Kratinos frr. 299-514: Translation and Commentary 3946317278, 9783946317272, 9783946317296

Table of contents :
Prefaces
Fragments
Incertarum fabularum fragmenta
Dubia
Bibliography
Indices
Index fontium
Index verborum
Index locorum
Index rerum et personarum

Citation preview

Fragmenta Comica (FrC) Kommentierung der Fragmente der griechischen Komödie Projektleitung Bernhard Zimmermann Im Auftrag der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften herausgegeben von Glenn W. Most, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath, S. Douglas Olson, Antonios Rengakos, Alan H. Sommerstein und Bernhard Zimmermann

Band 3.6 · Kratinos frr. 299–514

Dieser Band wurde im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Forschungsförderung von Bund und Ländern im Akademienprogramm mit Mitteln des Bundesministeriums für Bildung und Forschung und des Ministeriums für Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kultur des Landes Baden-Württemberg erarbeitet.

Die Bände der Reihe Fragmenta Comica sind aufgeführt unter: http://www.komfrag.uni-freiburg.de/baende_liste

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-946317-29-6 © 2018, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Theaterstraße 13, D-37073 Göttingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Satz: Martin Janz, Freiburg Einbandgestaltung: disegno visuelle kommunikation, Wuppertal

S. Douglas Olson & Ryan Seaberg

Kratinos frr. 299–514 Translation and Commentary

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

For Rachel Bruzzone “So easy to look at, so hard to define” SDO For Elizabeth Torresson Aldri finst þér vitrari kona ok fegri í verǫldu RS

Contents Prefaces$ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Fragments$. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Incertarum fabularum fragmenta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dubia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11 11 347

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

363

Indices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

383

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Prefaces With a few notable exceptions, the fragments treated in this volume have not been the object of sustained modern scholarly attention. Our goal has been to tease out some of their individual puzzles and peculiarities, to set them in larger literary, historical and philological contexts, and to render them accessible to further scholarly work. This can thus be understood as in some ways a preliminary edition of rich but extremely difficult material, and our general goal has been to open up problems and perspectives rather than to shut them down. This does not mean that we believe that every road is open for further research, but we hope to have pointed to some that are. My interest in the incerta of Cratinus can be traced to my work on the fragments of Eupolis as part of Heidelberg Academy Komfrag project, on the one hand, and to a graduate seminar I offered at the University of Minnesota during the 2014–2015 academic year, on the other. I subsequently invited Ryan Seaberg, one of the participants in that seminar, to collaborate with me in the production of this volume. Ryan’s interest in historical linguistics will be apparent to the reader throughout, and I am grateful to him for these contributions and many others. This has truly been a joint, collaborative project. Much of my work on this volume was completed during the 2016–2017 academic year, when I held a Core Fellowship at the Helsinki Collegium. Thanks are due my departmental and college administration at the University of Minnesota for allowing me to take this leave. I would also like to express my gratitude to Bernhard Zimmermann (the leader of the Komfrag project), the Heidelberg Academy and the Freiburg Institute of Advanced Study for their support of my research, and to Piero Totaro and Tiziana Drago for their wonderful hospitality during my time as a Distinguished Visiting Professor and researcher at the University of Bari in May 2017. Finally, I wish to offer profound thanks to Adnan Akay (Provost), Hitay Özbay (Acting Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Letters) and Mustafa Nakeeb (Coordinator of the CCI Program) for arranging my appointment as a Visiting Professor at Bilkent University, where final preparation of the volume took place. My portion of this book is dedicated to my wife Rachel, whose love and support sustain me this morning, as always now, as the sun rises slowly late in the year over the mountains and pine forests of central Anatolia. S. Douglas Olson Ankara, 29 December 2017

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Prefaces

I first met Cratinus in a graduate seminar on commentary writing offered at the University of Minnesota by Douglas Olson, who subsequently invited me to collaborate on this volume. I am immensely grateful to him for this invitation and for his patience and guidance throughout. The bulk of my work on this volume was completed while I was a graduate student in Minneapolis, with the final preparation completed in Washington, D.C. and Philadelphia. I owe my heartiest thanks to Bernhard Zimmermann and the Heidelberg Academy for making possible my attendance at a workshop in Merano in May 2016, where I had the chance to meet others working on the Komfrag project and to benefit from their feedback, as well as to the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies for making possible my stay there as a guest researcher in June 2016 and thus for giving Douglas and me a chance to work together in the same place for a time. I would also like to thank the department of Classical and Near Eastern Studies at the University of Minnesota for funding my work on this volume in summer 2015, and my erstwhile colleagues there—Josh Reno and Rachael Cullick, especially—for their friendship and willingness to listen to me go on and on about Cratinus. My portion of this book is dedicated to my wife Elizabeth for all her support and encouragement. Ryan Seaberg Philadelphia, 29 December 2017

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Fragments Incertarum fabularum fragmenta fr. 299 K.–A. (273 K.) πιεῖν δὲ θάνατος οἶνον, ἢν ὕδωρ ῥεπῇ ἀλλ᾿ ἴσον ἴσῳ µάλιστ᾿ ἀκράτου δύο χοᾶς πιοῦσ᾿ ἀπ᾿ ἀγκύλης ἐπονοµάζουσα 〈x〉 ἵησι λάταγας τῷ Κορινθίῳ πέει 1 ἢν Jacobs, Meineke : ἂν Ath.CE Eust.UUUὕδωρ ῥεπῇ Kaibel : ὕδωρ ἐπῇ Ath.CE Eust. : ὕδωρ ἐνῇ Kock : ὑδαρής τις ᾖ Herwerden : ὑδαρῆ ᾽γχέῃ PeppinkUUU2 χοᾶς Pierson : χοέας Ath.CEUUU3 πιοῦσ᾿ scripsimus : πίνουσ᾿ Ath.CEUUU⟨δὴ⟩ add. Neue : ⟨σε⟩ Fritzsche : -ζουσ᾿ ⟨ἀεὶ⟩ Jacobs : -ζουσ᾿ ⟨ἅµα⟩ Meineke

and/but drinking wine is death, if water is preponderant But after she drank two pitchers of straight wine mixed one-to-one, from her ankylê, calling out his/its name 〈x〉, she tosses wine-lees in honor of the Corinthian penis Ath. 11.782d–f ἀγκύλη. ποτήριον πρὸς τὴν τῶν κοττάβων παιδιὰν χρήσιµον. Κρατῖνος· ――. καὶ Βακχυλίδης (fr. 17)· ――. ἐντεῦθεν ἐννοοῦµεν τοὺς παρ᾿ Αἰσχύλῳ (fr. 179.4) ἀγκυλητοὺς κοττάβους. λέγονται δὲ καὶ δόρατα ἀγκυλητὰ καὶ µεσάγκυλα ἄλλα ἀπὸ ἀγκύλης ἤτοι τῆς δεξιᾶς χειρός. καὶ ἡ κύλιξ δὲ ἀγκύλη διὰ τὸ ἐπαγκυλοῦν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἐν τῇ προέσει. ἦν γὰρ τοῖς παλαιοῖς πεφροντισµένον καλῶς καὶ εὐσχηµόνως κότταβον προΐεσθαι· καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ µᾶλλον ἐφρόνουν µέγα ἢ ἐπὶ τῷ εὖ ἀκοντίζειν. ὠνοµάσθη οὖν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῆς χειρὸς σχηµατισµοῦ, ὃν ποιούµενοι εὐρύθµως ἐρρίπτουν εἰς τὸ κοττάβιον. καὶ οἴκους δὲ ἐπιτηδείους κατεσκεύαζον εἰς ταύτην τὴν παιδιάν ankylê: a cup used for the game of kottabos. Cratinus: ――. Also Bacchylides (fr. 17)· ――. On this basis we can make sense of the ankylêtoi kottaboi mentioned in Aeschylus (fr. 179.4). Spears are also referred to as ankylêta, while others are mesankyla from ankylê in the sense “the right hand”.1 An ankylê is also a cup (kylix), because the right hand bends at the wrist (epankyloun) during the throw. For the ancients had given thought to how to throw kottabos gracefully and elegantly, and many people were prouder of this than of throwing a javelin well. (The cup) thus got its name from the motion of the hand they produced when they smoothly tossed (its contents) at the target. They also used to build rooms specifically for this game 1

In fact, the adjective is < ἀγκύλη in the sense “throwing-thong”; cf. LSJ s.#v. II.2.

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Cratinus

Meter"Iambic trimeter.

klkr k|lk|l klkl lrkl | klrl lrkl klkl klkr llk〈x〉 klkr k|lkl klkl

Discussion"Pierson 1759. 412; Jacobs 1809. 248; Neue 1822. 38–9; Fritzsche 1838. 147; Meineke 1839 II.179–81; Meineke 1858. 348; Herwerden 1872. 77; Kock 1880 I.93–4; Peppink 1936. 64; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Text"2–4 do not obviously belong immediately after 1; see Interpretation. The Epitome routinely omits material that is corrupt or confusing as it is preserved in Ath.A, or that could be regarded as somehow expendable, and one or more verses are thus most likely missing between 1 and 2. In 1, the paradosis ἄν produces nonsense, and Jacobs’ ἤν is an easy fix. At the end of 1, the paradosis ὕδωρ ἐπῇ (“water is upon (it)”) would be a very odd way of saying “water is in (it)”. Kock’s ὕδωρ ἐνῇ (“water is in it”, printed by Kassel–Austin; cf. [Arist.] Pr. 938a7; Luc. VH 2.30) might be right. But the sentiment is so extreme—no water at all is allowed—that we adopt instead Kaibel’s equally simple ὕδωρ ῥεπῇ and take the rho to have been lost via haplography. Herwerden’s ὑδαρής τις ᾖ (“something watery is present”) and Peppink’s ὑδαρῆ ᾽γχέῃ (“something watery is poured in”; cf. Pherecr. fr. 76.2 ὑδαρῆ ’νέχεέν σοι;, “Did she pour something watery in (your cup) for you?”) are much further from the paradosis. The Epitome’s present participle πίνουσ(α) (“while drinking”) at the beginning of 3 is suspect because most of the contents of the cup had to be drunk before the wine lees were thrown at the target. We therefore print aorist πιοῦσ᾿, a change of only a single letter. For the various suggestions for supplementing 3, cf. e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1341 σέ /; Nu. 750 δή /; V. 218 ἀεί /; Pl. 701 ἅµα /. Jacobs’ ἀεί and Meineke’s ἅµα entail elision of ἐπονοµάζουσα. Fritzsche’s σέ brings with it a substantial change in the content of the fragment and is thus methodologically problematic. Citation context"From the long catalogue of drinking vessels (drawn more or less direct from Pamphilus?) that makes up much of Book 11 of Athenaeus. This portion of the Book is preserved only in the Epitome (Ath.CE) as a consequence of the loss of a number of pages from the exemplar of the main manuscript (Ath.A). For the mistaken definition of ἀγκύλη as a type of cup offered here, see Interpretation on 3–4. Eustathius had access to a copy of the Epitome, and at p. 344.13, 21–8 = I.538.10, 538.19–539.6 he appears either to be combining material from Athenaeus with another source or to be drawing direct from the same (now-lost)

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 299)

13

author as Athenaeus himself relied upon: καὶ ἡ ἀγκύλη δὲ ἀκόντιόν ἐστί τι, ὅθεν καὶ οἱ ἀκοντισταὶ ἀγκυλισταί. … ἔτι ἰστέον καὶ ὅτι ἀγκύλη οὐ µόνον ἡ ἀνωτέρω ῥηθεῖσα ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ καµπὴ τοῦ ἀγκῶνος καὶ ποτηρίου γένος χρήσιµον εἰς κο⟨τ⟩τάβους παρὰ τὸ ἀγκύλον, τὸ ἐπικαµπὲς καὶ στρεβλὸν καὶ σκολιὸν καὶ ἐπικεκλασµένον. ἠγκύλουν γάρ, φασί, τὴν δεξιὰν οἱ τοὺς κο⟨τ⟩τάβους προϊέµενοι κυκλοῦντες αὐτήν, οὓς δὴ κοττάβους ἀγκυλητοὺς Αἰσχύλος (fr. 179) ἔφη ὁµωνύµως δόρασιν, ἅπερ ἀγκυλητὰ καὶ µεσάγκυλα ἐκάλουν ἀπὸ χειρός, φασί, δεξιᾶς. χρῆσις δὲ κοτύλης παρά τε Βακχιλίδῃ ἐν τῷ (~ fr. 17.1–2)· εὖτε τὴν ἀπ’ ἀγκύλης πίνουσι, καὶ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ ἐν τῷ· (v. 1) ――, καὶ ἑξῆς ἕως τοῦ (v. 2)· ――. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τοιούτου ἀγκύλου καὶ ὁ ἀγκυλοµήτης (“And the ankylê is a type of javelin (akontion), whence also javelin-throwers (akontistai) are called ankylistai … Let it be further known that an ankylê is not only what was said above but also the bend of the arm and a kind of cup useful for kottabos, (the name) being derived from ankylos (‘bent’), that which is curved, crooked, bent or distorted. For they say that those who threw kottaboi bent their right hand and moved it in a circle. Aeschylus (fr. 179.4) in fact called these kottaboi ankylêtoi, using the same word as for spears, which they called ankylêta and mesankyla, they say, from the word for the right hand. The use of kotylê in Bacchylides in his (~ fr. 17.1–2): “when they drink the (cup?) from their ankylê”, and in Cratinus in his (v. 1): ―― and what follows as far as (v. 2): ――. Ankylomêtês is derived from an ankylos of this sort”). Cf. Phot. α 185 = Synag. B α 277 ἀγκύλη· ἀκόντιον. καὶ τοῦ ἀγκῶνος ἡ καµπή. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἡ δεξιὰ χείρ ἀγκύλη, ὅθεν καὶ τὰ δόρατα ἀγκυλητά τε καὶ µεσάγκυλα ἐκάλουν. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἀγκύλη εἶδος ποτηρίου, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο πρὸς τὴν τῶν κοττάβων παιδιάν. ἀγκύλη οὖν καὶ ἡ δεξιὰ χείρ. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ πρὸς κότταβον ἐπιτηδεία κύλιξ, διὰ τὸ ἀπαγκυλοῦν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἐν τῇ προέσει. ἦν γὰρ τοῖς παλαιοῖς πεφροντισµένον καλῶς καὶ εὐσχηµόνως κότταβον προΐεσθαι. ὠνοµάσθη οὖν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῆς χειρὸς σχηµατισµοῦ, ὃν ποιούµενοι προθύµως ἐρρίπτον εἰς τὸ κοττάβιον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ εἶδός τι ἅµµατος, ὡς Ἄλεξις Ἀχαΐδι (fr. 32)· ――. ἐχρήσαντο καὶ ἄλλοι τῇ λέξει (“ankylê: a javelin; also the bend of the elbow. The right hand is also referred to as an ankylê, for which reason they called spears as well ankylêta and mesankyla. In addition, a kind of cup they used to play kottabos is called an ankylê. The right hand is accordingly also an ankylê, but in addition a cup suitable for kottabos, because the right hand bent in the course of the toss. For the ancients had given thought to how to throw kottabos gracefully and elegantly. It was therefore named after the motion of the right hand, which they produced while eagerly making a throw at the target. It is also a kind of knot, as Alexis (says) in Achais (fr. 32): ――. Others too used the word”), which Erbse identified as Paus.Gr. α 14. Hsch. α 566 is similar but more abbreviated:

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Cratinus

ἀγκύλη· ἀκόντιον. ἢ ἡ καµπὴ τῆς ἀγκῶνος καὶ ποτηρίου γένος εἰς κοττάβους. οἱ γὰρ τοὺς κοττάβους προϊέµενοι τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἠγκύλουν, κυκλοῦντες αὐτὴν ὡς ἐνῆν πρεπωδέστατα, σεµνυνόµενοι ὡς ἐφ’ ἑνὶ τῶν καλῶν. οἱ δὲ καὶ ἀγκυλισταὶ ἀκοντισταὶ εἴρηνται. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ ἀποτοµάδα (“ankylê: a javelin, or the bend of the arm and a type of cup used for kottabos. For people throwing kottaboi would bend their right hand, moving it in a circle as though this incorporated what is most fitting, affecting an air of solemnity as if at something good. Javelin-throwers are also called ankylistai. (The word) also denotes a kind of javelin”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus). Related material is preserved at – Ath. 15.667b–c ἐκάλουν δ’ ἀπ’ ἀγκύλης τὴν τοῦ κοττάβου πρόεσιν διὰ τὸ ἐπαγκυλοῦν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἐν τοῖς ἀποκοτταβισµοῖς. οἳ δὲ ποτηρίου εἶδος τὴν ἀγκύλην φασί (“They derived the name of the kottabos-throw from ankylê on account of the fact that the right hand bends as the throw is made. Others say that an ankylê is a kind of cup”) – Poll. 6.95 (ankylê included in a list of cups similar to the one much more fully preserved in Athenaeus) – Hsch. α 564 ἀγκύλᾳ· τῷ ἀκοντίῳ (“ankyla (dat.): a javelin”) – EM p. 12.20–1 ἀγκύλη· τοῦ ἀγκῶνος ἡ καµπή· καὶ οἱ ἀκοντισταὶ ἀγκυλισταί (“ankylê: the bend of the arm. And javelin throwers (are called) ankylistai”) – Suda α 251 ἀγκύλη· εἶδος ἀκοντίου. καὶ ἠγκυλωµένος ἀγκύλην ἔχων. (“ankylê: a kind of javelin; and ênkylômenos means ‘fitted with an ankylê’”). Interpretation"1 is an overblown insistence that—contrary to normal practice—wine ought never to be mixed with more than an equivalent amount of water. 2–4, by contrast, describe how a female symposiast (a courtesan?) drinks a large amount of wine mixed one-to-one and then plays kottabos (3–4 n.) with the lees, calling out the name of the Corinthian … penis she loves (a paraprosdokian joke alluding to the behavior of Euripides’ Stheneboia (fr. 664, quoted in 3–4 n.)). The custom of mixing wine with water in a kratêr is attested already in Homer (e.|g. Il. 9.202–3) and Hesiod (Op. 596). The relative amount of water and wine varied and is the topic of considerable ancient discussion. But typical figures are five parts of water to two of wine (e.|g. Eup. fr. 6; Hermipp. fr. 24) or two parts of water to one of wine (e.|g. Alc. fr. 346.4; Anacr. PMG 356(a).3–4). A three-to-one mix (Hes. Op. 596) is sometimes called too weak (e.|g. Anaxil. fr. 23) and is recommended by Plutarch (Mor. 657c) only for magistrates at meetings and philosophers at work. See in general Arnott 1996 on Alex. fr. 228.2 (a four-to-one mixture). Drinking ἴσον ἴσῳ (one-to-one), as demanded in 1 (at least as printed here) and practiced in 2–3, is thus extreme behavior; cf. adesp. com. fr. 101.10–13 τοῖς µὲν µέτριον πίνουσι καὶ κεκραµένον / εὐθυµίαν, ἐὰν δ᾽

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 299)

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ὑπερβάλης, ὕβριν, / ἐὰν δ᾿ ἴσον ἴσῳ προσφέρῃ, µανίαν ποιεῖ· / ἐάν δ᾽ ἄκρατον, παράλυσιν τῶν σωµάτων (“for those who drink [wine] in moderate amounts and mixed, it produces cheerfulness. But if you go to excess, it produces ugly behavior; and if you consume it one-to-one, it produces madness; and if you drink it unmixed, it paralyzes your body”). See in general Arnott 1996. 650–1 (arguing that “the most temperate drinkers seem to have opted for 1 measure of wine to 3 of water”); Pütz 2003. 203–8; Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 6. A small amount of unmixed wine (ἄκρατος οἶνος) was typically consumed immediately after a meal, before the symposium proper began, in honor of the Ἀγαθὸς ∆αίµων who had discovered it, i.|e. Dionysus (cf. Ar. Eq. 85 ἄκρατον οἶνον Ἀγαθοῦ ∆αίµονος; V. 525 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Pax 300 with Olson 1998 ad loc.; Theopomp. Com. fr. 41.2; Antiph. fr. 135; Nicostr. Com. fr. 19; Xenarch. fr. 2.2–3). Consumption of straight wine was otherwise generally avoided and is routinely associated with barbarians.2 Although the woman described in 2–4 actually drinks not unmixed wine but wine mixed one-to-one, therefore, the reference to the wine as ἄκρατος in 2 serves to cast her behavior as even more outrageous than it might otherwise appear to be, setting up 4. Cf. Sophil. fr. 4.1 ἄκρατος ἐδίδοτ’ ἴσον ἴσῳ (“he/she offered akratos mixed one-to-one”). 1"πιεῖν θάνατος"For πίνω used absolutely in the sense “drink (wine)”, e.|g. Philyll. fr. 5.3; Epicr. fr. 3.17; Theopomp. Com. fr. 33.10; Anaxandr. fr. 42.15; Diod. Com. fr. 2.12; Austin–Olson 2004 on Ar. Th. 735–7. For θάνατος used hyperbolically with an epexegetic infinitive, cf. S. OC 529 θάνατος µὲν τάδ᾿ ἀκούειν (“it is death to hear this”); Alex. fr. 9.11–12 (Β.) τὸ µὲν γὰρ ἕτερον λουτρόν ἐστιν, οὐ πότος, / ψυκτῆρι πίνειν καὶ κάδοις. (Α.) θάνατος µὲν οὖν (“(B.) Τhe other style is bathing, not drinking, when you drink with a cooler and jars. (A.) Actually, it’s death”); “Simon.” AP 7.431.8 = FGE 955 Σπάρτᾳ δ᾿ οὐ θανεῖν ἀλλ᾿ φυγεῖν θάνατος (“for Sparta, it is not dying but flight that is death”); and cf. Alciphr. 1.4.2 θάνατος ἡ γῆ (“the land is death” for a fisherman). 2

Especially Thracians (cf. Satyr. fr. 1, FHG iii.160 = fr. 20 Schorn, where Alcibiades outdoes the hard–drinking Thracians in drinking unmixed wine) and Scythians (cf. Ath. 10.432a, paraphrasing Pl. Lg. 637d–e). The Spartan king Cleomenes is said by Herodotus (6.84.3) to have picked up the habit of drinking unmixed wine from the Scythians and to have gone mad and died as a result. For the supposed dangers of ἀκρατοποσία, cf. the story at Plu. Alex. 70.1 and Ath. 10.437a–b about a drinking contest held by Alexander the Great that resulted in the death of the winner and 41 other contestants. For drinking unmixed wine in comedy, cf. Theophil. fr. 8.5–6 (Β.) ἐπέπιες δὲ πόσον; (Α.) ἀκράτου δώδεκα / κοτύλας (“(B.) How large a toast did you drink? (A.) Twelve kotylai (‘cups’) of unmixed wine”); Men. Sam. 394 πίνουσ’ ἄκρατον with Sommerstein 2013 ad loc.

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Cratinus

ὕδωρ"For disparagement of water-drinking in other contexts, e.|g. fr. *203 ὕδωρ δὲ πίνων οὐδὲν ἂν τέκοις σοφόν (“you couldn’t come up with anything clever drinking water”; attributed to Cratinus in a Hellenistic epigram, but not necessarily to be regarded as a line from one of his plays); Epich. fr. 131 οὐκ ἔστι διθύραµβος, ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς (“it’s not a dithyramb if you’re drinking water”); Ar. Eq. 349; Aristοpho fr. 12.7–8 ἐσθίουσι τε / λάχανά τε καὶ πίνουσιν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὕδωρ (“they eat vegetables and drink water to accompany them”; of Pythagoreans); Bato fr. 2.9 ἀλυσιτελὴς εἶ τῇ πόλει πίνων ὕδωρ (“you’re no use to the city when you drink water”, sc. because wine-drinking is better for the economy). 2"ἴσον ἴσῳ"For the phrase used in reference to wine, see (in addition to the passages quoted in the introductory section of Interpretation) e.|g. fr. 196; Ar. Pl. 1132; Archipp. fr. 2; Stratt. frr. 23.2; 64.2; Philetaer. fr. 1.1; Aristopho fr. 13.3; Xenarch. fr. 9. For other polyptota with ἴσος, e.|g. Hdt. 9.48.4; S. Ant. 142; E. Ph. 750; Pl. Lg. 837a, and cf. Plaut. Per. 223 par pari respondes dicto (“you respond in equal measure”). On polyptoton generally, Gygli-Wyss 1966. For µάλιστα modifying an adjective to form a kind of periphrastic superlative, cf. Ar. fr. 690 µάλιστα σῶς (“especially safe”); E. Hipp. 1421 µάλιστα φίλτατος (“most truly dear”); fr. 743.2 µάλισθ’ ἁλώσιµος (“especially easy”); X. HG 1.7.29 µάλιστα µέγιστοί (“by far the greatest”); see Schwyzer 1953 II.184; Thesleff 1954. 119–20; Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 109.1 (on µάλα used to intensify an adjective). ἄκρατοςUsc. οἶνος, as at e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 147.2; Ar. Ec. 1123; Theopomp. Com. fr. 41.2. δύο χοᾶς"A chous (< χέω, “pour”) was a unit of volume equivalent to 12 kotylai (“cups”) or approximately 3.2 liters (cf. Young 1939. 280), and also a pitcher presumably capable of holding roughly the same amount. Here volume is in question; contrast fr. 199.3 (wine-pouring vessels), and see in general Millis 2015 on Anaxandr. fr. 33.1. Two choes is an enormous amount to drink, the rough equivalent of 8.5 standard modern 750-ml bottles of wine; cf. Epin. fr. 2.4–5 ῥυτὸν / χωροῦντα δύο χοᾶς, ὃν οὐδ᾿ ἂν ἐλέφας ἐκπίοι (“a rhyton that holds two choes, which not even an elephant could drain”); Ath. 10.414f (the Megarian trumpeter Herodorus used to eat six choinikes of bread and 20 litrai of any meat he could get, drank two choes of wine, and could play two trumpets at once), 434a–b (Alexander the Great dies after failing to finish a second two-choes cup of wine). For similar hyperbole with three choes, Damox. fr. 1.3 (a rhyton called an “elephant” that holds three choes); Hedyl. HE 1837–8 ἡ διαπινοµένη Καλλίστιον ἀνδράσι, θαῦµα / κοὐ ψευδές, νῆστις τρεῖς χόας ἐξέπιεν (“Callistion, who keeps up with the men when she drinks—an amazing boast, but not a lie—drank three choes on an empty stomach”); Theodorus of

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 299)

17

Hieropolis fr. 1, FHG iv.513 ἤσθιε µνᾶς κρεῶν εἴκοσι καὶ τοσαύτας ἄρτων οἴνου τε τρεῖς χοᾶς (“he used to eat 20 minas of meat, along with an equal amount of bread, and three choes of wine”; of Milo of Croton). 3–4"Kottabos (also referenced in fr. 124) was a drinking-game that involved tossing wine-lees (λάταγες) at a target consisting of either (1) a plate (the πλάστιγξ) that was balanced on top of a pole-stand, and that—if struck—fell and hit a bronze vessel called the µάνης, producing a loud noise (= κότταβος ἐν λεκάνῃ or κότταβος κατακτός); or (2) small vessels (ὀξύβαφα) floating in a basin (λεκάνη) filled with water, which one attempted to sink (= κότταβος δι᾿ ὀξυβάφων). Which variety of the game is in question here is unclear. See in general Ath. 15.665d–8f; Poll. 6.109–11; Hayley 1894; Schneider 1922; Sparkes 1960; Csapo–Miller 1991; Schäfer 1997. 48–9; Olson 1998 on Ar. Pax 343/4 (with additional bibliography and primary references); Campagner 2002; Pütz 2003. 221–41. 3"ἀγκύλη (< *h2enk–, “bend”; see Beekes 2010 s.#v.) is not attested as the name of a drinking vessel outside of Athenaeus and the lexicographic sources listed in Citation context, and the idea appears to have arisen from a confused belief that ἀπ᾿ ἀγκύλης should be taken with πίνουσ᾿ (“as she drinks from an ankylê”; thus the manuscripts) rather than with ἵησι (“from her ankylê … she tosses”). Cf. Bacch. fr. 17.2–3 τὴν ἀπ’ ἀγκύλης ἵησι τοῖσδε τοῖς νεανία ις / λευκὸν ἀντείνασα πῆχυν (“which (fem.) she tosses from her ankylê in honor of these youths, stretching out her white forearm”); Anacr. PMG 415 Σικελὸν κότταβον ἀγκύλῃ † δαΐζων † (“† daizôn † Sicilian kottabos lees with his ankylê”).3 ἐπονοµάζουσα"For invoking the name of a friend or lover as one makes a kottabos throw, see also Pi. fr. 128.2–3; X. HG 2.3.56; Ath. 15.668b, and for a similar practice while shooting dice in Roman comedy, Plaut. As. 780 quom iaciat [sc. talos], ‘te’ ne dicat: nomen nominat (“when she throws [sc. dice], she won’t say ‘you’; she’ll call you by name”), 904–5; Capt. 73 sibi amator, talos quom iacit, scortum invocat (“when a lover throws dice, he calls out his whore’s name”); Cur. 354–60. 4"λάταγες"(probably substrate vocabulary, like many words associated with viticulture, e.|g. ἄµπελος, “grape-vine”; κάµαξ, “vine-pole”; ὅρχος, “row of vines”; χάραξ, “vine-prop”) were the dregs of wine at the bottom of a drinking cup used to play kottabos.4 The word is first attested at Alc. fr. 322 λάταγες ποτέονται κυλίχναν ἀπὺ Τηίαν (“latages fly from Teian cups”) and 3 4

“Sidearm” (Rusten 2011. 214) is much too far from the Greek to be appropriate. The lexicographers struggle with the word, which they know only as a literary curiosity: Hsch. κ 3755, 3801 (citing E. fr. 631, where kossabos is used to mean

18

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is found elsewhere in the 5th century at Hermipp. fr. 48.7, as well as at Crit. fr. B2.2 West2; S. fr. 277.1 (satyr play?); Achae. TrGF 20 F 26.3 (satyr play); Dionys. Minor fr. 3.6 West2. τῷ Κορινθίῳ πέει"plays on E. fr. 664 (from Stheneboia) πεσὸν δέ νιν λέληθεν οὐδὲν ἐκ χερός, / ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς αὐδᾷ· ‘τῷ Κορινθίῳ ξένῳ’ (“She notices every crumb that falls from her hand, and immediately she says: ‘Ιn honor of the Corinthian stranger!’”). Ath. 10.427d–e introduces the fragment with the comment “They dedicated the bits of food that fell off the table to their dead friends”, and Hsch. κ 36295 identifies it as a description of Stheneboia referring to Bellerophon, but connects it with playing kottabos (a confused reference to this fragment rather than the Euripidean original?). The same verse is referenced more directly at Ar. Th. 404 (411 BCE) οὐκ ἔσθ᾿ ὅπως οὐ τῷ Κορινθίῳ ξένῳ (“It must be for the Corinthian stranger!”, the comment of a suspicious husband when his wife drops and breaks a pot; see Austin–Olson 2004 ad loc.), putting its notoriety beyond any doubt. πέος"(cognate with Lat. penis) is a crude, colloquial term, first attested in Archilochus (frr. 327.2; 328.9) but otherwise confined to comedy (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 158) and epigram (AP 11.224.1; 12.240.2); see Henderson 1991 § 1. Here it is reserved for the end of the line as a shocking—and thus amusing—alteration of the Euripidean phrase.

fr. 300 K.–A. (274 K.) πρὸς τοῦ Σόλωνος καὶ ∆ράκοντος, οἷσι νῦν φρύγουσιν ἤδη τὰς κάχρυς τοῖς κύρβεσιν 1 τοῦ Plu.SUMA : τοὺς Edmonds : τῶν KasselUUU2 τοῖς Plu.S : ταῖς Plu.UMA

in the name of Solon and Draco, with whose kyrbeis they are at this very moment parching their barley kernels

5

latages); λ 390 (confounding latax, kottabos and the noise produced by the manês); Phot. λ 114 (latages glosses kottaboi). Κορίνθιος ξένος· ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς λάταγας ῥιπτούντων. ἀπὸ (vel ἐπὶ?) τῆς παρ’ Εὐριπίδῃ Σθενεβοίας τῷ Βελλεροφόντῃ † ἀποχευούσης †, ὡς δὲ Ἄτταλος ἐν τῷ Περὶ Παροιµιῶν ἐπὶ τῶν † διὰ κάλλος, ὡς ὁ Βελλεροφόντης (“a Corinthian stranger: in reference to people throwing latages; from (or ‘in reference to’?) the Euripidean Stheneboia † as she pours out † for Bellerophon; but according to Attalus in his On Proverbs in reference to those † on account of beauty, like Bellerophon”).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 300)

19

Plu. Sol. 25.1–2 ἰσχὺν δὲ τοῖς νόµοις πᾶσιν εἰς ἑκατὸν ἐνιαυτοὺς ἔδωκε· καὶ κατεγράφησαν εἰς ξυλίνους ἄξονας ἐν πλαισίοις περιέχουσι στρεφοµένους, ὧν ἔτι καθ᾿ ἡµᾶς ἐν Πρυτανείῳ λείψανα µικρὰ διεσώζετο· καὶ προσηγορεύθησαν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης (Ath. 7.1) φησί, κύρβεις. καὶ Κρατῖνος ὁ κωµικὸς εἴρηκέ που· ――. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἰδίως ἐν οἷς ἱερὰ καὶ θυσίαι περιέχονται κύρβεις, ἄξονας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ὠνοµάσθαι. κοινὸν µὲν οὖν ὤµνυεν ὅρκον ἡ βουλὴ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόµους ἐµπεδώσειν, ἴδιον δ᾽ ἕκαστος τῶν θεσµοθετῶν ἐν ἀγορᾷ πρὸς τῷ λίθῳ, καταφατίζων, εἴ τι παραβαίη τῶν θεσµῶν, ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν ἰσοµέτρητον ἀναθήσειν ἐν ∆ελφοῖς He gave all his laws authority for one hundred years, and they were written down on wooden tablets (axones) that revolved along with the oblong frames containing them. Slight remnants of these were still preserved in the Prytaneion in our day; according to Aristotle (Ath. 7.1), they were also called kyrbeis. The comic poet Cratinus too says somewhere: ――. But some authorities say that only those tablets in which sacred rites and sacrifices are contained are properly called kyrbeis, whereas the rest are termed axones. The Council accordingly swore a group oath to maintain the laws of Solon, and each thesmothete swore separately at the stone in the Agora, vowing that if he transgressed the thesmoi (“statutes”) in any way, he would dedicate a gold statue of equal value at Delphi

Meter"Iambic trimeter.

llkl l|lkl klkl klkl l|lkl llkl

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 139; Meineke 1839 II.217–18; Linforth 1919. 281; Holland 1941. 358; Edmonds 1957 I.118–19; Andrewes 1974. 27; Stroud 1979. 3–4, 7, 34, 37; Immerwahr 1985. 134; Robertson 1986. 148–53; Kassel ad loc.; Meyer 2016. 334 Attribution to known plays"Tentatively assigned by Bergk to Nomoi, in which he believed Solon was a character; cf. frr. 134–5 with Kassel–Austin ad loc. Text"In 1, Kassel tentatively proposed τῶν for the paradosis τοῦ in order to allow the article to govern Solon and Draco collectively; but cf. S. Ai. 587–8 σε πρὸς τοῦ σοῦ τέκνου / καὶ θεῶν ἱκνοῦµαι (“I beseech you by your child and the gods”); Aeschin. 1.87 πρὸς τοῦ ∆ιὸς καὶ θεῶν (“by Zeus and the gods”). Edmonds’ τούς, which transforms the beginning of 1 into a prepositional phrase (“toward the kyrbeis of Solon and Draco”), deserves no consideration. In 2, the gender of κύρβις is uncertain (masculine at Achae. TrGF 20 F 19.3–4; feminine at Ar. Av. 1354). But S is far and away the oldest manuscript of the Lives, and its readings—here τοῖς for the other witnesses’ ταῖς—are to be preferred when there is no other criterion on which to judge.

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Citation context"From a discussion of Solon’s legal reforms seemingly drawn from a Hellenistic treatise that discussed the kyrbeis and axones. Cratinus is cited to show that the kyrbeis were made of wood and are thus to be identified with the axones (a dubious proposition). Interpretation"Part of a desperate plea offered in the name of Athens’ two most famous traditional lawgivers in reaction to some allegedly fundamental disregard of the city’s legal codes. On the traditional understanding of the verse—that the kyrbeis are being used as firewood (or perhaps as cooking utensils; see below)—one would expect the subject of the relative clause, and the party whose other behavior is being complained of, to be female, since processing grain was women’s work (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 1358 ὡσπερεὶ κάχρυς γυναῖκ’ ἀλοῦσαν, “like an old woman grinding barley”; Ec. 221; Sol. fr. 71b Ruschenbush, cited below). Draco (PA 4553; PAA 374190) produced Athens’ first set of written laws in 621/0 BCE ([Arist.] Ath. 4.1), although he was said to have adapted existing (oral) norms when he did so (Arist. Pol. 1274b15; cf. [Arist.] Ath. 3.1). Draco’s legal code, later judged overly harsh (Arist. Pol. 1274b16–18; Plu. Sol. 17.1–2), is supposed to have punished idleness and petty theft, as well as murder, with death (Plu. Sol. 17.1; Alciphr. 2.38.3); to have granted impunity to those who caught and abused a µοιχός (“adulterer”, i.|e. a man who engaged in unauthorized sex with a free woman; Paus. 9.36.8); and to have banned anyone who committed homicide from “libations, mixing bowls, sacrifices and the markets” (D. 20.158). Draco’s code also enfranchised hoplites, allowing them to vote and to hold certain magistracies depending on their property qualifications, and established a council of 401 men, the members of which were elected by lot from hoplites over 30 years of age and could be fined for absenteeism ([Arist.] Ath. 4). Draco’s laws were replaced by Solon’s (see below), with the exception of those on homicide, which were left intact (Plu. Sol. 17) and which were in fact republished in 409/8 BCE (IG I3 104.5 with Stroud 1968) and could supposedly still be read in the late 4th century BCE ([D.] 47.41). This is the first mention of Draco in our sources; see in general Gagarin 1981; Carawan 1998. 33–83; Phillips 2008. 35–57. Solon son of Exekestides (PA 12806; PAA 827640), born ca. 625 BCE to a notable family of moderate means (Arist. Pol. 1296a18–20; [Arist.] Ath. 5.3; 28.2; Plu. Sol. 1; 3.2; 14.1; D.S. 9.1; Suda σ 776), was chosen as archon in 594/3 BCE and granted extraordinary powers to reform Athens’ laws in order to ease tensions between rival aristocratic factions, on the one hand, and between Athens’ aristocrats and its poorer and less powerful citizens, on the other (Plu. Sol. 12–14, 16). Chief among Solon’s reforms were the seisachtheia (lit. “shaking off of burdens”), which put an end to debt-slavery for Athenians (Plu.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 300)

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Sol. 19), and a redivision of Athens’ citizen-body into four political classes (pentakosiomedimnoi, hippeis, zeugitai and thetes) according to the amount of assessable property each man controlled. The first three classes were allowed to hold political office, while the fourth could only serve on juries, in the Assembly ([Arist.] Ath. 7.3; Plu. Sol. 18) and in a new court called the Heliaia. Other reforms attributed to Solon include the disenfranchisement of citizens who refused to take up arms in the event of a revolution, supposedly in order to counteract political apathy ([Arist.] Ath. 8.5; Plu. Sol. 20.1); the abolition of dowries (Plu. Sol. 20.6; patently some sort of ancient misunderstanding of older sources); and the creation of the right of one citizen to take legal action on behalf of another ([Arist.] Ath. 9; Plu. Sol. 18.6). After passing his reforms, Solon surrendered his extraordinary powers and left the country (Hdt. 1.29.1; [Arist.] Ath. 7.2; Plu. Sol. 25.1). He died shortly after Peisistratus seized power for the first time, and was eventually honored with a statue in the Agora (D. 19.251). For Solon in general, see Davies 1971. 322–4; Oliva 1973; Rhodes 1981. 118–20; the essays collected in Blok and Lardinois 2006; Hendrickson 2013 (focusing on the complicated relationship between the poems and the biographical information in the pseudo-Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia). For the laws in particular, see Lea͂o and Rhodes 2015. For the image of Solon in comedy, see Olson 2017 on Eupolis’ Dêmoi. For Draco and Solon mentioned together, see also And. 1.81, 83; X. Oec. 14.4; D. 24.211; Aeschin. 1.6; Luc. Cal. 8; Alciphr. 2.38.3. The laws of Draco and Solon were recorded on kyrbeis and axones, objects whose exact physical shape, contents, location and character were a subject of intense scholarly debate already in the Hellenistic period; cf. Ar. Byz. fr. 410 with the other ancient references collected by Slater 1986 ad loc. and Stroud 1979. 28–33. Both kyrbeis and axones had authoritative legal texts of one sort or another carved or painted on them (e.|g. Ar. Av. 1354; Pl. Pol. 289d–e), possibly in boustrophedon (Harp. p. 220.8–12 = Ο 14 Keaney, in reference to the axones#6). Kyrbeis may have presented vertically (e.|g. [Arist.] Ath. 7.1; Harp. p. 220.8–12 = O 14 Keaney), axones thus perhaps horizontally; whether they were 3- or 4-sided was a matter of discussion already in the Library in Alexandria (Eratosth. fr. 80 Strecker). Both kyrbeis and axones were thought to have once been housed on the Acropolis but to have been moved to the Agora and the Prytaneion, respectively, by Ephialtes late in the first half of the 5th century BCE (Anaximen. FGrH 72 F 13; [Arist.] Ath. 7.1; Poll. 8.128; Phot. o 173). See in general Andrewes 1974. 21–8; Stroud 1979, esp. 47–60; Davis 2011; Meyer 2016.

6

Cf. Phot. ο 173 = Suda ο 104 (from the Epitome of Harpocration).

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The axones were definitely made of wood (also e.|g. Gell. 2.12.1; D.L. 1.45, 63; Suda α 2833). That the kyrbeis were wooden as well—in which case the point is that they are being burnt7—is less certain, and they may instead have been made of bronze. Linforth 1919. 281 n. 1 (followed by Holland 1945. 358–9; Stroud 1979. 3–4, 28, 37) accordingly suggested that Cratinus’ character means that the kyrbeis have been repurposed as roasting pans. Robertson points out, however, that we have no evidence for metal grain-roasting pans and that kyrbeis (certainly not bowl-like, regardless of what one believes their precise shape was) would be an odd choice of object to convert to this purpose, and suggests as an alternative translation of οἷσι … / … τοῖς κύρβεσιν “by virtue of whose kyrbeis”, with reference to Solon’s regulations for meals served in the Prytaneion. Alternatively, 5th-century usage may have been looser than modern scholars would like, and Cratinus’ character may be using the term kyrbeis for what ought properly to have been called axones. Barley (for which, see in general Garnsey 1988. 87–164; Braun 1995. 25–32; Zohary–Hopf–Weiss 2012. 51–9) is husked and was therefore roasted in order to separate the grain from the chaff (Plin. Nat. 18.61, 72, 97, 116). The device employed was referred to as a φρυγεύς8 (seemingly the Attic term) or κοδοµεῖον (Poll. 6.64), a πατάλλιον (Poll. 10.108) or a φώγανον (Poll. 10.109). See in general Blümner 1912. 10–13; Moritz 1958. xx–xxi.

7

8

Cf. Hdt. 8.96.2 (cited by Kassel–Austin) Κωλιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἐρετµοῖσι φρύξουσι (“Colian women will roast [their barley] with oars”; an oracle referring to the massive amount of driftwood to be produced by the upcoming battle at Salamis). Pollux treats φρυγεύς and cognates four times, offering a series of vague and seemingly contradictory definitions of φρύγετρον in particular (1.246 ᾧ τὰς κάχρυς ἔφρυγον; 6.64 τὸ ἐργαλεῖον; 7.181 ἀγγεῖον δὲ ᾧ ἐνέφρυγον) and finally at 10.109 quoting the ambiguous Polyzel. fr. 6 οὗπερ αἱ χύτραι κρέµανται καὶ τὸ φρύγετρόν γε πρός (“where the cookpots are hanging and the phrygetron as well”) and conceding that whether the word refers to an implement or a vessel is unclear. LSJ s.#v. I (followed by Montanari s.#v.) glosses φρύγετρον in the Polyzelus fragment and in Sol. fr. 71b Ruschenbush (Athenian girls going to their wedding ceremonies should carry a φρύγετρον “as evidence of their involvement in the production of barley meal”; quoted at Poll. 1.246) as “a vessel for roasting barley”. But Hsch. φ 926 offers φρύγετρον· ξυλήφιον ᾧ κινοῦσι τὰς πεφρυγµένας κριθάς (“phrygetron: a piece of wood with which they stir the roasted barley”; = LSJ s.#v. II), which is compatible with the passages from Polyzelus and Solon, and LSJ s.#v. I ought probably to be struck and the material assembled there transferred to s.#v. II, leaving φρυγεύς (Theopomp. Com. fr. 54) as the word for “roasting vessel”. For the suffix, cf. κίνητρον (“stirrer”), λίστρον (“spade”), µύστρον (“spoon”), πλῆκτρον (“pick”), τέρετρον (“drill”), ὑπάλειπτρον (“salve-spreader”).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 301)

23

1"πρός"+ gen. is common in adjurations, most often with the names of gods, e.|g. πρὸς (τοῦ) ∆ιός, “by Zeus” (e.|g. Pi. fr. 52k.7; Ar. Nu. 314; Av. 130; Pl. Euthphr. 4e; D. 9.15); πρὸς τῆς Ἑστίας, “by Hestia” (Ar. Pl. 395; Anaxandr. fr. 46.1; Diph. fr. 81.3; Strato Com. fr. 1.28); πρὸς (τῶν) θεῶν, “by the gods” (e.|g. Il. 1.339; S. Ai. 371; E. Αlc. 382; Ar. Ec. 1095; Stratt. fr. 63.1; X. HG 2.4.21 (speech); Pl. Sph. 232e). See in general Poultney 1936. 188–90; Schwyzer 1953 II.5169. 1–2"For the combination νῦν … ἤδη in the sense “right now, at this very moment”, e.|g. Ar. Nu. 295, 326–7 (“right now”); Ra. 882/3–4; Men. fr. 359.2. At fr. 145, by contrast, the words are to be taken separately (νῦν with τῆ, but ἤδη with πῖθι λαβών). 2"φρύγω"(etymology uncertain) is a general verb for treatment with dry heat, used not just of the processing of barley (also e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 197.1; Th. 6.22) but also of the roasting of other items (e.|g. fr. 150.2 (Odysseus’ men cooked by the Cyclops); Pherecr. fr. 170 (chickpeas); Ar. Ra. 510–11; Ec. 844 (both in reference to τραγήµατα, “snacks”); [Hes.] fr. 302.4 (pottery in a kiln); Hdt. 2.94.2 (castor-berries); Theoc. 7.66 (beans). More extended uses at Telecl. fr. 41.1 φρύγει τι δρᾶµα καινόν (“he’s baking a new drama”); Theoc. 6.16; 9.13 (both of summer heat); 12.9 (of the sun). κάχρυς"A homely pre-Greek word (Beekes 2010 s.#v.) first attested here and mostly confined in the classical period to comedy (Ar. Nu. 1358; V. 1306 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.), Hippocrates (e.|g. Morb. II 67 = 7.102.12 Littré) and Theophrastus (e.|g. HP 3.10.4). Moer. κ 18 identifies it as an Atticism (κάχρυς Ἀττικοί· κριθαὶ πεφρυγµέναι Ἕλληνες, “Athenians (say) kachrys, whereas Greeks (generally say) ‘parched barley’”; cf. Phot. κ 509 = Ael. Dion. κ 17 κάχρυς· κριθαὶ πεφρυγµέναι, “kachrys: parched barley”), hence presumably its presence at Alciphr. 2.24.2. κύρβεσιν"Etymology uncertain; used metaphorically in the singular of a litigious individual at Ar. Nu. 448, whence presumably Aristaenet. 1.17.10

fr. 301 K.–A. (298 K.) ὡς ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες so that we may raise our armpit up after we’ve got drunk11

9 10 11

Scarcely “at the Kyrbeis” (Rusten 2011. 214). Also a dubious conjecture by Lobel at A. fr. **451c.36. Not “while drinking”, as at Storey 2011. 401.

