeditions; their shields, pennons, iron hats, short gambesons,/”” and swift horses—so that they might the more quickly traverse mountain and moor—helped them not a whit: he overcame them all. He who could escape from him counted himself lucky. They paid little heed to their plunder and fled. He let them flee in terror whither they wished. Thus the arson was avenged

72 Lanzelet

no one that year. i

according to the craven lord’s request. Mabuz kept his promise and killed

Now our knight rode on and came to the gate of a small monastery. |

They called this little cloister the Sorrowful Fief. There he had no choice but to spend the night.!2> He who was master over the monks was a wise abbot. He looked after his guest very well, so that he lacked for nothing, and told him that Iweret was lord over the cloister. “No one either near or far can stand against him. It is his custom to grant us a tithe of whatever he wins through chivalry. Those whom he kills in combat, we bury here in a grave; and whatever God is pleased to grant him—be it little or much—of the slain knight’s possessions, he confers on us here for the sake of his soul.

This has made us rich. Truly, I could never tell you or make you believe how many knights my lord Iweret has slain, who have fared so ill in his adventure. We have sung masses for them and given them their proper due. Sir, you should refrain from that which can bring you no honor and which will bring a swift end to your life, for you are so handsome. May God heap shame upon him, my own lord, if he slays you.” So spoke the wise abbot.

“May God protect me from that!” said his guest, and he sought to _ discover, before he rode away from the monastery, the nature of the adventure, for he was most curious about it. Then the priest said, “I will tell you in all brevity. My lord Iweret is a mighty prince and valiant. He rules three fine kingdoms that he inherited, besides others he has taken from

those who opposed him. He has but one child, a noble daughter, and I will tell you that I have never heard anyone claim he had ever before beheld a maiden so lovely. My lord has declared that if any knight covets his daughter, he must meet him in flerce combat in the Beautiful Wood!”4

' under a shapely linden tree. At its foot there runs a cold spring, which Iweret, the bold hero, has beautifully covered with delicate vaulting arches. Gushing up from below out of a lion’s mouth,!”° the spring flows into a basin of fine marble, in which the clear water shimmers. The linden is

| green throughout the year. On it is hung a bronze cymbal, [3900] which any man who desires my lady and will test his prowess must strike with a hammer. After this same little bell is struck for the third time, my lord Iweret arrives in full panoply. Whoever attempts to fight with him is cer- __ tainly in need of luck. Last year and this he has put to death many a man, ~whom we have buried here at the linden where the murder took place. It is scarcely a half mile away. Avoid that place, that is my counsel. Yet of this you may be sure: if my lord Iweret slays you, you will always have my

prayers and my fatherly blessing.” , |

Lanzelet 73 “I thank your grace,” said the warrior, “but mark my words: whatever happens to me, I will give Iweret, that dauntless hero, the combat he demands, or I will die. What I gain by this will be revealed tomorrow. Either

he kills me or I kill him.” )

THe BeauTiFuLt Woop (3929-4673) The good man made no reply to this. Early the next morning his guest departed. ‘The words of the abbot had made him impatient to leave, for he had ridden out in response to the water fairy’s lament, determined not to give up until he had found Iweret. As dawn approached he commended himself to the Most High. After that, a messenger directed him toward the Beautiful Wood. I do not know whether I have related to you the nature of the wood. It was green as grass both winter and summer. Many fine trees grew there that bore fruit all the year round on one side, ripe and very good, and yet were also in blossom on the other side at the same time. Whatever

a person desired to eat—I do not want to forget this—that is just what the fruit tasted like. Whoever hears this, let him marvel, for it was indeed an amazing thing. The fruit also cured people of all diseases, if they were still able to move enough to eat it. There was no wound so great but that, if the fruit were bound over it, it healed at once, so long as the body still contained the soul.!26 That Iweret could slay so many—it is only fair I tell you this—was because there grew herbs in his enclosure so marvelous that he desired nothing more than to taste them; from this he grew strong, bold, and joyful beyond measure. It also helped a great deal that a valley lay before his castle, and no plant bearing noble blossoms was so small, nor so tall, nor so broad that it was not found there, and always at its very fairest. And so this heath remained, changeless and unchanging. Whatever the weather might be, in the meadow and the wood it was always like summer. That was most fitting, for if anyone in low spirits passed through those two places, he was filled with such joy that he forgot his sadness. For that reason they called the wood Behforet, the Beautiful Wood. Its delights were manifold, as the story does not conceal from us: lions, bears, red deer, wild boars, and whatever one could wish to hunt were there in numbers more than enough for good sport; and there many a large elephant was often felled. This was the nature of the wood. A lovely stream divided it. [4000] One side was reserved for the game animals; that was their run. The other side was filled with the song of birds and every kind of feathered fowl ever known to man. None of them ever crossed from one side to the other out

| 74, Lanzelet |

of their territory.’7” The stream also offered an abundance of fish of every , kind, which one could serve with honor at the table of a king. The wood

| was complete with all good things, as you have heard.12° , _ If you are not weary of my words, then mark what I say regarding the beautiful damsel who was Iweret’s daughter. No matter what one has ever read about women, or shall ever read, no lady could be more courtly or so lovely. She was completely without guile. No one had a better understanding of proper demeanor; she knew nothing of either envy or hate, and from her rosy lips came never an evil word. One never saw her ill-tempered, but she always passed her days in pleasant joy. She was eager to bestow whatever favor she could to enhance her honor. She was cheerful and gentle, wise

and chaste. Both men and women she honored according to their worthi-

| ness. For this reason no one could ever have the evil intention of accusing her of anything that she would prefer them not to say. Dame Fortune was

her shield. Now anyone who has heard too much of her praise may properly | silence me. Every virtue that adorns the name of woman was hers. But if anyone cares to hear me further, I will tell him more of the lady. She was virtuous and noble, a highborn maiden, kinswoman of kings. Whatever she said was like a vow, so steadfast were her intentions. Yet Love would later

| _ teach her certain things that she would gladly have done without. Neither

| her wisdom nor her cleverness could help her then, for no one is so wise } that he can defend himself against Love, unless God, who can overcome all |

- things, protects him from it. If you wish to know the damsel’s name, I will | tell you, rest assured: she was called the beautiful Iblis,!29 the very ideal of perfection. God exerted the utmost effort over her every virtue. If anyone is

_ of a mind to believe me, I will tell him how the lady lived. | She had a hundred fair playmates from three kingdoms, all specially | chosen; they were fittingly courtly and lovely. Daily they went with the lady into the valley, where they gathered flowers everywhere and made chaplets of them.!°9 From this came the custom that those of noble birth have not

abandoned, for they do this wherever flowers grow. Unless the learned po- | , ets have misled us, as soon as they plucked one flower, another immediately grew there, where the first had been found. That took place with God’s permission. This same lovely vale is called now and evermore Vals Ib/é after

| the lady, because she liked to be there often to gather flowers, or when she

| felt a longing in her heart, as ladies often do. oe If you would like to know more, I will tell you what Iweret’s castle was

, like. As the books inform us, it was magnificently situated. It was aptly | called Mighty Dodone,!3! and great effort had been expended on it. [4100]

Lanzelet 75 Because its hill was by no means low, the castle soared high over the valley, and care was taken in its construction. Both outside and within its appearance was quite splendid. The floors were paved with marble; the walls were of the same material. The stones, white and red, were squared and laid out like a chessboard; the walls were richly inlaid with gold mosaic. ‘The lord’s own abode and where his apartments lay was a magnificent palace, grand

and opulent. They tell us that it contained many a beautiful object. In it there was a bedchamber, the walls of which were of onyx; the floor was said to be of pure crystal and precious coral, inlaid with veins of many kinds of jasper. Signs of his enormous wealth were everywhere. The columns were of silver and encrusted with precious stones—flawless sapphires, emeralds

and rubies, topazes and sardonyxes, garnets and amethysts—all arranged together in ingenious designs. When Iweret entered there, he feared no one, as I have heard said. The ceiling was set with gold and gems—flawless sapphires, this I know, and even more, a few of which I shall name: chalcedony, beryl, onyx and chrysolite, jacinth and carbuncle.3* Because of them it was never dark in the bedchamber. It was even better appointed than I can tell you. The bedstead on which the lord and his faultless child lay was of ivory and red gold and was set with his favorite gems./¥? Over it was spread a counterpane of samite, green as grass. The bedding was very soft, the bolster and also the pillow, and the coverlet was of fine silk. The linen sheet was pure white, new and finely woven. Lord Iweret showered his daughter with thoughtful gifts, for she often did things that made him laugh. The castle contained everything that betokens excellence, with the bedchamber, the retinue, and all the furnishings. I would tell you more marvelous things about it, were it not that I have something else to relate. Dodone was situated as well as one could wish, for the lord had enough of whatever water or land produced and of whatever he could think of. He had perfected the castle till it lacked for nothing. It was fair and strong; those who dwelled within it—sixty and a few more, as I heard tell—were wealthy and noble, and enjoyed life among themselves: the day passed quickly there. Furthermore, the ringing was heard everywhere in the castle when anyone

struck the cymbal, of which I have already said more than enough, if you have listened. In the meantime our knight has arrived. When he came to the linden, he tied his charger to a branch of the tree, loosely and not too tight, for he wished to mount it again when he saw the lord of the castle approaching. His shield he laid upon the sand. Then the noble warrior took the hammer in his hand [4200] and struck the little cymbal so hard that it rang out loudly, and this was heard everywhere in the castle and

76 Lanzelet in the wood. Then he quickly unlaced his helmet and laid it on the grass. He walked toward the spring. When he came to the water, the warrior in search of adventure removed his coif, washed his hands, and cooled himself under the eyes. There is no lying about this: he looked to be in high spirits. Now hear a strange story. On the very night before the day when Iweret was to fight our worthy knight, the lovely damsel Iblis dreamed*** quite clearly that she came walk-

ing through the beautiful meadow to the linden. There she saw a knight standing, whose bearing was so imposing that her heart and mind and all her senses were bent on his love; and their love for each other was very great. Nothing troubled her, except that she had never seen him before. Whatever he did and said was wonderfully pleasant to her. She marked his appearance and his demeanor, and enshrined them in her heart. What could be more extraordinary! This was our bold hero, and he resembled exactly the image that was in her heart. Since one can read it in the books, it is told truthfully to you. The damsel woke up out of sheer joy.

When the lady was fully awake and considered the man who had appeared to her, she interpreted the dream in just the way that things would later come to pass. She said, “I will never take a husband, this I declare, except him whom I have seen tonight.” She made up her mind that she would honor the place where the knight had appeared to her and always go there whenever anyone sounded the cymbal. This decision she carried out and went to the linden right away, just as our friend was striking the cymbal.

Now I will briefly tell you that never did woman wear finer clothing than she; you will probably think it a blunder if I say anything at all about it. Her palfrey and its trappings were beautiful and perfect. She was still of the same mind as she was in her dream, and she bid good day to the hero, whom she found by the spring; for she saw at once that it was indeed the same knight. She dismounted beside him on the grass and greeted him most charmingly; he bowed to her in return, for his heart told him that this must be the queen. You should hear now what he said when he saw how beautiful she was: “Your favor, fairest lady! If you would not take it amiss, I should like to tell you my intention. You are so beautiful and so noble—as I have heard people say, and as I myself have seen—that for no reason other than for your favor alone and for the sake of your lovely greeting I must win or lose. If what they have told me is true, then either death lies in store for me or else you and great riches. If God is gracious to me, could any man have ever wished for more than this? So help you God, do not regard me with disfavor!”

Lanzelet 77 “For what would I reproach you,” said the damsel, “if things are as my heart tells me and if you are who you appear to be? Any lady who undertakes to be gracious wherever she can honors all courtly men—and you seem to be one of them. [4300] And I am angry with myself, for though I have never seen you before this, yet I must tell you that, so far as I recall, never has a man seemed to me so handsome.” He believed her entirely and listened, as she told him from beginning to end what had taken place in her dream. “You must do as I ask: avoid this adventure!” He declared that he could not abandon it; but her entreaties grew more insistent. “Lady, I will not!” he replied. “I should be dishonored if I did so.” He struck the cymbal with great force. It annoyed him that Iweret did not come. He hung his shield about his neck and was in every way ready for combat. Then the fair lady wept, for she was loath to see this contest. She sat down and said, “May God now help you both, for I am unable to decide between you. That is the reason | cannot keep you apart. I have never lived so unhappy a day.” She wrung her white hands, and her lamentation was endless. She hoped and feared, wondering which of them would destroy the other there. As she thus so sorrowfully sat, Love caused her to forget her wisdom and her good judgment. She became inflamed with the kind of fire that afflicts the longing heart. “Knight, if you are courteous, you must not doubt me. My heart has drawn me to you, and I cannot fight against it: as long as ever I may live, I will love you. Now take me away with you, O handsome, faultless man!”

He spoke: “Not I, dear woman.” “Yes you, man blessed by Fortune.” “IT am someone who cannot run away.” “For a woman’s sake a man should always alter his course.”!°

“Doubtless I shall yet win you in proper fashion. Whatever affection you will show me after that will give me joy, body and soul. If you love me as you say, then I am glad to have you see how, for your sake, I dare brave whatever a knight must.” The lady told him what a terrifying man her father was. “None has ever defeated him, though many have tried. If my love means anything to you, sir, think of me.”

“That must happen some time or other,” said the noble warrior; and with that he immediately clanged the cymbal as if in a rage. Then that most noble queen swooned from sorrow; she feared for her father and for him. The hero took her on his arm until she came around and felt a little better.

Then he quickly mounted his horse. This saddened her heart. She said,'°°

78 Lanzelet “Alas, Love, why have you disgraced me, that I should ever swoon for love?

I have no right to do so. I love him who refuses to take me away. What should I love in him? Alas, what am I saying, foolish woman that I am! Both his virtue and himself, these must I ever love. I am almost burning with passion. Love inflames me so that I now know nothing, and my cleverness helps me not at all. O Love, counsel me, and I will serve you forever! O alas, and woe is me! Love is prepared to help no one; this can come only through great good fortune. Whom Love has struck in the heart, cannot be helped by an herb or the juice of a plant root. Be that as it may, if I could but go to the Beautiful Valley, my fair blossoms might comfort me somewhat. Alas, why do I say this? Even if I could, I would not do it. Love has seen to it that I have lost all good sense. [4400] My sweet folly urges me to grant both victory and myself to this marvelously handsome man. Nature agrees with me in this. To him who is nearest my heart I wish the greatest of luck. Ah Love, what miracles you work!”

While all her thoughts thus battled one another, her father came riding up on a magnificent, great charger, and so armed that none of his peers was ever clad in better iron. His horse, so they tell us, was fiery red, which is most rare. It was covered with an iron housing!’’ in preparation for combat; over this lay a caparison of samite, green as the grass, which also bore Iweret’s device, red lions of gold.'38 His shield was as he wished it, of deep sinople!»? red, on which a golden lion was embossed.'4? That which served as a banner was a pennon—reaching right down to his hand—of the best samite’*! that could be found in the land of the king of Morocco. He wore a surcoat of the same material, on which little golden bells were fastened. In all his panoply he appeared to be an angel, not a man, and as a courtly gesture he wore long sleeves of silk. Anyone to whom he was well disposed might take pleasure in this sight. From childhood he had shown that he was gallant and daring. Of gold was his horse’s crest, a tree with leaves, but not too broad.!*2 A ffixed to it was a cloth!* with silken lace; he wore the same cognizance on both his helmet and his spurs.!4* His arrogance demanded he be angry at the stranger, for whom he intended nothing but death. When he found the young warrior armed and ready at the linden by the spring, they did not begin with a friendly exchange of greetings. The lord of the castle spoke fiercely, for he bore a grim heart. “Who is it that struck the cymbal?” The stranger said, “I have done it.” “For what reason?” “T could not forgo it.”

Lanzelet 70

“Yes, I will.” , “Will you undertake my adventure?” “You are not equal to it.” “T cannot with honor refuse it.”

“Now what do you wish to gain here?” “A beautiful woman and your land.” At this Iweret’s anger flared. They couched their lances. Fortune had to decide who should bear away the victory. The able, younger knight did not wish to give way before the older. They let their war horses gallop with hanging reins. Their pride was great; because of this, they both desired a chivalrous joust. That took place

with no underhanded tricks. Neither of them missed:!* each struck so hard that their shafts shivered and the flinders flew high into the air. We can say, in truth, that they then drew their swords. The horses, which had been thrown back on their hocks, also scrambled up again; the two excellent men had scarcely kept their seats. At this Iweret was taken aback with dismay, for, truthfully, till then no knight who challenged him on horseback had ever kept his saddle. The price for losing the battle was high. They both fought well, each thought of naught but his peril, for he who gave way before the other must surely die. Both saw the sparks of wild fire that flew from their helmets with every slash and every thrust. Both their sharp swords rang out loudly in their hands. [4500] Their hauberks were hacked open so that the rings had broken, and shreds of their surcoats fluttered about them far and wide. With every onslaught one could hear the clash of their shields, as though it were a great thunderclap. They hewed at each other so furiously that they

could no longer bring their chargers together. Then they really began to ] fight!

Both jumped from their horses, and Iweret said, “Till now I have fought with boys. This is a man! Nevertheless, he will have to pay so high a price for both woman and land that it will cost him dearly, and he will feel the burden of it forever.” And with that he quickly struck off a third of his unknown enemy’s shield, from below the handgrip through the bottom edge.

Now their rage mounted and they grew so hot that their sweat annoyed them beyond measure. Because of this the dauntless Iweret received such a cut through the barbel’*® that that most valiant warrior began to bleed from the nose and mouth down through the ventail. In return, the powerful castellan struck the stranger to the dust. But the hero recovered from that and quickly sprang up again, and he cut the bleeding man a wound through helmet and through coif. It was so deep and wide that he could

80 Lanzelet hardly withdraw his sword. Then Iweret asked the youth for a truce. But the unconquered warrior would not hear of an ignoble reconciliation, and they both immediately rained many a blow on each other’s hauberk. Concerning Iweret’s opponent, I could tell much more. At last lweret received a blow that forced him against his will to the ground. The stranger took his opportunity and did not let him rise again before he had deprived him of both life and honor. Now what more do you want? He struck off his head. He was in a joyful mood and went to where the lady lay. She had lain in a swoon the whole time and knew nothing of what had happened, who had fought well or who had not. He lifted up the damsel, refreshed her with water from the spring, and comforted her as best he could. The lady gradually became aware of her beloved, and she asked eagerly, “How has it ended?” “Very well,” replied the man whom Fortune had favored. “With victory I have won you, and I will always love you. You must keep faith with me, as well befits your noble birth. A favorable answer will gladden this man, a stranger here. Lady, think about this and speak a favorable word to me. May I be damned, if I ever ill-treat you. After seeing you, how could I have failed to seek to win you as my rightful wife? No coward would have dared to challenge the noble Iweret, but I have done so for your sake. Since you have lost your father, assuage your wrath on me in any way you wish, but indeed you are twice as dear to me as ever you were to him.” The lady took this well. Rest assured, she could not easily have done otherwise, for Love compelled her to do it. Yet she did not fail to weep, as is the custom of women. Love took full possession of her. There is nothing else so strong, they say. All may feel the surer of that, [4600] since she forgot so quickly that he had slain her father. When a person never intentionally harms another all the days of his life and stands ready to direct all his efforts to rendering service, it would be foolish to deny him the reward of forgiveness. But I will here, through your entreaties, turn again to my story. Now hear what the lady did. She asked the hero not to delay, but to ride away from the linden, for she feared her father’s vassals. The knight himself pondered this and considered what she might mean; but the damsel loyally and with true constancy assured him that she would never part from him, whether it pleased him or not. He shared the same sentiment, for never had he been so fond of anyone. So they hastened on their way and rode forth from the wood. They then encountered the good man from the Sorrowful Fief carrying a bier and coming, just as he always did, to fetch the dead. He wished to claim his

Lanzelet 81 body, just as he done for many another before this, in order to bury him. He raised up his hands to God, this same priest, and marveled greatly at what had happened, for he thought it a strange tale, that our knight survived and Iweret was dead. The priest turned to go, and the lady quickly sent a message with this abbot to her vassals, that they should guard castle and land as honor dictated, and that she would return when the time seemed right. The message was agreeable to all her liege men, though they wanted to know who had slain their lord. No one could say who he was or where he had gone. The good abbot swore a solemn oath that it was the handsomest man who had ever

earned the name of knight. “His bearing is excellent, and he acts in such a way that we should ever rejoice, could we have him for our lord.” Then Iweret was buried where our knight was to have lain. Now, why should it remain a secret, whither the unknown knight went, and the damsel whom he had won at the linden? They rode for a time, a good French mile,'*’ till they came to a broad meadow. There they both dismounted under a green linden, for they had not wanted to stop until they could sit on the grass. That for which they had been longing then took place there, although we cannot relate or recount it. They became companions in the way that Love counseled them. While this was taking place and the experience was so pleasing to them, they espied a beautiful maiden who was seeking to find them. This lovely maiden was riding a little mule'*® that was white as ermine. Then the hero, who had just experienced great joy, thought he recognized her, for he had seen her before in the company of the water fairy. It was one of the ladies from the Land of Maidens. He called her by name and bid her welcome in his own and his beloved’s names.

LANZELET OF THE LAKE (4674-4926) The steadfast maiden thanked him. “If I had wished it myself,” she said, “I could not have found you in better circumstances.” As she sat down with them, she bid the stranger rejoice and be glad, and proffered him greetings and all good wishes from the benevolent queen who had fostered him and

taught him virtuous conduct and lavished her care upon him, and who | had given him his first sword. [4700] “Because you have accomplished that which my lady desired of you,” said the messenger, “so thank her and God that you now have succeeded so well. Hitherto your name has been concealed from you. I bid you learn it now: you are called Lanzelet,'*? favored

82 Lanzelet ,

by Fortune and lofty birth. I know no one your equal. Your father’s name was Pant; Genewis was his land: it is your rightful legacy, of no benefit to those who have taken possession of it. The man will never be found who shall ever defeat you. That is true, for I promise you this in the name of my lady, who is ever truthful. It has all been foretold to her, what wonderful things shall befall you. It is through your mother, through her virtuous conduct in all things, that you rightly deserve to be blessed by fortune in old age and in youth: Clarine the queen. There never lived a better lady. The world was rather hostile toward your father, for he was quick to anger; he was, as I can inform you, slain by his own vassals. My lady carried you away from there and brought you up with tender care. As a token that I have not lied to you, I bring you this box. It contains a precious pavilion.°° That you

rightly deserve to be Fortune’s favorite is proven by this gift.” , He then expressed his thanks to the queen and rejoiced in the news. His wife also, the noble Iblis, was glad to hear it and was well pleased that things had gone their proper way for her. After this they hurried to examine the pavilion, as the messenger invited them to do. It was a delightful place where they had been sitting.—We must not forget that.—The meadowland was full of blossoms, red, white, blue, brown, green, and yellow, black, sea green, cloud white, pale yellow, grape blue, steel pale, iron gray, purple brown, silk yellow. The birds with their sweet songs flew over the beautiful _ field. There in the middle the goodhearted Lanzelet pitched his pavilion. The workmanship was so extraordinary that Solomon and Darius, and the rich king Augustus whom all the earth served, would never have been able to pay the price of such a pavilion, as I shall make clear to you. Whoever was so fortunate as to enter it had good health for the rest of his life;!°! and at the very same time, the friend of whom he was most fond would appear to him.}5* The upper part was a mirror, equally flawless outside and in. It never got a scratch, not even one the breadth of a hair, from either missile or blow. The roof was fashioned in this way: it was surmounted by an admirable golden ball, on top of which was mounted a most magnificent

eagle of gold. Nothing that is appropriate to a masterpiece was forgotten in that eagle, except for one thing: it did not fly. It perched as if it were alive; it hovered like a bird. Its ornamentation was not spare. Two faultless carbuncles served as its eyes; because of them one could see at night as if the sun were shining.4>4 Also its mouth was fashioned in such a way that it gaped wide when one pulled a chain. Inside it was all hollow, and it sang admirably well a strange melody.!> Its tongue was an abeston,!°° an extremely hot stone [4800] that burns eternally once set alight. It also

Lanzelet 83 illuminates the surrounding land and retains its blue-violet brilliance better than a great candle. Such was the top of the pavilion. The lower part was lavishly decorated with pearls. It had four sides. It was tall and wide. One side was of samite, just as green as grass, with many a scene most ingeniously worked into it, and was of far better cloth than any brocade from Greece. The second side was of rich ¢rid/at silk,’ shimmering brown, as we are told, on which red images in the likenesses of birds and beasts were worked with great artistry. The pavilion stood firm against every kind of weather. The seam with which the samite and the ¢rzb/at silk were sewn together was of gold. It is not my imagination, when I tell you that the third side was of red Jarracan,'>8 which glistened far and wide against the greenest meadow of clover. He who was permitted to enter it could never feel sorrow, but enjoyed the greatest measure of happiness. Indeed, one must truly say it was an earthly paradise. The fourth side was of white fish hair,>? woven with great care by the hands of Wild Women. Nowhere was there any cloth comparable to this, more wondrous by far than ferran,'®° with the nap not too long. The entrance was wonderful; a child would not believe his own father if he described it to him. The door was a golden lattice bearing inscriptions, none of which I can make out, except for one, which began, Quid non audet amor\°'\—“What risk does Love not dare to undertake?”—The second inscription was, or so I believe, “Love is an enduring madness.”!° Since I have been recounting them, that was followed by: “Love has driven out measure; they cannot exist together.”'°> No one who deceived worthy people could enter this pavilion. I have failed to mention the tent pole: so boorish people will think, who do not believe my story. Nevertheless, I tell you that it was far greener than grass, shiny, smooth, and straight, the color of emerald.1™ Its diameter might have been as little as two spans; its length was two spear shafts, but it grew

longer if one wished it. The tent pegs that belonged to it were of gold; the ropes were braided of fine, corded silk. You must not fail to mark my words here: wherever one seam overlapped another, and they were gathered together, a moulding was placed over it. That I should not forget. I will relate how it was embellished. On it were worked in gold, with the skill of a master artisan, strange creatures, fish, sea monsters, animals, birds, and men. All this was on it, wrought with wondrous cunning, engraved and embossed. When

the wind came blowing in, everything began to move together as if about to set forth on a journey. Each sang after its fashion and accompanied the eagle, which screamed above. I will say no more of the pavilion, except for one peculiarity it possessed. When one folded it up, it became so compact

84 Lanzelet [4900] that a damsel could easily carry it in her hands. She could never find fault with the marvelous sounds of the pavilion. This is not a fabrication; it is

| the truth, and not a falsehood. When the pavilion was taken down it weighed nothing at all; but when one set it up, it was just as it should be, just as its possessor wished it, both as tall and as wide. Lanzelet and Iblis approached it straightway. They went inside, be assured of that, and looked into the mirror. [hey were able to declare that there was no disloyalty between them, for he could see nothing but the lady’s likeness, the charming Iblis; and I know that it was just the same with her: that she did not see herself, but only her companion. In truth, let me tell you that had he been over a thousand miles away, she would still have seen naught but his image.

VALERIN (4927-5396) Wise people must agree that when Lanzelet had seen the pavilion, he remembered what to do. He sent the messenger home to the Land of Maidens. The well-bred warrior sent a message to the mermaid that she should consider what she herself required of him, for he would do it, even if it cost him his life. Lady Iblis also sent her a message, that she wished to be in her good favor. A magic ring made of gold, that is what Sir Lanzelet gave

the maiden who had done him this service! and who had told him his name in the presence of his beloved. The reward could not but have pleased

her. She declared that such generosity was a trait he inherited from that most generous man the world had ever known: King Arthur of Kardigan was beyond doubt his uncle. ‘The story tells us this——I am sorry I forgot to mention that the ring had the virtue that no one could deny any fitting request to him who wore it on his hand.—The maiden thanked him profusely and returned whence she had come. Thus Lanzelet discovered that he was Arthur’s sister's son. Now he decided that he would set off in search of Walwein,‘©° for he was fonder of him than of any of his kinsmen. So he rode off, asking along the way, in hope of finding him as soon as possible.

Now it so happened that, as he and his fair beloved were riding straight ahead at a good pace, they met a page. Sir Lanzelet greeted him and asked | him for the latest news. The squire replied that he had recently come from Karidol, where he had heard a strange thing, “from which all wise people predict great evil will come: the queen lives in great sorrow.” Lanzelet spoke: “Now tell me, what does this mean?” “T will explain it to you,” he replied. “King Valerin!®’ of the Tangled Pinewood,!® who is a thoroughly mischievous man, came riding to Kar-

Lanzelet 85 digan and asked the king to grant him safe-conduct, so that he might say what he wished with impunity. Then the king assured him of his immunity: no matter what he should say, he would not become angry. Valerin spoke, asserting that he had beyond a doubt a better claim to Ginover

than did Arthur, for she had been betrothed to him before she was of marriageable age. Arthur replied, as did all his people, that they had no knowledge of this matter. Then King Valerin said, [5000] ‘In truth, my lord, she is mine. I will assert my right through combat, as befits a worthy knight, and whoever wishes to oppose me, let him not waste words. If he is my peer, I will certainly dare to fight him, were he as huge as a giant.

Yet I will make one stipulation: that not more than one man fight with | me, as is only just. On my oath, I promise that if I lose the victory, I will abandon the claim on my lady. But if I am so fortunate that success falls to me, then you must all let me ride away and give me the queen.’!©? King Arthur said, ‘So be it.’ In accordance with these words, a day was set for the combat. He who is to be the queen’s champion will rejoice forever, if he is successful, for he will be greatly praised. Valerin is resolved to fight a week from tomorrow.” “Could I ever get there in time?” asked the stalwart Lanzelet. He had time enough for the journey, was the squire’s opinion, if he traveled both night and day. Who Valerin was is a strange tale, and the warrior Lanzelet asked about him. The squire replied, “I can assure you that he is a valiant king and has a castle so perfect that none can compare with it. It has nothing to fear from the siegecraft of any man, not in the slightest. This I can tell you as true: before the castle lies a thicket through which no one can pass on account of its unclean and loathsome beasts. Around the crag on which it stands there always hangs a mist.!”? The thicket is well guarded by many and diverse serpents; it is indeed a dragon garden.!”! Through it there leads a road; and the dragons show such restraint that they never approach it unless Valerin, that dauntless man, summons them. More I have not heard, except that I should tell you that the upper part of the castle is most beautifully constructed. It is the crown of all fortresses and shines like the sun.!”7 It is supplied with water from a good spring. The lord is himself a gallant man. The Tangled Pinewood is the name of the castle and the keep. My lord King Arthur possesses in his kingdom no castle to compare with it. Whoever is to oppose Valerin should certainly be fearful and must expect only unpleasantness from it. And now you must let me depart,” said the well-trained squire, “for truly this is no falsehood.”

86 Lanzelet Then Lanzelet quickly wished the squire a pleasant journey.'” He rode night and day, so that he took but little rest, and his beloved did the same. On the fifth day he came to the castle of the Duke of the White Lake, who had departed for the combat the day before. The duchess asked the tired companions to be so good as to tell her who they both were, for she truly had never beheld anyone more beautiful. Lanzelet related to her all that had happened to him. She recognized him at once, and never did she experience a happier day. She said, “Lanzelet du Lac, your father was my kinsman, and your dear mother is of my lord husband’s family.!”4 It would give me great joy, if you will allow your beloved to stay with me till she is somewhat rested. [5100] I gather from your haste that you would very much like to witness the combat that is to take place there. But you will scarcely arrive in time. I will lend you for your journey two fresh Arabian steeds and -

send along a knight who will bring you to the contest in good time, before _ they come to blows. This aid I gladly give you, so that the Lady Iblis may await your return comfortably under my roof. Heed my request and return here immediately after the combat.” This Lanzelet promised her; he assured her how happy he was to do this. Then that stalwart man departed quickly on his way. IfI leave it unsaid, you must nevertheless realize that no

woman was ever better cared for, or so kindly. Now Lanzelet was on his way. He rode straight ahead at great speed. By chance he came to the Growing Lookout.!”> Here let me tell you about this lookout: from it one could see over all England and even farther. The hill was scarcely wide enough for two fighting men, yet on occasion it grew so large that a hundred knights could tourney on it. No matter what anyone could imagine as necessary for demonstrating his prowess, he would find it in abundance there, beside a river that flowed nearby. If a great and mighty army arrived there, another army rode against it; a single man could discern no more than one adversary, even if he wanted to. Lanzelet said, “I should certainly like to test this tale, to see if it is true or false, were it not that we have already ridden so hard.” Suddenly he sees that a knight was waiting with raised shield in hand on the field by the ford.'”6

Now hear what happened to him then. They both galloped into the stream and came together with such force that Lanzelet threw the denizen of that land far from his horse and gave him such a grievous wound that he began to bleed freely and floated away down the stream. I do not myself know where he landed. In this way Lanzelet du Lac acquired an extraordinarily fine charger—never did the valiant warrior mount a better—which he rode to Kardigan. Early, before sunrise, King Valerin was armed and

Lanzelet 87 in the arena. I could not easily describe to you how very knightly he sat, except to say that that he lacked for nothing. No stranger to the court was ever better equipped for a great contest. Beside him stood his Castilian steed,!’” caparisoned and ready for battle. Already both knights and ladies who wished to view the combat had made their way there.

Now Walwein the faultless was sitting on the Stone of Honor, concerning which it is sufficient to tell you that it did not endure a man in whom there was guile or malice.!’8 Ginover sat beside him, his liege lady the queen. With her own hands she had laced on one of his mail hose, as many a valiant hero looked on. Then Lanzelet came riding through the middle of the throng and dismounted at the stone. With permission from the queen, who bid him welcome, he approached Walwein. They were all greatly pleased to see how well the stone suffered his presence. Thus his excellence was seen by all, both the humble and the great, on account of his fine bearing and, especially, of his beauty. Then Walwein was very glad indeed [5200] to find his friend still alive. They recognized each other at once. Sir Lanzelet reminded him that when they had parted, Walwein had faithfully promised to grant whatever Lanzelet should ask of him. Walwein took no offense at this. Then the well-

mannered Lanzelet implored and entreated Walwein that he should let him take his place in the combat.‘’? “No, no, my dear friend,” said Walwein to his comrade, “I cannot honorably grant that; my courage might be called

into question.” Then Lanzelet recounted all that had happened to him from beginning to end. A great circle of people began to form around them; those who had seen him joust before, when he had captured Walwein’s father, hastened toward him. Everything turned out well for him: they were immediately convinced of his lineage. When King Arthur learned in what relationship the two of them stood to each other, he was heartily glad, as were his other kinsmen. They dem-

| onstrated their great affection for him: the whole court rejoiced. Lanzelet pleaded his cause until the king and all his court asked him on the spot to fight for the queen. Benevolent Ginover entrusted herself to his loyalty, that he would defend her from this great wrong. Walwein himself desired to do this, but he acceded to his kinsman’s wish that he would allow Lanzelet, whom Fortune so favored, to take his place, because he was well aware of his prowess in the joust and his chivalry. When Valerin saw their joy, I will tell you what he said: that so far as he was concerned, the one was as good as the other, and that he was delighted to fight him, since they were both kinsmen of the king.

88 Lanzelet These words displeased no one. Then Lanzelet was ready, as befits a worthy knight. “May God now reveal whose cause is just,” said the benevo-

lent queen. The apprehension had to be great, for at this judicial combat there sat in a circle about the field a thousand ladies and more. ‘Their anticipation of things to come made them suffer, as well as the fierceness of their bitter anger. With weeping voices they all wished the queen success, | who was too honorable ever to gain anything by unfair means. Any reason-

able heart that considered the matter ought to take her side gladly. Now King Valerin and Lanzelet charge at each other, two powerful men. They were fitted out so magnificently that no Christian man or Saracen had ever beheld their like. They were both eager to begin, their desire set on feats of chivalry. They saw beautiful ladies around them on all sides, and on this account, I warrant, they were all the bolder.'8° Now they began their fierce contest, for they did not wish to postpone it any longer. They called for all to leave the field and covered themselves alike with their shields, in the manner of knights. The two highborn warriors put the spur to their horses and made directly for each other. Then each was forced to receive an unfriendly pledge of the payment to come: they pierced each other's shield at the four nails next to the hand, so that the stout shafts of the generous

warriors shivered and the flinders flew up in clouds of dust. Neither of them lost his seat. Then they took two other lances and continued their jousting. Violently the chargers were driven together, [5300] and so goaded with spurs that they collided. But the dauntless heroes did not pause; they

splintered their shafts and then powerfully drew their swords from their scabbards. Now hear what happened to them both. _ The adventure tells us that two knights never fought better, mounted or on foot. Their bold hands knew no rest. Each of them hacked the other’s ring mail to shreds with his sword, for both alike strove for victory and — glory. They struck so hard on helmets and on shields that wild plumes of fire darted from them, and the steel helmet of each was dented from the blows. Nor did Lanzelet fail to deliver his customary strokes: he drove King Valerin several times about the field in a circle and wounded him so severely that he sank to the ground before him. He was so weak from loss of blood that his life was in danger. ‘Then Lanzelet the renowned compelled _ him to give assurance of surrender. Valerin agreed to that; he surrendered

to the mercy of the youth who had vanquished him and swore solemnly that he never again would cause hurt to the queen. Stalwart Lanzelet was not unwilling that the hero should live, for he was not bloodthirsty and was loath to slay him. All those present who wished to act honorably thought

Lanzelet 89 this sufficient. King Arthur also allowed him to live because of his steadfast valor, however much he had angered him. Through this he also honored Lanzelet, who had won the victory for him. Truly, Lanzelet gained glory from this. But later he heartily regretted it, for Valerin afterward broke his pledge and robbed King Arthur, thereby forfeiting entirely the good reputation that he had formerly gained. For he who betrays his word has lost his greatest possession. Worthy people will understand that. After King Arthur had encountered this adventure and had vindicated his honor, he experienced great joy, as did Ginover the queen and all his court. They were all very grateful to Lanzelet for the honor done them, and they freed Valerin at once. Thereupon three hundred handsome knights and my lord Walwein were sent to fetch Lady Iblis, and with her the Duchess of the White Lake. You will never hear again of so kind a reception.—It were too long to relate how Iblis was received, as it would probably weary you.—My lord King Arthur greeted them with a great show of splendor, with well-caparisoned horses and with rich banners, for never had he wel-

comed dearer guests to his castle. Ginover threw off the burden of fear that she had previously borne in sorrow. She showed Iblis every honor, and they were both equally happy and filled with sweet joy, Iblis and the queen. Whatever gestures of friendship two ladies so perfect in virtue could make, these they shared with each other.

THE QUEEN OF PLURISs (5397-5678)

I have never heard of such great rejoicing. King Arthur did not permit [5400] either friend or foe to depart from his court for four weeks. For this he was much praised, so that his fame still remains unassailable; for the sake of his honor, he spared no expense. All this was on Lanzelet’s account. Everyone who was mindful of honor was favorably disposed to-

ward him, for he knew how to behave better toward them than anyone else at court. Because of his nephew’s kindness King Arthur then forgot whatever unpleasantness he had known since the days of his childhood. Lanzelet was received into the band of his dearest companions; and so it came to pass that such an excellent man by virtue of his worthiness won a seat at the Round Table. A short time afterward Lanzelet commended his

beloved to the care of his liege lady the queen and revealed to Walwein his kinsman, of his own accord, that he wished to go to Pluris. He asked him to look after his affairs and cleverly arranged that no one knew his intention.

go Lanzelet oO _ Now Lanzelet is ready. He had been told concerning Pluris that it was a beautiful castle!®! and strong, built in such a way that it lacked for nothing. Below it lay an attractive marketplace, and near it a heath abloom with .

| flowers from all over the world. The meadow was adorned with a beautiful | pavilion. This splendid pavilion was decorated with a hundred shields, no more; they hung one right next to the other; with their strange, many-colored devices, they shimmered against the green grass. In the castle lived a queen who with peculiar cunning had instituted this custom to contribute to her amusement; it was called the Adventure of the Courteous Queen. It | was her intention never to take a husband unless a man should appear who

was so much braver than other men, who would win great renown at the. expense of the hundred stout knights—of whose shields I have just spo-

| ken—by unhorsing them all in one day, and in this way break the adven- , ture of Pluris. And to him on whom this glory fell the noble queen would entrust herself, her possessions, and her honor, and withhold nothing from _ him. The knight whose shield was touched had to take the first joust;® the | others were to hold back till they saw how he fared. The shield touching was performed by that dwarf whom Lanzelet had earlier spared after-he

| had struck him, in those days when he had first ridden forth into the world. Now let me tell you, in all truth, that Lanzelet tarried no longer, but rode | forth once again and came to Pluris,!® where he quickly learned the nature _

of the adventure. He dismounted onto the green grass. He lost no time and began to inspect the pavilion and the knights who sat there. They did not neglect to send a message to their lady the queen, _

| that she should ride down to see for herself that there was a knight of ex_ cellent bearing who was intent on essaying the adventure. They informed her that she should come with her court. The queen said, “So be it.” How well she considered [. . .]'*4 that ever accompanied a lady. When Lanzelet saw this, he demonstrated his prowess once again: he touched one of those selfsame shields that hung on the pavilion. The dwarf then went off to tell [5500] him whose shield it was, that he should take to his mount. I cannot tell you who these hundred knights were: that would just annoy you and _ justifiably be tedious. I would tell you their names, but no one has told me

what they were. In all this land no one was more valorous than they. Be that as it may, things went awry for all of them; there is nothing to be said ©

against that. Lanzelet struck them down from their horses onto the grass, as many as there were of them, so that not a single one kept his seat. The

_. queen marked that well. She declared that Lanzelet the warrior was the _ very perfection of manly excellence, for he had broken her adventure with

Lanzelet gI such great chivalry. She bid him accompany her without further discussion to the castle. It was magnificent through and through, marvelously ornamented and richly appointed with all those things clever people know to devise. And so Lanzelet, lucky with women, had to take another bride. | do not know if he did it unwillingly, for the queen was a lovely maiden; she would have roused a man who was half dead. We are told that the celebration was joyous; many a lady and bold warrior were there in countless numbers, and the delightful festivities lasted till the twentieth day. The whip stroke that Lanzelet had been dealt had led to this. No one can tell you how such little things may benefit a man and what may bring him good or evil. After Lanzelet du Lac had lain with the queen, she began to love him. She feared in her thoughts that if he should abandon her, she could never win another man so noble and handsome. This fear began to gnaw at her

heart. For this reason, she provided forty knights for him, who actually did nothing from morning till night but keep Lanzelet under their secret surveillance. They were everywhere at his side, so that he could not escape them. He was forbidden at all times to bear a weapon of any kind; the wise queen did not permit him to carry so much as a knife. Under these conditions he was obliged to remain there with her for nearly a year; he showed his discontent from the first until the very last. Then the resolute man began to behave most affectionately. In this way he sought to deceive her, who loved him beyond measure, for he longed to go home to his uncle’s castle. And what was the mighty King Arthur doing all this time? When no-

body, neither countryman nor any kinsman, could tell him where in the world Lanzelet du Lac was, the noble man—according to the adventure— invited all who learned of it to come for a celebration on the approaching Pentecost.—May God always grant him glory for that!—He bid his messengers travel to foreign lands across the sea, a great host of heralds with whom he sent many a letter. The whole land was awhirl with preparation. From the old to the young, they made marvelous clothing. It had been told to them as true, and they heard everyone saying it, that King Arthur wished to throw open his treasure rooms and distribute his gold, so that men should praise him all the more. [5600] Beyond that, he promised great rewards, so that people should want to come, and everyone could take whatever he desired. In the end they were granted as much as they pleased.

King Arthur made his preparations. He procured as many as a thousand Castilian steeds; and besides these he wanted more: at least twelve hundred

Arabians. Ginover the queen was also mindful of her reputation; clasps, bracelets, rings: these she procured in countless numbers. | wish to shorten

92 Lanzelet my description for you, but I must make plain that they both did this, Arthur and the queen, in order to enhance their reputation all the more in every land and also to discover whether anyone could tell them news of __ where Lanzelet might be,'®° whom they thought lost. It was all done for

no other reason. ,

The noble Lady Iblis lived in sadness and in heart-wrenching distress. She was almost dead from sorrow and from pitiful suffering. No one had seen her happy again, after Lanzelet du Lac had ceased to look after her as he ought. Her lamentation was endless, as she lived beyond reproach there | at court. Her heart was filled with despair, as is the wont of those in love; — for this she knew no remedy. Yet I hear it said that those who experience

such a thing often do not follow good advice. Now you shall hear how Lanzelet fared as a prisoner in his kingdom. He lived a remarkable life, sometimes sad, sometimes happy; yet his heart was determined, however pleasantly he might while away the time, that he would never stay there, where he could not see his beloved, if this could be accomplished in an honorable way. Finally he thought of a clever ruse, which he put into practice. He asked the queen out of love for him to reinstate the adventure as she had established it before. He was confident that _ someone would come along who would undertake it and thereby also prove worthy. Whatever he wanted had to be done, for the Queen of Pluris strove to win his favor, however little he repaid her for that. She knew nothing of his intentions, nor that he had made this request for the purpose of escap-

ing, should he have the opportunity. His life depended on this plan. He had given much in the service of fame; yet, despite all the great things he had accomplished, Lady Iblis was at no time absent from his thoughts. He © knew nothing so dear; one should believe that. Now let us leave him here,

and learn how things are going at the castle of Kardigan. _ ,

THe MANTLE TEsT (5679-6228) | There came a beautiful day, on which the eve of Pentecost fell. One saw in - the far distance streams of people making their way there. I do not wish to conceal it: a numberless host was to be found on the mountain and in the valley all around the castle of Kardigan. ‘There one could have seen many a fine pavilion roof of brocade and many good shelters, for mighty kings and princes were among the throng, and the air was filled with boisterous merriment. At night they slept in comfort, each according to his wish. Whatever should properly be found at great celebrations was unquestionably there

Lanzelet 93 in abundance and excellent quality. [5700] One saw nothing of unseemly behavior that might cause anyone to complain. The next morning at dawn one could see the sun making a special effort to shine bright and clear; and one heard, to be sure, the sound of many a beautiful mass. But as yet no one

possessed any news important enough to be told the royal host in public, for it was the king’s wish not to eat or drink until he had learned something that deserved to be related to his court and to all those who would then act upon it in the pursuit of glory.'®° Though they were not eating, there were bohourts and dancing, and the radiant beauty of many ladies, with whom one could exchange friendly glances. King Arthur threw open all his treasure chambers and offered with great fanfare whatever anyone wished to receive. No one needed to rush or to crowd in front of another; each received his own particular gift, and there was no strife. Never before, I should imagine, had so many garments and horses and so much treasure been given away on a single day. Ginover the queen demonstrated her generosity. Upon their arrival she gave away long robes trimmed with sable quite down to the hand, with the

best fur that could be found in any kingdom, with costly fur lining, and whatever else a lady should give away. In this way she strove to maintain her great renown. As the time for breakfast drew very near, the knights saw approaching from afar the maiden who had revealed to Lanzelet his lineage and his name. Then the company spoke all at once: “This may well be a messenger; that is apparent in her haste. She brings news.” The praiseworthy Walwein showed his good breeding—let him be thanked for that!—and led the maiden through the throng into the presence of the lord of the castle. Then she spoke before them with fitting words, so that the princes heard it: “O king, God save you and also the queen, and all those whom you wish well; for you merit this, both by your noble rank and by your person. [his my lady wishes you, a wise mermaid. She is a queen, more courtly than anyone now alive. She sends you a splendid gift; no wise man who sees it can deny that. A more precious gift she never made to anyone. She does this on one condition: that you, noble king, preserve your honor well and do the thing I ask of you.” “How loath I would be to deny your request,” said the lord there in his castle, the mighty King Arthur, for he was certain beyond a doubt that she would ask nothing that was not seemly. Whatever he promised, he was sure to fulfill.1°” Now, my lady Iblis lay ill and wretched from misery. She was not there at that moment when the maiden came riding in. She could never have failed to recognize her, greet

94 Lanzelet , | her, and call her by name, for they had met when Lanzelet had given her the ring that pleased her so well. As I just now told you, you shall understand more about the maiden’s errand, since it pleases you to hear it. She wore a very becoming belt from Iberne.!®® Her gown, [5800] as I should inform you, was adorned and clasped firmly with a brooch in a charming © way about her waist, after the manner of French women,'*’ who are very beautiful. That same wise, courtly maiden carried on her belt a pouch!”?

of moderate size that was most delicate and embroidered with marvel- | , ous artistry. Out of it the maiden promptly took a mantle!*! of wondrous beauty, which suddenly grew larger before their very eyes. It became long _ and broad; and in truth I tell you this: all the colors appeared in it that anyone had ever seen or known. Into this strange garment was worked with the great care of a clever heart every sort of beast, bird, and sea monster. On it one could see everything that is found on the earth or under it or between earth and sky, everything that bears a name, exactly as if these things were alive: now they hovered here, now they glided there. A magic spell created this through necromancy. When the court and King Arthur had seen this, the maiden spoke to him again: “You must take the mantle, O king, and give it to her among all the ladies whom it might fit; and I should very much like to see who she is, who receives it. And if it does not fit her, you

you have promised it.” | must straightway give it to another; such is my lady’s wish and mine, since —

“And the promise shall not be broken,” said Arthur. “That must be done, which I have promised to you.” Now from the company those ladies stepped forward who wished to prove their constancy. The king said to the lady of the castle, “No matter how it may turn out, see how the mantle fits you; put it on quickly. I am eager to give it to you, for no one is dearer to me.” There

| was not the slightest hesitation: Ginover put on the mantle. From this she | incurred a measure of blame; for that same garment shrank up above her ankles so that it did not fit her. The messenger asked if she might say what that betokened. The lord replied loud and clear, so that many a prince could

hear it, that he would never be angry with her on that account, and that her words would not harm her a whit. The maiden said, “It is true that Ginover — is courtly and virtuous. In her conduct she has taken great care to do nothing but that which is good. Yet on account of inconstancy, she has erred

in thought.” A good husband should watch over his wife, but with great kindness. If the queen had been less carefully protected, she would have | often done things that, for the sake of her honor, she has avoided. Yet severe _chaperonage and a suspicious mind will make even a steadfast woman fall

Lanzelet Q5 into evil. That is as sure as death.” The queen gave back the mantle, and

Arthur spoke: “All the ladies in my house must try it on, if that be God’s , will; let none of you hang back. You should be all the more willing to do it because I have pledged my word that you would. Whoever refuses is being unreasonable and demeans me as a perjurer.” Then they all reflected that they would rather suffer disgrace for their faults than never again be shown his affection and favor.

After the king had spoken, Prince Torfilaret,!”? a sensible man, replied, [5900] “As heartily as I can implore her, I ask my beloved that she now be the first. Whatever she has done up to now will truly be forgiven if she will avoid doing it again in the future.” His words angered the lady, and she flung on the mantle. Then it grew so long that it trailed far behind her, except for one place, in the front; and that was lifted so high that it reached down no farther than a little above the knee. They were filled with amazement, who saw the mantle grow so short. The maiden said in all haste, “I will tell you for all to hear: this lady loves her husband too well; and when he denies her the attention to which he has accustomed her, then all her thoughts must turn longingly to the love of others. 1 do not wish to make her angry with me through this reproach, but the mantle fits another better.” When she had ceased speaking, Walwein took the mantle and requested of his beloved that she put it on for his sake. Then it fitted itself to her perfectly, as if it were a snug riding habit. The maiden spoke: “I say to you that if the mantle should fit no one better, then the lady who is wearing it could properly do so without reproach; but there is one whom it better fits.”!”4 Then Kay the slanderer spoke: “From the length of the mantle it is clear that it fits my wife.” She also took it at once. Everyone paid close attention. I believe it fitted her well in front, the side facing where her husband was sitting. Kay said, “It fits her better than all these ladies. Who can discover the slightest need for improvement?” In truth, the mantle was crumpled at the back all the way up to her belt. However much they pulled it down, it would not stretch in the slightest. Then all those present cried out, “The garment is a perfect fit!” When Kay saw the truth, he turned red for shame. He called his wife and bid her go to the queen and say, regardless of what

her own real merits might be, that she believed that she did not deserve _ any public accusation of wrongdoing since none had been made against his liege lady, the queen. But she who brought the mantle reproved her, because she was inclined to agree to anything and willing to do whatever was asked of her and, when one desired anything of her, never refused to grant it.

96 Lanzelet | After Kay’s beloved had failed, the stalwart Loifilol,!° who had loved his wife since a year before she was born, stepped forward in a seemly manner. In truth he had never been angry with her as far as she could remember. For this reason he expected to triumph and wanted to make a show of her loyalty. Among all the ladies there was hardly anyone fairer; none of them was considered to have greater love for her husband. The praiseworthy man had earned this through his loyalty as a courteous husband. He now clothed

her in the mantle. It fitted her as well as one could wish, except for this, as I shall tell you: there was no one present who could fasten the brooch | properly. This grieved the worthy knight and made him immeasurably sad, and the fair lady also. The maiden who could explain everything did not

conceal from the noble company why this had happened. She said, “The lady has accepted much attention and service, [6000] in which her heart took delight and constant pride; yet she took good care never, for the sake of any man’s love, to act according to the promptings of her foolish heart, however much he entreated her. This she did only because it increased her pleasure and amusement. Indeed, I should like to say to you that this is still the custom of many women, who believe it enhances their reputation. O no, they diminish it greatly: it is a shameful and dishonorable thing when a woman takes a man’s gift and yet leaves him unrewarded.”!° |

Then King Gyvreiz!?’ bid his beloved step into the circle of ladies. When she donned the mantle, it fitted her perfectly everywhere, except that it developed a large hole; this needed to be covered with a broad patch,

which she did not have at hand. The maiden said, “This means that the lady detests her husband because he is too short; and yet one man of modest height whose conduct is exemplary is far better than a multitude of tall _

ones.” The lady took off the mantle. | |

Then Sir Kailet!%® bid his beloved put it on. I can tell you for a fact that the brooch broke at once. This made it apparent that he traveled about with her too much. The maiden then solemnly swore that it was a foolish thing for anyone to hurt his wife’s feelings, and thereby do her no honor, by forcing her to go where she did not wish to. Grievous suffering causes many a brooch to break. One should speak ill of a man who wishes to be separated from his wife too seldom or too often. The mantle slipped to the floor. The

maiden reached into her pouch and produced another brooch. — | After the mantle was reclasped, the wise Malduz!”? bid his beloved not to hesitate, but to put on the mantle right away. She was the shortest woman among all the ladies. Now you shall observe a marvel. When she donned the mantle with fear and with prayer and with womanly trembling, it took the

Lanzelet 97 form of a jacket,?°° so that it indeed reached no farther down than to her belt, though she was the shortest! Then the maiden said, “I assure you, this is a strange thing. In all this circle of ladies there is no one who has a sharper

tongue than she. I tell you this, for I must, that she lets no one escape her wicked words and insinuations; that is why this has happened to her.”

Then Sir Iwan bid his beloved rise, and this was evidence of his good manners. I will tell you a fine joke: she was so tall that she stood a head above any of them,”°! but when she squeezed herself into the mantle, it grew so long for her that it lay spread out behind her on the floor in uneven folds three handbreadths long. All took great notice of this. The maiden explained it to them. She said, “It does not fit her, either. She is too singleminded. Whatever she has a mind to do, she will not abandon for anyone’s sake. He is foolish who does not know how to yield, but rather always persists in his obstinacy.” As you have heard so far, the mantle had come close to fitting many ladies very well, but for some small thing. The faultless Enite*°? and Walwein’s beloved, [6100] and many more there were among the ladies who could well have been given the mantle, except that the maiden who had brought it there did not wish this. As the time drew near when Arthur and all his court and

the maiden from the Lake ought properly to dine, and two hundred ladies and more had already tried on the mantle in the order corresponding to their

rank, the messenger then requested the king to summon forth a fair lady who | had not come with the others; for she was well aware that the faithful Iblis, because of love's painful torment, as befitted her constancy, had not appeared this day. But that was of no matter; she had to appear: it was the wish of the whole court, for she had never committed a deceitful act. When she then entered the circle, she greeted that selfsame maiden who had related such marvelous things, as she was able to do. With laughing mouth the mermaid’s messenger bowed to her and called upon her in God’s name to put on the mantle. The lady did not hesitate, but put it on in front of everyone. Then both women and men declared that it was truly the best-fitting garment that ever a lady wore. If, however, anyone out of envy even contemplated suggesting that something about it did not fit, before that remark could ever have been completed, the mantle arranged itself so that it had no flaw. Then my lord Walwein and all those present were in agreement that the mantle was not ill-fitting in any way. Let anyone who dares, accuse him of lying, for no honorable person could do so. It seemed perfect even to Kay. He said to his beloved, “I should indeed be fond of you, for you have been careful enough to hold your place among the great majority. But may the

98 Lanzelet Devil hang him who ever again calls to mind any of this, except for some good purpose and without malice.” Then all pledged themselves by the king’s honor that it would never again be mentioned with evil intent. She who had brought the mantle told them the news that Lanzelet was held

captive at Pluris, and what had happened when he broke the adventure and unhorsed a hundred knights; and how he made love to a queen against

his own wishes. She said also that the adventure still existed, so that a knight could occupy himself all the better at Pluris. When she began to speak, knights and ladies rushed forward to gaze at her. They abandoned their former hostility; every maiden alike forgot her embarrassment and rejoiced over the news that Lanzelet still lived and was unharmed. At this time the messenger of the wise water fairy took her leave. She commended Lanzelet’s beloved to the care of the Most High; she did not wish to remain there any longer, despite the mighty king’s entreaties; whether one was fond of her or otherwise, that made little difference to her. The faultless Lady Iblis kissed her sincerely; for her new mantle she affectionately thanked the mighty queen, who had sent her the gift without knowing her, for the wise water fairy had honored her for the sake of her beloved. The mantle had yet another quality: whoever wore it was freed from misery and the heartache of love. Iblis, whom it fitted so well, [6200] had great need of it in these days. As soon as the maiden was gone, there arose a great discussion about how God had bestowed upon Lanzelet, that bold hero, good fortune enough for a thousand men. They wondered why his

captivity was so grievous to him; and there were very many knights who | would gladly have endured such pleasant torment and spent their days as he was said to be doing. Now hear what truly happened. The court lasted, according to the tale, for more than thirty days of utter joy. After this, so far as I can tell you, and depending on how much you wish to believe me—it has never been told before—Arthur, the noble king, never again assembled so great a court with so much boisterous merriment as this one, where all the ladies donned the mantle. Having said all this, I will now cease concerning the guests and what they did afterward, except to say that they rode away again when it seemed to them the proper time.