24

Cratinus

Hsch. µ 374 µασχάλην αἴρειν· κωθωνίζεσθαι καὶ πίνειν. ὡς ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες. ἐν τῷ µεθύειν αἴρειν ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην. εἰώθεισαν γὰρ λέγειν µασχάλην αἴρειν (scripsimus : αἴρεις cod.) ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνίζειν, καὶ καταµωκᾶσθαι ταῖς χερσίν· οἷόν ἐστι καὶ τὸ παρ’ Ὁµήρῳ· χεῖρας ἀνασχόµενοι (Od. 18.100) to raise one’s armpit: kôthônizesthai (“to drink hard”) and pinein (“to drink”); so that we may raise our armpit up after we’ve got drunk. To raise one’s armpit up while drunk. For they were accustomed to say “to raise one’s armpit” (our emendation for the manuscripts’ “you raise your armpit”) instead of kôthônizein (“to drink hard”), and to make mocking gestures with their hands; the Homeric cheiras anaschomenoi (“holding up their hands”; Od. 18.100) is an example Zenob. 5.7 (~ Prov. cod. Par. Suppl. 676 et Prov. Bodl. 625) µασχάλην αἴρειν· ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνίζεσθαι καὶ πίνειν. Κρατῖνος· ὡς ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην αἴρειν καταµωκωµένους ταῖς χερσίν. οἷόν ἐστι τὸ παρ’ Ὁµήρῳ χεῖρας ἀνασχόµενοι (Od. 18.100) to raise one’s armpit: instead of kôthônizesthai (“to drink hard”) and pinein (“to drink”). Cratinus; so as to raise their armpits up as they make mocking gestures with their hands. The Homeric cheiras anaschomenoi (“raising their hands”; Od. 18.100) is an example Prov. cod. Par. Suppl. 676 (Cohn, CPG Suppl. I p. 66) µασχάλην αἴρειν· ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνίζεσθαι καὶ πίνειν. Κρατῖνος· ἄνω µασχάλην αἴρειν. τάχα ἐκ τοῦ ποιεῖν τινας (⟨τοῦτο ἐν τῷ⟩ add. Cohn) µεθύειν. ἤ µωκωµένους ταῖς χερσίν, οἷόν ἐστι καὶ 〈τὸ〉 παρ’ Ὁµήρῳ χεῖρας ἀνασχόµενοι (Od. 18.100) to raise one’s armpit: in place of kôthônizesthai (“to drink hard”) and pinein (“to drink”). Cratinus: to raise one’s armpit. Perhaps from the fact that some people do † to be drunk (“do this in the course of being drunk” Cohn); or as they make mocking gestures with their hands, as for example 〈the〉 Homeric cheiras anaschomenoi (“holding up their hands”; Od. 18.100)

Meter"Most easily understood as trochaic tetrameter (thus Runkel, Meineke and Kaibel):

lkll lkll lkll lkl

But perhaps iambic trimeter instead (thus Kock, followed by Kassel–Austin, reading ὡς ἄνω / τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες):

〈xlkl xlkl x〉lkl llkl llk|l klkl

Discussion"Kock 1880 I.99; Tsirimbas 1936. 70 Citation context"The basic source for the notes in Zenobius and Hesychius, as well as for the parallel material in other lexicographers and paroemiographers collected below, must be the lost Atticist lexicon drawn on inter alia by

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 301)

25

the common source of Photius and the Suda (generally referred to as Σ΄΄), as well as by Pollux, who has adapted the material to his own style and purposes: – Poll. 6.26 ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν µεθυόντων ἔλεγον τὸ µασχάλην αἴρειν, ὡς τοῦτο ἔθος ὂν τοῖς ἐν µέθῃ· διὸ καὶ Ὅµηρον (Od. 18.100) προειπεῖν χεῖρας ἀνισχόντες γέλῳ ἔκθανον (“they would use the expression ‘to raise one’s armpit’ in reference to people who were drunk, since this was habitual for those who were inebriated; Homer (Od. 18.100) accordingly proclaimed ‘they died from laughter, holding up their hands’”;12 from a discussion of terms in µεθυ- having to do with intoxicated persons or drunkenness) – Phot. µ 139 = Suda µ 273 µασχάλην αἴρεις· ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνισθήσῃ. οἱ γὰρ µεθύοντες ᾖρον τὰς µασχάλας καταµωκώµενοι. καὶ οἱ µνηστῆρες χεῖρας ἀνίσχοντες γέλῳ ἔκθανον (Od. 18.100) (“you raise your armpit: in place of kôthônisthêsêi. For men who are drunk would raise their armpits when they made mocking gestures with their hands. And the suitors died with laughter holding up their hands (Od. 18.100)”; identified by Erbse as Paus. Gr. µ 7) – Diogenian. 6.33 µασχάλην αἴρειν· ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνίζεσθαι καὶ πίνειν (“to raise one’s armpit: in place of kôthönizesthai (‘to drink hard’) and pinein (‘to drink’)”) – Prov. Bodl. 625 µασχάλην αἴρειν· ἀντὶ τοῦ κωθωνίζεσθαι καὶ πίνειν. Κρατῖνος· ἄνω µασχάλην αἴρειν, ἀντὶ τοῦ † κωθωνιζῃ † (“to raise one’s armpit: in place of kôthônizesthai (‘to drink hard’) and pinein (‘to drink’). Cratinus: to raise one’s armpit up, in place of † kôthônizêi †”) – Greg.Cypr. cod. Leid. 2.72 µασχάλην αἴρειν· ἐπὶ τῶν πολλάκις πινόντων (“to raise one’s armpit: in reference to those who drink frequently”). Related material, but with the order of the words in the lemma reversed and a different explanation of the phrase,13 and thus presumably drawn from a different source, is preserved at – Hsch. α 2066 αἴρειν µασχάλην· οὕτως εἰώθασι λέγειν ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀρχήσασθαι. οἱ δὲ τὸ ἀγροικικῶς ὀρχεῖσθαι (“to raise one’s armpit: they are accustomed to use this expression in place of ‘to dance’. But other authorities (take it to mean) ‘to be dancing clumsily’”) – Phot. α 640 αἶρε µασχάλην· οὕτως εἰώθασι λέγειν ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀρχήσασθαι ἢ κωθωνίζεσθαι (“Raise your armpit!: they are accustomed to use this expression in place of ‘to dance’ or kôthônizesthai (‘to drink hard’)”) 12 13

Hence apparently the garbled “to raise the underarms, i.|e. to laugh recklessly, of a drunkard Cratin. 301 Ael. epist. 15 Hsch.” in Montanari s.#v. µασχάλη. Note also ἀγροικικῶς for the expected ἀγροικῶς in Hsch. α 2066 and Greg.Cypr. cod. Mosq. 1.12.

26

Cratinus

– Suda αι 283 = Synag. B α 536 αἶρε µασχάλην· ἐπὶ τοῦ ὀρχήσασθαι (“Raise your armpit!: in reference to dancing”) – Greg.Cypr. cod. Mosq. 1.12 αἴρειν µασχάλην· ἀντὶ τοῦ εὐωχεῖσθαι· εἴρηται ἀπὸ τῶν ἀγροικικῶς ὀρχουµένων (“to raise one’s armpit: in place of euôcheisthai (‘to feast’). The term comes from those who are dancing clumsily”) – Apostol. 1.74 αἴρειν µασχάλην· ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρχουµένων ἀγροίκως (“to raise one’s armpit: in reference to those who are dancing clumsily”). Text"The paroemiographers associate the phrase µασχάλην αἴρειν with Cratinus, but report only that he wrote ἄνω µασχάλην αἴρειν. Hesychius, meanwhile, offers the words ὡς ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες, but without reference to Cratinus. Runkel combined the sources and assigned ὡς ἄνω τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες to Cratinus, and the words might in fact easily have dropped out of Zenobius via a simple saute du même au même, with the original text reading Κρατῖνος· ὡς ἄνω ⟨τὴν µασχάλην αἴρωµεν ἐµπεπωκότες. διὰ τὸ µεθύοντας⟩ τὴν µασχάλην αἴρειν καταµωκωµένους ταῖς χερσίν (“Cratinus: So that we may raise Hitt. uelku–, “grass”; Skt. válśa–, “sprout; twig”; OCS vlasъ, “hair”; Rus. volos, “hair”; Plin. Nat. 21.33 (capillus); 26.36; 27.25 (both cirrus); Swinburne Erectheus 1148 “fields aflower with winds and suns, woods with shadowing hair”.

fr. 329 K.–A. (297 K.) ἀλλ’ εἴσιθ’ εἴσω καὶ πιοῦσα χυλὸν ἀναπαύου κακῶν But come in inside and drink some chylos and get some rest from your cares Poll. 6.61 Κρατῖνος δὲ καὶ χυλὸν πιεῖν εἴρηκεν· ―― But Cratinus also says “to drink chylos”: ――

Meter"Probably iambic dimeter.

llkl llkl klkr llkl

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.211; Kock 1880 I.99

86

Cratinus

Citation context"From a brief discussion of legumes and porridge-like substances made from them or various grains, within a series of catalogues of foodstuffs. Interpretation"A sympathetic invitation extended to an individual woman (note fem. sing. πιοῦσα) who finds herself in a difficult situation. εἴσω likely means “into the stage-house”, as regularly in comedy (e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1249; Nu. 508; Pl. 768, and see below). Present and aorist participles and infinitives of πίνω seem to be used interchangeably in comedy, depending on the metrical circumstances, since the iota is long in the present but short in the aorist, so that one form of the verb can often stand at a point in the line where the other cannot. It is accordingly unclear whether the addressee is first to drink the chylos and then find rest from cares (as use of the aorist participle would normally signal) or if drinking the chylos will itself serve a therapeutic purpose. 1UFor ἀλλ’ εἴσιθ’ εἴσω, cf. Ar. Pl. 1088 (Chremylus to the young man); Men. Sam. 658; S. El. 802 (Clytemnestra to the tutor); E. Heracl. 698 (Iolaos to a servant); Andr. 876 (the nurse to Orestes); and for ἀλλ’ εἴσιθ’ alone in a similar context of hospitality, Ar. Ra. 503, 507, 512, 517. 2Uχυλός"is “juice” or “extract”, i.|e. the thick liquid that remains when a vegetable substance is soaked, pressed, boiled or the like; cf. Ar. Ra. 943 χυλὸν διδοὺς στωµυλµάτων, ἀπὸ βιβλίων ἀπηθῶν (“offering [Tragedy] chatter-juice, pressing it from books”); Ephipp. fr. 13.6 (in a catalogue of after-dinner dainties); Pl. Criti. 115a χυλῶν στακτῶν (“chyloi that trickle out”). The verb for consuming it is accordingly πίνω, whereas for thicker but still pourable substances λείχω (e.|g. Ar. V. 737–8, of eating porridge, with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.) or ῥοφέω (e.|g. Ar. V. 811–12, of eating lentil soup, with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Antiph. fr. 185.5, of eating lentil soup; Nicom. Com. fr. 3.3, of eating an egg) is used. Hippocrates speaks repeatedly of barley-chylos, but also of e.|g. lentil- and chickpea-chylos (Aff. 27 = 6.238.15–16 Littré), and Pollux’ discussion is too dense and chaotic to show precisely what substance he thought was in question here. fr. 330 K.–A. ἀπόδυθι τὴν στολήν Take off (sing.) your outfit! Phot. α 2489 = Synag. B α 1835 ἀπόδυσαι· µᾶλλον δὲ ἀπόδυθι οἱ Ἀττικοὶ λέγουσιν. καὶ ἀποδύντες καὶ † ἀπόδυσις † καὶ † ἀποδεδυµένοι † καὶ ἀποδεδυκότα καὶ ἀποδύειν, οὐχ ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ ἀποδεδυµένον

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 330)

87

καὶ ἀποδύεσθαι. παρατηρητέον δὲ ὡς οὕτω τὰ ῥήµατα λέγοντες οὐκ ἐπισυνάπτουσι τὰ ἱµάτια ἢ τῶν ἱµατίων ἀρκούµενοι µόνῃ τῇ ῥηµατικῇ φωνῇ δηλῶσαι τὸ νόηµα. πλὴν Κρατῖνος φησί· ――. διόπερ 〈χρὴ〉 ἐννοεῖν τὴν διαφοράν48 apodysai (“take off!”): Athenians say apodythi instead. Also apodyntes (“taking off”) and † apodysis † and † apodedymenoi † and apodedykota (“having taken off”; masc. acc. sing.) and apodyein (“to take off”), not, as most people (say), apodedymenon (“having taken off oneself”) and apodyesthai (“to take off oneself”). It should be noted that when using the words thus, they do not add mention of the himatia (“cloaks”), but instead avoid (reference to) the himatia and express the thought with the verbal form alone. Except that Cratinus says: ――, on which account 〈one must〉 note the distinction

Meter"Probably iambic trimeter, e.|g.

〈xl〉kr k|lkl 〈xlkl〉

Citation context"A lexicographic note on the use of the verb ἀποδύω drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄΄ and traced by Theodoridis to the Atticist lexicographer Phrynichus. Related material, all heavily condensed and without mention of Cratinus, is preserved at Moer. α 47 ἀπόδυθι Ἀττικοί· ἀπόδυσαι Ἕλληνες (“Attic-speakers (say) apodythi; Greeks generally (say) apodysai”); Poll. 7.43–4 τὸ δὲ … ἀποδῦναι ἐρεῖς, καὶ … ὁ ἀποδὺς καὶ ὁ ἀποδεδυκώς, … καὶ ἀποδῦσαι (“you are to say apodynai, and … in regard to a man apodys and apodedykôs … and apodusai”); Hsch. α 6322 ἀπόδυθι· ἀπόδυσαι (“apodythi: apodysai”). Interpretation"An order addressed to an individual person (gender unknown). Similar demands elsewhere in comedy include Socrates telling Strepsiades to strip before he enters the Phrontisterion (Ar. Nu. 497), Bdelycleon telling Philocleon to remove his old tribôn in order to put on something more luxurious (Ar. V. 1131), Peisetaerus telling his slave to give up his robe to the anonymous freezing poet (Ar. Av. 933–4), and Dionysus ordering Xanthias to give up the Heracles-style lion-skin that Dionysus himself had been wearing at the beginning of the play (Ar. Ra. 528). According to Moer. α 47 (quoted in Citation context), ἀπόδυθι—attested only in 5th-century comedy (Ar. Av. 934, 947; Th. 214, 731) until the Roman period, when it is picked up by Lucian (Cat. 24, 28; Vit.Auct. 6; DMort. 20 (twice))—is a distinctly Attic form for the more common ἀπόδυσαι. For the

48

Synag. B adds additional cognate material (omitted by Photius), including adesp. com. fr. 446, shortly after this.

88

Cratinus

ending (Indo-European, and well attested already in Homer), cf. frr. 145 πῖθι; 237.3 ἴσθι, and see Schwyzer 1953 I.800.49 στολή"(< στέλλω, “make ready, furnish”) refers not just to inner and outer garments (“clothing”) but to a person’s entire costume, including anything he or she carries with him or wears on his or her head. Cf. fr. 40 “(A.) What sort of stolê did he have? Tell me this! (B.) A thyrsus, a saffron-colored inner garment, a patterned outer garment, a drinking cup”; Ar. Th. 136–40 (Agathon’s stolê includes his musical instrument, head-gear and mirror); Arar. fr. 4.2 “wearing (masc.) saffron-colored inner garments and women’s stolê”; E. Ba. 830–6 (Pentheus’ stolê includes how he will wear his hair and the thyrsus he will carry). The word is common in 5th-century tragedy, but is rare and mostly restricted to high-style contexts in comedy (also Ar. Th. 92 (Euripides is speaking), 136 (paratragedy), 851 (a paratragic atmosphere); Ra. 590 (lyric); Ec. 846 (a herald’s speech); Antiph. fr. 38.1 τοὺς δ’ ἐνδυτοῖς στολαῖσι τετραγῳδηµένους, “men lent tragic style via donned stolai” vel sim.). Although it is also found in prose (e.|g. Hdt. 4.78.4; X. HG 4.1.30; An. 1.2.27), it is tempting to think that it had an elevated sound, like English “raiment” or “garb”.

fr. 331 K.–A. (363 K.) θράττει µ᾿ ὄντως τοὐνύπνιον sic van der Valk : τὸ ἐνύπνιον ΣP11, unde θράττει µε τοὐνύπνιον Meineke : θράττει µὲν τὸ ἐνύπνιον ΣAg : θράττει µε ΣT : † δραπετεύοντος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου † ΣBL : θράττει µ᾿ εὕδοντ᾿ ἐνύπνιον Marzullo : θράττει µ᾿ ἐνύπνιον Luppe : εὕδοντα θράττει τοὐνύπνιον Meineke

The dream is in fact disturbing me

49

Why Phrynichus objects to the forms ἀποδεδυµένον (no middle-passive participles of the verb are attested elsewhere, but Lys. 10.10 uses the perfect middle-passive infinitive) and ἀποδύεσθαι (attested at X. Smp. 2.18; Pl. Tht. 169a, b; R. 452d), as well as to the use of a direct object with the verb (cf. Ar. Th. 214; Lys. 10.10; later at Ael. VH 12.22; Luc. Cat. 28; DMort 20.3, 5) is unclear. Perhaps he had only a restricted set of quotations before him and on that basis generalized a rule, dealing with the usage in the Cratinus fragment—unexceptional, although by comparison with the other material before him seemingly unparalleled—by identifying it as eccentric.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 331)

89

ΣTh Il. 2.56 θεῖός µοι ἐνύπνιον (ἦλθεν ὄνειρος)· ὀνοµατικὸν ἐπίρρηµα, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίως. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὄνοµα. Κρατῖνος· ―― a divine (dream came to me) in my sleep (enypnion): an adverb formed from a noun, in place of enypniôs. But there is also a noun. Cratinus: ――

Meter"If the text printed here is correct, the words scan are probably anapaestic. But see Text.

lllllkkx and

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.227; Marzullo 1959. 153; Erbse 1960. 200–1; van der Valk 1963. 524; Luppe 1967. 402–3 Assignment to known plays"In place of Κρατῖνος κτλ in ΣTh Il. 2.56 (quoted above), ΣBL reads the patently corrupt † δεῖ κρατεῖν ὡς δραπετεύοντος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου †. Meineke suggested that this might be corrected to read either Κρατῖνος ∆ραπέτισιν (“Cratinus in Drapetides”) or Κρατῖνος Θρᾴτταις (“Cratinus in Thraittai”), followed by the fragment. But see Text. Text"The text of the fragment is extremely unstable. ΣP11 and ΣAg (the two witnesses for the h-scholia) treat ἐνύπνιον as a noun; ΣT omits the word along with the definite article that precedes it. µε τὸ ἐνύπνιον in ΣP11 is easily interpreted as scriptio plena for µε τοὐνύπνιον (Meineke; printed by Kassel–Austin), producing something that can be understood as e.|g. the central part of an iambic trimeter; see Meter. µὲν τὸ ἐνύπνιον—once again scriptio plena—in ΣAg yields the more problematic llllkkk and leaves θράττει without an object, and is thus seemingly less appealing than the alternative, although see below. Luppe suggested θράττει µ᾿ ἐνύπνιον (e.|g. llkr k|〈lkl xlkl〉), “a dream is disturbing me”. Luppe, followed by Kassel–Austin, argued that ΣBL (quoted in Assignment to known plays) was more likely the remains of a citation of another poet omitted by ΣTh in the same way that ΣBL omitted Cratin. fr. 331. But ΚΡΑΤΕΙΝΩΣ∆ΡΑΠΕΤ … ΤΟΥΕΝΥΠΝΙΟΝ in ΣBL looks a great deal like ΚΡΑΤΙΝΟΣΘΡΑΤΤΕΙ … ΤΟΕΝΥΠΝΙΟΝ in Σh, supporting the notion that these are in fact two different versions of the same note, one somewhat more corrupt than the other. In the central portion (omitted immediately above) of what must on this theory be the fragment of Cratinus, Σh has ΜΕ or ΜΕΝ while ΣBL offers ΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ, which must represent confusion of some other sort. van der Valk combined the two readings to produce θράττει µ᾿ ὄντως τοὐνύπνιον (printed here). Citation context"Closely related material is preserved at Et.Gud. ε 481 ἐνύπνιον· ἐπίρρηµα· ἀπὸ γὰρ ὀνόµατος µετήχθη εἰς ἐπίρρηµα, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνί-

90

Cratinus

ως ἢ ἐν ὕπνῳ (“enypnion: an adverb. Because it was changed from a noun into an adverb, in place of enypniôs (‘in dreams’) or en hypnôi (‘in sleep’)”) ~ EM p. 345.50 ἐνύπνιον· κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους· ὀνοµατικὸν ἐπίρρηµα, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίως ἢ ἐν ὕπνῳ. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὄνοµα· ἀπὸ δὲ ὀνόµατος µετήχθη εἰς ἐπίρρηµα (“enypnion: during one’s sleep. An adverb formed from a noun, in place of enypniôs (‘in dreams’) or en hypnôi (‘in sleep’). There is also a noun, and it was changed from a noun into an adverb”). Note also Phot. ε 1060 ἐνύπνιον· καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ὄνειρον καὶ τὸ ἐν τοῖς ὕπνοις ὡς παρ’ Ὁµήρῳ. χρῆται δ’ οὕτως καὶ Μένανδρος (Pk. 359) (“enypnion: both the dream itself and ‘in dreams’, as in Homer; Menander as well uses it this way (Pk. 359)”); Suda κ 1086 κατ᾿ ὄναρ· οὐ χρὴ λέγειν· βάρβαρον γὰρ παντελῶς· ἀλλὰ ὄναρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους καὶ ἐνύπνιον (“kat’ onar: One ought not to say this, since it is utterly barbaric; rather onar (‘in one’s dreams’) and kata tous hypnous (‘during one’s sleep’) and enypnion”; = Orus fr. B 84). According to the Roman-era commentator Aristonicus on Il. 2.56, the debate over the adverbial use of ἐνύπνιον dates back at least to Zenodotus, the first Librarian in Alexandria (early 3rd century BCE), who emended the text at Il. 2.56 to convert the word into a noun: θεῖός µοι ἐνύπνιον ἦλθεν ὄνειρος: ὅτι Ζηνόδοτος γράφει “θεῖόν µοι ἐνύπνιον”· οὐ λέγει δὲ ὡς ἡµεῖς ἀλλ’ ἀντὶ τοῦ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους, ἐνυπνίως (“a divine dream came to me in my sleep: Zenodotus writes theion moi enypnion (‘a divine enypnion [came] to me [as a dream]’).50 He does not use the word as we do, but in place of kata tous hypnous (‘during one’s sleep’), enypniôs”). Interpretation"Dreams depicting either past events unknown to the dreamer or things to come are a common feature of both tragedy (e.|g. A. Pers. 176–214; Ag. 12–15; Ch. 523–33; S. El. 417–25; E. Hec. 703–7; Ph. 1545) and comedy (e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 43; Ar. Eq. 1090–1; V. 13–53; Ra. 1332–40; Alex. fr. 274; Plaut. Cur. 253–73; Rud. 593–614). For dreams and how they were interpreted, see in general Kessels 1978; Näf 2004; Harris 2009; Biles–Olson 2015 on Ar. V. 15–53. θράττω"(cognate with τραχύς, “rough”) is attested before the Imperial period only in Pindar (O. 6.97; I. 7.39), in 5th-/4th-century Athenian drama (Pherecr. fr. 43.3 θράττει µ’, seemingly another reaction to an odd and disturbing dream; Mnesim. fr. 4.57; S. frr. 177.1; 1055; [A.] PV 628; [E.] Rh. 863; Crit. TrGF 43 F 14), in philosophical prose (Pl. Phd. 86e; Tht. 187d; Prm. 130d; Phdr. 242c; Arist. Rh. 1412a35), and once in Hippocrates (Mul. 70 = 8.146.23 Littré).

50

Thus nominally LSJ s.#v. 1 “thing seen in sleep, in appos(ition) to ὄνειρος”, which nonetheless retains θεῖος in its citation of the text.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 332)

91

Moeris θ 14 identifies it as an Attic alternative for the common ταράσσω (also a cognate).51 ὄντως"(“actually, in fact”; not merely a mild adverbial intensifier like English “really”) is absent from lyric poetry, Aeschylus and Thucydides; found once in Sophocles (fr. 681.2) and a handful of times in Euripides (HF 610; Ion 223; IA 1622; fr. 248.2 (from Archelaos, 408/7 BCE)); and common in comedy (also e.|g. Ar. Ach. 646; Anaxil. fr. 29.2; Antiph. fr. 210.7) and prose (e.|g. X. HG 4.8.4; Pl. Phlb. 37b; D. 21.90), all of which combines to mark it as colloquial. ἐνύπνιον"(attested elsewhere in comedy at e.|g. Ar. V. 25, 38; Alex. fr. 274.1; Men. Dysc. 407, 409; Pk. 359) is a prosaic (e.|g. Hdt. 1.107.1; Pl. Cri. 44a–b; Hp. Morb.Sacr. 15 = 6.390.4–5 Littré; Aeschin. 3.219; Thphr. Char. 16) equivalent of the more elevated ὄνειρος (used in tragedy, and thus in the mock-Euripidean lament at Ar. Ra. 1332, 1340). The word is not unambiguously attested as an adverb outside of Il. 2.56 = Od. 14.495, although see Gomme–Sandbach 1973 on Men. Dysc. 407 and Pk. 359; Ar. V. 1218 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.

fr. 332 K.–A. (345 K.) ῥοθίαζε κἀνάπιπτε ῥοθίαζε κἀνάπιπτε Ath.E : ῥιθίαζε κἀνάπιπτε Ath.C : ῥοθιάζει καὶ ἀναπίπτει Eust.

Make a splash and lie back! Ath. 1.23b ὅτι τὸ ἀναπίπτειν κυρίως ἐπὶ ψυχῆς ἐστιν, οἷον ἀθυµεῖν, ὀλιγοδρανεῖν. Θουκυδίδης πρώτῃ (1.70.5)· νικώµενοι ἐπ᾿ ἐλάχιστον ἀναπίπτουσι. Κρατῖνος δ᾿ ἐπὶ ἐρετῶν χρᾶται τῇ λέξει· ――. καὶ Ξενοφῶν ἐν Οἰκονοµικῷ (8.8)· διὰ τί ἄλυποι ἀλλήλοις εἰσὶν οἱ ἐρέται; ἢ ὅτι ἐν τάξει µὲν κάθηνται, ἐν τάξει δὲ προνεύουσιν, ἐν τάξει δὲ ἀναπίπτουσιν The verb anapiptô (“fall back”) is properly used of a person’s spirit, in the sense “be discouraged, be fainthearted.” Thucydides in Book I (1.70.5): they are minimally discouraged (anapiptousi) when defeated. But Cratinus uses the word to refer to rowers: ――. Also Xenophon in the Oeconomicus (8.8): Why do the rowers not hamper one another? Isn’t it because they are seated in order, bend forward in order, and lie back (anapiptousin) in order?

51

Note also Phryn. PS p. 75.6–7 θράττει· οἷον ταράττει, κατὰ συγκοπὴν καὶ τροπὴν γεγενηµένον (“thrattei: i.|e. tarattei, formed via syncopation and phonetic change”).

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Eust. p. 1641.8 = i.358.31–2 Κρατῖνος εἰπών· ῥοθιάζει καὶ ἀναπίπτει Cratinus, when he says: he/she/it makes a splash and lies back Suda α 2019 ἀναπίπτειν τὸ ἀθυµεῖν λέγεται παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς. ἀναπίπτειν ἐπὶ ψυχῆς ἐστιν, οἷον ἀθυµεῖν, ὀλιγωρεῖν. Κρατῖνος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐρετῶν κέχρηται τῇ λέξει ἐρεσσόντων καὶ ἀνακλινοµένων. καὶ ἀναπεσεῖν, ἀνακλιθῆναι anapiptein (“to fall back”) is used in the sense “to be discouraged” by ancient authors. anapiptein refers to the spirit, in the sense “to be discouraged, be fainthearted.” But Cratinus uses the word in reference to rowers as they pull the oars and fall back. Also anapesein (“to fall back”), anaklithênai (“to recline”)

Meter"Probably iambic trimeter, e.|g.

〈xlkl〉 rlk|l klk〈l〉

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.176–7; Kock 1880 I.113; Körte ap. K.–A. Assignment to known plays"Assigned to Odysseis by Körte. Text"The manuscripts of the Epitome of Athenaeus diverge slightly, C having misspelled the first verb. The text as transmitted by Eustathius—drawing on his own copy of the Epitome or his memory of it, but in any case not to be thought of as an independent witness to the text—is written scriptio plena and with the verbs in the more common indicative rather than imperative. The Suda often draws on Athenaeus, as probably in this case (not obviously from the complete version of the text rather than the Epitome). Citation context"From a discussion of verbs for drinking, reclining at symposia and eating; related material is preserved at 10.422e–3a. In the completely preserved Books of Athenaeus, such discussions are routinely sparked by an objection put forward by Ulpian against a lexical item used by one of the other banqueters, requiring a demonstration that the word is in fact acceptable “ancient usage”, frequently accompanied by a treatment of other, more or less closely related matters. Cf. Phot. α 1602 = Suda α 2018 ἀναπίπτειν· οὐ τὸ κατακλίνεσθαι ἀλλὰ τὸ µεταµέλεσθαι καὶ µετατίθεσθαι καὶ ἀποκνεῖν. Θουκυδίδης πρώτῃ (1.70.5)· καὶ νικώµενοι ἐπ’ ἐλάχιστον ἀναπίπτουσιν (“anapiptein: not kataklinesthai (‘to recline’) but metamelesthai (‘to change one’s conduct’) and metatithesthai (‘to change’) and apoknein (‘to hesitate’). Thucydides in Book 1 (1.70.5): and they are minimally discouraged (anapiptousin) when defeated”), which Erbse traces to Ael. Dion. α 123. Similar material is preserved at

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 332)

93

– Phryn. Ecl. 186 ἀναπεσεῖν· οὐ καλῶς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀνακλιθῆναι τάττεται· ἐὰν δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀδηµονῆσαι, καλῶς· ἀνέπεσεν ἄνθρωπος ἤγουν τὴν ψυχὴν ἠθύµησεν (“anapesein (‘to fall back’): Misused in reference to lying back. But if (it is used) in reference to feeling spiritually anguished, this is fine. anepesen anthrôpos (‘a person fell back’), i.|e. he was spiritually dejected”) – Phot. α 1600 ἀναπίπτειν· τὸ ἀθυµεῖν λέγεται παρὰ τοῖς παλαιoῖς (“anapiptein: used to mean ‘to be discouraged’ in ancient authors”; traced to Paus.Gr. α 114 by Erbse, to Orus fr. B 17 by Alpers). That ἀναπίπτω can properly be used, however, of reclining at table is eventually demonstrated at 1.23e via quotation of E. Cyc. 410 and Alex. fr. 295, and this appears to have been the opinion of the Antiatticist as well (α 8 ἀνέπεσεν· ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀνεκλίθη, “he/she/it fell back: in place of he/she/it reclined”). Interpretation"A command addressed to a single person and taken by Athenaeus as a reference to someone actually preparing to row a boat, like Dionysus at Ar. Ra. 197, 201–3. Meineke (comparing Ar. Eq. 761–2) suggested that the language might be figurative instead and be intended to encourage someone “ut fortiter adversarium adoriatur (‘to attack the enemy bravely’)”. ῥοθιάζω"(cognate with ῥοθέω, “make noise”) is used of any (generally chaotic) movement accompanied by (generally incoherent) noise, here apparently the splash and effort as the oars are dropped at the end of the backstroke and driven through the water; cf. Hermipp. fr. 54.1–2 ὥρα τοίνυν µετ’ ἐµοῦ χωρεῖν 〈τὸν〉 κωπητῆρα λαβόντα / καὶ προσκεφάλαιον, ἵν’ ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἐµπηδήσας ῥοθιάζῃς (“It’s time, in fact, to get your oar-thong and a cushion52 and to come with me, so that you can jump into the ship and rhothiazô”); Ar. fr. 85 (“Come to land as you rhothiazô!”, i.|e. “Drive the ship into the harbor with your rowing!”); Hsch. ρ 409 ῥοθιάζειν· ἐλαύνειν, ἀπὸ τοῦ ψόφου τῆς εἰρεσίας. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ ὕδατος ῥόθον φασίν (“rhothiazein: to row, from the sound of the rowing. But others say that rhothos is the response of the water”); Phot. ρ 143 ≈ Suda ρ 216 ῥοθιάζειν τὸ ἐρέσσειν εὐτόνως (“rhothiazein is to row vigorously”; citing Ar. frr. 85–6). The verb is attested only in comedy (also Hermipp. fr. 54.2; Ar. Ach. 807) and must be colloquial. For ἀναπίπτω, see Citation context. For the prefix in the sense “back, backward”, cf. ἀνακείµαι and ἀνακλίνω, as well as e.|g. ἀναρροφέω (frr. 158–*9)53 and ἀνακάµπτω (Antiph. fr. 13), and see LSJ s.#v. ἀνά F.4. 52 53

i.|e. a ὑπηρέσιον to place beneath one’s buttocks. For προσκεφάλαιον in this sense, see fr. 295. Colloquial English would say “gulp down”; but cf. “toss back [a beer vel sim.]”.

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Cratinus

fr. 333 K.–A. (354 K.) ὕλιζε τὰς ῥῖνας sic Poll.A : ἀπεµυτέλιζε τ. ῥ. Poll.S in ras. : ἀπεµυττέλιζεν Poll.F

He/she was wiping his/her nostrils Poll. 2.78 τὸ δ’ ἀπεµύττετο· ――, ἔφη Κρατῖνος Cratinus said ―― in the sense apemytteto (“he/she was wiping his/her nose”)

Meter"Probably iambic trimeter, e.|g.

〈xlkl〉 llk|l ll〈kl〉

Discussion"Meineke 1839 V.23; Kock 1880 I.115 Text"Poll.FS (apparently dealing unsuccessfully with a corrupt or confusingly abbreviated exemplar) have garbled the text, running the gloss and the first word of the fragment together. Citation context"From a brief discussion of vocabulary having to do with runny noses and the like that also preserves Men. frr. 383; 615. Interpretation"Pollux’ gloss shows that ὕλιζε is not an imperative (as at Storey 2011. 411 “Blow your nose[!]”) but an imperfect, making this a—patently unflattering—description of a third party’s condition or behavior at some point in the past. The verb (< ὕλη, “matter excreted from the human body”, LSJ s .v. IV.2) is attested nowhere else in this sense, and it is tempting to think that Pollux or his source has got the meaning slightly wrong and that what is actually being said is “he/she was producing a moist bodily discharge in regard to his/her nostrils”, i.|e. “he/she had a runny nose”. For ῥίς (properly “nose”) in the plural with the sense “nostrils”, see LSJ s.#v. 2 (tracing the use back as far as Homer), and in comedy Epich. fr. 18.4; Ar. Av. 1081; Ra. 620; Nicostr. Com. fr. 13.5; Alex. frr. 129.17; 195.2. The proper term is µυκτήρ (e.|g. Ar. V. 1488; Antiph. fr. 216.6; Eub. fr. 75.9).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 334)

95

fr. 334 K.–A. (301 K.) γαυριῶσαι δ’ ἀναµένουσιν ὧδ’ ἐπηγλαϊσµέναι µείρακας φαιδραὶ τράπεζαι τρισκελεῖς σφενδάµνιναι 1 ὧδ’ Ath.CE : ὡς Bothe : αἵδ᾿ KaibelUUU2 µείρακας Desrousseaux : µείραξ C : µίρξ E : µείρακες ValckenaerUUUτράπεζαι σφενδάµνιναι Ath.CE Eust. : τραπέζας σφενδαµνίνας Valckenaer

and resplendent tables, thus decked-out, gladsome await young women, three-legged, made of maple-wood Ath. 2.49a τράπεζαι ἐλεφαντόποδες τῶν ἐπιθηµάτων ἐκ τῆς καλουµένης σφενδάµνου πεποιηµένων. Κρατῖνος· ―― ivory-footed tables with their tops made of what is referred to as “Montpellier maple”. Cratinus: ――

Meter"Trochaic tetrameter catalectic.

lkll rklk | lklk lkl lkll lkll | lkll lkl

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.177; Kock 1880 I.100; Blümner 1891. 45; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Henderson 1991 § 362 Text"The sense of the fragment as Kassel–Austin print it is difficult (see Interpretation), hence the conjectures in regard to 2 recorded in the apparatus. Valckenaer emended the paradosis µείραξ (thus C, which often expands abbreviations more aggressively than E does, suggesting that the latter’s µίρξ may be closer to what was found in the exemplar) to match the feminine nominative plurals with which the word is surrounded. In addition, Valckenaer converted the paradosis τράπεζαι σφενδάµνιναι into τραπέζας σφενδαµνίνας, which thus becomes the object of ἀναµένουσιν rather than its subject—or one of its subjects. Desrousseaux read µείρακας (printed here) instead, which is both a less substantial change (since the word is an emendation in any case) and makes better sense, because the tables, which cannot move under their own power, are more likely to be doing the waiting than the young women, who must then be on their way to the party. This in turn sets up a different joke, for which see Interpretation.

96

Cratinus

The sense of ὧδ’ in 1 is difficult to establish (see Interpretation), and Bothe’s ὡς and Kaibel’s αἵδ᾿ represent methodologically dubious attempts to dispose of the problem by emending it away. Citation context"From a discussion of tables with particular attention to how many feet they have in literary sources, as part of a larger discussion of banquet furniture. The Epitome manuscripts C and E—the two chief witnesses to the text of the Deipnosophists at this point—preserve only φαιδραὶ τράπεζαι τρισκελεῖς σφενδάµνιναι at 2.49b, but then under the rubric “From Book Two” offer the complete text as given above and preceded by the lemma at the end of Book 13 (in the case of C) and at the end of Book 15 (in the case of E), preceded by Men. frr. *186; 435, and followed by Antiph. frr. 242–3; Panyas. frr. 17–18, pp. 181–2 Bernabé. Apparently all this material fell out of the Epitome exemplar and was subsequently collected in a supplementary section, although how this happened and why similar material is not preserved for most of the other fourteen Books of Athenaeus is unclear. Eustathius p. 1398.22 = I.30.16 cites the final three words of 2, but has drawn them direct from the Epitome of Athenaeus and ought not to be treated as a separate witness to the text. Hsch. κ 2686 κιλλίβαντες· τραπεζῶν βάσεις καὶ ὑποθέµατα, ἢ τρισκελεῖς τράπεζαι (“killibantes: bases and supports of tables, or three-legged tables”) may in its original, non-epitomized form have contained another reference to this fragment. Interpretation"In the text as Kassel–Austin print it, with no accusatives, the humor must be that what seem at first to be attractive young women—i.|e. prostitutes, implicitly awaiting the arrival of male revelers at a party—are abruptly revealed by means of the second word in 2 to be tables, whose proud and cheerful appearance has to do with the food piled on top of them. But µεῖραξ is not an ambiguous word that might under certain circumstances be understood to mean “table” rather than “girl”, making the remark something more like nonsense than a witticism. τρισκελεῖς, on the other hand, could be either nominative or accusative, and—assuming that Desrousseaux’ µείρακας is right—what is perhaps being set up here is the puzzled response “Threelegged girls?”, which might then to be followed, once the first point is clarified, with further quibbling about whether it is possible for a τράπεζα (literally “four-footer”) to have only three feet (as in Epich. fr. 147 and Ar. fr. 545, both quoted by Athenaeus shortly after this).54 How Athenaeus (or his source) 54

Henderson suggests that the joke has to do instead with sexual penetration from behind (the girls are imagined leaning over forward and thus resembling tables);

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 334)

97

knows that the tables in question had legs made from (i.|e. inlaid with) ivory is unclear, but the detail might well go back to the original text. Much of the vocabulary is distinctly high-style, lending the description a somewhat over-the-top character. Kaibel thought the style (“dicendi genus”) better suited to so-called “Middle Comedy” and suggested that the Cratinus in question might be Cratinus Junior. That the thesis is impossible to falsify does not make it true. 1"γαυριάω"(< γαῦρος, “haughty”; perhaps related to γάνυµαι and γηθέω, both “be glad”) is rare poetic vocabulary (also Semon. fr. 10a.1; E. fr. 848 = Ba. fr. 1 Dodds; subsequently at Theoc. 25.133; Sopat. fr. 12.1); in 4thcentury Attic prose at X. Eq. 10.16 (see below on φαιδρός); D. 18.244. ὧδ(ε)"does not normally mean “here, in this spot” (LSJ s.#v. II.2), although Photius = Suda takes it that way in citing fr. 59, and the word might just as easily be equivalent to οὕτως (LSJ s.#v. I.1) in both places, as routinely elsewhere. If so, it is most naturally taken with ἐπηγλαϊσµέναι here and must refer back to some earlier description. ἐπαγλαΐζω"(< ἀγλαός, “splendid”) is attested before this only at Il. 18.133 and subsequently before the lexicographers and Church Fathers only at Ar. Ec. 575 (lyric); fr. 700 (anapaests).55 2"µεῖραξ"is confined to comedy (fr. 55; Ar. Th. 410; Ec. 611, 696, 1138; Pl. 1071, 1079; Xenarch. fr. 4.3; Men. Pk. 134)56 and is picked up as an Attic colloquialism by various Second Sophistic authors (e.|g. Luc. Gal. 13; Sol. 5; [Luc.] As. 52; Charito 1.4.2; 2.10.7). Most ancient grammarians agree that the word is properly applied only to women (Poll. 2.18; Ael. Dion. µ 12; Phryn. Ecl. 183; Orus fr. A 64; Hsch. µ 609), although it eventually came to be used of young men as well (e.|g. 4 Ma. 14:6, 8 LXX; D.S. 30.15.1; Hld. 4.19.4; 10.23.4; cf. Paus.Gr. µ 10; Moer. µ 15; Hsch. µ 610). φαιδρός"(“bright” and thus by extension “beaming [with joy], cheerful”; LSJ s.#v. I.2) is elevated poetic vocabulary, attested elsewhere in comedy only at Ar. Eq. 550 (lyric); Pax 156 (paratragic lyric); Alex. fr. 124.1 (paratragic) with Arnott 1996 ad loc., and absent from Attic prose until the late 4th century with

55 56

but in that case one would expect a reference to four legs (i.|e. two legs and two arms), not three. Henderson also garbles the context in Anaxil. fr. 22.25–6 (cited in support of his reading of Cratinus), where the speaker is actually a courtesan extorting presents from a lover, not a man asking for sexual favors. Conjectural at Antiph. fr. 294. Bianchi 2016 ad loc. mistakenly claims that µεῖραξ is also attested in 4th-century prose, citing Lys. 3.4 and Pl. Ap. 17c, in both of which (as elsewhere) the word in question is instead µειράκιον (“adolescent boy”; see Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 333.2).

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Cratinus

the exception of Xenophon (e.|g. HG 3.4.11; Mem. 3.10.4), who seems oblivious to such distinctions. τρισκελεῖς"is attested elsewhere in the sense “three-legged” only at Poll. 3 7.129 (of an artist’s easel); ΣREΓ Ar. Ach. 1122 = Suda κ 1604 (of a shield-stand).57 In the 5th century, other compounds in -σκελής are confined to the tragic poets (e.|g. βαρυσκελής (“heavy-legged, slow”) at adesp. tr. fr. 250.2; βραχυσκελής (“short-legged”) at S. fr. 314.304 (satyr play); φοινικοσκελής (“red-legged”) at E. Ion 1207; µακροσκελής (“long-legged”) at A. fr. 62), suggesting that the use of one here evokes an elevated stylistic level.58 σφενδάµνιναι"is < σφένδαµνος, “Montpellier maple” (Acer monspessulanum), the dense wood of which was, according to Thphr. HP 5.3.3, 5.7.6, used to produce fine furniture.59 The adjective is attested only here and at Ar. Ach. 181, where it metaphorically describes tough old Marathon veterans. For the suffix (Indo-European and already well attested in Homer) used inter alia to form adjectives of material, see in general Chantraine 1933. 200–3; Probert 2006. 270–6, and cf. e.|g. frr. 75.2, 3 (both ξύλινος, “wooden”); 96 (βρύτινος, “made of fermented barley”); 110 (σπάρτινος, “made of Spanish broom”); 132 (σχοίνινος, “made of reeds”); 283 (µασθλήτινος, “made of leather”); 318 (µολύβδινος, “made of lead”); Crates Com. frr. 32.1 (σκύτινος, “made of leather”, and ἐλεφάντινος, “made of ivory”), 2 (πεύκινος, “made of pine”); 41 (τριµίτινος, “made with three threads”); Pherecr. frr. 113.25 (µύρρινος, “made of myrtle”); 138.2 (µελιλώτινος, “made of melilot”); Eup. frr. 183 (µολύβδινος, made of lead“); 417 (σάρκινος, “fleshy”); 418 (σκύτινος, “made of leather”); Ar. Eq. 1171 (πίσινος, “made of peas”); Ra. 295 (βολίτινος, “made of cowshit”); Ec. 1035 (κήρινος, “made of wax”); Pl. Com. frr. 50 (κεράτινος, “made of horn”); 71.7 (ἴρινος, “made of iris”); 122.2 (ὀστράκινος, “made of clay”); 200.3 (καλάµινος, “made of reeds”); Eub. frr. 104.1 (ἑρπύλλινος, “made of thyme”), 2–3 (both µύρτινος, “made of myrtle”); 107.3 (ἀµαράκινος, “made of marjoram”); Antiph. frr. 37.3 (κινναµώµινος, “made of cinnamon”, and νάρδινος, “made of nard”); 105.4 (φοινίκινος, “made of date-palm”), 5 (σισύµβρινος, “made of mint”), 6 (ἀµαράκινος, “made of marjoram”), 7 (ἑρπύλλινος, “made of thyme”); 120.4 (σύκινος, “made of fig-wood”60); 151.1 (ἀµόργινος, “made of mallow stalks”); 164.4 (λίθινος, “made of stone”); 181.7 (πίσινος, “made of peas”); 225.11 (πρίνινος, “made of oak”); Anaxil. frr. 4 (κέραµινος, “made 57 58 59 60

Gow emends the paradosis τρισκελές at Theoc. ep. 4.3 to ἀσκελές. Note also anon. dor. fr. 11 ἐγκαλοσκελής (“having his legs in the stocks”; undated). Note also Poll. 10.35, where one of the adjectives recommended for describing couches is σφενδάµνινος. Used metaphorically of sophists in the sense “worthless”.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 335)

99

of clay”); 22.17 (ἐλάτινος, “made of pinewood”); Men. Asp. 353 (πέτρινος, “rocky”); fr. 210.2 (νάρδινος, “made of nard”). fr. 335 K.–A. (302 K.) ὡς ⟨δὲ⟩ µαλακὸν καὶ τέρεν τὸ χρωτίδιον ⟨ἦν⟩, ὦ θεοί· καὶ γὰρ ἐβλίµαζον αὐτήν, ἡ δ’ ἐφρόντιζ’ οὐδὲ ἕν 1 ⟨δέ⟩ et ⟨ἦν⟩ add. Elmsley : ⟨δὲ⟩ … ⟨ἐστ’⟩ MeinekeUUUχρωτίδιον codd. : χοιρίδιον MeinekeUUU2 ἐφρόντιζ’ Meineke : ἐφρόντιζεν codd.