Tue Rescue OF LANZELET (6229-6562) When Walwein and Karyet had learned that Lanzelet, the son of their aunt, was being held prisoner, they took it much to heart. Because of this they requested at once that Erec and Tristant,””° those two very experienced

| Lanzelet 99

warriors, should ride with them to Pluris in the guise of knights-errant in search of adventure, for they could hope to achieve nothing through a siege or with a great army. The friends found that they were of one mind about this. After they had vowed to do it, Sir Walwein agreed with the other three that they should tell no one else, but ride out secretly to essay the adventure. They made the bold decision following the advice of their hearts that even

if Lanzelet had not been captured as they had been told, they would still be in the position to enhance their worthiness; if he were there, they would bend their efforts all the more to this end, that he should return with them from that place: they would rejoice over that forever. They were also agreed

among themselves that if they did discover him, they would give no sign that any of them recognized him, or that any of the warriors had ever heard anything about him. With this understanding they came to Pluris, to the beautiful field on which stood the pavilion richly adorned with the shields. They all dismounted onto the grass and surveyed the landscape, the pavilion, and also the shields, and considered what the custom of the adventure might be. And now news quickly came up to the fortress that strangers had arrived, four handsome and courtly knights equipped with excellent horses and trappings, so that truly no one could say he had ever before seen such proud and valiant companions on horseback. Nor did anyone fail to say what he was thinking, that these knights had come of their own accord in order to essay the adventure, and not one of them would pass up the opportunity to test his luck. Lanzelet rejoiced at this and asked to be told at once what devices they bore on their shields. The messenger was prepared to tell him this, and he said, “One of the knights, who greeted me in a most friendly manner, bears a lion with a crown, most beautifully rendered in gold relief. His shield, I should tell you,

| is magnificent front and back, both sides of azure blue. The second bears a golden eagle, [6300] that is the truth; I cannot say more of him. The third I saw bore a shield of ermine white; on it is wondrously wrought a lady’s sleeve of sable black. The shield of the fourth bears the device of a panther.” From this the goodhearted Lanzelet recognized all four, both knights and shields, and knew beyond question that they were his kinsmen and worthy

friends. This pleased him greatly, but he gave no sign of it and bid the mighty queen to make haste at once and ride with her knights and ladies to the pavilion. He said, “We have been slighted both last year and this in the matter of our adventure. Today will make up for that. God grant that our

men so ride that | gain glory from it.” With that they rode down toward the delightful spot. But no one knew that he was praying for the success of

100 _ Lanzelet | the Britons who had come there, and so all who heard him supported this entreaty.—I fancy it is still the custom of many to echo the words of their

liege lord.—But they did not know his heart. , When the knights and ladies greeted the strangers, they saw plainly that they were proud and strong. The strangers all pretended that they knew nothing of the situation, and they received the greetings with shrewd cun-

ning. Amid all the excitement, the queen instructed that they be given something to drink. Then the valorous Karyet remembered why they were

there, and he carried out his intention: he struck one of the shields that hung on the pavilion, whereupon the first joust began. One of the best men of the cohort charged Karyet. Karyet soon unhorsed him and so many of the others thereafter, that very soon a good sixty-four of them had fallen like the first. After that another rode against him. As they came together, Karyet prepared to take aim and couched his lance; but his horse reared,

so that the swerving deflected his blow, and the knight came on. They crashed into each other. Then the well-bred queen said to the warriors, “This knight certainly deserves our praise for the jousting we have seen. I am justified in telling him that he has fought well; but still he has not broken my adventure. It must continue until you others have your turn.” To these words Erec replied, “They will not depart, my lady, till I see what all this talk is about.” He quickly unhorsed seventy-three of them, the virtuous Erec, for he could never have enough of chivalrous sport. One of them he hit on the shield in such a way that its grip broke entirely, and _ one saw the shield fly far away, but the man kept his seat. That was a bit of bad luck, and so he had to fail. While all this was happening, Lanzelet and Walwein were agreed upon a plan, without anyone taking notice. Tristant also did not spare himself; he would wait no longer and at once began to ride against the men of the castle. He did them great harm: out of ninety, none kept his seat, [6400] believe me, but for one single man. I will tell you — how this happened. Tristant drove his lance right through him, so that the — -noble warrior continued riding toward him clear up to his hand; on account of the lance the wounded man could move neither one way nor the other. Quite against his will he remained firmly in the saddle: it were better he had fallen. Thus Tristant also had to fail, and he left the field. |

Then Sir Walwein said, “There is no doubt about it, I also must try my luck.” Then all had to admit that he knew how to charge and jousted in such a way that no one could withstand him. They began to wish for and to envy his strength and his bearing; they declared that he rode well, and better than anyone else. Of one hundred knights no one kept his seat before

Lanzelet IOI him, except as I should tell you. After he had unhorsed ninety-nine in fine fashion, the hundredth, perceiving this, charged at Walwein. Then dauntless Walwein tried to hit him high up with the lance, but the blow landed in such a way that it struck him too high and pierced his helmet above the ringed coif and went through the padding. There was nothing to be done about it; the helmet straps broke because of the lance. The helmet fell off,

but the rider kept his seat, so that Walwein did not unhorse him. The stranger said politely, “I came very near to succeeding; but if a thing is not to be, whatever one does is of no avail. Yet it is always good to try.” Though they failed only because of little things, as you have just heard me tell you, they had fared better than those who had been unhorsed. Now hear how Lanzelet spoke to the queen who was holding him in her custody: “My lady, I expect I shall live in sadness forever unless you grant me your gracious permission to joust here just once, for all who understand anything of the matter declare that these knights have failed only through a stroke of bad luck. I have never seen their equal. They will carry away from here great fame, which will always make me sad unless | make at least a small effort to prevent it. They came here, alas, too soon. Consider this, noble queen, that you may ever be blessed by Fortune for it! They think that we are all cowards. J cannot properly tell you how much it will be to your advantage, if you permit me to joust against even one of these selfsame knights. It is a mockery and a crime that they have dishonored and put to scorn such worthy knights, contrary to the laws of chivalry. If they depart thus, it will pain me deeply, and I would rather be buried alive than endure the disgrace of their taking my honor away with them.” Thus, with both angry words and expressions of fondness, he urged her to let him ride. Most solemnly he promised her, with the enthusiastic agreement of his men, and swore her an oath, that he would return as soon as he had jousted just once against any of them that he saw there. He did not break his word; from that he abstained till the day he died. This is how he kept his oath. When he had gained her permission, he drew on his mail hose and buckled on his armor, which had been kept for him. It could not have shone brighter. Then the queen gave him a surcoat so marvelous that no king ever wore a better coat or tunic. [6500] She instructed that many other precious things, of which there was an abundance, be brought to him. I will say little about them, for he did not prize them highly, no matter how valuable they were. You well know that many rejoice over a gift of little value and care nothing for a precious gift, if they doubt its sincerity. Now let us take up our poem again. The queen did not fail to kiss her companion, and the noble lady bid him not to leave her for too long. But I

102 | Lanzelet do not know whether he will ever return to her unharmed, for the knightserrant were filled with great battle fury. Still, I would be loath not to con- _ tinue with the story. As soon as Lanzelet mounted his steed, Sir Tristant let his charger spring forward, as if he wanted to joust. Lanzelet no longer

cared to be the lord at Pluris; that quickly became apparent. When he _

brought his charger to full speed, Tristant turned back. Then Lanzelet began to pursue him, and now the four comrades-in-arms all fled like cow-

ards. The lady and her retinue became greatly displeased when he would not turn back. Such great sorrow at once seized the queen that she swooned and fell unconscious; the death-dark night of bitter love deprived her of her

senses and her color and her strength: she was overcome with grief. , When she regained her senses, the five men had ridden out of her sight. _ With vehemence beyond measure she began to beseech and implore everyone she could, that he should capture her husband; and whoever succeeded in restoring him to her would receive a great reward, a dukedom that she held. No one who could somehow manage to get to his horse hesitated to obey her command, for which many of them forfeited both life and honor. Never did knights fight so boldly: they had a forest and the dark night to

| thank, that their opponents ceased fighting with them.

THE ABDUCTION OF GINOVER (6563-6974) | Thus they barely escaped. After this, as I have been told, they rode through

a mountainous region; they could not take the direct road to Britain, for : they were lost. After having fought in the evening, they rode on all night till early the next morning, when they came to where a castle stood ona _

| hill of moderate height. They made their way toward it. The lord who held | the castle was, as I can tell you, wise, capable, and virtuous, courtly and , cheerful: perfect in every way. He pursued all those things that were said to enhance fame and glory, as valorous men do. He constantly tested his resolve by behaving as if he could not speak a single word. He was quite able to express everything he wanted to be done with a gesture of his hand. No one was ever better received than the five men. The castellan immediately recognized from their demeanor that they were tired, and he arranged every comfort for them. He was called, as I shall tell you, Gilimar the Wise Mute.2* He was so quick—this is the truth—that no man ever [6600]

moved faster on two feet. He was fierce in war, for he was master over a border march: many a man stood at his service because of his unflagging | perseverance. However much his countrymen reproached him for keeping

Lanzelet 103 his silence for the love of a lady, he had nevertheless won fame for himself. I have told you this because he treated his guests very well. Now Lanzelet du Lac and the four, his friends, had to remain with Gilimar till the excellent men had overcome their weariness and their horses | were fit. Who can imagine what fine stories they told while they lingered at the mute knight's fortress? Walwein surpassed the others; he revealed to Lanzelet all about the affair of the mantle, from the beginning to the end.

At last the travelers wished to tarry there no longer. For the sake of his own fame, the castellan departed with them and escorted his guests with many a worthy knight, to see that they rightly came to the road that they knew. ‘There they commended Gilimar and all those who served him to God’s care. And then he again demonstrated that he could make himself understood: he vowed by means of gestures that his service was always at the disposal of the renowned heroes. I do not know how pleased you are that I have spoken so briefly concerning this courtly mute. If you will not take it amiss, it would be good to tell about him. You know well how Love behaves when she conquers, so

that people know no moderation, for she demands a tribute in return for any joy. [hat was made very plain in the case of this knight. He served a lady—this is true?°°—with steadfast loyalty for many a year, but he did not keep silent about her, till people noticed it and one conjectured, “It is she”; another said, “No, it is she: I think he is doing it all for the love of this lady; she is so courtly and so virtuous.” In this way, he was accused of serving several ladies. The conjecture would not cease, and some guessed the truth.

This was told to the lady herself, who imposed upon him this penance, and no amount of hardship would cause him to disobey her command. Let courtly people mark this tale, for he was well rewarded for this afterward. It is the nature of true love that all ends well for those who are steadfast; but they will not boast of it for long, who either serve or accept service with disloyalty, for that, God knows, is not seemly. The same was spoken by Lanzelet, when he observed Gilimar’s constancy.

When have you ever heard tell of more magnificent comrades than these travelers, who have just ridden away joyfully from the mute knight’s fortress? However much hardship they had endured, that is all forgotten

now. The gallant heroes were in high spirits and full of joy; for it so often happens that when any misfortune is about to befall a man, his heart betrays it to him beforehand through a certain restlessness. These men of whom I have spoken had never been in better spirits, for the heath spread , green before them and in the forest the little birds sang cheerily. Their

IO4 Lanzelet hearts rejoiced because Lanzelet du Lac could be his own man again, and it was their common intention to get home as soon as possible. Walwein said, “My uncle plans to hunt the White Stag.” When he told them this, they eagerly quickened their pace. [6700] By now they had come so far that on the third day they would easily have arrived home at the castle of Kardigan. They declared that they would be glad to see their companions again. As they began to speak of this and were immeasurably happy, they encountered on the road a herald coming toward them. They hailed him by name and asked him for news about where the king was; they also inquired whether their kinsmen were doing well or not, and had still more questions for him. With weeping eyes he replied, “This is no falsehood: if you have not learned of it in recent days, I will tell you the worst thing that any of us has ever heard.” The heroes were startled by this and said that they knew nothing of any great calamity. At this he began and spoke to them, saying, “My lord King Arthur with all his court and my lady the queen desired to have some amusement: they planned to capture the White Stag,?"° so that the king would then take, as is his right and as befits him, a kiss from the most beautiful woman, which was his prize. His father Utpandragon (Uther Pendragon)?” instituted this custom, and his son has maintained it ever since. Now the envy that usually ensues as a result has come to an end: my lady the queen has been stolen away from my lord, King Arthur. It is that monster, King Valerin, who has done this. I understand, and it is my belief, that the king himself is sorely wounded; but I do not know how many of the knights who were hunting with the king are slain. It was a thing unheard of, that our happiness should be thus destroyed.” Then the dauntless men of the royal household dismounted onto the ground. Their demonstrations of despair were so great

that a feeble mind could not describe their proper extent to you. When this had taken place, and whence King Valerin had gone with the queen: this was all explained to them. Now they had to abandon their joy till God should be so disposed as to put an end to their despair.

These tidings brought such terrible heartache to the five noble warriors—that their lady Ginover was taken captive and what had happened to the king and his men—that it was plain to see that no greater misfortune had ever befallen them. Great was their distress, as it is with heroes who are shamed by dishonor. Together they then mounted their horses and rode in the greatest haste straight out of the forest till they reached a place

where they learned from friends, who reported it to them, that the king was wounded, though not mortally, and that he would soon recover, were

Lanzelet 105 he not saddened by another calamity. ‘They then told the knights that the king with all who served him had assembled for battle before the Tangled Pinewood, and that all the siege devices that could ever be imagined had been tried there, yet they had been of but little avail. The king had declared that so long as he lived the castle would know no peace while his wife was still held there. This made very little difference to King Valerin. [6800] He and all those who served him feared Arthur not at all. Jousting, dancing, and playing games: that is what they were doing in the fortress. The resolute Valerin promised the queen faithfully and absolutely—and he kept his word—that he would not harm her against her will, but that he would in proper fashion seek to win her love.*°8 The noble queen was forced to endure this woeful plight. Unless God protected her, her honor would be greatly diminished. Now Lanzelet and his friends arrived at the siege. Whatever feats of prowess he had ever performed, he would have forgone them all, if only he could have fought sooner and come to the aid of the queen as she was being abducted. After all this had come to pass, Walwein and the four dismounted together onto the grass. Among the knights there was not one who did not honestly declare that he was glad to see them. They ran toward the travelers, for they recognized these resolute men by their bearing, and told them of the harm and the disgrace. Then the knights proceeded to where they found the king, sick with sadness. Now they demonstrated their good manners: they quickly removed their helmets and also their coifs. When the king saw them coming, that praiseworthy man stood up, despite his misery, and kissed them all straightway. He spoke to them of his disgrace and of how it had come upon him. One saw the tears flowing down his cheeks. The knights did not fail to weep bitterly: all alike wept who had taken part in this campaign. Who could be so wolfish of heart as not to express his sorrow? Then there arose such a sound of lamentation that it echoed far and wide, as the knights wept. Loyally they showed that this suffering touched their hearts. I do not know what to say to you, except that there was misery and despair. Many a knight would rather have been dead than bear the disgrace that these warriors suffered, the best in the world. Their cries and wails had many an echo. I will tell you what caused the worthy warriors distress: when the king told them that all his joy had left him, they could not but live in sadness. All wrung their hands. Just at that very moment there came riding to the siege a hero of fierce bearing, bringing with him three thousand knights. He was determined out of loyalty to come to the aid of the king of Kardigan, for this monstrous

106 Lanzelet ,

deed had caused him much distress. This same young man was a paragon of _ virtue. We have never heard in any sort of story that there was ever a knight more courtly: this he often demonstrated. King Arthur was his father, and Ginover his mother. This worthy hero, who was called Loiit?°? the Gener- | ous, bemoaned the incomparable wickedness of his mother’s abduction. It is the truth and no falsehood, that he tore out his hair and ripped his clothing. When he caught sight of Lanzelet and his other companions, he threw himself at their feet; the warrior cried out in rage.?!° [6900] This grieved all the knights, for I will say to you in truth that never did any young man win more renown than Loiit from the time that he was permitted to bear the © sword of a knight until he rode away, as the story tells us, with Arthur, his noble father, into a land from which the Bretons still await their return; for they quarrel about whether or not they will come again.*!+ You have often heard that tale, and so I will leave it to them. Now mark how it went at the grief-stricken siege. If I have forgotten to mention it, you must know that there were never so many damp eyes among such surpassing heroes as on

this very campaign. | a

The faithful Loiit was in great despair over his mother’s plight. He spoke to the knights, addressing some of them by name, and bemoaned to them his shame and disgrace: “Noble knights all! I must lament to you, in your gracious loyalty, that my father and my mother have become a laughingstock. This grievous sorrow must of necessity arouse the sympathy of the great and the humble alike, for you know well that no man was ever deceived who trusted in my father. Now steadfast joy is turned to misery. My mother has bestowed honor upon many a man according to his worthiness; anything she might have failed to do was unintentional. Likewise, you have all plainly seen how my dear father, Arthur, maintained the knights at his — court. If that generosity is of no avail to him, and the virtue he has practiced for the sake of worldly glory, then never again should a man strive to do’

that which is good.” _ | : |

Then Lanzelet replied to him, “Cousin, cease your lamenting, and be-

lieve what I say to you: nothing happens but what is destined to be. I | have-observed these men here, and I am certain that if all the world were

arrayed against them on a level battle plain, and had harmed them as | greatly as Valerin has done, they would boldly undertake to stand against them. But his castle is so strong that no man alive is cunning enough to cause those within the slightest concern. For my part I cannot think of anything better than for you to be of patient heart and to take counsel with the princes concerning this deed that has made us all so unhappy.”

Lanzelet 107 This they all agreed to do, and then they took counsel together, the king and a host of noble lords.

THE RESCUE OF GINOVER (6975-7524) When they had come together, many a proposal was put forward, for many

a wise man sat among them. The last of them to stand up was cunning Tristant.7!2 He said, “We know well that my lady lives unharmed; and beyond that, we are all aware that she has always possessed wisdom and great

good fortune on account of her virtuous conduct, with the aid of which she will preserve her honor to the end of her days. Therefore, I advise that my lord, the renowned king, should send for Malduc,”?° the wizard of the Misty Lake.*!4 He knows much more of magic than any man in any kingdom. With him we shall overcome the despicable Valerin and all his criminal band. If God grants us good fortune, we shall win Valerin’s castle from him with Malduc’s aid.”

[7000] Then Erec, fils de roi Lac, replied straightway, “I do not believe my lord can send for this man. We have often wronged him in many ways: I took his father’s life, then Walwein slew his brother; and, in addition, my lord King Arthur drove him from the land where he had dwelled with his incantations for many a day. But be that as it may, if he can be of any help to us in this matter, then we should gladly make haste and reconcile ourselves with him as best we can, so that we may overcome this disgrace.”

Immediately they took counsel together. They decided that nothing seemed more fitting than to seek this man’s help; they all came to the deci-

sion that the king and three companions should not fail to ride after the sorcerer and should entrust the illustrious army to his son. It became obvious to everyone how dear to Arthur was the queen. From his army he selected those whose prowess he readily acknowledged; they were Karyet and ‘Tristant and Lanzelet: these three he chose from among his knights. He made ready for the journey and then rode into the forest that lay close to Kardigan. On the morning of the fourth day they lost the road, so that they hardly knew where they were in the forest. But they rode on at a good pace till they came to the Shrieking Marsh.?!°> Whoever wishes to do so, let him now learn the

nature of this marsh. A horse could scarcely traverse it, if at all. We have truly heard from many a man who is still alive that a great lake lies there, out of which flows a clear stream from which in truth no animal, no matter how great his thirst, ever drank. The fish that swim in it are all equally long and equally short: the English have many of them; they are the length of an

108 Lanxelet | arm. The water sometimes becomes so warm?!6—I do not know why—that all the neighbors and the herds of animals flee as quickly as possible a day’s journey away and more, and the marsh shrieks so horribly that all those ani- _

mals die, who behaved so foolishly as to linger there until that hour. Yet itis because of these strange marvels that the water becomes so hot, so that every animal recognizes that its life is in danger when the cry comes. Now let me | report this to you: three days before the summer solstice the marsh shrieks, and never at any other time. One also sees there magnificent birds, many of which hover over the lake; but he who does them any harm will never survive

the year. That is why the lake is so infamous. , | When King Arthur came to the stream and realized where he was in | the forest, he had to halt and stop for a short rest. Then he observed a knight come trotting over the Shrieking Marsh. So exceedingly fast was his charger that one could see no hoofprints. When he espied the king, he — recognized him, as well he should, for this same worthy knight, no matter where he spent the summer, always passed the winter at Arthur’s court. He

offered his greeting to the king and the three, and he was also abletohelp sy them across the marshy terrain. He was called Dodines the Wild Man?!” with the Broad Hands.7/® He burned and harried the lands [7100] of the king of Ireland. We are told that he did not concern himself in the least ~ about his road when he mounted his horse, for its gait was such that it did

not even disturb the dew when Wild Dodines proudly galloped over stony ground or across the marsh.”!? There, where his enemies had to sink down in the marshy depths, one did not even see his horse veer enough to jostle him in the least. Then Dodines, that bold hero, led his lord to his strong-

hold. It was situated on a stone prominence by the marsh, and never was any castle better built, nor even as well. This fortress collected a toll for | | passing through this land, for the forest was subject to him. The stone was } smooth and round like a candle, and had no curtain wall; it was a tower cre_ ated by nature, of which there was none better, hollow within, and outside _ solid as a steep, echoing cliff. On top of it, upon this circular foundation had been constructed an excellent dwelling. I am loath to forget to mention that Arthur, the noble king, was never shown better hospitality nor served

a more lavish supply of meat and game than this Wild Man offered him. | After this the generous, the mighty King Arthur rode away from his dear friend’s castle toward the ford where the water flowed from the lake. The river was broad and deep; moreover, it ran so swiftly that none dared cross __ it, except, as I have heard, by way of a bridge near the road. It was called the Steaming Path. Here the knights had to cover their horses’ heads and hood

Lanzelet 10g them, for they could not devise any solution that was better. Arthur, the renowned king, thought it most fortunate that Dodines was guiding them to the castle of the wizard. So he was pleased with this turn of affairs, and his companions much more so; thus they now came to the shore of the Misty

Lake. Its nature was this: because the sorcerer was its master, his castle stood in the middle, to which a bridge led from the land, but no one could see it except by Malduc’s command.””° So Arthur was obliged to come to a halt on the castle road. I do not know who will let him enter.

But early the next morning at dawn, just as the king had hoped, there came riding over the bridge the castellan’s daughter, a beautiful maiden of courtly and praiseworthy bearing. She carried a sparrow hawk, handsome from many moultings.?*! One observed that her palfrey had an excellent gait. Alongside this same proud maiden ran two greyhounds, for she was riding for her pleasure. As the French book tells us, she could not have been more learned, for she had read the books containing all the magic spells and had knowledge of mysterious secrets.”* Except for the mighty Femurgan

(Morgan le Fay),2? no woman could compare with her, as far as I have ever heard. When she reached the foot of the bridge, where she discovered the noble strangers, the maiden greeted them at once, for she saw by their bearing that they were all princes. Here you should mark a clever ruse, which is still practiced by many a woman: from what she had been told in the past, the maiden recognized the king’s features. “My lord,” said she, “it is a good thing for you that I am the one to greet you, [7200] for had I not done so, you would certainly be doomed. But now you will be safe, and for this reason alone: that your heart has always been more generous than those of all other men. In this your conduct is exemplary; in truth, you are much honored for it.” For this, Arthur, a stranger there, thanked her heartily. Then he proceeded to relate to her from beginning to end all the evil that had befallen him. It was easy for him to explain this to her, for she had

already heard how these things had come to pass. Then he offered her a rich reward if she would aid him in this matter. Because of this, the worthy maiden promised with a faithful heart that she would be his messenger to her father, the sorcerer.

Then the lady departed from the heroes and rode back to her home, where she found the sorcerer. Immediately his daughter kissed him and embraced him affectionately.?** She said, “My lord father, I wish earnestly to remind you that I have always been obedient to you; for this you ought to reward me and grant me the boon that I would ask of you.”

“I will do it; tell me what it is.” |

IIO Lanzelet “There are knights tarrying nearby,” said the lovely maiden, “you should grant them safe-conduct. That is my wish.” Then her father kept his silence till he had heard the story of how King Arthur had come there, trusting in his benevolence and wishing to make

proper amends for any past affront and harm, so that he might with his magic aid Arthur in his plight. “If he assures me that he will do this,” said the castellan, “then, no matter how heavily the harm done me weighs upon me, I shall gladly attempt to do what I can. I demand nothing other than two men, whom the king shall deliver over to me without any conditions as soon as I have brought his matter to a successful end, and that they be sent to me here when I| have presented him with his wife, as he requests. He understands very well what wrongs they have done me. They are Walwein and Erec. Now ride, daughter, on your way and give them your word as a pledge, that this must be the payment that I require from the king. Under no other condition will I fulfill your pledge to him.”

At these words the maiden rode to the place where the king had told her of the outrage done to him and his distress, and informed them of the payment that her father demanded. “However much I might desire to grant this to him,” said the king angrily, “they would certainly not consent to it. It would be an unseemly request.”

Then Lanzelet answered him: “My lord, you cannot not say that, for you have often seen that Erec and Walwein have done things for your sake that placed their lives in the balance. They are doing this very thing even today, by remaining behind at the siege. Likewise, there is no peril that I myself would not gladly face, if 1 might thereby free my lady of her distress. I will swear the same for the two bold heroes on whom this necessity has fallen.” The king was also counseled by Tristant, a well-spoken warrior, that he should do as the virtuous Lanzelet had advised him as soon as possible. Dodines and Karyet maintained that Erec and Walwein always lived in eager pursuit of glory, that they would never perish in a way that was

unworthy or inglorious. [7300] Thus they all convinced the king that he should grant Malduc what he demanded. For they knew well the truth: that the two heroes were ready to do for him whatever he desired of them. So the maiden brought it about through her wise counsel, lasting from morn-

ing till night, that her father rode with the king and with the pledge that no harm should come to him. Whatever King Arthur vowed, he violated for the sake of no one. With this understanding, then, they rode across a level plain. Dodines the Wild Man guided the king along such good paths, without bridges and never too narrow, that he quickly arrived home again.

Lanzelet III As soon as the chivalry realized this, no man was ever given a heartier welcome. It was plain from their jubilation that all goes well for him who enjoys the good will of those who serve him. At the siege there was no news that they deemed worthy of telling their lord upon his return. King Arthur took the princes aside and revealed to them what had been agreed upon. “It would have been unreasonable to do anything else,” they all responded with one voice. The valiant Erec and the courtly Walwein both agreed that if it would be of any advantage to

their lady, no matter what happened to them, they were glad to deliver themselves up at the place agreed upon, if the king commanded them to do so. Whether they should then be flayed or boiled alive, or however they were dealt with, that would be determined by fate. They were well aware

that one is destined to die but once and no more. They would risk life and , honor rather than permit their lady the queen and the court at Kardigan to be so woefully destroyed. For this they were much praised. Accordingly, in the ensuing week the crafty Malduc delivered Valerin such a blow that he suffered great harm from it. Now hear how this came about. He began to cast his spells with the aid of his books of black magic and caused the dragons that lay in wait in the outer bailey and lurked in the

thicket of the Tangled Pinewood to cease their raging tumult. Malduc, that crafty man, caused absolutely all living things, both in the castle and below it, to fall asleep—there is no defense against this.?2? The army then moved forward and attacked the battlements; they made Valerin pay dearly for having caused King Arthur so much unhappiness. They spared no one

they found in the castle, neither the sick nor the healthy: they were all doomed. King Valerin was slain along with all those who served him. One would have to mourn him forever, except that it would be most unseemly.22° When someone enjoys stealing away women by force, it is shameful and a crime. The worthiest men were agreed in this, and the sorcerer said, if the queen had fled with Valerin of her own will, so that she could grant

him her sweet love unhindered, they would have spared him. Many others supported this, whose hearts had also been cruelly tortured by love. King Arthur was so virtuous that he agreed with this as well. Let him believe that, who will. After Valerin had through his arrogant pride forfeited life and property, as you indeed have heard, my lord King Arthur entered [7400] the magnificent palace in which Ginover lay. Now I must tell you a marvel, something amazing: she herself and thirty noble maidens—for there was not more of them—were so sound asleep that not one of them had been aware of the

II2 Lanzelet ,

loud tumult in the fortress. Because the invaders meant to lay waste to the castle, it was necessary to awaken them against their will. This came from the fact that the spell was so potent that but for Malduc’s voice, they cer-

tainly would have perished. He saw to it thatno harm came tothem. They ladies were led away, and the castle with all its contents was demolished and razed to the ground. They ravaged both the castle hill and

the thicket to slake their wrath, so that no one could ever again, from this place, cause harm to anyone else. Thus the misery of the generous king of Kardigan was relieved, except that he was now burdened by the costly payment that Malduc had earned with his magic spells. Ginover the queen pleaded with the wizard, by the affection he bore her and for the sake of all ladies, that he deign to give up his anger, and that he should take whatever he wished of all that she possessed, if only he would release the stalwart heroes from such a journey that would place their lives and their honor in jeopardy. Yet, though she had never entreated anyone so earnestly, she could accomplish nothing; therefore, she had no choice but to abandon her _

pleading.

Such was then their parting, that all the knights could not help be-

ing miserable and unhappy. This was revealed in many ways, with woeful cries, with weeping and wailing, and with such demonstrations of grief, that had they been standing over a grave, their sorrow could not have been

greater. [heir visible heartache meant no more to the sorcerer than the | wind. He led the men away on their journey. And so Sir Walwein and Erec —

were obliged to ride off with the sorcerer with no opposition, under the safe-conduct guaranteed by Arthur, toward his stronghold, where he threw them into a tower. I believe I need not tell you what torments they suffered there. Their friends also did not cease to be heavy of heart, however _ glad they were that their liege lady had returned. Greater lamentation has never been heard than that which was raised for many a day for the king’s | kinsmen. I will tell you at once, without your asking me, that in a short time Ginover came home to Kardigan. They rejoiced over this as much as | was possible under the circumstances. But neither a woman's love nor any _ other thing he possessed could relieve Lanzelet’s sadness of heart after he had learned of the misery awaiting Walwein and his friend Erec: Malduc meant to torment them until they starved to death. At this the king and all } his court became disconsolate, for they believed they were unable to help them. It was a dire situation. Whatever they offered to Malduc to set them

free availed the lords nothing; rather, he treated them all the worse for it. , Then my lord Lanzelet found a hundred valiant knights, who for his sake

Lanzelet 113 would place both life and possessions in the balance, [7500] and who swore they were willing to die for him when they saw how heartfelt misery had overtaken him. For no one is so great that his courtliness is not diminished by anger and heartache and deep-seated sorrow. When Lanzelet saw the

loyalty of such worthy knights, he took counsel with them at once; they agreed that they would ride without delay, always at night till early morning, and lie hidden by day, and in this way, before any denizens of that land realized it, reach the lake where the sorcerer’s castle stood. They vowed that they would swim the lake and place their lives in the balance, and they would prevent that perfidious sorcerer from carrying out his plan.

THE RESCUE OF EREC AND WALWEIN (7525-7816) They tell us that when Tristant learned of the secret expedition, he took Karyet with him and hastily rode up to join the chivalry. There was nothing that could prevent a strange man from also joining the expedition, about

whom I can tell you much. If the story is correct, that same man was a worthy knight and truly the tallest giant anyone had ever seen in the whole world. Now pay close attention and do not question my words. The poem informs us that from the moment of his birth he had always grown a span taller every month! He was called Esealt the Tall.??” From childhood he had belonged to the household of King Arthur, who had fostered him because he was a strange marvel. He was grown so tall that he appeared far taller than any tower; yet, in addition to his height, he was very nimble and of courtly bearing. Any man who claimed to be bolder would have to suffer for it. He could not ride, only walk, and was brave and eager for battle. He was just seventeen years old when he learned of the expedition that Lanzelet was so quietly preparing and on which many a man would meet his end in the wizard’s stronghold. Even my lord King Arthur was unaware of the expedition before these knights had gathered together, who were eager to free their friends. The fearless, not the recreant, were asked to join the expedition by the goodhearted Lanzelet, who was devoid of all cowardice. They departed from their land; the hundred knights and the hero, about whose height I have spoken, were ready and eager for the journey. Now why should it be put off any longer? Those who knew the roads set the chivalry on the way toward the castle in which Erec and his friend, Walwein, were enduring grievous pain that was ill suited to such heroes.—If you would hear what happens next, you must keep silent.—One morning as daylight approached, they all arrived at

II4 Lanzelet |

the lake, just a little before daybreak. There the mist was so thick that they could scarcely make out the castle with their gaze, but the moon gave them light, at the command of Almighty God. Now they were in dire need of

boats, which were not to be had. Then Lanzelet did not hesitate, but leaped , before them into the waves, followed by Karyet, his kinsman. [7600] Then

-Tristant made haste, and after him all the knights, and jumped manfully into the flood. Eseflt, that valiant hero, eagerly sprang into the lake; and it _ was helpful to them that he was so tall, for he shepherded the army so that they crossed the waters of the lake safe and sound, and without any losses. He waded beside the knights and paid close attention to them; when any one of them got into difficulty, he immediately came to his aid and kept horse and man afloat till they were all across.??8 Before anyone was aware

| of it, the enemy had reached the sorcerer’s fortress. And then Esedlt took them and with his enormous strength lifted them two by two over the cas-

tle’s crenelated battlement. Then the lord of the castle was repaid in hatred | for his crime in forcing Erec and Walwein to live in misery. They found both heroes chained in heavy irons. But the fighting did not cease when | they were freed, for no one could forget their torment and suffering. They _ slew them all, the lord and his household, except for the maiden, his child, whom they did not harm; for she, in her kindness, had aided the heroes, who would certainly have been beaten to death long before this, had it not been for her tears and her entreaties, by which the maiden had prolonged their lives. Thanks be to her for this, and to all ladies who so live, that they comfort the torments of love and lighten heavy hearts with their kindness!

When all this had been accomplished, and none of the wizard’s household remained but for this one beautiful maiden, his own child, and when she saw that they had set the castle ablaze, she quickly helped the warriors

find the bridge that led over the broad water. All the chivalry rejoiced, for they feared misfortune if they had to swim that lake again, in which they had already experienced such anxious moments when they had attempted —

to cross it on horseback. Now they could ride away fearlessly on a solid road. So Sir Walwein and Erec are now unfettered and free, and the maiden

had stood by them in everything. They rewarded her constancy with many a kindness for everything she had done out of friendship for them. Thus it

often happens that, without having to ask, a friend is rewarded for the good

turn he has done another. One does well to think of that. oo | } The heroes rode homeward. That which they had desired had all come © | to pass. They took the child of the perfidious sorcerer with them to the castle of King Arthur, that she might join his court on account of her

Lanzelet II5 praiseworthy deeds, for she was a wise and learned maiden. It must not be passed over in silence that my lord Lanzelet, who with his manifold virtues was always eager to do what was best, took Esealt aside and bid him hasten ahead to Kardigan and bring tidings to the king that his expedition had ended happily. Esealt did not fail to do that which was fitting. He returned home quickly; he hurried as fast as he could and related to the king what the heroes had accomplished. Old and young alike were jubilant [7700] after he had told them the tale to the very end; Iblis could scarcely wait for Lanzelet’s return. Let me tell you what reward that giant of a man received as his messenger’s fee: the queen commanded that a shield full of gold be brought to him, and the mighty Esealt was pleased with his reward. But the others rejoiced as well at the news, though it often happens that when affliction comes to one man, another is not at all concerned, for it is not an affliction that affects everyone; so we have been told. Now let all consider this: over what thing or for what reason should the noble king ever be happier than over this news, when he heard it, that his knights were returning, Erec and Walwein? Arthur was determined to ride out to meet his men and not fail to salute them with a thousand banners

and with well-caparisoned horses—which both he and those who served him certainly had aplenty—with surcoats and lances, the best in the land. For half a day he rode toward the warriors. And then Lanzelet du Lac was received exceedingly well, and such great glory was heaped upon him as would have overwhelmed a lesser man. Many a man now rejoiced who before had been devoid of joy. The king kissed them all, those heroes weary from their watery journey. Home to his castle he led his dear friends. Ginover the queen had never been so happy as when she welcomed the lords in the very best way she knew how.—Do not even consider the idea that anyone was ever better received!—The bright eyes of the beautiful ladies were wet with tears of joy, for it must always be so, that eyes are dimmed through joy as well as sadness. But what should the king do, who has held so many a court for the sake of his fame and glory? Now he wished to learn if he still had any loyal friends; so Arthur, whose fame endures forever, proceeded to invite many princes. He made nothing of all the expense, such as would alarm an ungenerous lord who breaks into a sweat over the slightest outlay and who serves his possessions, and not they him. Now all the people of the land gathered there, kings, counts, dukes; and, unless the books have misled us, the finest celebration took place that was ever arranged, before or since, in so short a time. There one could have seen jousting, dancing, and the playing of games, such as a

116 Lanzelet great court will not do without. Let us cease this long speech, except to say that Erec and Walwein won a great deal of sweet praise for their long-standing devotion, which had brought about the rescue of the queen. And besides, despair is unseemly in anyone but the base and lowly. It little troubled the knights that they had previously suffered affliction, since it was because of this that so many knights were now being entertained so generously. He shall not lack reward who so sets his mind to serving the worthy. Now hear how the story continues. Never in his life was King Arthur in higher spirits. His heart blossomed with joy when he saw before him the

queen and his dear kinsmen happy and unharmed. Now with one voice both guests and the members of the court declared [7800] that Lanzelet, from childhood on, was the single most fortunate man in all the world; in whatever he undertook, he was always granted the victory. His good fortune also shielded him from envy, which is strange and unheard of, for base men always hate the valiant; but Fortune protected him from this. No one denied that he was, in truth, so perfect in manly prowess that no knight was better, for everyone spread the tales of the adventures he had encountered. If worthy people will admit it, he had met his challenges with such success that one can only think the best of him.

Tue Aupacious Kiss (7817-8040) When the celebration was ended and each turned again to his own affairs, according to his wishes, Lanzelet thanked his beloved that she had so often demonstrated her womanly excellence. Her heart rejoiced that her

demeanor had been so seemly, and that the mantle the water fairy had given her fitted so well. One night as they lay alone together, Iblis and Lanzelet, he talked to his beloved about many things, about courtesy and about love. ‘Then he asked her, finally, what she considered to be the strangest story that she knew. Then the lovely lady said, “I do not know, far and

wide, any tale so remarkable as this. After you had ridden away, my lord bid everyone who wished to be his friend to make a thorough search for you; because of this, they rode off into the various lands. Then the brave Roidurant’”? came to a wild forest, where that worthy knight found a great dragon, with a beard; never was any creature so terrifying. It spoke with a human voice and repeatedly called upon the knight, for God’s sake, to give it a kiss.2°° The hero had no desire to do that, for he thought the creature monstrous. When he returned, he related all that had happened to him as an adventure. ‘hen well nigh the whole court rode out to see that selfsame

Lanzelet 117 : dragon. When it became aware of the knights, it begged them for a kiss, at which the heroes prepared themselves for fleeing rather than approaching it. Now, dearest companion, understand why I have told you this: if you are pleased with the way I have served you, then you must honor me by always

avoiding that dragon.” |

“T do not understand what is troubling you,” answered the steadfast Lanzelet, “for even if I were continually asked to do it, I could very easily forgo it.” But cunningly he began to question her further about the tale, for he was eager for the adventure. He said, “Now tell me more.” The lady continued: “They say that the dragon darts about as quickly as if it could fly, and follows after everyone and demands to know when that

man will come who is destined to release it from its torment.” When he had thus heard the story right to the end, he delayed not a moment longer, but with nine others he rode to that place, where he gained great benefit from his encounter with the dragon. No sooner had he espied the dragon and it had heard him coming, than it reared up for joy and howled most strangely, like a Wild Woman: “Alas, how long must I wait for you!” At this his companions, the nine, were overcome with fear and retreated. But Lanzelet spoke: “Now tell me, whence came your human voice? Never in all my travels on water or on land [7900] have I encountered a creature so fierce or so terrifying. If I should not incur everlasting shame by doing so, I should be glad to keep far away from you.”

“No, no, hero, do not do that!” said the great dragon. “God has created people and lands through many a miracle, conceived of them with His mysterious power. I am one of those things. If only there now lived a knight who would kiss me on the mouth! Then I should be beautiful and instantly made whole again. But up till now I have never been able to persuade anyone; all who have ever seen me have fled most discourteously. Yet if a knight were willing to make haste and kiss me, he would better himself by it; for he who is destined for the deed is—without any perfidious deceit—the best knight now alive. No matter how much you desire to flee this place, someone will relieve me of my torment, and so I beg you, noble warrior, do it for the sake of Almighty God! Release me! This is no jest on my part, for I will entreat you again by the honor of all ladies, delay no longer and kiss me!” Then Lanzelet said, “I will do it, no matter what happens afterward.” He dismounted onto the ground and kissed the most hideous mouth that he had ever heard of till now. At once the dragon flew away to where ran a lovely brook,”*! and bathed its scaly body. It was transformed into the most beauti-

118 Lanzelet

ful woman that anyone had ever seen. When this marvel took place and the nine saw it, they hastened toward the dauntless Lanzelet, who had acted so valiantly that he dared undertake that which has never been done again.

When Lanzelet realized that he himself was unscathed, he and all the knights made for the beautiful stream. There they found the noble lady clothed in splendid raiment.—As to where she found it, we are told nothing, except that a marvel had taken place there.—The lady spoke to the he_ roes: “May God grant him enduring happiness, that virtuous lord of mine, who has released me from misery! He may also take great comfort in these words, with which Dame Fortune promises that he will be victorious in all

things, and nothing can ever stand against him.” Then Lanzelet du Lac took the lovely lady and led her to Kardigan. The excitement there was very great. [he mysterious lady was not unwilling to tell what had happened to her. She declared to everyone her name and who she was. The lady also - did not leave unsaid how this affliction had come upon her. Through this it was proven, when the maiden was thus transformed, that there was no knight so excellent as Lanzelet as long as he lived. He rose in glory above all his friends, without arousing their animosity. It would be difficult to tell you how many feats of prowess he performed, for he began early in life and

continued to do so for many a day, did my lord Lanzelet du Lac. | Because of people’s curiosity, it would not be proper of me if I omitted to tell you who the lady was, who had changed from a dragon into a woman. Why put it off any longer? I shall tell you this at once. She was called Clidra the Fair,?°? the daughter of a king of Thyle.*3> Those who are learned know well, as do those familiar with the world, that Thyle is an island, a broad isle _ in the sea. They have an enormous number of marvels there, which no one could enumerate. A week before Christmas the days are so short, [8000] as the Roman books state—in which many marvels are recorded—that a runner scarcely covers half a mile before nightfall. Also, the days in Thyle are longer in summer than here. You will never hear stranger tales than have been told

us concerning that place. If any woman there forfeits her courtliness and contemplates deceiving the man who is serving her to win her love, this she does to her own misfortune. Thus she brings dishonor upon herself, for it is the custom of that land not to tolerate this for more than a year. It would take too long, were I to tell you what the lady had done. Her sentence was pronounced, and it was decreed that she should become a dragon till the time when she should kiss the mouth of the best knight in all the world. And so

she crawled away on her belly into a forest in Britain, into which many a wor- | thy knight rode in search of adventure. As I have already told you, she was

Lanzelet 11g released from her plight when Lanzelet freed her. Further, it has always been the advice of the worthy that women and men should refrain from faithless deeds, for doing so brings with it all good things. It has been told to us that this strange maiden became the judge in matters of courtliness.444 Whenever anyone at the court quarreled over anything concerning love, she decided the case properly and thoroughly, since she herself had previously suffered such great hardship because of her faithless love.

KiInG OF GENEwIS (8041-8468) On account of the many marvelous deeds that he performed, my lord Lanzelet was, as I find in the story, the single dearest companion that King Arthur ever had. Yet there lives no man in this world who has not thought that he would like possessions in his own right, because this frees him from hav-

ing to make timid requests of others. And so Lanzelet’s thoughts turned to his patrimony at Genewis, for it seemed to him a disgrace that it was in strange hands. So the dauntless warrior prepared a military expedition with his friends. Here it became perfectly plain that he was a much-beloved man, for he gathered together the finest army that we have ever heard of. Arthur, the bold king, brought a fine contingent—three thousand knights, with armor that glistened brighter than ice. That wise prince, Sir Walwein of Garnantz,?*> also brought to him—there is no doubt about it—a thousand valiant heroes, eager, dauntless, and brave, equipped to perfection. Torfilaret of Walest brought him a large contingent that lacked nothing that is seemly for well-equipped heroes. Erec also joined him, leading warriors from Destregals, his land,*2° eight hundred jousters, their chargers caparisoned in iron, with bright, sharp swords, for they loved battle, and retreat was unknown to them. From Cornwall and from Ireland came two great armies, and from across the sea many a praiseworthy prince. So splendid was this chivalry that they would not flinch, so it is said, if all the world were arrayed against them. Tristant brought no knights, for he had departed from Lohenis (Lyonesse), where he could not remain on account of his love for the queen, his liege lady Isalde.*?’” Yet one was more pleased to see him than many another on the expedition; in difficulty and danger, so they declared, no man was more valiant, for he had often spent day and night in dire peril. [8100] My lord Lanzelet du Lac appointed his rendezvous, where old and young could easily come from Kardigan, at a charming hill called the Enchanted Ball.*°* If it would please you, I will tell you of this astonishing marvel. If anyone observes it from a mile away, he thinks that he sees a great horse cast in bronze. When

| 120 , Lanzelet , | he then gets nearer, around half a mile away, it now seems to him as if it were a little mule, and when he gets nearer still, it looks like a dog; and then, in a very short time, as he gets closer yet, it has the form of a fox. Suddenly, in the twinkling of an eye, he can see nothing more than a bit of cast metal, round like a ball, which was there all the time. No one can lift it up or remove it from its place by any means at all, on account of its wondrous power. To this spot came all the chivalry that Lanzelet the warrior was to lead into his land of Genewis, which was his patrimony, and from which he had once barely

escaped with his life. ,

When this mighty host from all sides of the sea had come to join Lanzelet’s expedition, lacking nothing of that which knights ought to have, and many a brave stranger had carefully equipped himself, the lords then desired

and thought it appropriate to select messengers who were eager for glory and who possessed good judgment. They were instructed to ride ahead and ascertain with all prudence what the people of Genewis had to say concerning Lanzelet and his birthright, and also to learn who would stand by him.

, The embassy was then given to Iwan and to Giot;”*? these two were the _ messengers because they were very well-spoken. These heroes then learned for him within a short time how the whole matter stood. Without knowing what was taking place, they happened upon a gathering where a prince was informing the people of Genewis concerning the state of affairs. Also pres- _ ent were worthy knights and the lords of the land, many dauntless warriors. Everyone who could possibly mount his horse had come to this council, for they had indeed heard of Lanzelet’s fame, that he was so valiant that he would never be reconciled with them until they had made amends for

both the affront and the harm done to him. And so they were filled with fearsome dread. ‘They began to take counsel as to what was best for them, when there came galloping up to this fine gathering Giot and Iwan, who

was called Peneloi.24° Now hear what they all had to say. | When they had dismounted from their horses, the knights received them with the deference proper to heroes. They, in turn, behaved in seemly fash-

| ion: they asked at once of those whom they found there, who was the ruler of this land. Then they were presented to a lord who correctly explained — the situation to them. He said, “There is no king here, except insofar as I am recognized as such, to rule this land, but then only at the behest of the princes. [8200] His name is Lanzelet, who should be our king. We do not know him well, but we have heard that he is a paragon of virtue and so con- _ firmed in prowess that no better knight has been born in our time. We will gladly wait for him as long as he deems fit. If he will treat us better than did

| Lanzelet 121 his father, King Pant, then he can govern the people and the land according to his will. We are desirous of making amends, trusting in his benevolence and as we deserve, for anything that we have done to merit his disfavor. Let him treat us in such a manner that one may praise him all the more, and we shall be most happy to repay him with our service.” After Sir Iwan and Sir Giot were offered such fine words, which were most seemly and the best that were ever spoken, and which poor and rich alike declared with one common voice—namely, that if they should not be treated with scorn, the vassals would gladly serve King Pant’s child, for that was just and right—that worthy knight, Iwan Peneloi, replied, “If the words are true that we have heard from you, then I will tell you that we have come here, I and Sir Giot, in order to convey the message my lord Lanzelet du Lac sends to you. He has been disinherited for many a day. Therefore, he

does no more and no less than this: he offers reconciliation and all their possessions to those lords who recognize that they have deprived him of his lands, provided they will acknowledge their wrongdoing. But if there are those so lacking in good judgment that they are emboldened to try to keep his land from him any longer by force, this he will not accept; and we are to declare war against them on behalf of him and of his friends. My lord King Arthur will also be their enemy; moreover, many a highborn prince is now riding into this land. They have forfeited life and possessions, who refuse to reconcile themselves with Lanzelet the dauntless.”

Many were alarmed by these words. Now Lanzelet du Lac had a kinsman in the land of Genewis, a wise prince named Duke Aspyol,**+ who was most well-spoken. This selfsame man, because of his manifold virtues and his sense of honor, had looked after the noble Clarine, Lanzelet’s mother. This noble and valiant warrior answered for the others in this way: “My lords, we are heartily glad that we have lived to see this day and have been so fortunate that we are to behold again the son of my liege lady and the ruler of this land. However, if anyone objects to these words I speak, a thing I certainly do not expect, he is foolish and truculent. For I have great influence here, and my friends who stand by me will fail me in nothing, so that no one, if I learned that he opposed me, would ever leave this place with honor intact.”

To this all the princes replied in a seemly manner, “We shall have honor enough from whatever arrangement you desire; for you are so exemplary in your faultless loyalty that whatever we may undertake in your service is for the good, and we shall have no cause to regret it.” Then Prince Aspyol bid the lords all to swear, before they departed from this place, that they would withhold from him neither [8300] castle, lands, nor fief, and that

122 Lanzelet they would exempt nothing; but rather, they would surrender unconditionally their lives and all their possessions to the noble youth, Lanzelet, their lord. In this way, there would be no difficulties, and it would be the best for them. Then the strangers—the messengers—and the inhabitants agreed that nothing could be so advantageous to the princes, given their peril, as to take this proper course of action. Accordingly, they did as Duke Aspyol of Tymant?**— for such was the name of his castle—had instructed them. Thus a reconciliation was reached, as I shall describe to you, by which the bold lords of Genewis should surrender to the duke’s control their castles and their estates; and whenever Lanzelet the warrior deigned to ride

to them, they would not hesitate but to entrust to him unconditionally their lives and, in addition, those of their children and wives, at any place he chose. They offered him a great hoard of silver and of gold, and fitting words that redounded to their honor. The messengers, Giot and Sir Iwan, took their oaths that this was done in good faith. Then the messengers rode at once to where they found Lanzelet and informed him as to what had been said. The hero immediately took counsel. There were no objections, for they were all well pleased with the terms of reconciliation. The army was jubilant that they could ride without opposition, freely and without resistance, to where much gold and treasure was waiting for very many a man. Now they bound their pennons on their lances and amid joyous cries put on their armor. The heroes who had so gaily come to Lanzelet’s aid began a bohourt, for they considered that joy is more becoming to any man who has nothing to fear than to one who is

burdened with worry. ,

Now Lanzelet the hero led many an exemplary knight to Genewis, where he was glad to go. They received him in a most fitting manner. His

kinsmen were the first, then the nobles of the land, who in their virtuous valor showed him and his companions such regard that never have we heard tell of a more splendid reception. Now my lord Lanzelet du Lac took the proper time, both day and night, to do as King Arthur counseled him. The princes and the worthy knights, who had the right to do so, did not delay, but with great ceremony placed the crown upon Lanzelet according to royal tradition. They swore to him but one oath, that they would refuse him nothing. They received their fiefs from the well-bred king, princes, counts, dukes, barons, and vassals. He declared a great court, and his subjects made their way to him in throngs. Then the terms of reconciliation were fulfilled, so that what had been appropriated from the bold hero was restored to him tenfold. He himself did not wish to neglect his inherent generosity: the

Lanzelet 123 noble warrior presented gold, silver, and broad swatches of brocade to the worthy knights he met there, and also those who had come with him received gifts in the name of honor or for friendship’s sake. Through this the mighty Lanzelet maintained his excellent reputation. He acts to his own good fortune whose gallant deeds [8400] gain him esteem at home, for no one should disdain the praise of his own countrymen. Lanzelet du Lac was mindful of this for many a delightful day, as he set about putting his land in order. He thanked his uncle, who had shown such loyalty by having looked after his mother for him; she was overjoyed to see her child again. Each had much to tell the other of happiness and sadness. Now Lanzelet the warrior also reminded the far-famed princes of their oath, that it was their will that the renowned Aspyol, his trusted uncle, and Clarine the queen should rule the land until that worthy warrior had attained his majority and also until he discovered whether the people of Dodone would offer him the crown of Iweret’s land. The matter turned out successfully for the noble warrior; those in his service were most obedient to him in everything. ~ The lord then took his leave, the stalwart Lanzelet, with the army that he had joyously brought into the land. They were quite willing to do whatever that hero thought best. It is an old custom, that people have always enjoyed serving a man favored by fortune, whatever he undertakes. In this way the young king of Genewis, that well-bred warrior, maintained his fame and good fortune. As he proceeded to confirm the loyalty of castles

and domains and did not deny to anyone whatever he desired of knightly | equipment, everything went so well for him that there was not one of the knights, from the greatest to the least, to whom he did not make some gift. For this he gained greater praise than any of his peers. Now the princes with their contingents departed from him with great affection and commended him to God’s care. They vowed with one voice that no king could more read-

ily persuade them to join him in a perilous campaign than Lanzelet, the dauntless warrior. After this, they all rode away homeward, each along his

own road. But Lanzelet’s uncle escorted the hero with his vassals from there , to his castle. And thus the king of Genewis brought great glory to Kardigan, so that all the world marveled that his endeavor had met with such success.

Kinc oF DoDONE (8469-9308) Now let me tell you of a great stroke of good luck. In those delightful days during which King Arthur was visiting Lanzelet at Genewis, as you have already heard, messengers had set out, warriors most gallant, from Iweret’s

124 , Lanzelet land. ‘They bore wonderful gifts, thirty packhorses laden with costly wares

such as never came from Greece nor from Salonica: great quantities of brocade and the best the world has to offer, samite and ciclatoun,2* sable, downy ermine—they could not be any better—and many ornaments of gold: all the marvelous jewelry that could be worked or fashioned out of it for the ladies was there in abundance. Precious stones completed the gift. The messengers had also brought items that were not precious, judging by their nature, yet they had a value worth many marks;?4 these were a net and the sword that Iweret the hero had borne [8500] and with which he had slain all those against whom he ever fought, except for that one fortunate man, Lanzelet, whose luck had held. The blade was beautiful and solid; no king was ever so mighty that it would not please him. The net was also lovely, as it rightly should be, exceedingly well woven of silk and of gold. On the meshes were arranged settings of pure gold containing precious stones, the best in all the world. The net was very strong, made indeed for the purpose that my lady Iblis might lie under it when she wished to rest.?* It is the truth and no jest that the net was circular, well gathered into a clasp that was a gem of a rare kind named galazia. Its nature is such that it is colder than ice, as a wise king described it who knew all precious stones both great and small: he was called Evax of Arabia.”*° He said, “The stone galazia is noble and rare, and if it were to lie in fire for a year, it would never become warm. Whoever wears it will never be poor, and wherever it is found among people, no magic spell can harm them, neither the men nor the women.”24/ And here let us end with its cold nature, for no one has told me anything more of the stone’s power. A golden chain, which led from it, was fastened

to it, by which one hung the net as high up as one wished. From this net — | and the sword it was very evident that the messengers were hoping to discover the whereabouts of that hero who with his mighty hands had won the victory over Iweret, for they did not know where he had gone. But now they have been given the news that he was at Kardigan with their dear lady, whom they so wished to find; that is why they were so well supplied, as I must tell you, that they lacked nothing that any visitor ever brought with

him in the way of treasure. | a _

This was near the time when Arthur was on his way home, which , brought about a fortunate coincidence. On the day that he arrived, in the evening as he was washing his hands and his dinner was being prepared, news was brought to the king, to which he paid close attention; namely, that handsome knights had arrived laden with precious objects. No one could remember having ever beheld such wondrous trappings nor horses

Lanzelet 125 so beautifully adorned as those of this company from Dodone. They were given a friendly reception by the court, and they were freed from their uncertainty—a state that people always curse—for they found that which they had sought. Strangers are usually unwelcome. Then the queen, Lady Iblis, recognized the heroes, for they were born and lived in Behforet. So she and Lanzelet greeted the envoys worthily. Courteously they refrained from pressing them for news.*4? What next took place I shall not leave untold: they ate, the lord of the castle together with his guests, of the greatest delicacies that were to be had in those days. [8600] Whatever they had a fancy

for, on that they feasted. King Arthur ordered wine, mead, and mulled claret be served to them, for he well understood how to be a good host. When the noble lords had eaten, the messengers remained seated no longer; they quickly laid aside their outer garments, as courtly men do. The next thing they did after this was to kneel down all together before their liege lady where she sat, and tell her this and that about their journey and their search to find her on behalf of all the nobles of the land, who had been deprived of her father, who had ruled them so well. They said, “The stories we have heard about you, how things have turned out so well for you, have gladdened our hearts. Neither entreaty nor threat would move the princes of Dodone to give the crown by rights to anyone but the worthy knight who won you through his prowess. Both lords and vassals, together with all your people, are agreed that they want him for their king. Your land is also at peace: no one opposes you. These words we have spoken to you, in hope that you will look favorably upon them. Since it is true that you do nothing except that which he desires, we bring Lanzelet a sword, and other treasures as a gift for you. It is right and proper that the young king of Genewis live in joy. Because of the surpassing fame he has already won, let him forevermore be called the noble King of Behforet, the Prince of Dodone.” Then they revealed the present they had brought him; they had taken great pains to see that it had been properly taken care of. Now let the lady take possession of these gifts, and may she give as much as she pleases to whomever she wishes.