And how soft and tender her sweet skin was! Ye gods! Because I was in fact running my hands all over her, and she was paying no attention whatsoever Et.Gen. AB β 146 = EM p. 200.37–49 βλιµάζειν· τὸ τιτθολαβεῖν, ἤγουν τὸ ψηλαφᾶν τὰ στήθη καὶ τοὺς µαστοὺς καὶ καταµανθάνειν τῇ ἁφῇ, ἅπτεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἀπορρήτων µελῶν τῶν γυναικείων καὶ διεγείρειν τὰς ἐπιθυµίας, ὥς φησιν Κρατῖνος· ――. λαµβάνεται δὲ ἡ λέξις καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ τὰ κηρία τῶν µελισσῶν τρυγᾶν blimazein: to take hold of breasts, i.|e. to grope someone’s chest and her breasts and examine them by feel, and to touch women’s private parts and arouse their desire, as Cratinus says: ――. The word is also understood in reference to harvesting honeybee-combs Et.Sym. I pp. 448.30–451.26 βλιµάζων· ἀποστάζων τοῦ µέλιτος, οἷον (adesp. com. fr. 776 K.)· ἡµεῖς δὲ καθάπερ οἱ ὀπωρίζοντες τοὺς Ἀττικοὺς ὀλύνθους βλιµάζοµεν. εἴρηται δὲ βλιµάζειν τὸ ψηλαφᾶν τὰ στήθη καὶ τοὺς µαστοὺς καταµανθάνειν τῇ ἁφῇ, ὥς φησι Κράτης. λαµβάνεται τρυγᾶν, ὡς Ἀριστοφάνης (Eq. 794)· ――. καὶ Σοφοκλῆς (fr. 778)· ―― blimazôn: draining off honey, for example (adesp. com. fr. 776 K.): “we blimazô, just like those who harvest the sterile Attic figs”. blimazein is used to mean to grope someone’s chest and to examine her breasts by feel, as Crates says. It is taken to mean “to harvest”, as Aristophanes (Eq. 794) (says): ――. Also Sophocles (fr. 778): ――

Meter"Trochaic tetrameter catalectic.

l〈k〉rl lklk | lkrl lkl lklk lkll | lkll lkl

Discussion"Elmsley 1811. 76; Meineke 1839 II.183; Meineke 1847 I.60; Bonanno 1972. 159–60

100

Cratinus

Text"1 as transmitted is metrically deficient, and Elmsley (comparing Ar. V. 895) offered a pair of simple but effective supplements. Meineke proposed present ἐστ’ rather than imperfect ἦν after χρωτίδιον, but the imperfects in 2 argue in favor of the latter. Meineke half-heartedly proposed replacing the paradosis χρωτίδιον (a hapax form) in 1 with the crude χοιρίδιον (“her sweet little pussy” vel sim.), but there is no reason to emend. In 2, Meineke proposed ἐφρόντιζ’ for the paradosis ἐφρόντιζεν. The latter scans, but the elided form ought nonetheless to be adopted on the ground that it eliminates an unnecessary resolution. ἐφρόντιζεν must represent scriptio plena ἐφρόντιζε with the moveable nu added at some point to avoid what appeared to be hiatus. Citation context"One of a large cluster of ancient lexicographic notes, many referring in one way or another to Ar. Av. 530 οἱ δ’ ὠνοῦνται βλιµάζοντες (“and they feel them over and make a purchase”; of people buying fresh-caught wild birds in the marketplace), but citing in addition not just Cratinus but also S. frr. 484; 778; Ar. Eq. 794; Pherecr. fr. 232, and various grammarians, and repeatedly confusing and conflating βλίµαζω (for which, see Interpretation) and βλίττω (“extract honey”; < µέλι). Cf. (without reference to Cratinus) – Harp. β 13 = Phot. β 169 βλιµάζειν· τὸ ταῖς χερσὶ διαθλίβειν. καὶ τὸ τὰ κηρία θλῖψαι βλίσαι λέγεται (“blimazein: to fondle with one’s hands. blisai is also used to mean ‘to squeeze honeycombs’”) – Hsch. β 710 βλιµάζειν· ὑποθλίβειν τοὺς µαστούς (“blimazein: to discretely fondle someone’s breasts”) – Hsch. β 741 βλιµάζειν· τὸ τιτθολαβεῖν. οἱονεὶ θλίβειν [ἢ † βαστάζειν,] καὶ τὸ τοὺς ὄρνιθας ἐκ τῶν στηθῶν πειράζειν. Ἀριστοφάνης Ὄρνισιν (530) (“blimazein: to take hold of breasts, i.|e. to squeeze [or † to evaluate] (them), and testing birds/chickens by their chests. Aristophanes in Birds (530)”) – Erot. fr. 16 (on Hp. Epid. V 1 = 5.204.5 Littré) ἐβλιµάσθη· † ἐπτίσθη †, ἐµαλάχθη, ἐθλίβη. εἴρηται δὲ παρὰ τὸ βλίσσειν, ὅ ἐστι µαλάττειν, ὡς Ἀριστοφάνης ἐν Ὄρνισί φησιν (529–30). ὁµοίως καὶ Σοφοκλῆς µέµνηται τῆς λέξεως ἐν Πανδώρᾳ (“eblimasthê: † was winnowed †, was softened, was rubbed. It is derived from blissein, i.|e. malattein (‘to soften’), as Aristophanes says in Birds (530). Sophocles likewise mentions the word in Pandora (fr. 484)”) – Tim. Lex. β 8 βλιµάζειν· πειράζειν (“blimazein: to make a pass at”) – Phot. β 168 βλιµάζειν· τὸ πειράζειν καὶ ψηλαφᾶν καὶ ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἀπορρήτων µελῶν τῶν γυναικείων καὶ διεγείρειν τὰς ἐπιθυµίας (“blimazein: to make a pass at and to grope and to touch female private parts and to arouse their desire”)

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 335)

101

– Phot. β 170 βλιµάζειν· τὸ ἐκθλῖψαι καὶ τὸ τιτθολαβεῖν καὶ ψηλαφᾶν. οὕτω Φερεκράτης (fr. 232) (“blimazein: to massage, and to take hold of breasts and grope. Thus Pherecrates (fr. 232)”) – Phot. β 171 = Synag. β 59 = Et.Gen. β 145 ~ Suda β 341 βλιµάζων· ἀποστάζων τοῦ µέλιτος (“blimazôn: draining off some of the honey”) – Suda β 341 βλιµάζειν· κυρίως τὸ τοῦ ὑπογαστρίου καὶ τοῦ στήθους ἅπτεσθαι· ὅπερ ἐποίουν οἱ τὰς ὄρνιθας ὠνούµενοι … βλιµάζειν· τὸ ταῖς χερσὶ διαθλίβειν. καὶ τὸ τὰ κηρία θλίψαι βλίσαι λέγεται (“blimazein: properly to touch the underbelly and the chest; what people buying birds used to do … blimazein: to rub with one’s hands. And blisai is also used to mean ‘to press honeycombs’”) – Suda β 343 βλίττειν· ἀφαιρεῖν τὸ µέλι ἀπὸ τῶν κηρίων, πειράζειν καὶ τὸ ψηλαφᾶν. καὶ τὸ ἐκπιέζειν τὰ κηρία τῶν µελισσῶν. θλίβειν. ἀλλὰ καθείρξας αὐτὸν βλίττεις. οὕτως Ἀριστοφάνης (Eq. 794) (“blittein: to remove the honey from the combs, to make a pass at and to grope. Also to squeeze honeybee-combs. To rub. ‘But you’ve surrounded him and you blitteis him’; thus Aristophanes (Eq. 794)”) – Et.Gud. β p. 274.4–6 βλιµάζειν· τὸ ἀποστάζειν τὸ µέλι καὶ τὸ στηθολαβεῖν, ἤγουν τὸ ψηλαφᾶν τὰ στήθη καὶ τοὺς µαστοὺς καταµανθάνειν τῇ ἁφῇ· ἢ τὸ ψηλαφᾶν τὰς ὄρνεις διὰ τὰ ὠά (“blimazein: to drain off honey and to grab someone’s chest, i.|e. groping the chest and examining the breasts by touching them; or to grope birds looking for eggs”) – Σ Ar. Av. 530 βλιµάζοντες· ὅτι νεωτερικὴ ἡ λέξις. Καλλίστρατος ἀντὶ τοῦ ψηλαφᾶν. ἔοικε δὲ πλέον τι σηµαίνειν, τὸ µετὰ συντονίας (“blimazontes: the word is a neologism. Callistratus (says that it is used) in place of ‘to grope’, but it seems to mean something more, the involvement of intensity”; going on to cite Didymus) – Lex.Rhet. AB I p. 221.17–21 βλιµάζειν· τὸ πειράζειν καὶ ψηλαφᾷν, ἐπεὶ οἱ προσκνώµενοι ταῖς γυναιξὶ βλιµάζουσι καὶ ψηλαφῶσι τοὺς τιτθοὺς καὶ τὰς πυγὰς καὶ τὰ ἄλλα µέρη ἐγείροντες τὰς ἐπιθυµίας. (“blimazein: to make a pass and grope, since those who rub themselves up against women squeeze (blimazousi) and grope their breasts and their buttocks and their other parts as a way of arousing their desire”). χρωτίδιον (1) is attested nowhere else, and Comm. on Dion. Thrax Grammatici Graeci I.3 p. 539.29–30 γίνονται δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ ἀρσενικῶν ὑποκοριστικὰ εἰς ον, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ χρώς χρωτίδιον, καὶ ἀπὸ θηλυκῶν, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ψυχή ψυχίδιον (“Hypocoristic forms in -on derive both from masculine nouns, as chrôtidion from chrôs, and from female nouns, as psychidion from psychê”) is probably a reference to this fragment.

102

Cratinus

Interpretation"As often (cf. frr. 414; 424; 446; 472), the witnesses—patently dealing with an exemplar reading simply Κρατ vel sim. and expanding ad libitum—are divided between assigning the fragment to Cratinus (Et.Gen. = EM) and Crates (Et.Sym.). This might therefore better have been treated as a dubious fragment of Cratinus and/or also have been dubiously attributed to Crates (as in Meineke and Bonanno). An exultant report on the speaker’s successful groping of a woman, with a two-part explanation in 2 regarding how the information about the quality of the woman’s flesh in 1 was obtained (actual physical touching was involved, and the touching was possible because no objection was registered). The description of the woman’s non-reaction in the second half of 2 means either that she was oblivious to what was being done to her (sc. because she thought the hands on her body represented a stranger’s helpful attempt to steady her in a treacherous situation in the street or the like), or that she was aware of the assault but failed to react to it (sc. in order to avoid being publicly shamed as a slut who had deliberately drawn attention to herself or the like). This is in any case less likely a report of a mutually satisfying romantic encounter than of what would today be described as low-level sexual assault. But the speaker shows no sign of being ashamed of himself, and it is unclear that a 5th-century Athenian theatrical audience would have thought he should, this more likely falling into the general category of “Nice work if you can get it.” For other groping scenes in comedy, Ar. Ach. 1199 (Dicaeopolis seemingly gropes one of the prostitutes’ breasts); Pax 875–6, 879–80 (the slave gropes Theoria’s buttocks); Lys. 83–4 (Lysistrata gropes Lampito’s breasts), 1162–4 (the Spartan describes his people’s desire for Reconciliation’s ass/Pylos as attempts at groping, βλιµάδδοµες); Th. 1187 (the Scythian gropes the dancing girl’s breast); Pl. 1067–8 πειρᾷ µὲν οὖν ἴσως σε καὶ τῶν τιτθίων / ἐφάπτεταί σου (“Perhaps he’s making a pass at you and feeling up your tits!”; the Young Man mockingly imagines Chremylus’ true motives with the Old Woman); Plaut. Bac. 480; Cas. 848; Rud. 423 (followed by a rebuff of the groper), and cf. the leering exchange between Peisetairos and Euelpides regarding what they would like to do with the Nightingale at Ar. Av. 667–74. 1"ὡς"is exclamatory, as in frr. 6.2; 116.1; *195.3 οἴµ’ ὡς ἁπαλὸς καὶ λευκός (“Damn! How soft and white!”; of an appealing young wine, but with sexual overtones); 205. See in general LSJ s.#v. D.I. In an erotic context, µαλακός is always a positive characteristic of the object of desire; cf. Ar. Nu. 979 µαλακὴν φυρασάµενος τὴν φωνὴν πρὸς τὸν ἐραστήν (“kneading his voice soft to speak to his lover”; of a boy); Ec. 1058 ἕπου, µαλακίων, δεῦρ’ ἁνύσας (“Hurry up and follow this way, Softie!”; the second Hag to the Young Man); Pl. 1022 τὸ βλέµµα θ’ ὡς ἔχοιµι µαλακὸν καὶ

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 335)

103

καλόν (“that I had a soft, pretty glance”; a report of flattery of a woman by a man); Antiph. fr. 101.4 µαλακαῖς καλαῖς τε χερσὶ τριφθῆναι πόδας (“and to have one’s feet rubbed by soft, pretty hands”; one of the services provided by a courtesan); Philetaer. fr. 5.1 ὡς τακερόν, ὦ Ζεῦ, καὶ µαλακὸν τὸ βλέµµ’ ἔχει (“Zeus! What a languishing, soft glance she has!”; of a courtesan); S. Ant. 782–4 Ἔρως … / ὃς ἐν µαλακαῖς παρειαῖς / νεάνιδος ἐννυχεύεις (“Eros, you who sleep upon the soft cheeks of a young girl”). For soft skin, also E. Med. 1403 µαλακοῦ χρωτὸς ψαῦσαι τέκνων (“to touch the soft skin of my children”). τέρην"is exclusively poetic vocabulary (paired with µαλακός at Sapph. or Alc. fr. 16.3 πο〈ί〉ας τέρεν ἄνθος µάλακον µάτεισαι, “treading upon the delicate, soft bloom of the grass”). Also in erotic contexts at e.|g. Hes. Op. 522 τέρενα χρόα (“soft skin”; of a lovely, marriageable young woman); Archil. fr. S478(a).6 καλὴ τέρεινα παρθένος (“a pretty, tender young woman”); Thgn. 261 παρὰ παιδὶ τερείνῃ (“beside a tender girl”); Hippon. fr. 120 εἴ µοι γένοιτο παρθένος καλή τε καὶ τέρεινα (“If only I could have a pretty, tender young woman!”). The diminutive χρωτίδιον is attested only here and in the commentary on Dionysius Thrax noted in Citation context. Petersen 1910. 237 includes the word in a very small subclass of diminutives that supposedly add the sense “soft”, citing as a second example πιλίδιον (“little hat”) at Antiph. fr. 35.4. But πιλίδιον is modified in Antiphanes by ἁπαλός (“soft”), just as χρωτίδιον is here modified by two adjectives with approximately the same sense, making it clear that in this case the diminutive ending has some other function. Most likely it signals the speaker’s longing for the woman’s skin, implicitly capturing his reaction to his discovery that it was µαλακὸς καὶ τέρην to the touch; cf. τὠφθαλµιδίω (“your two sweet little eyes”) at Ar. Eq. 909 and κλινίδιον (“a nice little κλίνη”) at Ar. Lys. 916. The form is typical of colloquial Attic; see in general López-Eire 1996. 137–44. Although ὦ θεοί looks like a bland colloquial oath, this specific formulation is in fact entirely confined in the classical period to Athenian tragedy (e.|g. S. Ph. 779; fr. 874.1; E. Hel. 72; Or. 385) and comedy (e.|g. Chionid. fr. 5; Ar. Ach. 1058; Eq. 1309; Th. 905; Antiph. frr. 59.3; 161.2; 181.6; Alex. fr. 168.7; Men. Epitr. 489). 2"For καὶ γάρ, see Denniston 1950. 108–9. The uses of βλιµάζω (etymology uncertain) at Ar. Av. 530 (quoted and translated in Citation context) and Hp. Epid. V 1 = 5.204.5 Littré (a physician massages a patient’s abdomen), along with some of the lexicographic notes collected in Citation context, combine to suggest that the word can refer to exploratory palpitations of any sort and does not have a specifically sexual meaning, even if much “groping” is inevitably sexual in character (also Ar. Lys.

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1164, of the Spartans groping after Reconciliation’s ass/Pylos).61 5th-century Athenian vocabulary and accordingly picked up by one of the characters in Lucian’s Lexiphanes (12), who appears to use it to refer to masturbation. οὐδὲ ἕν"is adverbial. οὐδὲ ἕν, οὐδὲ εἷς, µηδὲ ἕν and µηδὲ εἷς are generally taken to be emphatic forms (for οὐδέν, οὐδείς, µηδέν and µηδείς, respectively), and their absence from tragedy suggests that they were felt to be colloquial. See in general Moorhouse 1962. 245–6.

fr. 336 K.–A. (303 K.) γλαῦκον οὐ πρὸς παντὸς 〈ἀνδρός〉 ἐστιν ἀρτῦσαι καλῶς πρός del. et γλαῦκον post ἐστιν transp. K.–A.UUU〈ἀνδρός〉 add. CasaubonUUU

Not every 〈man〉 can season a glaukos well Ath. 2.67f–8a (ἀρτύµατα) τὸ δὲ ῥῆµα κεῖται παρὰ Σοφοκλεῖ (fr. dub. 1112)· ――. Κρατῖνος· ――. Εὔπολις (fr. 365)·―― (artymata, “seasonings”) And the verb is found in Sophocles (fr. dub. 1112): ――. Cratinus: ――. Eupolis (fr. 365): ――

Meter"As printed above, trochaic tetrameter catalectic.

lkll lk〈lk〉 | lkll lkl

But see Text.

Discussion"Casaubon 1621. 87; Grotius 1626. 489; Kock 1880 I.101; Kassel ap. K.–A.; Lelli 2006. 132–3

61

Contrast the view of Henderson 1991 § 319 (followed by Dunbar 1995 on Ar. Av. 530, excluding the passage of Hippocrates as not Attic Greek), who takes the handling of the birds in the marketplace that Peisetairos denounces to be presented as insulting because the standard meaning of βλιµάζω was sexual. LSJ s.#v. I.1 glosses the verb “feel hens to see if they are fat, Ar. Av. 530” (where wild birds, however, rather than hens are in question) and includes as an example of the sexualized sense S. fr. 484, although Erotian tells us only that Sophocles used the word in Pandôra and his note suggests that he took it to mean “palpitate, massage” not only in Hippocrates but also in Birds.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 336)

105

Text"The line as transmitted is unmetrical. Casaubon, comparing e.|g. Ar. fr. dub. 928 οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐς Κόρινθόν ἔσθ’ ὁ πλοῦς (“not every man can make the voyage to Corinth”, where high-class prostitutes were supposedly abundant), added ἀνδρός to produce a trochaic tetrameter catalectic. Kassel– Austin compare in addition Nicol. Com. fr. 1.26 (quoted in Interpretation) and suggest as an alternative deleting πρός and transposing γλαῦκον to after ἐστιν, yielding an iambic trimeter. But this is far more complicated than Casaubon’s correction, which merely assumes that a copyist’s eye jumped from one -ὸς to the next, resulting in the omission of a word. Citation context"From a section of the Deipnosophists (2.67f–8a, preserved only in the Epitome) on ἀρτύµατα (“seasonings”) and related words, located near the end of a discussion of culinary items such as pepper, oil, vinegar and fish-sauce. Interpretation"Perhaps a boast by someone whose point is that he has the allegedly rare skill in question. That the remark riffs on the proverb that lies behind Ar. fr. dub. 928 (quoted in Text), as Nicol. Com. fr. 1.26 οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐπὶ τράπεζάν ἐσθ’ ὁ πλοῦς (“not every man can make the voyage to a dinner table”) clearly does, is possible. But this is better thought of as a simple, banal formulation, as at e.|g. Hdt. 7.153.4; Pl. Cra. 388e, 391b; La. 196d; Hp. Fract. 11 = 3.454.4 Littré; Arist. Pol. 1308b14–15, and see below on πρός. For the use of πρός, e.|g. Ar. Eq. 191–2 ἡ δηµαγωγία γὰρ οὐ πρὸς µουσικοῦ / ἔτ’ ἐστὶν ἀνδρὸς οὐδὲ χρηστοῦ τοὺς τρόπους (“for political leadership is no longer for an educated man or one with decent manners”) with van Leeuwen 1900 ad loc.; V. 369 ταῦτα µὲν πρὸς ἀνδρός ἐστ’ ἄνοντος εἰς σωτηρίαν (“These actions are the mark of a man moving forward to save himself”); Th. 177–8 (~ E. fr. 28); Ra. 534 ταῦτα µὲν πρὸς ἀνδρός ἐστι νοῦν ἔχοντος (“These actions are the mark of a man who has sense”); Philetaer. fr. 11.1 οὐ πρὸς γυναικὸς ὁ κόρος (“Being satisfied isn’t characteristic of a woman”); S. Ai. 581–2 οὐ πρὸς ἰατροῦ σοφοῦ / θρηνεῖν ἐπῳδὰς πρὸς τοµῶντι πήµατι (“It’s not the mark of a wise doctor to wail incantations over a pain that requires surgery”); fr. 319 ἐσθλοῦ πρὸς ἀνδρὸς πάντα γενναίως φέρειν (“It’s a mark of a good man to bear everything nobly”); E. Hel. 950–1 πρὸς ἀνδρὸς εὐγενοῦς / ἐν ξυµφοραῖσι δάκρυ’ ἀπ’ ὀφθαλµῶν βαλεῖν (“It’s characteristic of a noble man to shed tears in misfortune”); and see LSJ s.#v. A.IV; Poultney 1936. 188. A γλαῦκος is a large fish similar to a shark or dogfish, although Aristotle claims that it has anatomical features that sharks and dogfish lack (HA 508b13–25); no precise identification is possible. See in general Thompson 1957. 48. For γλαῦκος as a delicacy, also Ar. fr. 380.2; Amphis fr. 22; Antiph. fr. 221.1–2 (a small one stewed in brine); Axionic. fr. 6.14 (a stewed steak); Philem.

106

Cratinus

fr. 82.20–1; adesp. com. fr. 1146.1, and in catalogues of foodstuffs and the like at fr. 171.50; Epich. frr. 44; 87; 164; Amphis fr. 16; Alex. fr. 115.8; Anaxipp. fr. 1.40. For γλαῦκος as the main ingredient of a spicy stew, see Sotad. Com. fr. 1.5–7 (to be cooked with green herbs, cumin, salt and olive oil). For eating the head of a γλαῦκος, Sannyr. fr. 3; Anaxandr. fr. 31.1–2; Antiph. frr. 77.2; 130.4; Amphis fr. 35.2; Bato fr. 5.16–18; Archestr. fr. 21.1. ἀρτῦσαι"For the verb—properly “prepare, organize” (cognate with ἀραρίσκω, “fit together”, and Lat. artus, “limb”)—in the sense “prepare a meal, cook”, cf. Pherecr. fr. 113.23; Eup. fr. 365; Anaxipp. fr. 1.41; hDem. 128; Arist. EN 1118a29.

fr. 337 K.–A. (304 K.) εὐπρόσωπος ἦσθ’ ὀνόµατος οὐδὲν ἐπὶ χεῖρας φορῶν εὐπρόσωπος Eust. : εὐπρόσοιστος KockUUUφορῶν scripsimus : φέρων Eust.

You were good-looking, even though you wore no name as far as your hands Eust. p. 1430.22–5 = i.77.7–11 σηµείωσαι δὲ ὅτι ἐνταῦθα µὲν ἁπλῶς εἷµα ἔφη ὁ ποιητής, ὅτε δὲ µέγα φᾶρος εἴπῃ (Il. 8.221; Od. 8.84; 15.61), παροιµίαν ποιεῖ τὴν λέγουσαν “ἐπὶ χεῖρας φέρειν” ἤγουν ἔνδοξον εἶναι, ὡς ἀπὸ τῶν µεγάλα φασὶν ἱµάτια ἐχόντων [ὡς] µείζονα εἶναι τὴν ἐπιβολήν. Κρατῖνος· ――, ἤγουν οὐ µέγα ἔχων ὄνοµα, οὐδὲ φαινόµενος κατὰ τοὺς οὕτω µεγαλοείµονας, ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ χειρῶν φέρειν τὰς ᾤας Note that the poet said simply “garment” (heima) here, whereas when he says “a large robe” (mega pharos; Il. 8.221; Od. 8.84; 15.61), he produces the fixed phrase that says “to bear as far as one’s hands”, i.|e. to be noteworthy, as from those who have large robes, they say, the impression is greater. Cratinus: ――, i.|e. although you (sing.) had no great reputation and did not appear like men who wear such large robes that they wear the edges as far as their hands

Meter"Trochaic tetrameter catalectic.

lklk lkrk | lkrl lkl

Discussion"Grotius 1626. 495; Kock 1880 I.101; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Lelli 2006. 122

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 337)

107

Text"Kock—assuming for no good reason that the fragment referred to Cimon or someone similar—suggested emending the paradosis εὐπρόσωπος to εὐπρόσοιστος (“approachable”). φορέω rather than φέρω is the appropriate verb when wearing clothing or the like is in question; see Interpretation. Citation context"A note on Od. 2.3 εἵµατα ἑσσάµενος, περὶ δὲ ξίφος ὀξὺ θέτ᾽ ὤµῳ (“putting on his clothes; and he placed a sharp sword about his shoulder”). Cf. ΣA Il. 8.221 πρὸς τὸ ἔχων ἐν χειρί, τί ποτε σηµαίνει; ὁ µὲν Ἀπολλόδωρος, ὅτι περιειλήσας εἶχεν ἐν τῇ χειρί, ὁ δὲ ∆ιονύσιος, πρὸς τὸ κατασείειν εὐθέτως λαβόµενος τοῦ φάρους (“As for ‘having in hand’, what in the world does that mean? Apollodorus (maintains that it means) that he folded it up and held it in his hand, whereas Dionysius (maintains that it means that) he took hold of his robe and shook it to give it a suitable appearance”). Interpretation"A comment addressed to an individual who was once handsome but obscure, but playing on the idea that he was once handsome but impoverished (with “no name” substituted for the expected “no robe” vel sim., the idea being that a wealthy person has all the fabric he needs and more, whereas a poor man can barely cover himself). The real point of the remark is surely that now, by contrast, the addressee is either less attractive or more famous, and—this being the nature of things—probably both. There is no other evidence for the (supposed) proverb ἐπὶ χεῖρας φέρειν (better φορεῖν; see Text), and the only evidence for it may in fact have been the fragment of Cratinus. εὐπρόσωπος"(first attested at A. Ch. 969 (corrupt)) can be used of boys (e.|g. Ar. Pl. 976; X. Mem. 1.3.10; Pl. Chrm. 154d) or women (e.|g. Ar. Pax 617; Ra. 410; Anaxandr. fr. 9.5), and by extension of anything superficially attractive (e.|g. Hdt. 7.168.2; E. Ph. 1336; D. 18.149, all of words); of an adult man only at S. Ai. 1009 (with the unusual sense “bearing a pleasant expression on his face”). The word is picked up so aggressively by Lucian in particular (e.|g. JTr. 8; Vit.Auct. 1) that it is tempting to believe that it was regarded in the Roman period as characteristic of good classical style. For ὀνόµατος οὐδέν, literally “nothing of a name”, meaning “no name at all”, cf. Ar. Ach. 1021 εἰρήνης τί (“a bit of peace”); Eq. 985–6 τόδ(ε) … τῆς ὑοµουσίας (“this example of his bad taste”); Ra. 1045 τῆς Ἀφροδίτης οὐδέν (“no Aphrodite at all”; Euripides is speaking); Xenarch. fr. 14.2 οὐδ᾿ ὁτιοῦν φωνῆς (“no trace of a voice”); [A.] PV 341 προθυµίας … οὐδὲν ἐλλείπεις (“you are deficient in no eagerness at all”, i.|e. “you display complete eagerness”); and see in general Poultney 1936. 68.

108

Cratinus

For ἐπὶ χεῖρας, see Eustathius’ comments (quoted above) when he cites the line; Kock glosses “tam amplis uti vestibus, ut orae etiam super manus defluant”. For the use of φορέω in comedy, see fr. 327.2 with n. fr. 338 K.–A. (305 K.) καὶ Πολυµνήστει’ ἀείδει µουσικήν τε µανθάνει 3

Πολυµνήστει’ ἀείδει ΣVEΓ M Suda : Πολυµνήστεια δ΄ ᾄδει HerwerdenUUUτε µανθάνει om. ΣM

and he’s singing Polymnêsteia and learning mousikê 3

ΣVEΓ Μ Ar. Eq. 1287 Πολυµνήστεια· µέλη Πολυµνήστου Κολοφωνίου· κιθαρῳδὸς δὲ ἦν οὗτος. Κρατῖνος· ――. κωµῳδεῖται δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς. Πολύµνηστος δὲ καὶ Οἰώνιχος ὅµοιοι ἀρρητοποιοί Polymnêsteia: lyrics by Polymnestus of Colophon; this man was a citharode. Cratinus: ――. But this man is also mocked in the same [passage]. Polymnestus and Oeonichus were similar practitioners of vice Suda π 1988 Πολύµνηστος καὶ Ἀριφράδης καὶ Οἰώνιχος ἀρρητοποιοί. καὶ Πολυµνήστεια δὲ καὶ αὕτη κωµῳδεῖται ἐπὶ αἰσχρότητι. Κρατῖνος· ――. Ἀριστοφάνης (Eq. 1287–9)· ―― Polymnestus and Ariphrades and Oeonichus were practitioners of vice. And Polymnesteia herself is mocked in comedy for shameful behavior. Cratinus: ――. Aristophanes (Eq. 1287–9): ―― Hsch. π 2891 Πολυµνήστειον ᾄδειν· εἶδός τι µελοποιΐας τὸ Πολυµνήστειον. ἦν δὲ Κολοφώνιος µελοποιὸς ὁ Πολύµνηστος, εὐµελὴς πάνυ to sing a Polymnêsteion: The Polymnêsteion is a type of lyric poetry. And Polymnestus was a lyric poet from Colophon, (and was) quite melodious ~ Phot. π 1049 Πολυµνήστειον ἀείδειν· γένος τι µελοποιΐας· Κολοφώνιος δὲ ὁ Πολύµνηστος to sing a Polymnêsteion: a genre of lyric poetry. And Polymnestus was from Colophon

Meter"Trochaic tetrameter catalectic.

lkll lkll | lklk lkl

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 338)

109

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.221–2; Bergk 1853. 1083; Herwerden 1864. 3; Kock 1880 I.101–2; Crusius 1889. 40; Wilamowitz 1900. 13 Text"Herwerden proposed Πολυµνήστεια δ΄ ᾄδει for the paradosis Πολυµνήστει’ ἀείδει on the ground that ἀείδω is restricted to lyric in 5thcentury comedy (Eup. fr. 148.2; Ar. Eq. 1266; Lys. 1243; Th. 115). But since the topic of discussion is mousikê (i.|e. “literature”; cf. Interpretation), this may be deliberate stylistic coloring.62 Citation context"A note on the reference to the allegedly disgusting Ariphrades at Ar. Eq. 1287 as inter alia καὶ Πολυµνήστεια ποιῶν καὶ ξυνὼν Οἰωνίχῳ (“both writing Polymnêsteia and associating with Oeonichus”); likely drawn from a catalogue of kômôidoumenoi. Hsch. π 2891 ~ Phot. π 1049 (traced by Theodoridis to Diogenianus), neither with any specific mention of Cratinus but patently referring to this verse, must go back to the same source. The entry in the Suda, on the other hand, seems to be drawn direct from the Aristophanic scholia (like many other such notes), but has garbled the information the scholion preserves by taking Cratinus’ Πολυµνήστει(α) to be a feminine nominative singular. Another fragment of the same note is preserved at Suda α 3940. Interpretation"At Ar. Eq. 1287 (quoted in Citation context), Πολυµνήστεια seem to be a dubious genre. There is no hint of that in the line from Cratinus, so either opinions differed on the matter or the remark has an ironic bite (not necessarily intended by the speaker). The noun Polymnêsteia implies the existence of a Polymnestus, and a canned Roman-era history of Greek song traditionally assigned to Plutarch reports that Polymnestus son of Meles of Colophon—presumably to be identified with the Polymnestus of Colophon whom the Aristophanic scholion calls a citharode—was a contemporary of Sacadas of Argos (Mor. 1134a–b, 1135c), putting him in the first half of the 6th century BCE. [Plutarch] also claims (Mor. 1133b) that Polymnestus was mentioned by Alcman (PMG 145) and Pindar (fr. 188), although without quoting either passage; associates him (Mor. 1134c–d) with orthioi nomoi (for which, see Olson 2002 on Ar. Ach. 15–16); and credits him (Mor. 1141b) with inventing the Hypolydian mode. See in general West 1992. 164 n. 9, 334–5, 359. None of this information inspires much confidence, particularly since Alcman belongs a century or so earlier than where [Plutarch] places Polymnestus, raising the possibility that Alcman (like Pindar after him?) merely used a form of the poetic adjective

62

Cf. Men. fr. 163.1 (mock-epic, but in iambic trimeter).

110

Cratinus

πολύµνηστος (“much-remembering”) and that the passage was eventually twisted into a fragment of literary biography; cf. S. fr. 765 ap. Ath. 13.592a–b (manufacturing a late-life love affair for the poet out of a stray word). Kock (followed by Crusius) suggested that Polymnestus of Colophon—whoever he was and whatever he wrote—has been conflated in the ancient sources with another Polymnestus, who was an author of erotica63 and to whose compositions Cratinus and Aristophanes are referring. The claim in the scholion to Aristophanes (taken over in the Suda) that Polymnestus was a pervert seems in any case to be a deduction from the assertion in Knights that Polymnêsteia were written by Ariphrades (PA 2201; PAA 202305), who is mocked for his supposed fondness for performing cunnilingus in brothels at Ar. Eq. 1280–9; V. 1280–1, 1283.64 For the contrast between uncontracted poetic ἀείδω and ᾄδω (the normal, contracted Attic form of the verb), see Text. µουσική"is a broad term that is not restricted to vocal or instrumental “music”, but also refers more generally to what we would call literary learning of other sorts; e.|g. Eup. fr. 392.8 (in reference to work as a playwright) with Olson 2014 ad loc.; Ar. Eq. 188–9 οὐδὲ µουσικὴν ἐπίσταµαι / πλὴν γραµµάτων (“I don’t know any mousikê except letters [of the alphabet]”), 191–2 (political leadership is no longer a position for a man who is mousikos, i.|e. educated rather than a coarse market-vendor); Antiph. fr. 207.6 (describing Philoxenus’ poetic gifts as a whole); and see in general Morgan 1999. For the noun with a form of µανθάνω, e.|g. Eup. fr. 4; Theophil. fr. 5.2–3. fr. 339 K.–A. (295 K.) δασὺν ἔχων τὸν πρωκτὸν ἅτε κυρήβι’ ἐσθίων κυρήβι’ Kulenkamp : κηρύβι’ EM

having (masc. sing.) a bushy asshole, inasmuch as he eats bran EM p. 512.8–14 κυρηβίων· καθαρµατῶδες ἐστὶ τὸ ὄνοµα· κυρήβια γὰρ κυρίως τὰ ἀποβράσµατα τῶν κυάµων. Κρατῖνος· ――. εἰ µὴ ἄρα περιεκτικὴ ἔννοια ἐστὶν ἕνεκα ἐµφάσεως καὶ ὑγιῶς 63 64

i.|e. “Ionian songs”, as at Ar. Ec. 883; cf. the attack on Gnesippus’ music as intended for seducing women at Eup. fr. 148. Nothing else is known of Oeonichus (PA 11371; PAA 741555) except perhaps the reference in the phrase Οἰωνίχου µουσεῖον at Hsch. ο 454 (= adesp. com. fr. 396).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 339)

111

ὀξύνεται, ὡς ἄπειρος ἀπείρων καὶ ἄναιµος ἀναίµων· οὕτω κατάπυγος καταπύγων καταπύγονος· καὶ συστέλλεται ἐν τῇ γενικῇ kyrêbiôn: the word/name pertains to purgatives; because kyrêbia are properly beanpods. Cratinus: ――. Unless of course the sense is collective for the sake of emphasis (?) and it is correctly accented with an acute, like ápeiros (“inexperienced”) apeírôn and ánaimos (“bloodless”) anaímôn. Thus katápygos (“taking it up the ass”) (but) katapýgôn katapýgonos (gen.); and (the long syllable) is reduced in the genitive65

Meter"Probably iambic tetrameter catalectic.

klkl llkr | klkl kl〈l〉

Alternatively, Meineke suggested that this might be the remains of two iambic trimeters.

〈xlkl xlkl〉 klkl llkr klk|l kl〈kl〉

Discussion"Kulenkamp 1819. 919; Meineke 1839 II.184–5; Cobet 1858. 147; Luppe 1967. 398–9 Text"The paradosis κηρύβι’ is an easy misspelling of a rare word (also at e.|g. Theognos. Can. 205; Phot. Bibl. 530a) facilitated by the fact that eta and upsilon eventually came to be pronounced alike; corrected by Kulenkamp. Cobet proposed adding ἀεί at the end of the line to fill out Meineke’s proposed second trimeter. Citation context"A confusing—because condensed?—lexicographic note that perhaps commented originally on the use of Κυρηβίων as a nickname for one of Aeschines’ relatives at D. 19.287; cf. Phot. κ 1242 (~ Suda κ 2754) Κυρηβίων· ∆ηµοσθένης ἐν τῷ κατ’ Αἰσχίνου· ἐπώνυµόν ἐστιν Ἐπικράτους τοῦ Αἰσχίνου κηδεστοῦ (“Kurêbiôn: Demosthenes in his Against Aeschines; this is a nickname of Aeschines’ kinsman Epicrates”). Cratinus is cited simply to show that κυρήβια (whence κυρηβίων, however understood) means “bean-pods”. Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.1 p. 20.10–12 seems to claim that the word is actually to be accented on the ultima: σεσηµείωται τὸ Κνακιών ὄνοµα ποταµοῦ καὶ Ἀσιών· ἔστι δὲ ὄνοµα ὄρους· καὶ κυρηβιών, σηµαίνει δὲ τὸν καθαρµατώδη, καὶ τὸ δοθιών τὸ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ λεγόµενον ἀντὶ τοῦ δοθιήν (“noted as exceptions66 are Knakiôn, the name of a river, and Asiôn; this is the name of a

65 66

I.e. yielding genitive singular κυρηβίονος from nominative singular κυρηβίων. I.e. because these words take an acute accent on the ultima rather than the penult.

112

Cratinus

mountain; also kyrêbiôn, which denotes someone connected with cleansing, and dothiôn, which is used colloquially in place of dothiên”).67 Interpretation"Part of a description of a man that explains an aspect of his physique (and by extension his character; see below) by reference to his diet. To have a hairy crotch—here, more crudely put, “a bushy asshole”—is a mark of virility at Ar. Lys. 801–4 καὶ Μυρωνίδης γὰρ ἦν / τραχὺς ἐντεῦθεν µελάµπυ/ γός τε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἅπασιν·/ ὣς δὲ καὶ Φορµίων (“Yes, for Myronides was tough on this account”, i.|e. that his crotch featured an enormous “thicket”, “and black-assed to all our enemies; and so was Phormio”) with Henderson 1987 ad loc.; Archil. fr. 178 (a reference to Heracles as µελάµπυγος) with Diogenian. 6.38 (glossing the adjective “manly and strong”; cf. Hdt. 7.216, where the “black-assed one” must again be Heracles); Pl. Com. fr. 3.1 ὦ Κινύρα, βασιλεῦ Κυπρίων, ἀνδρῶν δασυπρώκτων (“O Kinyras, king of the Cyprians, bushy-assholed men”); Eub. fr. 61.3 ἐγὼ δέ γ’ εἰµὶ τῶν µελαµπύγων ἔτι (“I’m still one of the black-butts”, i.|e. by no means reduced to cowardice); Luc. Pseudol. 32 ἀνὴρ δασὺς καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ἀρχαῖον, µελάµπυγος (“a man who is bushy and, as they put it in the old days, black-assed”); Hsch. λ 739 λευκόπυγος· ὁ ἄνανδρος. ἔµπαλιν δὲ µελαµπύγους τοὺς ἀνδρείους ἔλεγον (“white-assed: an effeminate man. On the other hand, they called virile men black-assed”); µ 641 µελάµπυγος· ἀνδρεῖος. τοὺς γὰρ δασεῖς τὰς πυγὰς ἀνδρείους ἐνόµιζον (“black-assed: virile. For they regarded those with bushy asses as virile”); Fraenkel 1950 on A. Ag. 115. Why eating bran would make a man courageous is unclear, and the logic of the remark perhaps runs the other way around: the individual in question is tough enough to live on bran, and he must therefore be an extremely formidable character; cf. Pherecr. fr. 172 τὴν γαστέρ᾿ ᾔων κἀχύρων σεσαγµένους (“men whose bellies are stuffed with bean-stalks and chaff”). Meineke detected a reference to the “hemp-dealer” Eucrates of the deme Melite (PA 5759; PAA 437755), who is mentioned at Ar. Eq. 129–30 (424 BCE) alongside Lysicles (PA 9417; PAA 614815) and Cleon (PA 8674; PAA 579130) as an example of a new generation of Athenian politicians made up of wealthy businessmen lacking a traditional aristocratic lineage and education; he may also have served as general in 432/1 BCE (IG I3 365.5 = PAA 437450). The scholia 67

Cf. Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 724.4–7 εἰ δὲ µόνως ἀρσενικά ἐστι, φυλάττει τὸ ω οἷον Κνακιών Κνακιῶνος, Ἀσιών Ἀσιῶνος, κυρηβιών κυρηβιῶνος, ἀνθεστηριών ἀνθεστηριῶνος, δοθιών δοθιῶνος τὸ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ λεγόµενον ἀντὶ τοῦ δοθιήν (“but if (the nouns) are exclusively masculine, they preserve the omega e.|g. Knakiôn Knakiônos, Asiôn Asiônos, kyrebiôn kyrebiônos, anthestêriôn anthestêriônos, dothiôn dothiônos, which is used colloquially in place of dothiên”).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 339)

113

take the point of Ar. Eq. 253–4 (Eucrates fled εὐθὺ τῶν κυρηβίων, “straight to the bran”, i.|e. “straight to the bran-market”;68 see Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 327 for the use of commodity-names to designate the place in the Agora where they were sold) and Ar. fr. 716 καὶ σὺ κυρηβιοπῶλα, / Εὔκρατες στύππαξ (“and you the bran-seller, Eucrates the Hempster”) to be that Eucrates made his living as a dealer in fibrous plant-matter generally, and Meineke’s thesis gains support from the fact that Aristophanes also mocked a man named Eucrates as a Μελιτεὺς κάπρος (“boar from Melite”; fr. 149, from Gêras), which Phot. µ 236 claims was another reference to his hairiness (ἐπεὶ δασύς ἐστιν), while Hsch. µ 728 adds that καὶ σῦν αὐτὸν ἄντικρυς ἐκάλουν, ἴσως µὲν διὰ δασύτητα, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄρκτον αὐτόν φασι πολλαχοῦ (“they used to refer to him outright as a pig, perhaps on account of his hairiness, since they also speak of him everywhere as a bear”).69 Suda σ 1257 also refers to Eucrates (under the nickname Στύππαξ (codd. Στύγαξ); cf. Ar. fr. 716, quoted above) as a traitor and an accepter of bribes, and says that he was put to death by the Thirty. But this represents confusion with Eucrates son of Nikeratos of the deme Kydantidae (PA 5757; PAA 437715) the brother of Nicias, who served as general in 412/1 BCE (cf. Ar. Lys. 103) and again in 405/4 BCE in the aftermath of the disaster at Arginousae, after which his opposition to the Thirty led to his death (cf. Lys. 18.4–5), and perhaps with another homonym as well (since neither Eucrates is elsewhere accused of taking bribes). Cf. Phot. ε 1601, and see in general Kagan 1989. 126–8. For δασύς (uncertain etymology) in the sense “shaggy” vel sim., e.|g. Hippon. fr. 43.2 (a robe); Ar. Nu. 325 (used substantively to mean “thickets” of brush); Ec. 61 (of unshaved armpits); Eub. fr. 106.2, 8 (also of a πρωκτός); Philem. fr. 134.1 (of a cloak); Men. Dysc. 120 and Epitr. 242 (both of a thicket); Bato fr. 7.9 (οἱ δασεῖς as full-grown men, as opposed to those who are younger and “smooth”). πρωκτός"(Indo-European vocabulary) is the crude vox propria for the anus. The word is attested before the Roman period only at Hippon. fr. 107.32 and in comedy (e.|g. fr. 3; Epich. fr. 113.158; Hermipp. fr. 54.3; Pl. Com. fr. 189.22; Eub. fr. 106.6; Anaxandr. fr. 42.68), which means not that it was a rare or unfamiliar vocabulary item, but only that authors working in other genres judged it too ugly for their purposes. See in general Henderson 1991 § 499.

68 69

LSJ s.#v. II suggests “bran-shop” as a one-off definition at Ar. Eq. 254, but a “shop” is not obviously in question. Not included among the Kassel–Austin adespota comic fragments, although comedy seems the obvious source for such material.

114

Cratinus

Causal ἅτε is common in comedy (Ar. Pax 623, 634; Av. 75, 285; Lys. 418; Th. 456; Ra. 546 (lyric), 671; Ec. 37, 257) and prose (e.|g. Hdt. 1.102.2; Th. 4.94.1; X. HG 2.3.15), and the fact that it is confined in tragedy to lyric (S. El. 168; E. Or. 206 [corrupt]) must accordingly mean not that it is an elevated form, but that it was judged too colloquial to use except when the meter required it. κυρήβι(α)"(etymology uncertain) is normally glossed “chaff, bran” or the like (e.|g. Poll. 1.248 τὰ γὰρ φαυλότερα τῶν πυρῶν κυρήβια καλεῖται, “the less desirable portion of the wheat is called kurêbia”; Phot. κ 918 ~ Suda κ 1985 τὰ µὲν κυρήβια πίτυρά ἐστιν, “kurêbia are chaff”), although Hsch. κ 4668 καὶ κυάµων λέπυρα (“also bean-pods”) seems to support the more extended meaning offered by the EM. Erotian κ 68 calls the word an Atticism, but it is common in Hippocrates (e.|g. Nat. Mul. 58 = 7.398.5 Littré). For bran in general, see Blümner 1898 I2.55; Moritz 1958. 153–6, 162–3.

fr. 340 K.–A. (365 K.) ἄξιος λαβεῖν ὁ µισθός The wage70 is worth getting Suda α 2819 = Synag. B α 1551 ――· τοῦτο τῶν εἰς κάλλος ἠσκηµένων. σηµαίνει δέ τοιόνδε τι · ἄξιός ἐστιν ὁ µισθὸς ὥστε λαµβάνειν αὐτόν. ἔστι δὲ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ. Ὅµηρος δὲ πρῶτος ἐχρήσατο τῷ σχήµατι τούτῳ (Il. 24.243)· ῥηΐτεροι γὰρ ἔσεσθε κείνου τεθνεῶτος ἐναιρέµεν. καὶ πάλιν (Il. 12.63)· ἡ δὲ µάλ’ ἀργαλέη περάαν· σκόλοπες γὰρ ἐν αὐτῇ. καὶ Σοφοκλῆς (E. Med. 319)· γυνὴ γὰρ ὀξύθυµος, ὡς δ’ αὕτως ἀνὴρ, ῥᾴων φυλάσσειν ἢ σιωπηλὸς σοφός. ὁ δὲ νοῦς· ῥᾷον ἄν τις φυλάξαιτο τὸν ὀξύθυµον ἢ τὸν κρύπτοντα διὰ σιγῆς τὴν ὀργήν ――: this is said of items that are beautifully wrought, but it means something like this: the wage is worth enough to take it. (The expression) is in Cratinus, but Homer was the first to use this construction (Il. 24.243): For you will be easier to kill when he is dead. And again (Il. 12.63): it is very difficult to cross; for there are stakes in it. Also Sophocles (E. Med. 319): for a woman with an explosive temper, as also a man, is easier to guard against than a wise man who keeps quiet. And the sense: a person would more easily be on guard against a man with an explosive temper than against one who conceals his anger in silence

70

The translation at Storey 2011. 413 ignores the definite article (“A fee worth receiving”) and thus misses the sense.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 341)

115

Meter"The words scan lklklklx and are most likely trochaic dimeter (lklk lklk) or trochaic tetrameter catalectic (lklk lklx 〈lklx lkl〉). They can also be made to fit in iambic trimeter (e.|g. 〈x〉 lkl klkl x〈lkl〉), but the lines thus produced lack a normal penthemimeral or hepthemimeral caesura, making this an undesirable solution. Discussion"Kock 1880 I.117 Citation context"From the common source of the Suda and the Synagoge B generally referred to as Σ΄. de Borries traced the material to Phrynichus (PS fr. *227). Interpretation"For the limiting use of an infinitive with adjectives and nouns (the so-called “epexegetic infinitive”) in comedy, e.|g. fr. 299.1; Eup. fr. 308; Ar. Eq. 596, and see in general Smyth 1956 §§ 2005–6. For the use of ἄξιος in reference to a “worthy” price or the like, e.|g. Od. 15.388 ὁ δ’ ἄξιον ὦνον ἔδωκε; 20.383 ἄξιον ἄλφοι; E. Hipp. 623 with Barrett 1964 ad loc.; LSJ s.#v. I.3.a.71 µισθός"(attested already in Mycenaean at KN 29 = Am 821; elsewhere in comedy at e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 37.3; Eup. fr. 11; Ar. Ach. 66) is old Indo-European vocabulary. For the combination with a form of λαµβάνω, e.|g. Ar. Av. 1025 µισθὸν λαβών; Ra. 140 δύ’ ὀβολὼ µισθὸν λαβών; Men. Epitr. 549 λάβοιµι µισθόν; E. fr. 297.2; Th. 8.69.4. For the general Athenian disinclination to engage in paid labor (a dependent relationship judged more appropriate for a slave), at least when the employer was another person rather than the state, see Cohen 2015. 40–4.

fr. 341 K.–A. (361 K.) σφάττε δεῖρε κόπτε δεῖρε ΣRVΓE : δεῖραι ΣM : δαῖρε Lobeck

Slaughter! Flay! Beat! (sing.)

71

LSJ s.#v. I.3.b notes the use of the adjective to mean “inexpensive” at e.|g. Ar. Eq. 645, and calls this “an exactly opposite sense”. This misses the point, which is that when ἄξιος is used of a price or a wage, it always means “good”, but whether a high figure or a low figure counts as “good” depends on whether the evaluation is made from the perspective of the seller/employer or the buyer/employee.

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Cratinus

ΣRVΓEM Ar. Av. 365 ἕλκε, τίλλε· καὶ Κρατῖνος· ――. τὴν χύτραν δέ, εἰς ἣν ἐπερείδονται, δεικνύντες ὅτι καταφρονοῦσιν αὐτῆς Drag! Pluck!: also Cratinus: ――. In reference to the cook-pot they are attacking, as a way of showing that they despise it

Meter"The words as printed above scan lklklk and can easily be accommodated in trochees (as in Birds). Alternatively, this might be part of an iambic trimeter (e.|g. 〈xlkl x〉lk|l klk〈l〉). But see Text. Discussion"Lobeck ap. Buttmann 1839 II2.148 Citation context"An isolated comment on Ar. Av. 365 ἕλκε, τίλλε, παῖε, δεῖρε· κόπτε πρώτην τὴν χύτραν (“Drag! Pluck! Strike! Flay! Hit the cook-pot first!”; the chorus leader urges the Birds to assault Peisetaerus and Euelpides and their equipment). Text"δεῖραι (ΣM) is a middle imperative (vs. the active imperative in the other manuscripts) and can be made to scan regardless of whether Cratinus’ words are analyzed as trochaic or iambic (see Meter). But the reading is best treated as a simple pedestrian error for δεῖρε (ΣRVΓE) dating to a period when ε and αι had come to be pronounced alike. The normal form of the verb is δέρω, and Lobeck’s δαῖρε represents an attempt to regularize the variant superscript reading δαίρειν in manuscript K at Ar. Nu. 442, where all other witnesses have the unmetrical δέρειν. Scaliger suggested that the verb had an alternative form δείρειν, as in the manuscripts at Ar. Av. 365 (quoted in Citation context), where the meter demands a long initial syllable. This has been universally accepted by editors of Clouds and ought probably to be printed here as well. It is nonetheless the case that δεῖρε in Cratinus might reflect the influence of the unusual long form of the verb in Aristophanes; and if what Cratinus actually wrote was the more common δέρε, the fragment would scan lkkklk, in which case it is most credibly understood as iambic (e.|g. lrkl k|〈lkl xlkl〉). Interpretation"A series of commands most easily understood as directed to a single person (although note the use of the singular in the passage from Birds that sparked the quotation of Cratinus, where the order is addressed to the chorus as a whole). If κόπτε is taken to stand for κατακόπτε (“cut to pieces, reduce to mincemeat”; cf. Pl. Com. fr. 34.2; Alex. fr. 177.12 µὴ κόπτ᾿ ἔµ’, ἀλλὰ τὰ κρέα, “Don’t koptô me, but the meat!”, said to an annoying cook; Mnesim. fr. 4.53 κόπτει as one in a series of culinary terms; and κοπίς, “cleaver”, at e.|g. Ar. fr. 143), the imperatives trace in order three of the most basic steps in butch-

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 341)

117

ering an animal, viz. slitting its throat, separating its skin from its flesh, and cutting the carcass up into useable chunks of meat (e.|g. Il. 1.459–61; 24.622–3; Pl. Euthd. 301c σφάττειν τε καὶ ἐκδέρειν καὶ τὰ µικρὰ κρέα κατακόψαντα ἕψειν καὶ ὀπτᾶν; µάγειρον, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, “‘(Who is supposed) to slaughter and to flay, and after he cuts up the meat into pieces, to stew and roast it?’ ‘A butcher/cook, I said’”; A.R. 1.432–3; Plu. Mor. 993b σφαζοµένων δεροµένων διαµελιζοµένων, “slaughtering, flaying, cutting limb from limb”; [Luc.] Asin. 16; van Straten 1995. 103–53), and these words are an order directed to a mageiros (butcher/cook) or an ordinary citizen playing what later came to be the specialized role of a mageiros.72 But the simplex of the verb is properly “strike” (cf. fr. 390 ἰσχάδα κοπτήν with n.; Ar. Lys. 361, of punching another person; Men. fr. 345) rather than “chop up”, raising the alternative possibility that the first two orders are metaphorical calls for extreme violence against another person, brought somewhat to earth by the third, more prosaic verb; cf. Ar. Eq. 251–2 παῖε καὶ δίωκε καὶ τάραττε καὶ κύκα / καὶ βδελύττου … κἀπικείµενος βόα (“strike and chase and disturb and stir up and loath (him), … and attack him with a shout!”). This is the earliest attestation of σφάττω (subsequently at e.|g. Theopomp. Com. fr. 49; X. An. 4.5.16; Cyr. 7.3.14; Pl. Criti. 119e; Aeschin. 1.191; Men. Pk. 998; Sam. 608; fr. 608.1 (figurative)), which is a colloquial Attic form of common σφάζω (etymology uncertain). Tragedy retains σφάζω (e.|g. A. Eu. 305; S. Ai. 235; E. Andr. 412), the use of which at Ar. Pax 1018 is clearly a high-style gesture. δείρω"(more often δέρω; see Text) is from a widely-disseminated IndoEuropean root meaning “flay” and is cognate with e.|g. English tear and German (ver)zehren (“consume”); cf. δέρµα (“that which is flayed”, i.|e. “skin, hide”) and δορίς (“flaying knife”; in a catalogue of cooks’ equipment at Anaxipp. fr. 6.3, cf. Poll. 6.89; 10.104; Hsch. δ 2211). The verb is attested elsewhere in comedy at e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 193 (flaying a dog); Ar. Eq. 370 (“I’ll flay you into a sack”; one character threatens another); Nu. 442 (“to flay into a bag”); Archipp. fr. 23.2 (of stripping the skin from sharks and the like); Anaxandr. fr. 40.13 (of flaying a cat). For the verb used metaphorically of abusive treatment, cf. Ar. V. 485.

72

Cf. Ar. Pax 1017–18 λαβὲ τὴν µάχαιραν· εἶθ’ ὅπως µαγειρικῶς / σφάξεις τὸν οἶν (“take the knife, and see to it that you slaughter the sheep just as a professional butcher/cook would”). For butchers, see Dohm 1964, esp. 1–10, 67–84; Arnott 1996 on Alex. fr. 24; Olson and Sens 1999 on Matro fr. 1.11 (the latter two with further bibliography); and in general Wilkins 2000. 369–414.

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fr. 342 K.–A. (307 K.) “τίς δὲ σύ;” κοµψός τις ἔροιτο θεατής, ὑπολεπτολόγος, γνωµιδιώτης, εὐριπιδαριστοφανίζων 1 τίς δὲ σύ κοµψός; ⟨πᾶς ἄν⟩ τις Porson : τίς δ᾿ εἶ σύ; ⟨τάχ’ ἂν⟩ κοµψός τις Headlam 2 ὑπολεπτολόγος Σ : ὑπολεπτόλογος van Leeuwen γνωµιδιώτης Σ : γνωµιδιώκτης Seidler : γνωµοδιώκτης Schneider

“Who are you?” some clever spectator might ask, a bit of a quibbler, a little-idea-guy, a Euripidaristophanizer ΣAreth. Pl. Ap. 19c Ἀριστοφάνης ὁ κωµῳδιοποιὸς φαλακρὸς ἦν, ὡς αὐτὸς φησὶν Εἰρήνῃ (771–4). ἐκωµῳδεῖτο δ’ ἐπὶ τῷ σκώπτειν µὲν Εὐριπίδην, µιµεῖσθαι δ’ αὐτόν. Κρατῖνος· ――. καὶ αὐτὸς δ᾿ ἐξοµολογεῖται Σκηνὰς καταλαµβανούσαις (Ar. fr. 488)· χρῶµαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῦ στόµατος τῷ στρογγύλῳ, / τοὺς νοῦς δ’ ἀγοραίους ἧττον ἢ ’κεῖνος ποιῶ The comic playwright Aristophanes was bald, as he himself says in Peace (771–4). He was made fun of in comedy for mocking Euripides but imitating him. Cratinus: ――. And he himself admits it in Skênas katalambanousai (Ar. fr. 488): “for I make use of his well-turned language, but I produce ideas that are less pedestrian than he does”

Meter"Anapaestic tetrameter catalectic, e.|g.

〈tyty ty〉lr | llrl rll rlrl lrll | llrl rll

Discussion"Porson 1815. 268; Schneider 1821 s.#v. γνωµοδιώκτης; Runkel 1827. 87; Fritzsche 1835. 291–2; Meineke 1847 I.75; Kock 1880 I.102; Luebke 1883. 28; Headlam 1899. 5; Denniston 1927. 119; Whittaker 1935. 188; Pieters 1946. 151–2; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Nesselrath 1993. 185; Sidwell 1995. 62; Conti Bizzarro 1999. 96; Luppe 2000. 15–20; Ruffell 2002. 160; O’Sullivan 2006; Olson 2007. 110–11 (B41); Ornaghi 2006. 87–93; Bakola 2010. 23–9; Biles 2011. 124; Storey 2011. 363; Wright 2012. 7–9; Sofia 2016. 88; Farmer 2017. 64 Assignment to known plays"Runkel tentatively attributed the fragment to Pytinê, while Ornaghi 2006. 104 assigned it to Archilochoi (along with frr. *361 and 502). The reference to Aristophanes and his poetic tendencies shows that the play in question must in any case date to sometime in the final years of Cratinus’ career. Text"In 1, the conjectures of Porson and Headlam serve to insert the particle ἄν into the line to go with the potential optative ἔροιτο; Porson’s sugges-

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tion is easier, but requires severing κοµψός from θεατής, hence presumably Headlam’s attempt at a different solution. Although ἄν is typically required with an optative expressing potential,73 however, it is sometimes omitted, especially in questions and with indefinite pronouns (as here) not only in poetry (cf. Epich. fr. 18.1; Ar. V. 471–2; Th. 872–3; Il. 6.479; 11.838; A. Ch. 594–5; S. Ant. 605; fr. 106; E. Hipp. 1186; Andr. 929; Herod. 5.75–6)74 but also in prose (cf. Hdt. 3.127.3) and inscriptions (cf. Collitz–Bechtel 1899 II.1587.6–10 τ〈ί〉να θεῶν / ἢ ἡρ[ώω]ν τιµᾶν- / τι λ[ῶ]ιον καὶ ἄ- / µε[ι]νον εἴη, “For one honoring which of the gods or heroes would things be better and greater?”; a question posed to the oracle at Dodona). See in general Goodwin 1897. 384; Slotty 1915. 139–40; Wackernagel 1926 I.236–7; Bers 1984. 135. The punctuation at the end of 1 is disputed. If a full or half-stop is placed there (as in Meineke, Kock and Kassel–Austin), 2 must continue the spectator’s remark and be either a second question (“A bit of a quibbler etc.?”) or an answer to the first (“A bit of a quibbler etc.!”), with the string of compounds showing what is meant by κοµψός in 1 (i.|e. the sort of person who might use words like this). If a comma is placed at the end of 1 (as in Pieters, followed by O’Sullivan, and in the text printed here), 2 continues the description of the spectator initiated in 1 with κοµψός, offering a series of increasingly elaborate glosses on the word. In 2, the manuscript transmits γνωµιδιώτης, a hapax most easily understood as a nomen agentis in -ωτης derived from γνωµίδιον; cf. fr. 401 ὁρκωτής with n., and see in general Chantraine 1933. 311. Kassel–Austin compare Homeric ἀσπιδιώτης (“shield-bearer”, i.|e. “warrior”) < ἀσπίς. Schneider proposed γνωµοδιώκτης (printed by Meineke and Kock), “a pursuer of γνῶµαι”, in place of this, while Seidler suggested γνωµιδιώκτης (printed by Kassel– Austin), apparently to be understood “a pursuer of γνωµίδια”. Neither word is attested elsewhere, which makes both emendations suspect. γνωµιδιώκτης seems particularly unlikely, since compounds with a diminutive as the first constituent are rare (although note ὀβελισκολύχνιον, “a little spit used as a lamp-holder” vel sim. at Theopomp. Com. fr. 8.2, and Γραµµατειδιοποιός, The Maker of Tablets, the title of a play by Apollodorus of Carystus or Apollodorus

73 74

The use of a modal particle with an optative expressing potential is a uniquely Greek development; see Wackernagel 1926 I.237. Other examples of the potential optative without ἄν are often, rightly or wrongly, edited away (e.|g. Ar. Av. 180; Lys. 839; Pl. 374, 438; A. Supp. 727; Ag. 1163; S. OC 1418–19; E. IT 1055; Hel. 769; IA 523, 1210; Pl. Lys. 214d). For criticism of the editorial practice, see Willi 2003. 20, and cf. Biles–Olson 2015 on Ar. V. 472.

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of Gela),75 and since a mysterious internal reduction (from γνωµιδι-διώκτης to γνωµι-διώκτης) must be assumed; for the internal reduction of similar or identical subsequent syllables, i.|e. haplology, see Schwyzer 1953 I.262–3 with examples. We accordingly retain the paradosis, which is metrical and is no more difficult to understand than the equally odd and inventive words that precede and follow it. Citation context"From a richly-informed note—likely drawn from a catalogue of kômôidoumenoi—on Pl. Ap. 19c, where Socrates claims that the general prejudice against him is due in large part to the influence of Aristophanes’ Clouds. The note also cites Ar. fr. 488; Aristonym. fr. 3; Sannyr. fr. 5; Philoch. FGrH 328 F 85; Eup. fr. 62; Pl. Com. fr. 86. Interpretation"A hostile or contemptuous question put in the mouth of an individual member of the audience, who is then described in the second verse via a tricolon of increasingly elaborate hapax legomena that serve to characterize him—and by implication his query—as intellectually suspect. The combination of content and meter suggest that the fragment is drawn from a parabasis (thus Luebke and Whittaker, followed by Biles). Pieters (followed by Storey) thought that the audience member was supposed to be Cratinus’ rival Aristophanes, who is interrogating Cratinus himself, allowing Ar. fr. 488 to be understood as Aristophanes’ response to the remark. But “Euripidaristophanizer”—someone who plays Euripides and Aristophanes simultaneously, or (more likely) someone who plays Aristophanes in a Euripidean manner—makes little sense as a way to referring to Aristophanes himself, and this is better understood as some anonymous individual poisoned by his taste for a particular sort of language and the argumentative tendencies it represents. The scholion cites the verse as evidence that Aristophanes was criticized “for mocking Euripides but imitating him”. But what the speaker actually does is merely associate Euripides and Aristophanes as two birds of a feather. Depending on how the final word in 2 is interpreted (see above), moreover, the charge of mouthing glib, sententious, pseudo-sophisticated nonsense might easily be intended to hit Euripides much more than Aristophanes, 75

Pollux refers to a play by this title three times (4.19; 7.190; 10.93), twice giving it to Apollodorus of Gela, once simply to Apollodorus, but citing only a single fragment (= Apollod. Gel. fr. 2). Ath. 7.280d, on the other hand, assigns one fragment of a Grammateidiopoios to Apollodorus of Carystus (= Apollod. Car. fr. 5). The word is attested nowhere else, and it seems far less likely that both poets wrote a play by the same rare title than that either Pollux or Athenaeus is confused. Both the title and the fragments would thus better have been given to Apollodorus (Carystius an Gelous incertum).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 342)

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with the point perhaps being that Aristophanes was attacked in the preceding lines (i.|e. as a rival comic poet) and that the anonymous spectator is imagined rising to his defense in a typically quibbling Euripidean manner. 1"τίς δὲ σύ;"is not an ordinary question but a challenge thrown back by the anonymous spectator at the speaker of these lines, who has apparently identified someone else—one of his theatrical rivals? or a contemporary politician—as something or other, most likely something unattractive. κοµψός"is “smart, clever” (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 649; Av. 195; Th. 93 (of a bit of “typically Euripidean” inventive brilliance); Alex. fr. 190.1), but often has a contemptuous, cutting or malicious overtone, as at fr. 182.3 κοµψῶν … θεατῶν; Ar. Eq. 18 κοµψευριπικῶς (“in a clever Euripidean fashion”); Ra. 967; Men. fr. 225.2; Timocl. fr. 17.3. See in general O’Sullivan 1992. 138–9; Beta 2004. 142–4; Biles–Olson 2015 on Ar. V. 1316–18. 2"The first two adjectives (each occupying a single complete foot) gloss 1 κοµψός by reference to the sort of speech or argument to which the spectator supposedly devotes himself, while the final adjective (occupying the final two feet) traces the intellectual sources of his style. ὑπολεπτολόγος"λεπτός is “thin, light, fine” (e.|g. fr. 205, of a slice of sausage; Ar. Nu. 1018, of a meager chest; Pl. Com. fr. 21.1, of spider webs; Antiph. fr. 27.23, of tiny fish), and thus by extension, of thoughts, words or the people who have or express them, “subtle”, often with a sarcastic or disapproving undertone (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 445; Nu. 153, 359; Ra. 1110; Amphis fr. 33.5 (adverb); Alex. fr. 223.8). λεπτολόγος (“quibbling”) is first attested here, and the word and its cognates are preserved elsewhere in the classical period only in late 5th-century comedy (Ar. Nu. 320 λεπτολογέω, 1496 διαλεπτολογέοµαι; Ra. 828 καταλεπτολογέω, 876–7 λεπτολόγους ξυνετὰς φρένας … / ἀνδρῶν γνωµοτύπων, “thoughtful, subtle brains of men who forge maxims”; Hermipp. fr. 21 λεπτολογία). Phryn. PS p. 85.14–15 defines λεπτολογία as τὸ περὶ τῶν µικρῶν φροντίζειν καὶ ἀδολεσχεῖν (“thinking and chattering about trivialities”), and the combination of his interest in the word (cf. PS p. 83.6–7 on καταλεπτολογέω at Ar. Ra. 828), that of the Antiatticist (λ 19, citing Hermipp. fr. 21, and likely Phrynichus’ source), and the appearance of cognate vocabulary in authors such as Lucian (e.|g. Bis Acc. 34 λεπτολογέω) leaves no doubt that words in λεπτολογ- were recognized as late 5th-century Athenian colloquialisms. The prefix adds the sense “somewhat, a bit” (LSJ s.#v. ὑπό F.II; cf. ὑπόκωφος, ‘half-deaf’, at Ar. Eq. 43), which is more likely contemptuous than exculpatory. For λεπτολογ- and γνωµ- words close together, see Ar. Nu. 320–1; Ra. 876–7. For γνωµιδιώτης, see Text. γνωµίδιον (whence also Seidler’s γνωµιδιώκτης) is attested elsewhere in the classical period only at Ar. Eq. 100; Nu.

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321, and in the phrase ἀνασπᾶν γνωµίδιον, which Demianczuk (following Phryn. PS p. 6.18 κωµῳδικῶς εἴρηται and Phot. α 1666) took to be a fragment of Aristophanes (fr. 49b Dem.) but Kassel–Austin reject as a proverb. Lucian picks the word up from Clouds at Par. 42, and it must be a late 5th-century colloquialism. For the nonce-word εὐριπιδαριστοφανίζω, cf. fr. 502 Χοιριλεκφαντίδης with n.; Telecl. fr. 42 † Εὐριπίδης Σωκρατογόµφους †; Ar. Pax 1072 βακίζω; Antiph. fr. 225.8 πυθαγορίζω. For verbs in -ίζω generally, see Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 99.25.

fr. 343 K.–A. (309 K.) κἀνθένδ’ ἐπὶ τέρµατα γῆς ἥξεις καὶ Κισθήνης ὄρος ὄψει and from there you will come76 to the ends of the earth and see Mount Kisthênê Harp. p. 178.8–9 Dindorf = Κ 61 Keaney Κισθήνη· Ἰσοκράτης Πανηγυρικῷ (4.153). ὄρος τῆς Θρᾴκης. Κρατῖνος· ―― Kisthênê: Isocrates in the Panegyricus (4.153). A Thracian mountain. Cratinus: ――

Meter"Anapaestic tetrameter catalectic.

llrl rlll | llll rll

Discussion"Meineke 1823. xviii n.; Runkel 1827. 87–8; Bergk 1838. 44; Meineke 1839 II.136–7; Kock 1880 I.309; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Bakola 2010. 162–3; Storey 2011. 376–7 Assignment to known plays"Meineke (followed by Bakola), comparing frr. 220–4 (seemingly travel directions for a Perseus-like figure), assigned the fragment to Seriphioi.77 Runkel and Kaibel were dubious of the attribution, since frr. 220–4 are hexameters rather than anapaests, and the fact that Cratinus used both meters in Odysseis (e.|g. frr. 144–5 (anapaests); 149–50 (hexameters)) does not dispose of the objection (pace Bakola 2010. 163 n. 138), since the lines in question patently come from a number of different places in that play. The connection of Kisthênê with the Graiai at [A.] PV 793 (see Interpretation), 76 77

Not “go” (Rusten 2011. 216). The mention of Cleon in fr. 228 likely puts Seriphioi in the early to mid-420s BCE.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 343)

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however, does hint at a thematic connection with the Perseus story and thus tends to support the assignment to Seriphioi. Bergk assigned the fragment to Dêliades instead. Citation context"A gloss on an obscure place-name in Isocrates, who describes the capture of Kisthênê (τοῖς µὲν Κισθήνην καταλαβοῦσιν) as an event parallel to an expedition against Cyprus. Whether Isocrates means the city in Mysia mentioned at Str. 13.606–7 (very near to Adramyteion; see fr. 508 n.), the one in Lycia mentioned at Str. 14.666, or the Thracian mountain78 seemingly also referred to by Ephorus (FGrH 70 F 235), as Harpocration (at least in the form in which he has come down to us) appears to be arguing, is unclear. The same note, but with the reference to Cratinus stripped out, is preserved at Phot. κ 746 = Suda κ 1676 (drawn from the Epitome of Harpocration). Note also Hsch. κ 2785. Interpretation"The addressee is offered a glimpse of his or her future, most likely as part of an set of directions, as seemingly in frr. 222–3 (from Seriphioi; see Assignment to known plays). κἀνθένδ(ε) at the head of the line shows that the journey will have multiple stages, while the reference to “the ends of the earth” that follows suggests that this is at least close to the conclusion of it. At [A.] PV 793, Prometheus tells Io that in the course of her wanderings she will eventually make her way πρὸς Γοργόνεια πεδία Κισθήνης, ἵνα / αἱ Φορκίδες ναίουσι (“to the Gorgoneian plains of Kisthênê, where the Phorcides”—i.|e. the Graiai—“live”), and thus to very near the Gorgons ([A.] PV 798–9). The visit to the Graiai was one of the traditional stages in Perseus’ mission to behead Medusa (Pherecyd. fr. 11 Fowler; Eratosth. Cat. 22; [Apollod.] Bib. 2.37), suggesting a context for the fragment even if it does not belong to the same speech (or set of speeches) as frr. 220–4. The PV may well date to the mid-420s BCE (evidence for Aeschylean revivals in this period at Ar. Ach. 10 (425 BCE); echoes of the text of the PV at Ar. Eq. 758–9 ~ PV 59, 308; 836 ~ PV 613 (424 BCE)). But there is no need to think of a specific allusion to that text, and Kisthênê was instead most likely part of the traditional geography of the Graiai and thus of the Perseus story. A τέρµα (from an Indo-European root meaning “cross”; not based on any known Greek verb, unlike most nouns in -µα) is an extreme point, whether used concretely (LSJ s.#v. I) of e.|g. a turning point in a race (Il. 22.162), the edge of a land (Hdt. 7.54.2) or the end-point of a journey (A. Eu. 422), or more abstractly (LSJ s.#v. II), as here and at e.|g. Tyrt. fr. 14 ἀρετῆς … τέρµασιν ἢ 78

Presumably of interest for its mines, which would explain Isocrates’ claim that the men who accomplished this received a 100-talent reward.

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θανάτου (“termata of virtue or death”); S. OT 1530 τέρµα τοῦ βίου (“terma of life”); E. Hipp. 937 τέρµα τόλµης καὶ θράσους (“terma of audacity and boldness”); [A.] PV 99–100 µόχθων / … τέρµατα (“termata of labors”). Primarily poetic vocabulary, attested elsewhere in Attic comedy only at Ar. Av. 705 (anapaests). The use of ὄρος plus a genitive (attested nowhere else in comedy) appears to be an epic mannerism (e.|g. Il. 2.603 Κυλλήνης ὄρος, 829 Τηρείης ὄρος; Od. 19.431–2 ὄρος … / Παρνησοῦ; Hes. Th. 2 Ἑλικῶνος … ὄρος; Cypr. fr. 5.5, p. 48 Bernabé ὄρος … Ἴδης; hAp. 26 Κύνθου ὄρος, 35 Αὐτοκάνης ὄρος, 40 Αἰσαγέης ὄρος; Pi. O. 6.77 Κυλλάνας ὄρος; fr. 156.2 Μαλέας ὄρος; E. Or. 1382–3 Ἴδας ὄρος (lyric); IA 1047 Κενταύρων ἐν ὄρεσι (lyric), 1285 Ἴδας τ’ ὄρεα (lyric);79 contrast e.|g. A. Pers. 494 Πάγγαιόν τ’ ὄρος; S. Ph. 1459 Ἑρµαῖον ὄρος; E. fr. 696.5–6 ὄρος / Παρθένιον; Hdt. 2.6.1 τὸ Κάσιον ὄρος).

fr. 344 K.–A. (311 K.) κοκκύζοντα δ’ ἀλεκτρυόν’ οὐκ ἀνέχονται κοκκύζοντα δ’ Kock : κοκκύζειν τὸν Eust.

They don’t put up with a rooster crowing Eust. p. 1479.41–6 = i.142.9–23 (ἀλέκτωρ) οὗ δὴ ἀλέκτορος καθὰ καὶ ἀλεκτρυόνος. καὶ παρ’ ἄλλοις µὲν πολλοῖς χρῆσις, καὶ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ δέ, φασιν, ἐν τῷ· ――, ἤγουν ᾄδειν ὡς αὐτῷ ἔθος. ἐξ οὗ δὴ κοκκύζειν, καὶ ὁ παρ’ Ἡσιόδῳ (Op. 486) κόκκυξ, καὶ ἐπίρρηµα κόκκυ παρὰ τῷ κωµικῷ (Ar. Ra. 1384). ὑποβάλλει δὲ τοιοῦτον νοῦν καὶ Σοφοκλῆς (fr. 791), φασίν, ἐν τῷ· κοκκυβόας (Bothe : κοκκο- Eust.) ὄρνις. ἐναργέστερον δὲ ∆ίφιλος (fr. 66) ἐν τῷ· καὶ νὴ ∆ί’ ὄντως εὐθὺς ἐξέπεµπέ µε / ὄρθριον· ἐκόκκυζ’ ἀρτίως ἁλεκτρυών. καὶ Πλάτων δὲ ἐµφανῶς, φασίν, ὁ κωµικὸς (fr. 231) ἐν τῷ· σὲ δὲ κοκκύζων ⟨ … ⟩ ἀλέκτωρ προκαλεῖται (alektôr, “rooster”) whence in fact (the genitive forms) alektoros as well as alektryonos. They say that (the latter form) is used in many other authors, as well as in Cratinus, in his: ――, sc. to sing (aidein) as is its custom. Whence in fact kokkyzein, and kokkyx in Hesiod (Op. 486), and the adverb kokky in the comic poet (Ar. Ra. 1384). And Sophocles (fr. 791), they say, suggests something of this sort in his: “a bird/chicken that cries kokky” (thus Bothe : “kokko” Eust.). Clearer is Diphilus (fr. 66) in his: “and, by Zeus, 79

Thus presumably also Ῥίπας ὄρος ἀνθέον ὕλᾳ (“Mount Rhipa, flourishing with underbrush”) in Alcm. PMG 90.1, where Page offers instead Ῥίπας, ὄρος ἀνθέον ὕλᾳ, which makes matters no easier.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 344)

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he/she/it really sent me out immediately at day-break; the rooster was just crowing (ekokkyz’)”. And Plato Comicus (fr. 231) expressly, they say, in his: “a rooster calls you forth 〈 … 〉 with his crowing (kokkyzôn)”

Meter"Regardless of whether Kock’s emendation or the paradosis is printed (see Text), the fragment scans lllkklkklkkll and could thus be accommodated in either anapaests (lllr lrlr ll) or hexameters (e.|g. 〈ly〉 ll lk|k lkk lkk ll). Discussion"Kock 1880 I.103 Text"Eustathius offers κοκκύζειν τὸν ἀλεκτρυόνα (retained by Kassel–Austin), but ἀνέχoµαι is very seldom construed with a complementary infinitive, and the passages where the construction is found are suspect (Hdt. 7.139.6; A. Eu. 914 with Sommerstein 1989 ad loc.; E. HF 1254; Ph. 547–8 with Mastronarde 1994 ad loc.); see in general Kühner–Gerth 1904 II.74. Kock accordingly emended to a supplementary participle, which is well-attested with ἀνέχoµαι (e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1102; Th. 593; Antiph. fr. 21.6; see LSJ s.#v. ἀνέχω C.II.4). The change makes the reference to the rooster generic, whereas with Eustathius’ definite article a particular bird is in question. Citation context"Having been led to a consideration of roosters and related vocabulary by the mention of Ἀλέκτορος … κούρην at Od. 4.10, Eustathius moves on to discuss the by-form ἀλεκτρυών (for which the fragment of Cratinus is relevant) and then, via a rough, associative logic, κοκκ– words and in particular the use of κοκκύζω to refer to a rooster’s crow. That the latter qualified as “good 5th-century usage” was clearly a point of interest in Atticist lexicographers, to one of whom the material in Eustathius is to be traced. Cf. – Ar. Byz. fr. 20 καὶ κοκκύζειν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀλεκτρυόνος (“and kokkyzein (is used) in reference to the rooster”) – Phryn. PS p. 35.14–15 ᾄδειν ἀλεκτρυόνας· Ἀττικῶς. τὸ δὲ κοκκύζειν κωµικοὶ λέγουσιν (“cocks sing: Attic style. But comedians say kokkyzein”) – Antiatt. κ 6 κοκκύζειν τοὺς ἀλεκτρυόνας· ∆ίφιλος Πλινθοφόρῳ (fr. 66.2) (“roosters kokkyzein: Diphilus in Plinthophoros (fr. 66.2)”) – Poll. 5.89 (a discussion of the sounds birds make) εἴποις δ’ ἂν κλάζειν µὲν ἀετούς, κλαγγάζειν δὲ γεράνους, ἐπ’ ἀµφοῖν δὲ κλαγγήν, ἱέρακας δὲ ῥοίζειν, καὶ ἀλεκτρυόνας ᾄδειν καὶ κόκκυγας κοκκύζειν· Ὑπερείδης (fr. 239 Blass) δὲ καὶ ∆ηµοσθένης80 ἐπ’ ἀλεκτρυόνων τὸ κοκκύζειν εἶπον 80

Probably a confused reference to D. 54.9, where the verb used is in fact ἀείδω, raising the possibility that the citation of Hyperides (a passage known from no other source) is also in error.

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(“and you could say that eagles klazein, cranes klangazein (with klangê (‘a clangor’) applied to both), hawks rhoizein, and cocks sing and cuckoos kokkyzein. But Hyperides (fr. 239 Blass) and Demosthenes said kokkyzein in reference to roosters”) – Hsch. α 1763 = Phot. α 549 ᾄδειν· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀλεκτρυόνων λέγουσιν Ἀττικοί· κοκκύζειν δὲ οὔ φασιν ἐπ’ αὐτῶν, πλὴν µωκώµενοί τινα ξένον (“to sing: Attic-speakers use the word in reference to roosters; and they do not say kokkyzein in reference to them except when they are mocking a foreigner”). Interpretation"As anyone who has lived in the vicinity of a rooster is aware, they are in fact natural time-keepers, announcing the arrival of the day and singing occasionally thereafter until sundown; cf. fr. 279 “just like the Persian rooster, all voice, making noise at every hour”; Ar. Nu. 4; V. 100–1; Ec. 390–1; Pl. Com. fr. 191 τὸν ἀλεκτρυόνα τὸν ᾠδόν (“the rooster who sings”); Men. fr. 132.1 ἀλεκτρυών τις ἐκεκράγει µέγα (“some rooster called loudly”); Heraclid. Com. fr. 1.1–2 Ἀλεκτρυόνα τὸν τοῦ Φιλίππου παραλαβὼν / ἀωρὶ κοκκύζοντα (“after catching Philip’s Rooster crowing early”); Plin. Nat. 10.46; Latin gallinicia (“dawn”, but literally “cocks’ crows”). Whoever the subject of ἀνέχονται are, they dislike the noise that roosters produce. Kock (comparing Ath. 12.518d) offered the wild guess that the reference was to the Sybarites, who were supposedly so fond of easy living that they banned the birds from their city in order to avoid being woken up early. Perhaps the persons in question simply dislike noise of any sort. Cf. Eup. fr. 41 µή ποτε θρέψω / παρὰ Φερσεφόνῃ τοιόνδε ταὧν, ὃς τοὺς εὕδοντας ἐγείρει (“Might I never raise in Persephone’s house a peacock like this, which rouses those who are asleep!”). κοκκύζοντα"The verb (onomatopoeic) is one of a group that mean to make the sound in question, e.|g. βαύζω (“go bow-wow!” and thus by extension “yap”; fr. 6.1; Ar. Th. 173), γρύζω (“make a peep”, i.|e. “say anything at all”; e.|g. Ar. Eq. 294; Men. Dysc. 931), λύζω (“hiccough” and thus apparently by extension “gasp, sob”; Ar. Ach. 690), µύζω (“whine” vel sim.; Ar. Th. 231), ὀτοτύζω (“wail in lament”; e.|g. Ar. Pax 1011), ῥύζω (“bark” and thus apparently by extension “express wild excitement”; Hermipp. fr. 23), τονθυρύζω (“grumble”; e.|g. Ar. V. 614). See in general Perpillou 1982. 239–41, 260–3; Tichy 1983. 256–63. Lucian (Gall. 14) and Alciphron (4.13.18) pick the word up as an Attic colloquialism. For the rooster’s cry as kokky, note also Heraclid. Com. fr. 1.1–2 (quoted just before this by Eustathius, who has drawn the citation from Athenaeus); Arist. HA 631b8–10, 15–16, 28–9; Theoc. 7.47–8, 124–5. τὸν ἀλεκτρυόν(α)"For roosters and hens (common domestic birds), e.|g. fr. 115.1–3 (Leda as a brooding hen); Ar. fr. 193; Theopomp. Com. fr. 10; Stratt. frr. 49.4; 61.1; Mnesim. fr. 4.48 (in a banquet catalogue); Ephipp. fr. 15.8

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(diminutive; on sale in the Agora)), and see in general Thompson 1936. 20–6; Foster 1984. 76–7 (bone fragments attesting to their use as sacrificial animals in late 5th-century Athens); Dunbar 1995 on Ar. Av. 483–4; Arnott 2007. 9–11.

fr. 345 K.–A. (312 K.) λόγος τις ὑπῆλθ’ ἡµᾶς ἀµαθὴς συοβαύβαλος λόγος τις Eust. : λόγος ὅστις Bergk : φθόγγος τις KockUUUἀµαθής Eust. : ἀσαφής KockUUUσυοβαύβαλος Meineke ex Hsch. σ 2753 et Phot. σ 825 : συβαύβαλος Eust. : fort. συοβαυβάλιος, ὑοβαυβάλιος vel χὐοβαυβάλιοςUUU⟨ἐστιν ἀληθῶς⟩ post συοβαύβαλος add. BergkUUU

some sort of ignorant story from the pigpen beguiled us Eust. p. 1761.27–8 = ii.73.44–6 βαυβᾶν τὸ κοιµᾶσθαι, οἷον (adesp. tr. fr. 165)· ἡ δὲ προὐκαλεῖτό µε βαυβᾶν µετ’ αὐτῆς. ὅθεν, φησί, καὶ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ τό· ―― bauban means “to go to bed, go to sleep”, for example (adesp. tr. fr. 165): “but she invited me to sleep with her”. Whence, he says, also in Cratinus the passage: ――

Meter"Probably anapaestic, e.|g.

〈tyk〉kl rlll | rlrl r〈yt〉

The words can also be scanned as iambic trimeter, although this produces a line without a normal caesura and is therefore probably to be rejected.

klrl llrl rlkl

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.187; Kock 1880 I.104; Luppe 1967. 400 Text"Bergk proposed ὅστις for the paradosis τις and added ἐστιν ἀληθῶς at the end of the line to produce a complete anapaestic tetrameter (“whatever ignorant story has snuck up on us is truly from the pigpen”); this should be regarded as merely an exempli gratia restoration of the line. Kock suggested φθόγγος (once again filling out the head of the line) in place of λόγος on the ground that the sound comes from the pigpen and ought therefore to have been made by pigs (for which λέγω and cognates are inappropriate). This is over-literal (see Interpretation), and the emendation is palaeographically unlikely in any case. συοβαύβαλοι is attested elsewhere only at Hsch. σ 2753 συοβαύβαλοι· συῶν αὐλιστήρια καὶ κοιµητήρια (“syobaubaloi: stalls and bedding facilities

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for pigs”) and Phot. σ 825 συοβαύβαλοι· ἐν οἷς οἱ σύες εὐνάζονται (“syobaubaloi: what pigs make their beds in”). Although the plural is used in both cases (counting against the possibility that these should be taken as further references to this line), and although the definitions offered by the lexicographers do not match what appears to be the meaning of the word in Cratinus (see below), Meineke recognized that this was sufficient ground to convert the first syllable of the paradosis συβαύβαλος into two, allowing the verse to scan as anapaestic. For the form of the first element in the compound, cf. fr. 77 συοβοιωτοί (“swine-Boeotians”), where the initial sigma is a matter of metrical necessity, as it is not here; Συοθῆραι (“Swine-Hunters”, the title of a poem by Stesichorus); E. fr. 495.29 συοφόνος (“boar-slaying”); Call. Dian. 216 συοκτόνος (“boar-slaying”); Cerc. fr. 4.14, p. 204 Powell συοπλουτοσύνη (“swine-wealth”); AP 11.194.3 (Lucill.) συοφόντης (“boar-slaying”); J. BJ 1.21.13 συοτρόφος (“swine-feeding”).81 Hesychius and Photius also appear to believe that συοβαύβαλοι is a substantive rather than an adjective, and what is wanted here may thus be either συοβαυβάλιος or ὑοβαυβάλιος.82 Citation context"From a wandering discussion of unusual vocabulary, sparked by the word ἐφόλκαιον at Od. 14.350, drawn from Aristophanes of Byzantium (fr. 15). Similar material (not necessarily from the same source) is preserved at: – Antiatt. β 23 βαυβᾷν· ἀντὶ τοῦ καθεύδειν. Εὐριπίδης Συλεῖ (fr. 694)· βαυβῶµεν εἰσελθόντες. ἀπόµορξαι σέθεν / τὰ δάκρυα. Κάνθαρος Μηδείᾳ (fr. 3)· βαυβήσοµεν (“baubain: in place of ‘to sleep’. Euripides in Syleus (fr. 694): ‘Let’s go in and go to bed; wipe off your tears’. Cantharus in Mêdeia (fr. 3): ‘we’ll go to bed’”) – Hsch. β 353 βαυβᾷ· κοιµίζει (“baubai: he/she/it goes to bed”) – Hsch. β 354 βαυβᾶν· καθεύδειν (“bauban: to go to sleep”). Interpretation"Meineke, comparing the mention of a συβωτικὸν (µέλος) (“swineherd’s song”) at Poll. 4.56, thought that the reference was to a crude, unmelodious song with which a swineherd might lull his animals to sleep. But a speech, argument or tale (λόγος) is in question, not a song, and συοβαύβαλος (or whatever is to be printed at the end of the line; see Text) is most easily understood as expanding on ἀµαθής by offering the same sense in a 81

82

Compounds in συο- are mostly Hellenistic and later, whereas the earliest compounds of σῦς begin in συ- and thus lack the -o- characteristic of most Greek compounds; cf. Myc. su-qo-ta = συβώτης (“swineherd”); Il. 11.679 = Od. 14.101 συβόσιον (“herd of swine”); συφορβός, “swine-herd” (e.|g. Il. 21.282; Od. 21.189). Cf. ὑοµουσία at Ar. Eq. 986.

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more colorful way. This is thus a λόγος crude enough to hail from a pigpen (cf. English “barnyard humor”)—which is to say that whoever produced it belongs there.83 Because the action is set in the past (aor. ὑπῆλθ(ε)), “we” (ἡµᾶς) does not necessarily mean the characters onstage, but might refer e.|g. to the Athenian Assembly instead. For the indefinite τις used to make it clear that this was something like a λόγος but perhaps not fully deserving of the name, see Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 102.5. For ὑπέρχοµαι (“come secretly, sneak up”) in the sense “beguile” (LSJ s.#v. III), e.|g. Ar. Eq. 269;84 E. El. 747–8 δοκὼ κενὴ / ὑπῆλθέ µ’ (which together with this verse is enough to show that LSJ is wrong to restrict use of the verb with this meaning to persons). Luppe compares Il. 7.215 = 20.44 Τρῶας δὲ τρόµος αἰνὸς ὑπήλυθε γυῖα ἕκαστον. For other verbs to which the prefix ὑπo- adds the sense “secretly” in comedy, cf. Ar. V. 465 ὕπειµι, “sneak up on”; Av. 1011 ὑπαποκινέω, “move off secretly”; Th. 424 ὑποίγνυµι, “open secretly”; Ec. 284 ὑπαποτρέχω, “run away secretly”; Men. Sik. 208 ὑπαναδύοµαι, “withdraw secretly”; Macho 257 ὑπεκτρώγω, “secretly gnaw away”. The presence of a large number of such verbs in Second Sophistic authors may suggest that they were felt to be typically Attic, e.|g. Luc. Lex. 10 ὑποβδύλλω, “fart secretly”; DMort. 16.3 ὑποπρίω, “gnash secretly”; Plu. Cat.Mi. 15.3 ὑποµέµφοµαι, “blame secretly”; Lys. 11.5 ὑπεκπλέω, “sail out secretly”; Tim. 18.1 ὑποπορεύοµαι, “go secretly”; Mor. 642b ὑπεκδιδράσκω, “escape secretly”; Ael. NA 5.3 ὑπανερπύζω, “creep up secretly”. ἀµαθής"refers not to stupidity but to ignorance (esp. Ar. Ra. 1445 ἀµαθέστερόν πως εἰπὲ καὶ σαφέστερον, “Say it less learnedly somehow—and clearer!”), although the two qualities can be combined in the same person, as at Ar. Nu. 842 ἀµαθὴς εἶ καὶ παχύς (“you’re ignorant and a blockhead”). At Archipp. fr. 51, ἀµαθὴς σοφός (~ “an uneducated genius”) is thus a paradox matching δίκαιος ἄδικος. See in general Dover 1974. 122–3.