The lovely Iblis distributed her gifts with praiseworthy wisdom. I will tell you, on my oath, that never was a greater number of treasures better apportioned, for she did not fail to give something to everyone, to the humble and to the mighty alike, to each as was appropriate. Ginover had to accept the net about which I spoke before. Lanzelet, that bold hero, gave the sword to the lord of the castle, for he was worthy of all honor. Arthur, the very font of generosity, accepted nothing from Iblis’s treasure. But she

126 — | Lanzelet oO received words of favor, praise, and gratitude, devoid of faithless insincerity, | not only from those who profited by a gift from the lady but also from all who heard of this and found proof of her generosity. Whenever one sings the praises of any virtuous act, one betters oneself by doing so: this has

| always been the advice of the wise. Fame endures after life has ended. It is for this same reason that many a man, for the sake of his virtue, lives in |

| torment and grinding hardship. It is also a characteristic of manya woman __ that she is ever willing to endure suffering in order to be assured of a good name. My lady Iblis was mindful of this and strove to be famed for her virtue, for her wisdom and youth compelled her to do whatever was best. As much as my lord Lanzelet was praised above many a man—I am not _ trying to deceive you—his wife also saw to it that no one ever spoke an ill

word concerning her. a | Oo

When all this had come to pass, and the messengers had [8700] received

, everything they asked for and all they wished, as they properly should have, _ then my lord Lanzelet took counsel with his friends who could advise him. _ They counseled him straightway that he should let the messengers depart from him with honor and return to Dodone, and that he should give to them, as was fitting, whatever he chose and would redound to his honor,

and would also be pleasing to them. The praiseworthy Arthur, the king of Britain, showed honor to his kinsman and to all his court. He gave ample proof of his generosity, as he often did in his great courtesy. To the worthy guests from Behforet he gave splendid gifts: palfreys and Castilian steeds, — hunting dogs and hawks, many things for courtly amusement, crossbows**?_ -__

and bows, arrows and artfully decorated quivers filled with bolts.°°To such gallant heroes they gave whatever seemed appropriate for them, as one usu-

, ally does to those whom one esteems. I tell you that the messengers were great men and the peers of princes, and some of them so noble and so pow-

erful that immediately after Iweret had been slain and before he was buried, they themselves might have been made king, had they had desired it, except that they renounced this out of steadfast loyalty. Thus the strangers had ridden out for the sake of their honor. Yet more is told to us: that these warriors were so powerful in Iweret’s land that no one had the audacity in his foolhardiness to dare to offer them the slightest affront. Whatever they counseled was undertaken with the greatest support of all their country- _

men. Now they had seen and heard at Kardigan how Lancelot had fared _ | at Genewis, where he had been successful and, his luck undiminished, so exalted by Fortune that he was crowned, exactly as he had intended. His | every endeavor turned out to his advantage, as was only right and just. The

Lanzelet 127 worthy knights of Dodone were most mindful of this; they would very much have liked to bring him back with them to that land, where by right Iblis should be queen, and he should rule as well, if he wished to do so. The tale does not conceal from us that the messengers did not wish to while away their time without accomplishing something that pleased them, and I will tell you what it was: they brought it about through their entreaties that my lord Lanzelet promised to hold a court for the princes, at which

he expected that they would do homage to him and to Iblis the queen. This court would take place at the time of the year when people are glad of the lovely summertime, and the heath lies green as April comes to an end. Now let me tell you a little more, and mark this well. Sir Lanzelet did not forget that he was to bring all his friends with him to the court, each with his beloved, and that he should celebrate there with boisterous merriment; otherwise, all his loyal friends might abandon him. He impressed this on the messengers especially and bid them make haste. [8800] He said, “My uncle, King Arthur, wishes to spend Pentecost with my liege lady, the queen, at my castle.*°! Therefore, make your preparations all the better.” The messengers promised to do that which he asked of them; even if he were to bring a hundred kings, they would be well provided for. If Fortune granted it, he should find his castle well provisioned with honor and with happiness. So spoke the men of Dodone and then took their leave in a fitting manner, as experienced men know to do. They departed in such a fashion that both the young and the old in Britain accounted them the worthiest heroes

who had ever come to King Arthur's court. After they had taken their leave they tarried no longer, but rode home again. They did as they had promised; they issued commands and requests, and sent out messengers across the land. They brought many a warrior together and great princes who were responsible for upholding the laws of Dodone, with all their noble households. They spared nothing, neither treasure nor themselves. No man nor woman ever heard of such great endeavor undertaken for the sake of glory. Many a hero, hair snow white with age, eagerly prepared for the celebration. But this caused envy among the young, who saw to it that magnificent clothing was tailored for them at a great price and decorated their horses’ trappings with wondrous ornaments of precious gold?°? such as the shield makers knew how to fashion, whom one found in those days at the port of Acre.’ But what more can I say about it, except to tell you that till Judgment Day no court will ever be summoned again that will cause greater excitement?

128 Lanzelet Lanzelet strove for glory. As a result of wise forethought and for the sake of his great renown, he sent messengers to Genewis and announced the court to his vassals. In return, a splendid treasure of precious ornaments arrived from there, and a thousand richly clad knights. As I found written

of them, the clothing of this courtly company was identical: the samite _

that they wore was from Alexandria,?*4 lined with ermine whiter than a_ | swan. From Kunis,?°° where Sibilla the ancient prophetess dwelled, was the sable, as I understand it. Poverty was unknown to them. Their tunics were of silk, as were the other garments worn with them. Their leggings were of fine wool.”°° They could not have provided themselves with finer banners than they had. Their palfreys and Castilian steeds were such, that one could not have found comparable ones in Apulia or in Spain.’ They had lavished much care on the trappings, which were worthy of them. The heroes were experienced men; they brought with them armor, which shone brighter than tin, and many a surcoat as well. I ask you to believe me and to accept beyond any doubt that they arrived at Kardigan, as I shall now

inform you, in truly praiseworthy fashion. They had in abundance beyond | measure all that a knight could wish for and desire; this was how the heroes

of Genewis were equipped, perfect in every way. They also brought fortheir liege lady gifts that she could look upon with honor, [8900] an immense

quantity of precious objects, of gold and of garments, sent to her by Clarine, her mother-in-law unsurpassed in virtue. These knights had ridden out to demonstrate their good manners and in the belief that Iblis and Lanzelet would gain great glory because of it when they rode with them to Behforet. In days of old it was the custom that lords liked to see their vassals, and they declared that of two things, one was more important to them: friendship and kind words, as opposed to enmity and hoarded treasure. It would still be an honorable custom today.—But I return to my poem; do not grow weary of it.—Never were knights better received than these of whom I have spoken; this was the command of Arthur the generous. His heart delighted _ in having ever discovered this kinsman, for whose sake vassals and court officials prepared themselves to appear at his court in such splendid finery. He praised their foresight in bringing with them magnificent clothing as well as armor: these heroes had seen to it properly that they could take care

of themselves, so that no one would robthem onthe way. sits | News that a great court was to be held echoed throughout the land, that _ Lanzelet the warrior would take possession of his legacy and his lord, King 7 Arthur, would escort him home with three thousand knights; and that not i one of these who had a praiseworthy lady for his beloved would fail to per-

Lanzelet 129 mit her to ride along with Ginover the queen to the court, in accordance with Arthur’s wish. Who could object to this? They did as the king commanded. He would have had to be dead to joy who was not eager to join them on the journey. The news could not fail to prompt many a courtly man to ride forth. Anyone who had ever set his mind on love and was able to journey there spared neither himself nor his possessions. From all lands far and wide people made their way to the celebration, about which men will speak as long as the world endures. It is fitting that I tell you that messengers came from Dodone to Kardigan every day, through whom Iblis was given to understand how welcome her arrival was. They told her that her

land was longing for her return and that no one would think it too soon, no matter how quickly she came. That pleased her greatly, and her mood grew impatient, as is still the case with women: when their hearts yearn to be somewhere, they think they can never get there fast enough. Whatever King Arthur resolved to do, he did not gladly abandon. Everything he did was devised with wisdom and courtliness. Many knights and ladies joined him, as you have already heard, who were all clothed according to their inclination and according to their rank, as was the custom of the courtly. They also complied with the king’s request, and I shall tell

you how: he insisted that every knight without exception take under his protection a lady on the journey, that they should ride together all day long courteously and observing the customary proprieties of which worthy people are not ashamed. Arthur brought together companions according to their own choice and desire. Still, there was a considerable number of heroes who had to ride without ladies. But now the generous King Arthur wished to delay no longer: he led in honor from his castle Lanzelet, his kinsman, [go0o0| for whom he had often demonstrated his affection. When these things had been arranged, Arthur took aside those of his household who held court offices; he instructed them to place many a heavy load on beasts of burden. His chamberlains and those who were to prepare

his meals went ahead on the road, taking many things with them. The ladies then mounted [.. .]?°? and rode beside Ginover. At her other side rode the courteous Karyet, who [...] once slew Ramuret*?? in praiseworthy fashion and thereby performed a great feat of prowess. There is no doubt that Iblis and Walwein rode together on the journey; and on the other side of that lady rode Erec, as a valiant knight should. They all rode pleasantly together, for they possessed great riches and high spirits, which people in those days valued. Many were also to be found among them who were proficient in falconry. There were also many games [...] bohourts on

130 Lanzelet many a plain. They rode from Britain joyfully and in such fine fashion that never did a company ride forth whom the world could possibly hold more worthy. However, it is better for them that one praises them all the more because their hearts were virtuous, for God Himself abhors dishonor.

It was a delightful journey, for King Arthur had kept both lands and his fortress [...] so that he might suffer no harm. Their good fortune was now evident, in that the days were fine—quite wonderful, according to the

story—neither too hot nor too cold. The heath and the green forest and, with that, the pleasant company: all this made a beautiful feast for their eyes. God had preserved them from any vexations or unhappiness. They lived as seemed pleasant to them both night and day, to the great joy of Lanzelet du Lac. They rode on in their delight, and not a single day passed on which they did not receive some sort of news that added to their joy, for the number of knights in their cavalcade increased every day, and it finally became quite large: there were so many kings and peers of princes that one

could not count them, for many a handsome contingent rode across the meadows to join them. When they set up their pavilions to rest, there were enough and more who blew their trumpets. First, let us consider Lanzelet’s pavilion, white, green, red, and shimmering brown, magnificent above all

the others, like a glowing ember compared with a dying coal. But all of them were embellished and decorated extremely well. Then they held bohourts and rode right up to the tent ropes. I believe that no chivalry ever traveled in such perfection as did this selfsame military force. Although none of them wished to hurry, they nevertheless made such

progress that on the fourth day, according to the story, they easily rode into the Beautiful Land, which Iblis intended to claim as her inheritance. Now her wealth became quite apparent, and her good fortune was revealed as well: she was approached by her father’s vassals, two thousand shields strong, all mounted on prancing steeds with magnificent silken caparisons. [9100] From their bearing it was plain that they rejoiced to see their liege lady. With their splendid banners they hastened toward her and began to salute her and all who came with her. Never, I believe, have we heard tell of a more affectionate reception. It was not long thereafter that they rode to their lodgings. There they did not fail to find everything they could possibly need. Since the book has informed us of it, it is also proper that I tell you that it had taken ten busy days before they arrived in the land to find men and horses that were worthy of them both. But when the magnificent cavalcade arrived in that region where Dodone lay, such great honor was shown them both night and day that Arthur, that noble king, declared that

Lanzelet 131 till this very moment he had never heard of wealth in such abundance. Every day now they encountered many companions on the road who were most eager to join in the boisterous festivities of the court. It seemed to them that mountain and valley were filled with chivalry. And so the glori-

ous throng rode on to the Beautiful Wood, about which I have already spoken, where Lanzelet had had the good fortune to break the adventure at the expense of the dauntless Iweret. The knights scrutinized it thoroughly and declared that no mountain or forest was ever better suited to joy.

They spent the night in the wood and early the next morning rode in full force into Dodone. There they were welcomed and received in fine fashion. If it will not weary you, I shall tell you very briefly that Iblis’s play-

mates, with whom she used to go gathering flowers, of their own accord had remained unmarried all this time. None of them had known joy till now, when they were able to behold the Lady Iblis, their liege. Now they rode toward her and welcomed their queen as noble ladies are wont to do. There had to be many knights too who attended that lady, and even more of them who took their chances in the bohourts, of which there were many. Do not take it amiss when I say that the knights so deceived the inexperienced riders, that these would have sworn that they knew how to fly and were angels.7°° Never have you heard in any tale that so many knights disported themselves on horseback and with shields. I must refrain from going on too long in praise of them, but one thing I must say: many a warrior rode so well there that no knight, even in Brabant, had ever shown greater skill when he sat on his charger in high spirits and eagerly went on the attack. The French book tells us that no lady was ever better received nor more splendidly as was Iblis at Dodone, with all the pageanty that befits a noble lady’s reception. And all who came there with her were so well looked after that they lacked nothing either host or guest could think of for their hospitality. They were provided with an abundance of everything in the fullest measure. The news spread far and wide that they were living in perfect delight. The lords also gave gifts to the traveling entertainers,*°! as was proper. Any of those who accepted gifts there, given to enhance the dorior’s reputation, was laden with riches and recovered from all the harm poverty had ever imposed upon him. This was the command of the generous Lanzelet.

Then at Dodone [9200] Lanzelet received the crown according to royal tradition, and I am sure that Iblis also did not fail to be crowned with her husband. She wore her wondrous mantle at table and also during the entertainments; it attracted great attention, because its woven figures seemed

132 — Lanzelet , to be alive. Sir Lanzelet accepted the princes as his vassals, after which _ he immediately assumed the sovereignty with all its powers. At this there was greater joy than before, and rightly so, for many a worthy knight was

— loyal and devoted to him. He gave them silver and gold, which he found

there in abundance; everything that Iweret the warrior had left behind | had remained untouched, and moveable goods beyond measure had been amassed there. But I will leave this to the stewards whom. Lanzelet made responsible for it, so that never again did anyone better dispose of so much

treasure than they did. With this] let the matter rest. = | But why would I do that? I want to go on and tell you the truth ina © few words. Whatever has been related to us of noble pageantry or of bois- | terous celebrations, you should all observe that there was more of this at Dodone—and this is no falsehood—than was ever heard tell of before or | since. Whoever has been at a great court and beheld the joys and marvels there: if all those things did not take place here, then believe nothing that I say. Every day at Dodone, for as long as the court lasted, there was all that -

anyone could desire of courtesy and delight. Nothing was present to cause _ pain or unhappiness, unless it were Love herself, who did there what she

| so often does: she afflicts the spirit of many a man so that no matter how cheerful his bearing may be, his heart, for all that, suffers torment. - , Now Arthur, the noble king, had dwelled three months and more at Dodone in Behforet along with all his companions and the large military

force. There Sir Lanzelet showed him great honor and offered him any~ thing he possessed. It was his custom and also his disposition that he never _ omitted to give anyone a gift, whereby he demonstrated to them his virtue

and his faithful regard for both God and the world. Ginover received the wondrous pavilion, and Iblis the queen would gladly have given her mantle | , to Sir Kay’s beloved, had she not feared it would shrink, as you have heard

| -before. Meanwhile, the time had come when King Arthur wished to take his leave and depart from his dear nephew’s castle. He could stay no longer,

do not know. oo | oo _

for a messenger had come to him from home with news for him—what, I

_ Then the ladies began to realize that sadness and longing must fill their ~~ hearts. Now what more could Iblis do, she and Lanzelet du Lac, but es~ cort Arthur from Dodone for some several days in splendid fashion? Then - the lords who had come along took their leave. Each and all wished Iblis. and Lanzelet happiness and long life. Then Arthur, that generous man, ordered his horse be brought to him. Iblis, accompanied by many knights,

journeyed with them, and Lanzelet too, who kept them good company for

Lanzelet 133 I know not how many days. Whenever it occurred to Iblis that she and her retinue should turn back, she rode on nevertheless: [9300] she did this for Ginover’s sake. But at length they had to part. Then there was kissing and weeping on both sides, which showed their love for each other. King Arthur soon arrived home, and Lanzelet rode back, and Iblis, to that place where they both afterward lived in joy and splendor in their marvelous castle at Dodone.

EPILOGUE (9309-9444) Now you have all probably realized that I have come almost to the end of the story of Lanzelet, and for this reason, I wish but one thing for every virtuous person: may whoever has heard this poem from the beginning, if he should wish for steadfast joy and enduring happiness, receive his heart’s desire of these in this world as a reward for not disparaging this poem. As I have told you, there is nothing taken from it nor added to it except for what a French book says, that first became known to us when the King of England?® was taken prisoner, as God would have it, by Duke Leopold, who set a high price upon him. The captive king gave him, as hostages, noble lords of very high birth from foreign lands far away: counts, barons, and their peers. But Emperor Henry ordered they be sent to him in his German territories, according to his will. Hugh de Morville**> was the name of one of these very hostages, and in his possession first appeared among us the French book of Lanzelet. Then the pleas of dear friends compelled Ulrich von Zatzikhoven to render into German, as best he could, this long foreign tale, for no other reason than that he might stand all the higher in the favor of valiant men. Now if you will spare these words your scorn, then I shall tell you more of the story. When Lanzelet, the noble king, had put his affairs into such a state as he himself wished and ordained, the first thing he did was to summon his men from Genewis to come there with all honor, as was fitting. He arranged to have his mother come to him; he received her with loyal affection and made up for all the sorrows that had previously been visited upon her. Now, for the first time, she was able to take delight in her dear child. All those at his court showed her great respect, and in this way she overcame all her suffering. Now Fortune and their prayers favored them, so that Iblis and Lanzelet were blessed with lovely children, such as people always wish for, who possess the means to gratify all their desires. Mark how the story goes. A daughter and three sons: in truth, these four children, so we are told,

134 Lanzelet , |

inherited from them their lands and their possessions, their virtues and their noble spirits. ‘That was fortuitous, since Lanzelet du Lac held four | kingdoms, three that Iweret had ruled, and the fourth, Genewis, his own land, which King Pant, his lord and also his father, had left to him. Iblis the queen, she gave him counsel that only increased his honor. Never again in all the world will two lovers be joined together who rival each other in virtue more than did Iblis and Lanzelet: I must tell you that neither would permit the other to overtake him by even a foot on the path of honor. Their generosity was so great that they refused nothing to anyone. For this reason their fame will endure as long as the world exists. [9400] Whenever a lord succeeds in acquiring fame through his good deeds, and not through

wickedness, that is a good thing. The fame one gains from evil deeds is , not seemly, for it displeases the virtuous. Therefore, let me tell you that Sir _ Lanzelet always did everything for the best. In his own castle he was a good lord, as King Arthur in his great loyalty had advised him; and he did not waste his time lying about** when there was any chivalrous deed he could

perform. This lasted so long as his bodily strength and his youth served him. He continued to live with such complete virtue that he had the happy experience of beholding his children’s children increasing in worthiness. Now what more should be told to you, other than that God was so good to them that Iblis and Lanzelet grew old in great honor and died, as it is related to us, both together on the same day? Whatever else anyone might _ tell you about them, I have no knowledge of such matters. Who could ever relate the fullness of the wondrous things that Lanzelet accomplished??? From the time that he first strove for virtue, his fame grew until he died.

So ends the poem. OO ,

| This tale, so far as I know it, is finished. May he for whom I composed it reward me; that would redound to his honor. I wish to do a great deal more for him, if I live. He will readily reward me if he feels toward me as I | do toward him. All of you who hear or read this poem should entreat him to do so. That you may always enjoy good fortune and be in God’s keeping,

this is the prayer of Ulrich who composed it. | _

Notes

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN NOTES

ATB = Altdeutsche Textbibliothek Bach = Volkmar Bach. Die Angriffswaffen in den altfranzésischen Artus- und AbenteuerRomanen. Marburg: N.G. Elwert, 1887. Bachtold = Jakob Bachtold. Der Lanzelet des Ulrich von Zatzikhoven. Frauenfeld: Huber, 1870.

BLVS = Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart BMZ = Georg Friedrich Benecke, Wilhelm Miiller, and Friedrich Zarncke, eds. Mittelhochdeutsches Wérterbuch. 3 vols. in 4. Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1854-81. Reprint, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1963. Boeheim = Wendelin Boeheim. Handbuch der Waffenkunde: das Waffenwesen in seiner historischen Entwicklung vom Beginn des Mittelalters bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig: Seeman, 1890. Reprint, Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1984; Holzminden: Reprint Verlag Leipzig, 2000. Bruce = James Douglas Bruce. The Evolution of Arthurian Romance: From the Beginnings Down to the Year 1300. Hesperia, Erganzungsreihe: Schriften zur Englischen Philologie, 8-9. 2nd ed., with a supplement by Alfons Hilka. 2 vols. Géttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1928. Reprint, Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1958; Geneva: Slatkine, 1974. Cross and Slover = Tom Peete Cross and Clark Harris Slover, eds. Ancient Irish Tales. New York: Holt, 1936. Reprint, with revised bibliography by Charles W. Dunn, New York: Barnes & Noble, 1969, 1988. DNB = Dictionary of National Biography. Ed. Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee. 66 vols. New York: Macmillan; London: Smith, Elder, 1885-1901. Reprint (in 22 vols.), London: Oxford University Press, 1967-68. Reprint (in 2 vols.), 1975. DTM = Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters EL = Everyman's Library Enlart = Camille Enlart. Le costume. Vol. 3 of Manuel d'archéologie francaise depuis les temps mérovingiens jusgu'a la renaissance. Paris: A. Picard, 1916, “1919, 31927. Faral = Edmond Faral. Recherches sur les sources latines des contes et romans courtois du

Moyen Age. Paris: H. Champion, 1913. Reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1983.

GAG = Goppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik

136 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN NOTES GLML = Garland Library of Medieval Literature Goddard = Eunice Rathbone Goddard. Women’s Costume in French Texts of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1927. Reprint, New York: Johnson, 1973. Hahn = Karl August Hahn, ed. Lanzelet: eine Erzaéhlung von Ulrich von Zatztkhoven. Frankfurt a. M.: H.L. Brénner, 1845. Reprint, with an afterword and bibliography by Frederick Norman, Deutsche Neudrucke: Texte des Mittelalters. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1965. HSN = Harvard Studies and Notes JEGP = Journal of English and Germanic Philology Jones = Gwyn Jones and Thomas Jones, eds. The Mabinogion. Everyman's Library, 97. London: J.M. Dent; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1949. New ed., 1974. New rev. ed., London: J.M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle, 1993. Kittredge = George Lyman Kittredge. 4 Study of Gawain and the Green Knight. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916. Reprint, Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1960.

Laking = Guy Francis Laking. 4 Record of European Arms and Armour through seven centuries. Introduction by the Baron de Cosson. 5 vols. London: Bell and Sons, 1920-22. Reprint (in 6 vols.), with a new introduction by Claude Blair, Cambridge, UK: Ken Trotman, 2000. Loomis = Roger Sherman Loomis. Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien de Troyes. New York: Columbia University Press, 1949. Reprint, New York: Octagon, 1982. Loth = J[oseph] Loth, ed. and trans. Les Mabinogion du Livre rouge de Hergest avec les variantes du Livre blanc de Rhydderch. and ed. 2 vols. Paris: Fontemoing, 1913. Reprint (2 vols. in 1), Geneva: Slatkine, 1975.

MHG = Middle High German (the language of Ulrich’s romance) MLN = Modern Language Notes MLR = Modern Language Review MP = Modern Philology O = Lost Anglo-Norman manuscript of the text translated by Ulrich von Zatzikhoven OED = Oxford English Dictionary. Ed. James A. H. Murray et al. Rev. ed. 13 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1933. Reprint (in 2 vols.), Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1971.

OF = Old French Paton = Lucy Allen Paton. Studies in the Fairy Mythology of Arthurian Romance. Radcliffe College Monographs, 13. Boston: Ginn, 1903. and enl. ed. by Roger Sherman Loomis, New York: B. Franklin, 1960, 1970. PMLA = Publications of the Modern Language Association of America R = Romania RC = Revue celtique

Richter = Werner Richter. Der “Lanzelet” des Ulrich von Zazikhoven. Deutsche Forschungen, 27. Frankfurt a. M.: M. Diesterweg, 1934. RP = Romance Philology RR = Romantic Review RS = Romanische Studien

INTRODUCTION 137 Schirling = Victor Schirling. Die Verteidigungswaffen 1m altfranzésischen Epos. Ausga-

ben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der romanischen Philologie, 69. Marburg: G. Elwert, 1887. Schultz = Alwin Schultz. Das héfische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger. and rev. ed. 2 vols. Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1889. Reprint, Osnabriick: O. Zeller, 1965. Seyler = Gustav Adelbert Seyler. Geschichte der Heraldik: (Wappenwesen, Wappenkunst, Wappenwissenshcaft). Vol. A of J. Stebmachers Grosses und allgemeines Wappenbuch. Nuremberg: Bauer & Raspe, 1885-90, 1970. SNPL = Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature Sommer = H. Oskar Sommer, ed. The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian romances: edited from manuscripts in the British Museum. Carnegie Institution of Washington Publications, 74. 8 vols. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1908-16. Reprint (in 7 vols.), New York: AMS Press, 1979. Thurneysen = Rudolf ’Thurneysen. Die irische Helden- und Kénigsage bis zum siebzehnten Jahrhundert. 2 vols. in 1. Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1921. UP = University Press ZDA = ZLettschrift fiir deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur ZDP = Zettschrift fiir deutsche Philologte ZESL = Lettschrift fur franzdsische Sprache und Literatur ZHW = ZLettschrift fur historische Waffenkunde ZRP = Lettschrift fiir romanische Philologte

Material in the notes followed by [W] was contributed by Kenneth G.T. Webster (1951); material followed by [L] or [K] was contributed by Roger Sherman Loomis (1951) and Thomas Kerth, respectively. Bibliographical citations in [W] and [L] have been normalized according to modern standards and augmented with information concerning revised editions and recent reprintings. In addition, some extraneous or conjectural material in [W] and [L] has been eliminated; significant deletions are indicated by a bracketed ellipsis.

INTRODUCTION 1. Citations from Chrétien are taken from Christian von Troyes: simtliche erhaltene Werke, ed. Wendelin Foerster and Alfons Hilka, 5 vols. (Halle a. S.: M. Niemeyer, 1884-1932; reprint, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1965): vol. 1 Cligés, 2 Der Léwenritter (Yvain), 3 Erec und Enide, 4 Der Karrenritter (Lancelot) und Das Wilbelmsleben (Guillaume d'Angleterre), 5 Der Percevalroman (L1 contes del Graal). English trans. by

D.D.R. Owen, Arthurian Romances, EL, 1698 (London: J.M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle, 1987, 1993).

2. Eilhart von Oberge, ed. Franz Lichtenstein, Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprachund Culturgeschichte der germanischen Vélker, 19 (Strassburg: K.J. Triibner, 1877; reprint, Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1973). English trans. by J.W. Thomas, Eilhart von Oberge’s Tristrant (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978). 3. LErec: von Hartmann von Aue, ed. Albert Leitzmann and Ludwig Wolff, 6th ed. by Christoph Cormeau and Kurt Gartner, ATB, 39 (Tubingen: M. Niemeyer, 1985);

138 oe INTRODUCTION re - Iwein: eine Erzahlung von Hartmann von Aue, ed. Georg Friedrich Benecke and | Karl Lachmann, sth ed. by Ludwig Wolff (Berlin and Leipzig: De Gruyter, 1926, 77968); English trans. in Frank Tobin, Kim Vivian, and Richard H. Lawson, Arthurian Romances, Tales, and Lyric Poetry: The Complete Works of Hartmann von Aue

. (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 2001), pp. 51-163, 235-321. Although it is | generally agreed that Iwein is based solely upon Chrétien's text, it is still a matter | of some debate whether Chrétien was Hartmann’s direct and only source for Erec, oo which also carries plot variations that are found in “Gereint ap Erbin” (Gereint son , of Erbin), a Middle Welsh mabinogi (tale of a youthful hero), and in the Old Norse

Erex saga, but not in Chrétien. R.S. Loomis, Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien de , , Troyes (New York: Columbia UP, 1949; reprint, New York: Octagon, 1982), p. 463f., argues that Chrétien’s romances and the mabinogion were collateral descendants of , a common Breton source based on Celtic legends. Tilvis, “Uber die unmittelbaren , -_ - Vorlagen,” p. 206 (following, among others, Singer, “Lanzelet,” p. 154f.) extends this |

_ argument to suggest that Hartmann’s Erec and Iwein might be based not directly . - on Chrétien, but on these same Breton sources, transmitted through mss. written , , in the Middle German dialects of the lower Rhine valley. For a summary of various |

| positions regarding Hartmann’s sources, see Peter Wapnewski, Hartmann von Aue, - , Realienbiicher fiir Germanisten, 17, 3rd ed. (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1967), pp. 39-41, , 4. Wolfram von Eschenbach, ed. Karl Lachmann, 6th ed. (Berlin and Leipzig: De Gruyter, 1926; reprinted as Parzival: Studienausgabe, introduction by Bernd Schirok , [Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1965, 1998]). English trans. by Arthur T. Hatto, —

, - Parzival (Harmondsworth, UK, and New York: Penguin, 1980). A summaryofthe _ problem of Wolfram’s sources may be found in Carl Lofmark, “Wolfram’s Source

References in Parzival,” MLR 67 (1972): 820-44. oO 5. Lancelot: nach der Heidelberger Handschrift Cod. Pal. germ. 147, ed. Reinhold Kluge, | DTM, 42, 47 and 63 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1948-74); a new edition is cur- ,

, rently in progress, ed. and trans. into modern German by Hans-Hugo Steinhoff, _ | oe Prosalancelot: Nach der Heidelberger Handschrift Cod. Pal. germ. 147... erginzt durch | die Handschrift Ms. allem. 8017-8020 der Bibliothéque de l’'Arsenal Paris, Bibliothek =

oe deutscher Klassiker, 123 (Frankfurt a. M.: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1995- ).6. The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian romances: edited from manuscripts in the British Oo

_ Museum, ed. H. Oskar Sommer, Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication, — 74, 8 vols. (Washington: Carnegie Institution, 1908-16; reprint [in 7 vols.], New _ .

| _ . York: AMS Press,1979), oe So , oo 7. See Ernest Hoepffner, “The Breton Lais,” in Arthurian Literature in the Middle - Ages: A Collaborative History, ed. R.S. Loomis, pp. 112-21 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959, _ 1971). Constance Bullock-Davies, Professional Interpreters and the Matter of Britain a - (Cardiff: Wales UP, 1966), however, suggests a more direct, and less romantic, mode an

| of transmission for Celtic lore from Wales to speakers of French, namely, through _ the professional interpreters (latimers) who were a necessary part of the daily in-

/ tercourse between Norman overlords and subjugated Celts. She cites evidence that — | such a thing actually took place from The Son 1g of Dermot and the Earl: an Old French —

a Poem from the Carew Manuscript no. 596 in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth —

INTRODUCTION 139 Palace, ed. and trans. Goddard Henry Orpen (Oxford: Clarendon, 1892; reprint, Felinfach: Llanerch, 1994), in which the anonymous Norman-French poet states that he learned his tale “by word of mouth” (Buche a buche) from Morice Regan, the Irish latimer of King Dermot MacMurrough himself (p. 23). While her theory may be correct, one must be careful about such “evidence,” because poets have been known to fake their sources in order to increase the credibility of their tales. The

effort to determine the “Celticness” of the Arthurian material and the means by which elements of Celtic folklore found their way into the courtly literature of the Continent has spawned the bitterest and most enduring scholarly controversy in Arthurian studies, which flared up dramatically in the mid-1950s and pitted Celtic scholars against the “Celtic enthusiasts,” in the persons of the eminent Celticist Kenneth H. Jackon of Harvard, subsequently of the University of Edinburgh, and Columbia's eminent medievalist, R.S. Loomis. For the specific issues in the controversy, see F. L. Utley, “Arthurian Romance and International Folklore Method,” RP 17 (1963-64): 596-607; Rachel Bromwich, “The Celtic Inheritance of Medieval Literature,” MLQ 26 (1965): 203-27; and Raymond J. Cormier, “Tradition and Sources: The Jackson-Loomis Controversy Re-examined,” Folklore 83 (1972): 101-21.

8. Geoffrey of Monmouth, The Historia regum Britannia of Geoffrey of Monmouth, with contributions to the study of its place in early British history, ed. Acton Griscom (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1929; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1977), V, §12. English trans. by Lewis Thorpe, Te History of the Kings of Britain (New York: Penguin, 1966), p. 140. Vol. 5 of the more recent edition of Geoffrey, Gesta regum Britannie, ed. and trans. Neil Wright, 5 vols. (Cambridge, UK, and Dover, NH: D.S. Brewer, 1985-91), contains parallel Latin and English texts. 9. Wace's Roman de Brut: A History of the British, ed. and trans. Judith Weiss, Exeter Medieval English Texts and Studies (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1999). 10. “Britonum nuge,” Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi De gestis regum Anglorum hbri guinque: Historie novella libri tres, ed. William Stubbs, Rerum britannicarum medii evi scriptores; or, Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages, 90, 2 vols. (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1887-89; reprint, [ Wiesbaden]: Kraus, 1964), 1:11 (I, §8).

u1. “Fabulosi Britones et eorum cantores,” Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. J.S. Brewer ~ et al., Rerum britannicarum medii evi scriptores; or, Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages, 21, 8 vols. (London: Longman, 1861-91; reprint, [Nendeln]: Kraus, 1964-66), 4:49 (distinctio 2, capitula 9). 12. Le roman de Tristan, ed. Joseph Bédier, Société des anciens textes francais, 46, 2 vols. (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1902-5; reprint, New York: Johnson, 1968, 1982), 2:126f. It is precisely this reintroduction of the matiére de Bretagne into Britain that makes it so difficult to evaluate the authenticity of the motifs in the Middle Welsh madinogion—Gereint (see n3 above), Tarlles y Ffynnon (The Lady of the Fountain), and Peredur ap Efrawg (Peredur son of Efrawg), versions of Erec, Yuain and Perceval, respectively—that come down to us only in mss. that postdate the Norman Conquest. The issue of whether the madinogion influenced the French or vice versa, the so-called Mabinogion Question, remains a matter of passionate debate; see O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, pp. 113-18, and Gwyn Jones

I40 - INTRODUCTION and ‘Thomas Jones, trans., The Mabinogion, EL, 1097, new ed. (London: J.M. Dent; New York: E. P. Dutton, 1974; new rev. ed., London: J.M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle, 1993), pp. xxviii-xxx. The issues raised in the Loomis-Jackson controversy (see 77) play a role in how one interprets this phenomenon as well.

13. The most exhaustive study of the reign of Henry the Liberal and Marie’s regencies during the minority of her sons, Henry II (1181-87) and Thibaut (1197 until her

death in 1198), and during Henry I]’s participation in the Third Crusade (1190-97), , remains that of Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville, Histozre des ducs et des comtes de Cham-

pagne, 6 vols. in 7 (Paris: A. Durand, 1863-169), vols. 3-4. See also John F. Benton, “The Court of Champagne as a Literary Center,” Speculum 36 (1961): 551-91.

14. Chrétien's last work, the incomplete Perceval, was dedicated not to Marie but to Philip of Alsace, who became Count of Flanders in 1168; Philip died in 1191 at the siege of Acre during the Third Crusade. However, this change in patron does not necessarily mean that Chrétien abandoned the court of Troyes, for Philip had many ties to Champagne; he often visited Troyes and had in 1183, following the deaths of his wife and Henry the Liberal, unsucessfully proposed marriage to the widowed Countess Marie. 15. The term “courtly love” (/’amour courtois) was coined and its main tenets were summarized by G. Paris, “Etudes sur les romans II,” p. 578; they are rendered as follows by Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, p. 67: 1) it is extramarital; therefore, it is furtive and secret; 2) the lover occupies a position subordinate to his lady, who while reciprocating his love is haughty, capricious, and often unjust; 3) to be worthy of her, he sacrifices himself for her; she, in return, tests him in order to make him worthy; 4) love has rules that the lover must obey if he is to win her. Andreas Capellanus gives the full list of 31 rules at the end of chapter 8, De amore.

16. In Cligés, Fénice, who is in love with her nephew Cligés, makes an allusion to Tristan’s adulterous love for his queen and aunt by marriage, Iseut (Il. 3145-56). Had Chrétien known of Lancelot’s love for Queen Guinevere when he wrote Ciigés, he would certainly have included it here, as Weston, The Legend of Sir Lancelot, p. 5,

quite correctly observes. 17. Already Foerster, in the first printing (1899) of his Lancelot edition, p. Ixviii, and , Singer, “Lanzelet,” p. 157f., attribute the idea of the adulterous relationship to Marie. Chrétien’s other romances do not suggest that he himself approves of adultery, even in the guise of courtly love. Benton, “The Court of Champagne,” pp. 587-91, is quick to remind us that there is nothing in the historical record, as opposed to the literary representations of Andreas Capellanus and Chrétien, to suggest that Marie approved of adultery or any other “subversive” idea that would undermine the social

order. 7

18. Gilda, De excidio Britannia, Fragmenta, Liber de Peenitentia, accedit et Lorica Gilda,

ed. Hugh Williams, Cymmrodorion Record Series, 3, 2 vols. (London: D. Nutt, 1899-1901), 2:394-413, esp. §§10-14, pp. 408ff. [Latin and English]. In his De excidio

Britannie (On the ruin of Britain), St. Gildas the Wise (ca. 500-7o) was the first of the medieval pseudo-historians to mention the struggle of the Britons against the Saxon invaders; however, the leader of the Britons in his version was not Arthur but Ambrosius Aurelianus. Concerning the tradition, Celtic and otherwise, of

INTRODUCTION IAI Guinevere's abductions, see Webster, Guinevere: A Study of Her Abductions; Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, pp. 20-62; Stefania Strassberg, Die Entfihrung und Befreiung der Konigin Ginevra: ein Beitrag zur Erlduterung des Lancelot von Cres-

tien de Troyes (Berlin: Triltsch & Huther, 1937); and Arthur C.L. Brown, “Arthur's Loss of Queen and Kingdom,” Speculum 15 (1940): 3-11.

19. This adventure, perhaps originally a vegetation myth in which Springtime is rescued from captivity in the land of the dead, may well be based upon a Celtic variant of that mythological structure: a wife—in reality a fairy—is kidnapped by the ruler of a supernatural realm, whose lover she once was; she is rescued by her husband, either alone or in the company of armed followers, after traversing a perilous passage and employing a ruse or the aid of a wise man (Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, p. 61; Brewer, “The Presentation of the Character,” p. 5f.). Cross and Nizte, pp. 32-47, offer plot summaries of various Celtic tales of elopement or abduction— The Wooing of Etain, The Tragic Death of Cu Rot mac Dairi, The Birth of Mongan, Cormac’s Adventures in the Land of Promise, The Wooing of Emer, Pwyll—an

apparently popular subject among the Celts of Britain and Ireland. 20. Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, Lanzelet: eine Erzahlung von Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, ed. Karl August Hahn (Frankfurt a. M.: H.L. Bronner, 1845; reprint, with an afterword and bibliography by Frederick Norman, Deutsche Neudrucke: Texte des Mittelalters, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1965). Hahn’s text has also been reprinted with a modern German translation by Wolfgang Spiewok, Lanzelet: mittelhochdeutsch / neuhochdeutsch, WODAN, 71 (Greifswald: Reineke, 1997), and has been translated into French by Danielle Buschinger, U/rich von Zatzikhoven: Lanzelet, Reinekes Taschenbuch-Reihe, 12 (Greifswald: Reineke, 1996). 21. Joachim Bumke, Mazene im Mittelalter (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1979), p. 153f., presumes these to have been members of the German nobility at the court of Emperor Henry VI (see below). 22. Martens, “Zur Lancelotsage,” p. 699f., considers Ulrich’s source to be closer to the original, which he places in the first half of the twelfth century, than the source of the Vulgate Cycle, which he also believes to be the source of Chrétien's Lancelot. Unlike many others, Martens also believes that the adulterous relationship between Lancelot and Guinevere was present in the original and thus also known to Ulrich’s source. He bases his conclusion on two quotations from Lanzelet: dé wunschte diu kiinigin / Ginovere, daz siun solte sehen (Then the Queen Ginover expressed the wish, that she might see him, |. 2276f.) and tu hat enboten verre / der kiinec Artis min herre/ und al diu massenie sin / und xe vorderst diu kiinigin, / daz ir st geruochent sehen

(My lord King Arthur and all his court, and first and foremost the queen, have sent me abroad to ask that that you might choose to visit them, Il. 2413-17). Martens also notes the queen's failure to pass the Mantle Test (IL. 5679-6228). To these quo-

tations cited by Martens might be added the ambiguous statement at the end of the text, after Ulrich has told his audience that Lanzelet and Iblis lived together in virtue and happiness until their deaths: swaz iu anders teman sage / von in, des han ich niht vernomen. / wer mohtes alles zende komen, / waz wunders Lanzelet begienc? (Whatever else anyone might tell you about them, I have no knowledge of such matters. Who could ever relate the fullness of the wondrous things that Lanzelet

142 INTRODUCTION accomplished? Il. 9426-29). These words certainly raise the implication that other,

, perhaps less virtuous tales do indeed exist. 23. N. McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, pp. 8-11, summarizes the arguments as to whether the dialect of the original was continental Norman or AngloNorman, as well as the various conjectures concerning its author: Walter Map, a clerk in the household of Henry IT who was once believed to have been the author of the French Prose Lancelot (Webster, “Walter Map’s French Things”), the Provencal poet Arnaut Daniel (Bachtold, Der Lanzelet, pp. 87-92, among others), Pierre le Poéte, second abbot of Blanchelande, or perhaps Guillaume de Saint-Pair, author of the Roman du Mont-Saint-Michel (Bansard [Susong], “Notes inédites,” p. 146). 24. On his return to England following the truce with Saladin that ended the Third Crusade, King Richard, disguised as a pilgrim and with only a few companions, had _been taken prisoner at Erdberg (north of Vienna) by Duke Leopold V of Austria on December 21, 1192, and confined at Kiienringer Castle above Diirnstein on the Danube. In March 1193, Leopold turned him over to the emperor, who imprisoned him first at Speyer, then at Trifels Castle above Annweiler (west of Landau), at Hagenau, and finally at Worms. Richard was officially freed on February 4, 1194, after payment of two thirds of the ransom demand of 100,000 marks (the equivalent of 25 tons of silver), with 67 hostages having been furnished as guarantee for the final payment. The hostages had the option of being individually ransomed after payment of their assigned share of the total. Noting Richard’s plea to his mother, Queen Eleanor, from Hagenau on April 19, 1193, to send hostages as soon as possible, Gruhn, “Erec und Lanzelet,” p.3orf., suggests that they may have begun to arrive at the imperial court by the late summer or fall of 1193. Pope Coelestin III demanded their release in the summer of 1194, but that was not immediately forthcoming, and it is uncertain when all the hostages were finally freed. Of the 7 delivered to Duke Leopold, all were freed in late December of that same year, in accordance with Leopold’s deathbed wish, after he had been mortally injured in a tournament. Emperor Henry VI died 3 years later, on September 28, 1197, with the

balance of the ransom still unpaid.

25. David King of Scots (r. 1124-53) granted Hugh a tenancy in his holdings in Huntingdon sometime around 1140 and later made him one of the most powerful lords of Scotland by granting him the fiefs of Lauderdale (Berwickshire), with its castle in Lauder, and Cunningham (the northern third of Ayrshire), with its castle at _ Irvine in the west. Around 1125 he married Beatrice de Beauchamp, a member of the greatest landowning family in Bedfordshire. King David later granted him the lordship of northern Westmorland with the castles of Appleby and Brough, a territory that changed hands several times between the English and the Scots. Hugh also continued to consolidate his position in England, where he held fees in the honor of Huntingdon. Hugh was the founder of Dryburgh Abbey in 1150, where he is buried. He fathered five children: Richard, Hugh II (see 726), Malcolm, Maud, and Ada. Richard (d. 1189) succeeded his father as Constable of Scotland and lord of Lauderdale and Cunningham. Sometime before 1170 Richard married

, Avice, daughter of William of Lancaster, who brought with her into the marriage a sizeable estate in northwest England (in the West Riding of Yorkshire). Richard’s

INTRODUCTION 143 son, William, succeeded his father as constable and died in 1196 without issue, at which time the office of constable passed to Roland, lord of Galloway, who had married William’s sister, Elena (or Helena). Malcolm was killed in a hunting accident (ca. 1174) and died without issue; Maud and Ada made significant marriages into prominent Anglo-Norman families: Maud, to William de Vieuxpont, whose family held important estates in Scotland, England, and Normandy; Ada, to Roger Bertram, lord of Mitford in Northumberland. For bibliography concerning the de Morvilles, see text 2263. 26. ‘The Cumberland Hugh was probably a close relative of the Scottish Hughs. He was the son (or possibly grandson) of a certain Simon de Morville and Ada, daughter and heiress of William de Engaine, lord of Burgh by Sands. Simon (d. 1167) may have been a brother of Hugh I, the Constable of Scotland. This Cumberland Hugh held the barony of Burgh by Sands, as well as other properties in the northern shires inherited through Ada de Engaine, until his death, ca. 1202; his life is conflated with the life of Hugh II (see 127) in the DNB and some earlier histories; Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 91, incorrectly regards them as the same person. Hugh married Helewis de Stuteville and became the father of two daughters: Ada, who in 1200 married Richard de Lucy, and afterward Thomas de Multon; and Joan, who married Richard de Gernon sometime between her father’s death and 1204, the year in which his property was divided between his sons-in-law. In the all-important year 1194, Hugh is recorded as having paid to marks for his rent of the forest of Cumberland on Michaelmas (September 29), in an entry in the rolls before “new engagements” made after King Richard’s return from captivity (Pipe Roll 6 Ric. I, Roll 9). Constance Bullock-Davies, “Lanval and Avalon,” Bulletin of Celtic Studies 23 (1969): 134-40, notes that Hugh’s castle was located only a quarter mile from the Roman fort, near the western terminus of Hadrian’s Wall, known as Avalana or Aballaba, and that the Isle of Maidens in Lanzelet shares features in common with traditional descriptions of the Isle of Avalon; this also leads her to consider the possibility that Ulrich’s Norman-French source may have been composed by a “domestic minstrel” of the de Morville family, who embroidered his tale with local legends concerning Avalana. In light of this, she also supports the view that the site of Arthur’s last battle, at Camlann, is to be found nearby at another fort along Hadrian’s Wall, namely at Camboglanna (either - modern Birdoswald or Castlesteads). See, for example, O.G.S. Crawford, “Arthur and His Battles,” Antiquity 9 (1935): 277-91.

27. Hugh II was given Borgue, between Kirkcudbright and Gatehouse of Fleet, by King Malcolm IV (r. 1153-65) after the latter had subjugated Galloway in 1160; Hugh held these lands until the Scots overlords were expelled in 1174. In 1157 Henry

Il of England (r. 1154-86) granted Hugh the lordship of Westmorland that King Malcolm had given to Hugh I, after Henry confiscated it and several other English territories from the Scots that same year. In 1158 Henry granted Hugh the manor and castle at Knaresborough, and in 1170 he was commissioned as the king’s justice to hear cases at Carlisle and Northumberland. Hugh participated in the murder of Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, on December 29, 1170, although he is said not actually to have struck a blow against him, but rather to have held back

144 INTRODUCTION the crowd while his three co-conspirators committed the deed. The conspirators retreated to Knaresborough Castle, where they went into hiding, awaiting the consequences of their act. It is generally believed that the assassins were then sent to Rome by King Henry in order to receive absolution from Pope Alexander III, who had excommunicated them and is said to have imposed the penance of a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. King Henry deprived Hugh of Knaresborough early in 1173, not as punishment for Becket’s murder, but because Henry believed that Hugh was supporting the Scots in their revolt against him in that year; by Michaelmas 1174, Hugh was no longer lord of Westmorland. Thereafter, Hugh II is mentioned in no known documents, and scholars now believe that he died sometime around 1173-74 - without issue. Hugh’s barony of north Westmorland, or a large part of it, passed to William de Vieuxpont, the husband of his sister Maude. Knaresborough Castle was given to William de Stuteville ca. 1175 as a reward for his capture of William King of Scots during the 1173-74 revolt. 28. Volker Mertens, “Das literarische Mazenatentum der Zahringer,” in Die Zahringer Bad. 1: eine Tradition und thre Erforschung, ed. Karl Schmid, pp. 118-34 (Sigmaringen:

J. Thorbecke, 1986). , 29. Loomis (in Webster, Lancelot: A Romance, p. uf.) cites the following elements as having been part of the early biographical romance: his father Ban (Ulrich’s Pant) __ and his mother Elaine (Ulrich’s Clarine); the death of Ban in war; the kidnapping of the infant and his upbringing by a fairy; his departure with a ring, arms, and a horse supplied by his foster mother; his visit to a cemetery, where a tomb awaits him; the revealing of his name; a hostile dwarf belonging to the household of an amorous jaileress; a three-day tournament in which Lancelot fights incognito in arms of three colors; a victorious combat with a knight who claims possession of

Guinevere. oe oo

30. Enetde: Heinrich von Veldeke. Mit Einlettung und Anmerkungen, ed. Otto Behaghel (Heilbronn: Gebr. Henninger, 1882; reprint, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1970); alternatively, Eneide: Henric von Veldeken, ed. Gabriele Schieb und Theodor Frings, DTM, __ 58-59 and 62, 3 vols. (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1964-70). English trans. by J. W. Thomas, Heinrich von Veldeke: Eneit, GLML, 38, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1985). 31. Concerning the dating of Hartmann’s works, see Wapnewski, Hartmann, pp. 12-25.

32. A number of names common to Lanzelet and to Wolfram’s Parzival further strengthen their association: Iwan von Denénel (Lanzelet: 2936, ms. W), I. v. Nénel (Parzival. §234,12); Iblis (L: 4060; P: §656,27); Kailet (L: 6032), Kaylet (P: §88,8); mit den lehten schenkeln her Maurin (L: 3052), m. d. scheenen s. Maurin (P: §662,19). Singer, “Lanzelet,” p. 146f.; Weston, The Legend of Sir Lancelot, p. 27, and others. See also Jean Fourquet, Wolfram d’Eschenbach et le “Conte del Graal”: les divergences de la tradition du “Conte del Graal” de Chrétien et leur importance pour l’explication du texte

text 7239. _

du “Parcival,” Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Paris: Etudes et méthodes, 17, 2nd ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966), and

33. See the summary of the scholarly debate in Joachim Bumke, Wolfram von Eschenbach, Realienbiicher fiir Germanisten, 36, 7th rev. ed. (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1997),

pp. 18, 167-69. , .

INTRODUCTION T45 34. Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet,” pp. 94-105, also supports this late dating, based on the parallels she sees between Lanzelet and the youth of Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250), the son of Henry VI, who became emperor at the age of two; however, on closer inspection, these parallels—his engagement to one woman in 1202 and marriage to another in 1207, Lanzelet’s device of the “imperial” eagle, and Frederick's multiple coronations, among others—are not convincing. 35. A term coined by Hugo Kuhn, “Erec,” in Festschrift Paul Kluckhohn und Hermann Schneider gewidmet zu threm 60. Geburtstag, pp. 122-50 (Tiibingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1948;

reprinted in H.K., Dichtung und Welt im Mittelalter, pp. 133-50 (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1959, 1969], and in Hartmann von Aue, ed. H.K. and Christoph Cormeau, pp. 17-49, Wege der Forschung, 359 [Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1973). See also Walter Haug, “Die Symbolstruktur des héfischen Epos und ihre Auflosung bei Wolfram von Eschenbach,” Deutsche Viertelahrsschrift 45 (1971): 668-705.

36. Friedrich Wolfzettel, “Zur Stellung und Bedeutung der “Enfances’ in der altfranzosischen Epik,” ZFSL 83 (1973): 317-48, 84 (1974): 1-32, summarizes the structural stages of the Enfances-hero in the following way: childhood and youth, including exile and a series of trials that must be overcome; demonstration of military and amorous skills; return and assumption of his patrimony (p. 327). Wolfzettel defines the essential characteristics of the Enfances as a circular composition utilizing a biographical variant of the Expulsion-and-Return model, the glorification of familial cohesion, and a conservative, legitimist ideology that underlies the fiction that anything is possible for him who possesses a valiant heart (Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, p. 82f; “Le Livre francais,” p. 180). The seminal study of this structure is Alfred Nutt, “The Aryan Expulsion-and-Return Formula in the Folk and Hero Tales of the Celts,” Fol/k-Lore Record 4 (1881): 1-44. Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” p. 18, divides Lanzelet’s progress into four stages: exile, search for his family, integration, and return (a second level of integration). Zellmann, Lanzelet, pp. usff., acknowledges the importance of the Enfances-romance for Lanzelet, but interprets it after the model of the traditional Ages of Man: pueritia, adolescentia, iuventus, gravitas. The circular Expulsion-and-Return structure is also found in the exemplary path of the traditional saint’s vita; the saint, already predisposed to saintliness as a child, must overcome temptations in order to fulfill that disposition in adulthood. Following in the footsteps of Georges Duby and his studies of /es jeunes (bachelors or knights-errant), Zellmann finds in the contemporary medieval biography of William Marshall (see text 111) a secularized vita in which the nobleman’s predisposition to deeds of knightly prowess replaces saintliness, a strong structural parallel to Ulrich’s “biography” of Lanzelet, of whom it is prophesied at his birth that he will grow up to be a warrior (wigant), which he does. Schmidt, “Frauenritter oder Artusritter,” p. 6, speaks in this regard of “genetic determinism.” 37- Susan Dannenbaum, “Anglo-Norman Romances of English Heroes: ‘Ancestral Romance,” RP 35 (1981-82): 601-8, would prefer the term “feudal romances” for these works, since they are united by a concern for the English feudal and legal systems. They “typically trace the hero’s protection or recovery of his seigneurial rights,” as he struggles “primarily for the honor and security of his family” (602). Their structure manifests the Expulsion-and-Return pattern, in which the hero, “through his

146 INTRODUCTION courage and his legal knowledge, regains a rightful inheritance wrongfully seized from him,” and his son extends his rule and repeats the victories of his father. Like the French Enfances, these Anglo-Norman romances are socially conservative, and the hero is “little interested in his own personality, and does not suffer from problematic private and social conflicts” (604f.). The similarities to Lanzelet are striking. Mary Dominica Legge, Anglo-Norman Literature and Its Background (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), pp. 139-75, associates the composition of the ancestral romance with specific Norman families seeking to create connections to their foreign, Eng- —

lish fiefdoms.

38. It has often been noted that the structure of the second part of the work, in which the separate episodes are not related in linear chronology but are interlaced, is very different from that of the first (Huby, “Remarques sur la structure,” p. 152; Ruh, Hofische Eptk, 2:48; Fisher, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p: 289, Schmidt, “Frauenritter oder Artusritter,” p. 12, among others). McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 16f., notes that-the program of the work as stated in the prologue, the revelation of the hero’s name and kinsmen, is accomplished midway through the text and suggests, further, that the text’s increased preoccupation with mirabilia in the second half of the work are Ulrich’s own additions to his source. 39. This structuring of the plot is merely meant to be illustrative, not prescriptive; structural diagrams that emphasize various “symmetries” in the plot may be found in Huby, “Structure du Lanzelet,” p. 150f.; Schultz, “Lanzelet: A Flawless Hero,” p.

44; McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 77. a 40. Unlike the young Perceval/Parzival, however, Lanzelet does not set out to receive knighthood from Arthur (cf. Perceval, ll. 49r1ff.; Parzival §126,o9ff.); this fact relativizes somewhat the parallels that have been constructed between the careers of these youthful heroes (Thoran, “Zur Struktur,” p. 58). Indeed, Lanzelet does everything he can to avoid Arthur's court until he has proven himself (Ll. 1287ff., 2704ff.,

3462f.). ,

41. Spiewok, “Der Lanzelet des Ulrich,” p. 337f., finds the inspiration for Lanzelet’s three encounters with women in Wolfram’s Parzival: Parzival’s father, Gahmuret, encounters three women who represent different attitudes toward love (Amphlise, Belakane, and Herzeloyde) and who each take the active part in pursuing a relationship. While the comparison with Gahmuret is convincing, Spiewok’s further suggestion that Gawan encounters a similar series of three women (Obie, Antikonie, and Orgeluse) is less so, since one could easily add a fourth to Gawan’s list: Obilot, Obie’s little sister, who, though of course not yet a woman, is certainly in

love with Gawan.

42. Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” p. 41, views Lanzelet’s struggle to free each of his first three lovers from the control of her tyrannical father or uncle, who does not wish to give her up, as the struggle of exogamy over endogamy; two of the relationships are tainted by hints of incestual longing by the father figure. Similarly, Welz, “Lanzelet im schenen walde,” p. 49; Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 249. 43. Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” p. 15, observes that it is precisely the knowl— edge that Lanzelet belongs to the Arthurian family that now motivates the action;

the quest for his identity—the goal stated in the prologue—has been achieved. ,

LANZELET 147 44. Ruh, “Der Lanzelet Ulrichs,” p. 42, and Schmidt, “Frauenritter oder Artusritter,” p. 12, find here a paradox or ironic reversal, in which Lanzelet’s very unfaithfulness is the actual proof of his constancy. 45. One is tempted here to see Iblis’s constancy as a contrast to Laudine’s behavior toward Yvain after he also fails to return after a year: her love turns to hate (Yvain 1. 2564).

46. For a discussion of the political subtext of the Be/ inconnu tales, see Pérennec, “Artusroman,” pp. 22-26. 47. McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet, p. 5157, observes that two themes dominate in Ulrich’s many sententious asides: the nature of love or, more generally, the ways of women, and the relationship between love-service and reward. 48. Pérennec, “Ulrich von Zazikhoven: Lanzelet,” pp. 138-41, suggests that the decision to reclaim Genewis first, then Dodone, is a symbolic assertion of the primacy of patrilinear succession over the acquisition of sovereignty through marriage, the latter being the only way for cadets to acquire land and power in a system organized on the principle of primogeniture. 49. Rudolf von Ems, Alexander: ein héfischer Versroman des 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. Victor Junk, BLVS, 272, 274 (Leipzig: K.W. Hiersemann, 1928-29; reprint, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1970), ll. 3199-204; Willehalm von Orlens, ed. Victor Junk, DTM, 2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1905; reprint, Dublin and Zurich: Weidmann, 1967), Il. 2198-200. 50. Garel von dem bliinden Tal von dem Pleier, ed. Wolfgang Herles, Wiener Arbeiten

zur germanischen Altertumskunde und Philologie, 17 (Vienna: K.M. Halosar, 1981), ll. 17660ff., 20166ff.; Tandareis und Flordibel: ein héfischer Roman, ed. Ferdinand Khull (Graz: Styria, 1885, 1983), ll. 17397ff.; both trans. by J.W. Thomas, The Pleter’s Arthurian Romances: Garel of the Blooming Valley, Tandareis and Flordibel, Meleranz, GLML, 91, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1992). 51. Wigamur, ed. Danielle Buschinger, GAG, 320 (Géppingen: Kiimmerle, 1987), p. ix and Il. 116ff.

52. Johann von Konstanz, Die Minnelehre, ed. Frederic Elmore Sweet (Boston: privately printed, n.d. [1934?]), p. Ixxii and Il. 601-768, git. 53. Die Minneburg, ed. Hans Pyritz, DTM, 43 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1950; reprint, Hildesheim: Weidmann, 1991), lL. 3170. 54. Das Kénigsteiner Liederbuch, ed. Paul Sappler, Miinchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, 29 (Miinchen: C. H. Beck, 1970), p. 64 (Nr. 16, §3). 55. Theodor von Karajan, ed., “Der Ehrenbrief Jacob Ptiterichs von Reicherzhausen,” ZDA 6 (1848): 31-59, here §102,5~7. 56. Lannzilet: (Aus dem “Buch der Abenteuer’ ), Str. 11122, ed. Karl-Eckhard Lenk, ATB, 102 (Tiibingen: M. Niemeyer, 1989), p. 35 (§109,5—-110,7).