83

84

For “swinish”—the English word comes from the same Indo-European root—as a comic by-word for “ignorant”, see Ar. Nu. 1001 with ΣRV = Suda (1) τ 1135 ~ (2) υ 125; Crates Com. fr. 6 ὗς διὰ ῥόδων (literally “a pig through roses”, but glossed by the authorities that cite the words “in reference to those who are stupid and uneducated”); LSJ s.#v. ὗς I.3 (missing the point on Crates Com. fr. 6 [above], which is glossed “a bull in a china-shop”). LSJ s.#v. III.2 also cites Ar. Eq. 459, but most editors rightly follow R in reading ἐπῆλθες rather than ὑπῆλθες there.

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συοβαύβαλος"is < ὗς (“pig”) + *βαυβαλ-, which is otherwise known from a cluster of colloquial Attic vocabulary in βαυβ- or βαυκ-:85 βαυβαλίζω (“put to sleep; nurse”; cited by the Antiatticist in Alex. fr. 231, doubtless in defense of the word against someone who claimed that it was not legitimate Attic usage; see Arnott 1996 ad loc.); βαυβάω (“sleep”; see the passages cited by Eustathius and the Antiatticist in Citation context); βαυκαλάω (“lull to sleep”; called an Atticism at Moer. β 26 and accordingly picked up by Lucian’s Lexiphanes (Lex. 11);86 note also Hsch. β 360 ~ Phot. β 102 = Suda β 193 + Phot. β 103, all presumably drawn originally from a now-lost Attic lexicographer); καταβαυκαλίζω (“lull to sleep”; Ar. fr. 971, and cf. καταβαυκάλησις, “lullaby”, at Ath. 14.618e).

fr. 346 K.–A. (308 K.) = test. 26 ΣRVΓ Ar. Pax 741 αἰνίττεται ταῦτα εἰς Εὔπολιν (test. *19) (Dobree : Εὐριπίδην Σ), ὃς ἐποίησε τὸν Ἡρακλέα πεινῶντα καὶ ∆ιόνυσον δειλὸν καὶ ∆ία µοιχὸν καὶ δοῦλον κλαίοντα. τινές φασι καὶ εἰς Κρατῖνον αἰνίττεσθαι ὡς τοιαῦτα ποιοῦντα δράµατα. ἐπεπόλασε δὲ τότε ταῦτα τὰ λήµµατα. καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Ἀριστοφάνης ὡς γαστρίµαργον τὸν Ἡρακλέα κωµῳδεῖ καὶ ἐν Ὄρνισι (1583–1692) καὶ ἐν Αἰολοσίκωνι (fr. 11). καὶ ἐν τοῖς Σφηξὶ (60) περὶ τούτων φησί, τοῦ τε Ἡρακλέους καὶ τοῦ δούλου· ἐπεπόλαζε γὰρ ὡς ἔοικε τότε ταῦτα, Ἡρακλῆς πεινῶν καὶ ∆ιόνυσος δειλὸς καὶ µοιχὸς Ζεὺς ὥστεVΓ καὶ αὐτοὺς δοκεῖν ἄχθεσθαι. Κρατῖνος· ὑ π ὸ δ ’ Ἡ ρ α κ λ έ ο υ ς π ε ι ν ῶ ν τ ο ς ἄ γ ε ι (ΣRV : ἄγειν ΣΓ : ἀεὶ Bergk) κ α ὶ σ κ ώ π τ ο ν τ ο ς τ α ῦ τ α (ΣR : ταῦτα καὶ σκώπτοντος ΣVΓ : σκωπτοµένου τὰ 〈τοια〉ῦτα Luppe) † ο ὐ β ι ω τ ό ν ἐ σ τ ι RVΓ This is an oblique reference to Eupolis (test. *19) (thus Dobree : “Euripides” Σ), who wrote about Heracles as hungry, and Dionysus as a coward, and Zeus as a seducer and a wailing slave. Some authorities say that the reference is to Cratinus, as writing plays of this sort. These themes were fashionable at the time. Aristophanes himself in fact mocks Heracles as a glutton both in Birds (1583–1605) and in Aiolosikôn (fr. 11). He also discusses these matters, that is Heracles and the slave, in his Wasps (59–60); for these (themes) were fashionable at the time, so it seems, hungry Heracles, and

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kappa and beta are so easily confused in minuscule that it seems likely that all this vocabulary should be regularized in one direction or the other, although whether βαυβ- or βαυκ- is right is unclear. Pace LSJ s.#v. “wrongly said to be Att(ic) by Moer(is)”, the judgment presumably reflecting the lack of any additional positive evidence for the thesis, which is much too high a bar to set in cases of this sort (and note the Antiatticist’s defense of βαυβαλίζω).

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cowardly Dionysus and Zeus the seducer, with the result thatVΓ they themselves seem oppressed [by them]. Cratinus: b u t b y a h u n g r y H e r a c l e s h e b r i n g s (ΣRV : “to bring” ΣΓ : “perpetually” Bergk) a n d o n e m a k i n g t h e s e m o c k i n g c o m m e n t s (thus ΣR : “these things and mocking” ΣVΓ : “being mocked thus” Luppe) † i t ’ s u n l i v e a b l e RVΓ

Meter"Kassel–Austin (breaking with Meineke and Kock) implicitly treat this as anapaestic dimeter, with the second verse marked as corrupt.

rlrl llrl llll lk† lklklx

But the words—the order of some of which vary in the manuscripts—make no sense, and there is no obvious way to restore them, as Kassel–Austin themselves concede (“sententiam vix posse restitui”; see Text). It is accordingly better to print the text with extended spacing and to acknowledge that it is incurably corrupt and perhaps lacunose. Discussion"Porson 1821. lx; Bergk 1838. 287; Meineke 1839 II.224; Wilamowitz 1870. 38; Kock 1880 I.102–3; Luebke 1883. 45; Goebel 1915. 61; Wilamowitz 1922. 56 n. 2; Luppe 1967. 399–400; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Text"See Meter. Any attempt to restore the text must be treated as largely speculative. Bergk (followed in part by Goebel) offered ὑπὸ δ’ Ἡρακλέους πεινώτος ἀεὶ / ταὐτὰ καὶ σκώπτοντος οὐ βιωτόν ἐστιν. Kock offered ἀεὶ λαιµάττοντός τε ⟨βόεια⟩ / οὐκ ἔστι βιωτὸν ἔτ᾿ ⟨ἀνθρώποις⟩ (better described as creative writing than as an effort at emendation). Wilamowitz suggested first ὑπὸ δ’ Ἡρακλέας πεινῶντας ἄγειν / καὶ κάπτοντας ταῦτ᾿ οὐ Βοιώτιόν ἐστιν;, and then later ὑπὸ δ’ Ἡρακλέας πεινῶντας ἄγειν, / τοῦτ᾿ οὐ Βοιώτιόν ἐστιν; (del. καὶ κάπτοντας), both of which are far from the paradosis. Luppe proposed ἀεὶ καὶ σκωπτοµένου τὰ 〈τοια〉ῦτα / οὐκ ἔστι βιωτόν (once again very far from the paradosis). The Aldine version of the scholia to Aristophanes read οὐ Βοιωτόν (sc. rather than οὐ βιωτόν) at the very end of the fragment, leading Porson to suggest emending to συοβοιωτῶν (“swine-Boeotians”; cf. fr. 77). Citation context"A series of connected and to some extent overlapping notes on Ar. Pax 741–4 τούς θ’ Ἡρακλέας τοὺς µάττοντας κἀεὶ πεινῶντας ἐκείνους / τοὺς φεύγοντας κἀξαπατῶντας καὶ τυπτοµένους ἐπίτηδες / ἐξήλασ’ ἀτιµώσας πρῶτος, καὶ τοὺς δούλους παρέλυσεν / οὓς ἐξῆγον κλάοντας ἀεί (“and he first dishonored and drove off the well-known Heracleses who were kneading cakes and always hungry and in flight and deceptive and deliberately beaten, and he released the slaves they always brought on wailing”; the proper order of the lines is disputed, and they are cited here as transmitted), where

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the chorus continue their account of their poet’s services to the Athenian theatrical scene and thus to the Athenian people generally. The first section of the note (αἰνίττεται … δούλον κλαίοντα), like many Aristophanic scholia, was taken over as an entry in the Suda (µ 291). R’s version of the text is (as often) much abbreviated. Interpretation"To the extent that any sense can be extracted from the words the scholion preserves, this would appear to be criticism of someone—probably another comic poet—for using the same sort of allegedly tired, trite humor that is rejected in the parabasis of Aristophanes’ Peace (quoted in Citation context). The target cannot be identified, and there is no particular reason to think that either Aristophanes or Eupolis (against whom Cratinus competed only in the last five years or so of his career) is in question. Presumably from a parabasis. For Heracles as glutton in comedy, e.|g. Epich. fr. 18; Ar. Av. 567 with Dunbar 1995 ad loc., 1583–1692; Lys. 928; Ra. 62–5, 107, 549–76; Phryn. Com. fr. 24; Mnesim. fr. 2 (from Bousiris); Eub. fr. 6; Alex. fr. 140) and in satyr play (E. fr. 691; Ion TrGF 19 F 29; cf. E. Alc. 749–60); and see in general Galinsky 1972. 81–100; Lada-Richards 1999. 193–9; Olson 2007. 40–1. πεινῶντος"For the distinction between πεῖνα (which is bearable if unpleasant and is primarily an internal condition) and λιµός (which is deadly and is imposed from outside), see fr. 349.1 n. The verb can be used to refer both to an immediate desire to eat (e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 14.3; Ar. V. 777; Metag. fr. 2.2) and to being chronically short of food (“starving”; e.|g. Ar. Pax 1312; Pl. 595 εἴτε τὸ πλουτεῖν εἴτε τὸ πεινῆν βέλτιον, “whether being rich or being hungry”—i.|e. “being poor”—is better”; Philem. fr. 88.2; Diph. fr. 97.2 ἢ φυγάδος ἢ πεινῶντος ἢ µαστιγίου, “either a fugitive or a hungry person or a criminal”; Pl. R. 521a πτωχοὶ καὶ πεινῶντες, “beggars and hungry people”, i.|e. “those who cannot afford to buy enough food”). Comedy does not appear to use the word or its cognates in the extended sense “craving” (LSJ s.#v. πεινάω II.2, and add to the references collected there Pl. Phlb. 52a πείνας … τοῦ µανθάνειν; Antisth. fr. 117.17 Caizzi πεινῶσι χρηµάτων). Although σκώπτω can take an external accusative (generally of the person mocked, e.|g. Cephisod. fr. 1; Ar. Nu. 540; Antiph. fr. 142.9), ταῦτα is more likely an internal object of σκώπτοντος (“making these mocking remarks”—i.|e. the sort that render life unbearable for the audience). Alternatively, it might be the object of ἄγει/ἄγειν. οὐ βιωτόν ἐστι"appears to be an Attic colloquialism (e.|g. Antiph. fr. 188.10; Anaxandr. fr. 53.9; Men. Dysc. 160; Pl. Cri. 47d, e; Smp. 216a; D. 21.120); cf. ἀβίωτόν ἐστι (slightly grander and thus acceptable in tragedy?) at e.|g. E. HF 1257; Ion 670; X. HG 4.4.6; Pl. Mx. 246d; Aeschin. 3.149.

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133

fr. 347 K.–A. (352 K.) Ψύρα τὸν ∆ιόνυσον ἄγοντες Ψύρα Suda : ψυρᾷ St.Byz. : ψυψυρα Phot.

treating (pl.) Dionysus like Psyra Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.1 p. 384.11–14 ≈ St.Byz. p. 704.1–5 Στράβων ἐν τῷ ιδ΄ (14.645)· τὰ Ψύρα ἀπὸ πεντήκοντα σταδίων τῆς ἄκρας. λαµβάνεται δὲ ὄνοµα ἐπὶ εὐτελείᾳ διὰ τὸ εὐτελεστάτην εἶναι τὴν νῆσον. Κρατῖνος· ――. καὶ ἐν Νεµέσει (fr. 119)· Ψύρα τε τὴν Σπάρτην ἄγεις Strabo in his Book 14 (14.645): Psyra (neut. pl.) is fifty stades away from the cape.87 The name is used to refer to meanness, because of the fact that the island is extremely mean. Cratinus: ――. Also in Nemesis (fr. 119): and you treat Sparta like Psyra Phot. ined. ≈ Suda ψ 155 ――· ἡ παροιµία παρὰ Κρατίνῳ. τὰ δὲ Ψύρα εὐτελὴς νῆσός ἐστι καὶ µικρὰ πλησίον Χίου µὴ δυναµένη οἶνον ἐνεγκεῖν. λέγοµεν οὖν τὴν παροιµίαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν συµποσίῳ ἀνακειµένων καὶ µὴ πινόντων. λέλεκται δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν εὐτέλειαν σηµαινόντων ――: The proverb is found in Cratinus. Psyra is a small, mean island near Chios which is incapable of producing wine. We therefore use the proverb in reference to those who recline at a symposium and do not drink. But it also said in reference to those who show signs of meanness

Meter"The fragment scans kklkklkklx and could be accommodated in iambs, anapaests or dactyls. Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.207–8; Leutsch 1839. 465–6; Kock 1880 I.114–15; Lelli 2006. 131 Citation context"Both citations appear to be drawn ultimately from a paroemiographic source. The material in Herodian is closely related to ΣHMQR Od. 3.171 (on the words νήσου ἐπὶ Ψυρίης), where the mention of Cratinus seems to have dropped out of the text as the result of a saute du même a même: νησίδιον µικρὸν πρὸ τῆς Χίου ἐστὶ τὰ Ψύρα, ἀπέχον Χίου σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα, ἔχον λιµένα νεῶν εἴκοσι. Ἀλκµάν (PMG 124)· πάρ θ’ ἱαρὸν σκόπελον παρά τε Ψύρα. 〈Κρατῖνος· Ψύρα〉 τὸν ∆ιόνυσον ἄγοντες 87

I.e. Cape Melaina on the island of Chios.

134

Cratinus

οἷον ἐν µηδενὶ αὐτὸν τιθέµενοι, διὰ τὸ λυπρὸν τῆς νήσου (“Psyra is a small island off of Chios, eighty stades distant from Chios, with a harbor big enough for twenty ships. Alcman (PMG 124): alongside both the holy promontary and Psyra. 〈Cratinus:〉 treating Dionysus 〈like Psyra〉”). Eust. p. 1462.46–9 = i.120.2–7 quotes the same material as the Odyssey scholion and adds: ἤγουν ὡς οἷον ἐν οὐδενὶ τιθέµενοι τὸν ∆ιόνυσον. καὶ ἔστι παροιµία τό· Ψύρα τὸν ∆ιόνυσον, διὰ τὴν τῆς νήσου λυπρότητα (“i.|e. as it were placing Dionysus in no regard. There is also a proverb that runs: ‘Dionysus as Psyra’, on account of the wretchedness of the island”) Erbse traces the note in Phot. = Suda (from the common source generally referred to as Σ´´) to Paus.Gr. ψ 5, who was in turn likely drawing on the paroemiographer Tarrhaios (i.|e. Lucillus of Tarrha; 1st century CE). Note also CGFPR 342.26 Ψύρα· νησίδιον µικ[ρόν] (“Psyra: a tiny little island”; from a glossary of comic words), which may well be another reference specifically to this fragment and to the tradition of scholarship associated with it; Hsch. ψ 278 Ψυρίη[.]· νῆσος µικρά, (“Psyriê[.]: a small island”), 279 ψύριος· ἀκάθαρτος, ἀπὸ Ψύρων τῆς νήσου (“psyrios: uncleansed, from the island of Psyra”). Interpretation"The ancient sources have little more to say about Psyra/Psyria (modern Psara; mentioned also at Od. 3.171; D. fr. 45 Baiter–Sauppe ap. Σ Od 3.171 (no context)) than that it was a thoroughly insignificant place, although Strabo goes on to observe that there was a city there. The island remains rocky, treeless and sparsely inhabited today. Cf. Hsch. ψ 280 ψυρὶς γῆ· λυπρὰ χέρσος (“psyris land: dry, miserable territory”). Ψύρα"might be a preposition-less accusative of direction of motion (“to Psyra”), in which case ἄγω could have its basic common sense “carry, bring” (LSJ s.#v. A.I; thus “Bringing Dionysus to Psyra”). That interpretation works much less well with fr. 119 (also preserved by Hdn. ≈ St.Byz.), however, and (as Kassel–Austin observe in their note there) the verb more likely means “treat, honor” (LSJ s.#v. A.V), so that Ψύρα … ἄγειν is “to treat meanly, to treat as contemptible”, as Eustathius says. For the image, cf. Zenob. 5.21 Μυκώνιος γείτων· αὕτη τέτακται ἐπὶ τῶν διαβεβληµένων ἐπὶ γλισχρότητι καὶ µικροπρεπείᾳ, παρὰ τὴν σµικρότητα τῆς Μύκωνος νήσου καὶ εὐτέλειαν (“a Mykonian neighbor: this (proverb) is applied to those who are disparaged for stinginess and pettiness, by reference to the small size and meanness of the island of Mykonos”) and the dismissive mention of a “puppydog from Seriphos”—i.|e. a trivial creature from an even more trivial place—at Ar. Ach. 542 with Olson 2002 ad loc.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 348)

135

τὸν ∆ιόνυσον"Perhaps supposed abuse of the god himself is in question, as in Dionysalexandros. But it is easier to think that the name is used metonymically, as at e.|g. Eup. fr. 6; Alex. fr. 225.2 with Arnott 1996 ad loc., and that “treating Dionysus like Psyra” means “refusing to drink”, i.|e. at a symposium, as the common source that lies behind Phot. ≈ Suda maintains.

fr. 348 K.–A. (355 K.) ἀνελκταῖς ὀφρύσι σεµνόν ἀνελκταῖς Bekker : ἀνελταῖς Phryn. : ἀνέλκειν Phot.

haughty with raised eyebrows Phryn. PS p. 3.1–2 ――· Ἀττικῶς αὐτὸ καὶ σεµνῶς Κρατῖνος εἶπεν ――: Cratinus said it in a commendable Attic fashion Phot. α 1834 ――· εἴρηται παρὰ Κρατίνῳ ――: the word is used in Cratinus

Meter"Uncertain. The fragment scans kllkkklx and could be accommodated in iambic trimeter, e.|g.

〈xl〉kl l|rk|l x〈lkl〉

But the language and syntax are odd (see Interpretation), hence presumably Kassel–Austin’s decision to place it in this section in their collection, implicitly identifying it as some other meter.88 Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.214; Kock 1880 I.115 Text"Phrynichus’ ἀνελταῖς is nonsense, and Bekker combined the reading transmitted in the PS with a kappa borrowed from Photius’ ἀνέλκειν (a good form, but difficult to construe) to produce the plausible if otherwise unattested adjective ἀνελκταῖς (< ἀνέλκω).

88

Kock takes this to be part of an anapaestic tetrameter, but it is unclear how the fragment can be made to scan in that case.

136

Cratinus

Citation context"The reference in Photius is almost certainly descended from Phrynichus, making these two separate witnesses to the text of the Praeparatio Sophistica rather than evidence that more than one ancient lexicographer picked up the verse in Cratinus. Note also – Synag. B α 1349 ἀνέλκειν τὰς ὀφρῦς· µέγα φρονεῖν καὶ ὑπερήφανον (“to draw up one’s eyebrows: to be haughty and overweening”), which de Borries identified as Phryn. PS fr. *184 and which on that thesis must be part of the same original note – Poll. 2.49 (a discussion of eyebrows that includes fr. 470) καὶ τὰς ὀφρῦς αἴρων ὁ ὑπερήφανος, καὶ πάλιν τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνασπῶν ἢ τὰς ὀφρῦς αἰωρῶν ἢ τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνέλκων, ἢ τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνατείνων ὑπὲρ τὰ νέφη (“and the overweening man is one who raises his eyebrows, and alternatively pulls up his eyebrows or lifts his eyebrows or draws his eyebrows up beyond the clouds”) – Hsch. ο 1991 = Phot. ο 721 = Suda ο 1024 ὀφρυόεντες· ὑπερήφανοι (“ophryoentes: overweening (pl.)”) – Phot. ο 724 ὀφρυόεις· ὑπερήφανος (“ophryoeis: overweening”). Interpretation"Apparently said of an individual man (hence masc. sing. σεµνόν). Meineke (unwisely followed by LSJ s.#v. ἀνελκτός and Gomme– Sandbach) offered the wild suggestion that the reference might be to Pericles. If ἀνελκταῖς is right (see Text), it is a hapax, and the combination of that with use of the dative of respect suggests elevated style and thus something other than iambic trimeter; see Meter. ἀνελκταῖς ὀφρύσι"For raised eyebrows as a sign of arrogance (often mixed with other unattractive emotions or attitudes) in comedy, cf. Ar. Ach. 1069–70 (a self-important messenger); Pax 395 (a haughty politician);89 Alex. frr. 16.1–2 with Arnott 1996 ad loc.; 121.5–7; Amphis fr. 13.3 (σεµνῶς ἐπηρκὼς τὰς ὀφρῦς; of Plato); Men. Sik. with Gomme–Sandbach 1973 ad loc.; frr. 37; 349.1–2; Diph. fr. 86.4 (of a drinker); Bato fr. 5.13 (of philosophers); adesp. com. frr. *339 ἐξωφρυµένοι (“men with elevated eyebrows”); *577 ἀνωφρυασµένος ἄνθρωπος (“a supercilious person”); and elsewhere E. fr. dub. 1113a.3; X. Smp. 3.10; Demad. fr. 75.15–16 (Critias); D. 19.314; anon. FGE 1752 ὀφρυανασπασίδαι (“sons of eyebrow-raisers”; of Stoic philosophers); Plu. Mor. 68d, 657c; Hsch. α 473 ἀγεσόφρυν90· τὰς ὀφρῦς ἐπαίροντα (“eyebrow-drawer: someone who raises his eyebrows”; presumably to be treated as another comic adespoton). 89 90

Note also Ar. Nu. 363 σεµνοπροσωπεῖς (“you make a haughty face”; of Socrates), which is most likely an oblique way of saying “you keep your eyebrows raised”. Tribulato 2015 misses the word.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 349)

137

That this way of describing a haughty look was regarded as typically Attic is suggested not just by Phrynichus’ Ἀττικῶς in reference to the line of Cratinus, but also by the repeated use of the idiom in the Atticizing Second Sophistic authors Alciphron (1.13.2; 2.5.2; 4.7.1) and Lucian (e.|g. Tim. 54; Bis Acc. 28). σεµνός"is < σέβοµαι (“feel σέβας”, a sense of reverent awe) and can mean either “deserving of σέβας” (e.|g. Ar. Pax 974 σεµνοτάτη, of a goddess; Antiph. fr. 101.4–5 “How is it not σεµνός?” to have one’s feet massaged by soft, pretty hands, the point being that it is; Aristopho fr. 7.4 tuna shoulders are σεµνός food)91 or “asserting a claim to σέβας” and thus in comedy generally “full of oneself, haughty” (e.|g. Call. Com. fr. 15.1 “Why are you σεµνή and so proud?”; Ar. Nu. 48; V. 627).

fr. 349 K.–A. (317 K.) ἔσθιε καὶ σῇ γαστρὶ δίδου χάριν, ὄφρα σὲ Λιµὸς ἐχθαίρῃ, Κοννᾶς δὲ πολυστέφανός σε φιλήσῃ 2 πολυστέφανος Σ : φιλοστέφανoς SudaUUUσε φιλήσῃ SudaA : σε φιλήσει SudaFGVM : σε νικήσει Σ : νικήσῃ Bergk : νικηθῇ Luppe

Eat and show favor to your stomach, so that Famine might hate you, and much-garlanded Konnas might love you! 3

ΣVEΓ ΘM Ar. Eq. 534 ≈ Suda κ 2027 ὁ Κοννᾶς αὐλητὴς ἦν καὶ µέθυσος, ὃς εἰς συµπόσια παρῄει συνεχῶς ἐστεµµένος. οὗτος Ὀλυµπιονίκης γενόµενος καὶ πολλάκις στεφανωθεὶς πενιχρὸς ἦν µηδὲν ἔχων ἀλλ’ ἢ τὸν κότινον, ἐφ’ οὗ Κρατῖνος εἶπεν· ――. λέγει δὲ αὐτὸν τοσαῦτα νικήσαντα µηδέποτε τετιµῆσθαι. ἡ δὲ παροιµία· “στέφανον µὲν ἔχων, δίψῃ δ’ ἀπολωλώς.” καὶ πάλιν· “∆ελφὸς ἀνήρ, στέφανον µὲν ἔχων, δίψει δ’ ἀπολωλώς.” πρὸς τὸν Κρατῖνον δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, ὅτι µέθυσός ἐστιν Konnas was an aulos-player and a drunk who always appeared at symposia wearing a garland. Although this fellow was an Olympic victor and was often garlanded, he was impoverished and owned nothing other than his (crown of) wild olive, in reference 91

Cf. Anaxandr. fr. 34.3, where a boastful fisherman’s claim that delicious food “is snatched σεµνῶς from a pan” must be an awkward way of saying “is snatched in a way that reflects how awesome it is”. At Anaxandr. fr. 51 (“marjoram mixed with coriander σεµνύνει saltfish”), the point might be either that the spices really make the main ingredient worth eating or that they lend it an attitude such a fundamentally pedestrian dish has no business assuming.

138

Cratinus

to which/whom Cratinus said: ――. And (Cratinus) says that, although Konnas was victorious so many times, he was never shown respect. And the proverb: “Wearing a garland but dead of thirst.” And again: “A man from Delphi, wearing a garland but dead of thirst”. But this is also said in regard to Cratinus, that he is a drunk

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

lkk ll lk|k lkk lkk ll ll ll l|k|k lkk lkk ll

Discussion"Fritzsche 1835. 241; Bergk 1838. 71; Kock 1880 I.105; Crusius 1889. 40; Headlam 1899. 5; Marzullo 1959. 150–1; Luppe 1967. 400–2; Biles 2011. 145 Assignment to known plays"Attributed to Cheirônes by Crusius, to Archilochoi by Fritzsche and to Euneidae by Bergk. Text"Λιµός is personified in the Hesiodic verse echoed in 1 (see Interpretation) and is thus best capitalized in both places. In 2, the scholion’s πολυστέφανος is supported by πολλάκις στεφανωθείς and τοσαῦτα νικήσαντα in the discussion that surrounds the quotation. The Suda’s φιλοστέφανoς must reflect the influence of φιλήσῃ/φιλήσει at the end of the line. At the end of 2, the subjunctive φιλήσῃ of SudaA is needed after ὄφρα in 1, which governs both verbs. φιλήσει in the other manuscripts of the Suda is a simple error to be traced to a time when ῃ and ει were pronounced alike. φιλήσῃ echoes φιλέῃ in Hesiod (see Interpretation) and is thus most likely right, with νικήσει in the scholion representing the influence of πολυστέφανος (sc. because garlands suggest victory). The iota in νικέω is long, and Bergk’s νικήσῃ (simply restoring the subjunctive; see above) and Luppe’s νικηθῇ (reversing the idea, so as to make the remark more amusing; “may Konnas lose”) accordingly require expelling σε from the text. Citation context"A note on Aristophanes’ mocking description of Cratinus (test. 9) at Eq. 534 ἀλλὰ γέρων ὢν περιέρρει, ὥσπερ Κοννᾶς, στέφανον µὲν ἔχων αὗον, δίψῃ δ’ ἀπολωλώς (“but although he’s an old man he wanders about, just like Konnas, wearing a dry garland but dead of thirst”) probably drawn from a catalogue of kômôidoumenoi. Hsch. κ 3530 is a much-abbreviated version of the same material. Interpretation"A reworking of Hes. Op. 299–300 ἐργάζευ, Πέρση, δῖον γένος, ὄφρα σε Λιµὸς / ἐχθαίρῃ, φιλέῃ δέ σ᾽ ἐυστέφανος ∆ηµήτηρ (“Work, Perses, illustrious kin, so that Hunger might hate you, and well-garlanded Demeter might love you!”), with an invitation to gluttony substituted for the Hesiodic

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 349)

139

call to hard work (sc. to earn one’s keep), and Konnas offered as a surprise substitute for Demeter in the second half of 2. Konnas (PAA 581457; Stephanis #1477) is known only from the material cited above, which shows that he was a bon vivant and could be reasonably thought to have money, making it funny to pretend that he did not and thus that he chased party-invitations out of desperate hunger and thirst.92 Cf. the reference to the allegedly ravenous Lampon in fr. 62.1–2. That Konnas was an old man in 424 BCE, when Aristophanes’ Knights was staged (thus PAA s.#v.) is not apparent from the ancient evidence.93 The reason Konnas will love the addressee, should the latter accept the advice offered in the first half of 1, is presumably that this will mean holding symposia, to which the ever-hungry Konnas will attempt to cadge an invitation. 1"σῇ γαστρὶ δίδου χάριν"is a mockingly pretentious, high-style (e.|g. Thgn. 1303; Pi. O. 7.89; S. Ai. 1354; E. Ph. 446) gloss on the straightforward ἔσθιε with which the line begins. LSJ s.#v. I offers three meanings for γαστήρ (etymology uncertain): (1) “paunch, belly”, of the swell of a shield, vessel or the like; (2) “the belly, as craving food” (references to early epic, 4th-century prose and Theoc. 21.41); and (3) “paunch stuffed with mincemeat, sausage, haggis” (references to the Odyssey and to Ar. Nu. 409). (1) appears to be a transferred sense and ought to have been offered last. The specification “as craving food” in (2) captures an important aspect of the belly, as in this fragment (and e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1208; Ec. 666; fr. 491; Alex. fr. 215; Od. 6.133, of an animal), but is too restrictive, since the word is often used as a simple anatomical term (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 549; V. 1020; Lys. 1083; Alex. fr. 107.3; Il. 5.539), including for the belly-portions of other animals in gastronomic contexts, e.|g. fish (Antiph. fr. 130.5; Archestr. fr. 46.6) and hares (Eub. fr. 63.6). For (3), add Ar. Eq. 1179. Λιµός"(“famine”) is more extreme and dangerous than πεῖνα (“hunger”, for which, see fr. 346 n.)—one suffers from πεῖνα, but dies from λιµός (e.|g. Ar.

92

93

The name is very rare, and the kômôidoumenos Konnas is therefore sometimes identified with the κιθαριστής Konnos son of Metrobius (PA 8697; PAA 581470; Stephanis #1478) who supposedly gave Socrates music-lessons (Pl. Euthd. 272c; Mx. 235e). This amounts to little more than an arbitrary guess, and the identification in any case sheds no particular light on the fragment of Cratinus. There were in fact no aulos-competitions at Olympia in this period, raising questions about the general reliability of all the information offered by the scholion. At Ar. Eq. 533–4, Cratinus is called a γέρων and is then compared to Konnas. But the point of the comparison to Konnas is that Cratinus too is entitled to wear a victory garland and likes to drink, not that both Konnas and Cratinus are old.

140

Cratinus

Ach. 1044; Pax 483; Av. 186; Antiph. fr. 86.6 “λιµός is a cure for immortality”)— and is therefore consistently described in harsh and ugly terms (e.|g. Il. 19.354 λιµὸς ἀτερπής; hDem. 311 λιµοῦ ὑπ’ ἀργαλέης; A. Ag. 1641–2 ὁ δυσφιλὴς σκότῳ / λιµὸς ξύνοικος). πεῖνα is primarily an internal experience, whereas λιµός is imposed from without (hence identified as one of the children of Eris (“Strife”) at Hes. Th. 227, along with e.|g. Trouble, Griefs and Battles). 2"πολυστέφανος"serves to bring out the idea that Konnas has been repeatedly successful in festival competitions. A high-style adjective (cf. ἰοστέφανος at e.|g. Thgn. 250; Ar. Ach. 637 with Olson 2002 ad loc.; καλλιστέφανος at e.|g. Tyrt. fr. 2.12; hDem. 251; χρυσοστέφανος at e.|g. Hes. Th. 136), attested elsewhere in the classical period only at Emped. 31 B 123.8 D.–K., and here probably modeled directly on Hesiod’s ἐυστέφανος; tragedy offers πολυστεφής instead (A. Eu. 39; S. OT 83).

fr. 350 K.–A. (313 K.) ταῖς ῥαφανῖσι δοκεῖ, τοῖς δ᾿ ἄλλοις οὐ λαχάνοισι λαχάνοισι(ν) anon.94 : λαχάνοις Ath.CE Eust.

The radishes approve, but the other vegetables don’t Ath. 2.56d–e ῥαφανίδες. αὗται κέκληνται διὰ τὸ ῥᾳδίως φαίνεσθαι. καὶ ἐκτεταµένως δὲ καὶ κατὰ συστολὴν λέγεται παρὰ Ἀττικοῖς. Κρατῖνος· ―― radishes (rhaphanides): they are called this because they spring up easily (rhadiôs phainesthai). In Attic the word is pronounced with either a long or a short vowel. Cratinus: ――

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

lkk lkk l|l ll lkk ll

Discussion"Meineke 1814. 12; Meineke 1839 II.177–8; Meineke 1847 I.58; Kock 1880 I.104; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Storey 2011. 415; Sofia 2016. 85

94

Kassel–Austin cite “Anon. ap. Allg. Lit.-Ztg. 1813. 939” for the emendation. We have been unable to trace the reference.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 350)

141

Text"The paradosis λαχάνοις must represent a normalization of the poetic dative plural ending (see fr. 317 n.), which fills out the line and was first suggested here by an anonymous early 19th-century German scholar. Kock thought that the datives ῥαφανῖσι and λαχάνοισι depended not on δοκεῖ but on a verb such as χαίρειν or ἥδεσθαι in a lost line preceding or following this one, thus e.|g. “he seems 〈to enjoy〉 radishes but not vegetables”. Such an argument is almost always possible, but ought to be pursued only when the preserved text is impossible to construe—which is not the case here. Citation context"A fragment of ancient lexicographic scholarship preserved in a long catalogue of appetizers (including fruits, vegetables and nuts) in Athenaeus Book 2 (extant only in an epitomized version). Eup. fr. 338; Antiph. fr. 273; Pherecr. fr. 190; and Pl. Com. fr. 186 follow, in that order. The vowel in question is the iota; see Interpretation. Eustathius p. 1220.54–5 = IV.449.7–9 (quoting the fragment of Cratinus) is drawing direct on Athenaeus and is not to be regarded as an independent witness to the text. Interpretation"δοκεῖ is frequently used in official Athenian public language to signal decisions reached by the Council or the Assembly (e.|g. IG I3 40.49; cf. its use to describe various political or quasi-political decisions in comedy at Ar. Av. 1016, 1631; Lys. 1176; Ec. 854, 986). Kaibel compared Ar. Ec. 197–8 τῷ πένητι µὲν δοκεῖ, / τοῖς πλουσίοις δὲ καὶ γεωργοῖς οὐ δοκεῖ (“the poor man approves, but the wealthy and the farmers don’t”; of a proposal in the Athenian Assembly) and suggested the fragment was part of a description of an assembly of vegetables (in the marketplace (cf. Ar. V. 497 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Lys. 557; Alex. frr. 15.11–12; 47.8)? or a kitchen?).95 ῥαφανῖσι"For radishes, see also Metag. fr. 18.1; Ar. Nu. 981; fr. 264.2; Amphis fr. 26.3; Diph. fr. 87.4; Diod. Com. fr. 2.36; Thphr. HP 7.1.1–3, 2.5–6, 4.2; Char. 30.16. The iota seems normally to be long, as here. λἀχανα"(< λαχαίνω, “dig”, i.|e. “cultivate”) are vegetables and edible greens of all sorts (e.|g. Hegesipp. Com. fr. 1.9). When wild—i.|e. rougher— rather than cultivated varieties are in question, comedy routinely specifies the difference (Ar. Th. 456; Pl. 298; Polioch. fr. 2.6 with Olson 2007 ad loc. (= G1)). Cf. fr. 53 (a vegetable patch); Archestr. fr. 11.9 with Olson–Sens 2000 ad loc.; Gallant 1999. 115–19.

95

But not in any case “Radishes may think so” (Storey 2011. 415).

142

Cratinus

fr. 351 K.–A. (314 K.) ταυτὶ καὶ τολµᾷς σὺ λέγειν ῥοδοδάκτυλος οὖσα; ταυτί Dobree : ταύτῃ Ath.

Do you (fem. sing.) actually dare to make these remarks, being rosytoed? Ath. 13.566e–f καὶ ὁ Κύνουλκος· ταυτὶ … οὐ ῥοδοδάκτυλος οὖσα;, κατὰ τὸν Κρατῖνον, ἀλλὰ βολίτινον ἔχων θάτερον σκέλος, ἐκείνου τοῦ ὁµωνύµου σοι ποιητοῦ τὴν κνήµην φορῶν And Cynulcus (responded): Do you … these remarks, not being rosy-toed, to quote Cratinus, but having a leg made of cowshit and a shin borrowed from the poet with whom you share a name?

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

ll ll l|k|k lkk lkk ll

Discussion"Dobree 1820 addenda 106; Kock 1880 I.104 Text"A’s ταύτῃ might be the indirect object of λέγειν, but Dobree’s ταυτί (an internal object of the infinitive) both restores a colloquial Attic form (see Interpretation) and makes the text read more smoothly. Citation context"Cynulcus attacks Myrtilus, who has just offered a lengthy denunciation of the Cynics for their devotion to pederasty, criticizing him in what follows for his alleged deep interest in bars and female prostitutes. The mention of “a leg made of cowshit” is an allusion to Ar. Ra. 295 (part of the description of the monstrous Empousa), while the man with whom the addressee shares a name is the late 5th-century comic poet (= his test. 2; the point is otherwise obscure). For one of the Deipnosophists introducing a form of οὐ into a poetic quotation to make it better fit his meaning, although at the price of rendering the line unmetrical, cf. Ath. 13.570e–f (Cynulcus is speaking) κατὰ τὴν Φιλεταίρου Κυνηγίδα (fr. 6)· … οὐκ οἶσθ’ ὅτι / οὔκ ἐστιν ἥδιστον ἀποθανεῖν βινοῦνθ’ ἅµα (“To quote Philetaerus’ Kynêgis (fr. 6), ‘Don’t you realize that the nicest way to die is not while you’re fucking?’”); 14.649c δώσω σοι οὐ χρυσέους δέκα στατῆρας, κατὰ τὸν Ποντικὸν λεσχηνευτήν (“I won’t give you ten gold staters, to quote the chatterbox from Pontus” (Heraclid. Pont. Jun. SH 480)). Interpretation"A surprised or indignant reaction to a remark by a female interlocutor. For similarly formulated protests, cf. Ar. Ach. 311–12 ταῦτα δὴ

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τολµᾷς λέγειν / ἐµφανῶς ἤδη πρὸς ἡµᾶς;, 558 ταυτὶ σὺ τολµᾷς πτωχὸς ὢν ἡµᾶς λέγειν;, 577a οὗτος σύ, τολµᾷς πτωχὸς ὢν λέγειν τάδε;; Th. 1109 κατάρατο, τολµᾷς ἀποτανουµένη λαλῆς;; Pl. 472 ταυτὶ σὺ τολµᾷς, ὦ µιαρωτάτη, λέγειν;. ῥοδοδάκτυλος"(not attested elsewhere in comedy) is the traditional epithet of the goddess Ἠώς (“Dawn”) (e.|g. Il. 1.477; Od. 2.1; Hes. Op. 610),96 and Kock, comparing Ar. Av. 1243–56 (Iris and her message from Zeus are rudely dismissed by Peisetairos) suggested that the goddess herself might be onstage. This appears to be dialogue rather than an oracle or straightforward epic parody (contrast frr. 352–3), so the speaker may well be using the meter adopted by the other character, with the rebuke in the final words of the line echoing something she has just said, like Trygaeus responding to Hierocles’ oracles with his own improvised dactylic hexameters at Ar. Pax 1063–1102. Cynulcus’ reference to Myrtilus’ leg and shin just after he quotes this line strongly suggest that he understands ῥοδοδάκτυλος to mean “rosy-toed” rather than “rosy-fingered”. Whether this was also the sense of the word in its original context is impossible to say. τόλµα"and its cognates are at best morally ambiguous terms, in comedy always referring to words or actions that go well beyond what is expected or allowed (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 375, 445; Pax 182 ὦ µιαρὲ καὶ τόλµηρε κἀναίσχυντε σύ, “O foul and tolmêros and shameless man!”; Antiph. fr. 19.5; Alex. fr. 264.1); thus “recklessness, audacity” rather than the more positive “bravery, boldness”. Cf. fr. *361.2 n. ταυτί"For the deictic suffix -ί (typical of colloquial Attic), cf. fr. 73.1 ὁδί, and see Lopéz Eire 1996. 71; Willi 2003. 244–5.

fr. 352 K.–A. (315 K.) χαλκίδα κικλήσκουσι θεοί, ἄνδρες δὲ κύβηλιν (which) the gods call a chalkis, but men a kybêlis Hsch. κ 4380 κύβηλις· τινὲς τὴν τυροκνῆστίν φασιν. ἔπαιξεν δὲ ὁ Κρατῖνος παρὰ τό (Il. 14.291)· ―― kybêlis: some authorities say it means a tyroknêstis (“cheese-grater”). And Cratinus played with (the word) by adapting (Il. 14.291): ――

96

Of Io at Bacch. 19.18.

144

Cratinus

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

lkk ll lk|k ll lkk ll

Discussion"Lobeck 1829 II.863–4; Bergk 1838. 47; Meineke 1839 II.198; Kock 1880 I.104; Storey 2011. 415; Bianchi 2013. 195–6; Bianchi 2016. 380 Assignment to known plays"Bergk, comparing fr. 66 (quoted in Interpretation), attributed the line to Drapetides. Text"Hesychius merely quotes the line from Homer that Cratinus is supposed to have parodied, and Lobeck reconstructed the fragment by replacing the final word with the lemma under which Hesychius quotes it. Citation context"What are likely additional traces of the same original note, but lacking the mention of Cratinus, are preserved at – Poll. 6.89 ἴσως δὲ καὶ τυρόκνηστιν, ἣν καὶ κύβηλιν καλοῦσιν (“and perhaps also a tyroknêstis (‘cheese-grater’), which they also call a kybêlis”; from a discussion of words for various culinary implements) – Poll. 10.104 ἐκ δὲ τούτων καὶ τυρόκνηστις, ἣν καὶ κύβηλιν καλοῦσιν· ὧν ἡ µὲν τυρόκνηστις ἔστιν ἐν Πλάτωνος Ἀδώνιδι (fr. 8) καὶ ἐν Ἀριστοφάνους Αἰολοσίκωνι (fr. 7)· ――, ἡ δὲ κύβηλις ἐν Φιλήµονος Ἁρπαζοµένῳ (fr. 12)· ὁρῶ µαγείρου καὶ κύβηλιν καὶ σκάφην (“and from these also tyroknêstis (‘cheese-grater’), which they also call a kybêlis. Of these, tyroknêstis appears in Plato’s Adônis (fr. 8) and in Aristophanes’ Aiolosikôn (fr. 7): ――, while kybêlis appears in Philemon’s Harpazomenos (fr. 12): I see a kybêlis and a bowl belonging to a butcher”) – Phot. κ 1151 κύβηλις· τυρόκνηστις (“kybêlis: a tyroknêstis (‘cheese-grater’)”). Interpretation"Il. 14.291 χαλκίδα κικλήσκουσι θεοί, ἄνδρες δὲ κύµινδιν (“(which) the gods call a chalkis, but men a kymindis”) describes the bird into which Sleep transforms himself to avoid being seen by Zeus. Cratinus plays with the sense of χαλκίς, which the word at the end of the line allows to be understand in retrospect as meaning “an object made of bronze” (χαλκός). This thus amounts to a highly compressed riddle, and the combination of that fact with the meter suggests that it is part of an oracle like e.|g. those delivered by Hierocles at Ar. Pax 1064–79. Note also fr. 258.4–5 ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν / θεοὶ καλέουσιν (“whom the gods in fact call ‘Head-gatherer’”; of Pericles). For the replacement of the final word of a well-known line of serious poetry for humorous effect, cf. fr. 299.4. For the reworking of early epic poetry in comedy, see the references collected at Olson 2007. 158. For other references to the language of the gods, see Il. 1.403–4; 2.813–14; 20.74; Od. 10.305; 12.61.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 353)

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In fr. 66 (from Drapetides), Cratinus refers to Lampon (PA 8996; PAA 601665; ridiculed elsewhere in comedy at Call. Com. fr. 20; Ar. Av. 521 with Dunbar 1995 ad loc.; Lysipp. fr. 6; adesp. com. fr. 1105.98, assigned by Austin to Drapetides, by Tammaro to Thraittai), a religious authority who was also one of the founders of the colony at Thurii in 444/3 BCE (Plu. Mor. 812d), as a ἀγερσικύβηλις (“kybêlis-raiser”) and κυβηλιστής (“wielder of a kybêlis”), supposedly in reference to the leading role he played in sacrifice. On that basis, Bergk suggested that that fr. 352 as well referred to Lampon and belonged to Drapetides. But even if the mention of a κύβηλις here is intended as a glancing allusion to Lampon—which is nothing more than a guess—the fragment does not necessarily come from Drapetides, since Lampon was prominent in Athenian public affairs for many years. A κύβηλις (etymology uncertain) is elsewhere said to be an ax and in particular a kind of ax associated with sacrifice; cf. Lyc. 1170 with Σ; Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.1 p. 91.9 κύβηλις ὁ πέλυξ (“kybêlis: an ax”); Hsch. κ 4376 κύβηλις· µάχαιρα. ἄµεινον δὲ πέλεκυν ᾧ τὰς βοῦς καταβάλλουσι (“kybêlis: a butcher’s knife; better, an ax with which they drop cows”); 4377 κυβηλίσαι· πελεκίσαι· κύβηλις γὰρ ὁ πέλεκυς (“kybêlisai: to ax; because a kybêlis is an ax”); Phot. α 146 ~ Synag. B α 109 κύβηλις γὰρ ὁ πέλεκυς (“because a kybêlis is an ax”). This translation is consistent with the only other two attestations of the word in the classical period, at Anaxipp. fr. 6.6 τὴν κύβηλιν τὴν ἀγωνιστηρίαν (obscure, but most of the fragment is a catalogue of a cook’s equipment, and a τυρόκνηστις has already been mentioned in v. 2) and Philem. fr. 12 (quoted in Citation context). Why Hesychius’ source (echoed in the other lexicographic material collected in Citation context) believes that the word instead means “cheese-grater” here is unclear. But there is no obvious reason why this should be true, and it is tempting to think that this is an ancient scholarly misunderstanding facilitated by what seems to have been the deliberate mantic obscurity of the line. For cheese-graters, see also Ar. V. 938, 963–6; Av. 1579; Lys. 231–2 (“a lioness on a cheese-grater” as a sexual position); Sparkes 1962. 132; Kozloff 1976. 77–9.

fr. 353 K.–A. (19 Dem.) ὥστε δίκας τ’ ἀδίκους νικᾶν ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν αἰσχροῖς νικᾶν Wilamowitz : νικᾷ Phot.

so as both to win unjust lawsuits for the sake of shameful profits

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Phot. α 363 ἄδικος δίκη· ἡ ἐκ συκοφαντίας γινοµένη, ὡς Κρατῖνος· ―― an unjust lawsuit: one that occurs through abuse of the legal system, as Cratinus (says): ――

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

lkk lkk l|l lkk lkk ll

Discussion"Wilamowitz ap. Reitzenstein 1907. 32 n. Text"An infinitive is wanted in a consecutive clause, and Wilamowitz accordingly corrected the paradosis νικᾷ to νικᾶν, simultaneously eliminating hiatus. Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. Interpretation"The first of at least two anticipated consequences of some action (hence τ(ε), which must originally have been balanced by at least one more τε or καί). The meter suggests an oracle or the reworking of epic material, the most obvious potential references in the latter case being to the warnings about abuse of the legal system at Hes. Op. 256–66 and about unjust profits at Hes. Op. 352 µὴ κακὰ κερδαίνειν· κακὰ κέρδεα ἶσ’ ἄτῃσι. The line is in any case something approaching a summary definition of the supposed aims of a stock late 5th-century villain, the “sycophant” (for whom, see Olson 1998 on Ar. Pax 191; Christ 1998. 48–71, both with further bibliography), who abuses the Athenian court system (cf. δίκας … ἀδίκους) with an eye to extracting money from innocent victims (cf. ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν αἰσχροῖς). Whatever the individual or individuals in question have been said to do in the preceding lines, their goal has been to allow them to win (νικᾶν) the cases in which they become involved, the simplest explanation of the situation being that they have sought or received rhetorical training, like Strepsiades and Pheidippides in Aristophanes’ Clouds (esp. 429–34, 882–8, 1338–9). For the etymological jingle δίκη ἄδικος, cf. Hes. Op. 272 µείζω γε δίκην ἀδικώτερος ἕξει; Thgn. 45 δίκας τ’ ἀδίκοισι διδῶσιν; A. Ch. 398 δίκαν δ’ ἐξ ἀδίκων ἀπαιτῶ; E. El. 584 τἄδικ’ ἔσται τῆς δίκης ὑπέρτερα; Pl. Lg. 873c δίκην ἄδικον (“an undeserved penalty”). For paradoxical etymological jingles of this sort generally, see Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 99.75. For νικάω used specifically of winning lawsuits, e.|g. Ar. Eq. 93; Nu. 1210–11; V. 581; Antipho 6.5; Thphr. Char. 17.8. ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν αἰσχροῖς"For κέρδος (“profit”) as an ugly motivation that drives men to do things to which they would otherwise never lower themselves, e.|g. Call. Com. fr. 1 κέρδος αἰσχύνης ἄµεινον (“profit is better than shame”; described as a proverb referring to cynical behavior); Ar. Eq. 1068 δολίαν κερδώ (literally “a treacherous cunning one”, meaning “a treacherous

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 354)

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fox”); Pax 623 ὄντες αἰσχροκερδεῖς (“being shamefully oriented toward profit”, a description of the Spartan leaders who allegedly accepted bribes and began the Peloponnesian War), 699; Antiph. fr. 244; Diph. frr. 94.2–3; 99; S. Ant. 1046–7; Hdt. 1.187.5; E. Supp. 236–7 with Collard 1975 ad loc.; Thphr. Char. 30 (the aischrokerdês man, who is characterized by an epithymia kerdous aischrou, “desire for shameful profits”), and see Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 192ff. For ἐπί + dative in the sense “with a view to”, e.|g. fr. 115.3; Hermipp. fr. 76.1; Ar. V. 495, and see LSJ s.#v. B.III.2. For the word construed with κέρδος, cf. Hes. Op. 644; Th. 8.50.3; X. Mem. 1.2.56. fr. 354 K.–A. (316 K.) µισηταὶ δὲ γυναῖκες ὀλίσβοισι χρήσονται and lecherous women97 will make use of dildos Phot. µ 475 = Suda µ 1112 µισήτη· τὴν καταφερῆ µισήτην ἔλεγον· τὸ γὰρ µῖσος οὐκ ἄποθέν ἐστι τοῦ µιαίνεσθαι· ὃ γὰρ µισεῖται, µεµόνωται καὶ ἀµιγές ἐστιν, οἱονεὶ µισγητήν98 τινα οὖσαν, ὃ καὶ βέλτιον· καὶ τὸ ἐν παροιµίας δὲ µέρει λεγόµενον (Archil. fr. 206)· παρὰ σφύρον παχεῖα, µισητὴ γυνή, κατά τι τοιοῦτο εἰρῆσθαι δοκεῖ. καὶ ὁ Κρατῖνός που τοῦτο ἔφη· ――, τὸν δὲ ἁπλῶς µισητὸν τὸν ἀνίκανον λέγει (fr. dub. 509) (sic Phot. : λέγεται Suda). µεταφορικῶς δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀπλήστου κατὰ τὴν τροφὴν τίθεται ἡ λέξις misêtê: They call a woman who is prone [sc. to sexual activity] misêtê; for hatred is not dissimilar to being polluted, for what is hated is left alone and is not mingled with; i.|e. being a woman who is misgêtês (“fond of intercourse”), which is actually better. Also the expression in a portion of a proverb (Archil. fr. 206): “fat at the ankle, a misêtê woman”, seems to be said in regard to something of this sort. And Cratinus somewhere said the following: ――, whereas he refers (fr. dub. 509) to the man who is anikanos as simply misêtos. The word is also used metaphorically in reference to a woman who is insatiable when it comes to food Hsch. µ 1450 µισήτην· τὴν καταφερῆ λέγουσιν µισήτην· ――, οἱ δὲ ἁπλῶς µισητὸν τὸν ἀνίκανον ἢ ἄπληστον τῇ τροφῇ misêtê (acc.): they use the term for a woman prone [sc. to sexual activity]: ――, but some authorities (refer to) a man who is anikanos or insatiable when it comes to food as simply misêtos 97 98

Not “Those lecherous women” (Storey 2011. 417). Omitted from LSJ, but seemingly understood as being formed from µίσγω/µείγνυµι rather than µισέω.

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Eust. pp. 1650.64–1651.2 = i.371.37–40 Ἀριστοφάνης (Ar. Byz. fr. 396) γοῦν µισητίαν (scripsimus : µισητέαν codd.) ἐπὶ κατωφερείας ἔφη ἤγουν ῥοπῆς ἀσχέτου τῆς περὶ µίξεις. ἄλλοι (Tryphon fr. 10 Velsen) δὲ µισήτην βαρυτόνως πρὸς διαστολὴν τῆς ὀξυτονουµένης τὴν κοινὴν καὶ ῥᾳδίαν, λέγοντες καὶ χρῆσιν αὐτῆς εἶναι παρὰ Κρατίνῳ καὶ Σώφρονι (fr. 4.3099). χρᾶται δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ παροιµία ἐν τῷ (Archil. fr. 206)· περὶ σφύρον παχεῖα, µισητὴ γυνή Aristophanes (Ar. Byz. fr. 396) at any rate used misêtia (our emendation : misêtea codd.) in reference to the propensity [sc. for sexual activity], i.|e. an ungovernable impulse toward intercourse. But other authorities (Tryphon fr. 10 Velsen) (take the word to be) misêtê with a recessive accent, in light of the common and easily recognized difference from the form with an accent on the ultima, alleging that the latter usage is found in Cratinus and Sophron (fr. 4.30). The proverb also uses it in (Archil. fr. 206): “fat about the ankle, a misêtê woman”

Meter"Dactylic hexameter.

ll lkk lk|k ll ll ll

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.202–3; Lentz 1867 I.342.27 n.; Nauck 1888. 223; Körte ap. K.–A.; Nelson 2000. 79 Citation context"µισητής and cognates were clearly of interest to Atticist lexicographers, and Erbse traced the note in Phot. = Suda back to Pausanias (µ 22) drawing on Pamphilus. Other fragments of ancient scholarship on the words are preserved at – Poll. 6.189 λέγοιτο δ’ ἂν καὶ ὁ δύσερως καὶ ὁ δυσερωτιῶν. καὶ ἐρωτοµανῶν, καὶ ὁ ἐρωτοµανὴς καὶ ὁ θρήνερως καὶ µισηνερώς. καὶ µισητὸν µέντοι τὸν τοιοῦτον οἱ κωµικοὶ καλοῦσι, καὶ µισητὴν τὴν µάχλον (“and a person could also be called dyserôs and dyserôtiôn; also erôtomanôn and erôtomanês and thrênerôs and misênerôs. The comic poets, however, call such a person misêtos, and (they call) a lewd woman misêtê”) – Ammon. 322 Nickau µισητὴ καὶ µισήτη διαφέρει παρὰ τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς, ὥς φησι Τρύφων ἐν δευτέρῳ Περὶ Ἀττικῆς Προσῳδίας (fr. 10 Velsen). ἐὰν µὲν γὰρ ὀξυτονήσωµεν, σηµαίνει τὴν ἀξίαν µίσους, καθὰ καὶ ἡµεῖς ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ προσφερόµεθα (scripsimus : προφερόµεθα codd.), ἐὰν δὲ βαρυτονήσωµεν τὴν καταφερῆ πρὸς συνουσίαν. τὴν δὲ διαφορὰν τῶν σηµαινοµένων καὶ παρὰ ∆ωριεῦσί φασι φυλάττεσθαι καὶ παρ’ Ἴωσιν (“misêté̂ and misé̂tê differ in Attic authors, as Tryphon says in Book 2 of On Attic Pronunciation (fr. 10 Velsen). Because if we accent the word on the ultima, it denotes a woman worthy of hatred, just as we customarily use 99

µισητατα[ (from The Women Who Claim to Be Driving Out the Goddess).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 354)

– –

–

–

149

it; whereas if we make the accent recessive, (it denotes) a woman prone to sexual commerce. They say that the difference of significations is also preserved in Doric and Ionic authors”)100 Hsch. µ 1452 µισητός· µίσους ἄξιος. ἄπληστος (“misêtos: worthy of hatred, insatiable”) ΣRVE Ar. Av. 1620 µισητίαν δὲ οἱ µὲν περὶ Ἀριστοφάνη (Ar. Byz. fr. 396) τὴν εἰς τὰ ἀφροδίσια ἀκρασίαν. καὶ τό (Archil. fr. 206)· ――, οὕτως ἐξηγοῦνται. µήποτε µέντοι γενικώτερόν ἐστιν ἀπληστία, ὃ καὶ νῦν ἐµφαίνεται (“but Aristophanes101 (Ar. Byz. fr. 396) (refers to) a woman who lacks self-control in regard to sex as misêtia. They also interpret the saying (Archil. fr. 206) ―― in this way. Perhaps however this is aplêstia (‘insatiate desire’) more generally, which [the word] in fact expresses today”) Et. Gud. p. 395.23–6 µισητὴ καὶ µισήτη διαφέρει· ἐὰν µὲν γὰρ ὀξυτονήσωµεν, σηµαίνει τὴν ἀξίαν µίσους, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ. εἰ δὲ βαρυτονήσωµεν τὴν κατωφερῆ πρὸς συνουσίαν (“misêté̂ and misé̂tê differ: because if we accent the word on the ultima, it denotes a woman worthy of hatred, just as in common use. But if we make the accent recessive, (it means) a woman prone to sexual commerce”) Thom. Mag. p. 240.11 µισητή· ἡ µίσους ἀξία γυνή· µισήτη δὲ βαρυτόνως ἡ καταφερής (“misêté̂: a woman worthy of hatred, whereas misé̂te with an accent on the penult is a woman prone [sc. to sexual activity]”).

Interpretation"Nauck took the meter to suggest an oracle, comparing the one at Hdt. 8.96.2 Κωλιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἐρετµοῖσι φρύξουσι (“Colian women will roast [their barley] with oars”) that came to be understood as predicting the aftermath of the Battle of Salamis. On that basis, Körte argued that the line represents a prediction of events in the Peloponnesian War, although all that can really be said is that it imagines a future in which no men are available for sex—or at least not enough men. The initial syllable in µισήτη is long, and the lexicographers take it to be from µισέω and attempt to explain how a word that ought to mean “hated” comes to mean “inclined toward sex, lecherous” (for which sense, see also Poll. 6.189, where the otherwise unattested µισηνερώς, “devoted to lecherous love” vel sim., is also preserved). At Ar. Av. 1620 and Pl. 989, cognate µισητία is “greed”,102 as also at Poll. 5.115 (the next attestation of the word). Barrett 100 101 102

Cohn 1881. 331–2 took “Doric and Ionic authors” to be a reference to Epicharmus and Archilochus. Literally “those around Aristophanes”. Despite LSJ s.#v. (followed by Montanari s.#v.), which takes it to mean “lust, lewdness” in the second passage.

150

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1964 on E. Hipp. 405–7 argues that a general recognition that women were objects of hatred (µῖσος) above all else due to their reputation for promiscuity allowed the meaning of µισήτης to evolve from “hated [because of perceived sexual voracity]” to “sexually voracious [and therefore deserving of hatred]”, after which the sense of cognate µισητία expanded from “sexual voracity” to “voracity [in general], greed”.103 But the lexicographers—drawing on what primary evidence, we do not know—also claim that the adjective could be used for a woman who is greedy for food, suggesting that the sense of µισητία moved direct from “hatefulness [generally]” to “hatefulness [as evidenced by greed]”, skipping any intermediate sense “hatefulness [as evidenced by sexual voracity]”. Whether Archilochus meant that the woman he referred to in fr. 206 was “hated [because of her perceived sexual voracity]”, “sexually voracious [and therefore hated]” or “greedy for food [and therefore hated]” is impossible to say; that she has a fat ankle suggests that she is both modestly dressed (so that only this portion of her leg is visible) and socially advantaged enough to eat well. According to Moer. o 22, ὄλισβος—generally taken to be < ὀλισθάνω, “slide”, although Beekes 2010 s.#v. identifies it as substrate vocabulary and thus as lacking an etymology—is an Attic term for what could otherwise be described as a σκύτινον αἰδοῖον (“sex organ made of leather”, i.|e. “leather dildo”; cf. Phot. o 222, where the adjective used is δερµάτινον). Some form of the word may be attested at Alc. fr. 303A.5 ο̣λ̣ι̣σ̣β̣.δοκο̣ι̣ς̣, where West 1990. 1–2, however, takes the reference to be to a pick for a stringed instrument. In the sense “dildo”, the word is otherwise found before Roman-period sources only in comedy: at Ar. Lys. 109; fr. 332.13 (from a highly diverse catalogue of minor objects associated with women); in the compound ὀλισβοκόλλιξ preserved by Hsch. ο 568 (= adesp. com. fr. *397); and perhaps in fr. 394 (where see n.).104 See in general Herod. 6.19 with Headlam–Knox 1922 ad loc., 58–9; Luc. DMeretr. 5.4; [Luc.] Am. 28); Nelson 2000 (with further bibliography, and arguing that Cratinus was the first to use ὄλισβος in a sexual sense and that Aristophanes took the idea over from him, which is to press the limited evidence available further than it can go).

103

104

Photius = Suda considers—how seriously, one cannot tell—the possibility of emending to µίσγητης (“one who mingles”, i.|e. who is sexually promiscuous). This would make sense for the Cratinus fragment, but leaves Aristophanes’ µισητία (scarcely to be changed in both passages to µισγητία, “promiscuity”) stranded. In Hyp. fr. 165, ὀλίσβους (in a list of a prostitute’s accessories) is merely Wilamowitz’s emendation of the paradosis ὀβολούς.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 356)

151

fr. 355 K.–A. (68 K.) Porphyry ap. Eus. PE 10.3.21 τὸ γάρ (Antim. fr. 79 Wyss = fr. 90 Matthews)· τὸν δ’ ἀπαµειβόµενος προσέφη κρείων ∆ιοµήδης σιγῶ, Ὁµήρου κωµῳδηθέντος ὑπὸ Κρατίνου διὰ τὸ πλεονάσαι ἐν τῷ τ ὸ ν δ ’ ἀ π α µ ε ι β ό µ ε ν ο ς· ὅπερ οὕτως πεπατηµένον οὐκ ὤκνησεν Ἀντίµαχος µεταθεῖναι For I say nothing regarding the line (Antim. fr. 79 Wyss = fr. 90 Matthews) “And in response to him, king Diomedes said to him”, although Homer was ridiculed by Cratinus on account of the pleonasm in “A n d i n r e s p o n s e t o h i m”; which, trite though it is, Antimachus did not hesitate to borrow

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.59; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Matthews 1996. 250 Assignment to known plays"Meineke (comparing Ath. 15.698c) tentatively assigned the fragment to Euneidai. Citation context"A discussion of Antimachus’ clumsy borrowings from Homer in the course of a long, richly-informed discussion of what Porphyry characterizes as the practice of literary theft among a wide range of ancient Greek authors. Interpretation"The pleonasm to which Porphyry refers must be the combination of τὸν δ’ ἀπαµειβόµενος (“in response to him”) and προσέφη (“said to him”), as at e.|g. Il. 1.84; Od. 7.207, and the line from Antimachus. Homer was thus criticized by Cratinus—i.|e. by one of Cratinus’ characters—in terms reminiscent of Euripides’ attack on Aeschylus for repeatedly saying the same thing twice at Ar. Ra. 1154–9, 1173–4, cf. 1178–9. fr. 356 K.–A. (18 Dem., adesp. com. fr. 662 K.) Phot. α 248 = Suda α 317 = Synag. B α 192 ἄ γ ο υ σ ι ν ἑ ο ρ τ ὴ ν ο ἱ κ λ έ π τ α ι· χαριεστάτη ἡ σύνταξις καὶ ἱκανῶς πεπαισµένη κατὰ τὴν κωµῳδικὴν χάριν. σηµαίνει δὲ τοὺς ἀδεῶς κλέπτοντας. οὕτως Κρατῖνος (Phot. : om. Suda Synag. B) t h e t h i e v e s a r e c e l e b r a t i n g a f e s t i v a l: The collocation is very graceful and quite jocular with comic charm. It denotes those who steal with impunity. Thus Cratinus (Phot. : “Thus Cratinus” omitted by Suda and Synag. B)

Discussion"Kock 1888 III.526; Kassel–Austin ad loc.; Lelli 2006. 124 Text"Kock added ⟨ἐνθάδ’⟩ (“here”) after ἑορτήν to convert the lemma into an iambic trimeter.

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Citation context"A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge conventionally referred to as Σ΄; traced to Phrynichus (= PS fr. *75) by de Borries. The attribution to Cratinus has fallen out of the text in the Suda and the Synagoge, hence Kock’s inclusion of the fragment among his comic adespota. Interpretation"As Lelli notes, comparing the Italian i ladri vanno a nozze (“the thieves go to a wedding”, i.|e. “have a field day, run wild”), this sounds like a proverb. ἄγω ἑορτήν might mean “do nothing, loaf”, and Kassel–Austin compare Ar. fr. 174.1–2 ἦν δὲ / τὸ πρᾶγµ’ ἑορτή (literally “The matter was a festival”; obscure, but the basic sense is patently “It was a nice time”) and Theoc. 15.26 ἀεργοῖς αἰὲν ἑορτά (“It’s always a festival for lazy people”). According to Phrynichus (or whoever is responsible for the note in Phot. = Suda = Synag.), however, Cratinus used the phrase to mean that the thieves have an opportunity to do whatever they want for a limited period of time and thus to steal with impunity, rather than that they take time off from their normal activities and thus cease temporarily to steal.105 For ἄγω ἑορτήν in the sense “celebrate a festival”, e.|g. Ar. Th. 835; Anacr. PMG 410.2; Th. 4.5.1; 5.75.2; X. Cyr. 6.2.6; [Arist.] Ath. 3.8; Is. 8.16; Herod. 5.85.

fr. 357 K.–A. (318 K.) φαίνεσθαι χρυσῆν, κατ’ ἀγροὺς δ’ αὖθις αὖ µολυβδίνην to appear to be made of gold, but in the countryside leaden once again Zon. p. 1366 µόλιβον µὲν Ὅµηρος λέγει (Il. 11.237) καὶ ἴσως Ἰακόν ἐστιν. οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ µόλυβδον σὺν τῷ υ καὶ σὺν τῷ δ καὶ µολύβδινον· τὸ δὲ µολυβοῦν ἐσχάτως βάρβαρον. (adesp. com. fr. 957) Φορµίων τρεῖς ⟨ἀργυροῦς⟩ στήσειν ἔφη / τρίποδας, ἔπειτ’ ἔθηκεν ἕνα µολύβδινον. Κρατῖνος· ―― Homer (Il. 11.237) says molibon (“lead”), and perhaps it is Ionic. Attic-speakers, on the other hand, say molybdon (“lead”) with an upsilon and a delta, and molybdinon (“leaden”); but molyboun is profoundly barbarous. (adesp. com. fr. 957) “Phormio said he would set up three 〈silver〉 tripods, and then set up one—made of lead (molybdinon)”. Cratinus: ――

105

A reference to contemporary politicians, who have somehow been given more substantial access than before to public funds?

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 357)

153

Meter"Eupolidean (for which, see Poultney 1979; Parker 1988. 115–17; Storey 2003. 387–90).

lllllkkl | lklklkl

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 249; Meineke 1839 II.232; Wilamowitz 1870. 34 n. 18; Müller 1974. 120; Lelli 2006. 124 Assignment to known plays"Wilamowitz tentatively attributed the fragment to Horae. Citation context"Traced by Alpers to Orus fr. A 65. Related material is preserved at – Moer. µ 6 µόλυβδος Ἀττικοί· µόλιβος Ἕλληνες (“Attic-speakers (say) molybdos, whereas Greeks generally (say) molibos”) – Ael. Dion. µ 24 µόλυβδος· διὰ τοῦ υ καἰ δ Ἀττικοί (“molybdos: Atticspeakers say it with an upsilon and a delta”) – Et.Gen. AB ~ EM p. 590.8–11 (assigned by Lehrs to Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 551.28–30) µόλιβος καὶ µόλυβδος· εἰ µὲν ι ἐστίν, τὸ δ οὐκ ἔστιν, οἷον· καὶ µόλιβος ὥστε δίκτυον κατῆγε, Σοφοκλῆς (fr. 841)·106 ἐὰν δὲ τὸ υ, τὸ δ· ἡ δὲ µολυβδαίνῃ ἰκέλη, Ἰλιάδος Ω (24.80) (“molibos and molybdos: if there is an iota, there is no delta, as in: “And like molibos, he/she/it took the net down”, Sophocles (fr. 841); whereas if there is an upsilon, there is a delta: “And she, like a lead weight”, from Iliad 24 (24.80)”) Interpretation"A description—dependent on a now-lost main verb—of a feminine object or person whose appearance varies depending on whether it is seen in the countryside or elsewhere, which likely means “in the city”. The meter suggests that the fragment comes from a parabasis, like fr. 105. Bergk took the adjectives literally and suggested that the reference is to a lamp supposedly made of gold that someone bought in the Agora from the politician Hyperbolus, but which turned out to be made of lead when the purchaser got out to the country with it; cf. Ar. Eq. 316–18 (discussing cheap leather shoes that are purchased by countrymen and stretch wildly out of shape after being worn for a single day). Müller, on the other hand, understood the adjectives as having a figurative sense and suggested that the object in question might be a woman who looked good in town but was useless in the country (sc. when it came to doing domestic work; cf. Ar. Nu. 41–55).107 But αὖθις αὖ makes it 106 107

The verse is transmitted by Plutarch in the form µολυβδὶς ὥστε δίκτυον κατέσπασεν and is printed thus by Radt. Wilamowitz noted adesp. com. fr. 957 (cited just before this verse by Zonaras) and suggested a connection to Phormio. But the object in question is feminine.

154

Cratinus

clear that this is a three-stage rather than a two-stage process: the object or person in question originally looked to be made of lead in the countryside; was taken for gold in the city; and finally was seen to be made of lead once again in the countryside. The joke is thus not on the country people (who have always known exactly who or what this is) but on the city (which has wildly over-estimated the value of someone or something worthless). Lead is easily extracted from cerusite and galena, which also contain silver (see Gale–Stos-Gale 1981. 176–80, esp. 179–80). The silver-mining and -refining operations at Laurion yielded large quantities of it as a by-product (see in general Forbes 1950. 201–13; Christesen 2003. 39–41, with extensive bibliography on the Laurion mines), so that it was both readily available and inexpensive. For the polar opposition with gold, cf. Ar. Nu. 912–13 (Ητ.) χρυσῷ πάττων µ’ οὐ γιγνώσκεις. / (Κρ.) οὐ δῆτα πρὸ τοῦ γ’, ἀλλὰ µολύβδῳ (“(Weaker Argument) You’re unaware that you’re sprinkling me with gold. (Stronger Argument) It wouldn’t have been this way previously, but with lead!”); “Simon.” ap. Plu. Mor. 65b; Petron. 43.7; Apul. Fl. 9. κατ’ ἀγρούς"The phrase is attested already in Homer (Od. 16.150; 17.18; subsequently at e.|g. X. Hier. 9.7; Pl. R. 399d; Lg. 881c). For ἀγρός in either the singular or the plural in comedy in the sense “the countryside”, e.|g. Ar. Ach. 202 τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς … ∆ιονύσια (“the Rural Dionysia”); Nu. 138; Ec. 432; fr. 109.1 ἐξ ἄστεως νῦν εἰς ἀγρὸν χωρῶµεν (“Let’s go now from the city into the countryside!”); Amphis fr. 12 κατ’ ἀγρόν (from the Antiatticist, who comments “(used) in place of ‘in the countryside’”); Antiph. fr. 127.1. αὖθις αὖ"A common pleonasm in Attic poetry (e.|g. S. Ph. 952; OC 1418; E. Heracl. 796; Hel. 932; Or. 279, echoed at Ar. Nu. 1379; Av. 789; Sannyr. fr. 8.5) and prose (e.|g. Pl. Ti. 48b; D. 19.121). µολυβδίνην"For the adjective, cf. Eup. fr. 183 (spit-rests made of lead); Hp. Mul. 133 = 8.290.10–11, 292.8 Littré. µόλυβδος/µόλιβος is attested already in Mycenean and appears to be borrowed from Lydian, the original meaning being “dark”; see Beekes 1999; Melchert 2004 (including discussion of and bibliography for the distribution of lead objects in Bronze Age Greece). Although Orus denounces µολυβοῦν (i.|e. µολύβεος) as barbaric—presumably because it combines what he takes to be the separate Homeric and Attic forms of the word—µολιβδοῦς (i.|e. µολίβδεος) is attested at e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 12.1, as is µόλιβδος at e.|g. Lys. fr. 439; Arist. Cael. 309b14; Mech. 857b4, although in all these cases the iota could easily be emended to upsilon.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 358)

155

fr. 358 K.–A. (320 K.) τρίγλη δ’ εἰ µὲν ἐδηδοκοίη τένθου τινὸς ἀνδρός τρίγλη Ath. : τρίγλην Schweighäuser : τρίγλην … ⟨’ν⟩ τένθου Cobet : κίχλη Gulick

but if a red mullet on the one hand should have eaten part of some gluttonous man Ath. 7.305a–b κίχλαι καὶ κόσσυφοι. διὰ τοῦ ηJ Ἀττικοὶ κίχλην λέγουσι, καὶ ὁ λόγος οὕτως ἔχει. τὰ γὰρ εἰς -λα λήγοντα θηλυκὰ πρὸ τοῦ λ ἕτερον λ ἔχει, Σκύλλα, σκίλλα, κόλλα, βδέλλα, ἅµιλλα, ἄµαλλα· τὰ δὲ εἰς -λη οὐκέτι, ὁµίχλη, φύτλη, γενέθλη, αἴγλη, τρώγλη. ὁµοίως οὖν καὶ τρίγλη. Κρατῖνος· ―― thrush-wrasses (kichlai) and blackbird-wrasses (kossuphoi). Attic authors pronounce the word kichlê, with an êta, for the following reason: feminine nouns that end in -la have another lambda before the lambda: Scylla, skilla (“squill”), kolla (“glue”), bdella (“leech”), hamilla (“contest”), amalla (“sheaf of grain”). Those that end in -lê, on the other hand, do not: homichlê (“mist”), phytlê (“generation”), genethlê (“family”), aiglê (“radiance”), trôglê (“mouse-hole”). Similarly, therefore, triglê (“red mullet”). Cratinus: ――

Meter"Priapean (i.|e. glyconic + pherecratean).

kllkklkll llkkll

Discussion"Schweighäuser 1803. 115; Porson 1812. 98; Bergk 1838. 217; Meineke 1839 II.179; Cobet 1854. 249; Cobet 1858. 147; Kock 1880 I.320; Luppe ap. Kassel–Austin Assignment to known plays"Bergk attributed the fragment to Trophônios on the basis of its similarity to fr. 236 (also priapeans) οὐδ’ Αἰξωνίδ’ ἐρυθρόχρων ἐσθίειν ἔτι τρίγλην / οὐδὲ τρυγόνος οὐδὲ δεινοῦ φυὴν µελανούρου (“no longer to eat a red-skinned triglê from Aexone or a bit of sting-ray or of a melanouros with its fearful shape”; from further on in Athenaeus Book 7 and likely also drawn from Dorion). Text"Schweighäuser’s τρίγλην for the paradosis τρίγλη makes the sense easier (“but if he/she/it were to have eaten a red mullet belonging to some gluttonous man”), although at the price of rendering the verse less interesting; see Interpretation. Cobet 1854’s ⟨’ν⟩ allows the second half of the line to be understood “in (the house) of some gluttonous man”. For Gulick’s κίχλη—which may be right—see Citation context.

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Citation context"From a discussion of thrush-wrasses (κίχλαι) and blackbird-wrasses (κόσσυφοι). The material supplied as citation context above begins the note and is closely related to the initial portion of Athenaeus’ section on the τρίγλη at 7.324c–d. Epich. fr. 53.2, Arist. fr. 208, Pancrat. SH 599 and Nic. fr. 59, all of which mention the κίχλη and are likely drawn from Dorion’s On Fish (one of the main sources of Book 7 of Athenaeus), follow. Reference to a τρίγλη is thus out of place here, and Gulick may have been right to think that Cratinus wrote κίχλη, the word having been corrupted to τρίγλη via the influence of that word at the end of the immediately preceding list of nouns ending in -λη.108 Interpretation"The first half of what must have been at least a two-part protasis, most likely of a future less vivid condition: “If … on the one hand (or if on the other hand … then … would …)”. Regardless of whether τρίγλη or κίχλη is adopted at the beginning of the line, the text printed here and in Kassel–Austin represents a paradox: a creature one would expect a man to consume is instead imagined eating part of the man (thus apparently Luppe in his unpublished dissertation). The form of the condition presents this as an unlikely possibility, so this is probably part of a fanciful argument e.|g. calling for satisfaction for the birds (or fish) for the damage done them by human gluttons, and adopting a nominally balanced proposal to similarly penalize any bird (or fish) found to have consumed part of a human being. As Bergk saw, this fits well with fr. 236 (quoted in Assignment to known plays), which similarly seems to imagine an end to human beings consuming seafood. For another example of radical inter-species gastronomic “turn-about is fair play”, see Archipp. fr. 28 (from Ichthyes, “Fish”). The τρίγλη (“red mullet”; Mullus barbatus, L. and M. surmeletus, L.) is a small, omnivorous, bottom-feeding fish often mentioned as a delicacy in catalogues of foodstuffs and the like (e.|g. Epich. frr. 57; 122.5; Sophr. fr. 49; Philox. ap. Pl. Com. fr. 189.20; Philyll. fr. 12.3; Nausicr. fr. 1.6–11; Ephipp. fr. 12.3; Antiph. frr. 27.10; 130.8; Mnesim. fr. 4.38; Sotad. Com. fr. 1.11; Matro fr. 1.27, 31). See in general Archestr. fr. 42 with Olson–Sens 2000 ad loc.; Thompson 1957. 264–8; Lythgoe–Lythgoe 1971. 111–12. For thrushes, see Olson 2002 on Ar. Ach. 960–1.

108

Gulick himself wanted to emend both uses of τρίγλη, yielding ὁµοίως οὖν καὶ κίχλη. Κρατῖνος· κίχλη δ’ εἰ κτλ. But this fails to explain how τρίγλη got into the text of an otherwise generally homogenous discussion of the κίχλη.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 359)

157

ἐδηδοκοίη109"is perfect active optative of ἐσθίω, “eat”. For the ending (in place of the usual -κοι), cf. ἐκπεφευγοίην (S. OT 840), πεποιθοίη (Ar. Ach. 939) and προεληλυθοίης (X. Cyr. 2.4.17), and see Schwyzer 1953 I.795; evidently an Attic form. τένθης"(etymology uncertain) is attested elsewhere before the Roman period only at Ar. Pax 1009, 1120, although note τενθεία (“gluttony”) at Ar. Av. 1691 and προτένθης (an individual allowed to participate in various public banquets ahead of time) and cognates at Pherecr. fr. 7.2; Ar. Nu. 1198, 1200; Philyll. fr. 7.2 with Orth 2015 ad loc.110 The word and its cognates are used a number of times in Athenaeus (e.|g. 1.6c; 3.112b) and at Alciphr. 2.21.2 (τενθεία), and are glossed by both Pollux (6.42 τένθης τενθεία, 122 λιχνοτένθης111 τενθεύων) and Timaeus (τ 13), leaving little doubt that they came to be regarded as Attic colloquialisms.

fr. 359 K.–A. (321 K.) χαῖρ’ ὦ χρυσόκερως βαβάκτα κήλων, Πάν, Πελασγικὸν Ἄργος ἐµβατεύων 1 χαῖρ’ ὦ Heph. Choerob. : χαῖρε Et.Gen.UUU2 Ἄργος Heph. Choerob. Et.Gen. : ἄργον Wilamowitz : ἄγκος vel ἀργός Kock : ἄντρον vel ἄκρον Blaydes : αἶπος Kaibel

Hail, o golden-horned, babaktês stud, Pan, haunting Pelasgian Argos

109

110

111

The root is *h1ed–, whence one would expect e.|g. the perfect active participle *ἠδώς, “having eaten”, rather than ἐδηδώς (Il. 17.542); cf. Sanskrit âdús, “having eaten”. But as in the case of a number of other verbs whose roots began with a laryngeal (e.|g. ἀκούω, “hear”; ὄµνυµι, “swear”), the perfect stem is formed with “Attic reduplication”, i.|e. with a short vowel in the reduplicant and a lengthened vowel in the root; see in general Kühner–Blass 1892 II.26–32; for attempts to explain the origin of Attic reduplication, e.|g. Winter 1950; Suzuki 1994; Sihler 1995. 489. ἐδήδοκα, like e.|g. ὀµώµοκα (“I have sworn”; e.|g. Archipp. fr. 36) and ἀκήκουκας (“you have heard”; Herod. 5.48), has in addition been refashioned as a κ-perfect; cf. Schwyzer 1953 I.775. All cited at Ath. 4.171c–e, along with the text of a 4th-century Athenian inscription having to do with advance arrangements for the celebration of the Apatouria festival. Presumably to be regarded as an adespoton comic fragment.

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Cratinus

Heph. Enchiridion 10.3, pp. 32.21–33.4 Consbruch τῶν δὲ τριµέτρων τὸ µὲν καταληκτικὸν τὸ µόνην τὴν πρώτην ἀντισπαστικὴν ἔχον, τὰς δὲ ἑξῆς ἄλλας ἰαµβικὰς Φαλαίκειον καλεῖται, οἷον· ―― The catalectic trimeter that only has only one antispastic at the beginning, while the other feet that follow are iambic, is called a Phalaecian, for example: ―― Choerob. p. 241.5–9 Φαλαίκειόν φησι µέτρον, οἱονεὶ Φιλίκειον ἀπὸ Φιλίκου τοῦ προειρηµένου. τὸ δέ (v. 1)· ―― Kρατίνου ἐστί He calls the meter “Phalaecian”, just as the Philician is named after the Philicus discussed earlier. But the phrase (v. 1): ―― is from Cratinus Et.Gen. AB s.#v. βαβάκτης (≈ EM p. 183.45–8 = Et.Sym. β 1 B) βαβάκτης· ὀρχηστής, λάλος, µανιώδης, βακχευτής. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὁ Πάν· Κρατῖνος, οἷον (v. 1)· ――. παρὰ τὸ βάζω, τὸ λαλῶ, βάξω βέβακται, οἷον θ 408· ――, βεβάκτης βαβάκτης, ὁ πολλὰ λαλῶν. ἔστι καὶ ῥητορική babaktês: a dancer, prattler, madman, bacchant. But Pan is also called this: Cratinus, e.|g. (v. 1): ――. From badzô, (that is) lalô (“prattle”), baxô (fut.) bebaktai (perf.), e.|g. Od. 8.408· ――, bebaktês babaktês, one who chatters a lot. It is also rhetorical

Meter"Phalaecian.

llkkkl klkll lklkkl klkll

Discussion"Orville 1737. 53–4; Fritzsche 1835. 13; Bergk 1838. 97; Wilamowitz 1879. 183; Kock 1880 I.106–7; Kock 1882. 293; Wilamowitz 1893. 19; Blaydes 1896 II.13; Wilamowitz 1921. 143; Whittaker 1935. 188; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Text"In 1, the χαῖρε of the Et.Gen. would do metrically, but is best regarded as a simple error for χαῖρ’ ὦ in the other witnesses. The paradosis Πελασγικὸν Ἄργος in 2 scans, and the place is known (see Interpretation), but it is difficult to understand why Cratinus’ Pan is placed specifically there. The suggestions recorded in the apparatus all assume that Πελασγικόν refers to the Athenian Acropolis and that the second word ought to be corrected in a way that associates the god with his cave on the North Slope (for which, see Hdt. 6.105.3; E. Ion 936–8; Luc. Bis Acc. 9; n. 114 below). Citation context"Hephaestion quotes the fragment in the course of a brief discussion of antispasts (a term used to analyze various sections of verse containing two long and two short syllables, in this case llkk) in the course of his treatment of choriambs (lkkl). ΣDIM Heph. Enchiridion 10.3, p. 143.15–19 Consbruch ἀντισπαστικὸν τρίµετρον καταληκτιόν, ὃν καλεῖται Φαλαίκειον. δέχεται δὲ ἕνα ἀντισπάστον, ἤτοι τέταρτον ἐπίτριτον, καὶ τρεῖς ἰάµβους καὶ

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 359)

159

συλλαβήν· χαῖρ’ ὦ χρυσόκερως καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς (“An antispastic trimeter catalectic, which is called a Phalaecian. It contains one antispast, specifically a fourth epitrite, and three iambs plus one syllable: Hail, o golden-horned, and what follows”) is drawn direct from Hephaestion and thus need not be treated as a separate witness to the text, as in Kassel–Austin. Choeroboscus, on the other hand, knows that the lines are from Cratinus and must thus have had access to some other source. The Et.Gen. (≈ EM p. 183.45–8 = Et.Sym. β 1 B), which offers only v. 1, is from a separate, lexicographic tradition, additional traces of which are preserved at – Phot. β 6 βαβάκτης· ὁ µανιώδης καὶ ἀκρατής, καὶ ἰδιαίτερον ὁ Πάν (“babaktês: someone maddened and out of control, and above all else Pan”) – Hsch. β 6 = Phot. β 8 ~ Lex.Rhet. AΒ I p. 223.21 βαβάκτης· ὀρχηστής, ὑµνῳδός, µανιώδης, κραύγασος· ὅθεν καὶ Βάκχος (“babaktês: a dancer, singer of hymns, maddened, shouting; whence also Bacchus”; traced by Theodoridis to Diogenianus) – Epim. Homer. Α 262 ἐκ τοῦ βέβακται βάκτης καὶ βαβάκτης, δαίµων τις θορυβώδης· Βάκχος δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ βάζω, ὡς Ἴακχος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἰάχω καὶ Βρόµιος ἀπὸ τοῦ βρέµειν (“baktês and babaktês, a deity that causes disturbance, are from bebaktai; whereas Bakchos is from badzô, like Iakchos from iacho and Bromios from bremein”) – ΣT Pl. Alc. II 147c ἐστὶ δὲ βαβάκτης ὁ κράκτης καὶ µανιώδη (“and a babaktês is a man who shouts and is maddened”). Interpretation"The language suggests the beginning of a hymn or prayer (cf. fr. *361.1 with n.; Eup. fr. 250 with Olson 2016 ad loc.), while the meter—used by Aristophanes at V. 1226–7 (a snatch of symposium poetry), 1248; Ec. 938–9— matches that in the initial lines of some of the Attic skolia (drinking songs that inter alia extol individual gods), as Wilamowitz noted. Whittaker took the lines to be drawn from the ode or antode of a parabasis; but they might be from any lyric section. The first verse hails the god via three progressively shorter epithets or titles that refer to various aspects of his appearance, behavior and character (the golden and thus divine horns on his head; the sound he or his pipes make, or the way he moves; his reputation for aggressive sexuality), and thus functions as a sort of riddle, which is abruptly resolved with the mention of the god’s name at the beginning of 2. The balance of 2 is dedicated to describing Pan by means of another standard hymnic device, the evocation of a place the god is known to haunt (for which, see Austin–Olson 2004 on Ar. Th. 316, with additional references and secondary bibliography). Cf. the even more elaborate hHom. 19, where Pan is named only at the beginning of v. 5 after an extended description of his ancestry and habits.

160

Cratinus

Pan—the name is plausibly derived from < *peh2–, “nourish”, making it cognate with e.|g. Lat. pasco, “feed”, and Skt. Pushan, “Nourisher”, a Vedic god associated with guarding and multiplying cattle (e.|g. RV 1.42) (cf. Brown 1977, who takes the name originally to have been ὁ Ὀπάων, “the Companion”, instead; Beekes 2010 s.#v.)—was a god of shepherds and flocks, which he protected and made increase (hPan; AP 6.239; 10.10; Paus. 8.38.8; Ov. Fast. 2.271, 7; Virg. E. 1.33). Herodotus (2.145.4) reports that the Greeks of his own time made Pan the child of Hermes and Penelope; the undated but perhaps classical-period Homeric Hymn to Pan agrees that he was a son of Hermes, but identifies his mother as an Arcadian nymph (hHom. 19.33–6). Pan was horned, goat-footed, bearded and loud already at birth,112 as a consequence of which his mother abandoned him (hHom. 19.36–9); but Hermes took him to Olympus, where he delighted all the gods (an attempt to etymologize the name, as if < πᾶς) and especially Dionysus (hHom. 19.40–6). Pan was associated in the first instance with Arcadia (hHom. 19.30; Pi. fr. 95 (quoted below); E. fr. 696.2–3 (quoted below)), and his cult is said by Herodotus (6.105) to have been introduced in Athens shortly after 490 BCE, as a result of an appearance he made to the messenger Philippides just before the Battle at Marathon announcing his intention to side with the Athenians (cf. Paus. 8.26.2; “Simon.” AP 16.232 τὸν τραγόπουν ἐµὲ Πᾶνα τὸν Ἀρκάδα, τὸν κατὰ Μήδων, / τὸν µετ’ Ἀθηναίων στήσατο Μιλτιάδης, “Miltiades set me up, goat-footed Pan the Arcadian, the one who opposed the Medes and was with the Athenians”).113 See in general Borgeaud 1979; Boardman, LIMC VIII.1 (1997), pp. 923, 940–1. For other hymns to Pan, evocations of the god in prayer, and the like, cf. Ar. Th. 977–81 Ἑρµῆν τε νόµιον ἄντοµαι / καὶ Πᾶνα καὶ Νύµφας φίλας / ἐπιγελάσαι προθύµως / ταῖς ἡµετέραισι / χαρέντα χορείαις (“I implore Hermes god of flocks and Pan and the beloved Nymphs graciously to cast an eager smile upon our dances”); Pi. frr. 95–100, esp. fr. 95 Ὦ Πάν, Ἀρκαδίας µεδέων / καὶ σεµνῶν ἀδύτων φύλαξ / ⟨ … ⟩ / Ματρὸς µεγάλας ὀπαδέ, / σεµνᾶν Χαρίτων µέληµα / τερπνόν (“O Pan, ruler of Arcadia and guardian of sacred shrines … companion of the Great Mother, pleasurable cause of concern to the sacred Graces”; see in general Haldane 1968); carm. conv. PMG 887 ὦ Πάν, Ἀρκαδίας µέδων κλεεννᾶς, / ὀρχηστὰ Βροµίαις ὀπαδὲ Νύµφαις, / γελάσειας, ὦ Πάν, ἐπ’ ἐµαῖς / † εὐφροσύναις ταῖσδ’ ἀοιδαῖς αοιδε † κεχαρηµένος (“O 112

113

For Pan’s appearance, cf. Hdt. 2.46.2 (Egyptian artists represent Pan just as the Greeks do, αἰγοπρόσωπον καὶ τραγοσκελέα, “with a goat’s face and legs”); Pl. Cra. 408d (“Pan the goatherd” described as “the twin-natured son of Hermes, hairless above but rough and goat-like below”). For Pan’s cave at Marathon, see Lupu 2001.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 359)

161

Pan, ruler of famous Arcadia, dancer, companion of Bacchic nymphs, may you smile, O Pan, taking pleasure in my † festivities these songs [corrupt] †”; one of the Attic skolia); S. Ai. 693–701 ὦ Πὰν Πὰν ἁλίπλαγκτε, Κυλ / λανίας χιονοκτύπου / πετραίας ἀπὸ δειράδος φάνηθ’, ὦ / θεῶν χοροποί’ ἄναξ, ὅπως µοι / Μύσια Κνώσι’ -ὀρ- / χήµατ’ αὐτοδαῆ ξυνὼν ἰάψῃς. / νῦν γὰρ ἐµοὶ µέλει χορεῦσαι (“O Pan Pan, sea-shore roamer, appear from the rocky ridge of snow-beaten Cyllene, O dance-making king of the gods, so that along with me you may set Mysian and Cnosian dances in motion! For now I wish to dance”); E. fr. 696.2–3 χαῖρ’, ὅς τε πέτραν Ἀρκάδων δυσχείµερον / Πὰν ἐµβατεύεις (“Hail, and also you, Pan, who haunt the Arcadians’ wintry rock”); Castorion SH 310 σὲ τὸν βολαῖς νιφοκτύποις δυσχείµερον / ναίονθ’ ἕδραν, θηρονόµε Πάν, χθόν’ Ἀρκάδων, / κλήσω … / … / µωσοπόλε θήρ, κηρόχυτον ὃς µείλιγµ’ ἱεῖς / (“You who inhabit an abode made wintry by bolts of rattling snow, Pan tender of wild beasts, I shall invoke you …, poetic beast, you who produce a soothing song molded from wax”; see in general Bing 1985); Theoc. 1.123–4 ὦ Πὰν Πάν, εἴτ’ ἐσσὶ κατ’ ὤρεα µακρὰ Λυκαίω, / εἴτε τύγ’ ἀµφιπολεῖς µέγα Μαίναλον (“O Pan Pan, whether you are among the lofty mountains of Lycia, or whether you are frequenting great Maenalus”). For other mentions of Pan in comedy, Ar. Av. 745 (a god of pastures, associated in the verse that follows with the Mountain Mother); Lys. 2 (festivals of Pan in Athens attended by women), 721, 911 (both references to Pan’s grotto below the Acropolis114), 998 (mockingly taken to be responsible for the erections of the Spartan ambassadors); Ra. 230 κεροβάτας Πὰν ὁ καλαµόφθογγα παίζων (“hoof-trodding Pan who plays a reed-voiced [pipe]”); Ec. 1069 (invoked in the plural in an expression of horror); Arar. Panos gonai; Amphis Pan; Men. Dysc. passim; in tragedy at e.|g. [Thespis] TrGF 1 F [4.4–5] Πὰν / δικέρως (“two-horned Pan”); A. Pers. 448–9 ὁ φιλόχορος / Πάν (“dance-loving Pan”; said to haunt the sea-side); Ag. 56; Eu. 943–5 (the god who cares for flocks of sheep); S. OT 1100 Πανὸς ὀρεσσιβάτα (“Pan the mountain-trodder”); E. El. 702–4 εὐαρµόστοις ἐν καλάµοις / Πᾶνα µοῦσαν ἡδύθροον / πνέοντ’, ἀγρῶν ταµίαν (“Pan, guardian of the fields, blowing sweet-voiced music on his well-joined reeds”); IT 1125–6 ὁ κηρόδετος / Πανὸς οὐρείου κάλαµος (“the wax-bound reed [pipe] of mountain Pan”); Ion 492–502 (Pan’s grotto beneath the Acropolis, where he plays his pipes). 1"For χαῖρ(ε) used in an address to a deity, e.|g. frr. *235 (pl.); 237.2; *361.1 = Ecphantid. fr. 4; Ar. Th. 111; Il. 10.462; hAphr. 92; Alc. fr. 308.1; Pi. fr. 33c.1; A. fr. **78a col. 1.22; E. Hipp. 63, 70; fr. 696.2, and probably Cratin. fr. 225, and see in general Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 331.2. Cf. fr. 360.1.