Lanzelet 1. This old moralist has not been identified, but Ulrich’s sententious remarks in his preface are of a conventional sort. See Richter, p. 141f. To Richter’s references for the

148 LANZELET , very common envy theme, add F. Tupper in JEGP 16 (1917): 551-72. [W] To begin with a gnomic passage was a poetic convention of the twelfth century. Cf. Chrétien's Erec and Conte del Graal (Christian von Troyes: samtliche erhaltene Werke, ed. Wende-

Tin Foerster and Alfons Hilka, 5 vols. [Halle a. S.: M. Niemeyer, 1884-1932; reprint, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1965]) and Edmond Faral, Les arts poétiques du XIF et du XILF -siécle (Paris: H. Champion, 1924; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1982), pp. 58, 113, 2orf. Marie de France begins her Guigemar (1l. 7-18) with an attack on envious detractors. _[L] For English translations of Chrétien’s romances, see Chrétien de Troyes: Arthurian Romances, trans. D.D.R. Owen, EL, 1698 (London: J.M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle, 1987, 1993). The /ais of Marie de France were edited by Karl Warnke, Die Lais der Marie de France, Bibliotheca normannica, 3 (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1885, 31925; reprint of 1st ed., Geneva: Slatkine, 1974; reprint of 3rd ed., with a modern _

French translation by Laurence Harf-Lancner, Lais der Marie de France, Lettres _gothiques, Paris: Librairie Genérale Francaise, 1990); English translations by Glyn S. Burgess and Keith Busby, The Lazs of Marie de France (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986). For a close reading of the Lanzelet prologue, see Schultz, “Lanzelet: A Flawless Hero,” pp. 29-31, and McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, pp. 35-51. Schultz divides the prologue into four sections of roughly ten lines each. In the first section the moralist’s maxim is stated and the audience for it is divided into

the brave and the cowardly (according to McLelland, “the. good” and “the base”); in the second, the narrator speaks for himself, “Now hear what I mean by this,” and the audience is divided into the courtly ( = brave/good) and-the envious ( = cow-

ardly/base)—this tale is only intended for the former. The third section concerns the envious ( = cowardly/base and wicked), who will not be able to bear this tale of a virtuous knight (one of the brave/good and courtly); in the fourth section, the narrator, in one long syntactical unit, moves from the typological knight to this

particular knight, our hero, and summarizes the plot. [K] Oo 2. Inthe French Prose Lancelot (Vulgate Cycle) of the early thirteenth century, Lancelot’s father is called Ban, king of Benoic, not Pant, king of Genewis. Based on the _ work of Helaine Newstead, Bran the Blessed in Arthurian Romance (New York: Columbia UP, 1939; reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1966), especially pp. 12-27, 155-63, and Newstead in RR 36 (1945): 3-31, Loomis (1951) believed that the name Ban de

Benoic was a scribal corruption of Bran le Benoit (le Béni), itself, in turn, a translation of the Welsh for Bran the Blessed, the name of a gigantic king of the Island of the Mighty (Britain), who is prominent in the madinogi of Branwen. According to

} Loomis’s theory, Ban became Pant through the unvoicing of the initial B, and his _ virtuous character was debased by Ulrich to explain the rebellion of his barons. Concerning the name Genewis, Ferdinand Lot, “Celtica,” R 24 (1895): 335, and Etude sur le Lancelot en Prose (Paris: E. Champion, 1918, 1954; reprint, Paris: Champion; Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p. 147f., believed it represented Welsh Gwynedd, northwestern Wales, which was later corrupted into Benoic. Ernst Brugger, “Ein © Beitrag zur arthurischen Namenforschung,” Aus romanischen Sprachen und Literaturen: Festschrift Heinrich Morf (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1905; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1980), p. 53f., derived it from Guenet, the Old Breton name for the town of

, Vannes in Brittany. Loomis, consistent with his identification of Pant with Bran the

LANZELET 149 Blessed, reasoned that both Genewis and Benoic represent corruptions of French Benoit. The Anglo-Norman nominative form (to be expected in Ulrich’s source) would be deneis, and Loomis explained the change from Beneis to Genewis by the scribal confusion of initial B for G. Pérennec, “Le livre frangais,” p. 183, summarizes these derivational theories as follows: Lot: Gwynedd, written Guinet, Guined > Genewis Brugger: Guenet > *Guenes > *“Gevenis > Genewis > Benoic Loomis: Bran le Béni > *Bran /e Benoit > *Ban de Benoit > Ban (de) Benoic Bran le Béni > (Anglo-Norman) *Bran /e beneis > “Ban de beneis >

Ban (de) Beneis |

Brugger also derives Gaunes (or Gannes), the realm of Ban/Pant’s brother, Bohort, in the Vulgate Cycle, from Guenet. Pérennec (p. 184f.) makes an ingenious attempt to identify Genewis as a combination of Benoic—as well as its “Germanized” forms in the German Prosa Lancelot (Bonewig) and the Dutch Roman van Lancelot (Benewijc)—and Gaunes, taking the first and last consonants of the latter and the central section of the former: Genewis. According to his theory, either the source of Lanzelet combined Ban’s and Bohort’s two kingdoms into one—Gaunes and Benoic into Genewis—or through a process of dissimilation the character of Ban was divided in the prose cycle(s) into three: Ban, Lancelot’s father; Bohort, his uncle; and the wicked Claudas, who struggles with his own rebellious barons (a situation similar to that of Pant in Lanzelet). Frank W. Chandler, 4 Catalogue of Names of Persons in the German Court Epics, ed. Martin H. Jones, King’s College London Medieval Studies, 8 (London: King’s College Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, 1992), p. 223, identifies Pant of Genewis with Bans (MS B: Bauz) de Gomoret, one of the kings who attends Erec’s wedding (Chrétien, Erec, |. 1975); Bans appears in Hartmann’s Evec as Beals von Gomoret (1. 1977). Jackson, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 287ff., suggests that the characterization of Pant echoes themes present in French “epics of revolt” around 1200 that seem to glorify the traditional rights of vassals against the increasing power of the Capetian kings and in contemporary English criticism of Henry I]’s attempts to consolidate royal power. See William C. Calin, The Old French Epic of Revolt: Raoul de Cambrai, Renaud de Montauban, Gormond et Isembard (Geneva: E. Droz, 1962); also Gottzmann, Deutsche Artusdichtung, pp. 29, 166. [K]

3. For the contrasted king and queen, cf. the bad marquis and the good wife of whom Walter Map tells in De nugis curialium (De nugis curialium = Courtiers Trifles, ed. and trans. M.R. James, rev. C.N.L. Brooke and R.A.B. Mynors [Oxford: Clarendon, 1983]), pp. 442-47 (dist. 5, ch. 5). In the Prose Lancelot the hero’s mother is called Elaine. [|W] Richter, p. 50, rightly remarks: “Wer weiss, wie Namen in den Handschriften entstellt, verunstaltet, verindert werden, wird nicht zweifeln k6nnen, dass aus der Elaine die Clarine geworden ist.” Similarly, whereas in the Didot Perceval Gauvain’s sister is called Elainne, in Chrétien’s Conte del Graal (1. 8269) she is called Clarianz, Clarissanz, doubtless as the result of a similar misreading. It is noteworthy that Chrétien’s Clarianz dwelt in a splendid castle above a river and received a love message from a falconer, who had never seen her and whom she had

150 LANZELET never seen, whereas in the Welsh Dream of Maxen (dated 1150-1200) a beautiful maiden Elen, who dwelt in a splendid castle above a river, received a love message from a huntsman, who had never seen her except in dreams and whom she had never seen. The falconer wedded Clarianz, and the huntsman wedded Elen. Thus we have three reasons for supposing that the name Clarine represents a misreading of Elaine. [...] [L] Based on the fact that Caer Seint, the same castle where Elen dwelled, is represented in Branwen as the place where Bran the Blessed held a court of justice, Loomis (1951) saw his identification of Bran and Pant confirmed, despite the fact that he himself knew of no native Welsh tradition that linked Bran with Elen as king and queen. [K] 4. It was a quite uncourtly thing in the Middle Ages for a mother to suckle her child. But so Herzeloyde nursed the infant Parzival in Wolfram von Eschenbach’s noble poem, §118. Cf. Margaret F. Richey, Story of Parzival and the Graal (Oxford: Blackwell, 1935), p. 30; Schultz, r149f; Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, part 1, sect. 2, memb. 4, subs. 1. |W] According to La chanson du Chevalier au Cygne et de Godefroid de Bouillon, ed. C. Hippeau, 2 vols. (Paris: A. Aubry, 1874-77; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1969), 1:26, Countess Yde, daughter of the Knight of the Swan, insisted on suckling her three sons and flew into a rage when by chance her third son was suckled by an attendant damsel. G.G. Coulton, ed., Life in the Middle Ages, and ed., 4 vols. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1928-30; reprint, in 2 vols., 1954, 1967), 3:30f. It is certainly not without significance that the Vulgate Merlin (Sommer 2:465) says of the infant Lancelot that his mother loved him so that “elle le norri de son lait.” This is but another example of the dependence of the Vulgate Cycle and of Lanzelet on common sources. [L] Cf. also the more recent edition of Le Chevalier au cygne by Jan A. Nelson, Le Chevalier au cygne and La fin d’Elias, Vhe Old French Crusade Cycle, 2 (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1985), pp. 1-357, and the English translation by Robert Copland (1512) in The history of Helyas, knight of the Swan (London: W. Pickering, 1827; New York: The Grolier Club, 1901), as well as the English translation of the Vulgate Cycle, ed. Norris J. Lacy et al., LancelotGrail: The Old French Arthurian Vulgate and Post-Vulgate in Translation, Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, 5 vols. (New York: Garland, 1992-96). [K] 5. One is reminded here of the burgrave Kingrimursel’s advice to his nephew, King Vergulaht of Ascalun, in Parzival, §415,21f.: “kunnet ir niht viirsten schénen, / wir crenken ouch die kr6nen’” (If you cannot treat princes properly, we, in turn, will not respect the crown.). The theme of the reciprocal bond between king and vassal plays a major role in Lanzelet. [K] 6. The sudden mention of the lake suggests that the author of O knew the tradition, found in the Prose Lancelot, that the infant son of Pant was carried off by the fay to her home under a lake. Ulrich preserves a trace of it here and also in the fact that in Il. 5158, 6610, 6692, etc., he calls his hero Lanzelet du Lac and in I. 569 refers to him as the warrior from the lake (sé). [.. .] [L] Although Ulrich also calls the fay a merminne, “mermaid” (1. 193), he does not mean by this that she was half woman, half fish. She is a vrouwe, a lady (1. 192), who rules over an island in a lake inhabited only by women. Merminne is also the MHG word for “siren,” a term with distinctly more negative connotations, which are revealed only later, when it is learned that

LANZELET IS] she has created the world upside-down at Schatel le Mort (Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 246). [K] 7. About 1860 or 1870 children living in the neighborhood of the mountain lake, Llyn Dwythwch, were warned by their mothers not to go far from the house when there was a thick mist on the ground lest they should be carried away by the fairies to their abode beneath the lake. John Rhys, Celtic Folklore: Welsh and Manx, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon; London and New York: H. Frowde, 1go1; reprint, New York: Johnson, 1971), 1:33, also 372-75. Incidentally, it may be said that Llyn Dwythwch lies about six miles southeast of the site of Caer Seint, with which, we have noted, Bran and Elen were associated, and that according to the Prose Lancelot the fay who stole the son of Ban and Elaine plunged with him into a lake and was called “la Damoisele del Lac.” Sommer, 3:14f., 47. [L] 8. Pfeller, or pfelle, is a fine Oriental fabric common in these romances (see BMZ, 2:487) and not always distinguished from samite (see 751) and such costly weaves. For example, Hector’s surcoat in Konrad von Wiirzburg’s Der Trojanische Krieg, ed. Adelbert von Keller, BLVS, 44 (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1858; reprint, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1965), ll. 3728ff., is “of silk that came from a land where only maidens live, who weave the best p/e//er that human eye ever beheld. The samite burned like a rose with a red glare; and from that was his surcoat cut.” Konrad’s long poem abounds in such gorgeous descriptions far more than its main source, the Roman de Troie. |W | g. This conception of the happy Otherworld is paralleled by medieval romances and allegories in many details—roundness, glitter, impassable barriers, the gems and gold, and so forth. Cf. Howard R. Patch’s comprehensive article, “Some Elements in Mediaeval Descriptions of the Otherworld,” PMLA 33 (1918): 601-43. T. P. Cross lists many gorgeous descriptions of the Otherworld in RC 31 (1910): 50. [W] Cf. also H.R. Patch, The Other World, Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, n.s. 1 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1950). On the imaginary Isle of Maidens of Irish saga, cf. A.C.L. Brown, “Iwain,” SNPL 8 (1903): 59-67; R 59 (1933): 558-62. There is a Welsh poem, probably of the tenth century, in which we find an island fortress of glass (Caer Wydyr), with a strong door, where dwell nine maidens. Brown, p. 78. In Peredur (early thirteenth century) the hero is trained in arms and horsemanship by nine sorceresses of Kaer Loyw, which, though identified by the Welsh with Gloucester, means literally “Shining (or Transparent) Fortress.” Loth, 2:75f.; Jones, p. 198f.; Speculum 20 (1945): 18822. Geoffrey of Monmouth in his Vita Merlini (c. 1150) seems to draw on Breton tradition for his description of the island to which the wounded Arthur was conveyed (Il. go8-40). It is presided over by the fay Morgen and her eight sisters; it is ever fertile; people live to be over a hundred. The same island is described in Gesta regum Britannia (c. 1235) and furnishes the fullest analogy to Ulrich’s description. Cingitur oceano memorabilis insula, nullis Desolata bonis; non fur, non predo, nec hostis Insidiatur i1bi; nec nix, non bruma nec estas Immoderata furit; pax et concordia perpes,

152 LANZELET a oe | _. Ver tepet eternum. Nec flos nec lilia desunt, oo

| - Nec rosa nec viole; flores et poma sub una — a , Fronde gerit pomus; habitant sine labe pudoris a: BS

, Semper ibi iuvenis cum virgine. Nulla senectus a .

, ~ Nullaque vis morbi, nullus dolor; omnia plena a , , Leticie; proprium nichil his, communia queque. So a Regia virgo locis et rebus presidet istis, ee ,

| Nimpha. ... | Oo _. Virginibus stipata suis pulcherrima pulchris a

, Paton, p. 45f. There is also the Isle of Joy in the Prose Lancelot, where King Pelles _ _ had a castle and where his daughter and her maidens used to dance each day, even | in the severest winter, around a pine. Sommer, 5:403f. It is evident that-Ulrich’s __ land of maidens represents the mythical Celtic concept as developed by the Welsh

, and Bretons. Possibly Ulrich substituted the crystal mountain for the glass fortress, since a glass mountain is unknown in old Celtic literature but occurs in German | _ tales. Teutonia 19 (1911): 43; PMLA 33 (1918): 607-11. Through the resemblance of , her land to that of Morgen and her eight sisters, the queen of the Isle of Maidens

, , can be identified with Morgain la Fée, and the name of her son, Mabuz, reveals. her identity with Morgain’s Welsh prototype, Modron, whose son was Mabon. Cf. — , nz18. But she has also attracted to herself a bit of the legend of Arianrhod, who was

Lleu’s mother and who dwelt on an island. Cf. nrg. [L] The passage from the Gesta ,

Britannia quoted above may be translated as follows: “The memorable island is , , surrounded by an ocean, and it lacks nothing good; no thief, no plunderer, no foe lies in ambush there. There is neither snow, nor wintery cold, nor immoderate sum- = mer heat; peace and concord are perpetual; an eternal spring warms the air. Neither

, ~ flower nor lilies are wanting, nor the rose nor the violet; the fruit tree bears flowers and fruits on the same leafy branch; the youth always dwells there with the maiden

- without blemish on their chastity. There is no old age and no sickness, no suffering; everything is completely delightful; nothing here is private among them, but

everything is shared. A regal virgin rules over that place and these things, a most ,

| - lovely nymph attended by her lovely maidens.” An Isle of Maidens is alsofoundin _ Chrétien’s Yvain, “l'Isle as Puceles” (1. 5257) and as a territory in Hartmann’s Iwein, —

| “lant der Juncvrouwen” (1. 6325f.). On the Celtic conception of the Otherworld, see also Proinsias Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology, Library of the World’s Myths and Legends, and rev. ed. (New York: P. Bedrick, 1983, 1991), pp. 125ff. An island of glass |

, | appears in the Evec of both Chrétien, “I’Isle de Voirre” (1. 1947), and Hartmann, | a “von dem glesinen werde” (I. 1920), although both are ruled by a knight, not a fairy. . 7 ~ Loomis’s conjecture that Modron is the prototype of Morgain is merely that. From ,

| what little information we possess concerning Modron, mother of Mabon, she was the Welsh version of Matrona, the Great Mother, whose son was Apollo Maponos,

, _ the Great Son (see 7118). She seems to have represented the wealth and fruitfulness of the country and its sovereignty. She is not known to have possessed any of the } special healing powers associated with Morgain la Fée in the ealier romances (O | Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, pp. 3iff., 73ff.). The fact that —

LANZELET 153 Ulrich’s nameless water fairy is given various forms of the names Viviane and Niniane in the French and German Prose Lancelots (Paton, p. 24673, gives a complete

list for the French Vulgate version) makes it clear that the authors of these nearcontemporary texts had no idea that she was supposed to be Morgain. William A. Nitze, “An Arthurian Crux: Viviane or Niniane?” RP 7 (1953): 326-30, derives what he considers the authentic form, Viviane, from Irish Bé-Find (or Bebinn), “woman-white,” cognomen of Etain, the much married goddess of The Wooing of Etain; the name Bé-Find occurred independently as Vinwen in the Welsh Culhweh and Olwen. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend, p. 284, and Loomis, Arthurian Tradi_ tion, p. 107, derived the name from Rhiannon, the wife of Pwyll. Michel Rousse, “Niniane en Petit-Bretagne,” Bulletin bibliographique de la Société Internationale Ar-

thurienne 16 (1964): 107-20, as the title of his article suggests, sees the origin of _ her name in Brittany, where its male version—Ninian, Nenan, Ninan—is attested already in the eighth century. Further, a river named Ninian flows between Josselin and Ploérmel, which places it in proximity to the Forest of Briosque or Brocéliande

| (modern Paimpont), where in the Vulgate Estoire de Merlin, Merlin first meets Niniane beside a spring. This suggests that Niniane was originally a water sprite. It is much more probable, then, that Ulrich’s water fairy was part of Breton folkore and not, as Loomis claimed, derived from Morgain. Loomis’s theory, however, still has its supporters, for example, Eberhard W. Funcke, “Morgain und ihre Schwestern: Zur Herkunft und Verwendung der Feenmotivik in der mittelhochdeutschen

Epik,” Acta Germanica 18 (1985): 4-10. [K] , to, As we learn in the adventure of the Schatel le Mort, this statement is not quite true: the water fairy does indeed have cares, and in order to avert them she must herself resort to what can only be seen as a wicked use of magic (Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” p. 426). [K] m1. [...] Both the Irish god Lug and Lanzelet were reared by foster mothers. In the Irish Book of Invasions we read that Cian gave his son Lug for fosterage to Tailltiu, wife successively of two kings. Cross and Slover, p. 13f. Geoffrey Keating in his History of Ireland, ed. David Comyn and Patrick S. Dinneen, Irish Texts Society, 4, 8-9, and 15, 4 vols. (London: D. Nutt, 1902-14; reprint, London: Irish Texts Society, 1987), 1:221, states that it was by this queen (Taillte) that Lugh Lamhfada was fostered and trained till he was fit to bear arms. The tradition of Lancelot’s fosterage by a faery queen was transferred to other heroes. Floriant et Florete, ed. Harry F. Williams, University of

Michigan Publications in Language and Literature, 23 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1947), ll. 549-74, 733-67; Maugis d’Aigremont, ed. Ferdinand Castets (Montpellier: C. Coulet, 1893), pp. 26-30. It is noteworthy that, according to Ulrich, the ladies concerned themselves only with Lanzelet’s manners and musical education, and that he was turned over to male masters to learn more athletic accomplish-

ments. [L] Cf also the more recent editions of Le roman de Floriant et Florete, ed. Claude M.L. Levy, Ottawa Mediaeval Texts and Studies, 12 (Ottawa: Editions de l'Université d’Ottawa, 1983), and Maugis d'Aigremont, ed. Philippe Vernay, Romanica Helvetica, 93 (Bern: Francke, 1980). [K] 12. This agreeable picture of the boy’s education has not survived well in the accounts of

the other heroes akin to Lancelot, i.e., of the Nameless Heroes, Fair Unknowns—

154 LANZELET Gareth, Bel Inconnu, Libeaus Desconus, Wigalois, Carduino—for here rationalization has set in, and what E. Philipot in R 26 (1897): 299 calls the “enfances humaines” tend to supersede the more primitive “enfances féeriques.” In the gorgeous Wigalois, ed. Franz Pfeiffer (Leipzig: Géschen, 1847), ll. 1209ff., the foster mother’s faeryhood is still visible; she is a rich and beautiful princess, who with her ladies rears the fatherless child till he is twelve, when she gets knights to train him in sport and arms, after which he returns to the ladies. It is to be remembered that some of the most formidable figures in European fiction were thus educated by mysterious ladies. Achilles’ mother was a sea-fay, and he was brought up among the maids of the island of Scyros; and in the far west Cuchulainn’s education in arms was perfected by the grim warrior woman, Scathach. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend, p. 213; Paton, p. 171; A.C.L. Brown in MP 18 (1920-21): 57; Thurneysen, p. 396. Of course, heroes brought up in faeryland, like Lancelot and these others, should immediately upon their entry into the world meet an accomplished knight to give them instruction in chivalry. What might pass for the typical education of a noble youth in the days of chivalry is described in Gottfried von Strassburg’s Tristan, |. 2041-130. At seven he left the ladies’ care and was turned over to a wise man to be instructed in the tongues, music, sports, games, arms, and chivalry. His foster father took him at fourteen to show him the world of men and affairs. ‘The stone-throwing in Lanzelet is doubtless putting the stone, Schultz, 1:167. Hugo von Trimberg in his Renner, |. 11651f., calls those persons fools who think it a fine thing to heave up a great stone from where it lay and toss it to some other spot; it would be much more sensible to break stone for useful roads and bridges. Schultz, 1: ch. 2, is still a good account of a medieval aristocrat’s edu-

cation. [W] Further information on the subject may be found in Ernst Rust, Die Erziehung des Ritters in der altfranzésischen Epik (Berlin: C. Rehm, 1888); vol. 3 of the Medieval French Roman d’Alexandre, ed. Alfred Foulet, Elliott Monographs in the Romance Languages and Literatures, 38 (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1949; reprint, New York: Kraus, 1965), p. 106f., Sommer, 3:33f; Maugis d’Aigremont, ed. Castets, p. 29; Floriant et Florete, ed. Williams, ll. 753-64; and an excellent article by Jean Frappier, “Linstitution’ de Lancelot dans le Lancelot en Prose,” in Mélanges de philologie romane et de littérature médiévale offerts a Ernest Hoepffner, Publications de la Faculté des lettres de l'Université de Strasbourg, 113 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1949; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1974), pp. 269-78, where the training of Alexander, Lanzelet, and

Lancelot is discussed. Cf. also mts, 17. [L] Music making by the nobility in the Middle Ages was limited to stringed instruments and singing; wind and percussion instruments, which were necessary to generate the requisite noise for any successful court celebration, were the province of professional musicians. The exception to this was the horn—one need only think of Roland and the Oliphant—which was not considered to be a way of making music, but formed part of the necessary equipment for the knightly pursuits of hunting and making war. Albertus Magnus would later provide the theoretical foundation for this cultural tradition in his commentaries (ca. 1270) on Book VIII of Aristotle’s Politics: blowing a wind instrument distorted the face of the nobleman; aroused his spirit to anger, not virtue; and the instrument itself could not produce tones sufficiently precise to be considered musical. Sabine Zak, “Luter schal und stieze doene: Die Rolle der Musik in der Reprisentation,” in

LANZELET 155 Hofische Reprasentation: das Zeremoniell und Zeichen, ed. Hedda Ragotzky and Horst Wenzel (Tiibingen: M. Niemeyer, 1990), p. 143. The adventures of Gareth of Orkney, Gawain’ youngest brother, are related in Malory’s Mort D’Arthur, book 7. The Bel Inconnu—Guinglain, Gawain’s son—is the subject of Renaut de Beaujeu’s Le del inconnu (ca. 1185-90), English trans. Colleen P. Donagher, ed. Karen Fresco, GLML, 77, ser. A (New York: Garland, 1992). Thomas Chestre’s Libeaus Desconus (late fourteenth century) is a Middle English version of Guinglain’s adventures, modern English trans. by Jessie L. Weston, Sir Cleges, Sir Libeaus Desconus, Arthurian Romances, 5 (London: _ D. Nutt, 1902; reprint, Felinfach, Wales: Llanerech, 1996). Wirnt von Gravenberg’s Wigalots (ca. 1200-15) is a Middle High German version of Guinglain’s adventures, trans. J. W. Thomas, Wigalois, the Knight of Fortune's Wheel (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1977). A brief plot summary of Carduino, often attributed to Antonio Pucci (ca. 1310-88), may be found in Edmund G. Gardner, The Arthurian Legend in Italian Literature (London: J.M. Dent; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1930; reprint, New York: Octagon, 1971), pp. 253-58. See also Ernst Brugger, “Der Schéne Feigling’ in der arthurischen Literatur II,” ZRP 63 (1943): 123-73; Neil Thomas, “The Sources

of Wigamur and the German Reception of the Fair Unknown Tradition,” Reading Medieval Studies 19 (1993): 97-111; Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” pp. 37-41, and Recherches sur le roman arthurien 2:82-88. Cosman, The Education of the Hero, pp. 101-35, gives a detailed study of Lanzelet’s education in the context of German Enfances literature. See also introduction 736. [K]

13. [here seems to have been a strong tradition in the Matter of Britain that the hero’s faery foster mother became his mistress. Paton, p. 194”. Floriant et Florete, ed. Williams, |. 2523f. Maugis d'Aigremont, ed. Castets, |. 617f. Fiore di leggende: cantari antichi, ed. Ezio Levi, Scrittori d'Italia, 64 (Bari: G. Laterza & figli, 1914), pp. 6372.

Note the amorous interest which the Damoisele del Lac takes in her youthful protégé in the Prose Lancelot. Sommer, 3:86—90. Cf. on this matter Brugger in ZRP 63 (1943): 139-44. [L]

14. On the word hiidsch, cf. Werner Schrader, Studien tiber das Wort “héfisch” in der mittelhochdeutschen Dichtung (Wiirzburg: K. Triltsch, 1935), p. 26. [W] For Aévescheit, courtliness, as a major theme in German medieval literature, see Helmut De Boor, ed., Die héfische Literatur: Vorbereitung, Blite, Ausklang, 1170-1250, vol. 2 of Geschichte

der deutschen Literatur von den Anfingen bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Beck, 1953, 71974), pp. 3-193 reprinted as “Hévescheit: Haltung und Stil héfischer Existenz,” in Gtinter Eifler, ed., Ritterliches Tugendsystem, Wege der Forschung, 56 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesesellschaft, 1970), pp. 377-400. [K] 15. ‘The nearest analogue to these useful mermen is found in |. 336f., of the bizarre romance of Wigamur (c. 1250), ed. Friedrich Heinrich von der Hagen und Johann Gustav Biisching in vol. 1 of Deutsche Gedichte des Mittelalters, 2 vols. (Berlin: Realschulbuchhandlung, 1808-25). This piece is generally considered a negligible farrago of motifs from other romances, especially from the Lanzelet (Gustav Ehrismann, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur: bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, Handbuch

des deutschen unterrichts an hoéheren schulen, 6, 2 vols. in 4 [Munich: C.H. Beck, 1918-1935], 27:57); but one can by no means be sure that some of its sources are not different from, or older than, existing versions. Here the wild woman Lesbia has

156 LANZELET kidnapped Wigamur, the king’s son, in order to avenge herself on the king and to marry him to her daughter. She reared him in her cave in the sea till a hostile merman, with human head, green beard, scaly breast, and hoofed legs, killed her daughters and carried off the boy to his own cave. He educated the youth in manners and morals, singing and harping, buckler play and leaping, running and wrestling, and much else, till he became old enough to bear weapons. Then he disabused the beautiful boy of the notion that Lesbia was his mother, and sent him off on his adventures ignorant of chivalry. In Heinrich von dem Tiirlin’s Diu Créne, ed. Gottlob H.F. Scholl, BLVS, 27 (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1852; reprint, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1966), 1. g40f., a squat but formidable fish-knight on a steed half-horse, half-dolphin, brings the magic virtue-testing cup. The monster Vulgan in Garel von dem bliienden Tal (late thirteenth century), ed. Michael Walz (Freiburg i. B.: Wagner’sche Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1892), 1. 7260f., is a somewhat similar fish-horse-man. In Chevalier du papegau, ed. Ferdinand Heuckenkamp (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1896), pp. 14f., 24, the hero slays a horrible noisy fish-knight, who seems a properly armed warrior mounted on a horse huge as an elephant, but who turns out to be, man, steed, and armor, one entire piece of hard serpent skin. In the short late poem called the Merwunder, in von der Hagen and Biisching, Deutsche Gedichte, 2:222, a savage merman ravishes a princess, who is rescued, marries a king, and bears a savage son. Walter Map in his De nugis curialium, ed. James, pp. 368-71 (dist. 4, ch. 13), tells of a merman named Nicholas Pipe, who lived in the eleventh century and died in Sicily because on a certain occasion he was kept too long from

, the water. [W] The fact that mermen (merwunder) are represented as instructing Lanzelet in athletic sports is due to his descent from the Irish Lug. For, according to the Fate of the Children of Turenn, when Lug arrived as a youth at the royal court, he came from the Land of Promise and was accompanied by his foster brothers, the sons of Manannan. Cross and Slover, p. 51. Now Manannan was king of the Land of Promise, often described as an isle of bliss, and he was a god of the sea and a merwunder. According to the Colloguy of the Ancients, “for the space of nine waves he would be submerged in the sea, but would rise on the crest of the tenth without wetting chest or breast.” J.A. MacCulloch, Religion of the Ancient Celts (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1911; reprint, London: Constable, 1991; Mineola, NY: Dover, 2003), p. 87. Evidently, then, one Irish tradition represented Lug as being brought up by

the merwunder Manannan on an isle of the sea. This tradition survives clearly in : the story, The Gloss Gavlen, collected on Achill Island between 1884 and 1898. William Larminie, West Irish Folk-Tales and Romances (London: E. Stock, 1898; reprint,

Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1973), pp. 1-9. Lug’s father Kian gave the boy to Mananaun, who promised that there would be no champion in the world as good as he, and “brought him up with feats of activity and championship.” Evidently in the account of Lanzelet’s training we have a composite of the two Irish traditions concerning Lug—his fosterage by a queen until he was of an age-to bear arms and his training by Manannan, the sea-god, in feats of activity. [L] Concerning the legend of the above-mentioned fish-man Nicholas Pipe (or Pesce) in mirabiha literature (Walter Map, Gervase of Tilbury, Vincent of Beauvais, Salimbene de Adam, Ricobaldo of Ferrara, Pipinus of Bologna, etc.) and subsequently,

LANZELET 157. see Klaus J. Heinisch, Der Wassermensch: Entwicklung eines Sagenmotivs (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1981). On merwunder, mermen or sea monsters (fish-men, horse-men,

fish-horse-men, etc.), in medieval German literature, see Claude Lecouteux, “Le ‘merwunder’: contribution a l’étude d’un concept ambigu,” Etudes germaniques 32 (1977): I-11; 45 (1991): 1-9, who demonstrates that in this period, the word merwunder was used to designate any marvelous creature that lived in the sea, whether a water sprite, a fish-man, or a being of indeterminate nature (1977:8); he also notes that later, for example in the Stricker’s Daniel von dem bliihenden Tal (ca. 1210-25), merwunder means some kind of sea centaur, and Rudolf von Ems uses the term to designate the Minotaur in his Weltchronik (ca. 1250). In his Les monstres dans la littérature allemande du Moyen Age: contribution a l étude du mervetlleux médiéval, 3 vols. (Géppingen: Ktimmerle, 1982), 2:112, Lecouteux suggests that Ulrich might here be thinking of the centaur Chiron, Achilles’ tutor in the arts of war. In Chiron’s case, the term merwunder could certainly be justified: his mother was the sea nymph Philyra. Zellmann, Lanzelet, p. 193, rightly observes that Ulrich’s merwunder cannot, in any case, be considered truly male, since he states specifically that the 10,000 maidens on this island know nothing of men (1. 198f.). Cf. also the more recent editions of Diu Créne: (Verse 112281), ed. Fritz Peter Knapp und Manuela Niesner, ATB, 112 (Ttibingen: M. Niemeyer, 2000); Wigamur, ed. Danielle Buschinger, GAG, 320 (Géppingen: Kiimmerle, 1987); Garel von dem bliinden Tal von dem Pleier, ed. Wolfgang Herles, Wiener Arbeiten zur germanischen Altertumskunde und Philologie, 17 (Vienna: K.M. Halosar, 1981); as well as the English translations of Le Chevalier du papegau by Thomas E. Vesce, The Knight of the Parrot, GLML, 55, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1986); of Diu Créne by J.W. Thomas, The Crown (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), and of Garel of the Blooming Valley by J.W. Thomas, in The Pleier's Arthurian Romances, GLML, 91, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1992), pp. 3-196. [K] 16. A French squirely game with running dares, a safety zone, and a captive zone. Explained by H. Suolahti in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 17 (1915): 117. He compares

Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Willehalm, §187,19, and Heinrich von dem Tiirlin’s : Créne, |. 295f. In an important study of the French influence on the vocabulary of medieval German romances, Suolahti lists 140 French words and constructions in Ulrich. Mémoires de la Société Néo-Philologique 10 (1933): 4. [|W]

17. The words for Aunt tend to run together somewhat, for naturally the character of a hunt may change from a still-hunt, or stalk, to coursing. The Middle Ages possessed a very extensive special vocabulary—now, alas, almost obsolete—for hunting and hawking, the nice use of which marked the aristocrat. Many of these terms may be found in any ancient treatise on such sports, e.g., in G. Turbervile’s Book of Hunting ( = The Noble Arte of Venerie or Hunting, 1576). For an overwhelming example

of them in a fine poem, see the “breaking” of the deer in Gawain and the Green Knight, ll. 132.4ff. For the difficulties that certain classes of these words make for our lexicographers, see Hope Allen’s note in PMLA 51 (1936): 602. See 270. [W]

18. Wigamur alone of these Lancelot-like heroes carries his bow when he leaves the strange land of his upbringing to seek adventures in the world of men. Wigamur, ed. von der Hagen and Biisching, 1. 53. Perceval and Carduino retain their spears,

- 158 LANZELET which are of importance in the story. In Be/inconnu, Libeaus Desconus, and Wigalois the boyish weapon disappears at once. |W]

19. Withholding the name of the young hero was one of the commonplaces of the Arthurian cycle, and we find it related of Lancelot in the French prose romance, of Chrétien’s Perceval and Wolfram’s Parzival, of the hero of Le de/ inconnu and Libeaus Desconus, and of Gauvain’s son Lion in the first continuation of the Conte

del Graal. There is good reason to believe that the attachment of this motif to Lanzelet was the result of no mere caprice but had the tradition of Lug behind it. William J. Gruffydd proved in his Math Vab Mathonwy: an inquiry into the origins and development of the fourth branch of the Mabinogi (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1928) the existence of an ancient Irish legend that Lug, the illicit offspring of a giant’s daughter, who lived on an island, had no name till his father tricked

the giant into calling him Lug Long-hand. Gruffydd also proved that this Irish tradition developed into the Welsh story of Lleu or Llew, as related in the mabinogi of Math. Ibid., pp. 17-23, 55—71. Lleu was the illicit offspring of Arianrhod, a faery woman who lived on an island. Ibid., pp. 188-92. His father Gwydion reared him and after four years brought him to Arianrhod. She reproached Gwydion: “What came on thee to shame me and to pursue my shame?” She swore that her son would never get a name except from her, but Gwydion tricked her into calling him Lleu Unerring-hand. [...] [L] Loomis (1951) assembled the following “facts” to prove the relationship of this Irish and Welsh tradition to that of Lanzelet: 1) Lanzelet as a personality is descended from Lug; 2) Llew, the alternative form of Lleu’s name that occurs in Math, means “Lion,” and his story seems to have passed into Arthurian romance as that of Gauvain’s son, Lion or Lioniaus (see Loomis, PMLA 45 [1930]: 432-38); 3) the places connected with Lleu’s youth, Caer Arianrhod and Dinas Dinlleu, lie on the coast of Wales about five miles south of Caer Seint, which he inferred (3) was the home of Lanzelet’s parents, 4) Lanzelet’s foster mother, like Lleu’s mother, refused to give the boy a name; 5) both fairy women, living on islands of the sea, did eventually give names to the boys. [K] 20. What traditional name lies behind Iweret it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to say. Rhys in his Studies in the Arthurian Legend, pp. 128-33, derives Iweret from Welsh Ywerit, the name of the father of Bran the Blessed according to the Black Book of Carmarthen, and Loth says that Y Werydd means the ocean. Loth, 1:1217. Brugger in ZFSL 49 (1927): 452 explains Iweret as a form of Guivret, the name of a dwarf king in Chrétien’s Evec. [L] Bansard, “Notes inédites,” p. 143, suggests two possible associations for Iweret: L-Auvrairie, a hamlet that lies between Varenguebec and Blanchelande in the Cotentin (lower Normandy), and Auvray-le-Géant, a companion of William the Conquerer, to whom the latter entrusted the government of the Cotentin during his campaign in England. [K] a1. Bansard, “Notes inédites,” p. 141, suggests that Behforet and Dodone might be allusions to the English fiefs of Bedefort and Dodunton (now Bedford and Duddingston), which were granted by Henry II to the Norman nobleman Richard du Hommet (du Humez), Baron de Varenguebec (d. ca. 1181), around 1156-57; Varenguebec in the Cotentin lies just to the south of the Forest of Limors (Bois de Limors; see 772) and approximately fourteen miles south of Morville. De Hommet

LANZELET 159 was Constable of Normandy under Henry from the beginning of his reign in 1154 until 1180. On Dodone see 1131. [K]

22. The gift of a remarkable horse by a fay to her protégé was a persistent feature of Arthurian tradition. Sommer, 3:118. Floriant et Florete, ed. Williams, |. 786f. Loth, 2:75f. Jones, p. 199. Speculum 20 (1945): 183-91. The motif seems to have had an Irish origin. Ibid., 20 (1945): 191-94. [L] 23. This chain mail, a mesh of iron or soft steel rings, like an old-fashioned pot-cleaner,

was of course quite susceptible to rust, and it was with difficulty cleaned; so that when it was white as swan, or tin (1. 787), or ice (1. 8063), it was indeed in good order.

The common way of cleaning it was to rock it in a barrel of sand—a method still practiced in a more efficient manner by some museum curators, though it shocks others. ZHW 1 (1897-99): 187. How a European hauberk of the twelfth century would be decorated is somewhat of a question; but hauberks of “Oriental” origin— and Lanzelet’s may have been Oriental—were sometimes adorned with little plates and bosses exquisitely inlaid and incised, and even with texts and designs on the tiny rings. Ibid., 1 (1897-99): 42, 166; 3 (1902-5): 8; 8 (1918-20): 193; 12 (1929-31): 78f.

An easier sort of adornment consisted of rings of another metal at hem or opening. [here is a pretty quarrel among authorities as to whether chain mail came to Europe from the Orient by way of Damascus and Venice and from North Africa by way of Sicily and Spain, or whether it was well known there before Beowulf donned

his locked limb-shirt. See ZHW 13 (1934): 204f. Cf. Madden's important article in Archaeologia 24 (1832): 263-66, for North European mail, and J.G. Mann’s on early Spanish armor, ibid., 83 (1933): 285-304. [W] The Damoisele del Lac likewise gave her foster child Lancelot completely white arms and armor. Sommer, 3:118. On the hauberk compare also Schultz, 2:30-33, 42-45; Schirling, pp. 31-40; Laking, 1:66—72. Schirling (p. 33) explains blanc hauberc as of polished steel, and refers (39)

to furbishing and rubbing. [L] On medieval military equipment see also Claude Blair, European Armour: circa 1066 fo circa 1700 (London: Batsford, 1958, 1972); Kelly

DeVries, Medieval Military Technology (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview, 1992, 1998); David C. Nicolle, Arms and Armour of the Crusading Era, 1050-1350: Western Europe and the Crusader States (London: Greenhill, Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole, 1999). [K]

24. ‘The surcoat (wafenroc) was a garment of linen or silk, reaching to the knees or lower. Its purpose was to protect the wearer against sun and damp, and it was worn , over the hauberk. Schultz, 2:40f., 57-60. The earliest datable instances of the word which I know were called to my attention by Mr. William Mullen, and occur in Heinrich von Veldeke’s Eneide (composed 1175-86), ll. 7318ff., 7330ff. The word also occurs in Hartmann’s Ere&, 1. 9018, written in 1191. The visual evidence seems to

place the introduction of the surcoat a little later. Though many German knights are depicted in Petrus de Ebulo’s De rebus Siculis carmen, ed. Ettore Rota (Citta da Castello: S. Lapi, 1904), written and illustrated c. 1196, none of them wears a surcoat. The seals of Richard Coeur de Lion show a garment under, not over, the hauberk, while the surcoat appears on the seal of his successor John, dated 1199. [L] See the English translation of Eneide by J. W. Thomas, Heinrich von Veldeke: Enett, GLML, 38, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1985). [K]

160 LANZELET 25. So Iweret, the nonpareil, at 1. 4428, wore golden bells on his surcoat. Fashionably equipped knights, from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries, lavished them on helm, surcoat, girdle, spear, shield, on saddle, stirrup, poitrel, rein, and spur. Schultz, Index sud “Schellen’; Enlart, Index sub “grelots”; Adolf Kitze, Das Ross in den Artus- und Abenteuerromanen, Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete

der romanischen Philologie, 75 (Marburg: N.G. Elwert, 1886), p. 25; PMLA 30 (1915): 516. The extravagant sportsman-poet of thirteenth-century Austria, Ulrich von Lichtenstein, wore bells himself and described a fellow countryman and jouster who jingled about in five hundred of them. Frauendienst, §654,1. See Reinhold Bechstein’s note on this passage in his edition of Frauendienst, Deutsche Dichtungen des Mittelalters, 6-7 (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1888), and Ernst Martin's note in his edition of Wolfram’s Parzival, Germanistische Handbibliothek, 9g, 2 vols. in 1 (Halle: Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1903, 1920; reprint, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976), §39,21. The golden bells on the poitrel of Enid’s magnificently caparisoned steed in Hartmann’s Eres, ed. Fedor Bech, vol. 1 of Hartmann von Aue, Deutsche Classiker des Mittelalters, 4-6 (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1867-73; 41902), 1. 7752, could be heard from afar. Chaucer’s Monk, in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, |. 169, followed the same fashion, though clerics were for-

bidden such vanities. [W] Cf. also the more recent editions of Frauendienst by Franz Viktor Spechtler, Frauenbuch, GAG, 520, 2nd ed. (Géppingen: Ktiimmerle, 1993); Parzival by Karl Lachmann, Wolfram von Eschenbach, 6th ed. (Berlin and Leipzig: De Gruyter, 1926; reprinted as Parzival: Studienausgabe, introduction by Bernd Schirok [Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1965, 1998]); and Hartmann’s Erec by Albert Leitzmann and Ludwig Wolff, 6th ed. by Christoph Cormeau and Kurt Gartner, ATB, 39 (Tubingen: M. Niemeyer, 1985); as well as the English translations of Frauendienst by J.W. Thomas, Ulrich von Liechtenstein’s Service of Ladies (abridged), (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969); Parzival by

Arthur T. Hatto, (Harmondsworth, UK; New York: Penguin, 1980); and Erec by Kim Vivian, in Frank Tobin, Kim Vivian, and Richard H. Lawson, Arthurian Romances, Tales, and Lyric Poetry (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 2001), pp. 51-163. [K|

26. The sword of the period was straight, less than a yard long, two-edged, moderately tapering to a point not much used. The guard was usually straight, and the grip ended in a rather heavy pommel, useful as a counterweight to the heavy blade. Most metallurgists and antiquaries are of the opinion that the steel of twelfthcentury blades might well be of good quality. Mr. Grancsay, Curator of Arms and Armor in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, writes me: “There is no doubt that the blades were of steel of such hardness as to give the best results in the work which they were intended to perform. The steel of mediaeval days was made by case hardening—i.e., the wrought iron when repeatedly heated in burning charcoal became carburized on the outside. In certain regions, such as Styria and Spain, the ore contained manganese in sufficient proportion to change iron into a mild steel.” Tests made at the Metropolitan Museum on four early medieval blades show them to be of satisfactory hardness. [W] On swords of the period, cf. Schultz, 2:11-18;

LANZELET 161 Bach, pp. 5-24; Laking, 1:83-103. The Damoisele del Lac gave Lancelot on his departure a large but light and marvelously trenchant sword. Sommer, 3:118. [L] 27. What is, according to W. Boeheim in ZHW 1 (1897-99): 60f., the oldest surviving medieval shield, dated c. 1220, at Seedorf on the Lake of Lucerne, is about 20 inches across the top and three feet long, rounding down to a point. Shields were usually of light wood, covered with canvas, horn, leather, or rawhide. They might have a boss or studs called “four nails” (vzer nage/n), at which the opponent usually aimed his spear. At the back was the handgrip of wood or leather, and attachments for the thong by which it was suspended from the neck. The shield usually bore the knight’s device. So important was its painting that schi/tere (shieldmaker) was synonymous with painter. Cf. 1. 8842 and Martin’s note in his edition of Parzival, §158,15. Fur and fabrics and even gems were applied to shields. Lanzelet’s has a rim of sable fur. In general cf. San Marte (Albert Schulz), Zur Waffenkunde des alteren deutschen Mittelalters, Bibliothek der gesammten deutschen National-Literatur, Abth. 2, Bd. 4 (Quedlinburg and Leipzig: G. Basse, 1867), pp. 83-123; Boeheim, p. 174f.; Enlart, p. 475; Arthur C. Fox-Davies, Complete Guide to Heraldry (London, Edinburgh: T.C. & E.C. Jack, 1909, 1925), pp. 61-64; especially Seyler, Abtheilung A; for cognizance, p. 68f.; for fur, pp. 76f., 95f.; for painting, p. 89f.; for oldest shields, p. 91. [W] Cf. also Schultz, 2:83-99; Schirling, pp. 5-30. According to the Prose Lancelot, the Damoisele del Lac gave her foster son on his departure a white shield (Sommer, 3:118), later sent him by a messenger three shields to aid him in conquering the Doloreuse Garde (ibid., pp. 147, 150f.), and still later sent a shield which healed him of madness (ibid., 304, 415-17). [L] 28. The eagle as a cognizance was more common in German poetry than in French (Schultz, 2:93715), and was, of course, the imperial device. The miniaturist who decorated (c. 1220) Veldeke’s Eneide assigned an eagle to Turnus. Julius Schwietering, Deutsche Dichtung des Mittelalters, Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft (Potsdam: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1932; reprint, Darmstadt: H. Gentner, 1957), pl. 10. The Runkelstein murals represent Iwein with an eagle on his shield. R.S. and L.H. Loomis, Arthurian Legends in Medieval Art (London: Oxford UP; New York: Modern Language Association, 1938; reprint, New York: Kraus, 1966, 1975), fig. 61. [L] Noting the dynastic principle that will be the basis for Lanzelet’s

claim to the throne of Genewis, Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s , Lanzelet,” pp. 94-105, theorizes that the otherwise “imperial” eagle on Lanzelet’s shield might be an allusion to Frederick II, son of Emperor Henry VI, who is mentioned in the text (1. 9335), and that Ulrich might have sympathized with Henry’s attempts to introduce hereditary succession into the empire. See also W. H. Jackson, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 289f. [K] 29. MS. W reads Gevon von Turye; P omits the name and gives: der rant mit zobile bedacht von turgie. Richter’s proposal (82f.) to read Saben for Gevon, and hiineges for vrowen in the next line, is hardly acceptable, though Turie may be meant for Turkie

or Syrie. It is appropriate that one of the lady’s retinue should have decorated the shield with fur and fabric; though if the eagle itself were painted and embossed, one would rather expect a “master” to have executed it. In early romances beautiful

162 LANZELET fabrics are often said to be the work of ladies in far lands—really faeryland. [W] Cf. also Faral, pp. 343-45; Adolphe-Jacques Dickman, Le réle du surnaturel dans les chansons de geste (Paris: H. Champion, 1926; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1974), pp. 89, 175f. [L]

30. This dwarf turns out to be an emissary of the queen of Pluris, whose adventure Lanzelet tried later. She was, we may surmise, a supernatural being originally, who summoned her chosen hero in this fashion. Variants of the theme of the aggressive dwarf are fairly common in the romances. Cf. Chrétien's Evec, ll. 145-239; Chevalier de la charrette, ll. 5079-I0I, Sommer, 3:280; 4:307, 344; 5:237. [W] It is noteworthy that both in Lanzelet and the Charrette the dwarf belongs to the castle where the hero is kept in custody by an amorous lady. Cf. 7183. On the aggressive dwarf and his original identity with Welsh Beli, cf. Loomis, pp. 80, 139-43, 213, 321, 434-37. [L] See also Vernon J. Harward, The Dwarfs of Arthurian Romance and Celtic Tradition (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1958). [K] 31. Concerning the name Pluris, see 181. [K]

32. As instructor of the unsophisticated youth, Johfrit corresponds to Gornemant de Gohort in the Perceval story. His by-name seems to represent the French “de Lis,” which in Chrétien’s Conte del Graal, its continuation, and a number of other romances is attached to Meliant, Norres or Morres, and Bran. Cf. Der Percevalroman, ed. Hilka, p. 721. [|W] Scholars generally accepted F. Lot’s suggestion (R 24 [1895]: 322) that Lis represents Welsh //ys, “castle.” Cf. also Jessie L. Weston, Legend of Sir Perceval, Grimm Library, 17, 19, 2 vols. (London: D. Nutt, 1906-9; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1975), 1:302-7; Newstead, Bran the Blessed, pp. 70-85. The name Johfrit may, like Jofreit fis Idol in Wolfram’s Parzival and Jaufré, son of Dovon, hero of a Provengal romance, represent the French Giflet fis Do, which in turn goes back to the Welsh Gilfaethwy son of Don, though the role of Ulrich’s Johfrit corresponds to nothing related of either of these personages. [...] [L] See the English translation of Jaufré by Ross G. Arthur, Jaufre: An Occitan Arthurian Romance, GLML 88, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1992). Jofreit is the Norman form of OF Jeoffroi, English Geoffrey (Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 182). Hesse, “Zauber und Zauberer,” pp. 100-3,

has suggested that Lanzelet’s training in the world of women had given him the rhetorical skills for dealing with matters of love, but failed to provide him the knightly-military education necessary to cope in the world of men. Thus, Johfrit de Liez assumes that his foolish, unknightly behavior is part of his service to a lady (Il. 486-91; 502-5) and lures him to his castle with the promise of the company of ladies (Il. 580-83). Aside from Johfrit, the castle at Liez also seems populated only by women, and Johfrit’s mother acts as a second foster mother to Lanzelet (McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 255). [K]

| 33- Fantastic chivalry, with the knight submitting abjectly to the whims of an unreasonable mistress, is already well developed in Lanzelet, and presumably was taken over from its source—so far developed that any knight who behaved oddly, as Lanzelet does here, was supposed to be making a fool of himself at the behest of a lady. So Gilimar, later in the poem, remains dumb as a penance imposed by a touchy ladylove. The Black Knight’s lady in Chaucer’s Book of the Duchess (Il. 1015ff.) was not

LANZELET 163 of her kidney. [W] Fairly close parallels are found in the vows of two of the twelve knights to King Brangoire’s daughter in the Prose Lancelot (Sommer, 4:266f.), the first vowing to joust for a whole year with his right leg over the neck of his horse, and the last to ride for a year without a bridle and to let his steed follow its own will. That such extravagant vows carried over into real life is proved by the classic example of Ulrich von Lichtenstein’s Frauendienst and by Froissart’s record of a vow made by certain “bachelors” of England in 1337 that in honor of their ladies they would keep one eye covered with a silk bandage till they had done some deeds of arms in France. Cf. B.J. Whiting in Speculum 20 (1945): 269. [L] Here one might also add, for example, Guenievre’s injunction that Lancelot prove his love by fight-

; ing to lose in the three days’ tournament (Charrette, ll. 5672-76) and Gurnemanz’s belief that Parzival is wearing fool’s clothing under his armor “durch wibe gebot,” at the command of a lady (Parzival, §164,28). Concerning Gilimar’s vow of silence, see ll. 664o0ff. and 7204. [K]

34. The lance of the twelfth century was slim, about twelve feet long, of ash or oak or any tough wood, with no great enlargement at the butt, but very likely an iron shoe there to balance the point and to stick in the ground as Walwein does at 1. 2382. There was no handguard, but possibly some roughening or binding at the grip. It had to be such as a man could manage accurately on horseback, butt under arm, without a rest. A pennon or banner was commonly carried at the point, and the shaft was stained, painted, or otherwise decorated. On the early history of the lance, cf. J. Schwietering, in Mittetlungen aus dem Museum fiir Hamburgische Geschichte, no. 3 (Hamburg, 1912); for corrections of Schwietering, cf. ZHW 6 (1912-14): 253-55. Cf. also idem., 11 (1928): 117; 12 (1929~31): 66. [W] Cf. also Schultz, 2:21-28;

Bach, pp. 24-39. [L]

35. Uhe bohourt was less serious than the tourney and often served as prelude or interlude to a tourney. It was a display of horsemanship—sometimes in set formation, of spear-thrust on shield, of horse jostling, and of noisy shield bumping. The object presumably was to keep your own formation while disorganizing that of others, to show a good seat, to handle your spear well, to unsettle or dismount your adversary. Both knights and those younger and less expert took part in crowds. Schultz (2:113) thinks that as a rule they used blunt weapons and no armor, but in the twelfth century it is much more likely that they wore their regular equipment. That the game was not without danger may be seen, for example, in Ulrich von Lichtenstein’s Frauendienst (for which see Bechstein’s ed., notes to §§242 and 532).

We are, indeed, ignorant about many details of the twelfth-century bohourt. For a scholarly account of the early medieval bohourt in Germany, see Felix Niedner, Das deutsche Turnier im XII. und XIII. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Weidmann, 1881), pp. 15, 35. Cf. Francis H. Cripps-Day, The History of the Tournament in England and in France (London: B. Quaritch, 1918; reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1982), Index; R. Coltman Clephan, The Tournament: its periods and phases (London: Methuen, 1919; reprint, New York: Ungar, 1967; reprinted as The Medieval Tournament, New York: Dover, 1995), p. 2; Martin’s note to §242,5 of his Parziva/; Albert Leitzmann, Der kleine Benecke, Handbiicherei fiir den deutschen Unterricht, Reihe: Deutschkunde, 8 (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1934), p. 42. The derivation of the word is uncertain, but the

164 LANZELET medieval German romancers took it from the French. Mémoires de la Société NéoPhilologique to (1933): 4. Cf, however, Friedrich Diez, Etymologisches Worterbuch der romanischen Sprachen, sth ed. (Bonn: A. Marcus, 1887; reprint, Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1969), p. 36. There is another jolly bohourt at 1. 8348. [W] See also the chapter entitled “The Rise of the Tournament” in Maurice Keen, Chivalry, pp.

83-101 (New Haven and London: Yale UP, 1984), and Richard Barber and Juliet Barker, Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge,

UK: Boydell, 1989; 2000). [K] , 36. Concerning the tradition of the three-days’ tournament, see 798. [K] 37- Concerning Lanzelet’s predilection for direct paths, here and also Il. 1371-76, 1395,

2886, 4967, 5121, see 762. [K] | .

38. The name Kuraus and the qualifying phrase mit dem kiienen herzen have been rightly explained by Richter, p. 82. Kuraus is a distortion of Anglo-Norman Cuwars, “coward,” and in both Manessier’s continuation of the Conte del Graal and in Perlesvaus we have a story of a handsome knight, who when he meets Perceval admits that he is a coward, but later displays his valor, so that his name is changed (according to Perlesvaus) from “Coarz Chevalier” to “Hardi Chevalier,” (according to Manessier) from “Biaus Mauvais” to “Biaus Hardi.” William A. Nitze and T. Atkinson Jenkins in their edition of Le haut hure du Graal: Perlesvaus, 2 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932-37; reprint, New York: Phaeton, 1972), 2:129, write: “The opposition of the names Coarz and Hardiz is found as early as Chrétien's Evec: “Et li quinz fu li Biaus Coarz; Li sistes fu li Lez Hardiz’; and hence an earlier tale concerning the Coward Knight than either P or / may have existed.” It is evident that Kuraus is derived from a well-known story of a coward knight who turned brave. On the subject cf. ibid., 2:124-33; Brugger in ZRP 61 (1941): 1-44. As for Kuraus’

land of Gagunne, Richter points to a knight Hardiz von Gascane in Wolfram’s Parzival and suggests that we have here a corruption of Gascogne. Ultimately, however, Gagunne may be a distortion of Gauvoie, since in Wauchier “Li Biaus Mauvais” introduces himself as the son of the count of Gauvoie (Galloway). Cf. Charles Potvin, ed., Perceval le Gallois, Société des bibliophiles belges, 21, 6 vols. (Mons: Desquesne-Masquillier, 1866-71; reprint [6 vols. in 3], Geneva: Slatkine, 1977), 1. 25539. [LL] See also the English translation of Perlesvaus by Nigel Bryant, The High Book of the Grail (Ipswich, UK: D.S. Brewer; ‘Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1978; Woodbridge, UK, and Rochester, NY: D. S. Brewer 1996). In his review of Webster's translation, MLR 48 (1953): 100, M. O’C. Walshe derives

Kuraus from OF corageus, brave, not cuars, coward. [K] | , 39. In this episode MS. W has always Orpylet, P Orplet. Hahn's Orphilet is an intelligent emendation since he points out in his introduction, p. xvii, that MS. W frequently substitutes p for a normal pA and since it is possible that Orpylet is the same person who is called in both mss., |. 8071, Torfilaret, a prince who led a large band on Lanzelet’s Genewis expedition. The two names are confused in 1. 5898, W Orpylet, P Torfilaret. Richter, p. 57, however, will not accept the identity of Orpylet with Torfilaret on the insufficient ground that Kuraus’ companion is a mere knight of the Round Table, and Torfilaret is a prince. Tors is a name liable to corruption, as may be seen from Sommer’s Index of Names, p. 80, and 15. He is Torz, Estors,

LANZELET 165 Estor, Esturz in the list of Round Table knights in Chrétien’s Evec, |. 1528, and Torz or Estorz in the corresponding list in Hartmann’s Fre, |. 1661. For Tor-Hector, as G. Paris and E. Brugger conjectured, cf. Bruce in RR 10 (1919): 557. [W] The names of Kuraus and Orphilet seem to have been selected at random by Ulrich’s source since no episode like that which follows is related elsewhere of “Li Biaus Cuars” or

Tor. [L] See z193. [K]

40. The adventure of Lanzelet at Galagandreiz’s castle has many cognates and analogues in medieval literature, as Kittredge and others have pointed out. Kittredge,

pp. 85-106, 218-20, 257-64; PMLA 48 (1933): 1007-13; Englische Studien 36 (1906): 360-63; Richter, p. 62f; Hermann Schneider, Die Gedichte und die Sage von Wolfdietrich (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1913), pp. 261-63, 287ff. The closest cognates are to be found in the fifteenth-century Carl of Carlisle, in Gawain and the Green Knight (c. 1375), in Le Chevalier a l’épée (1200-25), and in the German He/densage, Wolfdtetrich.