114

For the grotto, see Text and Travlos 1971. 417–21.

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χρυσόκερως"is elevated poetic vocabulary (of the horns of magical deer at Pi. O. 3.29; E. Hel. 382; fr. 740.2; of incense, presumably with the extended sense “dedicated to sacrifice” (cf. LSJ s.#v. II), at Pi. fr. 329 = Ar. fr. 913 K. = adesp. com. fr. 784 K.); also applied to Pan at App. Anth. 129.1 χρυσοκέρως βλοσυροῖο ∆ιωνύσου θεράπων Πάν (“golden-horned Pan, attendant of grim Dionysus”). Cf. Ar. Eq. 559 χρυσοτρίαιν(ε) (“with a golden trident”, of Poseidon); Av. 217 χρυσοκόµας (“golden-haired”, of Apollo), 1738 χρυσόπτερος (“golden-winged”, of Eros); Th. 315 χρυσολύρα (“golden-lyred”, of Apollo), 318 χρυσόλογχε (“golden-speared”, of Athena); and for gold as the typical material for objects associated with the gods, see Olson 2012 on hAphr. 16–17. βαβάκτης"is attested only here before the Roman-era lexicographers, although cf. Archil. fr. 297 κατ’ οἶκον ἐστρωφᾶτο µισητὸς βάβαξ (“a hateful babax circulated throughout the house”); Hsch. β 1 βαβάζειν· τὸ ⟨µὴ⟩ διηρθρωµένα λέγειν. ἔνιοι δὲ βοᾶν (“babazein: to speak 〈in〉articulately; but some (say it means) to shout”), 10 βαβάξαι· ὀρχήσασθαι (“babaxai: to dance”); ε 1287 ἐκβαβάξαι· ἐκσαλεῦσαι. Σοφοκλῆς Ἀντηνορίδαις (fr. *139) (“ekbabaxai: to swagger forth. Sophocles in Antênoidai (fr. *139)”). Corn. ND p. 59.3 identifies βαβάκτης as an epithet of Dionysus (cf. Βάκχος), while the other sources offer a combination of what appear to be guesses based on the context here and a derivation from βάζω (“speak, say”). If Hsch. β 1 is right, it must mean “someone who says ba-ba”, i.|e. who talks nonsense (because he is lost in a Dionysiac trance, so that what Archilochus means by µισητὸς βάβαξ is ~ “an ugly murmur”)? or a reference to the sound of the pipes Pan plays?). “Dancer” (cf. Hsch. β 6 = Phot. β 8; Hsch. β 10; and the initial definition in Et.Gen. AB) also fits with the traditional image of the god (for which, see above). κήλων"is attested elsewhere in the classical period only at Archil. fr. 43.2–3 ὥστ’ ὄνου Πριηνέως / κήλωνος ἐπλήµυρεν ὀτρυγηφάγου (“it swelled full like that of a crop-eating Prienian kêlôn-donkey”; presumably in reference to the penis of a sexually excited man), but the Hippiatrica Berolinensia (Byzantine in date) also uses the word in reference to horses. It thus likely means “stud animal” rather than specifically “he-ass” (thus LSJ s.#v. II),115 and by extension a man who is insistently eager to have sex, as Philoxenus (fr. 514 κήλων· ὁ θερµὸς εἰς συνουσίαν, “kêlôn: a man who is hot for sexual commerce”) claims.116

115 116

Note also Philo de spec. leg. 3.47.4 ὄνους ὑπερµεγέθεις, οὓς προσαγορεύουσι κήλωνας (“exceptionally large donkeys, which they refer to as kêlônes”). The latter sense of the word is ignored in LSJ s.#v. Cf. also celo (“stallion”) at Plaut. Poen. 1168, although the text there is disputed.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 360)

163

2"Πελασγικὸν Ἄργος"is mentioned at Il. 2.681 (the Catalogue of Ships), where it is located in Thessaly, and Str. 5.221; 8.369 (followed by Loptson 1981), identifies the phrase as a periphrasis for Thessaly as a whole. At E. Ph. 256; Or. 1601, Πελασγικὸν Ἄργος is instead the city of Argos in the Peloponnesus (IACP #347; referred to as Πελασγὸν Ἄργος at E. Or. 692, 1296). Whether Cratinus is referring to Homer (and thus to Thessaly) or to the city of Argos is unclear. ἐµβατεύω"is otherwise restricted in the 5th century to tragedy and is often used of divine visitations (e.|g. A. Pers. 449 (Pan); S. OC 679 (Dionysus); E. fr. 696.3 (Pan); [E.] Rh. 225 (Apollo)).

fr. 360 K.–A. (323 K.) χαῖρ’ ὦ µέγ’ ἀχρειόγελως ὅµιλε, ταῖς ἐπίβδαις τῆς ἡµετέρας σοφίας κριτὴς ἄριστε πάντων· εὐδαίµον’ ἔτικτέ σε µήτηρ ἰκρίων ψόφησις 1 ταῖς ἐπίβδαις Heph. : τῆς ἐπίβδας KockUUU3 εὐδαίµον’ Heph.AD : εὐδαίµων Heph.I : εὔδαιµον SkutschUUUσε Heph. : µε MeinekeUUUψόφησις Heph. : ψόφησιν ed. pr. : ψόφοισιν Kock : ψοφήσει Herwerden

Hail, O crowd that laughs to absolutely no point,117 best judge of all of our cleverness—on the days that follow the festival! Your mother, the noise-making of the benches, bore you fortunate Heph. Enchiridion 15.2, pp. 47.3–48.1 Consbruch γίνεται δὲ καὶ ἀσυνάρτητα, ὁπόταν δύο κῶλα µὴ δυνάµενα ἀλλήλοις συναρτηθῆναι µηδὲ ἕνωσιν ἔχειν ἀντὶ ἑνὸς µόνου παραλαµβάνηται στίχου. πρῶτος δὲ καὶ τούτοις Ἀρχίλοχος κέχρηται· πῆ µὲν γὰρ ἐποίησεν ἔκ τε ἀναπαιστικοῦ ἑφθηµιµεροῦς καὶ τροχαϊκοῦ ἡµιολίου τοῦ καλουµένου ἰθυφαλλικοῦ (Archil. fr. 168.1–2)· ――. τοῦτο δὲ οἱ µετ’ αὐτὸν οὐχ ὁµοίως αὐτῷ ἔγραψαν. οὗτος µὲν γὰρ τῇ τε τοµῇ δι’ ὅλου κέχρηται καὶ σπονδείους παρέλαβεν ἐν τῷ ἀναπαιστικῷ κώλῳ, οἷον (Archil. fr. 170)· ――, οἱ δὲ µετ’ αὐτὸν τῇ µὲν τοµῇ ἀδιαφόρως ἐχρήσαντο, ὥσπερ Κρατῖνος (ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις Heph.I : ἐν τοῖς Πλούτοις Meineke)· ――. καὶ µέντοι καὶ τοὺς σπονδείους παρῃτήσαντο τοὺς ἐν τῷ µέσῳ And there are also asynartêta (“unconnected [meters]”), whenever two cola that cannot be connected with one another or form a unity are used instead of a single line. Archilochus was the first to make use of these as well, for in some places he composed 117

Not “of the great burst of laughter” (Rusten 2011. 217).

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them from an anapaestic hephthemimer and a trochaic hemiolion of the sort referred to as an ithyphallic (Archil. fr. 168.1–2): ――. But those who came after him did not write this the same way he did. For he uses the caesura throughout and took over spondees in the anapaestic colon, as in (Archil. fr. 170): ――, whereas those who came after him made indiscriminate use of the caesura, as Cratinus (does) (“in verses such as these” Heph.I : “in his Ploutoi” Meineke): ――. Moreover, they also avoided spondees in the middle Phot. α 3454 = Suda α 4714 = Synag. B α 2614 ἀχρειόγελως ἄνθρωπος· ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀχρήστοις καὶ µὴ σπουδαίοις γελῶν καὶ χαίρων an achreiogelôs person: one who laughs at and takes pleasure in useless and unserious things

Meter"Archilochean dicola (x D x ith), like fr. 62. Hephaestion is clearly baffled by the meter, which he misanalyzes as a mix of anapaests and trochees.

l lkklkkl k lklkll l lkklkkl l lklkll l lkklkkl l lklkll

Discussion"Orville 1737. 465–6; Runkel 1827. 86; Meineke 1839 II.192–4; Kock 1880 I.107–8; Herwerden 1903. 11; Whittaker 1935. 188; Olson 2007. 108 (B37); Bakola 2010. 40–1; Biles 2011. 35, 70, 103, 136–7, 188; Roselli 2011. 72–3; Storey 2011. 419 Assignment to known plays"Meineke’s emendation of the text of Hephaestion attributes the fragment to Ploutoi. Text"Meineke placed commas before and after ταῖς ἐπίβδαις in 1, taking the words with χαῖρ(ε) (“Hail on the days that follow the festival!”), whereas Kock placed a single comma after ταῖς ἐπίβδαις, taking the words with ὦ µέγ’ ἀχρειόγελως ὅµιλε (“O crowd that laughs to absolutely no point on the days that follow the festival”).118 We follow Kassel–Austin in placing a single comma before ταῖς ἐπίβδαις, taking the words with 2. See Interpretation. At the beginning of 3, εὐδαίµον’ has been corrupted to εὐδαίµων (unmetrical) in some manuscripts of Hephaestion via attraction to the ending of the word ἰκρίων. Skutch’s vocative εὔδαιµον (voc.) does not improve the sense.

118

As an alternative possibility, Kock suggested replacing the paradosis ὅµιλε ταῖς ἐπίβδαις with ὅµιλε τῆς ἐπίβδας (“day-after-the-festival crowd”). Whatever the point of 1–2 may be, however, the group addressed is certainly the audience in the Theater on the festival day itself.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 360)

165

In the middle of 3, Meineke suggested µε for the paradosis σε. But 1–2 are patently a complaint regarding the audience: they are lucky (sc. because they are free to behave ignorantly), but the poet forced to depend on them is not. At the end of 3, the conjectures of Kock and Herwerden convert ἰκρίων ψόφησις into a dative of means, but the text that results is no clearer or funnier than the paradosis. Citation context"The quotation of the verses in Hephaestion is part of a discussion of “compound” meters, i.|e. those supposedly made up out of elements of different sorts, in the surviving, abridged version of a metrical handbook originally composed in the 2nd century CE, most likely drawing on Heliodorus. The reference to 1 in Phot. = Suda = Synag. B (from the common source generally referred to as Σ΄) is traced by de Borries to Phrynichus (= PS fr. *294). Interpretation"On the punctuation adopted here (following Kassel–Austin; see Text), this is a mock-admiring address of the audience in the Theater, acknowledging their power over the poet’s fate in the competition, but condemning them for failing to understand his jokes until the festival is over and thus after the prize has been awarded to someone else. The pointless laughter referenced in 1 must accordingly be either in response to the worthless offerings of the chorus’ (i.|e. the playwright’s) rivals, i.|e. on the festival day and leading to the award of honors to the wrong comedy, or to their own jokes, although only after the festival is over, at which point the laughter does them no good. Kock’s punctuation (see Text) makes the sense of 1 easier (the laughter is pointless because it occurs after the festival), but at the price of draining 2 of sense (since the audience cannot really be described as “best judge of our cleverness” if they laugh too late). Meter and content make it clear that the lines are drawn from the beginning of a parabatic ode; cf. Pl. Com. fr. 96 χαῖρε παλαιογόνων ἀνδρῶν θεατῶν ξύλλογε παντοσόφων (“Hail, collection of utterly wise, ancient-born spectators!”), and the similarly disappointed sentiments at Ar. Nu. 518–62; V. 1016–59. That the three verses represent continuous text is taken for granted by modern editors. But fr. *361 and Eup. fr. 316 show that Hephaestion (or his source) sometimes skipped lines in such situations, and these might simply be three individual verses (with 1 in that case to be translated “Hail, o crowd that laughs to absolutely no point on the days that follow the festival”). 1"χαῖρ(ε)"See fr. 359.1 n. µέγ(α)"is adverbial, as at Ar. Nu. 291 ὦ µέγα σεµναὶ Νεφέλαι (“o profoundly reverend Clouds!”). ἀχρειόγελως"is attested nowhere else and is likely a nonce-word; perhaps inspired by Od. 18.163 ἀχρεῖον δ’ ἐγέλασσεν (“and she laughed idly”;

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Penelope responds to an incomprehensible desire, inspired in her by Athena, to show herself to the Suitors). ὅµιλος"is attested elsewhere in comedy only at Ar. Pax 920. ἐπίβδαι"are defined at Hsch. ε 4622 (cf. Tim. Lex. s.#v.; Phot. µ 189; EM pp. 357.55; 358.1) as αἱ µεθέορτοι ἡµέραι· ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐπιβιβάζεσθαι ταῖς ἑορταῖς οὐκ οὔσας ἐξ αὐτῶν (“post-festival days; from the fact that they come after (epibibazesthai) the festivals, but are not part of them”). Outside of lexicographers and the like, the word is attested elsewhere only at Pi. P. 4.140 and Aristid. or. 51.26; etymology uncertain. 2 σοφίας"For the word and its cognates applied specifically to poets, see Dover 1993. 12–13, who notes that the sense wanted is generally “talented, brilliant, great” or the like rather than “wise”; see e.|g. Eup. fr. 392.3; Pl. Com. fr. 96 with Olson 2007 ad loc. (= B36); Ar. Nu 520, 522, 1377–8; Pax 798; fr. 392; Eub. fr. 26.4. For pleonastic πάντων with a superlative, e.|g. Teleclid. fr. 2.1 πάντων ἀστῶν λῷστοι; Ar. Eq. 457 ψυχήν τ’ ἄριστε πάντων; V. 605 ἥδιστον τούτων … πάντων; Archipp. fr. 15.2 πάντων µάντεων σοφώτατοι; Pl. Com. fr. 105.2 πάντων κτηµάτων κράτιστον. 3"εὐδαίµον(α) ἔτικτέ σε µήτηρ"For the phrasing (elevated pastiche), e.|g. Il. 1.352 µῆτερ ἐπεί µ’ ἔτεκές γε µινυνθάδιόν περ ἐόντα (“mother, since you bore me to be short-lived”); Od. 3.95 = 4.325 περὶ γάρ µιν ὀϊζυρὸν τέκε µήτηρ (“his mother bore him to be wretched”); E. Alc. 865 βαρυδαίµονα µήτηρ µ’ ἔτεκεν (“my mother bore me to have a difficult fate”). Imperfect ἔτικτε (e.|g. Il. 5.547; Hes. Th. 1008; hAp. 126; A. Eu. 321 (lyric); E. fr. 481.2) and aorist ἔτεκε (e.|g. Il. 2.728; Hes. Th. 287; S. Tr. 834 (lyric); E. HF 1182) often appear to be used interchangeably metri gratia, although Aristophanes uses the former only in tragic parody (Pax 722 = E. fr. 312; Th. 1047b). On the verb and its cognates generally, see fr. 497 n. ἰκρίων ψόφησις"According to the lexicographers (Hsch. α 1695; ι 501; π 513; Phot. ι 95), the term ἴκρια (“beams” or “planks”, and thus by extension “scaffolding” vel sim.119) was originally used for temporary bleachers set up in the Agora to accommodate audiences for processions and theatrical performances; cf. Hegesand. fr. 8, FHG iv.415; Suda π 2230 = Pratin. TrGF 4 T 1.3–4; αι 357 = A. test. 2, on the supposed collapse of a set of such stands during a tragic performance that led to construction of a stone theater, on the one hand, and 119

For the word used of construction scaffolding, e.|g. IG I3 472.159–60, 180–2; 476.18, 25–6; II2 1672.178. In Homer, ἴκρια are “decking” vel sim. on a ship (e.|g. Od. 3.353; 5.163, 252; 12.229, 414). Cf. the use of the word at Hdt. 5.16 for planking used to produce a platform on top of posts, and see Martin 1957. 75–6.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. *361)

167

to Aeschylus’ decision to leave Athens for Sicily, on the other. Archaeological evidence suggests that such stands were in fact erected along the Panathenaic Way, i.|e. for spectators for processional events. But here, as at Ar. Th. 395, the word is used for wooden benches or the like erected in the Theater of Dionysus by whatever contractor had purchased the rights for the show, stone seating being installed only a century or so later; stories about dramatic performances before ἴκρια in the Agora probably reflect ancient scholarly confusion regarding the use of different types of temporary stands for spectators in two separate settings. For 5th-century post-holes in the Theater that held the uprights for such stands, see Papastamati von Moock 2015. For more on seating arrangements in the Theater in this period, see fr. 372 n. As a typical -σις noun, ψόφησις refers to the action of producing the sound rather than to the sound itself (ψόφος or ψόφηµα). The noise in question might be laughter (cf. 1). But spectators also whistled, clucked their tongues and stamped their feet on the ἴκρια (an action described with the verb πτερνοκοπέω, literally “heel-tap”) to express their disapproval of theatrical performances; cf. Poll. 2.197; 4.122; Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 259h = fr. 259.79 κλωγµός.120 Since our verses represent a complaint about the audience’s failure to appreciate good jokes—or at least to appreciate them while the performance is going on—the reference is thus perhaps better understood as being to the latter, i.|e. to the ancient equivalent of booing.

fr. *361 K.–A. (324 K.) “Eὔιε κισσοχαῖτ’ ἄναξ, χαῖρ’”, ἔφασκ’ Ἐκφαντίδης (fr. 4) πάντα φορητά, πάντα τολµητὰ τῷδε τῷ χορῷ πλὴν Ξενίου νόµοισι καὶ Σχοινίωνος, ὦ Χάρον 3 Σχοινίωνος, ὦ] σχοινίωνι σῷ KaibelUUUχάρων Heph.Ι

“Ivy-haired lord Euhius, hail!,” said Ecphantides (fr. 4) everything can be endured, everything dared by this chorus except to the tunes of Xenias and Schoiniôn, o Charon

120

“Applause” is κρότος (e.|g. Amphis fr. 14.8).

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Cratinus

Heph. Enchiridion 15.21–2, p. 54.11–20 Consbruch τούτου δὲ µεῖζόν ἐστι συλλαβῇ τῇ τελευταίᾳ τὸ καλούµενον Κρατίνειον· ἔστι γὰρ ἐκ χοριαµβικοῦ ἐπιµίκτου τοῦ τὴν δευτέραν ἰαµβικὴν ἔχοντος καὶ τροχαϊκοῦ ἑφθηµιµεροῦς· ――. τὸ µὲν οὖν καθαρὸν Κρατίνειον τοιοῦτόν ἐστι· πολυσχηµάτιστον δὲ αὐτὸ πεποιήκασιν οἱ κωµικοί Longer than this because of the final syllable is the so-called Cratinean; because it is composed of a mixed choriamb containing a second iamb and a trochaic hephthemimer: ――. The pure Cratinean is also of this type, but the comic poets make it a polyschematist

Meter"Aeolo-choriambic “comic dicola” seemingly identical with the form used in fr. 362 and Eup. fr. 42.1–2; cf. White 1921. 238; West 1982. 96; Parker 1988. 117. Hephaestion is clearly baffled by the meter, which he misanalyzes as a mix of choriambs, iambs and trochees.

lkklklkl lklllkl lkklklkl lklklkl lkklklkl lklklkk

Discussion"Soping ap. Albertus 1766 II.1334 n. 11; Runkel 1827. 87; Bergk 1838. 27, 114–16; Meineke 1839 II.194–5; Kock 1880 I.108–9; Fraenkel 1964 I.358; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Bakola 2010. 39–40 Assignment to known plays"Attributed to Archilochoi by Bergk. Text"Kaibel proposed σχοινίωνι σῷ for the paradosis Σχοινίωνος, ὦ in 3, taking the words as parallel with νόµοισι, on the ground that—apart from Suda κ 213 (quoted in Interpretation)—σχοινίων is attested only in the sense “song played on an aulos” (e.|g. Poll. 4.65, 79). But the line make sense as is and emendation is unnecessary. The vocative form Χάρον at the end of 3 is attested nowhere else and is not expected from a noun with a genitive in -ωνος (although cf. Ἀπόλλων, voc. Ἄπολλον, noted as an exception by Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 719.14–15; Charon occasionally shows forms in -οντ- in late sources (Phot. κ 195 = Suda κ 392; Suda τ 655)). Xάρων in Heph.I might thus be correct; cf. Ar. Ra. 184; Luc. DMort. 2.1; 14.2; etc. Citation context"The quotation of the verses in Hephaestion is part of a discussion of “compound” meters, i.|e. those supposedly made up out of elements of different sorts, in the surviving, abridged version of a metrical handbook originally composed in the 2nd century CE most likely drawing on Heliodorus. Cf. Heph. 16.6, p. 58.5–9 Consbruch καὶ τὸ Κρατίνειον δὲ τὸ ἀσυνάρτητον ἐκ χοριαµβικοῦ καὶ τροχαϊκοῦ πολυσχηµάτιστόν ἐστιν. ἀρκέσει τοῦτο δεῖξαι

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. *361)

169

ἡ παράβασις ἡ ἐν τοῖς Ἀστρατεύτοις Εὐπόλιδος (fr. 42) πᾶσα, ἵνα µὴ νῦν µηκύνωµεν παραδείγµατα παρατιθέµενοι (“and the Cratinean asynartêton is a polyschematist composed of a choriamb and a trochaic element. The entire parabasis in Eupolis’ Astrateutoi (fr. 42) will suffice to demonstrate this, so that we do not need to go on at length citing examples”). Similar material, not necessarily drawn from the same source, is preserved at Et.Gen. AB s.#v. = EM p. 761.46–9 τολύνιον· τὸ καλούµενον Κρατίνειον µέτρον πολυσύνθετον, ἀπὸ τοῦ Μεγαρέως Τολύνου· ἔστι δὲ προγενέστερος Κρατίνου. ῥητορική (“tolynion: the so-called Cratinean meter is a compound meter, named after Tolynus of Megara.121 He is earlier than Cratinus. Rhetorical”). Interpretation"The meter and content make it clear that the lines are drawn from a parabatic ode, perhaps the same as the one from which fr. 362 is drawn; cf. Sifakis 1971. 34; Quaglia 1998. 60–1. The verses do not obviously belong one after the other even if they come from the same ode (as Bergk believed), since Hephaestion sometimes skips lines in such situations. Kock nonetheless took 2–3 together (“dicit autem Cratinus omnia subeunda, omnia audenda esse choro, ut victoriam reportet, ea tamen exceptione, ut neque Xeniae neque Schoenionis modis utatur”), although it is difficult to see how he imagines the dative in 3 functioning. The references to Ecphantides (for whom, see frr. 462; 502 with n.) by name in 1, and to Callias and another poet obliquely in 3, led Bergk to believe that the general topic was a complaint about the “artis comoediae depravatio”. Although Hephaestion does not mention Cratinus by name, modern editors have followed Soping in attributing these lines to him on the ground that the meter itself is called “Cratinean” and is also used in fr. 362. This is a weak basis for argument—not all surviving Eupolideans, after all, are drawn from Eupolis’ plays—and the fragment might better have been included among the dubia. 1"Perhaps the first line of the song, setting it in its Dionysiac (i.|e. festival) context. Similar hymnic language in comedy is often parodic or otherwise less than serious (e.|g. frr. 235; 237.2; 359; Ar. Th. 111 (mocking paratragic 121

Nothing else is known about Tolynus. Meineke 1839 I.38–9 suggested τελλήνειον for the lemma and took this to be a reference to the lyric poet and musician Tellên (Stephanis #2394; Koumanoudes #1944), a contemporary of Epaminondas (Plu. Mor. 193f; Zenob. 2.15). According to Zenobius (1.45), Tellên’s witty poems were well-composed (εὐρυθµότατα) and delightfully elegant (χάριν ἔχοντα πλείστην καὶ σκώµµατα κοµψότατα) and lent their name to the proverb ἄειδε τὰ Τέλληνος (“Sing the [songs] of Tellen!”).

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lyric)), but the tone of the quotation here is impossible to judge. Bergk thought Ecphantides was cited as an example of trivial, antiquated poetry, whereas Bakola takes the reference by name to indicate a favorable opinion of his words, perhaps specifically because of their mention of Dionysus. For Eὔιε (derived from the ritual cry εὐοἷ) as a name for Dionysus, cf. Ar. Th. 990 (lyric); E. Ba. 566, 579 (both lyric). For Dionysus as κισσοχαῖτ’, cf. Pratin. TrGF 4 F 3.16. The use of double sigma in place of double tau is a high-style affectation, as also at Ar. Th. 988a κισσοφόρε Βακχεῖε (lyric). For χαῖρ(ε) used in an address to a deity, see fr. 359.1 n. For ἔφασκ(ε) used to introduce a quotation or paraphrase of another authority, cf. Ar. V. 725–6 ἦ που σοφὸς ἦν ὅστις ἔφασκεν· “πρὶν ἂν ἀµφοῖν µῦθον ἀκούσῃς, / οὐκ ἂν δικάσαις” (“whoever said, ‘don’t judge until you’ve heard both sides of the story,’ was really quite wise”); Av. 575 Ἶριν δέ γ’ Ὅµηρος (hAp. 114) ἔφασκ’ ἰκέλην εἶναι τρήρωνι πελείῃ (“Homer (hAp. 114) said that Iris was like a ‘trembling dove’”); Antiph. fr. 205.6–7 παραδίδου δ’ ἑξῆς ἐµοὶ / τὸν ἀρκεσίγυιον, ὡς ἔφασκ’ Εὐριπίδης (fr. 1098) (“quickly give me ‘the limb-strengthener [i.|e. wine]’, as Euripides (fr. 1098) said”). 2"The sense is difficult, since it is unclear whether φορητά and τολµητά express possibility (“bearable” and “venturable”) or necessity (“needing to be borne” and “needing to be ventured”; cf. E. Hel. 816, and note fr. 362)122 or have the force of passive participles (“borne” and “ventured”); cf. Kühner–Blass 1892 II.288–90). Bergk takes the line to be a complaint that the chorus put up with performing in even the worst comedies assigned to them, whereas Kock (followed by Bakola) understands it as a boast that it will do whatever it must to win the prize. These are in any case two fundamentally opposed ideas: that which is borne is imposed upon one from outside and is by implication not what one would have chosen otherwise, while that which is ventured is undertaken of one’s own volition and contrary to the expectations or wishes of others. For “daring everything” in a negative sense, cf. Ar. Nu. 375 τῷ τρόπῳ, ὦ πάντα σὺ τολµῶν (“How so, you who dares everything?”; Strepsiades asks Socrates what he means by maintaining that the Clouds’ motion allows them to produce thunder); S. OC 761–2 ὦ πάντα τολµῶν κἀπὸ παντὸς ἂν φέρων / λόγου δικαίου µηχάνηµα ποικίλον (“o you who dare everything, who would derive a crafty trick from any just argument”; Oedipus rebukes

122

Thus “omnia subeunda, omnia audeanda esse choro” (Kock) and “By this chorus, all things must be endured, all things dared” (Storey 2011. 419). Adjectives in -τος, however, do not typically express obligation.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. *361)

171

Creon); Ph. 633–4 ἔστ’ ἐκείνῳ πάντα λεκτά, πάντα δὲ / τολµητά (“he would say anything, and would dare anything”; Philoctetes of his enemy Odysseus). φορητός"is attested elsewhere before the Roman period only at Pi. fr. 33d.1; [A.] PV 979 εἴης φορητὸς οὐκ ἄν, εἰ πράσσοις καλῶς (“you would be unbearable, were you doing well”); E. Hipp. 443 Κύπρις γὰρ οὐ φορητὸν ἢν πολλὴ ῥυῇ (“for Cypris, if she flows in force, is something unbearable”); D. 21.198; Arist. Phys. 201a15; Thphr. fr. 20. The word is sufficiently common in Second Sophistic authors (e.|g. Plu. Mor. 428b; 1024d; Luc. DMar. 4.1; Pisc. 27; Salt. 27; Tim. 23; Alciphr. 3.13.2, 42.1) to suggest that it was felt to be typically Attic. For the cognate verb φορέω in the sense “endure, suffer”, e.|g. S. OT 1320 (manuscripts). τολµητός"is attested elsewhere before the Imperial period only at Sapph. fr. 31.17 ἀλλὰ πὰν τόλµατον (“but everything must be ventured”); S. Ph. 633–4 (quoted above); E. Hel. 816 ὠνητὸς ἢ τολµητὸς ἢ λόγων ὕπο; (“a matter of purchase or daring or [acquisition] by means of words?”). The cognate verb τολµάω frequently expresses shock or indignation at something said, done or asked contrary to expectation (cf. fr. 351 n.; Ar. V. 327–8 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.). τῷδε τῷ χορῷ"For the use of the deictic in reference to the chorus itself, cf. Ar. Nu. 1115–16 τοὺς κριτὰς ἃ κερδανοῦσιν, ἤν τι τόνδε τὸν χορὸν / ὠφελῶσ’ ἐκ τῶν δικαίων, βουλόµεσθ’ ἡµεῖς φράσαι (“we want to say how the judges will profit, if they justly help this chorus out just a bit”; from the second parabasis). 3"Xenias and Schoiniôn are generally taken to be mocking code-names for other comic poets (see below), the assumption being that their work is singled out for criticism (or at best half-hearted praise) by the chorus. Charon at the end of the line may be a similar code-name; cf. below. Ξενίου"might be the genitive of either Ξενίας or Ξενίος, both of which are attested as personal names. But Ξενίας seems more likely as a sobriquet. (On nicknames—routinely pejorative—in -ίας, see fr. 422 n.) Bergk (comparing fr. 342, and followed by Bakola) thought that Aristophanes or perhaps Phrynichus was meant, since both men were allegedly accused of being foreigners. But the evidence for the former case is very slim (see Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 392), and if the other man in question is Callias (see below), one would expect “Xenias” also to be someone whose floruit fell in the 440s–430s BCE (or earlier). For νόµος in the sense “musical composition”, see fr. 308 n. According to Suda κ 213, Σχοινίων (“Ropey”) was a nickname of the comic playwright Callias because his father was a rope-maker; cf. Sonnino 1999. 330. Callias (PA 7829; PAA 553915) was active ca. 440–430 BCE and was perhaps

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victorious twice; his rivalry with Cratinus is referenced at ΣVEΓ M Ar. Eq. 528 (τοὺς ἐχθρούς) τοὺς περὶ Καλλίαν φησί (“(the enemies [of Cratinus]) he means Callias”). Χάρον"Meineke (followed by Kock), on the basis of Bergk’s tentative attribution of the fragment to Archilochoi and comparing Arist. Rh. 1418b28–31 Ἀρχίλοχος (fr. 19.1)… ποιεῖ … τὸν Χάρωνα τὸν τέκτονα ἐν τῷ ἰάµβῳ οὗ ἡ ἀρχή “οὔ µοι τὰ Γύγεω” (“Archilochus (fr. 19.1) … represents … the craftsman Charon in the iambic poem that begins ‘Gyges’ possessions are no [concern] to me’”), took this to be a reference to that poet. For references to Charon the ferryman of the Dead in comedy, cf. Ar. Lys. 606; Ra. 180–270 (a character in the play); Pl. 278; Antiph. fr. 86.4.

fr. 362 K.–A. (327 K.) ἀλλὰ τάδ’ ἔστ’ ἀνεκτέον· καὶ γὰρ ἡνίκ’ εὐθένει ἀνεκτέον OrusV : ἀνακτέον OrusDLUUUἡνίκ’ Lobeck : ἡνίκα OrusUUUεὐθένει Lobeck : εὐθενεῖ Orus

but these things must be endured; for even when he/she/it was doing well Orus fr. A 48a ap. Zon. p. 919 εὐθενεῖν οἱ Ἀττικοί, οἱ δὲ Ἴωνες εὐθηνεῖν. Κρατῖνος· ――. Ἡρόδοτος (2.91.3)·――. ἡ δὲ εὐθένεια παρ’ οὐδενὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν Athenians (say) euthenein, whereas Ionians (say) euthênein. Cratinus: ――. Herodotus (2.91.3): ――. But eutheneia is not used by any Attic author

Meter"An aeolo-choriambic “comic dicolon” seemingly identical with the one used in fr. 361 (where see Meter).

lkklklkl lklklkl

Discussion"Lobeck 1820. 466; Bergk 1838. 27; Kock 1880 I.109 Text"ἀνεκτέον (OrusV) is easier in sense than ἀνακτέον (“must be brought up, referenced”; OrusDL), but either might be right. The unmetrical scriptio plena paradosis ἡνίκα was converted by Lobeck to the elided form ἡνίκ’. ἡνίκα is typically followed by a past tense (thus LSJ s.#v.; cf. Pherecr. fr. 156.3; Eup. fr. 99.47 [conjectural]; Ar. Ach. 708), and Lobeck accordingly wrote

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 362)

173

imperfect εὐθένει for the paradosis εὐθενεῖ (pres.). Manuscripts have no authority in the case of accents and the like, and this is thus to be regarded as a correction rather than an emendation. Citation context"A note on the “proper” (i.|e. 5th-century Attic) spelling of εὐθενέω and cognates. Related material is preserved at – Orus fr. A 48b εὐθενεῖν· ἐν τῷ ε λεκτέον, οὐχὶ εὐθηνεῖν (“euthenein: [the word] should be pronounced with an epsilon, not euthênein”) – Thom. Mag. p. 136.15–16 εὐθενεῖν κάλλιον ἢ εὐθηνεῖν (“euthenein is better than euthênein”). Interpretation"See fr. *361 (perhaps from the same parabasis song) with n. A bit of cold consolation intended either for the subject of εὐθένει, who has fallen on hard times, or for whoever else (the chorus itself?) must endure a now-unhappy situation. The thought might be complete, with ἀνείχετο to be supplied from the first half of the line (“for even when he/she was doing well, [he/she endured]” or “[had to endure]”); cf. similar situations at Ar. Eq. 252; Ec. 779. ἀνεκτέον"For other verbal adjectives indicating obligation or necessity in comedy, e.|g. Eup. fr. 114 with Olson 2017 ad loc.; Ar. Eq. 72 τρεπτέον; V. 840 εἰσακτέον; Amphis fr. 1.5 ἀπιτέον; Alex. fr. 191.6 πλυτέον; Poultney 1963. 373–6; and see in general Bishop 1899. For the specific form, cf. S. OC 883; Pl. Tht. 167d; adesp. tr. fr. 382. εὐθενέω"—metrically guaranteed here—is attested elsewhere in the 5th century at A. Eu. 895, 908, 943 and [Arist.] Ath. 2.6,123 whereas Herodotus (2.124.1) and Hippocrates (Aër. 12 = 2.54.14 Littré; Epid. VI 4.20 = 5.312.9 Littré) offer εὐθηνέω, making clear that the latter is an Ionic form, as Zonaras claims. εὐθηνέω is common later, but Aristides (e.|g. or. 10.40) and Aelian (e.|g. VH 13.1) both use εὐθενέω consistently, presumably regarding the form as an Atticism. Prosaic vocabulary (absent from lyric poetry and tragedy)124 attested elsewhere in comedy at Men. Dysc. 275; etymology uncertain.

123

124

εὐθενέω is also used in the manuscripts of Demosthenes (e.|g. 18.286) and Theophrastus (e.|g. HP 8.8.4), and at Men. Dysc. 275. εὐθηνέω dominates in the manuscripts of Aristotle (e.|g. HA 569b20), which does not prove that that is what he wrote. Used metri gratia at hHom. 30.10 (late).

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fr. 363 K.–A. (325 K.) αὐτοµάτη δὲ φέρει τιθύµαλλον καὶ σφάκον πρὸς αὐτῷ, ἀσφάραγον κύτισόν τε· νάπαισι δ’ ἀνθέρικος ἐνηβᾷ· καὶ φλόµον ἄφθονον, ὥστε παρεῖναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγροῖσι 1 φέρει τιθύµαλλον Phryn.B : φέρει τιθύµαλον Phryn.bcV : τι φέρει θύµαλλον Phryn.UUUU πρὸς αὐτῷ Phryn.WBV : πρὸς αὐτό Phryn.NucU : πρὸς αὖον BergkUUU2 fort. ⟨κ⟩ἀσφάραγονUUUτε· νάπαισι δ’ Bergk, Hermanno duce : τ᾿ ἐν ἅπασι Phryn.UUU ἐνηβᾷ Phryn.cd : ἀνηβᾷ Phryn.bBUUU3 φλόµον Pauw : φλοὸν vel φλόον Phryn.bcU : φλοιὸν Phryn.B : φθόον Phryn.VUUUἀγροῖσι Hermann (ἀγροῖσιν scripsit) : ἀγρίοις Phryn. : ἀγροῖκοις Blaydes : τράγοισι Naber

and of her own accord she produces spurge, and sage125 in addition to it, asparagus and tree medick—and asphodel flourishes in the valleys— and mullein, boundless enough to be present in all the fields Phryn. Ecl. 81 ἀσπάραγος· καὶ τοῦτο δυοῖν ἁµαρτήµασιν ἔχεται, ὅτι τε ἐν τῷ π καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ φ λέγεται, καὶ ὅτι ἴδιόν τι φυτόν ἐστιν ἄγριον ὁ ἀσφάραγος καὶ οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ἡµέροις καταλεγόµενον. ὁ γοῦν Κρατῖνος ἐν ἄλλοις ἀγρίοις αὐτὸ καταλέγων φησίν· ――· ἅπαντα γὰρ τὰ κατειλεγµένα ἄγρια asparagus: This too contains two errors, since it is written with pi rather than phi, and since asparagus is a distinctly wild plant and is not included in lists of those that are cultivated. Cratinus, for example, listing it among various wild plants, says: ――; for all the plants that are listed are wild Ath. 2.62e–f Κρατῖνος δὲ διὰ τοῦ φ ἀσφάραγον ὀνοµάζει. καὶ Θεόποµπος (fr. 69)· ――. Ἀµειψίας (fr. 24)· ―― But Cratinus calls it aspharagos with a phi. Also Theopompos (fr. 69): ――. Ameipsias (fr. 24): ――

Meter"D prol x ith, like fr. 225 (from Seriphioi; identified by Hephaestion as four dactylic feet followed by an ithyphallic) and Ar fr. 452.1; cf. Wilamowitz 1921. 402 n. 2; Dale 1968. 180–1.

lkklkklkkl l lklkll lkklkklkkl k lkrkll lkklkklkkl l lklkll

125

“sage-apple” in LSJ s.#v. I (followed by Storey 2011. 419) is withdrawn in the Supplement.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 363)

175

Discussion"Pauw 1739. 43; Hermann 1816. 644 et ap. Lobeck 1820. 110; Bergk 1838. 198–9; Meineke 1839 II.215–16; Naber 1880a. 28–9; Blaydes 1896. 283; Kaibel ap. K.–A.; Sofia 2016. 86 Assignment to known plays"Assigned to Ploutoi by Bergk, to Seriphioi or Horae by Storey. Text"The rare word τιθύµαλλον in 1 baffled the scribes, only one of whom got it right. At the end of 1, the manuscripts are divided between πρὸς αὐτῷ and πρὸς αὐτό, suggesting an ambiguous exemplar offering αὐτ() vel sim. The text is metrical, which tends to support the notion that it is sound even if the point of the reference is unclear, the object in question presumably having been mentioned somewhere in the preceding lines. Bergk emended to πρὸς αὖον, altering the sense of the second half of the line to “and dry sage as well”, although none of the other plants is given a descriptive adjective of this sort. The sense of 2 as transmitted (ἀσφάραγον κύτισόν τ᾿ ἐν ἅπασι ἀνθέρικος ἐνηβᾷ/ἀνηβᾷ) is difficult. Hermann’s τε· νάπαισι is little more than a redivision of the letters, and allows ἀσφάραγον κύτισόν τ᾿ to be dependent on φέρει in 1. Bergk added δ’, eliminating hiatus and emphatically marking the new colon. At the end of 2, the variant reading ἀνηβᾷ (“grows young again”) in PhrynbB probably reflects the influence of ἀνθέρικος immediately preceding it. Kassel–Austin removed the half-stop placed at the end of 2 by Meineke and Kock, as if φλόµον ἄφθονον in 3 were a second subject for ἐνηβᾷ. But the noun is feminine rather than neuter, so the stop is needed, and φλόµον ἄφθονον must be another object of φέρει in 1, and νάπαισι δ’ ἀνθέρικος ἐνηβᾷ a parenthetic interjection.126 The rare word φλόµον at the beginning of 3 was altered by an early copyist to the superficially appropriate φλοόν, “bark” (alternatively spelled φλοιόν); corrected by Pauw. At the end of 3, the paradosis ἀγρίοις is unmetrical, and Hermann’s ἀγροῖσι is easier than Blaydes’ ἀγροῖκοις (“farmers”) or Naber’s τράγοισι (“he-goats”).

126

Alternatively, a verse containing another verb might have dropped out between 2 and 3; or the verses might be out of order, with the text originally reading αὐτοµάτη δὲ φέρει τιθύµαλλον καὶ σφάκον πρὸς αὐτῷ, / καὶ φλόµον ἄφθονον, ὥστε παρεῖναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγροῖσι, / 〈κ〉ἀσφάραγον κύτισόν τε· νάπαισι δ’ ἀνθέρικος ἐνηβᾷ.

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Citation context"Two fragments of an ancient discussion of the word ἀσφάραγος/ἀσπάραγος. Similar material, although without mention of Cratinus, is preserved at – Phryn. PS pp. 41.8–42.3 ἀσφάραγος· διὰ τοῦ φ. βοτάνης εἶδος ἀσφάραγος πρὸς τὰς καθάρσεις ἐπιτήδειον. οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τὰ ὄρµενα τῶν λαχάνων διὰ τοῦ π ἀσπαράγους καλοῦσιν, δυσὶ περιπίπτοντες ἁµαρτήµασιν, ὅτι τε διὰ τοῦ π λέγουσιν, δέον διὰ τοῦ φ, καὶ ὅτι τὸ ἰδίως καλούµενον ἐπί τινος πόας ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν ἐξορµενιζόντων 〈λέγοντες〉 τίθενται τὴν φωνήν (“aspharagos: with a phi. Aspharagos is a type of plant that is useful for purges. Many authorities refer to vegetable shoots as asparagoi with a pi, becoming involved in two errors, since they say it with a pi when they ought to say it with a phi, and since they apply a term properly used for a type of grass to every sort of shoot”) – Phot. α 3038 = Suda α 4297 = Synag. B α 2306 ἀσφάραγος· … ἔστι δέ τι καὶ βοτάνης εἶδος ἀσφάραγος, πρὸς τὰς καθάρσεις ἐπιτήδειον. οὕτω µὲν οἱ Ἀττικοὶ διὰ τοῦ φ τὴν λέξιν προφέρουσιν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ µὴ ἀκριβοῦντες διὰ τοῦ π λέγουσιν, καὶ ἁπλῶς τὰ τῶν λαχάνων ὄρµενα ἀσπαράγους καλοὺσιν (“aspharagos: … there is also a type of plant [known as] aspharagos, which is useful for purges. Attic-speakers present the word thus, with a phi, whereas the majority [of Greek-speakers] pronounce it inaccurately with a pi and refer generally to vegetable-shoots as asparagoi”) – Gal. XI.841.6–7 K. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ διὰ τοῦ φ λέγουσιν ἀσφάραγον (“Athenians say aspharagos with the phi”). Note also Gal. VI.641.12–16 K. (a preface to a brief discussion of the medicinal uses of the vegetable) εἴτε διὰ τοῦ φ λέγειν ἐθέλοις τὴν δευτέραν συλλαβὴν τῶν ἀσπαράγων εἴτε διὰ τοῦ π, καθάπερ ἅπαντες, οὐ νῦν πρόκειται σκοπεῖν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς ἀττικίζειν τῇ φωνῇ σπουδάζουϲιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑγιαίνειν ἐθέλουσι γράφεται ταῦτα (“whether you should pronounce the second syllable of asparagoi with phi or with pi, as everyone does, is not an issue to be considered here, since these writings are not for those eager to speak using Attic Greek, but for those who wish to be healthy”). Interpretation"Presumably a description of either the earth (γῆ) generally or some individual bit of land in particular, which must have been explicitly identified in the preceding verses and which is said to produce three two-item sets of wild plants of her/its own accord, i.|e. without cultivation. αὐτοµάτη in 1 (n.) evokes the theme of the Golden Age (for which, see in general Baldry 1953; Pellegrino 2000, esp. 7–39; Farioli 2001, esp. 3–26). ἐνηβᾷ in 2 and ἄφθονον, ὥστε παρεῖναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγροῖσιν in 3 pick up and expand on the idea, and the lines are easily understood as reworking Hes. Op. 117–18 καρπὸν δ’ ἔφερε

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 363)

177

ζείδωρος ἄρουρα / αὐτοµάτη πολλόν τε καὶ ἄφθονον (“and the life-giving land bore fruit on her own, in large and boundless quantities and bounteous”). But none of the plants mentioned in the catalogue is of much interest to human beings, except perhaps asparagus; cf. the long and similarly unappetizing list of items supposedly grazed on by goats in Eup. fr. 13, which also includes sage, tree medick, asphodel and mullein. Despite the enthusiastic rhetoric, therefore, the praise appears to be ironic. 1"For forms of αὐτόµατος used in descriptions of the Golden Age or Golden Age-like situations, e.|g. fr. 172 αὐτόµατα τοῖσι θεὸς ἀνίει τἀγαθά (“a god sent up spontaneous goods for them”); Hes. Op. 117–18 (quoted and translated above); Crates Com. fr. 17.6–7; Pherecr. fr. 137.3–5; Telecl. fr. 1.3 ἡ γῆ δ’ ἔφερ’ οὐ δέος οὐδὲ νόσους, ἀλλ’ αὐτόµατ’ ἦν τὰ δέοντα (“the earth produced no fear or diseases, but everything they needed appeared of its own accord”); Ar. Ach. 976; Pax 665; Pl. 1190; fr. 698 ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ⟨δ’⟩ αὐτόµατ’ αὐτοῖς τὰ µιµαίκυλ’ ἐφύετο πολλά (“in the mountains many arbutus-trees grew for them as volunteers”); Metag. fr. 6.1–2. τιθύµαλλον"Spurge (Euphorbia peplus; mentioned elsewhere in comedy at Ar. Ec. 405, where it is mockingly recommended to the politician Neocleides as an ingredient in a salve for his eyes; an abusive nickname at e.|g. Antiph. fr. 208.2; Alex. fr. 164.3) is a rough, low, invasive weed with a toxic, milky sap. σφάκον"Also mentioned at e.|g. Eup. fr. 13.3 (in a catalogue of wild plants supposedly eaten by goats); Ar. Th. 486 (used as part of a mixture designed to calm restless bowels); Alex. fr. 132.8 (a culinary spice); Men. Dysc. 605 (mentioned along with θύµα (5) as a typical plant of the rocky Attic countryside); Thphr. HP 6.1.4, 2.5. See in general Andrews 1956. LSJ Supp. s.#v. compares the Mycenaean adjective pa-ko-we (PY Fr 1200).127 For πρός + dative in the sense “in addition to”, see LSJ s.#v. B.III, and in comedy e.|g. Eup. fr. 13.2; Ar. Ach. 914. 2"In addition to the passages collected by Athenaeus noted above, ἀσφάραγος is mentioned elsewhere in comedy and related genres at Anaxandr. fr. 51.1 (combined with squill and marjoram as a sauce for saltfish); Antiph. fr. 294 (in the form ἀσπάραγος); Aristopho fr. 15.2 (partially corrupt, but seemingly another catalogue of rough wild plants) (the latter two fragments from slightly further on in the same section of Athenaeus); Philem. fr. 100.5–6 τὰ πετραῖα ταῦτ’ ὀψάρια, κάππαριν, θύµον, / ἀσπάραγον, αὐτὰ ταῦτα (“these rock-land dainties, capers, thyme, asparagus, these and nothing else”; of the pot-herbs produced by a field); Matro fr. 1.16 (in a list of 127

“Haud dubie adiect. olei (i.#e. unguenti) genus significans; utrum verbum ad salviam spectet … an ad bryon quod dicitur … incertum videtur” (Morpurgo 1963 s.#v.).