In all these are found the motifs of the visit to the castle of an imperious host, the temptation, and the bravery test. In one or more are found the three knights of the Round Table, the warning by one of them, the host’s interest in his forests or in hunting, the successive testing of the three knights, the temptation by the host’s daughter, the knife-throwing contest, which has been fatal to previous visitors, the slaying of the host, the hero’s wedding the temptress. All these versions, then, must derive from a common tradition going back to the twelfth century. The pattern seems to be based on three Celtic stories. The first, narrated in Bricriu’s Feast (eighth century), tells how three warriors of Ulster sought harborage by night in a fortress, where they were hospitably entertained by the mistress of the bravest of them, and where they were tested by a giant hurling stakes. Thurneysen, p. 458f. The second story, found in Cu/hweh (c. 1100), tells of a hero who came with warriors of Arthur’s household to the castle of a giant, from which no suitor had ever returned alive, demanded the giant’s daughter in marriage, was entertained at meals, was thrice missed by a lance discharged by the giant, the third time returned the lance, piercing the giant’s eye, and finally wedded the giant’s daughter. Loth, 1:290-99, 346; Jones, pp. 109-13, 136. The third Celtic element is found in the eleventh-century madinogi of Pwyll, which tells how the hero was hospitably entertained in the palace of a huntsman king, and during the latter's absence lay nightly with his beautiful wife but refrained from intercourse. Cf. Loth, 1:84-88; Jones, pp. 3-6; JEGP 42 (1943): 170-73. All three Celtic stories seem to have been combined, probably by Breton conteurs, to form the Galagandreiz episode. [L] For Carl of Carlisle, see the edition by Robert W. Ackermann, Syre Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle, University of Michigan Contributions in Modern Philology, 8 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1947). The father who refuses to part with his daughter and the daughter who sides with his enemy are figures from the fairy tale (Gustav Ehrismann, “Marchen im héfischen Epos,” Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 30 [1905]: 22f.). Pastré, “Trois maniéres de déclarer | l'amour,” p. 96, locates this episode in the larger Indo-European tradition (not, as Loomis would have it, a merely Celtic one), in which the champion is the third element in a group (often of brothers), who accomplishes the task at which they have failed. Schiippert, “Minneszenen und Struktur,” p. 129, understands this adventure

166 LANZELET as an illustration of the uncourtly behavior of the yet un-Arthurian Lanzelet, as compared to that of Kuraus and Orphilet; on the other hand, McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 181, noting the repeated narrative emphasis on their fear for their lives and honor, sees it as a contest between the cowardly duo and the courageous Lanzelet. Rossbacher, “Lanzelet oder Artusritter,” pp. 193, 197f., goes still further to interpret their cowardice as a devaluation of the Arthurian court as a whole, as is the defeat of all but the three greatest Arthurian knights during the tournament at Dyoflé, Arthur’s helplessness in the face of the abduction of Ginover, and the failure of all but Iblis to pass the mantle test. Similarly, Schmidt, “Frauenritter,” p. 15. Cf. the more recent edition of Le Chevalier a l’épée by R.C. Johnston and D.D.R. Owen, Two Old French Gauvain Romances (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1973), pp. 61-89, and the English translations of Le Chevalier al épée by Ross G. Arthur, “The Knight with the Sword” in Three Arthurian Romances, EL (London: ]J. M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C. E. Tuttle, 1996), pp. 88-105; Wolfdietrich by ].W. Thomas,

| Ortnit and Wolfdtetrich, Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture, 23

pp. 95-136. [K] |

(Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1986), pp. 43-97; and Culhwch and Olwen in Jones,

41. A forester appears to be not just an official in charge of a forest, but a person with _ extensive properties, who is keen about hunting and hawking. Patricius von den Bigen (see 6g) is the outstanding forester in Lanze/et. [W] The fact that Galagandreiz is a forester is matched in the Chevalier a l’épée by the fact that the host leaves Gauvain with his daughter to view his woods, and in Gawain and the Green Knight

| by the host’s similar departure to hunt. Cf. previous note....[L] 42. The name Galagandreiz is derived immediately from Hartmann’s Ereé, |. 1662, which reads, “Galagaundris und Galées,” and this in turn doubtless represents Chrétien's Evec, 1. 1738, “Ne Galegantins li Galois.” But it is possible that Hartmann’s Galagaundris was not merely a corruption of Galegantins, and that Hartmann substituted a name otherwise known to him, and that the author of O preserved an authentic tradition about this Galagandreiz. The termination -reiz may well be the Anglo-Norman noun reis (king), mistaken for a part of the name, as in the cases of Gottfried von Strassburg’s Canelengres (Tristan, 1. 323) and of Uentres de Garlot in the Vulgate Merlin. Cf. R 53 (1927): 97; PMLA 45 (1930): 4arf. The remaining element Galagan is probably a variant of Gorlagon or Gorlogan in the Latin Arthur and Gorlagon—a name borne by a king who entertained Arthur, Gawain, and Kay at his castle,-and who had a faithless wife. Cf. G.L. Kittridge, _ “Arthur and Gorlagon,” SNPL 8 (1903): 150-62. There is also in Perlesvaus, ed. Nitze and Jenkins, 1: ll. 1730-43, 1977-2074, a heathen king of Albanie (Scotland), named

Gurgalant, from whose land many knights failed to return, and who entertained Gawain at his castle. It is worth noting that a temptation scene and an encounter with resentful hosts on the next morning are inserted between Gawain’s setting out for Gurgalant’s castle and his arrival there—fairly close parallels to the adventures at Galagandreiz’ castle. The endings of the names Galagan, Gorlogan, Gurgalant may well have been suggested by the common endings of Saracen names in Old _ French literature (Corbaran, Baligant, etc.), but the first element may be derived from Gwrnach, the name of a giant in Cu/hwceh (Loth, 1:318-21), from whom Kei

LANZELET 167 obtains a sword. Gawain gets a sword, though under different circumstances, from Gurgalant. [L]

43. Perhaps Moreiz is the same as Morois, the forest region of Moray in northeastern : Scotland, which is important in the Tristan legend and in the Norse translation of the lost Breton /ai of Gurun. Cf. Thomas, Le roman de Tristan, ed. Joseph Bédier, Société des anciens textes francais, 47, 2 vols. (Paris: F. Didot, 1902-5; reprint, New York: Johnson, 1968, 1982), 2:108-10; F. P. Magoun, in Studia Neophilologica 14 (1942):

1-24. Perhaps Galagandreiz was represented by the Breton conteurs as king of Moray, as Gurgalant was king of Albanie, which included Moray, and by an easy error the name of the land was taken for that of a castle, as in the Vulgate Cycle (cf. Sommer’s Index of Names) Logres, Norgales, and Orcanie occur as names of cities. In Durmart, |. 4305, there is a “chastel de Morois,” and in the Livre d’Artus (Sommer, 7:38), “Yder de la terre as Morois” is mentioned. [L] For Durmart, see Li romans de Durmart le Galois, ed. Edmund Stengel, BLVS, 116 (Tubingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1873), or the more recent Durmart le Galois, ed. Joseph Gildea, 2 vols, (Villanova: Villanova Press, 1965-66). It would seem, however, equally likely that the significance of the name Moreiz lies within the work itself: Moreiz, Limors, Schatel le Mort, all linked by the syllable of Death (Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, p. 12). Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” pp. 75f., 137, 265, 271, 274f., sees the mor-names as puns on the name Morville (mortuorum villa, residence of the dead) in O. See also m117. [K] 44. All the beds, of course, were set up in the great hall. Early medieval castles had no separate bedrooms for guests. [W] Cf. Schultz, 1:96, H.W. Carless Davis, Med:aeval England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1924; reprint, London: Studio Editions, 1993; London: Bracken, 1995), p. 53. [L] 45. A “nightcap” was customary. Schultz, 1:436. [L] 46. Besides the examples cited in n4o, the temptation motif occurs in many forms in Arthurian romance. Kittredge, pp. 6, 83-100, 263-66; PMLA 48 (1933): 1007-12, 1022-28; Speculum 20 (1945): 186f. [...] The old Welsh story pattern was naturally adapted in the romances to contemporary realities. Hugo Oschinsky, Der Ritter unterwegs und die Pflege der Gastfreundschaft im alten Frankreich (Halle: n.p., 1900), pp. 53f., 70-76. [L] McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet, p. 101, sees here a humorous allusion to Condwiramurs’s innocent nocturnal visit to Parzival in Pelrapeire (Wolfram, Parzival, §192,1ff.). [K]

47. MS. W reads sarrazine and is doubtless correct. Silks from the Orient, made by Saracens, were much prized. Schultz, 1:334-51, especially p. 34774. On female costume of the period, cf. Schultz, 1:244-83, and Goddard. [L] 48. Morzi is unidentified, unless it is a mutilated form of Moriane, i.e., Mauretania. [L] Richter, p. 84, suggested a connection with Moretance, the source of excellent horses in the OF epic, and notes Veldeke’s apparent familiarity with this convention (“bi einen more,” Eneide, |. 5247). Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven'’s Lanzelet,” p. 271f., finds a parallel in Wolfram’s Willehalm, §125,13, in which pfellel-silk comes from “Morlant,” the Land of the Moors. [K]

where, of course). [K] |

49. Chaplets are an emblem of virginity in German medieval love poetry (and else-

168 - LANZELET 50. For a discussion of chaperonage and the attitude of German poets toward it, cf. Richter, p. 228f., and Emil Nickel, Studien zum Liebesproblem bet Gottfried von _ Strassburg, Konigsberger Deutsche Forschungen, 1 (Kénigsberg: Grase und Unzer, 1927), p. 25f. The fact that chaperonage was usually exercised over a married woman

is a slight indication that the daughter here might have been a wife in an earlier _ form of the story, as indeed the temptress is in Gawain and the Green Knight and other versions. [W] The subsequent complaint of the castellan’s daughter against stifling chaperonage (Auote, 1. 952f.) echoes a theme particularly common in medieval German love poetry. Ulrich specifically warns against this (1. 5879f); yet he also suggests that some supervision is necessary to protect even the most virtuous ladies from themselves: “If the queen [ = Ginover] had been less carefully protected, she _ would have often done things that, for the sake of her honor, she has avoided” (IL.

5876-78). [K] , | , |

51. On samite, a heavy, six-thread, silken fabric, highly prized in the Middle Ages, cf. Schultz, 1:343f. [W] The kursit, “robe,” was, according to Schultz, 1:263, a sleeveless, furred outer robe. [L] Samite might be thought of as comparable to modern

velvet. [K] _ _ a

52. The love soliloquy, a convention derived from Vergil and Ovid, was imitated by the author of Eneas (c. 1160), who vastly expanded the love interest of the Zneid and reveled in the casuistry of sentiment. Faral, pp. 150-54. Gustave Cohen, Chrétien de Troyes et son e@uvre (Paris: Boivin, 1931; 2nd rev. ed., Paris: L. Rodstein, 1948), pp. 43-61. The convention was adopted, either directly from the Latin poems or from _ Eneas, by Chrétien de Troyes and Thomas. Alfons Hilka, Die direkte Rede als stilistisches Kunstmittel in den Romanen des Kristian von Troyes (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1903; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1979), pp. 71ff. From the Exeas it passed into German literature with Veldeke’s Eneide (finished by 1186). Ulrich seems to have borrowed

some features of this monologue from Veldeke. Richter, pp. 218-21; Ehrismann, — Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, 27: 6n3. [W] For an English translation of the _ above-mentioned Veldeke passage, see Thomas, Heinrich von Veldeke, p. 110. Pastré, “Trois maniéres de déclarer l’amour,” pp. 96-104, analyzes the rhetoric in both the

daughter's offers of love and the knights’ responses. [K] __ a 53. In MS. P it is dise ritter, these knights, who have told her this. [K] 54. Gawain also refuses to accept the lady’s ring in Gawain and the Green Knight. [|W] This is only one of several marked parallels between the two temptation scenes— the lady’s sitting down on the bed beside the apparently sleeping knight, her disap-

pointment that he will not engage in amorous discourse, etc. [L] a 55. The customary present to the bride the morning after the marriage. [W] Cf.

Schultz, 1:636; OED, sub “moryeve.” [L] oe

56. Knife-throwing is a primitive sort of fighting, which, like spear-throwing, survived _ with difficulty in courtly romance. In the Welsh tale, The Lady of the Fountain,

, _ however, two courtly youths are described as “flinging their knives,” presumably at a mark. Jones, p. 156. Examples of knife-throwing in the romances usually represent it as a treacherous or unknightly act. Cf. Sommer, 4:309; Hunbaut, ed. Jakob Stiirzinger and Hermann Breuer, Gesellschaft ftir romanische Literatur, 35 (Dresden: — Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 1914), 1. 972; Li romans de Claris et Laris,

LANZELET 169 ed. Johann Alton, BLVS, 169 (Tubingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1884; reprint, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1966), |. 19963; Metrical Romances of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. Henry Weber, 3 vols. (Edinburgh: A. Constable, 1810), 2:83. In the Ancren Riwle, chap. 4, the wrathful man is the Devil’s knife-thrower. G.G. Coulton in The Medieval Village, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1925; reprint, New York: Dover, 1989), p. 438, cites a fatal knife-throwing in 1440. Cf. Schultz, 1:168, 2:19; Max Jahns, Die Entwicklungsgeschichte der alten Trutzwaffen (Berlin: E.S. Mittler, 1899), p. 147; Carl A. Seyffert, Das Messer: eine kulturhistorisch-ethnographische Skizze (Braunschweig: F. Vieweg & Sohn, 1911), p. 38; Schneider, Die Gedichte und die Sage

von Wolfdtetrich, p. 318. [W] Kittredge (pp. 218-23) cites various instances of com-

batants who take turns in striking or shooting at each other, but all his medieval examples are derived from fiction. Ambroise, the Anglo-Norman poet, however, relates that at the siege of Acre in 1191 a Welshman and a ‘Turk agreed to alternate their bow shots. Three Old French Chronicles of the Crusades, trans. Edward N. Stone, University of Washington Publications in the Social Sciences, 10 (Seattle: Univer-

| sity of Washington Press, 1939), p. 57. Cf. n40. [L] Cf. also the more recent edition of Hunbaut, ed. Margaret Winters, The Romance of Hunbaut, Davis Medieval Texts and Studies, 4 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1984). [K] 57. That Lanzelet’s female conquests seem to show no regret for the deaths of their fathers or guardians was long regarded as a flaw in the narration and psychologically incomprehensible. However, Alwyn and Brinley Rees, Celtic Heritage: Ancient Tradition in Ireland and Wales (London: Thames and Hudson, 1961, 1991), p. 271, note that the wooing expedition belongs to the larger genre of the quest for “the treasure hard to obtain,” like Jason’s after the Golden Fleece, and so forth, “a treasure which must ever be wrested from the grasp of an indefatigable foe.” In the Celtic wooing expedition, this foe, the bride’s father or guardian, represents symbolically the “sinister powers” of a lower realm, from whose clutches she is to be freed by the wooer, “a principle from an upper realm.” Her allegiance is naturally to her liberator, whom she often aids in his quest to free her, and she shows no remorse for the “sinister foe” once he has been defeated. Cu/hweh provides a good example of this. [K] 58. On the medieval virtue of generosity, cf. Marian P. Whitney in Vassar Mediaeval Studies, ed. Christabel Forsyth Fiske (New Haven: Yale UP, 1923), pp. 183-215. [L] Combridge, “Lanzelet and the Queens,” p. 51, suggests that Lanzelet’s inclination to generosity was an inheritance from his mother; the text specifically states that it was her benevolence that postponed the revolt of King Pant’s subjects. Generosity is part of her family tradition, as the messenger of the water fairy explicitly comments: “such generosity was a trait he inherited from that most generous man the

world had ever known: King Arthur of Kardigan” (Il. 4946-49). When Lanzelet finally asserts his claim to the kingship of Genewis, his paternal legacy, he distinguishes himself from his tyrannical father by acts of great generosity, following the advice given him by his maternal uncle, Arthur. [K] 59. The commonest nominative form of the name in MS. W is Artus, in P Arthus. But the latter uses an oblique form Arthure. [|W] This justifies the use of Arthur in the translation. The great majority of scholars agree in thinking that the name is a

170 LANZELET Welsh development of the Roman name Artorius and that it was borne by some Romanized Briton who for a while successfully led the desperate forces of Southern Britain against the heathen Saxon invaders late in the fifth or early in the sixth century. E.K. Chambers, Arthur of Britain (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1927; reprint, Cambridge, UK: Speculum Historiale,; New York: Barnes & Noble, 1964; New York: October House, 1967), pp. 1-16. A. Brodeur in University of California Publications in English 3 (1939): 237-83. K. Jackson in MP 43 (1945): 44-57. The first mention of Arthur seems to occur in the Welsh poem Gododdin, dated about 600. K. Jackson in Antiquity 13 (1939): 29. Arthur next appears as a battle leader against the Saxons in the Historia Britonum of the South-Welsh priest Nennius (c. 800). About 1100 the Welsh romance of Cul/hwch and Olwen represents him with a vast retinue of warriors, who engaged in perilous exploits and fantastic quests, and many of the names and motifs turn up in French, English, and German romances, some in Ulrich’s poem. RR 32 (1941): 14-16. With a liberal admixture of Irish saga

material, these stories were cultivated by the Welsh and Cornish and passed on to the Breton conteurs, who disseminated them orally on the Continent, so that by 1100 we find them filtering into Northern Italy. Ibid., pp. 22-31; MP 33 (1936): 225-38. The Bretons also brought their tales back to Britain and localized them in Wales, England, and Scotland. RR 32 (1941): 7-14. ZFSL 13 (1891): 87-91. Geoffrey of Monmouth, taking advantage of the vogue of these tales, added enormously to the prestige of Arthur among the learned classes by his fabrication, the Historia regum Britannia (c. 1136), but had no great influence on the romancers, who derived most of their material from the conteurs. By 1179, as Alanus de Insulis testified, the fame of Arthur had reached the bounds of Christendom. By the same date probably Chrétien de Troyes had written his five Arthurian poems and thus begun the great elaboration of the Matter of Britain in literary form. Loomis, pp. 3f., 12-24, 198-201. For a different interpretation of the phenomena, cf. John S. P. Tatlock, The Legendary History of Britain: Geoffrey of Monmouth’s “Historia Regum Britannia” and its Early Vernacular Versions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1950). [L] Loomis neglects to note that although the Gododdin is dated to around 600, it is preserved in a ms. dating from the thirteenth century that also contains acknowledged interpolations; it is impossible to prove that the Arthurian passage is original. K.H. Jackson, “The Arthur of History,” in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: A Collaborative History, ed. R.S. Loomis (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959, 1961), p. 3. Although Cul/bwch and Olwen is preserved in mss. dating from the fourteenth century, the archaic vocabulary and orthographic features speak for a dating not later than r1oo. I. L. Foster, “Culhwceh and Olwen and Rhonabbuy's Dream,’ in ibid.,

p. 32. [K] _ , ,

60. Karidol, Arthur’s capital here and in Il. 1322, 2730, 4973, is the German form corresponding to Anglo-Norman and French Carduel or Cardoil. It is Carlisle. Cf. notes in Wilhelm Hertz, Spielmannsbuch, and rev. ed. (Stuttgart: J.G. Cotta, 1900, *1931; reprint of 3rd ed., Wiesbaden: M. Sandig, 1973), p. 372, and Hilka’s Percevalroman, p. 621. [W] Zimmer argued that Chrétien’s reference to “Carduel en Gales” (Yuain, |. 7) implied that the word Gales (Wales) included the old British territory of Cumbria and Strathclyde. Foerster, Brugger, and others have agreed with Zimmer on this

LANZELET 171 point. But no evidence has been produced to show that this region was called Wales by anyone except Chrétien and those who followed him, romancers who knew noth-

| ing about the matter. Presumably Chrétien (or the author of his source) made the natural mistake of assuming that any name beginning with Car- would be (as Carlion, Caruent, and Caradigan actually were) in Wales. The d of Carduel may be due to the influence of the Breton place name Kerduel, near Lannion. Cf. FJ. Snell, King Arthur's Country (London: J.M. Dent; New York: E. P. Dutton, 1926), p. 242. At any rate, as Zimmer showed (ZFSL 13 [1891]: 91), and as Marie de France’s Breton /ai of Lanval (1. 5) indicates also, it was the Breton entertainers who were responsible for familiarizing the world with Carlisle as one of Arthur's capitals, though possibly they may have caught up some local tradition of dubious authority. Though the Welsh took over into the Arthurian cycle several historical persons from Northern England or Scotland (e.g., Trystan, Owain son of Urien, Peredur), they seem never to have associated Arthur with the North, except that Nennius placed one of Arthur’s victories in the wood of Celidon. Cf. K. Jackson in MP 43 (1945): 48f. [L] It is interesting to note that Carlisle lies about five miles southeast of the village of Burgh by Sands, the seat of the Cumberland de Morvilles, a fact that could be used to strengthen the claim that the de Morvilles commissioned Lanzelet. Roman place names like Avalana or Aballaba ( = Avalon?) and Camboglanna ( = Camlann?) near Carlisle strengthen the claim for Arthur’s early association with the English-Scottish border territories. O.G.S. Crawford, “Arthur and His Battles,” Antiquity 9 (1935): 277-91. See introduction 726, and 68 below. In his review of Webster's translation, MLR 48 (1953): 100, M. O’C. Walshe reiterates an earlier claim (1937) that Karidol is Cardiff, a view that

has found little support. [K] |

61. Citations for the image of the avicula implumis, unfledged bird, which appears primarily in medieval didactic literature, can be found in Zellmann, Lanzelet, p.

210739. [K] !

62. The adventure at Limors is a second disguised Otherworld adventure. Similar experiences can be found in Chrétien's Charrette, Ul. 6395-7109, and in Der Pleier’s Tandareis und Flordibel, ed. Ferdinand Khull (Graz: Styria, 1885), 1. 1o08rf. In the latter the dangerous tower is called Malmort. I gave some account of the relation of Ulrich’s narrative to Chrétien's in HSN 16 (1934): 209; and Rosenhagen in ZDP 29 (1897): 155-64 finds in Tandareis evidence for his reasonable theory that a Lancelot poem, based on pre-Chrétien material (though not necessarily uninfluenced by Chrétien), was current in Germany before Hartmann and Wolfram. [W] More complete parallels to Lanzelet’s affair with Ade and the subsequent tournament (as well as to Tandareis) may be found in an earlier portion of Chréien’s Charrette and in the Dame de Malehot episode in the Prose Lancelot. Chrétien relates how his hero, captured through the wiles of Meleagant, is placed in the custody of the wife of Meleagant’s seneschal. Gauvain organizes a search for him. Lancelot, hearing of a tourney at which Guenievre is to be present, persuades his jaileress to allow him to attend on condition that he return and grant her his love. She provides him with red arms and a marvelous horse. The tourney lasts two days and Lancelot, incognito, displays his prowess and his devotion to the queen. He returns to his prison. Charrette, ll. 5077-5256, 5435-6078. The Dame de Malehot episode runs as

172 LANZELET | follows: Lancelot, attacked by overwhelming numbers in the city of Malehot, sur-

_ renders to its lady, who places him in jail. Hearing of a battle to take place, he persuades his fair jailer to provide him with a horse and a red shield on condition. that he return. He appears on the field incognito and carries all before him. When he returns to his prison, the Dame de Malehot offers him her love, but in vain. A year later he again takes part in the battle, this time in black arms, furnished by his jaileress, who witnesses the fray. Gauvain has meanwhile organized a party to seek the-red knight and, being present at the battle, recognizes him in the black knight.

The King of the Hundred Knights is prominent in the mélée, but Lancelot is of course the outstanding champion. The story ends with his bringing Galehos, his devoted friend, to Arthur. Sommer, 3:209-15, 223-51. As Martens brought out in RS 5 (1880): 693f., the resemblances between this series of adventures and Ulrich’s Ade episode and the subsequent tournament are numerous. Cf. also Loomis, pp. 255-58. Yet the Prose Lancelot could not have borrowed from Ulrich, nor for chronological reasons could Ulrich have borrowed from the French romance. Morever, Chrétien could not have been their common source, though he probably suggested the role of Guenievre as a witness of the second battle in the Prose Lancelot. The motif of the amorous jaileress who provides a hero with a horse and arms that he may enter a tournament is found in other romances. Speculum 20 (1945): 187. PMLA 48 (1933): 1028; 61 (1946): 938-40. [L] See the English translation of Tandareis und Flordibel by J.W. Thomas, The Pleier’s Arthurian Romances, GLML, 91, ser. B (New York: Garland, 1992), pp. 199-366. Some scholarly consideration has been given to whether

the fact that Lanzelet turns neither to the left nor the right, but rides straight ahead has any significance; for example, Walshe, “The Fabulous Geography,” p. 97, says it does not. The situation, however, has parallels. In Chrétien’s Yuain (IL. 1736. ; Hartmann’s Iwein, ll. a59ff.), Calogrenant begins the report of his failed adventure

at the magic spring (see 123) by stating that he took the difficult right road, full of briars and thorns, which led to disaster. On the other hand, Wolfram’s Parzival (Parzival, §180,3ff.), though confronted with “vil ungevertes,” many trackless paths, rides “slihte an der virre,” straight ahead, and chances upon the castle of Pelrapeire, where he will find his future wife. Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, p. 81, views it as a humorous trivialization of the idea of the fateful choice; Lanzelet knows his mission and does not deviate from its pursuit, though, like Parzival, he

may not know the way. [K] , |

63. According to Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia regum Britannia, ed. Acton Griscom (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1929; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1977), LX, §15 (p. 459), the Roman ambassadors bore branches of olive. [L] See

the English translation based on Griscom’s edition by Lewis Thorpe (Baltimore:

| Penguin, 1966; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984), or vol. 5 of the more recent edition of Geoffrey, Gesta regum Britannie, ed. and trans. Neil Wright, 5 vols. (Cambridge, UK, and Dover, NH: D.S. Brewer, 1985-91), which contains parallel Latin and English texts. The absence of the branch of peace, like the cymbal in Dodone (cf. nni24, 131) and the shields in Pluris (cf. 7182), also signals a challenge to combat, but may have its roots in the journey into the Otherworld. Rudolf Zenker, Forschungen zur Artusepik: Ivainstudien, Beihefte zur ZRP, 70 (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1921), p.

LANZELET 173 97, notes that Aeneas was able to enter the Underworld with the aid of a golden branch. The ruler of the Irish Otherworld, Cormac, carries a silver branch from which hang golden apples; when shaken, it makes music that grants sleep to the ill and wounded (Cormac’s Adventures in the Land of Promise). Bran also bears a white branch with silver flowers that emits music (The Voyage of Bran Son of Febal). Both are found in Cross and Slover, pp. 503-7, 588-95. O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, p. 81. [K]

64. When Ulrich was writing, the smallish Norman conical helmet with nasal was becoming old-fashioned, and the large helm, conical, domed, or flat-topped, was in favor. It still retained the nasal (1. 4529), but it was large enough to fit over the coif of mail, steel cap, or wadded skull protection underneath. Cf. Boeheim, pp. 27ff.; Enlart, 457-59; Charles Ffoulkes, Armour and Weapons (Oxford: Clarendon, 1909; reprint, Wakefield, UK: EP Press, 1973), pp. 25ff.; ZHW 5 (1909): 33ff.; Antiquaries Journal 16 (1936): 413. [W] Cf. also Schultz, 2:61-64; Laking, 1:108-15. The lower part of the face and, perhaps, the throat were protected by a mail flap called the ventail (finteile, cf. also Il. 1385, 4532), which was laced to the coif and sometimes may

have formed part of the hauberk. Schultz, 2:52-55; Enlart, pp. 452-57; Schirling, p. 43f. Removing the helm and dropping the ventail signified that the wearer was not expecting to fight. [L] 65. Lines 1455~7o (“broken-down ... exemplary”) are missing in MS. W and were relegated by Webster to a footnote. Compare the description of the palfrey presented to Enide by her female cousin in Chrétien’s Evec, ll. 1390-402: “I give my word that there’s not one in a hundred better than the dappled. The birds flying through the air don't go faster than that palfrey; and it’s not too mettlesome, but just right for a girl: a child can ride it, for it’s not too nervous or stubborn, it doesn’t bite or kick

and isn’t temperamental. ... Nobody who rides it is uncomfortable, but goes as easily and gently as if he were in a boat” (trans. D.D.R. Owen). [K] 66. This parti-colored horse has something in common with Hartmann’s interlude in Erek, ll. 7285-765, where he expands Chrétien's thirty-six-line description (Evec, ll. 5316-51) of the palfrey which Guivret gave to Enide to over four hundred lines. Hartmann tells us that the iridescent animal was stolen from the elves. Of the selfsame breed must be the king of Ireland’s horse in Wiga/lois, ll. 2510-62. The qualities

of these animals and especially their color indicate that their original home is the Celtic Otherworld. [W] The specific coloring of Ade’s mount, white and red, is commonly attributed to animals in Celtic literature and in the Matter of Britain. In Irish tales we find white cows with red ears. Thurneysen, pp. 286, 311; P.W. Joyce, Old Celtic Romances, 3rd ed. (Dublin: Educational Co. of Ireland, 1907, 1920; reprint, Dublin: Talbot, 1961, 1966; Ware, UK: Wordsworth Editions, 2000), pp. 389, 392f. The hounds of Annwn (the Otherworld) in medieval and modern Welsh tradition have shining white bodies, like Ade’s horse, and red ears. Loth, 1:84; Marie Trevelyan, Folklore and Folk-stories of Wales (London: E. Stock, 1909; reprint, Darby, PA: Norwood Editions, 1973), p. 47. Horses with exactly this coloring are found in a Breton /ai and a romance. ZRP 17 (1893): 249f.; Partonopeus de Blois, ed. G.-A.

Crapelet and A.C.M. Robert, Collection des anciens monuments de [histoire et de la langue frangaise, 12, 2 vols. (Paris: Crapelet, 1834; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine,

174. - LANZELET ; , 1976), 2: 1. 7709f. On polychromatic dogs, cf. Paton, p. 23073; MP 42 (1945): 199-208. On polychromatic horses, cf. ZFSL 48 (1925): 37-41; Revue des langues romanes 65 (1927-28): 213; Loomis, pp. 9of., 141. [L] Cf. the more recent edition of Partonopeu de Blots, ed. Joseph Gildea, 2 vols. (Villanova: Villanova UP, 1967-70). [K]

67. Swiftness was another attribute of supernatural horses in Celtic and Arthurian tra- | dition. Joyce, Old Celtic Romances, pp. 237, 389, 392- Loth, 1:93-96. RR 26 (1935): 318,

ll. 99-107. Merlin: roman en prose du XIIF siecle | = Huth Merlin], ed. Gaston Paris and Jacob Ulrich, Société des anciens textes francais, 23, 2 vols. (Paris: F. Didot, 1886; reprint, New York: Johnson, 1965), 2:77, 110. MP 43 (1945): 65, 69f. [L] 68. The name Ade occurs in no other romance. As has already been remarked in 762, Lanzelet’s surrender to Ade, his imprisonment, and her amorous concern for him

, have a genteel echo in the Dame de Malehot episode in the Prose Lancelot. [W] Loomis (1951) noted the popularity of the name in the north, as shown by the fact , that Prince Henry of Scotland married an Ada in 1139 and named his daughter after her. He further maintained that “it can hardly be a coincidence” that the name Ada

, occurs in the family of Hugh de Morville, which led to his conclusion—as has also been suggested by others—that this name was “presumably introduced into O by

| the author, and the poem must then have been written specifically for a member of the de Morville family.” As we noted in the introduction, the name Ada is indeed documented in two revelant branches of the Morville family: it was borne by the grandmother of the Cumberland Hugh, Ada de Engaine, as well as his daughter;

and by the daughter of Hugh (I) the Constable of the Scottish de Morvilles, the | sister of Hugh (II), Becket’s assassin. Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 142, considers whether the name might ultimately derive from Aude (variants Alde, Audain, Audein), Roland’s betrothed in the chansons de geste, Alda

appears as a variant spelling for Ada de Morville in the Pipe Rolls. [K] oe

69. Bige means “heap, mound”; possibly a castle motte. [. . .] [W] | , 70. Hahn includes a fourth sort of dog, sise, from MS.P. The word is rare. It occurs as seuz in the Thomas version of Tristan, ed. Bédier, 1: 1. 1222, defined by the editor as chien courant, beagle. The word translated as greyhound in 1. 1445 is winde, sometimes glossed /eporarius, French Jévrier, a running or coursing dog of many breeds, from

| slim greyhound to mastiff. A pair of these accompany Malduc’s daughter when she goes riding, l. 7178. The brachet (MHG dracke, OF brachez, Eng. brach) is a small or medium-sized dog, with a good nose, used for tracking and rousing the game. [...] A limmer (MHG Leithund) is kept on the lead (OF em, mod. Fr. fen) till the game _ is roused, when it is slipped. Various dogs, including greyhounds and brachets, were so used. In the graphic opening scene of The parlement of the thre [sic] ages (c. 1350; ed. Israel Gollancz [London: Oxford UP, 1915]) a brachet (derselet#) is kept on the _

: lead (4yame) until the hart is shot. Then he is loosed to track the wounded animal. , See Ernst Bormann, Die Jagd in den altfranzésischen Artus- und Abenteuer-Romanen

_ (Marburg: J. Hamel, 1887); William A. and F. Baillie-Grohman, Master of Game |

(London: Chatto & Windus, 1909); Schultz, 1:453. [W] , 71. The name Linier does not occur elsewhere, so far as I know. [W] | } 72. Limors reminds one of four other sinister castles: Schatel le Mort, 1. 3550; Malmort in Tandareis (cf. n62); Chastel de la Mort in the Livre d’Artus (Sommer, 7:292-94); ,

LANZELET 175 and Chastel de Limors in Chrétien’s Evec, |. 4719, and Hartmann’s Eref, |. 6122. All

are names of ominous import, suggesting the dark Otherworld. In fact, Lanzelet consists essentially of nine brilliant pictures of the Otherworld in various aspects. [ W ] It is noteworthy that in all four instances, as well as in this episode, the hero fights with the lord of the castle, and that in both of Ulrich’s accounts and in Tandareis the hero is imprisoned in the castle. The Livre d’Artus says of the Chastel de la Mort that “ne onques hom qui mis i fust nen issi se toz morz non.” On these castles, cf. below, 2117 and Loomis, pp. 162-68. [L] On Limors as an allusion to the Bois de Limors in lower Normandy, see nar. [K] 73. We follow the emendation in Hahn's edition: da gefiieget sich Wilselde zuo (see his note to |. 1601); Leitzmann, “Zu Ulrichs Lanzelet,” p. 301, rejected the emendation, citing a similar aphorism in Konrad von Wiirzburg. Wilselde, Destiny, means the destiny determined by the hour of one’s birth. Spiewok, Lanzelet, p. 65, also follows the emendation, but Buschinger, Lanze/et, p. 16, reads with MS. W and translates das gefuget sich wol also |sy wol da zuo P| as “Il est bienséant,” it is fitting. [K] 74. Fights with one or more giants, armed with clubs, are among the commonplaces of medieval narrative. Cf. Arthur's fight with Dinabuc in Geoffrey of Monmouth, Wace, and Layamon; Le del inconnu, ed. G. Perrie Williams, Les classiques francais du Moyen Age, 38 (Paris: H. Champion, 1929, 1983), p. 24; The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. Eugéne Vinaver, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1947; 2nd ed., 1967; 3rd ed., rev. by P.J.C. Field, 1990), 1:175, 203, 271; 3:1412f; Sommer, 7:84f,, 222f. [L]

75. A combat with one or two lions in a castle occurs repeatedly in Arthurian romance. Chrétien, Percevalroman, ed. Hilka, ll. 7849-70; Paien de Maisiéres, La damoisele a la mule, ed. Boleslas Orlowski (Paris: H. Champion, rgrz), ll. 634-741; Artus de la Petite Bretagne, ms. in the New York Public Library, fol. 54°, 54”. [. . .] [L] Cf. the more recent edition of La damoisele 4 la mule by R.C. Johnston and D.D.R. Owen, Two Old French Gauvain Romances, pp. 61-116, and the English translation by Arthur G. Ross, La mule sans frein = The Mule with no Bridle (Toronto: Alektryaina, 1989). [K] 76. ‘There seems to be some connection between this adventure and one related in the Welsh tale of Peredur, which is also based on a French or Anglo-Norman romance. There, too, we have—as well as fights with a lion and with giants—a sympathetic

maiden pledging the good faith of a youthful knight to her father, the lord of a perilous castle. Loth, 2:83-87. Jones, pp. 203-5. [L]

77. A wiirmelage is an enclosure for dragons, snakes, and other wild animals (BMZ, 1:484). See also m171. On the various terms used for dragons in medieval bestiaries and literature, see Claude Lecouteux, “Der Drache,” ZDA 108 (1979): 13-31. [K] 78. MS. W, |. 1941: Und sluoc im hinden in dem schart, MS. P: und schluog in hinten in den scrat. Hahn, following a bold emendation of Lachmann, prints: “und sluoc in hinden lideschart.” A bothersome passage. Is it possible that there could be some confusion here over Germanic scharte in the sense of “crotch”? That is a proper region to wound a giant. Cf. alliterative Morte Arthure, ed. Erik Bjorkman, Alt- und mittelenglische Texte, 9 (Heidelberg: C. Winter; New York: G.E. Stechert, 1915), l, 1122. [W] Cf. the more recent edition by Valerie Krishna, The Alliterative Morte Arthure (New York: B. Franklin, 1976). Lecouteux, Les monstres, 1:51, analyzes the

176 - LANZELET | typical structure of the knight’s battle with a giant in the German romance: the , knight approaches his adversary prudently and delivers him a serious blow, but he misses his mark and only wounds him on the arm or hand with which he wields his | weapon; the giant recovers and attacks with renewed fury, forcing the hero to seek | refuge under the trees or in the forest, where the fight continues; finally, the giant receives a fatal blow to the leg or thigh, staggers, and falls like a tower or tree before _

being decapitated by the hero. [K] , es

979. A kemendte, “chamber,” is a small room that can be heated, often a bedroom. [K]

80. The ministrations of Ade to Lanzelet may have influenced those of Queen Arnive to Gawain after his combat with lions in the Schastel Marveile, as described by __ Wolfram, Parzival, §573,30ff. Muriel J. Hughes, Women Healers in Medieval Life and Literature (New York: King’s Crown, 1943} reprint, Freeport, NY: Books for

, Libraries Press, 1968; Salem, NH: Ayer, 1987), pp. 9-11. On women as nurses of the wounded, cf. ibid., pp. 50-59; Schultz, 1:200-2. [L] Similarly, the medicinal , massage she later gives him (ll. 2194ff.) shares many details with the vigorous—and faintly erotic—rubdown with Morgan la Fée’s ointment given to the unconscious and naked Yvain (Chrétien, ll. 2981-3015). On the theme of women healers, see also Peter Meister, The Healing Female in the German Courtly Romance, GAG, 523 (Gép-

, pingen: Kiimmerle, 1990), and esp. his bibliography, pp. 177-86.[K] 81. Webster (1951) regarded this use of the word wi, meaning both woman and wife, as possible verification that at some stage of the story’s development Ade may have

~~ been Linier’s wife. [K] an - Oo

82. Modern Cardigan in southwestern Wales. As Zimmer pointed out in ZFSL 133 | (1891): 87f., the Welsh always called the town Aber Teivi, but the Normans early in

-_. the twelfth century built a castle there and called it the castle of Caradigan after the county, Ceredigiaun, in which it lay. Zimmer rightly argued that the introduc-

Cf. n60.[L] | a _ |

oe tion of this place name into Arthurian romance must have been due to the Breton

-story-tellers who flocked into Anglo-Norman Britain after the Norman Conquest. ©

83. Chrétien made Erec the hero of his famous poem. The immediate origin of the , name is Breton Guerec, which was borne conspicuously by a count of Nantes in the tenth century. R 25 (1896): 588. It was apparently substituted by Bretons-for the

, name Gweir, for two Gweirs, sons of Llwch, are listed among Arthur’s warriors in , a , ~— Culbwceh. Loth, 1:276. As Gweir would account for Guerec, so his father’s name Liwch would account for that of Erec’s father, for //wch, as a common noun, meant

“lake,” and would be translated into French as Lac. The same Gweir turns up in Arthurian romance as Guerehes and Gaheries, sons of King Lot. Loth, 1:26473; ELT. Griffiths, Zi Chantari di Lancellotto (Oxford: Clarendon, 1924), p. 186. Cf. Loomis, pp. 70-75. [L] Ulrich uses the OF phrase, fi/ de roi Lac, son of King Lac, in

his MHG text, as does Hartmann in his Ervec. [K] ee 84. Ginover derives her name from the Welsh Gwenhwyvar, who appears for the first

| time in extant literature in Cudhwceh as Arthur’s queen. Loth, 1:259, 283. On the | name cf. Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, p. 581. On other Welsh tradi| tions about the queen, cf. Loth, 2:246f., 250; Aberystwyth Studies 8 (1926): 65£., 69f.; Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend, pp. 49, 65. Two versions of a poetic dialogue

LANZELET 177 in Welsh, accompanied by a tentative translation, are given by Mary Williams in Speculum 13 (1938): 39-42. For other matters concerned with Ginover, cf. 2167, 206, and Webster's Guinevere: A Study of Her Abductions. [L]

85. Wace in 1155 was the first to mention the Round Table in extant literature, and he refers to it three times. Le roman de Brut, ed. (A.J.V.) Le Roux de Lincy, 2 vols. in 3 (Rouen: E. Frére, 1836-38), ll. 9998F., 10555, 13675; ed. Ivor Arnold, 2 vols. (Paris: Société des anciens textes francais, 1938-40), ll. g751f., 10285, 13269. In the first pas-

sage he says that the Bretons tell many fables about it and that Arthur caused it to be made in order that there might not be any quarrels over precedence in seating. Chrétien refers to it as if it were well known and as if it were an institution. Various

inconsistent stories of its origin occur in the French romances. Huth Merlin, ed. Paris and Ulrich, 1:94—98; 2:61-68. Sommer, 2:53-55. Layamon in his Brut (c. 1200)

gives what is perhaps the most primitive account. A barbarous and bloody quarrel arose in Arthur’s hall over precedence. The son of the king of Winet (Gwynedd, northwestern Wales) slew seven of the offending thanes. Arthur, “it saith in the tale,” went to Cornwall and had a table made which had three marvelous properties: it could seat 1,600; it was arranged that the high should be even with the low; it could be carried about. Arthur Brown showed that the story of the quarrel for precedence had a remarkable anticipation in the Irish saga of Bricriu’s Feast (SNPL 7 [1900]: 183ff.), and this was accepted as proof of Celtic origin by Bruce (1:84). We know, however, that neither the Irish nor the Welsh ate at large tables, either circular or rectangular. Presumably, therefore, the concept of a Round Table originated rather in the practice, attested by Bricriw’s Feast (8th century), of placing the couches of the twelve chief warriors of Ulster round the couch of the king. Henry d’Arbois de Jubainville, L’épopée celtique en Irlande (Paris: E. Thorin, 1892), p. 83. Thurneysen, p. 450. It is noteworthy that in The Didot Perceval, ed. William Roach (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941), pp. 42, 146, there were places for twelve peers at the Round Table, as well as a thirteenth seat which was occupied by Perceval. When this tradition reached the Bretons, who, according to Wace, told

many tales about the Round Table, they were doubtless struck by the fact that, according to pictorial tradition and according to the testimony of pilgrims returning from the Holy Land, the Table of the Last Supper, at which Christ sat with his twelve apostles, was round. Cf. L.H. Loomis’s articles in PMLA 41 (1926): 771-84; MLN 44 (1929): 511-19. At the Last Supper the Lord had rebuked his apostles when they quarreled among themselves as to which should be accounted the greatest. Luke 22:24-26. Hence arose the notion that Arthur's table owed its shape to rivalry over precedence and the notion, found in the Vulgate and the Huth Merlin, that it was patterned after the table of the Last Supper. Originating, then, in the Irish custom of seating twelve chief warriors about the royal couch, the concept of the Round Table was developed by the Bretons and later by French romancers under the influence of Christian tradition. On the Siege Perilous, cf. 2178. From the thirteenth century through the fifteenth we have records of many jousts and feastings called Round Tables, held in Cyprus, England, Scotland, Wales, France, Spain, and Germany. Medieval Studies in Memory of A. Kingsley Porter, ed. Wilhelm R.W. Koehler, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1939; reprint, Freeport, NY: Books

178 ~LANZELET _ oo for Libraries Press, 1969), 1:82-87. [L] See the English translation of Wace byJudith _

, Arnold. [K] a So Weiss, Wace’s Roman de Brut: A History of the British, Exeter Medieval English Texts

, and Studies (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1999), who follows the text of I.

86. In the earliest stages of non-Welsh Arthurian tradition Gawain is indicated as the

nonpareil of knights. When, in the first decade of the twelfth century, he appears } | sculptured under the name Galvaginus on the Modena archivolt, he is distinguished , ‘by the decoration on his shield and his position in the forefront of the attack. We , find a Walwanus recorded as living near Padua in 1136, and there can be little doubt

that the man had been named for Arthur’s nephew at least fifteen years before. RR _ , +32 (1941): 22-31. In 1125 William of Malmesbury mentioned Walwen as “miles vir-

, tute nominatissimus.” Chambers, Arthur of Britain, p. 250. Geoffrey of Monmouth assigned Walwanus or Gualguainus a prominent role in his Historia (c. 1136), and Wace (1155) added two laudatory passages. Brut, ed. Arnold, 2: Il. 9859-62, 12762-66.

, : Chrétien, in the earliest of his extant romances, Erec (1. 1691f.), declared that of all OO the good knights of the Round Table Gauvain was the first. [. ..] The conteurs seem to have employed as a favorite formula Gauvain’s seeking a redoubtable youth and

endeavoring by persuasion to bring him to Arthur’s presence. It occurs in Erec (Il. , 4076-4211), in the Conte del Graal (Percevalroman, ed. Hilka, ll. 4413-4578), in Ger- , aint (Loth, 2:171-73), in Peredur (ibid., 2:79—82), and the late Ystoria Trystan (Thom- | | as, Romance of Tristram and Ysolt, trans. R.S. Loomis, rev. ed. [New York: Columbia , UP, 1931], pp. xv—xviii). On this formula cf. Loomis, p. 154f. Gauvain’s search for

Oo Lancelot is found, not only in Ulrich’s poem, but also in Chrétien’s Charrette (Il. , 51875255) and in the Vulgate Lancelot (Sommer, 3:226f.). HSN 16 (1934): 211, 215. [L]

Bo Loomis (1951) believed the name Gawain derived from Gwrvan Gwallt-avwyn, , which occurs in the long list of Arthur’s companions in Culhweh (Loth, 1:277). He also cites F. Lot’s observation (R24 [1895]: 326) that Gwrvan appears as Gorvain , . in Meraugis de Portlesguez (ed. Mathias Friedwagner, Raoul von Houdenc: Samtliche _ Werke, 2 vols. [Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1897-1909; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1975], vol.

-.- 1) and Hunbaut, and takes on progressively more corrupted forms—Gornain, Gosnayn, Gosenain, Osenain—in the Vulgate Cycle (cf. Sommer’s Index of Names). _ None of these figures, however, shares any traits with the character of Gawain.In —_-

- OF Arthurian literature, the Latinate forms Walwain/Walwein are employed only _ in Wace’s Brut (1155) and Marie-de France’s Lanval (before 1189); all others use some _

version of the French form: for example, Gauvain (Chrétien) and Gauguein (Vulgate Cycle). In MHG, the Latinate W-form occurs in Eilhart’s Tristrant (ca. 1170), _-Ulrich’s Lanzelet, and the thirteenth-century Wolfenbiittel ms. of Hartmann’s Evec; - :

Oo but in the sixteenth-century Ambras ms. of Erec, though both forms ate present, | the French form dominates. Hartmann’s later Arthurian romance, Iwein, knows

| only Gawein for Arthur’s nephew, as do all subsequent MHG romances. That later | . 7 _ authors no longer realized that Walwein and Gawein were the same character is __ Se attested by a conversation between a Sir Walwan (ms. Walban, Balban, etc.) and Sir , : _ Gawan (ms. Gaban, etc.) in Gauriel von Muntabel, a romance composed at the end of the thirteenth century. Der Ritter mit dem Bock: Konrads von Stoffeln “Gauriel von

_ - Muntabel,” ed. Wolfgang Achnitz, Texte und Textgeschichte, 46 (Tiibingen: M.

LANZELET 179 Niemeyer, 1997), Il. 1606ff., and to 1. 7o1, p. 512f. Tilvis, “Uber die unmittelbaren Vorlagen,” pp. 185-93. [K] | 87. Something like this passage is found in Chrétien's Charrette and in the Prose Lancelot and was therefore in Ulrich’s original. HSN 16 (1934): 210. Richter, p. 49. In Wigalots, ed. Pfeiffer, ll. 2389ff., we are told that in the good old days before chivalry declined a maid could ride alone anywhere unmolested and undefamed; but nowadays a woman can hardly put her head out of doors without scandal. The sarcastic Orguelleuse in Chrétien’s Conte del Graal (ed. Hilka, ll. 6698-712) tells Gauvain that she is not one of these foolish Welsh (or Briton) women (foles bretes) who allow themselves to be carried off on the horses of knights. Heinrich von dem Tiirlin says in Diu Créne (U1. 19403ff.) that in old times a maid might ride about for a whole year with her knight without prejudice to her honor; and that if he offered her violence, good knights saw to it that he received condign punishment. (Cf. Diu Créne, 1. 7870, for still another statement.) The etiquette of escorting damsels occurs at the opening of the Zavola Ritonda (ed. Filippo-Luigi Polidori, 2 vols. [Bologna: G. Romagnoli, 1864-66], 1:2), combined with the Charrette motif. Cf. also Wigamur, |. 1566. [W] The extraordinary number of damsels of gentle birth who are described in Arthurian romances as riding about alone and as accepting the companionship on their journeys of knights met casually on the road must have surprised literary

men of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, for we may be sure that in real life ladies of high degree did not travel without a trusty escort nor take up with every stranger. Consequently, authors were obliged to explain or excuse these unconventional damsels. The true explanation is that they were originally fays. Cf. Andreas Capellanus, Art of Courtly Love, trans. J.J. Parry (New York: Columbia UP, 1941, 1990), pp. 177f., 184; Didot Perceval, ed. Roach, p. 197f.; Milton, Paradise Regained, 2: IL. 359-61. They had their prototypes in Irish and Welsh mythology; e.g., Liban in the Sickbed of Cuchulainn (Thurneysen, pp. 419, 422; Cross and Slover, pp. 18zf., 1gof.), and Rhiannon in Pwy// (Loth, 1:92~98). It is the faery ancestry of the errant damsels and maiden guides of Arthurian romance which accounts for their unconventional behavior. [L] Cf. the more recent edition of La Tavola Ritonda by Emanuele Trevi (Milan: Rizzoli, 1999), and the English translation by Anne Shaver, Tristan and the Round Table, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 28 (Binghamton: State University of New York at Binghamton, 1983). [K] 88. Clearly Ulrich understood that Lanzelet and Ade were unmarried, and in earlier versions of the story there was probably no doubt that they were man and mistress, with as little attention paid to Christian morality as in the mythological tradition of the Irish. Cross and Slover, pp. 165-67, 193, 270, 493, 546f., 595. MP 43 (1945): 67f.

The Breton /ais of amours between fays and mortals and the extraordinary number of illicit affairs attributed to Gawain also represent this mythological heritage. [L] One should note, however, that Ulrich later designates her as a “maget,” maiden (1. 2460). [K]

89. This appeal for silence is an interesting indication that Ulrich expected his poem to be read aloud. [L] This injunction is repeated in |. 7584f. [K] go. We read “alike” with the mss. (P: glicheclich, W: gelich), against Lachmann’s emendation in Hahn, gedihtecliche, “abundantly.” [K]

180 LANZELET gi. In the Prose Lancelot Gauvain frequently says, “My name I never concealed; I am Gauvain, the nephew of Arthur.” RS 5 (1880): 695. [W] g2. King Lot (or Loth) is one of the dim old figures of Arthurian romance. In Geoffrey of Monmouth he is the husband of Arthur’s sister Anna and father of Gawain. Arthur presents him with the kingdom of Lodonesia, 1.e., Lothian, which then comprised the region between the Firth of Forth and the River Tweed. In the Vulgate Merlin and the Huth Merlin, however, Lot appears in the role of a rebel against Arthur, and in the former (Sommer, 2:315) he attempts to carry off Guinevere. Joseph Loth identified Lot with a certain Lloch or Llwch Llawwynyawc, one of Arthur’s warriors in Culhweh. Cf. Loth, 1:26473; RC 16 (1895): 84ff. The form Lohenis (found in MS. P) represents Wace’s Loeneis (Brut, ed. Arnold, 1: |. 8822), the Anglo-Nor-

man name for Lothian. [W] Llwch or Lluch appears as a warrior of Arthur's, not only in Culhweh, but also in two earlier Welsh poems, The Spoils of Annwn and a fragment in the Black Book of Carmarthen. Cf. Malory, Morte d’Arthur, EL, 45-46, 2 vols. (London: J.M. Dent; New York: E. P. Dutton, 1906, 1976), 1:ix, xxiii; PMLA 56 (1941): 890, 914-16. [. . .] [L] Loomis (1951) suggested that Lot’s connection with

Lothian may be due to Geoffrey’s passion for providing geographical names with eponyms. He also derives the name Lanzelet from Lluch (see m14q). [K] 93. Gurnemans bears the same name as that of the hospitable Gornemans, who trains Perceval in horsemanship and arms, according to Chrétien’s Conte del Graal. Cf. Hilka’s Percevalroman, |. 1548, and note. An Anglo-Norman romance, such as O, would naturally give the form Gurnemans. [L] Gornemanz de Gohort first appears in a list of the Knights of the Round Table in Chrétien’s Exec (1. 1695), following Gawain, Erec, and Lancelot. For Spiewok, Lanzelet, p. xv, the fact that Ulrich uses the same form of this name as found in Wolfram’s Parzival strengthens the theory that Ulrich was familiar with that work. [K] 94. Webster translated Hahn’s den Gebannenen clé as “the Judgment Field,” but Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet,” p. 252, is surely correct when she notes that the mss. do not in any way indicate that this is the proper name of a specific place. Dyoflé is not mentioned anywhere else in Arthurian romance. Walshe, “The Fabulous Geography,” p. 98, regarded Ulrich’s Dyoflé as identical to Wolfram’s Jéflanze (Parzival §610, 23), a city before which there is also a battle plain. Loomis (1951) sought to derive the name from an earthwork called Dinlleu, mentioned in the mabinogi of Math, which lies on the Welsh coast at the base of Mt. Snowdon about five miles south of Carnarvon. [K] 95. Some of these amusements are described in Schultz, 1:533-63. Cf. also the sports in the fields after Arthur’s coronation in Wace’s Brut, ed. Arnold, 2: ll. 10521-88. [L] The rote is a musical instrument with strings stretched across a wooden frame and played with a bow. [K] 96. Tybalt, a name of Germanic origin, was common in France and had already appeared as Tiebaut or Tibalt in Chrétien’s Conte del Graal, |. 4835 etc., as that of a lord of Tintaguel. [L]

97. Buroin is a name unrecorded elsewhere and for which I can offer no explanation. As for the White Lake, it may possibly have some connection with Llyn Gwynant,

LANZELET 181 Lake of the White Valley, which lies at the base of Snowdon to the southeast. The Duchess of the White Lake is mentioned at Il. 5079, 5375. [L] 98. Reasonably authentic accounts of tourneys as they were in Ulrich’s time can be found in the poetic biography of William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, mentor to the gay “Young King,” Henry II’s eldest son. This poem was edited by Paul Meyer under the title L’Aistoire de Guillaume le Maréchal, Société de Vhistoire de France, 255, 268, 304, 3 vols. (Paris: Renouard, H. Laurens, successeur, 1891-1901). See especially Meyer’s comment in vol. 3, pp. xxvf., and Sidney Painter, William Marshal: Knight-errant, Baron, and Regent of England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1933, 1967; reprint, Medieval Academy Reprints, 13, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), ch. 3, on William’s prowess. A few decades later, in Upper Austria, a much less formidable person than William, the sentimental, thick-skinned poet Ulrich von Lichtenstein, gave a detailed picture of his career as a jouster in his Frauendienst. A brief article of mine on twelfth-century tourneys, based on half a dozen early romances, is in the Anniversary Papers by Colleagues and Pupils of George Lyman Kittredge (Boston: Ginn, 1913; reprint, New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), pp- 327-34. Cf. also Schultz, 2:106-50; J.J. Jusserand, Les sports et jeux d’exercice dans

l’ancienne France (Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 1901; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1986), and

bibliography in 735 above. For this rough game as it was played in the twelfth century there were no rules beyond the most elementary. For example, one must not take advantage of the excellent chance it offered to contrive the assassination of one’s enemies. Indeed, the first mention of tourneys in England—in one of William the Conqueror’s Consuetudines—bars this convenient form of vengeance (C.H. Haskins in English Historical Review 23 [1908]: 503); and the use of missile weapons and daggers was prohibited. The field of play was a level plain, but flight and pursuit sometimes ranged over great tracts of land among mills and villages, though there was for each side some recognized zone of safety. Ordinary armor and sharp weapons were used, but there is some difference of opinion about this. In Ulrich von Lichtenstein’s Frauendienst (1255) the weapons are almost always blunt. There was nothing to prevent any number from attacking one man even if he was wounded or afoot. Of course, maimings and killings were common; but dead men and horses fetched no ransom, and one of the chief beauties of the tourney was the opportunity it provided poor young athletes of making money by the capture of valuable prisoners with their armor and mounts, all of which had to be ransomed. That is plain enough in our Dyoflé tourney. Of course, regulation, pageantry, and sophistication came along soon; but what we moderns are inclined to call barbaric and gross unfairness can still be found in the gorgeous tournament which Chaucer, who had himself put up lists for jousts as Richard II’s master of the works, described in his courtly Knight's Tale in the late fourteenth century. [W] On the

common Arthurian motif of a tournament, lasting usually three days, in which a hero displays his prowess incognito, cf. above 762, and Jessie L. Weston, Three Days Tournament, Grimm Library, 15 (London: D. Nutt, 1902; reprint, New York: Haskell House, 1965); Laura A. Hibbard, Mediaeval Romance in England (New York: Oxford UP, 1924; reprint, Burt Franklin Bibliographical and Reference Series,

182 LANZELET 17, New York: B. Franklin, 1963), Index sub “Tournament”; Viscount Dillon and W.H. St. John Hope, Pageant of the Birth, Life and Death of Richard Beauchamp (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1914), pp. 52-61. [L] Lanzelet’s first experience with knightly combat, ll. 644-66, took place in the context of a threeday bohourt, although few details of the combat itself are given. Geoffrey of Monmouth is the first to describe just such a three days’ tournament during Arthur's plenary court at Pentecost in the City of the Legions (Historia, IX, §§12-14). See also the study by Janine Delcourt-Angélique, “Le motif du tournoi de trois jours avec changement de couleur destiné 4 préserver l' incognito,” in Kenneth Varty, ed., An Arthurian Tapestry: Essays in Memory of Lewis Thorpe (Glasgow: British International Arthurian Society, 1981), pp. 160-86. [K] 99. MHG vespereide, or vesperie, is a pre-tournament held on the evening before the main tournament, where the knights can practice their jousting skills and size up the competition (BMZ 3:304). [K] 100. MHG kramschilt is a trade shield, ready made, undecorated, just painted. Cf. Seyler, p. 100, where the huge cost of a first-class decorated shield is mentioned. [W] 1o1. The name is written Kay or Key in MS. P, as Keiin in MS.W. This figure appears in some of the earliest Welsh Arthurian literature. In a poem in the Black Book of Carmarthen, Kei as a warrior of Arthur’s is credited with great exploits in battle and as a slayer of witches. Malory, Morte d’Arthur, EL, t:xixf. In Culhweh he is also a great warrior, with strange properties of extending himself to the height of the tallest tree and of radiating heat; but he begrudges the youthful hero Culhwch entrance into Arthur’s hall. Loth, 1:256f., 286. Jones, pp. 99, 107. In Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Kaius is still one of the mightiest of Arthur's knights, but the French romancers, beginning with Chrétien, generally assign him the ignominious role of a quarrelsome braggart, who, as here, serves as a foil to the hero. Cf. Loomis, pp. 154f., 202-4, 274f,, 357f. [L]

102. Hahn, following MS. W, has Iwan de Nonel, but MS. P has de Lonel. The correct reading is established by Chrétien (Erec, |. 1707), who gives Yvain de Loenel, and Hartmann (Ere, |. 1643), who gives Ywan von Lonel. Iwan de Lonel, then, is one of those names which Ulrich took from Hartmann, not, as Singer proposed, from Wolfram’s Parzival. The original of Iwan is undoubtedly the historic British prince Owain, son of Urien, who fought against the Angles in the latter part of the sixth century, was celebrated in early Welsh poetry, and was attracted into the Arthurian cycle of stories. Loth, 2:17; Ifor Williams, Lectures on Early Welsh Poetry (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1944, 1970), pp. 50, 63-65. Geoffrey of Monmouth mentions him as “Iwenus filius Uriani, . . . qui postea in decertationibus istis multis probitatibus preclaruit.” Historia, ed. Griscom, p. 498 (XI, §1). Gaimar, about 1150, says that Iwain was made king of Mureif (Moray in northeastern Scotland) and Loeneis (Lothian, the region between the Firth of Forth and the River Tweed). MP 38 (1941): 285f. It seems fairly clear that Chrétien’s Yvain de Loenel and Ulrich’s Iwan de Lonel represent successive distortions of Yvain de Loeneis. The connection with Lothian recalls the historic fact that Yvain’s father Urien was a king of Rheged, which scholars are inclined to place in Cumberland or Galloway, and that he besieged the Angles in the island of Lindisfarne. Though Chrétien, in

LANZELET 183 Erec, |. 1706f., distinguishes Yvain son of Urien from Yvain de Loenel and “Yvains li Avoutre (bastard),” all three were originally the same historic personage. Loomis, ch. 45. Yvain son of Urien is the hero of one of Chrétien’s poems and of the cognate Welsh tale, The Countess (or Lady) of the Fountain. [L] L. Thorpe translates

the passage from Geoffrey as follows: “Ywain, the son of Urian ... [who] in the wars which followed became famous because of the many brave deeds which he accomplished.” As Chandler, 4 Catalogue of Names, p. 136, had noted, a Count Iwan von Nonel, father of one of the Grail maidens, is mentioned in Wolfram’s Parzival, § 234,12; this could have influenced the scribe of MS. W. [K] 103. Who this margrave was and where the island was situated seems impossible to tell. [L] Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 263, derives Lyle (MHG Live) from Lisle, and suggests a parallel for what may have happened here. In Chrétien’s Erec, Maheloas is the ruler of “LIsle de Voirre” (1. 1946); but in Renaut de Beaujeu’s Be/ inconnu, he has lost his name and simply become lord “De I'Tlle Noires” (1. 5518). [K]

104. Dhe /ezze is the recognized neutral ground, safe retreat, formation place of his side. See Guillaume le Maréchal, ed. Meyer, 3:21n2; Webster, in Kittredge Anniversary Papers, p. 230772, 6. [|W] 105. Walwein must not seem to have been shirking: his honor must always be preserved, as Hahn remarks in his note on I. 3014. [W]

106. Apropos of Sir Maurin mit den hehten schenkeln, Geoffrey of Monmouth (ed. Griscom, p. 453, LX, §12) mentions a Mauron Wigornensis (of Worcester); Wace (ed. Arnold, 2: 1. 10258) mentions Mauron, “cuens de Guirecestre” (some manuscripts read “Wincestre”); Layamon (ed. Madden, ll. 20238, 24336) represents Maurin of Winchester as a kinsman of Arthur. Since Layamon presumably found the form Maurin in his manuscript of Wace, and since Ulrich has one other name apparently derived from Wace, viz. Gilimar (cf. 2204), it seems probable that both names are arbitrary borrowings by the author of O from Wace’s Brut. Wolfram von Eschenbach seems to have selected the name at random from Ulrich’s poem and introduced it in Parzival, §662,19, just as he took over Ibert and Iblis and introduced them in §656,26f. On the latter names cf. 2m20 and 129. [...] [L] Webster translated Sir Maurin’s sobriquet as “of the nimble shanks.” See also 1239. [K] 107. [he name Ritschart is, of course, not Arthurian, and nothing is to be made of Tumane, or according to the mss., Tumange. But, since Ritschart enjoys the fealty of a hundred knights, he corresponds to “le roi des cent chevaliers,” who appears in the Vulgate Cycle and is there called Aguigniez, Aguysans, Malaguin, etc. Cf. Sommer, Index, p. 21. From this source the figure was taken into Malory’s book (cf. Works, ed. Vinaver, 2:1663, sub “Barraunte”), the Prose Tristan, the Tristano Riccardiano, and the English Prose Merlin. The authors of O and of the Prose Lancelot must have found this Count or King of the Hundred Knights in their common source, since both as-

sign him a prominent part in the tournament in which Lanzelet-Lancelot assumes differently colored arms. Cf. 762 and Loomis, ch. 42. [L] Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet,” p. 284, notes the similarity of Tumane to Tulmein (or Tulmein), the castle of Duke Imain in Hartmann’s Erec (ll. 174, 1297, 1406, 9719), to which Wolfram also refers in Parzival, § 401,17. [K]

184 LANZELET 108. The French name from which both Karyet and Malory’s Gareth derive was Garies, Gaheries, etc., with an oblique case Gariet, Gaheriet, etc. [. . .] [L] Loomis (1951) derived the name ultimately from a Welsh warrior, Gweir, listed in Cu/hwch, who was a son of Llwch, as Gareth was a son of Lot. He first appears as Gaheriez in the list of the Knights of the Round Table in Chrétien’s Erec (1. 1725). In the OF romances and Malory he is the best of Gawain’s brothers; in Wolfram’s Parzival, he is Gawain’s cousin, Gaherjet. Chandler, 4 Catalogue of Names, p. 92. [K] 109. In all probability Walest is a corruption of an Anglo-Norman form, Wales, which occurs in Marie de France’s Chievrefoil, |. 105. It is of course modern English Wales. [L]

110. In Arthurian romance Lancelot shows a strong predilection for appearing incognito at a tournament in red arms. [...]| [L] Loomis (1951) attributed this to the identification of Lancelot with Lug, who according to a gloss in the Second Battle of Moytura wore red from sunset to morning. Red is the usual medieval description of the color of gold. Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 215, considers a more historical significance: during the ‘Third Crusade, the contingents

of Crusaders were distinguished from one another by the color of the cross they wore on their uniforms: green for Flanders, white for England, red for France. [K] m1. It has not been sufficiently noticed how prominent the motive of gain was in that cruel and mercenary age. That Ritschart of Tumane’s band is largely bent on gain is plain from our narrative; so is Lancelot’s unusual generosity in not getting full value for his captives. Kay gloats over his prospective booty, and the squires make a profit from what their masters renounce to them. Even the judicious Niedner, Das deutsche Turnier, p. 20, probably overestimates the magnanimity or trustfulness of these early jousters; and less critical writers on chivalry, e.g., Charles Mill, in the History of Chivalry, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, 1825), 1:136, are quite unrealistic about it. The stock example of the young man of fashion supporting himself by tourneying is the well-known William Marshall, earl of Pembroke. In

the 1170s he and another young bruiser went into partnership and made a fine income from the ransoms of the scores of knights whom they captured in tourneys. The business of such ransoms is still obscure, though much is known about the ransom of prisoners of war. See, for example, the Vicomte Georges d’Avenel, Histotre de la fortune frangaise (Paris: Payot, 1927), p. 62f. Probably, in order not to

spoil the game, some fairly reasonable sum was customary, perhaps a year’s income. Cf. M. de Sainte Palaye’s Mémoires sur l’'anctenne chevalerie, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Paris: Girard, 1826), 1:363, and 740; and Kittredge Anniversary Papers, p. 234. At any

rate, a tourneyer once captured could not fight again till he had made absolutely satisfactory arrangements about his ransom, as may be seen from many passages in Guillaume le Maréchal, in Ulrich von Lichtenstein’s Frauendienst, and in Cligés , ll. 4792, 4799, 4802, 4819, 4996, etc. At important tourneys there must have been moneylenders—Jews, Lombards, and Cahorsins—on hand, who were able, in the light of guttering candles and torches in the tents, to negotiate pledges and write promissory notes and mortgages with great dispatch. Cf. Ulrich von Lichtenstein, Frauendienst, §311. For ransom in later periods see Raymond L. Kilgour, The Decline of Chivalry as Shown in the French Literature of the Late Middle Ages, Harvard Stud-

LANZELET 185 ies in Romance Languages, 12 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1937; reprint, Gloucester, MA: Smith, 1966), passim. [W] 112. Rumor (Me/de) is probably personified, since we find the expression “vrouwe Melde” in Hartmann’s Eve&, |. 2516. [L]

113. Hahn’s emendation reads with fragment s, against MSS. P and W: sleht als ein want, “smooth as a wall.” Leitzmann, “Zu Ulrichs Lanzelet,” p. 304, questioned the emendation on the basis that a Swiss would be quite familiar with smooth cliff walls; Webster also rejected it. It seems, however, unlikely that Ulrich would describe a horizontal surface with a vertical metaphor. Spiewok, Lanzelet, p. 141, also accepts the emendation, but Buschinger, Lanzeler, p. 35, does not. [K] 114. Hahn prints: daz was geheizen Derkél. But the mss. separate the words Der and

kal (chal). |W] Kal is a recognized MHG form of the feminine noun Quai, “torment.” If this water which encircled Schatel le Mort was called in Ulrich’s source “the Water of Torment,” the concept has probably been influenced by the Christian vision literature which often describes a river of hell. A similar influence appears in Chrétien's description of the water (eve) which rushes past the castle of Baudemaguz, king of the land whence no man returns: “Si leide et si espoentable / Con se fust li fluns au deable.” Charrette, |. 3025f. Almost the same words are used in Paien de Maisieres’s Mule sans frein (Il. 391-400) of the river encircling a magic turning castle: “Et si vos di sanz nule fable / Que ce est li fluns au deable.” On these rivers cf. Patch, The Other World, pp. 80-130, 302-5. [L] 115. This castle painted on the exterior probably owes more to imagination than to the realities of twelfth-century architecture. Cf. Schultz, 1:61. [L] Webster translated seltsenlich bedaht (MS. W), which we render as “topped by a strange roof,” as “wonderfully devized,” meaning that the painted castle wall is also covered with strange symbols. That at least two medieval readers understood this passage to refer to the roof and not to the wall is supported by MSS. P and s, which offer a lectio facilior, mit ziegele bedacht, “roofed with tiles.” [K] 116. S. Hofer, “Der Lanzelet des Ulrich,” p. 1of., suggests that the inspiration for the conversion of heroes to cowards and vice versa in this magic spell comes from the following passage in vol. 2 of The Medieval French Roman d’Alexandre, ed. Edward C. Armstrong et al., p. 57, Branche 1, Il. 2524-28 (la montagne enchantée):

Ore oiez la merveille dont li mons est garniz: Quant couars hom i entre, sempres devient hardiz, Touz li pires du mont i est si esbaudiz; Et li preus 1 devient ainsi acouardiz Et mauvés de corage et de fez et de diz Touz li mieudres 1 est fols et avilaniz; [2530] Et li destriers de garde mornes et alentiz Et li roncis mauvés desreez et braidiz.

(Now hear the marvel with which this mountain is furnished: when a coward enters there, he always becomes brave; the worst man in the world is encouraged there; and similarly the brave man is made cowardly and wretched in spirit and

186 LANZELET deeds and words; there, the best man is foolish and debased; and the attentive charger becomes sad and sluggish, and the wretched nag rambunctious and swift.) [K] 117. The form Schatel le Mort is Hahn’s emendation based on such ms. readings as Schadilimort, Schatlemort, Schachteile Mort, and Schahtelemort. The castle is evidently related to the “chastel de Limors” in Chrétien’s Evec, 1. 4719, Chrétien or his source having mistaken the words “li mors” for a proper noun and therefore failed to in-

flect them. The fact that both Ulrich and Chrétien use the masculine form of the article shows that, literally translated, the name of the castle was that of the Dead Man. Now Rhys states that “the Bretons give Death as one of his names that of ar Maro, which literally means the Dead One.” John Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 2nd ed. (London: Williams and Norgate, 1892, 31898; reprint of 3rd ed., New York: AMS Press, 1979), p. 659. Since there is every reason to believe

that the Bretons shaped the Arthurian traditions used by the author of O and by

, Chrétien, we can understand why the peculiar title, the Castle of the Dead Man, should be given to the places where Lanzelet lost his strength and to which Erec was carried lifeless on a bier. Cf. above 772, and Loomis, ch. 24. [L] Lanzelet’s utter debasement in this Castle of Death suggests that this imprisonment is part of the traditional initiation rite of the novice, which requires his ritual death in the Otherworld before he is “reborn” as the hero who himself has the power to heal or is worthy of sovereignty. See O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, pp. 98ff.,; Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation: The Mysteries of

Birth and Rebirth, trans. W.R. Trask, The Library of Religion and Culture (New York: Harper & Row, 1965; reprint, Dallas: Spring, 1994), pp. 125ff.; and Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M.B. Vizedom and G.L. Caffe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), p. 91. [K] 118. The name Mabuz is easily recognized as an Anglo-Norman nominative corresponding to Mabons, which is borne by an evil enchanter in Renaut de Beaujeu’s Bel inconnu, ll. 3347, 3369, etc. The equation of Mabuz with Mabon is confirmed by the fact that Mabuz’s mother is a water-fay, ruling an island which presents marked analogies to that presided over by Morgain la Fée (cf. 19), whereas in Welsh lit- erature we have a Mabon who is regularly referred to as the son of Modron, the counterpart of Morgain. Cf. Speculum 20 (1945): 190. Celtic mythologists are agreed that the Welsh names, Mabon and Modron, derive by regular rules of phonology from those of (Apollo) Maponos and Matrona, found in Romano-British and _ Gallo-Roman inscriptions. They were divine appellations, meaning the Great Son and the Great Mother. The identification of Maponos with Apollo suggests a so-

lar nature, which would seem quite incompatible with Mabuz’s role as the lord , of Schatel le Mort. But the fusion of the personified sun with personified death was and still is familiar to the Bretons. The Breton /ai of Sir Orfeo ascribes solar brilliance to an Otherworld king, whose castle is filled with corpses, and modern Breton folktales, akin to Sir Orfeo, call this Otherworld king, sometimes “le Soleil,” sometimes “le Trépas.” Le Braz reported a Breton belief that the soul at death flies off to the Land of the Setting Sun. Loomis, ch. 24. Philipot showed in R 25 (1896):

284-87 that cognates of Mabuz are Mabon in the Prose Tristan, Mabonagrain in Chrétien's Evec, and Le Noir Chevalier in the Conte del Graal, and that the enchant-

LANZELET 187 er Malduc who appears later in Lanzelet (cf. 213) derived his name and nature in part from Mabon. [L] O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, p. 97, notes four points that could speak for the identification of Mabuz with Mabon: the similarity of their names; the special emphasis on the mother-son relationship; Mabon’s association with the theme of imprisonment (in Cu/hweh, he is held prisoner and must be freed by Arthur); Mabon was taken from his mother when he was but three nights old. Mabon’s chief attribute, however, is that of hunter, as can be seen in Cu/hwch, where he hunts the magic boar, the Twrch Trwyth (Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology, p. 33); Ulrich’s cowardly Mabuz is not identified with hunting. Both Elardo, “Lanzelet,” p. 144, and McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, pp. 184-86, stress the link between Lanzelet and Mabuz; they are foster brothers, alter egos, and opposites in terms of manly courage. Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 247f., offers a psychological reading of Mabuz’s relationship with his dominant mother, in which her influence is a negative one, from which Mabuz cannot free himself in order to become a man. Lanzelet alone succeeds in escaping the “extreme feminism” (Spiewok, “Zur Minneproblematik,” p. 142) of the water fairy and her matriarchy, and after transferring his love from mother figure to spouse(s), he comes to identify with the male world of Arthur. However, as Schmid also notes, in the case of Lanzelet, the fairy shows no desire to keep him for herself, unlike Perceval’s mother or the “erotically active” Fee Morgue of the Prose Lancelot, but in fact sends him on the very quest—albeit in her own interest—that will gain him the perfect wife (p. 243f., and Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, 2:90). See also n1gg. [K] 119. Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 246, considers a most pertinent question: If there are no men in the matriarchal society of the water fairy, who was Mabuz’s father? She suggests that it was perhaps not a man at all, but some kind of monster, perhaps one of those merwunder, which could account for Mabuz’s unmanliness. [K]

120. Lanzelet’s giving no thought to meat or drink seems to be a dim reflection of the widespread belief that one must not partake of the food or drink of the land of the dead if one would ever escape. Edwin S. Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales (New York: F. A. Stokes, [1891]), pp. 38-48; Handwérterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, ed. Edu-

ard Hoffmann-Krayer and Hanns Bachtold-Staiibli, 10 vols. (Berlin and Leipzig: De Gruyter, 1927-42, 2000), 2: col. 1053. It is noteworthy that Enide in Chrétien's

] Ervec refused to eat in the castle of Limors. [L] On the taboos regarding eating and drinking in the Otherworld, see also Tom Peete Cross, Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1952; reprint, New York: Kraus, 1969), C:211.1; O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen Struktur, p. 100; Eliade, Rites and Symbols, p. 15. Following Hannink, Vorstudien, p. 73, we read line 3691 with MSS. P and g, do kou er und nuog (where he chewed and gnawed), against Hahn and MS. W, da saz er unde kou genuoc (where he sat and chewed aplenty); Webster (1951)

followed Hahn. While Mabuz’s false bravery inside the Schatel is portrayed as unbridled arbitrariness and despotism, that is, a change in his character, Lanzelet’s false weakness is manifested only in a loss of his proper social skills and return to a childlike state: lack of modesty, poor hygiene, bad table manners, and bad posture (Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 247). [K]

188 - LANZELET | 121. The hose are of mail, ordinarily; they are fastened at the top to breeches (of leath-

er?) and terminate in mail sollerets—if they can be so called—with leather soles. | If the hose were made like stockings, all of one piece, they would be most difficult to get on unless they were very loose. So usually they were open behind, and laced or somehow tightened there. One would be glad to have help with one’s hose. See Boeheim, p. 112; Enlart, p. 470; John Hewitt, Ancient Armour and Weapons in Europe, 3 vols. (Oxford: J. Henry and J. Parker, 1855-60; reprint, Graz: Akademische Druck-

u. Verlagsanstalt, 1967), 1:134.[W] ,

122. MS. W has reiniu wambesch, faultless gambesons. The gambeson was a quilted pro- _ tection, either for the head or for the body. Schirling, p. 42f. Schultz, 2:51. Enlart, p.

464. Here the padded garment worn under the hauberk is probably meant. [L] __ 123. As Webster has shown in HSN 16 (1934): 206, the episode of the Sorrowful Fief , has its counterpart in Lancelot’s visit to the cemetery under the guidance of a monk, related by Chrétien in the Charrette, \l. 1849-966. Cf. also Loomis, ch. 37. The scene is also related to that in Chrétien’s Evec, where the hero is guided by King Evrain to a vergier, sees the heads of knights impaled on stakes, and learns from the king that an empty stake is intended for his own head. Ibid., p. 176. [L] Richter, p. 44, derives the name of the cloister of the Sorrowful Fief (Jemer_ licher urbor) from the Terra Laboris, or Terra di Lavoro, the fruitful countryside

, west of Naples; it appears in Wolfram’s Parzival as Terra de Labur, the duke of which, Clinschor, is castrated by King Ibert of Sicily for his adultery with Queen Iblis (§657,8f.); having thereafter become an embittered wizard, he holds captive, among others, several women from Arthur’s family—Arnive (his mother), Sangive (his sister), and Cundrie and Itonje (his nieces and Gawan’s sisters)—at his castle, Schastel marveile, from which imprisonment Gawan frees them. One might also see a counterpart to this monastery in the chapel in Chrétien’s Yuain. The chapel—there a blind motif—stands near the pine tree, spring, and stone

a upon which Yvain pours water to initiate the storm and bring about his con, frontation with Esclados and the Otherworld. In Hartmann’s Jwein, the tree is a linden, and the scenery is certainly reminiscent of the description of the Beauti- __ ful Wood (see 7124). That Lanzelet is here about to undertake an adventure at which others have failed is demonstrated by the fact that the monastery contains the graves of Iweret’s previous victims. This parallels Yvain’s desire to avenge

~. Calogrenant—and who knows how many other victims of Esclados—and Erec’s encounter with the impaled heads of Mabonagrain’s victims in the enchanted

, garden. The major difference between the cemetery scenes of Chrétien and Ulrich, a difference that goes far in defining the “spirit” of their diverging characterizations, lies in the fact that in the former, Lancelot raises the lid of his tomb and uncovers his destiny; in the latter, Lanzelet finds a replacement for himself (i.e., Iweret) to put in it (Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, 2:26). |K] , 124. The setting of the combat with Iweret bears some marked resemblances to two passages in Chrétien’s poems. Iweret’s wood was green both winter and summer and bore fruit all the year round—fruit which had healing virtues; it contained a spring, overshadowed by a great tree; from this tree hung a gong or bell which served to summon the champion with a red shield. In Erec the vergier where the

LANZELET 189 hero fought Mabonagrain bore fruit and flowers both summer and winter, as well as every kind of curative spice and root; it contained a sycamore tree beside which the hero awaited the champion in red arms; also a stake from which a blast horn was suspended. According to Chrétien’s Charrette, Lancelot’s last fight with Meleagant took place in a glade (Jande), which was bordered by herbage perennially fresh and where a sycamore stood beside a spring. Loomis, pp. 234, 264f. [...] [L] Iweret’s gong hangs from a linden tree, which, with its heart-shaped leaves, is a traditional emblem of love and appears often in medieval German love poetry; here Lanzelet will meet meet Iblis for the first time (Il. 4240ff.). [K] 125. A lion’s head, serving as the spout of a fountain, is often depicted in medieval art. Cf. R. S. Loomis and L. H. Loomis, Arthurian Legends in Medieval Art, fig. 1225 Raymond Koechlin, Ivoires gothiques frangais, 2 vols. (Paris: A. Picard, 1924; reprint, in 3 vols., Paris: F. de Nobele, 1968), Planches, pl. CCXVHI, CCXIX. [L]

126. Chrétien in the Conte del Graal represents Gauvain as plucking an herb from a hedge, taking a woman’s wimple, and binding the herb on the wounds of the knight Greoreas. Percevalroman, ed. Hilka, 1. 6910-61. In the Atre périlleux, we read that Tristran’s daughter bound an herb called “toscane” on the wound of Le Lai Hardi. Litre périlleux, ed. Brian Woledge, Les classiques frangais du Moyen Age, 76 (Paris: H. Champion, 1936), ll. 6304-30. Cf. also, on use of herbs and salves, Hughes, Women Healers, pp. 56-58. [L] See the English translation of LGatre péilleux by R.G. Arthur, “The Perilous Graveyard,” Three Arthurian Romances, pp. 109-227. Both the medicinal properties of the fruit in the Beautiful Wood and its ability to please the culinary whim of any who eat it are reminiscent of the Grail in Wolfram’s Parzival, §238, 8-17; §469,14-24 (Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” p. 429). [K] 127. [This separation of beasts and birds by some occult barrier recalls the phenomenon,

noted by Geoffrey of Monmouth (ed. Griscom, p. 443, IX, §7) and repeated by many other authors, to the effect that there was a square pool in Scotland containing four kinds of fish in the four corners, and that each kind was found only in its own corner. Cf. also Edmond Faral, Légende arthurienne: études et documents, Bibliothéque de l’Ecole des hautes études, IV¢ section, fasc. 255-57, 3 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1929), 2:262; 3:59, 236. [L]

128. The expressly magical properties of Behforet—Ulrich is approximating the French form, “la Belle Forét”—distinguish it from the previously described forests of Moreiz and Limors (Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” pp. 426ff.). Mabonagrain’s garden in Chrétien's Evec is the result of “nigromance” (1. 5742); though Iweret’s Beautiful Wood is magical as well, at least one of its marvels exists with God’s permission (1. 4083), perhaps an allusion to the Garden of Eden. This would echo Hartmann’s Evec, in which Mabonagrin’s garden is explicitly called “daz ander paradise” (1. 9542), the second Paradise. ‘The detail that individual trees blossom on one side and simultaneously bear fruit on the other is also found in Hartmann’s garden (Exec, ll. 8715-22), but not in Chrétien’s version, where we are only told that the garden has flowers and fruit both summer and winter (1. 5746f.). One is also reminded of the “summer” of King Melwas’s Summer Country in Caradoc’s Life of St. Gildas and of Ulrich’s Isle of Maidens, where “all the year round their land was abloom as in the middle of May” (1. 204f). [K]

Igo LANZELET | 129. It is almost certain that the name Yblis, Iblis, or Ibelis (MS. P, ll. 5379, 9185) is an anagram, coined by Ulrich, for Sibil(e). Since in Wolfram’s Parzival we find Sigune as a name for Parzival’s cusine, and Arnive instead of Chrétien’s Iverne (Conte del Graal, MS. E, |. 8742), the substitution of anagrams was not unknown to German poets. The vallis yblé (or vbele) of 1. 4086 seems likewise to be a misreading of Latin vadllis sybile, employed by the author of O. For him the name Sibile would have been most suitable for a heroine since it was a favorite in the highest Anglo-Norman circles. It was borne by Robert Curthose’s wife, niece,

and son's betrothed; by one of Henry I’s mistresses and by one of his natural daughters, who married Alexander I of Scotland; by the daughter of Joce de Dinan (Ludlow); by the wife of Payn Fitz John, sheriff of Shropshire and Herefordshire; and by the mother and a daughter of the famous William Marshal, earl of Pembroke. The assignment of the name to Lanzelet’s inamorata was not, however, due merely to its vogue. Several facts indicate that at an early stage of the Lancelot tradition, before he was established by Chrétien in the role of Guinevere’s lover, he was represented as a lover of Morgain la Fée, while other facts show that Morgain was sometimes identified with the Sibyl. We have already seen that the prototype of Ade was Morgain, and Lanzelet had to fight with Ade’s uncle, Linier, in order to win her, just as later he fought with Iblis’s _ father, Iweret, to win her. In other words, the influence of the Lancelot-Morgain affair is apparent in Lanzelet’s winning both Ade and Iblis. [...] There are sig-

nificant links between the traditions of Morgain, Iblis, and the Sibyl. Morgain, , like Iblis, presided over a blissful valley, “le Val ums Retor,” and there Lancelot fought with a knight in the presence of Morgain, as Lanzelet fought with Iweret in the presence of Iblis. Sommer, 4:117-23. Paton recognized the same tradition in Claris and Laris (Paton, p. 94f.), which describes a lovely valley where Morgain dwelt with eleven companion fays in a magnificent palace, and where Laris was involved in an amour with the seductive Madoine. Claris et Laris, ed. Alton, Il. 3587-4073. According to both these accounts of voluptuous valleys, Morgain’s

enchantments prevented escape. The association or equation of Morgain with | the Sibyl is shown in various ways. Hartmann says in his Ere&, ll. 5215-30, that

, there was no greater sorceress than Famurgan since Sibilla died. In the Prose Lancelot, the Prose Tristan, and the Prophecies de Merlin Morgain and Sebille appear together as enchantresses, in the first (Sommer, 5:91-95) as competitors for the love of Lancelot. Eminent scholars have concluded that the famous legend of the Paradise of the Sibyl in the central Apennines was borrowed in large measure from the Matter of Britain, presumably, of course, from the tradition of Morgain’s elysian abode. Gaston Paris, Légendes du Moyen Age, and ed. (Paris: Hachett, 1904; reprint of rst ed. [1903], Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1970), p. 139f.; JEGP 12 (1913): 5360; Antoine de la Sale, Paradis de la reine Sibylle, ed. Fernand Desonay (Paris: E. Droz, 1930), pp. cvi-cviii. There is, in fact, a very marked resemblance between the account of the adventures of Guerino in the Sibyl’s paradise, written in 1391

, (Andrea da Barberino, Guerino detto il Meschino, part 5, ch. 4-15) and the account of Claris’s and Laris’s adventures in Morgain’s paradise just cited. The two stories | have in common the passage through one or more portals, the presence of mon-

LANZELET Igl strous animals, the sweet music and other sensuous delights, the temptation by one of the faery queen’s damsels, who reveals the means of escape. Two features of Guerino’s experience suggest a more direct connection with that of Lanzelet in the valley of Iblis, viz., the preliminary warning by hermits and the presence of ripe fruit out of season. The most unexpected confirmation of this interrelationship of Morgain, the Sibyl, and Iblis comes from the Wartburgkrieg (second half of the thirteenth century), where we read that Arthur dwells in the hollow of a mountain with Juno and Felicia, “Sibillen kint.” Philip S. Barto, Tannhduser and the Mountain of Venus (New York: Oxford UP, 1916), pp. uf., 116f. This evidently reflects the tradition that Arthur lived on in the heart of a mountain and that his companion was Morgain, here evidently called the Sibyl’s child. Ibid., p. 13f. William J. Entwistle, Arthurian Legend in the Literatures of the Spanish Peninsula

(London: J.M. Dent; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1925; reprint, New York: Phaeton, 1975), pp. 81-85. Guerino, too, finds the abode of the Sibyl in the heart of a mountain. To clinch the matter, the Wartburgkrieg tells us that an abbot dwells there too, and it refers four times to a glocke (bell) which apparently summons the knights of Arthur who have gone out from this cavernous abode into the world. It can hardly be coincidence that an abbot and a summoning g/ockelin (1. 3905) are found also near or in Iblis’s flowery valley. The traditions of Morgain’s elysian abode and her voluptuous nature were among the most pervasive in medieval literature. They were a principal source of the Italian legend of the Sibyl’s paradise. And if one notes, in addition to the points of similarity already mentioned, how promptly, after the death of Iweret, Lanzelet and Iblis yielded themselves to the delights of Venus without availing themselves of the clerical services of _ the abbot, it seems even clearer that Iblis is but another name for the Sibyl, and that the Sibyl has assumed the role of Morgain. Morgain seems to have been the prototype also of Lanzelet’s faery foster mother and of Ade, but there is nothing abnormal about this multiplication of roles in Arthurian romance. Loomis, p. 102f. Wolfram seems to have taken over Iblis and Iweret, changed the latter name into Ibert to rime with “wert,” and altered the relationship from filial to conjugal. Parzival, §656,26f. Wolfram may have made Ibert king of Sicily because he took the corrupt form “vallis yblé” (instead of “vallis sybile”) to refer to the “valles Hyble,” which are described as full of flowers in a goliardic poem (Carmina burana 82,3) and which he knew to be in Sicily. Cf. Singer, Aufsatze und Vortrdge, p. 144; Richter, pp. 33f., 266f. At any rate, I believe Singer was mistaken in conjecturing that both Ulrich and Wolfram were acquainted with a current Sicilian legend of

the vale of Hybla. [L] , -

There is, however, no detail in Ulrich’s portrayal of Iblis to suggest that Ulrich or O was aware that Morgain, either as healer or sorceress, was Iblis’s prototype. Loomis also fails to mention that the place names Hybla and Dodona (see 131) both appear in that goliardic poem; Singer further suggested that the name Ibert could be a corruption of Jupiter via a corrupted form, Jupert. Ovid also mentions the flowers of Hybla, Megara Hyblza, famous in Roman times for its honey, in his “This” (1. 197): “Nam neque quot flores Sicula nascantur in Hybla” (For there could never be as many flowers in Sicilian Hybla). Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,”

192 LANZELET p. 252f., following Singer, also considers the possibility that yet another link to Sic-

ily is to be found here in the image of the maidens’ gathering of flowers, namely, to , the city of Enna, near which, according to Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Proserpina was kidnapped by Pluto (Dis): —

quo dum Proserpina luco , | ludit et aut violas aut candida lilia carpit, dumque puellari studio calathosque sinumque inplet et zequales certat superare legendo,

pene simul visa est dilectaque raptaque Diti.... |

et ut summa vestem laniarat ab ora, a collecti flores tunicis cecidere remissis,

| tantaque simplicitas puerilibus adfuit annis, hac quoque virgineum movit iactura dolorem. (V:392-402)

(“While Proserpine was playing in this glade, and gathering violets or radiant lilies, while with girlish fondness she filled the folds of her gown and her basket, trying to outdo her companions in her picking, Dis, almost in a moment, saw her, prized her, took her. ... Since she had torn her dress at the opening, the flowers she had collected fell from her loosened tunic, and even their scattering caused her virgin tears,” trans. A.S. Kline). Proserpina’s father, Jupiter, also conceived an incestuous desire for her (see 7133). That such Sicilian lore could be transplanted to O’s Anglo-Norman world is eminently plausible: Sicily was the object of Nor- man conquest from 1060 to 1090 and remained in the hands of the descendants of Roger de Hauteville until 1195. Furthermore, Richard the Lionhearted’s sister Joanna (1164-99) married Sicilian King Guillaume II (d. 1187) in 1176 or 1177; Guil-

laume II’s aunt, Constantia of Sicily, had married Emperor Henry VI, Lionheart’s captor (mentioned by Ulrich in 1. 9335) in 1186, and the emperor was himself King of Sicily from 1194 until his death in 1197. It would seem, however, that whether or not Ulrich himself knows about a Sicilian connection, Wolfram—or Wolfram’s source—certainly does. That Iblis lends her name to this vale and is thus intimately associated with it would also seem to suggest that she is as much the incarnation of Iweret’s realm and its sovereignty as is the Loathly Lady of Irish legend who represents the sovereignty of Erin (Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” p. 430; see 7230). The teeming life in the garden of the motherless Iblis stands in stark

contrast to the Death Castle of the fatherless Mabuz; but like Schatel le Mort and Mabonagrain’s garden in Chrétien’s Evec, the Beautiful Wood is also a prison

(Schmid, “Mutterliebe und Vaterliebe,” p. 250). [K] a 130. On the practice of making garlands, cf. Schultz, 1:236, 448. [L] Gathering flowers _ for garlands and chaplets is a standard activity of courtly maidens (at least in literature), as- Ulrich himself goes on to suggest (Il. 4076-78). That the plucked flowers immediately grow back and can (must) be gathered again has, according to Schmid, “Mutterrecht und Vaterliebe,” p. 253, overtones of “waiting in vain” for love, but also

suggests that virginity itself must be renewed, another hint at the possibility of an

, incestuous relationship and “endogamic stagnation” in Iweret’s realm. [K] |

LANZELET 193 131. Ihe account of Dodone seems to be due to an extraordinary blending of information concerning the classical Dodona and of Arthurian traditions localized at Senaudone, modern Snowdonia. Singer first and later C.B. Lewis and Richter have

recognized that the name Dodone and the fact that when the bronze cymbal or bell (érin zimbel, |. 3899; glocke, |. 4185) was struck with a hammer all the bells in the castle resounded (Il. 4185-87) show that some knowledge of the sanctuary of Zeus must have reached Ulrich. 8. Singer, Aufsdtze und Vortrage, p. 144f. Charles B. Lewis, Classical Mythology and Arthurian Romance (London: Oxford UP, 1932; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1974), pp. 19f., 53f, 68. Richter, p. 44. The Greck au-

thor Stephanos Byzantinos (6th century a.D.), in describing the shrine at Dodona, mentioned two pillars, on one of which rested a bronze caldron, while on the other stood the image of a boy with a whip in his hand. The thongs of the whip dangled over the caldron, and when the wind blew they struck the vessel and made it resound. This description was not known, however, in the West, and no Latin translation of it appeared till centuries after Ulrich’s time. Singer suggested as a possible source Pliny’s description (Natural History XXXVI) of the tomb of Porsenna: “In summo orbis zneus petasus (hat-shaped cupola) unus omnibus sit appositus, ex quo pendeant excepta catenis tintinnabula, que vento agitata longe sonitus refer-

ant, ut Dodonz olim factum.” In 7233 we shall see that Pliny was the probable source of Ulrich’s knowledge of Thyle. The concept of the bronze object as a g/ocke, as we discovered in 7129, was derived from the tradition of the Sibyl’s paradise. But this is not the whole story, as E. Brugger has remarked in ZRP 65 (1949): 16173. Whereas the Greek Dodona explains but one-feature in Ulrich’s description of Dodone, the traditions clustering about Senaudone in Wales account for much more.

I have demonstrated in Speculum 22 (1947): 520-30 that the names Senaudone, Sinadoune, Isneldone, occurring in Anglo-Norman texts such as Biket’s Lai du Cor and Béroul’s Tristan, must refer, not as Brugger argued, to Stirling in Scotland, but to “la cité de Snauedun,” which Gaimar mentioned (c. 1150) as one of the three renowned cities of Wales; and furthermore, I identified this cité with the ruins of Segontium, which the Welsh called Caer Seint and which lay on the lower slopes of Snowdon, overlooking the Menai Strait. There is ample proof that the legends which clustered around the imposing ruins of Senaudone were the starting point for the localization at Dodone. Not only have we seen that the Pant-Clarine tradition and the place name Dyoflé point directly to this same region (cf. 273, 7, 94), but the description of Iweret’s palace, where he dwelt with his beautiful daughter, seems to echo the description of Caer Seint, i.e., Senaudone, where Eudav dwelt with his beautiful daughter. “From the mountain he [Maxen] saw a river flowing through the land and falling into the sea... . At its mouth there was a large castle, the fairest ever seen. ... He beheld there a fair hall. The roof seemed to be entirely of gold; the walls of the hall seemed to be one mass of glittering precious stones; the doors of the hall seemed to be all gold. He saw golden couches in the hall and tables of silver.” Loth, 1:215. Jones, p. 80. What clinches the connection between Dodone

und Senaudone is the fact that to both castles is attached the motif of falling in love with a person seen in a dream. Thus we may conclude that while the author of

194 LANZELET O employed the legend of the Sibyl’s paradise for the valley of Iblis, he used also local traditions of Senaudone, preserved independently in the Dream of Maxen. It — was Ulrich, presumably, who. concealed these traditional elements by substituting Iblis for Sibyl and Dodone for Senaudone. [L] There is, however, nothing about the description of Iweret’s castle that would mark it as particularly Welsh or even Celtic; similarly, the motif of seeing one’s future lover in a dream is an international one. Kenneth H. Jackson, The International Popular Tale and Early Welsh Traditions (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1961), p. 113. D.E. Eichholz translates the quotation from Pliny’s Natural History as follows: “On top of the whole group there rests a single bronze disk together with a conical cupola, from which hang bells fastened with chains: when these are set in motion by the wind, their sound carries to a great distance, as was formerly the case at Dodone” (XXXVI, §92). Loomis’s point about the sympathetic vibration of the castle’s bells when the cymbal was sounded is based upon a grammatical point. MHG glocke is both a weak and strong feminine noun; therefore, der glocken can mean either the sound “of the bells,” i-e., the bells in the castle, or “of the bell,” the cymbal hanging on the linden. Ulrich

nowhere else mentions that the castle had other bells. [K] | 132. Most of these stones are to be found in the description of the foundations of the walls of the Heavenly Jerusalem, Revelation 21:19f.: jasper, sapphire, a chalcedony, an emerald, sardonyx, sardius, chrysolyte, beryl, a topaz, a chrysoprasus, a jacinth, an amethyst -(Zellmann, Lanzelet, p. 237035; Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” p. 430). [K] 133. For illustrations of twelfth-century beds and their fittings, see Schultz, 1:85—89. [L]

The fact that Iweret and Iblis sleep in the same bed may be another indication that in some early form of the story she was his wife, not his daughter. The Iblis in Wolfram’s Parzival, §656,26f., is the wife of Ibert, the King of Sicily. The constellation Lanzelet—Iblis—Iweret could thus originally have been similar to that of __

| Chrétien’s Yvain—Laudine—Esclados. Welz, “Lanzelet im scheenen walde,” p. 54, likens the description of Iweret’s bedroom, with its great solitary bedstead, to that of the Love Grotto in Gottfried’s Tristan, where similarly forbidden acts—there

adultery, here incest—take place. [K] —

134. While the motif of falling in love with a person seen in a dream is one of the stereotypes of fiction (Johannes Bolte and Georg Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmérchen der Briider Grimm, 5 vols. [Leipzig: Dietrich’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1913-32; reprint, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1963, 1982], 1:45; Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature: a classification of narrative elements in folk-tales, 6 vols. [Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1932-36; rev. and-enl. ed., 1955-58, 1989], T11.3), Loomis (1951) sees this detail as deriving from the Welsh Dream of

Maxen via the Breton conteurs. See n131. [K] Oo 135. One is reminded here of Guenievre’s demand in Chrétien’s Charrette (ll. 5672-76), that Lancelot prove his love for her by losing on the second day of the three days’

- tournament. [K]. .

, 136. On the soliloquy cf. 252. See also Richter, pp. 217-21, where he compares this pas-

sage with Eilhart’s Tristrant, ll. 2413, 2521, 10191, 10207. [W] 137. [he earliest reference to housings of mail known to me occurs in Wace’s Roman de Rou, ed. H. Andresen, 2 vols. (Heilbronn: n.p., 1877-79), 2: L. 7512: “son cheval tot

LANZELET 195 covert de fer.” The date is 1160-74. In the thirteenth century these mail coverings became common. Schultz, 2:100f., fig. 89; Germain Demay, Costume au moyen age daprés les sceaux (Paris: D. Dumoulin, 1880; reprint, Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1978), p. 179. [L] Cf. the more recent edition of Le roman de Rou by A.J. Holden, Publications de la Société des anciens textes francais, 3 vols. (Paris: A. & J. Picard,

1970-1973), and the English translation-by Glyn S. Burgess, The Roman de Rou (St. , Helier, Jersey: Société jersiaise, 2002). [K] 138. The earliest evidence for a caparison decorated with armorial charges is a mosaic

laid down at Brindisi in 1178, on which Bishop Turpin was represented riding a horse whose housings bore the device of a crozier in three places. Emile Male, L’art religieux du XIF siecle en France, and rev. ed. (Paris: A. Colin, 1922, ®1998), p. 264. Needless to say, such richly embroidered housings became de rigueur throughout

the rest of the Middle Ages. MZR 17 (1922): 27. [L] , 139. In the Middle Ages sinople usually means red, particularly red pigment, and is used , especially in blazonry, as here. Later it became a heraldic term for green and has remained so, though Seyler (p. 220f.) says that this sense never prevailed in Germany. The Med. Lat. and late classical form is sinopis (sc. terra), from Sinope, the city on the Black Sea from which this pigment was derived. This ochre is usually described as red, but in reduction the iron ore would easily produce green. However, the two meanings of sinople may be explained by the fact that pigments of both colors were obtained at Sinope. The manuscript, Libellus de distemperandts coloribus, of c. 1400,

contains the statement: “Sicut in vrbe sinopoli rubicundum invenitur, & viride dictum sinoplum.... Sinoplum vtrumque venit de urbe Sinopoli & est bonum: aliud viride aliud rubicundum.” Claude-Francois Ménestrier, L’art du blason justifié (Lyons: Coral, 1661), p. 45f. A similarity of sense led to an unfortunate confusion with cinnabar, a word of Oriental origin which has no connection with sinople. See OED, sub “sinoper,” 2. [W ] The Latin passage may be translated as follows: As the

red is found in the city of Sinope, and the green called sinople.... Both kinds of = sinople come from the city of Sinope and are good: one green, the other red. [K] 140. The fact that Iweret bore on his shield the charge of a gold lion on a red field suggests the possibility that the author of O assigned to this redoubtable warrior the royal arms of England. Such evidence as we have indicates that Henry II’s father, Geoffrey of Anjou, had golden lions on a blue shield, and Henry’s son, Richard

I, seems to have displayed first two, then three lions on a red field. Thomas's Tristan, composed c. 1185, describes the hero’s horse trappings as red,embroidered _ | with golden lions, very likely as a compliment to the royal house. MLR 17 (1922): asf. Nevertheless, it would not be tactful for an Anglo-Norman, such as the author of O, to assign the royal arms to his hero’s deadly foe, and besides, golden lions were among the commonest heraldic devices at this early period. Schirling, p. 18f. The choice of the blazon may, therefore, have been purely arbitrary and meaningless. [L] 141. Hahn reads savin, linen, with W, but we read samit (semit) with MSS. P and g, as do Spiewok, Lanzelet, p. 175, and Buschinger, Lanzelet, p. 44. Cf. 51. [K] 142. The crest, MHG giigere/, was an ornamental and sometimes heraldic device attached to the housing above the horse’s head. Here it is a little gold tree, i.e., probably cut

196 LANZELET | from sheet gold or gilded metal, much like the crests pictured on helms in Enlart, fig.

428. Schultz, 1:49978; 2:102-4. [|W] | - , 143. The mss. give grimel, which may be the only occurrence of the word and may refer to some bird or heraldic creature. However, I accept the suggestion of Schultz, 2:103, to read gimpel (OF guimple, English wimple). It was customary as early as the twelfth century to wind about one’s helm or crest a light, fluttering cloth, as protection against the sun, to display a lady’s favor, or just for looks. Boeheim, p. 32. Enlart, fig. 432. [W] There is no other instance, so far as I know, of a scarf attached

to the horse’s crest. [L] ,

144. This clause seems to mean that the helm also was adorned with a golden tree, from which the scarf fluttered, but it is hard to conceive of any similar decoration for the spurs. Seyler (p. 206f.) thinks that Ulrich (or, we might add, his source) did not understand his original and was in doubt whether the ornaments belonged to helm or spur. [|W] Willem Snelleman in Das Haus Anjou und der Orient in Wolframs “Parzifal’ (Nijkerk: G.F. Callenbach, 1941), pp. 95-100, makes the interesting point that the earliest reference to elaborate helm ornaments concerns Conrad of Montferrat, who appeared at Tyre in 1189 with a crest of stag’s antlers. Richard Coeur de Lion’s second seal of 1198 shows a leopard painted on the helm as a cognizance, as well as a fanlike crest. Enlart, p. 472f.; Schultz, 2: fig. 62. Snelleman suggests that this type of decoration was introduced into Western Europe after the Third Crusade, and notes that zimierden are mentioned frequently in Parzival. See on these crests Schultz, 2:68-78, 101-4, 146, 155; Fox-Davies, Complete Guide to Heraldry, ch, 21. [L]

145. Lines 4473-74 (“That took place ... missed”), missing in MS. W, were relegated by

Webster toa footnote.[K] —’ | , |

146. The barbel or barbiére is almost a visor, fixed and protecting the upper part of the

face. Schultz, 2:64f.; ZDP 59 (1935): 315. |W] 147. “Eine welsche mile” would normally mean a French mile, but one suspects that it may translate “une liwe galesche” in O, an expression which occurs thrice in Perlesvaus and which means, of course, a Welsh league. [L] The French mile, based on the Roman milia passuum, a thousand paces of five steps, is roughly equivalent to the American

mile and much shorter, approximately one fifth, than the medieval German mile, although the actual distances indicated by these terms varied widely. [K] | 148. Mules seem to have been a favorite mount for women. Chrétien in the Charrette, ll. 2794-802, describes a damsel riding one of these animals, which went more swiftly at an amble than any horse could do at full gallop. Solitary damsels on mules fre-

, quently turn up in the Conte del Graal and other romances. Cf. Hilka’s note to Percevalroman, |. 4612; Wolfram’s Parzival, §312,7; Paien de Maisiéres, La damoisele

& la mule, p. u10f.; Schultz, 1:494.[L] | ,

, 149. The fact that Lanzelet first learns his name and parentage from his foster mother’s messenger after his victory over Iweret evidently follows the same pattern as that in Le bel inconnu, ed. Williams, Il. 3212-42, where Guinglain first learns his name and parentage from a mysterious female voice after his victory over the enchanters Maboun and Evrain. A variation on the pattern appears in the Prose Lancelot (Sommer, 3:147-52), where in the midst of Lancelot’s conquest of the Doloreuse Garde a veiled damsel in the service of his foster mother, the Dame del Lac, brought him

LANZELET 197 three shields to aid him and informed him that on the morrow he would learn his

own name and those of his parents. After his victory he read an inscription in a tomb to the effect that he was Lancelot del Lac, son of Ban de Benoic. This version was doubtless influenced by the cemetery episode in Chrétien’s Charrette, U. 1849-956. [...] [L] Loomis (1951) also believed, as has been noted previously, that Lancelot had a Celtic prototype in the youthful hero Lug or Luch, who bore the epithet Lamfada, meaning “of the Long Hand.” This Lug, he claimed, had two counterparts in Welsh tradition: Lleu (or Llew) and Lluch Llauynnauc, “Lluch of the White (2) Hand.” The latter appears in the Book of Taliesin with another epithet, Lleminawc. According to Loomis, when Lluch and his epithet were introduced to French and Anglo-Norman audiences by Breton conteurs, the name was sometimes translated as Lac, since /uch as a common noun meant “lake” (cf. 183), and under the influence of the name Lancelin, recorded in Brittany as early as 1134, Llauynnauc was converted into Lanceloc. Reversed by “a natural inference,” Lac

Lanceloc becomes Lanceloc du Lac. The final stage of development took place when, in some manuscript, the c of Lanceloc was read as ¢ (Loomis, Ce/tic Myth and Arthurian Romance [New York: Columbia UP, 1927; reprint, New York: Haskell House, 1967; London: Constable, 1993], p. 94f.). This view now has but little sup-

port, although some scholars still maintain their uncertainty as to the origin of the name Lancelot, for example, Brewer, The Presentation, p. 4. See a summary of the various theories in Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” pp. 189-93, where she terms Loomis’s theory a “very probable conjecture.” [K] 150. In the Alexander romance of Alexandre de Paris (Medieval French Roman d’Alexandre, ed. Foulet, 3:201-4) a tent is described which resembles this of Ulrich’s so strikingly that

Wilmanns suggested that the author of the Alexandre knew Ulrich’s source. ZDA 55 (1g01): 245f. According to the description, the pole was of carved ivory, the pickets were of gold, the cords of silk. The four exterior sides were respectively white, black, red, and green, and were made of salamander skin by the queen who deceived Solomon, but the door was of transparent serpent’s skin, which no poisoner could pass. On the ridge pole there were two pommedls, one of carbuncle, which shines at night, the other of topaz, and above was mounted a jeweled eagle fashioned by Queen Jesabiel, with a reed in its beak, which made music when the wind blew. In the interior one side was painted with the months and the celestial luminaries; another with the mappemonde, rivers, mountains, etc.; another with the history of Hercules; the fourth with the story of the rape of Helen and the siege of Troy. The whole folded so small that, according to certain manuscripts, it could be put into a box. There are many other descriptions of magnificent tents in medieval literature. Roman d’Alexandre, 3:329; Chrétien de Troyes, Percevalroman, ed. Hilka, p. 631; Faral, pp. 89, 98, 336-39, 349f.; Dickman, Le réle du surnaturel, pp. 95, 183f. The author of Yder, though he himself describes a splendid tent, reproaches the poets of his time for their farfetched “tparboles” on the subject. Der altfranzésische Yderroman, ed. Heinrich Gelzer, Gesellschaft ftir romanische Literatur, 31 (Dresden: Gesellschaft ftir romanische Literatur; Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1913), ll. 4444-58. The actual tent or pavilion on which these exaggerations were based was four-sided, with one or two pommels or peaks, a top or roof distinct from the sides, flaps or doors, one or more poles, cords and pegs, and occasionally a stout rain cover

198 LANZELET over all. Probably the earliest historic examples of such large and luxurious pavilions were of Oriental origin and must have made a great impression on the Franks; indeed Ulrich’s description is characteristic of the way Western authors painted the Celtic Otherworld in colors drawn from Byzantium or Baghdad. [W] Some of the tents are _ either faery abodes, as in Lanval, or, as in Lanzelet and Jaufré (Il. 10393404, 10509-49), are the gifts of fays. We have already identified the giver of the tent to Lanzelet, as a reward for his slaying of her enemy, with Morgain la Fée, and it is interesting to observe that the giver of the tent to Jaufré, as a reward for vanquishing her enemy in a subaqueous land, is likewise identified as Morgain, for she herself declares (1. 10654), “Teu sui la fada del Gibel,” and the fay of Montgibel (Mount Etna) was Morgain. Paton, p. 250;-Arturo Graf, Mitt, leggende e superstizioni del medio evo, 2 vols. (Turin: E.

Loescher, 1892-93; reprint, New York: B. Franklin, 1971; Milan: A. Mondadori, 1984,

rev. ed., 2002; Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1985), 2:311-13. It is also noteworthy that both accounts (Lanzelet, ll. 4898-901; Jaufvé, ll. 10547-49) emphasize the fact that the tents could be reduced to a small compass. In Floriant et Florete (ed. Williams, Il. 842-921) Morgain is said to have presented the youthful hero on his departure from

Montgibel with a magic boat about which hung a four-sided curtain embroidered with subjects like those on the Alexandre tent. [L] See the English translation of The Romance of Yder by Alison Adams (Cambridge, UK: D.S. Brewer; Totowa, NJ: Biblio, 1983). Wolfram, Parzival, §668,10ff., describes an enchanted pavilion. that his Iblis gives to Clinschor, a detail that strengthens the connection between that work and Lanzelet. Welz, “Lanzelet im schenen walde,” p. 58 (also Schmidt, “Frauenritter oder _ Artusritter,” p. 11726), sees in the words “ein irdisch paradis” (1. 4836)-an allusion to the Love Grotto in Gottfried’s Tristan, “das lebende paradis” (1. 18066), calling the pavilion a transportable Love Grotto; Zellmann, Lanzelet, p. 248, finds here an echo of the

Garden of Eden. [K] Oo , |

151. This is a quality the pavilion shares with the fruit of Behforet and, perhaps, with the absence of any signs of old age on the Isle of Maidens. [K] 152. [hat is, the image appeared in the looking glass, as we see from Il. 4914-26. Magic mirrors are, of course, among the commonplaces of romantic fiction. Stith Thomp- | son, Motif—Index, D1323.1; Domenico Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages, trans. E.F.M. Benecke (London: S. Sonnenschein, 1908; reprint, Princeton: Princeton UP, 1997), p. 303f. I have not found any instance of a mirror possessing exactly the virtue ascribed to Lanzelet’s. According to Schultz, 1:231, mirrors of polished metal

had not come into use at this time. [L] , , | 153. [he knob, boss, or pommel which surmounted the tent pole was often decorated with an eagle of metal. Cf. m1s0. [L] | | ,

154. The belief that the carbuncle shed light was common in the Middle Ages and became a literary convention. Faral, p. 354f. MP 25 (1928): 340f.; Paul Studer and Joan Evans, Anglo-Norman Lapidaries (Paris: E. Champion, 1924; reprint, Geneva: _ Slatkine, 1976), pp. 49, 110, 307; George F. Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1913; reprint, New York: Dover, 1971), pp. 165ff. [L] 155. The golden eagle’s singing is by no means entirely imaginary since various pneumatic devices by which artificial birds were made to sing were actually employed in the Eastern Empire. There is the famous description of the tree of gilded bronze

LANZELET 199 which Liutprand saw at Constantinople in 946, and of the birds of the same metal which cried out at his approach. Cf. Merriam Sherwood in Studies in Philology 44. (1947): 567-92; Faral, pp. 328-35; Webster in Englische Studien 36 (1906): 361-656. [L] For literary treatments of such mechanical, “singing” birds and diagrams of the pneumatic devices, see Lambertus Okken, Das goldene Haus und die goldene Laube, Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur, 72 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987), pp- 58-99. [K] 156. Though MS. W reads ammetyston, the reading of P, abeston, is surely correct. Of the abeston, by some called asbestos, Bartholomaeus Anglicus says: “Abeston is a stone of Archadia with yron colour: and hath that name of fire: if it be once kindled it never quencheth.” Batman uppon Bartholomew his Booke de proprietatibus rerum (London: East, 1582; reprint, Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1976), 16, §10. Solinus and Isidore, but not Pliny, give the same account. Albertus Magnus in his Boke of Secretes, ‘as rendered by William Copland (London, 1528), adds the picturesque detail: “If that stoone be kyndeled or inflamed, it maye never bee putte oute, or quenched, because it hathe the nature of the fyrste fethers of the Salamandre by reason of moystye fatnesse, which nourissheth ye fyre, kindled in it.” [|W] The probable source for O or Ulrich is some form of the Lapidary of Marbode of Rennes (d. 1123), which had a great vogue in the twelfth century. At any rate, as will appear in 247, Marbode seems to be the direct or indirect source for the description of the galazia and the reference to King Evax. Marbode’s account (Patrologie cursus completus .. . Series Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, 221 vols. [Paris: Garnier Fréres, 1844-91], 171: col. 1759f.) runs: “Arcadiz tellus lapidem producit abeston; Ferreus huic color est; naturze mira potestas: Nam semel accensus conceptos detinet ignes, Extinguique nequit, collucens perpete flamma.” Cf. Joan Evans, Magical Jewels (Oxford: Clarendon, 1922; reprint, New York: Dover, 1976), pp. 30, 225f.; Studer and Evans, Anglo-Norman Lapidaries, pp. 55£., 110, 133, 184; Faral, p. 355f.

[L] C.W. King (1860) translates the passage from Marbode as follows: “Of steely , colour and of wondrous might / Arcadia’s hills produce th’ Abeston bright; / For kindled once it no extinction knows / But with eternal flame unceasing glows.” On Evax of Arabia, see 7246. For the meaning of the otherwise undocumented MHG word perse (perz® W; perse P), |. 4803, as blue or violet blue, see Kantola, “Zur Herfkunft,” pp. 66-68. [K] 157. Though ¢rib/at meant originally a thrice dipped fabric, it came to mean one woven in three colors. Schultz, 1:34.4f. [L] 158. The word darracdn is of Arabic origin and meant a fabric of wool or camel’s hair. Schultz, 1:352; OED. [W]

159. For an excellent note on fish-skin and fish-hair (they cannot be kept apart), see Martin's edition of Parzival, 2:412. In the cases cited by Martin, fish-skin is used as a lining to costly silk and samite. This should be fine fur; and a detail from Wigalois: der Ritter mit dem Rade (ed. J.M.N. Kapteyn, Rheinische Beitrige und Hiilfsbiicher [Bonn: F. Klopp, 1926], ll. 802ff.) makes that clear, for here the overdecorated princess wears a mantle trimmed with gold and lined with ermine; and stitched upon, or laid into, the ermine somehow were the sun and moon in fishskin with bluish hair, brought from Ireland—perhaps, as Martin suggests, the fur of the otter. The gigantic Bauer whom Gawain fights at Schastelmarveil (Parzival,

200 LANZELET | §570) has a coat and bonnet of fish-skin. The naive hero in Wigamur takes his departure from the kind merman (I. 432) wearing fish (vischin) breeches and silk coat; the breeches may have been of fine fur or stout hide. Under the name schinat _ a particularly precious and richly colored fish-skin is mentioned in a few Middle High German poems; and in one case the fish haunted a river of Paradise. But in Lanzelet it seems to be a question of some material woven from fish-hair, possibly from the matted hair of some marine animal. See also Schultz, 1:358f. [W] As noted by Marjatta Wis, “Zum Problem der ‘vremder visce hiute’ im Nibelungenlied,” Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 85 (1984): 129-51, fish skin can be found in additional descriptions of clothing in medieval German literary texts: in the Basel version of Alexander (ca. 1160), ll. 3551-58; the Strassburg Alexander (ca. 1170), Il. 5479-81; Biterolf (ca. 1200-10), Il. 155-57; Kudrun (ca. 1230-40), §§1326-27,2; Konrad von Wiirzburg’s Trojanischer Krieg (second half of the thirteenth century), ll. 2982-85, 20238-59; and Ulrich von Eschenbach’s Alexander (end of the thirteenth century), Il. 23411-13. Wis also indicates (145) that fish skin was a technical term of the medieval fur trade for varieties of sealskin. See also 7188. Wild Women are hideous,

hairy hags who live in the forest and crave the love—or the violent death—of , civilized men; in medieval romances they are often found in the company of giants or are even the mothers of giants, and, along with Wild Men, are occasionally por-

_ trayed as the subjects of dwarf kings. In Wigalois, for example, one encounters the , hideous, hairy, cave-dwelling Ruel, the wife of a giant (Il. 6285-384), who nearly kills the hero; in addition, the dwarflike knight Karrioz is described as having a mother who is a Wild Woman, and therefore his bones have no marrow (ll. 6602ff.). See Lecouteux, Les monstres, 1:15-24, and Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1952; reprint, New York: Octagon,

1970, 1979), pp. 33-393 for Wild Men, see 217 below. [K] | - 160. Ferran is a light fabric with silk warp and woolen woof. Schultz, 1:353. [L] 161. Cf. Ovid Fasti 2.331. Ovid's text reads: “Quid non amor improbus audet?” What does wanton love not dare to do? The mottos on love in this magic pavilion all | recall the destructive power of love: it is audacious; it is madness; it drives out measure. For Spiewok, Lanzelet, p. xxvii, they are evidence of Ulrich’s rejection of

| the extravagant behaviors demanded by courtly love in Chrétien’s romances, what McConeghy, “Aventiure and Anti-Aventiure,” p. 61, calls its “demeaning aspects.” One thinks here, for example, of Lancelot, when he crosses the Sword Bridge on bloody hands and knees, guided by Love (Charrette, ll. 3108-31). Feistner, “er nimpt

ez allez,” p. 251f., sees the pavilion’s mottos as an ironic attack on courtly love in ~ general, because they do not apply to Lanzelet at all. Schultz, “Lanzelet: A Flawless

_ Hero,” p. 34, commenting on the seeming inconsistencies in Ulrich’s pronouncements, suggests that he has no uniform theory of love, but is only “showing off his repertoire of conventional sayings.” Bachtold, Der Lanzelet, p. 33, identified the

source of this and the following quotations. [K] , : 162. Cf. Publilius Syrus, Sententig, ed. R.A.H. Bickford-Smith (London: C.J. Clay, 1895), 1. 306; Publilii Syri Mimi sententia, ed. Otto Friedrich (Berlin: T. Grieben, 1880; reprint, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1964), 1. 276: “In venere semper dulcis est dementia.” In passion there is always sweet madness. Naturally, such sayings in the

LANZELET 201 vernacular may have been current at the time and only remotely identified with

their classical sources. | K] ,

163. Cf. Vergil Eclogues 2.68: “Quis enim modus adsit amori?” For what bound may be set on love? [K] 164. Smaragdin could mean “made of emerald.” Of course, an object of such dimensions

could not have been formed from a single precious stone, though the author of O or Ulrich might have so imagined it. Chrétien, in fact, described in his Evec, Il. 6872-74, a sceptre made of a single emerald. The greenness of this gem was its most striking feature according to Bede, who says, “smaragdus summz viriditatis est,” and who is followed by the lapidaries. Joan Evans and Mary S. Sergeantson, English Mediaeval Lapidaries, Karly English ‘Text Society, 190 (London: Oxford UP, 1933, 1960; reprint, Millwood, NY: Kraus, 1990), pp. 13, 20, 40, 85, 131. In Li romanz d'Athis et Prophihas, ed. Alfons Hilka, Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 29, 40, 2 vols. (Dresden: Gesellschaft ftir romanische Literatur, 1912-16), Il. 6011-14, a ridge-pole was set with jewels, including emeralds. [L] The diameter of Ulrich’s tent pole, two spans, equals approximately sixteen inches. [K] 165. Webster observed (HSN 16 [1934]: 204, 215) that in the Charrette Lancelot possessed

a magic ring. Both Chrétien and the author of the Prose Lancelot tell us that the ring was the gift of his faery foster mother and had the property of protecting its possessor from spells. Charrette, ll. 2347-59; Sommer, 3:123. It seems quite probable that the author of O altered the situation by representing the ring as a gift to the fay instead of from the fay. Magic rings are, of course, a commonplace of popular and romantic fiction. Stith Thompson, Motif~Index, D1076; Faral, p. 340. The precise power which Ulrich assigned to the ring a few lines later, that no one could deny a request to any one who wore it, is noted in descriptions of incised gems (which, of course, were often set in rings), occurring in manuscripts of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Thomas Wright, Essays on Archaeological Subjects, 2 vols. (London: J.R. Smith, 1861), 1:294; Evans, Magical Jewels, p. 244; Studer and Evans, Anglo-Norman Lapidaries, pp. 279, 288, 381. As we see from n154, 156, 246, Lanzelet displays an interest in the marvelous properties of stones as set forth in lapidaries,

and it seems probable that Ulrich or the author of O got his suggestion for this ring from such a source. [L] Chrétien also employed the magic ring motif in Yuain. Lunete gives Yvain a ring that renders him invisible (IL. 1023ff.), and Laudine, a ring that will protect him from harm so long as he bears in mind his love for her (ll. 2602-2615). Richter, p. 80, suggested that the power of Lanzelet’s gift to enable its wearer to compel others to his will derives from the description of stone gelazia, galactite (see 7247), in King Evax of Arabia's lapidary of Demigeron (see 7246):

“Omni autem auctorem gratiosum facit semper et peritum et facundum et efficacem et impetratorem et persuadentem omnibus hominibus et Deo placabilem” (“De virtutibus lapidum,” in Spicilegium Solesmense, ed. J.B. Pitra, 4 vols. [Paris: F. Didot, 1852-58; reprint, Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1962-63], 3:333) $34, Lapis Galacites), which Patricia P. Tahil translates, “Moreover it makes him always pleasing to the authorities and skillful and rich and powerful, persuasive when asking any man anything, and pleasing to God.” De Virtutibus Lapidum: The Virtues of Stones, ed. Joel Radcliffe (Seattle: Ars Obscura, 1989), p. 50. [K]

202 LANZELET an

ang. (LJ oe Be

166. As Webster noted, the searches of Lancelot for Gawain and of Gawain for Lancelot are found in both Chrétien’s Charrette and the Prose Lancelot. HSN 16 (1934): 211, ,

} 167. [. ..] Though various names are given to the lovers of Guinevere—Ider, Gosengos,

- Modred, Melwas; though she was abducted by three knights—Meleagant, Brun , _ de Morois, Gotegrin; and though Lot, Bohort, and Urien attempted to carry her , off, there is only one of her lovers and abductors who claimed that he had been betrothed to her before her marriage to Arthur, and that is Gasozein in Diu Créne (Il. 4837-40: “Diu mir wart bescheiden / Von den nahtweiden / Dé sie érste wart ge-

born.” Cf. Webster in Englische Studien 36 (1906): 341-43. It is also significant that =

| the whole episode of Gasozein’s fight with Arthur at the ford corresponds closely

, to Walwanius’ fight with Arthur at a ford as related in De ortu Walwanit (Fistoria Meriadoci and De ortu Walwanii,ed.J. Douglas Bruce [Gottingen: Vandenhoeck& = | Ruprecht; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1913], pp. lviif., 85-87), and that Walwa-

, - nius (Gawain) was regarded more highly by the queen than her husband was, just | as Gasozein boasted that Ginover would rather be a year with him than a day with _ | Arthur. In view of the marked resemblances between Valerin and Gasozein, and

, | between Gasozein and Walwanius, it seems probable that all three names are devel, opments from some such form of the name Gawain as Waloain, and that the three | cognate episodes preserve an old tradition of Gawain as the lover of Guinevere—a

role which he naturally was obliged to yield up when he was assigned (as in Diu Créne) the more sympathetic function of her deliverer, and especially after Lancelot

was established, largely through the influence of Chrétien, in Gawain’s place as , _ the queen’s one and only devoted ami. To support the view that an early tradition __ represented Gawain as Guinevere’s lover, we have not only the intimations in De . ortu Walwanii but also two assertions of her affection for him in Parzival, §645, and _ Gerard d’Amiens’s Escanor, ed. H. Michelant, BLVS, 178 (Tiibingen: Litterarischer _

| Verein in Stuttgart, 1886), |. 7343f., and the curious fact that in the Vulgate Merlin _ Gawain and his companions are specially devoted to her service and are called the queen’s knights. It is not, of course, a serious objection to the original identity

a of Gawain, Valerin, and Gasozein that they are represented as separate and even _ antagonistic characters. For this is one of the commonest phenomena of Arthurian ‘romance. Cf. nnto2, 129. Nevertheless, it cannot be disputed that Valerin has ac| quired traits from Otherworld personages which differentiate him markedly from _ | Gawain. In some respects he is akin to Chrétien's Meleagant (cf. mm169,179), and - , in very significant ways he reveals his descent from the supernatural Mider of Irish saga (cf. 2206). [L] Cf. the more recent edition of De ortu Walwanit, ed. and trans. } Mildred Leake Day, The Rise of Gawain, Nephew of Arthur, GLML, 15, ser.A (New York: Garland, 1984), as well as Richard Trachsler’s edition of Escanor: roman arthu- a rien en vers de la fin du XUr siécle, Textes littéraires francais, 449, 2 vols. (Geneva: , Libraire Droz, 1994). One should not forget that the above-mentioned Modred, — who in Geoffrey’s Historia (X, §13—X1, §2) and the literary treatments by Wace and Layamon modeled on it began an adulterous relationship with Guinevere while _ Arthur was away fighting the Romans, was Gawain’s younger brother, both the

oe sons of Loth of Lodonesia, who had married Arthur's sister Anna (VIII, §21).

| LANZELET 203 Therefore, those wicked traits of which Loomis speaks were separated from Gawain from the very beginning of the written tradition. (Geoffrey contradicts himself about the family relationship: in IX, §9, he states that Gawain and Modred’s mother was the sister of Aurelius Ambrosius, and in IX, §23, he refers to Loth as Gawain’s uncle by marriage.) Webster's posthumously published Guinevere: A Study of Her Abductions, pp. 1-88, gives helpful plot summaries of the abduction episodes in the major medieval texts. Glenys Witchard Goetinck, “Gwenhwyfar, Guinevere, and Guenievre,” Etudes celtigues 11 (1964-67): 354, suggests that the significance of the repeated attempts to abduct Guinevere in the whole of Arthurian literature may lie in the fact that her character may also derive from a mythological goddess of sovereignty (see 7233): possessing her would thus be possessing the kingship. [K] 168. Daz verworrene tan. For tangled hedges as actual, dependable defenses of medieval castles, see Otto Piper, Burgenkunde, 2nd ed. (Munich and Leipzig: R. Piper, 1905; 31967), p. 15, where Piper concludes that there were none such in real life. However,

a writer in the ZDA 71 (1934): 2i1f. brings a certain amount of evidence to refute this view; and considering that hedges, with ditches, are among the commonest and most ancient of boundaries and defenses, one must side with him. Ultimately, of course, this wood is but one of the defenses of the Otherworld, Valerin being a faery monarch. A hedge about an indubitably supernatural castle in a romance akin to ours occurs in Wigalois, ed. Pfeiffer, 1. 670. There Laries’s Aas within her durg was

surrounded by a garden, and house and garden were defended by a strong hedge, “ein vestes hac.” It is a fair guess that “gedrenge und dorn” were more prominent in Chrétien’s source than in his Charrette, as one can deduce from Hartmann’s Jwezn, l. 4660f., and Diu Créne, 1. 2105—a circumstance that has been noted by several scholars. It is quite probable that as a matter of fact the immediate vicinity of a medieval castle was bare of trees: they would all have been utilized for timber and fuel, and their presence would have endangered the place. So a wood immediately about a castle, even in so late a tale as Gawain and the Green Knight, is some slight evidence that the castle is a supernatural one; this in spite of the fact that a wood was a natural place for strange happenings. |W] Citing Warnatsch, Der Mantel, p. 12672., Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 186f., notes the relationship of Gasozein de Dragoz in Diu Créne (see 167) to the Gasosin von Strangot who appears in Hartmann’s Erec (1. 1646), corresponding to Chrétien's Garravains d’Estrangot (Erec, 1. 1710). Warnatsch derived d’Estrangot from OF “d’estraint gaut,” meaning “from the tangled wood.” Thus, Valerin’s name in O may well have been something like Valerin d’Estraint Gaut, which Ulrich then reliably translated. [K] 169. Valerin’s challenge, of course, reminds one of the opening scene in Chrétien's Charrette, where Meleagant demands that Arthur assign a knight to fight with him for the possession of the queen. But there are several marked differences which render it highly improbable that O is based on Chrétien’s poem in this or any other aspect of the abduction theme. Cf. Webster in HSN 16 (1934): 212f. As has already been pointed out in 7167, Valerin’s claim to have been betrothed to Ginover and the arrangement to settle the matter in a formal judicial combat reveal a source closer to that followed in Diu Créne, ll. 4803-5080. [L]

204 LANZELET , : 170. On magic mists surrounding Otherworld dwellings, cf. PMLA 20 (1905): 67778. [W]

171. The serpent or dragon garden (wiirmegarte) is a puzzling embellishment, about , which there has been much discussion. Cf. Beitrége zur Geschichte der deutschen

, “Sprache und Literatur 41 (1916): 171-79; MLN 29 (1914): 99; MLR 26 (1931): 3343 Schultz, 1:5175. On the one hand, it seems to be related to the snake pits which are , , __. fairly common in Old Norse sagas and in German romances, in which case one. might guess that it is an addition of Ulrich’s. On the other, as Zenker has sug-

, gested in Ivainstudien, p. 248, the feature may ultimately derive from Irish saga,e.g., , The Phantom Chariot of Cuchulainn: “There was a pit in the fort; ... ten serpents burst over its border. ... After that I attacked them, though vast the throng, until I , made bits of them between my two fists. .. . Fierce dragon-like monsters were sent

| _ against us.” Thurneysen, p. 570. Zenker also called attention to the fact that in La mule sans frein, ll. 181-84, Keu had-to pass through a valley of “granz coluevres et | , sarpenz.” [W ] The connection with the Phantom Chariot of Cuchulainn is rendered , - more plausible by the parallel with Lanzelet set forth in 2228. [L] A wamegaree, like - wiirmelage (see 77), is an enclosure for dragons, snakes, and other wild animals (BMZ, 1:484). The dragon garden of the Tangled Pinewood can also be understood

| as a perversion of Iweret’s Beautiful Wood, in which the magical complement of . _ nature’s fauna has been replaced by loathesome serpents (Pastré, “Merveilles et en- , _- chantements,” p. 432). The word ungezibele, unclean beasts, is the technical term for

: | those animals that cannot be sacrificed to the Lord (Leviticus 27:11). The forbida _ ding landscape, like the name of the territory itself, Tangled Pinewood, bespeaks , not only the unnaturalness of the realm but also the evil of the king who rules there. , According to Arthur C. Brown, “Arthur’s Loss of Queen and Kingdom,” Speculum 15 (1940): g, these features—thickets, mists, serpents, and wild beasts—mark Vale- |

. rin’s castle as a reflection of the Celtic tower of the dead. The garden and serpents again evoke the Garden of Eden and emphasize the evilness of Valerin’s deed. W. | Richter, Der Lanzelet, pp. 30, 73f., sees a similarity between the evil environment of |

the Tangled Pinewood and that of Schatel le Mort.[K] _ 172. Brilliance is a common characteristic of Otherworld dwellings. See Stith TThomp-

76779; Loomis, p.45sf[L] oe ,

, son, Motif-Index, D1645.3; Sir-Orfeo, ll. 353-70; Gawain and the Green Knight, Ul.

_ 173. This sentence is followed by an interpolation in MS. W: “and showed his generos- _

ity again and gave the squire a ring.” [K] -

174. Lanzelet here for the first time knows himself to be among his kinsmen, whose identity he has long sought. In actuality, however, as in his friendship with his ,

. cousin Walwein, his joust with his kinsmen Erec and Karyet at Dyoflé, and his - encounter with Arthur there, he has been functioning to some extent within the wider influence of his family ever since he met Tybalt, the brother of Ade, who was

, | fostered by Duke Buroin of the White Lake, a kinsman of Clarine and hence of __

, oe Arthur (Thoran, “Zur Struktur,” p. 65). [K] oe oe , , 175. Richter, p. 76f., calls attention to a somewhat similar eminence described by Ger- | | , vase of Tilbury: “In Catalonia est rupes in aliquantam planitiem extensa, in cujus , summitate circa meridianam horam conspiciuntur milites arma gestantes sese more militum hastis impellentes. Si vero ad locum quis accesserit, nihil prorsus hujusce

LANZELET 205 rei apparet.” Des Gervasius von Tilbury Otia imperialia, ed. F. Liebrecht (Hannover: C. Riimpler, 1856), p. 26. Wirt Sikes, in his British Goblins (London: Sampson and Low, 1880; reprint, Wakefield, UK: EP Press, 1973), p. 107, reports a similar “tradi-

tion among the Glamorganshire peasantry of a fairy battle fought on a mountain between Merthyr and Aberdare, in which the pigmy combatants were on horseback... . They rode at each other with the utmost fury, and their swords could be seen flashing in the air like so many penknife blades. ...’The whole scene then disappeared in a light mist.” [L] S.E. Banks and J.W. Binns translate the passage from Gervase as follows: “In Catalonia there is a crag which levels out to form a fair-sized plateau. On its summit at about midday knights are seen wearing armour and charging each other with spears as knights do. But if anyone goes near the place, nothing at all of this kind of thing is visible” (Otia imperiaha: Recreation for an Emperor |Oxford: Clarendon, 2002], III, §58, De militibus qui apparent). Liebrecht (126) connects these ghostly knights to the German legend of the Wild Hunt; see C. Luttrell, “Folk Legend as Source for Arthurian Romance: The Wild Hunt,” pp. 83-100, in Varty, Essays in Memory of Lewis Thorpe. [K] 176. Bridges were scarce in the Middle Ages, and the roads—really trails or at best cart tracks—converged at fords, where exciting meetings would naturally occur. Rudolf Thurneysen in Keltoromanisches (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1884), p. 20, remarked that many of the ford fights in Arthurian romance have Irish prototypes. Cf. also Cross’s excellent note in MP 12 (1915): 20; Weston, Legend of Sir Perceval, 2: ch. 7. The ford

fight which figures most prominently in the Arthurian romances is that of the Black Thorn (Noire Espine), for which see Historia Meriadoci and De ortu Walwanii, ed. Bruce, p. lvii. [W] On this subject cf: MP 43 (1945): 63-71; Loomis, pp. 127-32, 227f. The most important texts for determining the meaning of the combat at the ford are the Welsh mabinogi of Pwyll (c. 1060) and the Lai de l’espine. In the former we have an anniversary combat at a ford by night between Pwyll and a king of Annwn (elysium or faerye) named “Summer-white.” Loth, 1:86-89; Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend, p. 281. In the latter we have a combat at a ford, where every

Midsummer Eve one may meet a supernatural antagonist mounted on a white horse. ZRP 17 (1893): 249f. In both stories the hero is victorious, and in the latter (as well as in seven other versions of the ford combat) specific mention is made of the victor’s taking his opponent’s steed as a prize. The origin of the adventure, as I have tried to show, was a mythical combat between the personifications of Winter and Summer. All the supernatural features have been stripped away in the version given by Ulrich, but he still retained the motif of the captured horse, which was one of the persistent features of the combat at the ford. [L] McLelland, Usrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet, pp. 141-44, however, rejects Loomis’s suggestion that this is a version of the Celtic fairy battle and explains the marvel thus: “however many

men come to the [Lookout], they are met by a corresponding number, and the size of the hillock changes according to the number of opponents, so that there is always enough room for the contestants.” [K] 177. Castilian steeds were highly prized. Schultz, 2:100. [L] See 257. [K] 178. This is obviously an example of the Siege Perilous motif, of which there are examples in the Estoire del Saint Graal, in the Queste del Saint Graal, and in Malory’s

206 LANZELET redaction of the same, in Gerbert de Montreuil’s continuation of the Conte del Graal, and in the Didot Perceval. Cf. Weston, Legend of Sir Perceval, 2: ch. 3; Didot Perceval, ed. Roach, pp. 45-47; Speculum 8 (1933): 420f., 427f. The closest analogue

to the situation in the Lanzelet is in Wirnt von Gravenberg’s Wigalois (c. 1205). Wigalois came to Arthur's court at Karidol and saw there a square stone, blue and bright as a mirror, with red and yellow stripes. No deceiver could come within six _ feet of it and lay his hand on it. Wigalois tied his destrier to a linden and sat on the stone. Hitherto everyone had been driven back; the king alone had been suffered to sit. Even Gawain could merely touch it with his hand; the reason was that he had wronged a damsel. When they saw the youth on the stone, they all marveled, and the king bade them welcome him. But the stripling knew nothing of the secret of the stone. Paul Piper, ed., Hofische Epik, Deutsche National-Litteratur, 4’, 3 vols. (Stuttgart: Union Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1892-95), 2:212. As I have pointed out in the Speculum article cited above, the Siege Perilous tradition was derived from or influenced by two Irish stories and one Welsh. As a seat of honor it corresponds to the “sage’s seat” at the court of King Nuada, which the youthful Lug ~ was able to occupy on his arrival, “for he was a sage in every art.” As a testing stone

it corresponds to the famous Lia Fail, which used to scream under every king of Ireland when he was inaugurated. On these cf. Cross and Slover, pp. 11, 28, 36. The dire consequences which overtook the land when an unworthy occupant sat in the seat, as in the Didot Perceval (ed. Roach, pp. 143-50), seem to be clearly patterned after the desolation of the land of Dyved which followed Pryderi’s sitting on the perilous mound called the Gorsedd Arberth. Loth, 1:92f., 154f.; Jones, pp. 9, 4af. [...] [L] The Siege Perilous is the only magical element that belongs specifically to the Arthurian world in Lanzelet (E. Hesse, “Zauber und Zauberer,” p. 9879). [K]

179. This scene strongly reminds us of the one in Chrétien’s Charrette, ll. 6798-927, where Lancelot claims the right to substitute for Gauvain in the fight with Meleagant. [L] Lanzelet reminds Walwein of the promise to deny him nothing he asked, which he had made in Il. 2722-23. The motif of the Rash Boon (don contraignant) is a standard feature of Arthurian literature, and Ulrich makes good use of it, for example, when Arthur makes a similar promise to the water fairy’s messenger, |. 5778, and Malduc to his daughter, |. 7233. Chrétien employs it often as well. For example, in Erec, Mabonagrain is bound to the adventure of the Joy of the Court through a rash boon to his unnamed beloved (Il. 6058-68); in Yuain, Laudine grants one to Lunete, to intercede with the lady of the Knight with the Lion (Il. 6604-12). Both Arthur and Guenievre grant a rash boon to Kay in the Charrette, which results in Meleagant’s abduction of Guenievre (Il. 160-72); Perceval grants Gornemant a boon of obedience in Perceval (Il. 1616-23). The Rash Boon is also known outside the narrower Arthurian circle: in Gottfried’s Tristan, for example, the Irish minstrel

Gandin tricks King Mark into giving him Ysolt in exchange for playing the rote (Il. 13190-96). See also Jean Frappier, “Le motif du ‘don contraignant’ dans la littérature du Moyen Age,” pp. 225-64, in his Amour courtots et table ronde, Publications

| romanes et francaises, 126 (Geneva: E. Droz, 1973). [K] 180. One of the earliest depictions of this tableau, which appears so often in medieval literature and expresses the idealized relationship between knights and ladies, oc-

LANZELET 207 curs in Geoffrey’s description of knightly sport at Arthur’s coronation at Caerleon: “Efficiebantur ergo caste, et meliores, et milites pro amore illarum probiores. ... Mox milites simulachrum prelii sciendo equestrem ludum componunt, mulieres in edituo murorum aspicientes, in furiales amoris flammas ioci irritant” (Historia, ed. Griscom, p. 457f., IX, §14). “In this way the womenfolk became chaste and more virtuous and for their love the knights were ever more daring... . The knights planned an imitation battle and competed together on horseback, while their womenfolk watched from the top of the city walls and aroused them to passionate excitement by their flirtatious behaviour” (trans. L. Thorpe). [K] 181. The name Pluris suggests that of “le chastel des Pleurs” in the Prose Tristan, but there is no likeness between the adventures at the two castles. [L] Richter, p. 84, considered whether Pluris might derive from Plurien, which appears as the name of a coastal area on old maps of Brittany, and Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet,” p. 273, confirms that names beginning with “Plou-” are common there. Walshe, “The Fabulous Geography,” p. 100, suggests a parallel to Prurin in Wolfram’s Parzival, §134,12, which name Wolfram may have found in Hartmann’s Erec, \l. 2240, 2353. [K]

182. Touching the shield of a particular knight as a form of challenging him to a joust became one of the standard features of the sport known as a'Table Round. Medieval Studies, ed. Koehler, pp. 85-89. This feature was characteristic of such festivals as those at Magdeburg in 1281, at St. Ingelvert near Calais in 1389, at Saumur in 14.46, and between Calais and St. Omer in 149. [L] 183. Webster pointed out in HSN 16 (1934): 208 the parallel between Lanzelet’s Pluris adventure and Lancelot’s affair with the seneschal’s amorous wife, which has been summarized above in 762; and he rightly observed that “although the sophisticated Charrette is written to celebrate Lancelot’s tragic devotion to Guinevere, the author has adapted all the hero's old love affairs to help fill out the plot of some ancient . rape.” In Speculum 20 (1945): 186f., and in Arthurian Tradition, pp. 176—79, I have shown that the theme of the amorous jaileress was a common one and that her prototype was Morgain la Fée and ultimately Welsh Modron. [L] McConeghy, “Aventiure and Anti-Aventiure,” p. 64f, compares the Queen of Pluris to Mabonagrin’s lady in Hartmann’s Jwein: “an imprudent woman concerned for her own joy and well-being,” a verdict that would apply in Chrétien’s Yuain as well. Similarly, McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 186, speaks of the queen's “possessive love ... which cuts [Lanzelet] off from the outside world.” In this dystopia,

the dominance of a woman over a knight means his loss of manhood and knightly identity, symbolized by her stripping Lanzelet of his weapons and subjecting him to a guard of minders, the latter normally associated with the chaperonage imposed on women (cf. the commentary on Ginover, Il. 5874-81). Welz, “Lanzelet im schenen walde,” p. 62f., on the other hand, understands the Pluris episode as an elaborate joke, without deeper significance. [K] 184. Here the only manuscript transmitting this section of text, MS. W, has a lacuna, perhaps of only one line, 5492. [K] 185. Proclaiming a tourney far and wide in order to obtain news of a lost hero or to lure him out of hiding was one of the stock situations in Arthurian romance. Webster

208 LANZELET in HSN 16 (1934): 210f., suggests that in Chrétien’s Charrette, ll. 5400ff., the tourney of Pomelegloi was originally arranged for this purpose; at least, it had that effect. For other examples in Le de/ inconnu, Fergus, and Malory’s book, cf. Loomis, p. u15f. [L] See the English translation of Guillaume le Clerc’s Fergus of Galloway: Knight of King Arthur, by D. D. R. Owen (London: J.M. Dent; Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle, 1991). LK]

186. This custom remains part of the Arthurian tradition; it appears, for example, in Wolfram’s Parzival (ca. 1200), §309,5-9, §648,18-22; Wirnt von Gravenberg’s Wigalois (ca. 1205), ll. 247-51; Der Stricker’s Daniel vom bliihenden Tal (ca. 1215), ll. 75-82, 400-7; the French Queste del Saint Graal (ca. 1215-30), Sommer, 6:6; in the much later Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (mid-fourteenth century), Il. 91-99; and in Malory, XIII, ch. 2. The author of the Jiéngerer Titurel (ca. 1270, perhaps by Albrecht von Scharfenberg) knows the tradition, but rejects it as false, §2316. See also Xenja von Ertzdorff, “Kénig Artus’ ‘site,” in Riidiger Kriiger, Jiirgen Kthnel, and Joachim Kuolt, eds., Ist zwivel herzen nachgebiir: Giinther Schweikle zum 60. Geburtstag, pp. 193-201, Helfant Studien, 5 (Stuttgart: Helfant, 1989). [K] 187. That Arthur always keeps his word is another of his traditional attributes. For example, in Chrétien's Evec he maintains his commitment to the hunt for the White Stag, even after Gauvain warns him of possible negative consequences: “Je ne doit estre contredite / Parole, puis que rois l’a dite” (1. s9f., “for when a king has spoken,

his word cannot be retracted,” trans. D.D.R. Owen). This is already hinted at in Layamon's Brut, where Arthur’s speech before his 4o/mgang with Frollo contains the statement, “For it becometh a king if his word shall stand” (1. 11,841, trans. Sir Frederic Madden). Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, p. 4973, also note that making a promise that must be kept at all costs is frequently referred to in Irish tradition. Ulrich states this principle explicitly in 1. 7312f.: “Whatever King Arthur vowed, he violated for the sake of no one.” [K] 188. Richter, p. 119f., shows, first, that this “rieme von Iberne” is a direct borrowing from Hartmann’s Eref, ll. 1556ff., and, secondly, that the word Iberne was probably taken by Hartmann from Eilhart’s Tristrant, 1. 515. There it obviously means Hibernia,

i.e., Ireland. [...] [L] It must be noted, however, that Ulrich otherwise clearly designates Ireland as Ir/ant, Irlanden (ll. 7200, 8082). In considering passages from Wirnt von Gravenberg’s Wigalois, in which fish skin (see 7159) from “Tberne” decorates a Lady Florie’s mantle (Il. 806-12), and Lady Larie binds a “rieme von Iberne” around her waist (1. 10557), Wis, “Zum Problem der ‘vremder visce hiute,” p. 146, suggests that Wirnt is thinking of an exotic, faraway land, meant to emphasize the preciousness of this clothing. Therefore, he may not be thinking of Ireland, but of Ibroine, which appears in the French Roman d’Alexandre (ed. Armstrong, 2:240, Branch 3, §241, |. 4351) as a fabled land in the Orient and is probably to be identified _ with classical Iberia in the Caucasus (now the Republic of Georgia), through which passed the ancient trade route to India. One can just as easily apply this reasoning

to Lanzelet. |K]

189. The prestige of French fashions seems to have been as strong in the twelfth and thirteenth as in the nineteenth century. Schultz, 1:4, 25972. [L] 190. On the ¢eschelin or aumosniére cf. Schultz, 1:277; Goddard, p. 35f. [L]

LANZELET 209 rgt. On mantles cf. Schultz, 1:269-72; Goddard, pp. 163-70. Goddard remarks that the mantle “is the garment of this period which offers to the poet the best means of

indicating the wealth and importance of his hero or heroine”; and that it was fre- , quently woven or embroidered with figures of animals. The mantle test seems to have had an early and long history in Arthurian romance and has been the subject of a good monograph by Otto Warnatsch, Der Mantel, Germanistische Abhandlungen, 2 (Breslau: W. Koebner, 1883; reprint, Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1977). Cf. also Richter, pp. 55-62; T.P. Cross in MP to (1913): 289; 16 (1919): 6493 Francis J. Child, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, 5 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1882-98; reprint, New York: Cooper Square, 1962; Mineola, NY: Dover, 2003), 1:260ff.; 5:289a; Loomis, pp. 97-100. The tradition seems to have originated in Wales, and in one list of the Thirteen Treasures of the Isle of Britain, translated by Professor F. N. Robinson, we read: “The mantle of Tegau Eurvron, which would not serve anyone who had violated her marriage or her virginity; and for the woman who remained true to her husband it would reach to the ground and to the one who had violated her marriage it would not reach to her lap; and for this reason there was envy against Tegau Eurvron.” Carleton Brown, English Lyrics of the XILIth Century (Oxford: Clarendon, 1932, 1962), p. 226. Tegau was the wife of Caradawc Breichbras, and both in the French fabliau, Le mantel mautailhé, and in the English ballad, The Boy and the Mantle, it is the wife of Carados or Craddocke who was alone able to don the magic mantle and so demonstrate her chastity. From various medieval sources we learn that this very mantle was preserved at an abbey in Wales, at Glastonbury, and at Dover Castle. Warnatsch, p. 59. In a late prose version of the Mantel mautaillié (R 14 [1885]: 349), Morgain is the sender of the mantle to Arthur’s court and her motive is jealousy of the queen, while in the Huth Merlin (ed. Paris and Ulrich, 2:251-53) it is again Morgain, described as “la damoisele de l’isle faee,” who sends a fatal mantle to the court by one of her damsels with intent to kill her brother. It is clear that the author of O was using cognate traditions, since he also makes the damsel of the faery isle, whom we have identified with Morgain, the sender of the testing mantle, but he has credited her with only benevolent intentions. Warnatsch shows (69~71) that the Lanze/et version represents in some ways the most archaic stage, and that the parallels with the French fab/iau of the Mante/ mautaillié are close enough to indicate a common source. [L] See also the introduction by C.T. Erickson, ed., The Anglo-Norman Text of Le lai du cor, Anglo-Norman Texts, 24 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1973), pp. 5-9. Ulrich’s mantle test, however, is not a test of fidelity or chastity, but rather a demonstration that immoderate behavior in love leads to discord in the courtly love relationship (Combridge, “Lanzelet and the Queens,” p. 58; Zellmann, Lanzelet, pp. 261f., 285). This demonstration, however, is presented as a courtly game, with no consequences for the ladies (Hesse, “Zauber und Zauberer,” p. 103721). [K] 192. Loomis (1951) believed that this statement, that Ginover had erred only in thought,

and the fact that Lanzelet is not even mentioned were “the strongest proofs” that the author of O did not know Chrétien’s Charrette and that the tradition of the queen’s infidelity was not yet established. It would seem, however, that this would be certain only if she had revealed no flaw at all; on the other hand, it could signal

210 LANZELET to an audience familiar with the tradition of her abductions that the potential for faithlessness does exist, but has not been acted upon because of Arthur’s chaperonage. McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet, p. 151, indeed suggests that a suspicion is being raised here that Valerin’s claim on the Queen might not have been so unwelcome after all. See 7265. [K] 193. Though MS. W gives Orpylet, P gives Torfilaret, and seems to be right since Richter, p. 57, points out that in the French version of the mantle test and in the Norse Skikkju Rimur (fifteenth century) “Torz li fils Ares” follows immediately after Arthur. Though Richter himself prefers the reading of MS. W,, it is hardly likely that the scribe of MS. P would have changed Orphilet to Torfilaret by mere chance or because he knew the French fab/au. On the relation of the names Orphilet (Orpylet) and Torfilaret, cf. 139. [L] For Chandler, 4 Catalogue of Names, pp. 50, 279, Torfilaret is a corruption of “Torz li fiz le roi Arés,” Tor the son of King Ares, who appears in the list of Knights of the Round Table in Chrétien’s Evec, |. 1728. [K] 194. [he excellence of Walwein’s lady is parallel to his own: as he is nearly, but not quite, the equal of Lanzelet, so she is nearly the equal of Iblis. See also 2202. [K] 195. Loifilol is impossible to identify. [L] 196. The pronouncement that a woman should not accept gifts from a man whom she

does not intend to admit to her favors evidently reflects contemporary opinion and corresponds to a judgment rendered in a similar case, according to Andreas Capellanus, De amore, ed. Amadeo Pagés (Castellén de la Plana: Sociedad castellonense de cultura, 1929), p. 150: “Aut mulier munuscula intuitu amoris oblata recuset aut munere compenset amoris aut meretricum sustineat patienter coetibus ageregari.” [his passage in Ulrich’s poem and the later reference to the judgments of Clidra show that the fashion of debating such matters and hearing pronouncements on them, somewhat as described by Andreas, must have been known to the

author of O. One may infer from this fact that O must have been composed in the late 1170s at earliest. Speculum 12 (1937): 3-19. Amy Kelly, Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Four Kings (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1950, 1978), pp. 157-67. [L] J.J. Parry translates the quotation from The Art of Courtly Love as follows: “Let a woman either decline gifts which are offered her with a view to love, or let her pay for them with her love, or let her suffer in patience being classified with the prostitutes” (II, ch. 7, §19). [K]

197. Gyvreiz bears the same name as the noble dwarf king Guivret in Chrétien's Evec. On Guivret and other Lilliputian kings in Arthurian and Celtic story, cf. Loomis, ch. 20 and Index of Subjects, sub “Dwarf.” The dwarf king and his queen seem to belong in the tradition of the mantle test since the king of the land of dwarfs, his wife, and a large retinue of midgets arrive at Arthur’s court, according to the Norse Skikkju Rimur of the fifteenth century, and the diminutive queen undergoes the mantle test along with the other ladies. Cf. Warnatsch, Der Mantel, p. 72£.; Acta Universitatis Lundensis 13 (1876-77): 54, 67. [L]

198. Kailet is apparently a name which Ulrich did not find in O but borrowed from Hartmann von Aue’s Ere, |. 1672, where we find a Gahillet. Wolfram took over the name from both Hartmann and Ulrich as Kaylet von Hoskurast. Parzival, ed. Wilhelm Hertz, sth ed. (Stuttgart: J.G. Cotta, 1911, ’1927), p. 477. [L]

: LANZELET 211 199. Der wise Maldiuz, who does not appear in other versions of the mantle test, is apparently a supernumerary adopted by Ulrich from Hartmann’s Ereé (1. 1636), which in turn reproduces “Mauduiz li sages” in Chrétien’s Exec (1. 1699). The form Mauduiz was probably suggested to Chrétien by the chansons de geste, for in the Oxford text of the Chanson de Roland (|. 643) Mauduit is mentioned as the treasurer of King Marsilie. [. ..] [L] Malduz appears as Maldis der wise in Diu Créne (1. 2295), where he fails the test of the cup of chastity. Based on Philipot’s argument (R 25 [1896]: 284-89), that Mabon enjoyed a reputation as an enchanter in the Arthurian cycle, Loomis (1951) believed that Mabon was the origin of the names Malduz, Mabuz (cf. m118), and Malduc, the enchanter described in 1. 7364 as “der wise man” (cf. 7213). There seems to be, however, no linguistic rule that would justify the derivation of Malduz from Mabon (Cross and Nitze, Lancelot, p. 243). [K]

200.On the juppe (O.F. jupe), cf. Goddard, pp. 142-46. It was a short, tight-fitting, sleeved jacket, worn over the core. [L]

201. [his somewhat grotesque description of Iwan’s beloved certainly does not correspond to the Laudine we know from Chrétien’s Yuain. That seems odd, since Ulrich’s description of the adventure at Behforet suggests that he knew Chrétien's work, as has been previously noted. Perhaps we are meant to think that this tall lady is a previous beloved, so that Laudine’s reputation is not tarnished by her failing the mantle test. Cf. next note. [K] 202. Enite is Enide, the heroine of Chrétien’s Evec et Enide (ca. 1165), which introduced her into the Arthurian tradition. Loomis (1951) suggested that Ulrich might have added her name as an afterthought to the list of courtly ladies in O as a result of his familiarity with Hartmann’s Erec. If, however, as many experts do, one dates O toward the end of the century, her character could just as easily have been taken from

Chrétien. What is most interesting here is that she is not mentioned in context with Erec, who is himself not paired with any lady in this romance. It is perhaps her exemplary reputation in Chrétien—and Hartmann—that keeps her from being singled out for Ulrich’s demonstration of the powers of the magic mantle in unfavorable competition with Iblis, as were the ladies of Iwan and Walwein. She is, however, subjected to the mantle test in the fragmentary poem attributed to Heinrich von dem Tiirlin, Der Mantel, and in the Norse Skikkju Rimur, as well as in the goblet test in Heinrich’s Diu Créne (1. 1361ff.), where minor flaws are detected. Richter, pp. 94-99. Noting that Enite was not mentioned among the ladies before this, Gruhn, “Erec und Lanzelet,” p. 295, suggests that she is being represented here as Walwein’s lady, not Erec’s. [K] 203. [ristant is, of course, the famous lover and hero of romance. He inherits his name

and a part of his story from a Pictish king, Drust, who ruled briefly about 780. Beiblatt zur Angha 15 (1904): 16-21. The legend passed into Wales and incorporated elements from the Irish love story of Diarmaid and Grainne; thus Drystan or Trystan mab Tallwch came to be the lover of his uncle’s wife Esyllt, and their elopement to the forest betrays in many details a borrowing from the Irish saga. Gertrude Schoepperle, Tristan and Isolt, 2 vols. (Frankfurt: J. Baer, 1913; 2nd ed. by R.S. Loomis, New York: B. Franklin, 1960), 2:395-435. Thomas of Britain, Romance of Tristram and Ysolt, trans. R.S. Loomis, rev. ed. (New York: Columbia UP, 1931;

212 LANZELET new rev. ed., 1951; reprint, New York, Octagon, 1982), pp. xiii-xviii. R 53 (1927): 92-99. About 1000 the legend must have reached Brittany, for we find a lord of Vitré named Tristan in the first half of the eleventh century. MLN 39 (1924): 326f. Several motifs from Breton folklore also appear in the French romances, such as the equine ears of King Mark and the black and white sails. Comparative Literature 2 (1950): 289-306. The main features of the story of Ysolt of Brittany are taken from a celebrated Arabic tale of tragic love, Kais and Lobna. Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil. hist. K1., 1918, no. 13. In the 1150s Tristan

was known to the troubadours, Bernard de Ventadour and Cercamon, as an ideal lover. MLN 39 (1924): 322. Before Ulrich’s time the legend had taken literary shape | in the poems of Chrétien de Troyes (now lost), Eilhart von Oberg, Thomas, Marie de France, and Béroul. For a good discussion of the problems, cf. the articles of J. van Dam in Neophilologus 15 (1930): 18, 88, 183. [L]

204. [he name Gilimar is in all likelihood a borrowing by the author of O from Wace’s

Brut, where the mss. give the name Gillomar or Gillamor to an Irish king who aided the Scots against Arthur. Wace, Brut, ed. Le Roux de Lincy, 2: 1. ggro; ed. Arnold, 2:822. One other name in Lanzelet, Maurin, seems to have the same history. Cf. n106. (By what is probably an odd coincidence, a Gilemer |’Escot is mentioned thrice in the Charroi de Nimes.) Beyond the name, however, the borrowing from Wace does not go. The penalty of silence imposed on Gilimar by his lady because he had talked too much of his love, though he had not revealed her name, has been

mentioned in 33, and illustrates one of the cardinal principles of amour courtots, secrecy. According to Andreas Capellanus, love diminishes after it has been made public. De amore, ed. Pagés, pp. 124, 127, 160. The Art of Courtly Love, trans. Parry, Pp. 153, 156, 185. Andreas also cites a case where a knight who had shamefully di-

vulged the secrets of his love was condemned by a court of ladies in Gascony to be deprived of all hope of love and made an object of general contempt. De amore, p. 149; Art of Courtly Love, p. 175. Richter, p. 64, refers to the Italian story about a certain Alamanno, probably to be identified with the troubadour Richard of Barbézieu, who during a feast boasted of his lady and finally mentioned her name. She on learning of this offense dismissed him and he retired to a hermitage. When later at a tournament he was pressed for a song, he declared that he could not sing till his lady granted him pardon. At the intercession of a hundred barons, a hundred knights, a hundred dames, and a hundred damsels, the lady relented. Richter is probably wrong in connecting Gilimar with Chrétien’s Guingamar or Guigamor (Erec, 1. 1954), and with Guiomar in the Prose Lancelot. There is no trace of the silence motif in these cases, and the names are more remote. [L] Richter, p. 65, also cites the thematic parallel to the Lai de Lanval of Marie de France, in which Lanval promises his fairy mistress never to reveal their love; in order to repulse the advances of Arthur's unnamed queen, he breaks his vow and speaks of his mistress’s beauty, and a duped Arthur demands proof of this claim. The story, however, ends happily when the fairy mistress arrives at the court to prove his case, and the two

lovers depart for Avalon. [K] ,

205. Lachmann’s emendation in Hahn reads c/ér, faultless, but we read with WP: daz ist war. [|K]

LANZELET 213 206.[...] The chase of a white beast is a definitely Celtic feature since we find it in the mabinogi of Manawydan and the Breton /ais of Tyolet, Guingamor, and Guigemar, as well as in the Arthurian romances. Loomis, ch. 8. In the romance of Durmart, assigned by Bruce to the second quarter of the thirteenth century, we learn that Durmart met a va/et, who told him how Arthur's queen had been carried off during a hunt by a knight who had loved her for several years. Evidently Durmart and O derived these features from a common source. Another and most significant relationship was first pointed out by Webster in Englische Studien 36 (1906): 348-50. A version of the famous Irish story of the Wooing of Etain is contained in a fifteenthcentury manuscript, ed. Ernst Windisch, Irische Texte mit Wérterbuch (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1880), pp. 117-30, and trans. A.H. Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, 2 vols. (London: D. Nutt, 1905; reprint, New York: Lemma, 1974), 1:11-22. Here we find a saga which affords parallels to the following points in Lanzelet: Valerin’s assertion of a claim to Ginover, earlier than Arthur’s; his first vain attempt to win her away;

his abducting her by violence at an equestrian assemblage; Arthur's enlisting the aid of the wizard Malduc; the destruction of Valerin’s castle and the restoration of the queen to Arthur. In spite of the late date of the Egerton manuscript, Thurneysen, p. 66of., assigned the composition of this text to the twelfth century, and we know that another version existed in an eighth-century form. Ibid., p. 16f. There is, therefore, nothing unlikely in the view that the Wooing of Etain in a form similar to that in the Egerton manuscript set the pattern which, transmitted through the Welsh and Bretons, turns up in Valerin’s abduction of Ginover. Another important connection is to be found in the folktale of the Sleeping Beauty and in the Scottish ballad of Child Rowland. Cf. n225. [L] It has been noted earlier (27167, 169, 179) that Valerin’s role corresponds in part to those of Gasozein in Diu Créne and of Meleagant in Chrétien’s Charrette. Loomis (1951) believed that Ulrich borrowed the hunt of the White Stag from Hartmann’s Ere&, as well as the notion that the custom had been established by Utpandragon (Il. 1785-76) and that the prize was a kiss. While Chrétien does not specifically mention Uther as the source of the tradition, one could also infer this from his Evec, when Arthurs states that he wishes to renew this custom (“Por la costume ressaucier,” |. 38). The kiss, which plays no role in the Celtic parallels, seems to have been invented by Chrétien, althought it could already have been a part of the common source of Chrétien and O. Weston, Legend of Sir Perceval, u:115nt, suggests that the White Stag is here acting as Valerin’s agent,

sent to lure Ginover to the Otherworld. On the White Stag see Carl Pschmadt, Sage von der verfolgten Hinde (Greifswald: J. Abel, rg1z), p. 118f.; Perlesvaus, ed. Nitze

and Jenkins, 2:133-44; Webster, Guinevere: A Study of Her Abductions, pp. 89-104; Loomis, Arthurian Tradition, pp. 68~7o. [K] 207. The form Utpandragon, taken over from Hartmann’s Ere&, is easily derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Uterpendragon by way of Wace and Chrétien’s Erec (1. 1811). [.. .] Geoffrey in turn took the name from some Welsh source, for we have

a very mysterious poem in the Book of Taliesin (thirteenth century) called the “Death-song of Uthyr,” and in the Black Book of Carmarthen a poem of the tenth century referring to Mabon son of Modron as the servant of Uthir pen dragon. According to Loth’s discussion of this figure in RC 49 (1932): 133-35, Pendragon peut

214 — LANZELET , signifier chef des dragons, mais dans le sens de chef des guerriers.” In neither of these old Welsh sources is there any hint that this Uthyr was the father of Arthur, although in the “Death-song,” if our translation is correct, Uthyr claims a ninth

, part in the prowess of Arthur. The paternal relationship appears first in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Hisforia, and in all probability is a beautiful example of the unscrupulous ingenuity of the Oxford magister. Gertrude Schoepperle pointed out in Vassar Mediaeval Studies, ed. Fiske, p. 4f., that after the mention by Nennius of Arthur's victories we find in a ms. at the Cambridge University Library, Ff. I.27, the gloss: | “Mab Uter Britannice, filius horribilis Latine quoniam a puericia sua crudelis fuit.” She also pointed out that though the words “mab uter” could mean, as the gloss _ shows, “terrible youth,” they could also be taken as “son of Uter,” and she also cited _ from Irish saga an exactly parallel case, where the phrase “mac soalte,” applied to Cuchulainn in the sense of “well-nurtured youth,” was responsible for his being provided, contrary to early tradition, with a father Soalta. Since, of course, Geoffrey used a copy of Nennius in concocting his “history,” one may well believe that some such gloss as this sufficed to furnish a name for Arthur’s father. Tatlock in Legendary History of Britain, p. 315, disagrees with this interpretation. [L] 208.It is one of the persistent features both of the Celtic and the Arthurian versions

a of the abduction that the lady is not violated, sometimes obtaining from her abductor a promise to that effect. Loomis, p. 203f. Cross and Nitze, Lancelot and Guenevere, pp. 26, 28f., 42f., 51. [L] Thoran, “Zur Struktur,” p. 73, draws a parallel between Valerin and the Queen of Pluris: both wish to enforce their claim on a beloved by the use of force; after freeing himself (with the assistance of his fellow knights) from the improper claim of the queen, Lanzelet subsequently helps to

| free Ginover. [K] 7 ,

209. This name is an emendation, the mss. reading Lont and Lanz. Loiit, as the son of

, Arthur, probably derives his name from Llacheu, who appears in a tenth-century poem in the Black Book of Carmarthen together with Kei, and in a triad and in the Dream of Rhonabwy as the son of Arthur. Loth, 1:374; 2:253. He is mentioned first in French romance in the roll call of the Round Table in Evec, 1. 1732, where he

is described as the son of Arthur, and two mss. give the form Lohous. Hartmann reproduced the name as Lohut. Perlesvaus gives a detailed account of Lohout’s treacherous murder by Keu. On the figure cf. RR 3 (1912): 179-84; R 43 (1914): 100ff.;

- Perlesvaus, ed. Nitze and Jenkins, 2:297f., 303-6. [L] It is interesting to note that neither Geoffrey nor Wace mentions Arthur’s having a son, and except for his char- _ acterization as a “young man of great merit,” Loholz (Loholt) remains only a name in Chrétien's Evec. He is called Loez in Diu Créne (1. 2322), and Ilinot in Wolfram’s

, Parzival (§383,4) and Titurel (§147,2). In the Vulgate Merlin, he was fathered upon Lisanor before Arthur's marriage to Guinevere. In Lanzelet, the “generous” Loiit plays a significant role; in fact, in a romance to which the theme of family is central,

he must be there. But Lanzelet is a romance that privileges the (maternal) unclenephew relationships—Lanzelet, Walwein, Karyet—over the father-son relationship; it is the nephews who offer the greatest support to Arthur. Although Loiit is the son of Arthur’s body, it is Lanzelet, his nephew and quasi-adoptive son, who urges Loiit to channel his grief over the situation into more productive action in |

LANZELET 215 order to aid Arthur in his endeavor to rescue Ginover (Pérennec, Recherches sur le roman arthurien, p. 48). [K] 210. For lines 6893-98, “of his mother’s abduction ... in rage,” Webster read with MS. W: “of his mother’s affliction. The news was so grievous to him that he wailed aloud in his heartfelt sorrow.” [K] _ ait. This is, of course, a reference to the famous “Breton hope,” which is recorded as flourishing among the Cornish as early as 1113 and is often remarked upon by later authors. Cf. R.H. Fletcher, “Arthurian Material in the Chronicles,” SNPL 10 (1906): 1ooff., 120, 145, 165, 167, 188, 190, 202, 207, 230; Chambers, Arthur of Britain, PP- 17, 25, 46, 49, 89, 105-8, 112, 121-24, 157, 217-32, 249f., 265, 271f., 275f., 281; Loo-

Mis, pp. 9, 15, 18, 20, 198f. Perhaps the most striking testimony to the ardor with which the Bretons believed in Arthur's return is the statement of Alanus de Insulis (1174-79): “Vade in Armoricum regnum, id est, in minorem Britanniam et pradica per plateas et vicos Arturum Britonem more ceterum mortuorum mortuum esse, et tunc certe re ipsa probabis, veram esse Merlini prophetiam, qua ait: Arturi exitium dubium fore; si tamen immunis evadere inde potueris, quin aut maledictis audientium opprimaris, aut certe lapidibus obruaris.” [L] Chambers, Arthur of Britain, p. 110, translates this passage from Alanus (Alain de Lille, Prophetia Anglicana Merlini Ambrosii Britanni, lib. 1) as follows: “go to the realm of Armorica, which is lesser Britain, and preach about the market-places and villages that Arthur the Briton is dead as other men are dead, and facts themselves will show you how true is Merlin's prophecy, which says that the ending of Arthur shall be doubtful. Hardly will you escape unscathed, without being whelmed by the curses or crushed by the stones of your hearers.” Lanzelet is the only medieval text to suggest that Loiit shares in the Breton hope with his father. Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” p. 51; J.D. Bruce, “Arthur’s Son ‘Lohot,” RR 3 (1912): 181. Although standard MHG distinguishes between Britain and Brittany, Britanje and Bertdne, respectively, and between British (Sritanisch) and Breton (driténisch), the manuscripts are sometimes maddeningly indifferent to the distinction; thus, MS. P writes here pritange, the form he (usually) reserves for Britain. The spelling of these terms in MS. W varies with almost every occurrence. That no marked distinction between Britain and Brittany can be detected in the mss. may be due in part to the fact that Britain does not really mean a geographical “England,” but simply the entire realm of Arthur, which encompasses both insular and continental territories and of which Brittany is a part. [K] 212. In 1. 6235 Tristant has already been mentioned, together with Erek, as wis. The adjective /istige here applied to him may refer to Tristant’s many traditional accomplishments, of which Schoepperle made a list in her Tristan and Isolt, 2:282-317, or possibly to the clever ruses by which he deceived King Mark. [L] 213. It has been shown in m199 that in form the name Malduz or Malduc approximates

the name Mauduit mentioned in the Chanson de Roland as the treasurer of the pagan Marsilie. Doubtless the element ma/ or mau in such names was regarded as expressive of their sinister characters. As for the role of Malduc in the rescue of Ginover, it has been shown that it is based on that of a druid in the Wooing of Etain. But an important influence on Ulrich’s account of Malduc is the traditional wiz-

ard of Arthurian romance, Merlin. Apart from the general resemblance between

216 LANZELET Malduc and Merlin as the supreme enchanters of Arthur's time, there are three more striking points of similarity. (1) Malduc dwelt in an invisible castle (1. 7164f.), surrounded by a thick mist (Ll. 7589-91). Merlin was confined by his mistress in a tower rendered invisible by a vapor (fumée). Sommer, 2:452, 461. (2) Malduc dwelt in a castle in the midst of a lake with a damsel who was expert in magic and who was friendly to Arthur (ll. 7161-207). Merlin was confined in a fortress, where he was frequently visited by a beautiful damsel, the Lady of the Lake, who was expert in magic and who was friendly to Arthur. Sommer, 2:376, 451f. (3) The damsel who

dwelt with Malduc was able, embracing him affectionately, to win a promise to do what she desired (Il. 7217-26). The Lady of the Lake was able, embracing and stroking Merlin, to win from him what she desired. Sommer, 2:452. Though Ulrich represents the damsel of the lake as Malduc’s daughter, not his mistress, as in the Merlin legend, there can be little doubt of the influence of the latter tradition on Malduc. On the Merlin legend cf. Bruce, Evolution of Arthurian Romance, 1:129-51; Geoffrey of Monmouth, Vita Merlini, ed. J.J. Parry, University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, 10, no. 3 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1925);

Paton, pp. 204-27. This raises the question whether the name Malduc or Malduz is a substitution for that of the great enchanter. But it seems more likely that it is substituted for Mabon, which we have seen that Ulrich gives in the Anglo-Norman form Mabuz. Cf. 2118. For somewhat similar traditions seem to have clustered | about Mabon as about Merlin, as Philipot showed in R 25 (1896): 281-89. In Renaud de Beaujeu’s Le bel inconnu and in Libeaus Desconus, Mabon or Maboun appears as a wicked enchanter, and in Chrétien's Evec Mabonagrain is, like Merlin, held as a sort of captive by his mistress in a garden surrounded by an impenetrable wall of air. Loomis, pp. 176-79. The role of Malduc, therefore, is a composite of traditions

about three wizards, the Irish Dalan, the Welsh Merlin, and Mabon, who seems to have shared or acquired some of the characteristics of Merlin. See also n225. [L] 214. Zenker in ZFSL 48 (1926): 70-75, maintained that the wild landscape effects in Lanzelet were typically English. Webster in MZR 26 (1931): 72 remarked, however: “The whole business of mists and bogs and fords is very Ireland”; and added in a note on the same page: “These mists that wrap the wizard’s mere and the castle of the otherworld prince may be just the usual magic mist; but one may suspect that the climate of the western isles has something to do with them, and that even the objectionable Irish fogs were sublimated (or precipitated) into fairy properties by the charms of the French romancers avid for this ‘Celtic’ material.” [L] 215. Singer pointed out in 1912 (Aufsatze und Vortrage, p. 160) a certain analogue to the disastrous shriek in Liudd and Llevelys. Loth, 1:234. Jones, p. go. Listing the three plagues of Britain, the Welsh author wrote: “The second plague was a scream which _ was raised every May-eve over every hearth in the Isle of Britain. It would pierce human hearts and strike them with such terror that men would lose their hue and their strength and women the fruit of their wombs, and young men and maidens would lose their senses, and all animals and trees and the earth and the waters would be left barren.” Another Welsh reference to this phenomenon occurs in Manawydan. Loth, 1:154f.; Jones, p. 43. Pryderi, his mother, and his stepfather seated themselves after a feast on a perilous mound. “Lo, a peal of thunder, and with the magnitude of the

LANZELET 217 peal, lo, a fall of mist coming, so that no one of them could see the other. After the mist, lo, every place filled with light. And when they looked the way they were wont before that to see the flocks and the herds and the dwellings, no manner of thing could they see: neither house nor beast nor smoke nor fire nor man nor dwelling.” In . Arthurian romance we have three instances of a “brait” which heralded or produced calamity. In the Didot Perceval (ed. Roach, p. 149f.) we have a remarkable parallel to the incident in Manawydan—a roar which follows on Perceval’s sitting in the Siege Perilous and signals the beginning of the enchantments of Britain. Cf. Loomis, p. 342f. In the Huth Merlin (ed. Paris and Ulrich, 2:198) we read of a “brait” uttered by Merlin when he discovered that he had been deceived by his mistress—a cry which was heard throughout Logres (England) and caused many marvels. A lost French romance and the Spanish Baladro del Sabio Merlin took their titles from this cry. Finally, in the Livre d’Artus (Sommer, 7:170) there is a “brait” which issues from the sky and which is so dolorous that whoever hears it falls to the ground as if dead. Though the parallels to the Shrieking Marsh are not close, yet in all cases the sound is attended by calamity, and in L/udd and Lievelys it is a seasonal occurrence. [L] To these calamities may be added Culhwch’s threat, when Glewlwyd Mighty-grip refuses to admit him into Arthur’s presence, “And I will raise three shouts at the entrance of this gate... . And every woman with child that is at this court shall miscarry, and such of them as are not with child, their wombs shall turn to a burden within them, so that they may never bear child from this day forth” (trans. G. Jones and T. Jones). Richter, p. 75, sees in the Shrieking Marsh an allusion to Lake Avernus, a crater near Cumae (see 7255) in the Campagna, where Vergil’s Aeneas entered the Underworld and the Greek name of which, Aornos, meant “birdless” (VI, 1. 242); Lucretius also notes the birdlessness of Cumae, with its pungent sulphurous air, De rerum natura, VI, 1. 740ff. Gervase of Tilbury describes it in his Otia imperialia, II, §19: “Est et inter Neapolim et Puteolum locus quidam, quasi stagni sicca uestigia, terra quidem lutosa. In hunc locum si proiectum quodlibet animatum fuerit, statim moritur. Sed et aues superuolitantes alitu loci illius statim inficiuntur, et sic moriuntur,” which Banks and Binns translate as follows: “There is also a place between Naples and Pozzuoli, which seems to be the dried up remains of a lake, where the ground is very muddy. If any living creature is driven into this place it dies at once. Even birds flying overhead are immediately infected by the atmosphere of the place, and die from its effects.” Patch, The Other World, p. 318f., is reminded of the marshlands around Glastonbury. One is tempted to see a parallel between the destructive power of the marsh’s shrieking and that wrought by the tempest on the forest in Chrétien’s Yvain (Il. 432-48), caused by pouring water from the boiling-hot spring on the emerald stone. Further, Arthur and his court plan to essay that adventure on St. John’s Eve, June 23, the eve of Midsummer Day, the summer solstice; Ulrich’s marsh shrieks only on the third day before the

solstice. [K]

216. The heat of the water, so far as 1 am aware, is not matched in the Celtic wonder world, but seems rather to reflect some knowledge of volcanic springs, perhaps

those of Bath. [L]

217. There has been considerable speculation about the name and nature of Dodines.

| _ Cf. R 43 (1914): 96ff.; ZFSL 44 (1) (1917): 169. The immediate source of the name

218 LANZELET must be Hartmann’s Ere&, |. 1637, where exactly the same form and the same epithet, , “der wilde,” occur. Hartmann’s source in turn was Chrétien's Erec, 1. yoo, where two mss. read “Dodinez li Sauvages.” Other mss., however, give the more correct form, Dodins, and Brugger proved in Medieval Studies in Memory of G. Schoepperle Loomis, ed. R.S. Loomis (New York: Columbia UP, 1927; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1974), pp. 166-70, that Dodins is simply an OF noun meaning “fool.” Since Ulrich’s Dodines was no fool, it seems most probable that, as with Kailet and Malduz (cf.

nig8f.), Ulrich picked out a name from Hartmann’s list of Arthur's knights arbitrarily, his choice perhaps being determined by the epithet “der wilde,” which would be appropriate enough for this guide through strange territory. The authentic story of Dodin or Dodinel, as I showed in Arthurian Tradition, p. 339f., is preserved in the Vulgate Merlin, and his name was originally a sobriquet for Perceval. [L] GlinkaJanczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” pp. 149-55, summarizes the various theories regarding the origin of the name Dodines. In addition to Hartmann’s Erec, where his name follows that of Maldwiz li sages (see n1g99), Dodines appears as a knight of the Round Table in many subsequent German romances, including Hartmann’s Iwein (1. 87), Wigalois (1. 458), Parzival (§271,13), Diu Créne (1. 2296),

and Gauriel (1. 1242), and his adventures consist in his being unhorsed by other knights (Chandler, A Catalogue of Names, pp. 70, 265). Richter, Der Lanzelet, p. 35, interprets Dodines as a guide to the realm of the dead, a view that is supported by | the sinister landscape the knights must traverse. The figure of the Wild Man of the Woods is a familiar one in medieval literature, for example, the hideous herdsman ~ in Chrétien’s Yuain (IL. 288ff; Hartmann’s Iwein, Il. 418ff.). He lives in remote parts of the forest, shuns human contact, and is often portrayed as the lord of animals and endowed with supernatural powers; in a less benign form, he is portrayed as a ravisher of damsels, as, for example, in Lamprecht’s Alexander (ca. 1170), ll. 5365-90. Courtly men could temporarily be driven to the life of a Wild Man by madness, for

example, Merlin (in Geoffrey’s Vita Merlini), Sir Orfeo, and Yvain himself, when : Lunete’s words of reproach cause him to go mad and run about naked in the woods

, (Yvain, ll. 2802-27). See Bernheimer, Wild Men, pp. 1-33. [K] , 218. Malory describes the hero of his seventh Book, Gareth, as having the largest hands

that ever man saw. For the explanation of Gareth’s nickname, Beaumayns, cf. PMLA 54 (1939): 656-68. [L]219. This steed, which did not disturb the dew, reminds one of Culhwch’s mount (Loth, 1:251): “Never a blade of grass bent beneath him, so light was the canter of the courser which carried him to the gate of Arthur's palace.” In the same tale we meet Sgilti Ysgawndroet (presumably the Irish runner Cailte), of whom it is said (ibid., 1:271): “If he was in a wood, he walked on the ends of the branches of the trees; never in his life did a blade of grass bend beneath his feet, much less did it break,

because of his lightness.” [L] |

220. Webster in an article in MLR 26 (1931): 72 remarked of this bridge: “It must have been under the water”; and he regarded it as a parallel to the “pont evage” or water bridge in Chrétien’s Charrette. On the latter cf. Loomis, pp. 222ff. Webster believed that these subaqueous bridges were suggested by the crannogs, “found in many parts of the world, but extremely common in Scotland and Ireland. A crannog is a

LANZELET 219 natural or artificial islet, strongly stockaded, and approached with difficulty through

the bog or lake by an under-water causeway. ... In real life it would be a road of stone, or walk of wood securely pinned down, just far enough below the surface of the water to be fordable.” At least one crannog exists in Wales. Rhys, Celtic Folklore, 1:73. On the other hand, there is no statement that this bridge leading to Malduc’s castle lay under water; it is merely said that it became visible only at the will of the enchanter, and in |. 7655 it is actually said to lead over the water, “iiber daz breite wazzer.” One calls to mind a similar bridge described in the Huth Merlin, ed. Paris and Ulrich, 1:201. In answer to Arthur’s question how a damsel could pass over a lake with dry feet, Merlin replied: “Truly there is a great, marvelously deep lake. In the midst of the lake there is a rock where there are fair and rich houses and a large

and marvelous palace; but they are all so closed about with enchantment that no one who is outside can see it unless he comes from there. There where you saw the damsel pass there is no water, but there is a wooden bridge which no one can see. By it those who go there pass, for they see the bridge which other people cannot see.” It is very doubtful, therefore, whether the notion of a crannog enters into the matter at all. [L] 221. In Breton /ais and Arthurian romances fays are sometimes described as riding abroad with sparrow-hawks on their fists, e.g., Desiré, Lanval, Le bel inconnu, Diu Créne. Loomis, p. 92. Le bel inconnu contains other parallels to Lanzelet: soft gait of the horse, 1. 3945; the sparrow-hawk is of three moultings, 1. 3994. In both Lanval and Sir Launfal the equestrian fay is accompanied by a greyhound. These pictures

of fays riding equipped for falconry seem to represent an effort on the part of Breton entertainers to rationalize the appearance of these ladies riding alone or in companies by giving them a plausible and realistic occupation. For there is abundant testimony from literature and the arts that highborn ladies were devoted to the sport of hawking. Cf. Schultz, 1:473-85, figs. 46, 149; Koechlin, Les ivoires gothiques, Planches, figs. 1027, 1028, 1261; Bormann, Die Jagd, pp. 48f., 57. [L]

222. [he learned woman was by no means unknown in the twelfth century. There is, of course, the famous Heloise, confided by her uncle, the canon, to the instruction of Abelard, the most brilliant scholar of his day. Thomas, the Anglo-Norman poet, writing about 1185, likewise described his heroine, Ysolt, as taught by the disguised Tristan “to strike the harp and all manner of stringed instruments, to write and make letters... . Over all the realm waxed her fame for all manner of learning that she had learned of him through study. .. . Moreover, she showed her wisdom in divers questions and answers that she made before the wisest men.” Thomas, Tristan, ed. Bédier, 1:97f. See next note. [L] Interestingly, Ulrich does not use the terms zouberare or gougelare, “wizard, sorcerer,” to describe her knowledge of magic,

although she has learned it from her father’s books; it is a term he reserves for

| the practice of wicked magic by Malduc (Pastré, “Merveilles et enchantements,” p. 433f.). [K]

223. [...] Morgain la Fée appears first in extant literature in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Vita Merlini, \l. 916-38, as mistress of the faery Isle of Apples and as supremely skilled in the arts of healing by means of curative herbs. In a euhemeristic passage in the Huth Merlin, 1:120, this skill is attributed to her education. She was one of

220 LANZELET | the daughters of Uter Pendragon, was sent to a house of religion to learn letters, studied so hard that she acquired the seven liberal arts, astronomy, and medicine (isthe), and was therefore called “Morgue la Fée.” On education of women in arts of healing, cf. Hughes, Women Healers. [L] John Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend (Oxford: Clarendon, 1891; reprint, New York: Russell & Russell, 1966), p. 22,

identified the name Morgain with the Irish name Muirgen, meaning “sea-born.” Edmond Faral, “L’Tle d’Avallon et la fée Morgane,” in Mélanges de lingutstique et de littérature offerts 4 M. Alfred Jeanroy (Paris: E. Droz, 1928), pp. 243-53, points out the difficulties with this derivation and convincingly argues that Geoffrey invented the name himself. Morgain is first mentioned as Arthur’s sister in Etienne de Rouen’s Draco Normannicus (ed. Richard Howlett, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, Rerum britannicarum medii evi scriptores; or, } Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages, 82, 4 vols. [London: Longman, 1884-89; reprint, Wiesbaden: Kraus, 1964], 2:703, II, §20, 1. 1163; literature in Peter Johanek, “Konig Arthur und die Plantagenets,” Frihmittelalterliche Studien 21 [1987]: 384198), composed by a Norman monk ca. 1170 to glorify King Henry II, and as such she is soon introduced into the Arthurian romance in Chrétien’s Erec (1. 4220), where she is also described as the (fairy) mistress of Gui(n)gomar, who is himself lord of the Isle of Avalon (Il. 1954-58). It is in the romances of the Vulgate Cycle that she then becomes the implacable enemy of Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. See Fanni Bogdanow, “Morgain’s Role in the Thirteenth-Century French Prose Romances of the Arthurian Cycle,”

Medium A:vum 38 (1969): 123-30. [K] 224. For Il. 7217-26 (“For this the worthy ... embrace him affectionately”), Webster followed MS. W: “The maid replied: ‘I should be glad if I could so serve you that you should prosper well. For the sake of your courtliness, I will be your faithful messenger to my father.’ Straightway she went to where she found her father, and began to rush toward him and to embrace him affectionately.” [K] 225. [his is evidently the theme of the Sleeping Beauty. Cf. Bolte and Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausméarchen, 1:434; Antti A. Aarne, Types of the Folk-

tale, trans. Stith Thompson (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1928, 71961, , 1987), no. 410; Handwérterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, ed. Hoffmann-Krayer _ and Bachtold-Staubli, 2: col. 358-60; Teutonia 19 (1911): 176f., 286. The heroine falls into an enchanted sleep with all the other inhabitants of a castle. After a hundred

years a prince breaks through the hedge surrounding the castle and awakes the princess. A notable parallel to Ulrich’s version is supplied by the Scottish ballad of Child Rowland, current in the eighteenth century and outlined in Folklore, 2:183ff. King Arthur's daughter, Burd Ellen, was carried away by the fairies to the castle of the king of Elfland. The warlock Merlin, when consulted, instructed her eldest

brother how to bring her back. The youth set out, failed to follow the wizard’s , instructions, and did not return. The next brother likewise attempted the rescue but in vain. The youngest brother, Child Rowland, in turn received the instructions of Merlin, discovered Burd Ellen in a glorious palace, but refused a bowl of bread

and milk she offered him. The king of Elfland then burst in and was subdued by Rowland after a furious fight. The unsuccessful brothers were lying in a trance, but

LANZELET 221 when the king of Elfland, compelled by Rowland, anointed them with a bright red liquor, they awoke as from a profound sleep. So the four children of Arthur returned to merry Carlisle. ’The combination of abduction of a woman to fairyland, the helpful wizard, and the enchanted sleep may indicate some genetic connection between Ulrich’s Anglo-Norman source and the Scottish ballad. [L] 226. For ll. 7380-94, which follow (“When someone . .. who will”), Webster reads with MS. W: “He who makes the truth his own will have his reward, one need not worry about that; but whoever does shame to women will lose his happiness and honor.” [K] 227. Bachtold first proposed (being followed by Webster and Richter) that Esealt is a corruption of the classical name Ephialtes. Bachtold, p. 327; HSN 16 (1934): 226799, Richter, p. 81. It would seem that the author of O displayed here some of his learning. Cf. nm129, 161-63. Presumably he did not know the name of the giant who grew a span every month, but, recognizing the resemblance to the giant Ephialtes, who according to Servius’ Commentary on the AEneid V1.582, grew nine digits (six inches) every month, arbitrarily assigned to the anonymous giant the name Efealt. The substitution of a long s for fwould be easy for a scribe or for Ulrich himself to make. The trait of precocious growth may well have been a Celtic feature. It is attributed to the Irish hero Eochaid Bres in the Second Battle of Moytura, to the Welsh youths, Gwri and Lleu, in the Four Branches of the Mabinogi (Jones, pp. 20f., 64), to Wigalois (ed. Piper, Héfische Epik, 2:212), and to Lancelot himself (Sommer, 3:23). On the Irish prototype of Esealt, cf. the next note. [L] Lot, Etude sur le Lancelot, p. 16871, proposed that Esealt was a misreading of Galehalt (Galeholt), the son of a giantess in the French Prose Lancelot, a view that Loomis, Ce/tic Myth, p. 328, had also previously supported. [K] 228. Loomis (1951) saw a “striking” parallel between Esealt’s wading across the lake and

supporting the hundred knights who got into difficulties in swimming and the exploit of Cuchulainn as recounted in The Phantom Chariot of Cuchulainn. [K] 229. Roidurant is another name apparently borrowed from Hartmann’s Ere&, |. 2693,

where the printed text reads Boidurant, which is evidently a corruption of Chrétien’s Rainduranz, Frec, |. 2182. The name occurs also as Rinduran in Breton and Cornish documents. ZFSL 49 (1927): 479. [L] This conversation “about courtesy and about love” (1. 7832) is reminiscent of the bedroom scene between Erec and Enide that precipitates his “crisis” (Chrétien, Erec, ll. 2473-583); Erec, content to spend his time in amorous embrace and thus neglect knightly pursuits, overhears Enide’s lamenting to herself about how even the servants ridicule him behind his back. They immediately set out together on the “second pathway” of his adventure; similarly, Iblis’s words cause Lanzelet to set out immediately—‘“he delayed not a moment longer” (1. 7884)—-with his nine companions. Undertaking an adventure at which another has failed also motivates Yvain secretly to leave Arthur's court and avenge the shame of his cousin, Calogrenant (Yvazn, ll. 691-749). [K] 230. The theme of the disenchantment of a dragon- or serpent-maiden by a kiss was very popular with the story-tellers of the Middle Ages, perhaps the most famous examples being found in the ballad of Kemp Owyne, in Le bel inconnu and Libeaus Desconus, and in Mandeville’s legend of Hippocrates’ daughter. A partial bibliography will be found in Stith Thompson’s Motif~Index under D735. See also the monograph,

22200 LANZELET , | Der Schlangenkuss, by Emma Frank, Form und Geist, 9 (Leipzig: H. Eichblatt, 1928); William H. Schofield, Studies on the Libeaus Desconus, SNPL, 4 (Boston: Ginn, 1895), spp. 199-208; Bibliotheque de I’Ecole des Chartes 79 (1918): 45ff. Since the motif occurred _ ‘in the common source of Le bel inconnu, Libeaus Desconus, and Carduino, it must have ©

been adopted into the Matter of Britain fairly early. It is highly significant that the | | | two Fair Unknown romances localize the adventure at the ruinous city of Sinadon | and thus, as I have shown in Speculum 22 (1947): 520-29, reveal an acquaintance with | the site of Caer Seint on the lower slopes of Snowdon, precisely the region which

, supplied materials to the author of O. It seems pretty certain that Breton conteurs , found this story attached to the ruins of Segontium in the last quarter of the twelfth

century, or themselves planted it there. And thence it passed to the author of O | along with the other local traditions of Gwynedd. Furthermore, as Marillier suggested in Revue de l’histoire des religions 40 (1899):.75f., there is reason to believe that =>

_ itis derived from the Irish legend of the transformed Sovranty of Erin, which is also , the source of Chaucer’s Wife of Bath’s Tale. G. Howard Maynadier, Wife of Bath's , Tale, Grimm Library, 13 (London: D. Nutt, 1901; reprint, New York: AMS Press, , 1972). The earliest extant version of the legend is probably one composed by a poet who died in 1024. Eviu 4 (1910): 91-111. [. ..] There is good reason to believe that this — ,

story originated as a sun myth and represented the bleak, wintry land of Ireland a transformed by the caresses of the sun into flowery loveliness. Loomis, Celtic Myth, , | pp: 296-99, and Arthurian Tradition, pp. 376-79; Eriu 14 (1943): 17-21, 27.[...]Itis 7 certainly noteworthy that the Lanzelet version of the disenchantment by kiss comes much closer to the Irish form than does any other and proves the Irish origin of this —

, motif in Arthurian romance. The one striking difference—the substitution of the - dragon for a loathly, deformed crone—is easily accounted for by the widespread notion that supernatural women could take the form of serpents. Richter, p. 72f., called

| attention to examples of monsters which were half woman, half serpent, and quoted | from Gervase of Tilbury this passage: “De serpentibus tradunt vulgares, quod sunt , queedam fceminz, que mutantur in serpentes.” Cf. also the story of Lamia, which | Keats took from Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, and which Burton in turn took

Oe from book IV of Philostratus’ De vita Apolonii; also a Breton folktale in Paul Sébillot, © 9 Traditions et superstitions de la Haute Bretagne, Les littératures populaires detoutes _ les nations, 9-10, 2 vols. (Paris: Maisonnewve, 1882; reprint, Maisonneuve et Larose, —

| 1967), p. 109; an Italian cantare, La pulzella gaia, in Fiore di leggende, ed. Levi, pp. , 32-35; German folktales cited in Teutonia 19 (1911): 138f., 267; and medieval traditions of Melusine and the Mont de la Sibille, cited in Patch, The Other World, pp. 268-70. ,

_ [L] Banks and Binns translate the passage from Gervase as follows: “On the subject — _of serpents, popular tradition has it that there are some women who change into — them” (Otia imperialia, I, §15). To Loomis’s list of works based on the Loathly Lady

, motif one could add John Gower’s “Tale of Florent,” the fifteenth-century poem, _

“The Weddynge of Sir Gawen and Dame Ragnall,” and the seventeenth-century ~ ballad, “The Marriage of Sir Gawain” (Joseph Cambell, The Masks of God: Creative — |

, Mythology, 4 vols. [New York: Viking, 1968], 4:455). Loomis (1951) identified the original hero of the sovereignty myth as Lug, the sun god, because of a reference to | , Lug’s wedding the Sovereignty of Erin, who appears in The Ecstasy of the Phantom as

LANZELET 223 a beautiful, crowned damsel in Lug’s palace; however, there is no known story in which Lug actually wins the sovereignty by kissing a Loathly Lady. The earliest known version of the legend concerning the Sovereignty of Erin is transmitted in The Adventures of the Sons of Eochaid Mugmedon. Niall Noigiallach (of the Nine Hos-

| tages) and his four stepbrothers, all sons of the Irish High King, lose their way in a forest. Each brother, in turn, is sent to a spring to fetch water, where he meets a hideous old crone who will grant access to the spring only after he kisses her. Each, in turn, returns without water—the fourth stepbrother, Fiachra, is willing to give her a “few kisses’—until Niall himself goes to the spring, throws himself down on her, and kisses her, offering to sleep with her as well, whereupon she turns into the most beautiful woman in the world and identifies herself as the Sovereignty of Erin, which must be won through brave deeds and battle. Cross and Slover, pp. 508-13. A , similar story is related concerning the five sons of Daire Doimthech, all of whom are named Lugaid. Rees, Ancient Tradition, p. 74; Rachel Bromwich, “Celtic Dynastic Themes and the Breton Lays,” Etudes celtiques 9 (1961): 446. On the theme of the fairy as the incorporation of sovereignty, see P. Mac Cana, “Aspects of the Theme of King and Goddess in Irish Literature,” Etudes celtiques 7 (1955): 76-114, 356-413, and Celtic Mythology, pp. 94-95, 120-225 O Riain-Raedel, Untersuchungen zur mythischen

Struktur, pp. 206-13. Che tradition of the female personification of sovereignty is, however, not a specifically Celtic idea, but a motif of international folklore (Rees, p. 75; additional bibliography in Goetinck, “Gwenhwyfar,” p. 35572). Although Pérennec, “Artusroman und Familie,” p. 22, acknowledges that the Celtic myth may lie behind this adventure, he points out that the author of Lanzelet regards Clidra as the incarnation not of sovereignty—Lanzelet does not marry Clidra in order to assume his kingship—but of knightly perfection; thus, he sees the importance of this adventure in Lanzelet’s need to prove that he is the best knight in order to press his already valid hereditary claim to the throne of Genewis on the further basis of suitability (idoneity). Haug, Das Land von welchem niemand, p. 58f., finds here a quasi-allegory, in which Lanzelet’s freeing of Clidra from her dragon shape, symbolic of the faith-

lessness that Haug regards as a dominant theme in the first series of adventures, is emblematic of his own triumph over faithlessness. Chamberlin, “Got hat liut,” pp. 8-12, on the other hand, views the adventure as a test of Lanzelet’s “spiritual fitness to be a monarch” and interprets the kiss allegorically as an altruistic act, one of Christian miseracordia;, Clidra’s dragon shape, the “negation of courtliness,” is symbolic of the “spiritual bankruptcy” to which false love can lead. Similarly, Soudek, “Die Funktion der Namenssuche,” p. 182, finds here a selfless act of liberation, as well as the restoration to society of someone of value. Schmidt, “Frauenritter oder Artusritter,” p. 13, sees Lanzelet exercising the compassion and unselfishness required of a model ruler; Gottzmann, Deutsche Artusdichtung, p. 186, has Lanzelet acting in obedience to the divine command to love one another, and, having passed this test, he is now able to rule Genewis worthily. McLelland, Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet, p. 176, views it straightforwardly as the example of “an unadorned act of courage”; more cynically, Schwartz, “The Horseman,” p. 20, terms his motivation the “cheerful pursuit of fame and fortune ... arguably, self-promotion.” Feistner, “er nimpt es allez,”

p. 251, suggests that by appointing Clidra, who has herself been punished for her

2.24 LANZELET crimes against an admirer, to be an adjudicator in matters of love, Lanzelet frees the

patriarchal Arthurian world from the fear of disobedient women. Soudek, in an-

} usual.” [K] Se ee , a other context (“Suspense,” p. 4), suggests a more mundane purpose for the Audacious Kiss: it is there to satisfy “the audience's craving for the spectacular and un- ,

_ 231. The introduction of the brook may have been suggested by the fact that in the | Irish source the transformation takes place beside a spring. Cf. the previous note. But transformation by bathing is known independently as a motif in folklore. Stith

, Thompson, Motif~Index, D562. [L]

232. Hahn followed MS. W and gave the name as Elidia, but MS. P reads Chidra. Richter, p. 27, although favoring the reading in W, points out two authorities whose , work would seem to support MS.P. Konrad von Megenberg (1309~74) writes in his _ Buch der Natur concerning the amphibious cilider: “Cilydros haizt ain cilider, diuist —

, ain slang, sam Isidorus spricht, diu wont auf dem land und auch in dem wazzer und , da von hat si den namen. cilydros ist in kriechisch s6 vil als ertwazzer, wan citron [sic] haizt erd in kriechischen, sé haizt ydros wazzer, von den zwain worten kiimt

| der gesament nam cilydros. wa diu slang auf die erden gét, da macht si die erden _ rauchend, und gét allzeit aufgereht.” (Cilydros means a cilider, that is a snake, as Isidore says, that lives on the land and also in the water, and because of this it has that name. Cilydros means in Greek approximately “land-water,” for citron means

“ground” in Greek, as ydros means “water,” from these two words comes the com- | plete word ci/ydros. When the snake walks on land it causes the ground to smoke,

, and always walks upright.) Das Buch der Natur, ed. Franz Pfeiffer (Stuttgart: Aue, 1861; reprint, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1962), p. 267, III, §7, Von der Cilider. As Kon- , rad indicates, this passage is based on Isidore of Seville: “Chelydros serpens, qui. et chersydros, quasi + cerim +, quia et in aquis et in terris moratur, Nam cherson , dicunt Greci terram, ydor aquam” (E¢ymologia, XII, §4, 24). Loomis (1951) suggests it would have been natural for the author of O or for Ulrich, seeking a name for the.

amphibious wurm, to turn to St. Isidore and to invent the feminine form Clidra | |

because of the monster's gender.[K] _- , | a ,

_ 233. The dragon-maiden in the Mandeville version of the disenchantment by kiss was , also the daughter of the lord of an island. Though this version is localized in the

a isle of Cos or Lango, it nevertheless shows affinity to Ulrich’s version in stress- | ing the cowardly flight of those knights who attempted the adventure. Probably, _ then, Clidra’s island home is not an invention but a traditional element, and any island would do, provided it was remote. It is possible that the description of Thyle derived from. Pliny, for Richter called attention to a passage in book IV which , may well have served as a source: “Ultima omnium que memorantur Thyle, in qua solstitio nullas esse noctes indicavimus, cancri signum sole transeunte, nullosque contra per brumam dies.” Richter, p. 68f. At any rate, we may be sure that if the debt

| to Pliny was not direct, it was indirect, and this would explain the later reference ~~ to the Roman books. [L] The quotation from Pliny may be translated as follows: — The most remote of all those mentioned is Thule, in which, as we have pointed out, there are no nights at midsummer when the sun is passing through the sign of

7 Cancer, and on the other hand, no days at midwinter (IV, §104).[K] - | ,

LANZELET 225 234. This is obviously a reference to the courts of love. Though some earlier scholars were skeptical as to their existence and doubtless the courts had power to do little more than to pronounce opinions, yet Kelly has made out a strong case for the reality of such discussion groups, presided over by the great ladies of the second half of the twelfth century. Cf. n196. Kelly, Eleanor of Aquitaine, pp. 157-67. Andreas Capellanus in book II, ch. 7, of his De amore is, of course, the prime source of our

information. [L] A more skeptical view of the existence of these courts of love is given by Paul Remy, “Les ‘cours d’amour’: légende et réalité,” Revue de Université de Bruxelles 7 (1965): 179-97. As adjudicator in matters of love, Clidra would be playing the role that some very distinguished and powerful ladies played in De amore:

Chrétien's patron, Marie, Countess of Champagne; Eleanor of Aquitaine, Marie’s mother and Queen of England; Ermengarde, Viscountess of Narbonne; Isabelle of Vermandois, Eleanor’s niece and wife of Chrétien’s final patron, Philip of Flanders; and possibly Adéle, Queen of France, wife of Lous VII and Marie’s sister-in-law (and stepmother). Henderson seems to go too far when she suggests, “Die Frauendarstellung,” p. 143, that Clidra’s appointment as adjudicator at the court of love indicates a flaw in the Arthurian court, that it has lost sight of the standards for the proper conduct of love relationships; but then, she detects a general misogynist tone in the entire work. |K] 235. Garnantz (MS. P Garnans) has not been previously mentioned as a land or town belonging to Walwein, nor is it ever connected with Gawain elsewhere to my knowledge. The probability is that the name was another of those arbitrary borrowings from Hartmann’s Exvek, where in |. 2882 we find Karnant mentioned as the Aoubetstat of King Lac. At any rate, it is probable that Ulrich found in Eref, 1. 2865, just 17 lines above the reference to Karnant, the statement that Destregals was the land of Erec’s father, which he used in |. 8076 of Lanzelet, “von Destregals sim lande” (see 2236). Of course, Hartmann took the name Karnant from 1. 2315 of a ms. of Chrétien’s Erec, which gave Carnant as the name of King Lac’s castle. [.. .] [L] Loomis (1951) suggested that Carnant is a corruption of Caruent, the reading in MS. A of Evec, and represents Cair Guent, the modern Caerwent in Monmouthshire. Loomis, Arthurian Tradition, p. 73f . [K] 236. Destregals as the name of Erec’s patrimony is derived, as stated in the previous note, from Hartmann, who specifies Destregales as the land of Erek’s father in Il. 1819, 2865. Hartmann, in turn, took the name from Chrétien’s Frec, |. 1874, which reads according to MS. C “An son reaume destregales,” and from |. 3881, which reads according to MSS. CB, “Rois est mes pere destregales.” [. ..] [L] Following earlier scholars such as Ernst Windisch, Das keltische Brittannien bis zu Kaiser Arthur, Abhandlungen der Koniglich Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 61, no. 6 (Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1912), p. 260, and Rudolf Zenker, Zur Mabinogionfrage: eine Antikritik (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1912), p. 95f., Loomis (1951) regarded

the word “Destregales” as an attempt to give a French equivalent for the common Welsh name for South Wales, Deheubarth, ie., right (OF des¢re) part. Loomis, Arthurian Tradition, pp. 70-75; R 25 (1896): 7ff. [K]

237. Isalde is, needless to say, the heroine of the tragic love story. Cf. 1203. The name appears as Essyllt in Cu/hweh, c. 1100, being attached to two ladies of the isle of

226 LANZELET Britain wearing collars of gold. Loth, 1:285. For discussions of the name cf. Thomas, Tristan, ed. Bédier, 2:112-14; Windisch, Das keltische Brittannien, pp. 215-17. [L] Tristant’s homeland is named Loonois and Loenoi (Il. 2284, 2840) in the OF Tristan of Béroul (ca. 1170-90), and Loh(e)nois in Eilhart’s roughly contemporary MHG Tristrant, ll. 76, 266, 635, 5622; Malory gives the form Lyones (VIII, ch. 1; IX, ch. 4). , Gottfried von Strassburg, claiming to follow Thomas of Brittany, rejects this tradition in favor of Parmenie (Tristan, |. 330). [K] 238. Richter, p. 77f., cited as possible analogues of the phenomena ascribed to the hill of the Enchanted Ball two passages. One from Paul Sébillot, Le folk-lore de France, 4 vols. (Paris: Librairie orientale & américaine, 1904-7; reprint, Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1968) 4:47, runs: “Les menhirs, qui éveillent lidée des statues grossiéres d’hommes ou d’animaux, portent comme les blocs naturels des noms en rapport avec cette apparence. On montre 4 Rillé . . . les trois chiens.” The other passage is from the collection of the Brothers Grimm: “In Tipperary liegt ein Berg, so seltsam gestaltet

wie keiner auf der Welt. Seine Spitze besteht aus einer kegelférmigen Kuppe.... Grund und Boden gehorte von altersher den Elfen und die verdross es, dass der Rasen ... von den schweren Hufen der Ochsen und Ktihe zertreten wurde. In den Erntenachten zeigt sich nun die Fee in verschiedenen, aber immer hasslichen und furchtbaren Gestalten. Einmal erschien sie als machtiges Ross ... , plétzlich verwandelte sie sich in ein kleines Mannchen ... , dann war sie ein grosser Affe mit Entenflissen und schlug ein Rad dazu wie ein welscher Hahn.” Neither parallel adduced by Richter is close. All that one can say is that the author of O displays here, as in his descriptions of the Growing Lookout and the Shrieking Marsh (cf. nn17s, 215), a fascinated interest in mirabilia, similar to the interest we discover in the pages of Nennius, Giraldus Cambrensis, and Gervase of Tilbury. [L] Samuel Singer, Literaturgeschichte der deutschen Schweiz im Mittelalter, Sprache und Dichtung, 17 (Bern: A. Francke, 1916; reprint, Nendeln: Kraus, 1970), p. 19, viewed these mirabilia as Ulrich’s own additions to the material, a view with which McLelland, Ul/rich von Zatzikhoven'’s Lanzelet, p. 16f., concurs. Richter, p. 35f., is certain that at least the names for these phenomena are “a German product,” and associates them with the journey to the Underworld. For Rossbacher, “Lanzelet,” p. 196, their magical qualities represent a world out of joint, in which the irrational disrupts the normal order of things. [K] 239. Giot is obviously the French name Guiot. Whence it came into Ulrich’s onomas-

ticon I do not know. [L] Noting that the role of Giot here seems to be a simple doubling of Iwan—Giot does not speak a word on his own and disappears from the story once this embassy is completed—Fourquet, “Le ‘Giot’ du Lanzelet,” pp. 975-80, suggests that it was an allusion to a contemporary figure among either the English hostages or the courtiers of Emperor Henry VI (cf. Ada de Morville, 268). Building perhaps on the suggestion by Hans-Friedrich Rosenfeld, in his review of Richter in the Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen 169 (1936): 84-87, that Wolfram may well have read Ulrich—not the other way around—Fourquet views Wolfram’s use of the name Guiot both for the (fictive) source of Parzival, Kyot the Provengal, and for Duke Kyot (Kiot) of Catalonia—Parzival’s uncle by marriage who is given no name in Chrétien’s Conte del Graal (1. 1911)—as a literary inside joke and an Aommage to Ulrich. [K]

LANZELET 227 240.Iwan, des zuoname was Peneléi. Since in 1. 2936 (MS. P) we have Iwan de Lonel, and Lonel represents, as we saw in n102, Loeneis, i.e., Lothian, the word zuoname may mean not “surname” but “nickname.” But what the origin or the significance of Peneloi is remains a mystery. [L] Noting that Chrétien’s Zrec mentions four separate Yvains—Yvains li Avoutre (i.e., the Bastard, |. 1708), Yvains de Cavaliot (1. 1709), Yvains de Loenel (1. 1707), and Yvains son of Urien (Il. 1706, 2230)-—GlinkaJanczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 176f., sees no need to identify Iwan Peneloi with Iwan de Lonel at all. Chandler, 4 Catalogue of Names, p. 136,

distinguishes between them as well. [K] :

241. Duke Aspyol is not known outside Lanzelet, and there seems to be no clue to the origin of his name. [L] 242. MS. P reads jwant. No castle of Tymant or Iwant is known, but one may risk a guess that the word represents a corruption of the common noun diamant, “dia-

mond.” [L]

243. [he exact nature of ciclatoun, cic/éz, is uncertain, but it was probably silk worked with gold thread. [K] 244. Silver and gold were measured in mark weight, with one mark equaling approximately eight ounces. [K] 245. A similar marvelous net can be found in Hartmann’s Exec, ll. 7715-29, as part of the description of the trappings of Enite’s horse. Knoll, Studien zur realen, p. 195, follow-

ing Gruhn, “Erec und Lanzelet,” p. 288, identifies the net as type of mosquito net (also Pérennec, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, Lanzelet: Traduction,” 2:131-327142). [K] 246. Evax of Arabia, whose name medieval scholars derived from Greek “evoe,” the Bacchantes’ cry in praise of Dionysus, is an imaginary figure who was said to have made

a gift to the Roman Emperor Tiberius (r. a.p. 14-37) of the lapidary attributed to the Greek Damigeron (second century B.c.). Evax is cited as his authority by Bishop Marbode of Rennes (1035-1123), who wrote of him in his lapidary as follows:

“Evax rex Arabum legitur scripsisse Neroni [sic] ... Quot species lapidum, que nomina, quive colores, Queve sit his regio, vel quanta potentia cuique” (Migne, Paz. Lat., 171: col. 1757), “The lore of Evax, rich Arabia's king, / Addressed to Nero in these lines I sing. .. . Their different kinds, their varying hues I teach, / What land produces, what the power of each” (trans. C.W. King). On Evax cf. Hermes 9 (1875): 471-91. [K] 247. Loomis (1951) noted that some version of Marbode'’s lapidary, the probable authority for Ulrich’s account of the abeston (see 7156), was also the probable source for

part of this description of the galazia or gelasia (MS. P): “At que candorem fert grandinis atque figuram / Ictibus innumeris invicta Galacia gemma, / Cujus nature vis tanta probatur ut omni / Tempore frigida sit, nulloque calescat ab igne” (§37: De gelatia, Migne, Paz. Lat., 171: col. 1761), “No force of blows can thee, Chalazia! tame;

/ White as the hailstone and in form the same: / Which potent nature with such coldness arms / No furnace flame its icy crystal warms” (trans. C.W. King). Marbode’s source, in turn, was probably Isidore of Seville, Etymologia, XVI, §13, who calls the stone chalazias. Cf. Studer and Evans, Anglo-Norman Lapidaries, pp. 58, 186f., 244, 313. It is the rock crystal, and its nature was inferred from its resemblance to ice. Richter, p. 80, suggests that the notion that the galazia can ward off poverty,

2.2.8 LANZELET an attribute not found in Marbode, is derived from Evax’s text of Damigeron (see n246): “facit etiam et utilium negotiorum” (Spicilegium Solesmense, ed. Pitra, 3:333, §34, Lapis Galacites), “It is good for profitable business” (trans. P. P. Tahil). Schiitze, Das volkstiimliche Element, p. 3n1, suggests that its power to ward off magic, also not in Marbode, is derived from the same source: “Amplius etiam adversus invidiam et fascinum resistit. Qui eum portat, nunquam fascinabitur’” (3:333), “Furthermore, it is good against envy and the evil eye. He who wears it will never be bewitched.” [K] 248. Oddly enough, we find reference to a similar point of etiquette in the Welsh Countess of the Fountain, redacted about 1200 from a French original. Loth, 2:8; Jones, p.

157. [here we read that Kynon was hospitably entertained by the lord of a castle and seated at a sumptuous meal. But it was not until the repast was half over that the host or the damsels spoke a word. Then, “when it seemed to my host that I was more disposed to talk than to eat, he asked me who I was.” But this scruple was not always observed. Oschinsky in Der Ritter unterwegs, p. §6, writes: “Erst bei der

Unterhaltung wahrend des Mahles, dfter noch als vorher oder gleich beim Empfange, ergab sich also ganz nattirlich die Gelegenheit, etwas tiber den Gast selbst, seine Herkunft, Zweck und Ziel seiner Reise und vor allen Dingen seinen Namen zu erfahren.” [L] 249. Strange to say, the crossbow (arnbdrust) seems to have been known in Western Eu-

rope in the eleventh century. MS. D (Tiberius B iv) of the Anglo-Saxon Annals, written about 1100, says under the year 1079 that a certain Tokig, son of Wiggod, was shot with an arblast. Charles Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles, rev. ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1892, 1952), 1:214. Auguste Demmin in his Guide des amateurs d'armes, 31d ed. (Paris: J. Renouard, n.d.), p. 71, says the weapon is illustrated

in an Anglo-Saxon manuscript of the eleventh century at the British Museum. Demmin also asserts that it was widely used in the time of Louis VI of France (1108-37). Though its use against Christians was banned by the Lateran Council of 1139, the prohibition does not seem to have been effective since we find the arbaleste mentioned in the Roman de Troze about 1160, and not many years later in Chrétien’s Chigés and Conte del Graal, while the word arbalestee, meaning the distance a crossbow bolt would carry, occurs in Erec. Wace in his Brut, ed. Arnold, |. 5531, written in 1155, says: “Dunc firent arbelastiers [variant arbalestes| traire.” For other details cf. Schultz, 2:202-4; Bach, pp. 53-55; Demmin, pp. 495—505. [L] The quotation from Wace translates, “Then they set crossbowmen to shoot” (trans. J. Weiss). [K] 250. The decorated quivers (kocher wol bezogen) mentioned by Ulrich as holding bolts (matertellen, matrellen) are figured in Demmin, Guide des amateurs, p. 507. Schultz, 2:20175, quotes a description of a quiver for arrows from Herzog Ernst, |. 3020ff., which was made of ivory, set with precious stones, and lined with pfel/er. Bolts are figured in Demmin, p. 5osf. [L] 251. The holding of great royal festivals at Pentecost, accompanied by banqueting, dancing, bohourts, and the giving of gifts, was not only a common medieval practice but also a literary tradition attached to Arthur. We have already seen that Ulrich makes a Whitsun feast the occasion for the mantle test at Arthur's court. It was the first great holiday season when the roads would be pleasant to travel, when, as Ulrich himself puts it, “people are glad of the lovely summertime, and the heath lies

LANZELET 2.2.9 green as April comes to an end.” Geoffrey of Monmouth in book IX of his Historia selected Pentecost as the time when Arthur decided to celebrate his triumph over Gaul and to ordain his coronation. “Cum igitur sollempnitas pentecostes advenire inciperet, post tantum triumphum maxima leticia fluctuans, Arturus affectavit curiam ilico tenere. .. . Missis deinde in diversa regna legatis, invitantur tam ex Galiis

quam ex collateralibus insulis oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent.... Non remansit princeps alicuius precii citra Hyspaniam quin ad istud edictum veniret. Nec mirum. Largitas namque Arturi per totum mundum divulgata cunctos in amorem ipsius illexerat.” The precedent set by Geoffrey, itself based on contemporary custom, was largely followed in the romances. Cf. Hilka’s note on |. 2785 in his edition of the Conte del Graal, and Schultz, 1:364. [L] L. Thorpe translates the passage from Geoffrey (IX, §12) as follows: “When the feast of Whitsuntide began to draw near, Arthur, who was quite overjoyed by his great success, made up his mind to hold a plenary court at that season. ... Messengers were sent to the different kingdoms and invitations were delivered to all those who were due to come to the court from

the various parts of Gaul and from the near-by Islands in the Sea.... There remained no prince of any distinction this side of Spain who did not come when he received his invitation. There was nothing remarkable in this: for Arthur’s generosity was known throughout the whole world and this made all men love him.” [K] 252. Compare the preparations for Gunther's expedition to woo Brunhild in the Nibelungenlied, Aventiure 6, a poem composed about the same time as the redaction of Ulrich. [L] See the English translation by A.T. Hatto, The Nibelungenlied: A New Translation, rev. ed. (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969), pp. 53-59. [K] 253. For exactly a century, from 1191 to 1291, Acre was the great Christian base in Syria and

the seat of the Knights Hospitallers. Naturally the port flourished and the manufacture of arms for the defense of the Holy Land was an important industry. [L] 254. Samite (see 751) was woven at many places in the Near East, including Alexandria. [L] 255. Lachmann emended the reading of the mss., Kunis, to Cumis, evidently thinking of the Sibyl of Cumae. Richter, p. 118, pointed out that Veldeke’s Enezde (1. 2600) reads “voor toe Sibillen toe Iconjen in her hus,” and remarked: “Kein Zweifel, dass Ulrich diese Stelle vorgeschwebt hat.” Richter also noted (ibid., p. 108) that Hartmann speaks in his Eve (Il. 2003-11) of Conne as the source of the best sable in the world, and identifies Conne clearly with Iconium since it lies between “den Kriechen und den heiden,” and since the chroniclers refer to it as Coine. It is possible that Richter’s conjectures are right, but neither Iconjen nor Conne is very close to Ulrich’s Kunis, and one may still question the identification of Kunis with Iconium. As to Sibilla, we have already seen in m12g that a very different legend of the Sibyl affected Lanzelet, but here the reference is, of course, to the famous tradition, endorsed by the Church, which represented the Erythraean Sibyl as the prophetess of Christ. Cf. on this tradition Emile Male, Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century, trans. D. Nussey (London: J.M. Dent; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1913; reprint, Mineola, NY: Dover, 2000), pp. 336-38; Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages, pp. 99-103, 310-14; Karl Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1933, 1967), 2:130-66. The tradition began with St. Augustine,

230 LANZELET who attributed to the Erythraean Sibyl an acrostic in which the first letters of each line form the name of Jesus Savior. Thence the tradition passed into the pseudoAugustinian sermon on the prophets, written in the fifth or sixth century, into Isidore, into the dramatic Ordo Prophetarum, etc. [L] Inspired by Jean Fourquet’s essay on Hartmann’s use of Conne (“Zobel aus Connelant,” ZDA 71 [1934]: 268), Krause, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” pp. 93-95, makes the ingenious suggestion that Ulrich might have misread the OF word conins (variations: counins, cunins), meaning rabbit skin, which also appears in Chrétien’s list of expensive fabrics in Evec (1. 2114), and assumed it to be a place name, parallel to the previous state-

ment that the samite was from Alexandria. Thus, Krause reasons, O might have transmitted something like “de sable de conins et d’erminetes”—of sable, of rabbit skin, of ermine—which Ulrich understood as “sable de cunis” or “cumis,” which he associated with Cumae (OF cumes), Iconium, the city of the Sibyl, which he would

have known from Veldeke’s Eneas. Krause concludes that Hartmann borrowed this , expression from Ulrich. [K] 256. The word scharlat did not designate a color, as does modern scharlach, English scarlet, but meant a fine woolen fabric, usually made in Flanders or England, whatever color it was dyed. Schultz, 1:354f. Apparently red was a favorite color, and so scarlet acquired its present sense. Cf. the semantic history of “damask.” [L] 257. The excellence of Spanish horses is noted in several medieval romances: Chrétien's Erec, |. 2395, Yvain, 1. 2331, and Charrette, ll. 1651, 6777; Hartmann’s Evec, |. 5326; Wolfram’s Parzival, §400,4; and Gottfried’s Tristan, 1. 6660 (Glinka-Janczewski, “Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet,” p. 277f.). See n177. [K] 258. Here is probably a lacuna of at least one couplet, |. gorrf. Lacunae of at least one line each are found at lines 9030 and 9044, as well. [K]

259. One might guess that Ramuret is identical with Rummaret of Wenelande, mentioned by Wace, ed. Arnold, 2: 1. 9710, as one of three kings who submitted themselves to Arthur after his conquest of Ireland and Iceland. A more likely guess would identify him with Wolfram’s Gamuret, father of Parzival, for there was a strong tradition that Perceval’s father was killed by the sons of Loth, of whom Gaheriet was one. Loomis, pp. 399-407. And Gaheriet is, of course, Ulrich’s Karyet,

to be defective. [K]

the slayer of Ramuret. Cf. m1o8. [L] Judging from the meter, this line, 9016, appears

260.Mistaking knights in their gay panoply for angels recalls the scene in Chrétien's Conte del Graal, \l. 125-45, where the callow youth Perceval is met by five knights, mistakes them for angels, and falls on his knees before them. [L] 261. On the rewards given to traveling entertainers, cf. J. J. Jusserand, English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages, trans. Lucy T. Smith, 2nd ed. (London: T.F. Unwin; New York: Putnam, 1889; reprint, Williamstown, MA: Corner House, 1974; Boston: Longwood, 1977), pp. 195-200; Vassar Mediaeval Studies, ed. Fiske, p. 195f.; G.G. Coulton, Social Life in Britain (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1918; reprint, New York: Barnes & Noble, 1968; London: Kegan Paul, 2003), pp. 404, 406; Schultz, 1:575f; E.K. Chambers, Mediaeval Stage, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1903, 1967; reprint, Mineola, NY: Dover, 1996), 2:234—-38, 262f. This largess took the form not

only of coin but also of clothing. Three figures contemporary with Ulrich were

LANZELET 231 famous, or notorious, for their munificence to minstrels, jesters, etc-—Philip, count of Flanders (son of Sibylle of Anjou), praised by Chrétien de Troyes for his liber-

ality; Arnold of Guines, brought up in the household of Philip; and Henry, the “Young King” of England, first cousin once removed of Philip. The Church, however, frowned on this largess, and Langland wrote in Piers Plowman, C text, 8: “Qui histrionibus dat, demonibus sacrificat” (The vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman, ed. Walter W. Skeat, 2 vols. [Oxford: Clarendon, 1886], 1:177, Passus 8, l. r19a). [L] The quotation from Piers Plowman may be translated: He who gives money to actors makes an offering to demons. [K] 262. Rossbacher, “Lanzelet,” p. 189, correctly observes that such references to impor-

tant, contemporary historical personages are quite uncommon in the Arthurian romance, aside from statements of patronage. For the details of King Richard’s capture by Duke Leopold in 1192, and his subsequent internment by Emperor Henry VI, see introduction 124. [K] 263. On Hugh de Morville and the questions of his identity and history, cf. introduction 725-27; Richter, pp. 12-16; DNB, 13:1065f.; Webster in HSN 16 (1934): 219782; William Whellan, The History and Topography of the Counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland (London: Whittacker; Pontefract: W. Whellan, 1860), pp. 152-54,

709f.; Richard S. Ferguson, 4 History of Cumberland, Popular County Histories (London: E. Stock, 1890), pp. 171-73; LJ. Sanders, English Baronies: A Study of Their Origin and Descent 1086-1327 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1960), pp. 23f., 59f., 103f.; Keith J. Stringer, “The Early Lords of Lauderdale and St. Andrew’s Priory at Northampton,” History of the Berwickshire Naturalists Club 40 (1974): 34-50; G.W.S. Barrow,

“Some Problems in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Scottish History: A Genealogical Approach,” The Scottish Genealogist 25 (1978): 97-112, and The Anglo-Norman

Era in Scottish History (Oxford: Clarendon, 1980), esp. pp. 70-84; and K.J. Stringer,

“The Early Lords of Lauderdale, Dryburgh Abbey and St. Andrew’s Priory at Northampton,” in Essays on the Nobility of Medieval Scotland, ed. K.J. Stringer, pp. 44-71 (Edinburgh: J. Donald, 1985). [K] 264. MHG verligen means to grow weak through spending too much time lying down. It is significant here because of Hartmann’s use of the same word to describe Erec, who preferred to while away his time in bed with Enite instead of pursuing knightly activities. Hesse, “Zauber und Zauberer,” p. 105724, regards this word as the most important evidence that Ulrich knew Hartmann’s Evec. [K] 265. [his statement could be interpreted as a tacit admission that Ulrich is indeed aware of other tales concerning Lancelot, of which he is just pretending to be ignorant.

That this comes right after he extolls Lanzelet’s virtue and his blissful marriage might suggest that among these tales he chooses not to know is the adventure of Lancelot’s adultery found in Chrétien’s Charrette. That, however, must remain a matter of conjecture. [K]

BLANK PAGE

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Index of Proper Names

Acre (Ackers), source of gold jewelry, 127 Destregals (Destregals), Erec’s kingdom, 119 Ade, Lanzelet’s second paramour, niece of Dodines, the Wild Man, knight, 108-10

Linier (q.v.), 45, 52, 54, 60, 68 Dodone (Dédéne), Iweret’s castle, 31, 74-75, Alexandria (Alexandrie), source of samite, 128 123, 125-27, 129-33 Apulia (Pi/an), source of fine horses, 128 Dyoflé (Djof#é), city and castle, 58, 60, 65 Arabia (Arabia), Arabian, source of fine horses;

home of King Evax (q.v.), 86, 91, 124 Enchanted Ball (Wilder ball), optical Arthur (Artis), 42-43, 54-56, 58-62, 67, 84-85, phenomenon, 119 87, 89, 91-95, 97-98, 104-16, 119, 121-30, England (Engellant), English, 86, 107, 133

132-34 Enite (Enite), lady of Arthur's court, 97

Aspyol (Aspjo/), Duke of Tymant in Erec, son of King Lac, kinsman of Arthur, 54,

Genewis, 121-23 62, 98, 100, 107, I110~16, 119, 129

Augustus, Roman emperor, 82 Esealt (Eséa/t) “the Tall,” giant at Arthur’s court, 113-15

Beautiful Wood, s. Behforet : Evax, ancient King of Arabia; owner of a Behforet (Behforet, Beforet), Iweret’s realm, famous lapidarium, 124 31, 69-70, 72-73, 125-26, 128, 131-32

Bigen (Bigen), domain of Ade’s father, Femurgan (Fémurgan), Morgan le Fay, 109

Patricius (q.v.), 45, 54 France, French (franzois, welsch), 81, 94, 109, Brabant (Brabant), famed for great 131, 133

tournaments, 131 |

Bretons (Briténen), (also Britons?), 106 Gagunne (Gégunne), Kuraus’s homeland,

Britain (Britane), Britains (also Brittany, 35 43 Bretons?), 36, 55-56, 60, 100, 102, 118, Galagandreiz, lord of Moreiz (q.v.), father of

126-27, 130 Lanzelet’s unnamed first paramour, 36-37, 54

Buroin (Buroin), Duke of the White Lake Garnantz (Garnanz), Walwein’s kingdom, 119

(q.v.), 60 Genewis (Genewis), King Pant’s kingdom;

Lanzelet’s patrimony, 28, 82, 119-23, 125-26,

Castile, Castilian (Aastelén), source of fine 128, 133-34

horses, 87, 91, 126, 128 Geun of Turie (Géin von Turie), lady at the Clarine (Clarine), wife of King Pant; mother court of the water fairy, 32 of Lanzelet, 28, 82, 121, 123, 128 Gilimar (Gilimér) “the Wise Mute,” lord of a

Clidra (Elidia [MS. W]), daughter of the castle, 102-103

King of Thyle; dragon, 118 Ginover (Ginover, Ginovere), Guinevere,

Cornwall (Kornwé/), 119 Arthur's queen, 54, 85, 87, 89, 91, 93-94, 104, 106, III—12, 115, 125, 129, 132-33

Darius (Dérius), King of Persia, 82 Giot (Gio#), knight, 120-22 Der Kal (Der&a/), river at the Schatel le Mort Greece, Greeks (Kriechen), source of fine

(q.v.), 68 fabric, 83, 124

240 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES Growing Lookout (Wahsende warte), Lohenis (Lohenis), Lyonesse, Tristant’s 7

phenomenon, 86 homeland, 119 | Gurnemanz, prince, 58, 60 | . Loifilol, knight, 96 :

58, 60, 65, 67 ,

} Gyvreiz (Givreiz), dwarf king, 96 Lot (Zér), King of Lohenis; father of Walwein,

Henry (Heinrich), Holy Roman Emperor — Loiit (Léaz), son of Arthur and Ginover, 106 ,

Henry VI, 133 Lyle (Lile), margravate (= Lisle?), 62 — -

Hugh de Morville (Hiic von Morville),

English hostage at the court of Emperor _ Mabuz (Mabiz) “the Craven,” son of the

~ Henry VI, 133 , water fairy, 6872

a | , Malduc, wizard, 107, 109-12

Iberne, a distant land; Iberia in the Caucasus, Malduz (Maldiz) “the Wise,” knight, 96

or possibly Hibernia, Ireland, 94 | Maurin (Maurin) “of the handsome shanks,”

Iblis, daughter of Iweret; wife of Lanzelet, knight, 63, 68 :

74, 76, 82, 84, 86, 89, 92-93, 97-98, 115-16, Misty Lake (Genibeleter sé), lake surrounding

124-34. , Malduc’s fortress, 107,109

Ireland (Irlan?), 108, 119 a -. Moreiz (Méreiz), Galagandreiz’s castle, 36, |

Isalde, wife of King Mark; lover of 435 54 | Tristant, 119 Morocco (Marroc), 78

~ Iwan de Lonel (Iwan de Lénel or Nénel [MS. Morzi (Morzi), city in the land of the

— 'W)), Yvain, knight, 61, 97 heathens, 38 | Iwan Peneloi (Iwan Peneléi), knight, may be | | identical with Iwan de Lonel, 120-22 _ Orphilet “the Fair,” knight, 35-36, 38-39,

Iweret (Iweret, Iwaret), lord of Behforet, AI-43, 54

castellan of Dodone, father of Iblis, 31, |

a | 28, 29, 82, 121, 134 | |

| , | of Ade, 45 , 69-70, 72-81, 123-24, 126, 131-32, 134 Pant, King of Genewis; father of Lanzelet,

Johfrit de Liez, young nobleman, 33-34. =~ -~_—=~PPatricius (Pafricjus) von den Bigen, father oe

Kailet, knight, 96 | Pluris (Pliris), castle of Lanzelet’s unnamed

126, 128-29 | oe .

| Kardigan (Kardigan), Cardigan, 53, 84, 86, fourth paramour, 33, 68, 89-90, 92, |

92, 104-105, 107, I1I—12, 115, 118-19, 123-24, 98-99, 102 , |

Karidol (Karidé/), Carlisle, 42-43, 59, 84 Ramuret, knight, 129 , , | Karyet (Karjet), Gareth; nephew of Arthur, = Rome,Romans(Rémere),u8 — . - 64, 98, 100, 107, 110, 113-14, 129 Ritschart, count of Tumane (q.v.), 64-67

61-62, 95-97, 132 | | - . — ,

Kay (Ketin, Katin), Arthur’s seneschal, Roidurant, knight, 116 . a

Kunis (Camis), perhaps Cume; home of © Salonica (Salenicke), source of fine fabric, 124 , Sibilla (q.v.); source of sable, 128 ~ Schatel le Mort (Schétel le mort), Mabuz’s

_ Kuraus (Kurdus) “with the Dauntless Heart,” castle, 68-70 a .

- phenomenon, 107-108 | |

knight, 35-36, 40-41, 43 _ Shrieking Marsh (Schriendes mos), moor;

_Lac, king; father of Erec, 54, 62,107 _ Sibilla (S257//e), the Cumzean Sibyl;

Lanzelet (Lanzelet, Lanzilet du[del| Lac), — prophetess, 128 oO Lancelot, 81-82, 84-94, 98-107, 110, Solomon (Sa/omén), biblical king, 82 |

112-34 _ Spain (Spangenlant), source of fine horses, 128

Leopold, Duke of Austria, 133 _ Steaming Path (Stiebender stec), ford; | | Limors (Limors), castle of Linier, 46, phenomenon, 108 - | ,

49-51, 54 oe Oo Se 7

Linier de Limors (Linier de Limors), uncle of Tangled Pinewood (Verworrener tan), Valerin’s

Ade, 46, 47, 49-55, 69 , realm, 84-85, 105, III

Lohenis (Lohenis or Johenis [MS. P]), Thyle (hile), Thule, island home of

, Lothian; realm of King Lot, 58 , Clidra, 118 ©

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 241 Torfilaret of Walest (q.v.), knight, 95, 119 Valerin (Valerin, Falerin), King of the Tangled

Tristant, knight; lover of Isalde, 98, 100, Pinewood; abductor of Ginover, 84-89,

| 102, 107, ILO, 113-14, 11g 104-107, III

Tumane (Tumdne), land of Ritschart, 64 Vals Iblé, vale of Iblis at Dodone, 74 Tybalt (Diepalt), squire; brother of Ade,

60-63, 65, 68-70 Walest (Walest), Wales, 65, 119

Tymant (Timan?), land of Duke Aspyol in Walwein (Wa/wein, Walwan), Gawain,

Genewis, 122 nephew of Arthur, 54-59, 62-63, 65-68, 84, 87, 89, 93, 95, 97-101, 103-105, 107;

Ulrich (Ulrich, Uolrich) von Zatzikhoven, 110-16, I19, 129

author, 133-34 White Lake (Wizer sé), realm of Duke

Utpandragon (Utpandragén), Uther Buroin, 60, 86, 89 Pendragon, father of Arthur, 104

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