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appetizers) with Olson–Sens 1999 ad loc. The source or sources that lie behind the entries in Phrynichus and Phot. = Suda = Synag. B appear to believe that the word was sometimes used to refer to the fresh, green edible shoot of any plant; cf. Diphilos of Siphnos ap. Ath. 2.62f. But Thphr. HP 6.4.2 seems clearly to be referring to what we today would call “asparagus”, i.|e. Asparagus officinalis. See Sturtevant 1887. 129–32 (expressing doubt that the mentions in Greek authors are specifically of Asparagus officinalis, and tracing cultivation of the vegetable in any case only to Roman times); Frayn 1975. 33–4 (evidence for both gathering of wild varieties and cultivation in the Roman period); Zohary–Hopf–Weiss 2012. 161–2. The variation φ/π suggests that this may be substrate (i.|e. pre-Greek) vocabulary. κύτισον"Αn evergreen shrub (Medicago arborea) mentioned also at e.|g. fr. 105.8 κύτισος αὐτόµατος (material for garlands); Eup. fr. 13.3 (food for goats; cf. Arist. HA 522b27; Theoc. 5.128; 10.30; Virg. E. 1.78; 2.64) with Olson 2017 ad loc. Theophrastus describes it as invasive (HP 4.16.5). See in general Hehn 1911. 414–15; Atchley 1938. 14–15. νάπη"is in this period elevated poetic vocabulary (e.|g. Il. 8.558 = 16.300; Pi. P. 6.9; Bacch. 18.23; S. OT 1398); rare in comedy (Ar. Av. 739–40 (lyric); Th. 997/8 (lyric); Men. Dysc. 351), but widely attested in Attic prose from Xenophon on. ἀνθέρικος"Properly the flower-spike of ἀσφόδελος, a hardy, herbaceous perennial plant mentioned in a catalogue of plants at Eup. fr. 13.5 (items supposedly eaten by goats, although they do not in fact consume it); see Atchley 1938. 49–50; Verpoorten 1962. 118–19; Biraud 1993. At least in modern Greece, domination by asphodel plants (= the presence of “asphodel deserts”) tends to mark “the last degradation stage” of a local environment and to be the result of overgrazing, suggesting that the vigorous growth imagined in 2–3 does not represent a positive situation; see in general Pantis–Stamou 1991. The bulb can be eaten, and Thphr. HP 7.13.2 speaks of roasting the flower-spike and toasting the seed. But Hes. Op. 41 makes it clear that asphodel, like mallow (for whose unappetizing character, see Ar. Pl. 544) was rough food eaten only by those with limited options even at the end of the 8th century BCE.128

128

Reece 2007 makes a complicated attempt to show that the Homeric κατ᾿ ἀσφοδελὸν λειµῶνα (Od. 11.539, 573; 24.13) is in origin a misdivision of κατὰ σφοδελὸν λειµῶνα (“throughout the ash-filled meadow”), on the exaggerated ground that “The ancients—poets, botanists, physicians, and Homeric commentators alike— speak of the asphodel with high praise: fragrant to the smell; lovely to the sight; nutritious, satisfying, sweet to eat; (etc.)” (p. 395). Note inter alia that asphodel

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 364)

179

ἐνηβᾷ"The compound (first attested here) is very rare, but is used of a weed flourishing in a garden bed at Nic. fr. 85.2. 3"φλόµον"A genus of biennial or perennial plants with a tall flowering stem (Verbascum); mullein contains rotenone, a powerful piscicide, and was accordingly used to catch fish (Arist. HA 602b31–3a2). See in general Atchley 1938. 32. Mentioned also at Eup. fr. 13.5 (in a catalogue of plants supposedly eaten by goats, although they actually avoid it); Nic. Th. 856; Dsc. 4.103. Also called πλόµος and φλόνος, the variations in the form of the word serving to identify it as most likely substrate vocabulary. ὥστε παρεῖναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγροῖσι"expands and clarifies the sense of ἄφθονον. The idea presumably applies to all the plants that have been mentioned, even if the specific reference is only to the mullein. For the language, cf. hAp. 536 τὰ δ’ ἄφθονα πάντα παρέσται (“they will all be abundantly available”); hHom. 30.8 τῷ τ’ ἄφθονα πάντα πάρεστι (“for him will everything be abundantly available”). For ὥστε + infinitive picking up an idea in the preceding clause without οὕτως or a form of τοιοῦτος or the like, e.|g. Ar. Ach. 656 φησὶν δ’ ὑµᾶς πολλὰ διδάξειν ἀγάθ’, ὥστ’ εὐδαίµονας εἶναι (“he says he will teach you [so] many good things, that you will be fortunate”); V. 450–1 ἐξέδειρ’ εὖ κἀνδρικῶς, / ὥστε σε ζηλωτὸν εἶναι (“I flayed you [so] vigorously, that you must have been the object of jealousy”).

fr. 364 K.–A. (322 Κ.) φίλοισι χαριζόµενον πονηρὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι 2

πονηρόν αὐτὸν Aristid.ARY : αὐτὸν αἰσχρόν Aristid.DU : γρ(άφεται) αἰσχρόν Aristid.R

that a man is himself wicked when he gratifies his friends Aristid. or. 34.51 καίτοι φησὶ µὲν δή που Κρατίνος τῶν αἰσχρῶν (Aristid. : αἰσχρὸν δέ Meineke) ――. οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰ µὲν φίλοις αὐτοῖς χρῶνται, παραπλησίως αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν, ὥστ᾽ εἰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς χαίρουσιν, αὑτοῖς ἄρ᾽ οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τούτοις χαρίζονται. εἰ δ᾽ αὖ µὴ νοµίζουσι φίλους, ἀντὶ τοῦ χαρίζονται; εἴτε γὰρ ὡς ἐρασταῖς εἴθ᾽ ὡς ἐρασταὶ, τό γε τῆς αἰσχύνης ἄφυκτον

flowers are never among the elements used to construct banquet-garlands, and that asphodel-products never appear in comic lists of food.

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Yet Cratinus in fact says somewhere that ―― with shameful pleasures. But if these (speakers) have such persons as friends, they resemble them, so that if they enjoy the same pleasures (as their audience), they gratify themselves no less than them. But if they do not consider them friends, why do they do them favors? For regardless of whether they love (their audience) or (their audience) loves (them), the attendant shame is inescapable

Meter"Uncertain; Kassel–Austin suggest k D k cr ba, i.|e.

k lkklkkl k lkl kll

But they also follow Meineke—who took τῶν αἰσχρῶν, however, to belong to Cratinus rather than Aristides, and emended to αἰσχρὸν δὲ (llk)—in comparing the metrically problematic fr. 256 as well as fr. 257, which Wilamowitz 1921. 270 n. 1 analyzed as a mix of anapaests and iambs:

rlrl rlrl klkl kll

On this thesis, fr. 364 can be understood as

〈ytk〉kl rlrl klkl kll

or (accepting Meineke’s emendation of τῶν αἰσχρῶν) as

llrl rlrl klkl kll

Kock also gave τῶν αἰσχρῶν to Cratinus, but declined to emend. This has the line begin lll, to which Kock too compares frr. 256–7, although how he reconciles the difference between the two schemes is unclear. Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.173; Kock 1880 I.107; Luppe 1966. 134–6 Text"Thus Kassel–Austin, giving τῶν αἰσχρῶν to Aristides rather than Cratinus. Meineke, by contrast, gave τῶν αἰσχρῶν to Cratinus, but emended to αἰσχρὸν δὲ φίλοισι (“turpe est amicis ita gratificari, ut ipse pravus fias, it is shameful to gratify your friends in such a way that you yourself become depraved”). For Kock’s problematic τῶν αἰσχρῶν κτλ, see Meter. The issue is complicated by the fact that this might be paraphrase rather than direct quotation in any case. πονηρὸν αὐτὸν and αὐτὸν αἰσχρόν must have been variant readings in the common ancestor of the various manuscripts of Aristides. Assuming either of the metrical schemes suggested in Meter, πονηρὸν αὐτὸν must be right. Citation context"From Aristides’ On those who make a mockery of the mysteries of oratory, an attack on orators who blame the depravity of their speeches on that of the audience to which they are catering. The reference to Cratinus is probably a commonplace and need not be taken to suggest that Aristides knew the original play itself. For similar fragments recycled as moralizing commonplaces, e.|g. Epich. fr. 230 (in translation ap. Cic. Tusc. 1.15); Eup. fr. 116 λαλεῖν ἄριστος, ἀδυνατώτατος λέγειν (“the best at small talk, utterly

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 365)

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incapable of conversation”; ap. Plu. Alc. 13.2; Gal. VIII.653.6, 943.16 K.; Gell. 1.15.12); Ar. V. 1431 ἔρδοι τις ἣν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην (“let each man practice the craft he knows”; partially ap. Cic. Att. 5.10.3 and in translation ap. Cic. Tusc. 1.41); frr. 544 (ap. Aristid. or. 47.16); 720 (ap. Aristid. or. 32.32); E. fr. 799a ἀνδρὸς κακῶς πράσσοντος ἐκποδὼν φίλοι (“when a man is doing badly, his friends keep out of his way”; ap. Aristid. 1.60). Interpretation"A moralizing commonplace. fr. 365 K.–A. (328 K.) Ath. 1.7f–8a δοκοῦσι δ᾿ οἱ Μυκόνιοι διὰ τὸ πένεσθαι καὶ λυπρὰν νῆσον οἰκεῖν ἐπὶ γλισχρότητι καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ διαβάλλεσθαι· τὸν γοῦν γλίσχρον Ἰσχόµαχον Κρατῖνος Μυκόνιον καλεῖ· π ῶ ς ἂ ν Ἰ σ χ ο µ ά χ ο υ γ ε γ ο ν ὼ ς Μ υ κ ο ν ί ο υ φ ι λ ό δ ω ρ ο ς ε ἴ η ς; The inhabitants of Mykonos seem to have been criticized for greed and avarice129 because they were poor and inhabited a miserable island. Cratinus, for example, calls the greedy Ischomachus a Mykonian: H o w c o u l d y o u , i f y o u a r e t h e s o n o f M y k o n i a n I s c h o m a c h u s , b e g e n e r o u s?

Meter"Meineke suggested that the words assigned to Cratinus might be supplemented to yield two iambic trimeters, e.|g. ⟨καὶ⟩ πῶς ἂν Ἰσχοµάχου γεγονὼς ⟨τοῦ⟩ Μυκονίου φιλόδωρος εἴης;

or

〈l〉lkl rlrl | 〈l〉rkl rlkl l|〈lkl xlkl〉

πῶς ⟨οὖν⟩ ἂν Ἰσχοµάχου ⟨σὺ⟩ γεγονὼς Μυκονίου φιλόδωρος εἴης;130

l〈l〉kl rl〈k〉|r lrkl rlkl l|〈lkl xlkl〉

Kaibel, by contrast, printed: πῶς ἂν ⟨σύγ᾿〉 Ἰσχοµάχου 〈τοῦ〉 γεγὼς Μυκονίου φιλόδωρος ⟨ἂν〉 εἴης;

ll〈k〉lkkl〈l〉klkkkl kklkkll

129 130

Not “ambition” (Rusten 2011. 218). Kaibel combined elements of Meineke’s proposal to produce πῶς ἂν ⟨σύ γ’⟩ Ἰσχοµάχου γεγονὼς Μυκονίου in 1.

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Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.175–6; Cobet 1858. 147; Meineke 1858. 13; Cobet 1861. 173; Kock 1880 I.109–10; Kaibel 1887. 16 Text"Τhe text is metrically problematic and has never been convincingly restored; see Meter. Citation context"Athenaeus quotes the fragment in Book 1 in the course of a discussion of individuals overly fond of dinner parties, as evidence that the adjective “Mykonian” was used pejoratively of ravenous persons; preceded by Archil. fr. 124(a). Related material, without mention of Cratinus but quoting the same fragment of Archilochus, is preserved at – Suda µ 1400 ≈ Phot. µ 588 (traced by Erbse to Paus.Gr. µ 25) Μυκώνιος γείτων· αὕτη τάττεται κατὰ τῶν διαβεβληµένων ἐπὶ γλισχρότητι καὶ σµικροπρεπείᾳ, παρὰ τὴν σµικρότητα τῆς νήσου τῆς Μύκωνος καὶ εὐτέλειαν. καὶ ἑτέρα παροιµία (Archil. fr. 124(a))· ――. διὰ γὰρ τὸ πένεσθαι διεβέβληντο ἐπὶ γλισχρότητι. εἴρηται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀκλήτως εἰσιόντων εἰς τὰ συµπόσια (“a Myconian neighbor: this (proverb) is directed against those who are criticized for greed and pettiness, because of the small size and cheapness of the island of Mykonos. There is also another proverb (Archil. fr. 124(a)): ――; for they were criticized for greed on account of their poverty. This is also said in reference to those who attend symposia uninvited”; cf. Zenob. 5.21 (= Apost. 11.79 = Prov.Bodl. 643)) – Hsch. µ 1838 Μυκόνιον· οἱ Μυκόνιοι διεβεβόηντο ἐπὶ γλισχρότητι. γλίσχρον οὖν λέγει (“Mykonian: the inhabitants of Mykonos were notoriously greedy. He therefore says glischron (‘greedy’)”) – Suda ε 2145 ἐπεισπέπαικεν· εἰσεπήδησεν, εἰσῆλθε. κυρίως δὲ ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς πολεµίων. Ἀριστοφάνης Πλούτῳ (804–5)· ――. Μυκονίων δίκην ἐπεισπέπαικεν εἰς τὰ συµπόσια (“he/she/it burst in: he/she/it leapt in, came in. Properly in reference to an enemy army. Aristophanes in Wealth (804–5): ――. He burst into symposia like Mykonians (do)”). Note also (without reference to either Cratinus or Archilochus) – Phot. µ 584 Μυκόνιον· τὸν γλίσχρον· πλεονέκται γὰρ ἐν µικροῖς οἱ Μυκόνιοι· ἢ διὰ τὸ λυπρὰν εἶναι τὴν Μύκονον (“Mykonian: a greedy man (glischron); because the Mykonians were avaricious in minor matters; or because Mykonos was a miserable island”). Interpretation"A number of wealthy men named Ἰσχόµαχος are known from the second half of the 5th century, including Socrates’ interlocutor in Xenophon’s Oeconomicus; the first husband of the Chrysilla who later became the second wife of Callias II son of Hipponicus II; and an individual said at Lys. 19.46 to have been thought during his lifetime to be worth more than 70 talents, although after his death he was found to have had less than 20. Davies

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1971. 265–8 (largely followed by Kassel–Austin) identifies all these individuals with the man mentioned by Cratinus, whereas PA and PAA split them up in a seemingly arbitrary fashion, with Cratinus’ Ischomachus identified with Lysias’ and with a man said at Heraclid. Pont. fr. 58 Wehrli = fr. 42 Schütrumpf (ap. Ath. 12.537c) to have squandered his fortune on parasites (collectively = PA 7726; PAA 542570).131 Μυκονίου is accordingly most likely a joke: Ischomachus is not from Mykonos, but he is so grasping that he seems to be. Mykonos (IACP #506) is a small, rocky island in the Cyclades not far from Delos, and was a member of the Delian League. According to Strabo (10.487), it was there that the final Giants killed by Hercules were buried, hence the proverb πάνθ᾿ ὑπὸ µίαν Μύκονον (“everything under Mykonos alone”; referring to omnibus collections, i.|e. “all in a single pot” vel sim.132), and its inhabitants were plagued by baldness, with the result that bald men were called “Mykonians”. Aelian reports that Mykonos produced no honey (NA 5.42). For Mykonian stinginess, cf. Macho 477 with Gow 1965 ad loc. φιλόδωρος"is not attested as a personal name in Athens, hence presumably Schweighäuser’s decision (followed by modern editors of the comic fragments) to treat the word as an adjective. This might nonetheless be an invented speaking name (“Fond-of-bribes”).

fr. 366 K.–A. (341 K.) ΣR Ar. Th. 940 πρὸς σανίσιν ἐδεσµεύοντο πολλάκις, ὡς καὶ Κρατῖνος δηλοῖ They were often bound to planks, as Cratinus too makes clear

Meter"See Text. Text"Kassel–Austin take πρὸς σανίσιν ἐδεσµεύοντο to be a garbled version of Cratinus’ own words. But δηλοῖ suggests a general summary of a portion of dialogue or—more likely—stage-action rather than direct quotation. Citation context"A note on Ar. Th. 939–40 γυµνὸν ἀποδύσαντά µε / κέλευε πρὸς τῇ σανίδι δεῖν τὸν τοξότην (“Order the bowman to strip me and bind 131

132

Kassel–Austin express doubt about the latter point, but without explaining their reasoning. Meineke suggested that the Ischomachus mentioned at Arar. fr. 16.2 might be a nephew of the man referred to by Cratinus. For the proverb, cf. Zenob. 2.23 µία Μύκονος with Bühler 1982. 185–9.

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me to the plank!”; Inlaw, having been caught infiltrating a city ritual in which women alone are allowed to participate, and eager to avoid as much public humiliation as possible, pleads with the Proboulos to remove the women’s clothing he is wearing before he is punished). Cf. Phot. σ 68 σανίς· καὶ ἐν ᾗ τοὺς κακούργους ἔδουν καὶ ἐν ᾗ τὰς δίκας ἐνεχάραττον· τὸ µὲν ἐν Θεσµοφοριαζούσαις, τὸ δὲ ἐν Σφηξὶ (848) δεδήλωται (“sanis: both [the plank] to which they bound evil-doers and the one on which they inscribed [notices of] trials; the former sense is on display in Thesmophoriazusae, the latter in Wasps (848)”; identified by Erbse as Ael. Dion. σ 7). Note also Hsch. δ 926 δῆσαι πρὸς σανίδι· Ἀττικῶς· βασανίσαι ἐν τῷ δεσµωτηρίῳ (“to bind to a plank: Attic style; to torture in the prison”); Phot. σ 65 σανίδα· τὸ δεσµωτικὸν ξύλον (“sanis: the piece of wood used for imprisonment”). Interpretation"“The plank” (σανίς or τύµπανον, whence the term ἀποτυµπανισµός) was a form of public execution akin to crucifixion, in which the victim was fixed to a length of wood by means of two-pronged iron pins that held him fast at the neck, wrists and ankles (but without piercing his flesh) and was allowed to die (often perhaps only after a number of days of suffering). Cf. Ar. Pl. 476 (τύµπανα as instruments of torture); [A.] PV 52–81 (Prometheus’ punishment for defying Zeus’ authority) with Men. fr. 508.1–2 and Griffith 1983 on 26; Hdt. 7.33 (the penalty for defiling a sanctuary); Lys. 13.56 (punishment for treason and/or murder?), 67–8 (punishment for murder and stealing clothes); D. 8.61; 9.61; 10.63; 19.137 (all punishment for treason); 21.105 (punishment for inter alia murder); Arist. Rh. 1385a9–13; Duris FGrH 76 F 67 (the victims survive for ten days, until Pericles orders their heads smashed in and their bodies unceremoniously dumped) ap. Plu. Per. 28.2 with Stadter 1989 ad loc. See in general Gernet 1924. 261–95; Bonner–Smith 1938. 279–87; Todd 1993. 141. For capital punishment, see also fr. 424.

fr. 367 K.–A. (348 K.) Phot. o 363 = Suda o 399 ὄνου πόκαι· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνηνύτων καὶ µὴ ὄντων λέγεται ἡ παροιµία ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν· ὥσπερ αἱ τοιαῦται, πλίνθον πλύνειν, ἀσκὸν τίλλειν, χύτραν ποικίλλειν, εἰς κόπρον θυµιᾶν. Ἀρίσταρχος δὲ διὰ τὸ Κρατῖνον ὑποθέσθαι ἐ ν ᾅ δ ο υ τ ι ν ὰ (Suda : τινὰ om. Phot. : ⟨Ὄκνον⟩ τινὰ Erbse) σ χ ο ι ν ί ο ν π λ έ κ ο ν τ α , ὄ ν ο ν δ ὲ τ ὸ π λ ε κ ό µ ε ν ο ν ἀ π ε σ θ ί ο ν τ α, οἷον ἀποκείροντα donkey shearings: The proverb is used by Attic-speakers in reference to what is impossible and non-existent, like proverbs of the following sort: to wash a brick, to

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pluck a hide, to decorate a cookpot, to burn incense against [the smell of] dung.133 But Aristarchus [explains the saying] by reference to the fact that Cratinus imagined s o m e o n e (thus Suda : Photius omits “someone” : “a certain Ocnus” Erbse) i n Hades plaiting a rope, and a donkey consuming it as it was b e i n g p l a i t e d, i.|e. shearing it off Prov. Coisl. 372 ὄνου πόκαι· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀχρήστων ἢ εἰς ἀδύνατον ὑπερβαλλοµένων. Ἀρίσταρχος γὰρ Κρατῖνον ὑποθέσθαι φησί τινα ἐν Ἅιδου σχοινίον πλέκοντα, ὄνον δὲ τοῦτο κατεσθίοντα donkey shearings: in reference to what is unprofitable or utterly impossible. For Aristarchus says that Cratinus imagined s o m e o n e i n H a d e s p l a i t i n g a rope, and a donkey eating it up

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.203–4; Fritzsche 1845. 117–20; Welcker 1848. 52; Dobree 1874. 47; Kock 1880 I.114; Roemer 1908. 380; Marzullo 1989. 415–23; Dover 1993 on Ar. Ra. 186; Lelli 2006. 78–81 Assignment to known plays"Welcker tentatively assigned the fragment to Cheirônes. Text"At Ar. Ra. 186, Charon lists among his various destinations in the Underworld ὄνου πόκας (thus the codd.; Ὀνουπόκας Radermacher), and Aristarchus’ comment appears to represent an attempt to explain the toponym via reference to Cratinus. Plaiting (πλέκοντα) a rope that a donkey (ὄνον) immediately eats is an odd but comprehensible image for endless labor yielding no results and is thus reminiscent of the endless water-bearing of the Danaids in Hades and of the punishments of Sisyphus and Tantalus. But Aristarchus’ use of the idea to explain the phrase ὄνου πόκαι (“donkey shearings”) makes no sense, and Kaibel accordingly suggested that the lemma in Phot. = Suda and Prov. Coisl. be emended to ὄνου πλοκαί (“donkey plaitings”). This is no improvement, however, for (1) donkeys are thinly covered with short, coarse hairs, and trying to shear one is a good match for the other futile activities listed in the first half of the note;134 (2) a rope rather than a donkey is plaited in Cratinus, and “donkey plaitings” is incomprehensible as short-hand for “plaitings of [a rope subsequently eaten by] a donkey”; and (3) the change 133 134

Or, if εἰς is intrusive, “to burn dung as incense”. A mud-brick never becomes clean, but simply melts gradually away; a hide has already been stripped of hair; a cookpot is placed on the fire, and any decoration on it is immediately obscured; no matter how much incense is burnt, it cannot cancel the smell of dung.

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severs the connection to Frogs (unless one chooses to print the still-incomprehensible ὄνου πλοκάς there). Bergk proposed Ὄκνου πλοκάς at Ar. Ra. 186 (see Interpretation). Regardless of whether Aristophanes wrote this, it would seem to be what Aristarchus read, with most of the other material in Phot. = Suda to be explained as a separate gloss on the version of the text that has come down to us in the manuscripts. Citation context"Two versions of the same note (originally a set of glosses on Ar. Ra. 186; see Text), which Erbse traced to Paus.Gr. o 13 drawing on Tarrhaios, i.|e. Lucillus of Tarrha. Related material, but with no mention of Cratinus, is preserved at – Paus.Gr. ε 21 εἰς ὄνου πόκους· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀκερδῶν καὶ ἀλυσιτελῶν. Ἀριστοφάνης (Ra. 186) 〈δὲ〉 χωρίον ἐν Ἅιδου διατετύπωκεν ‘Ὄνου πόκας’. λέγεται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνηνύτων καὶ ἀτελῶν, ὅτι καὶ ὄνος οὔτε κείρεται οὔτε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πόκος γίνεται, ὥσπερ αἱ τοιαῦται, πλίνθον πλύνειν, ἀσκὸν 〈δέρειν, ὠὸν〉 τίλλειν, χύτραν ποικίλλειν, εἰς κόπρον ἀναθυµιᾶν (“to donkey shearings: in reference to what brings no profit or gain. 〈But〉 Aristophanes (Ra. 186) has imagined ‘Donkey Shearings’ as a place in Hades. [The expression] is used in reference to what is impossible and cannot be accomplished, since a donkey is not sheared, nor is any fleece produced from it, like [proverbs of] the following sort: to wash a brick, 〈to flay〉 a skin, to pluck 〈an egg〉, to decorate a cookpot, to burn incense against [the smell of] dung”) – Σ Ar. Ra 186 ἐκ δὲ τοῦ δευτέρου τὸ ἀδύνατον τῶν καθ’ ᾍδου δηλοῖ, τοῦ ἢ εἰς ὄνου πόκας. ἀδύνατον γὰρ πόκας ἀποκείρασθαι τῶν ὄνων. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ παροιµιῶδες ἤδη εἶναι … ὄνου δὲ πόκας τὸ ἄχρηστον· οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ τοῦ ὄνου πόκες χρησιµεύουσιν. ἡ παροιµία δὲ λέγεται ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνηνύτων, ἐν ᾧ τρόπῳ καὶ τὸ χύτραν ποικίλλεις, καὶ κόπρον ἀναθυµιᾷς. ἀνήνυτα δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐν ᾍδου. διὰ τοῦτο οὖν ὄνου πόκας ἀνέπλασε ποιητικῶς (“But by his second reference, ‘to the Donkey Shearings’, [Charon] makes clear the powerlessness of those in Hades, namely ‘or into donkey shearings’ (ê eis onou pokas), since it is impossible to shear wool from donkeys. But it seems already to be proverbial … Donkey shearings are what is useless, since a donkey’s shearings are not put to any use. The proverb is said of impossible things, in the same way as ‘you’re decorating a cookpot’ and ‘you’re burning dung as incense’. The situation in Hades is also impossible, so for this reason he imagined poetically a donkey’s shearings”) – Hsch. o 926 ὄνου ποκαί· χωρίον ἐν ᾅδου διατετύπωκεν Ἀριστοφάνης (Ra. 186), οὕτω λεγόµενον πλάσας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ παροιµία τις· ὄνου ποκαί, ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνηνύτων καὶ ἀτελῶν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ πέξεις τῶν ὄνων καὶ κάρσεις δύνανταί τι. ὥσπερ εἰ λέγοι τις ὄνον κείρεις· παρόσον οὖν τὰ ἐν ᾅδου

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ἀνήνυτά ἐστι καὶ τὸ µηδέν, παρὰ τοῦτο τὰς τοῦ ὄνου ποκὰς ἔπλασεν (“donkey shearings: Aristophanes (Ra. 186) conceives of a place in Hades, presenting it as referred to thus. There is also a proverb: donkey shearings, in reference to things that are impossible and unrealized; for shearing and trimming donkeys is utterly impossible. It is as if someone were to say ‘You’re shearing a donkey;’ to the extent then that the situation in Hades is impossible and for naught, with reference to that he produced ‘the shearings of a donkey’”) – Prov. Bodl. 708 ὄνου πόκας· ὁ Ἀριστοφάνης (Ra. 186) χωρίον ἐν ᾅδου διατετύπωκεν ὄνου πόκας. λέγεται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνηνύτων καὶ ἀτελῶν, ὅτι καὶ ὄνος οὔτε κείρεται οὔτε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πόκος γίνεται (“donkey shearings: Aristophanes (Ra. 186) conceives of a place in Hades (called) Donkey Shearings. The expression is used of things that are impossible and unachievable, since a donkey is not shorn nor does wool come from it”). For other proverbs having to do with donkeys, e.|g. fr. 56 (“the donkey is rained upon”, i.|e. “ignored”); Eup. fr. 279 (“a donkey hears a trumpet” with Olson 2016 ad loc. (with extensive bibliography on the animal itself); Ar. V. 191 περὶ ὄνου σκιᾶς (“about a donkey’s shadow”, i.|e. “about nothing at all”) with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Av. 1328 (“slow as a donkey”); Ra. 159 (“a donkey celebrating the Mysteries”, i.|e. “getting no pleasure out of the event”); Paus.Gr. o 17–21, 23–4; Petron. 63.1 asinus in tegulis (“a donkey on the roof”). Interpretation"What Phot. = Suda and Prov. Coisl. mean by ὑποθέσθαι is unclear. But there is no obvious reason to take the point to be that Cratinus represented an Underworld scene featuring the man and the donkey that tormented him, as opposed to having a character make verbal reference to them. Cf. the mention of the Danaids and their endless water-bearing in Hades at Philetaer. fr. 17.5; and for the theme of Underworld torment, the catalogue of evil-doers punished via submersion in muck and a river of shit at Ar. Ra. 145–51 and the sufferings of Tantalus and Sisyphus as described at Od. 11.582–600. Ὄκνος (lit. “Hesitator”) was depicted in a painting at Delphi of Odysseus’ visit to the Dead by Cratinus’ rough contemporary Polygnotus (Paus. 10.29.1– 2; cf. Plin. Nat. 35.137; Stansbury-O’Donnell 1990); for his punishment in the Underworld135, see also Plu. Mor. 473c; Prop. 4.3.21–2; and cf. Poll. 4.142; Arnott 135

The reason for Oknos’ punishment is unknown, although one would expect it to be related to his diffident unwillingness to act (hence his name; see in general Lavery 1998. 8–9), and at Apul. Met. 6.18 Oknos sits helpless before a donkey that has stumbled, as its load of wood falls to the ground. According to Paus. 10.29.2, by

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1962; Graf 1974. 188–94; Hoffmann 1994; Felten, LIMC VII.1.33–5. Roemer reasonably took Cratinus to have been referring specifically to Oknos—which is insufficient grounds, however, for Erbse’s attempt to insert his name into the text of Phot. = Suda (and presumably the Prov. Coisl. as well). For rope and rope-making, see Ar. Pax 35–7 with Olson 1998 ad loc.

fr. 368 K.–A. (332 K. = Margitês test. 2 Gostoli) Eustratius in Arist. EN 6.7 (CAG XX pp. 320.36–321.1 Heylbut) = Margitês test. 1 Gostoli παράγει δ’ εἰς µαρτυρίαν τοῦ εἶναι τὸν ὅλως σοφὸν ἕτερον παρὰ τόν τινα σοφὸν καί τινα ποίησιν Μαργίτην ὀνοµαζοµένην Ὁµήρου. µνηµονεύει δ’ αὐτῆς οὐ µόνον αὐτὸς Ἀριστοτέλης ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ Περὶ ποιητικῆς (1448b30) ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀρχίλοχος (fr. 303) καὶ Κρατῖνος (Ἀρχιλόχοις Κρατῖνος Bergk) καὶ Καλλίµαχος (fr. 397) ἐν τῷ ἐπιγράµµατι, καὶ µαρτυροῦσιν εἶναι Ὁµήρου τὸ ποίηµα He brings forth as evidence that the one who is clever in all respects is different from the one who is clever only at certain things a poem by Homer called Margitês. Not only does Aristotle himself mention (this poem) in Book 1 of the Poetics (1448b30), but so do Archilochus (fr. 303) and Cratinus (“Cratinus [in] Archilochoi” Bergk) and Callimachus (fr. 397) in his epigram, and they provide evidence that the poem is by Homer

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.188; Bergk 1882 II.430; Bakola 2010. 18 n. 15, 78 Assignment to known plays"Bergk’s conjecture attributes the fragment to Archilochoi. Citation context"A comment on Aristotle’s quotation of Margites fr. 2 West in the course of his discussion of wisdom (sophia) in the Nichomachean Ethics. Eustratius dates to the 12th century CE and must be drawing all this information from some now-lost secondary source. Interpretation"The Margitês (“Madman”, < µάργος, “mad”), written in the Ionic dialect and composed of hexameters alternating irregularly with trimeters, survives only in fragments (presented most recently in West 2003. 240–53; Gostoli 2007. 46–65) and is repeatedly if dubiously attributed by ancient sources to Homer. The poem is called after its central character, who was proverbially stupid (fr. 3 West “He had abilities, all of them defective”); he had no idea how to consummate his marriage, for example, and had to be tricked contrast, Oknos was a symbol of a hard-working man whose wife wasted whatever he earned. D.S. 1.97 mentions a performance of the myth at Acanthi, an Egyptian city, in which one man plaited a rope and others behind him undid it.

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by his wife into having sex (fr. 5 West), and at one point he managed to get his penis caught in a chamber pot (fr. 7 West). See in general also Langerbeck 1958; Forderer 1960; Bossi 1986 (assigning the poem to Xenophanes); West 2003. 225–8. For a modern parallel, cf. 45 (although the Homeric Margitês is never described as a criminal or a traitor). If Archilochus knew the Margitês, as Eustratius seemingly reports, it must date to the 7th century BCE or earlier. More likely this is bad information or the text is corrupt, as Bergk suggested, and the reference to the poem in Cratinus—assuming it is legitimate—is the earliest that survives.

fr. 369 K.–A. (331 K.) Ath. 13.596b–c ἐνδόξους δὲ ἑταίρας καὶ ἐπὶ κάλλει διαφερούσας ἤνεγκεν καὶ ἡ Ναύκρατις· ∆ωρίχαν τε, ἣν ἡ καλὴ Σαπφὼ (fr. 254c) ἐρωµένην γενοµένην Χαράξου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτῆς κατ᾿ ἐµπορίαν εἰς τὴν Ναύκρατιν ἀπαίροντος διὰ τῆς ποιήσεως διαβάλλει ὡς πολλὰ τοῦ Χαράξου νοσφισαµένην. Ἡρόδοτος (2.135.1) δ᾿ αὐτὴν Ῥοδῶπιν καλεῖ ἀγνοῶν ὅτι ἑτέρα τῆς ∆ωρίχας ἐστὶν αὕτη, ἡ καὶ τοὺς περιβοήτους ὀβελίσκους ἀναθεῖσα ἐν ∆ελφοῖς (cf. Hdt. 2.135.4), ὧν µέµνηται Κρατῖνος διὰ τούτων· (bA : διὰ Πλούτων Meineke) Naucratis also produced famous and exceptionally beautiful courtesans, including Doricha, who was a lover of Sappho’s brother Charaxus, who sailed to Naucratis on a trading journey; the lovely Sappho (fr. 254c) abused her in her poems for extracting a substantial amount of money from Charaxus. Herodotus (2.135.1) refers to her as Rhodopis, being unaware that this is a different person from Doricha; [Rhodopis] also dedicated the notorious spits in Delphi (cf. Hdt. 2.135.4), which Cratinus mentions in the following (thus Ath.A : “in Ploutoi” Meineke)

Discussion"Lidov 2002. 219–21, 229–33 Assignment to known plays"Meineke’s conjecture attributes the fragment to Ploutoi. Citation context"A brief discussion of Doricha in the course of a long treatment of famous courtesans. Similar material referring to Doricha/Rhodopis and Sappho (but with no mention of Cratinus) is preserved at – Str. 17.808 ἣν Σαπφὼ µέν, ἡ τῶν µελῶν ποιήτρια, καλεῖ ∆ωρίχαν … ἄλλοι δ᾿ ὀνοµάζουσι Ῥοδῶπιν (“whom Sappho, the lyric poetess, calls Doricha … but other authorities refer to as Rhodopis”) – Phot. ρ 137 = Suda ρ 211 Ῥοδώπιδος ἀνάθηµα· ἐν ∆ελφοῖς ὀβελίσκοι πολλοί· Ἀπελλᾶς δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς οἴεται καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτωι πυραµίδα, Ἡροδότου ἐλέγχοντος τὴν δόξαν· ἦν δὲ Θρᾶσσα τὸ γένος· ἐδούλευσε δὲ σὺν Αἰσώπω

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Ἰάδµονι Μιτυληναίῳ· ἐλυτρώσατο δὲ αὐτὴν Χαράξας ὁ Σαπφοῦς ἀδελφός· ἡ δὲ Σαπφὼ ∆ωρίχαν αὐτὴν καλεῖ (“Rhodopis’ offering: numerous spits at Delphi; Apelles of Pontus thinks this was also a pyramid at Egypt, although Herodotus refutes the notion. She was Thracian by birth, but was a fellow-slave of Aesop of Iadmon from Mytilene. Charaxas the brother of Sappho ransomed her; but Sappho calls her Doricha”). Interpretation"The passage of Cratinus has fallen out of the text. According to Herodotus (2.134–5)—a contemporary of Cratinus—Ῥοδῶπις (lit. “Rosy-faced”, i.|e. “Rosy-cheeked”, and thus probably a professional working-name; mentioned also in adesp. com. fr. *489) was a 6th-century BCE courtesan from Thrace who belonged to Iadmon of Samos (also the master of Aesop) but was brought to Naucratis in Egypt by Xanthes of Samos during the reign of Amasis II (570–526 BCE). In Naucratis Rhodopis met Charaxus, the brother of the poetess Sappho, who paid a large amount of money to set her free; Sappho responded with a poem abusing Charaxus.136 Rhodopis remained in Naucratis after her manumission and used a tenth of her income to dedicate large iron spits for cooking oxen at Delphi; Herodotus reports that in his day they lay behind an altar in front of the temple. Herodotus (2.134.1) also reports that it was commonly said that Rhodopis had built the third pyramid, but calls the story absurd (2.134.2); Pliny the Elder nonetheless passes it on as fact (Nat. 36.82).137 How the Rhodopis who dedicated the spits in Delphi mentioned by Cratinus came to be associated with the woman with whom Charaxus was involved—apparently called Doricha in Sappho’s poems138—is unclear. But Athenaeus is probably right that Herodotus is confused or has been taken in by a source; see in general Lidov 2002. Lidov 2002. 230, comparing Cratinus’ use of various literary figures onstage in e.|g. Archilochoi, Odysseis, Dionysalexandros and Kleobulinai, suggests that Cratinus used the legendary Rhodopis as a foil for Sappho (represented as a courtesan) in one of his plays, and that the comedy may have served as 136 137

138

Athenaeus, by contrast, says that the poem was directed against Rhodopis and accused her of extorting money out of Charaxus. See in general Coche-Zvie 1972. 131–7. A variant of the tale preserved in Diodorus Siculus (1.64.14) and Strabo (17.808) has the pyramid built by Rhodopis’ lovers to be her tomb rather than by Rhodopis herself. Strabo and Aelian (VH 13.33) also claim that one day, as Rhodopis was bathing in Naucratis, an eagle snatched up one of her sandals, flew away with it, and dropped it in the lap of the Egyptian king, who sought out the owner and, once he found her, made her his queen. Wilamowitz restored Doricha’s name in Sapph. fr. 15.11, but there is no other trace of her in the poems and little reason to think that the supplement is correct.

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the source of Herodotus’ information about Rhodopis’ dedication in Delphi. This is merely a guess, made less credible by the fact that Athenaeus reports only that Cratinus mentioned Rhodopis’ spits, not that Rhodopis herself was a character in one of the comedies, and it is easier to think that the story is a bit of historical embroidery associating a well-known dedication with a notorious literary figure that was manufactured at Delphi and passed on to a credulous visitor.

fr. 370 K.–A. (330 K.) Ath. 2.69d Κρατῖνος δέ φησι Φ ά ω ν ο ς ἐ ρ α σ θ ε ῖ σ α ν τ ὴ ν Ἀ φ ρ ο δ ί τ η ν ἐ ν κ α λ α ῖ ς θ ρ ι δ α κ ί ν α ι ς α ὐ τ ὸ ν ἀ π ο κ ρ ύ ψ α ι. Μαρσύας δ᾿ ὁ νεώτερος ἐν χλόῃ κριθῶν Cratinus says that a f t e r A p h r o d i t e f e l l i n l o v e w i t h P h a ô n , s h e h i d h i m a w a y a m o n g b e a u t i f u l l e t t u c e p l a n t s. Whereas Marsyas the Younger (FGrH 135–6 F 9) claims that it was in a field of unripe barley

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.178; Kock 1880 I.110 Text"Meineke and Kock treat καλαῖς θριδακίναις as a direct quotation of Cratinus. Citation context"From a section of a discussion of lettuce (thridax) that stresses (1) the vegetable’s association with the story of Adonis (citing Nic. fr. 120; Call. fr. 478) and (2) its reputation as a cause of impotence (citing Amphis fr. 20; Eub. fr. 13). Similar material, but without mention of Cratinus, is preserved at Ael. VH 12.18 τὸν Φάωνα κάλλιστον ὄντα ἀνθρώπων ἡ Ἀφροδίτη ἐν θριδακίναις ἔκρυψε (“Aphrodite hid Phaon, who was the most beautiful of mortals, in lettuce plants”). Interpretation"According to Aelian (VH 12.18), Lucian (DMort. 19.2) and Ovid (Her. 15), Φάων was a ferryman at Mitylene on Lesbos. At some point Aphrodite came to him, disguised as an old woman, and asked him to take her across to the coast of Asia Minor. Phaon complied, and as a reward Aphrodite gave him an alabaster vase containing perfume, with which Phaon anointed himself and became young again and indeed the handsomest man on Lesbos. Among the women who fell in love with him, according to Ovid and Paus.Gr. φ 4, was Sappho—distinguished from the poetess by Pausanias—who ultimately threw herself into the sea from a cliff when Phaon wanted nothing more to do with her; cf. Men. fr. 258 Körte = Leucad. fr. 1. According to Aelian, Phaon

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was eventually killed when he was caught committing adultery. Phaon was the title character of a comedy by Plato Comicus and is named by Plautus as one of only two men ever loved so much by a woman (Mil. 1246–7). Paus.Gr. φ 4 claims that “Phaon” was proverbial for a lovely but arrogant man; cf. Luc. DMeretr. 12; Liban. ep. 257.2. See in general Berger-Doer, LIMC VII.1.364–5; Pirrotta 2009. 338–40. This is the earliest reference to the story. Athenaeus does not explain why Cratinus’ Aphrodite placed Phaon in a bed of lettuce. But a few lines earlier he glosses a similar story about Aphrodite and Adonis (Call. fr. 478) by claiming that this is “the poet’s way of saying allegorically that men who eat too much of [the vegetable] lose their sexual powers” (2.69c), so what the goddess was likely trying to do in both cases was to keep her human favorite from being of any use to mortal rivals. θριδακίνη"(identified as pre-Greek vocabulary by Beekes 2010 s.#v. θρίδαξ) is attested elsewhere in Attic comedy at Amphis fr. 20.1; Eub. fr. 13.1 (both from the same section of Athenaeus), and is identified as an Atticism at Trypho 19.3, hence presumably its presence in Phrynichus (Ecl. 101) and in various Second Sophistic authors (e.|g. Luc. VH 1.13; Lex. 4; Alciphr. 4.13.17 (twice)). Poll. 1.247 counts lettuce among the potherbs (lachanai). See in general Whitaker 1969; Zohary–Hopf–Weiss 2012. 155–6, and on kitchen gardening generally, Leach 1982.

fr. 371 K.–A. (374 K.) Phot. α 267 = Synag. B α 301 ἀ γ ρ ο β ό α ς (sic Phot.z : γροβόας Phot.b : ἀγροῖκος Synag. B) ἀ ν ή ρ· ὁ ἀγροίκως φθεγγόµενος καὶ οὐκ ἀστείως οὐδὲ ἐµµελῶς. οὕτως Κρατίνος a n a g r o b o a s (thus Phot.z : groboas Phot.b : agroikos, “rustic” Synag. B) m a n: one who speaks in a manner that is rustic and not sophisticated or appropriate. Thus Cratinus

Meter"Kock (giving all of ἀγροβόας ἀνήρ to Cratinus (see Interpretation) and comparing Ar. Ach. 570 τειχοµάχας ἀνήρ) took this to be a dochmiac:

krlkl

Discussion"Kock 1880 I.118 Text"γροβόας in Phot.b is a crude error, while the Synagoge (perhaps influenced by the gloss that follows) has substituted a common term for a much rarer one.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 371)

193

Citation context"An Atticist note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge B commonly referred to as Σ΄΄΄. A more substantial version of the same note, but with the reference to Cratinus stripped out, is preserved at Phryn. PS p. 26.16–17 ἀγροβόας ἀνήρ· ὁ ἀγροίκως φθεγγόµενος καὶ οὐκ ἐµµελῶς. χρῶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀηδῶν καὶ µεγαλοφώνων (“an agroboas man: one who speaks crudely and inappropriately. Use (the word) of those who are unpleasant and speak in a loud voice”). Interpretation"Cratinus likely used only ἀγροβόας (case unknown), and ἀνήρ has been supplied by the lexicographic tradition to make clear that the adjective was applied to a person. Cf. frr. 381–2 with nn.; Eup. fr. 141 ἐγχώριος ἀνήρ; Amips. fr. 28 ἄκοπος ἀνήρ. In most compounds in ἀγρο-, the first constituent has the locative sense “in the field/country”; cf. ἀγροβότης, “feeding in the field” (S. Ph. 214 (lyric); E. Cyc. 54 (lyric; ἀγροβάτης Tr3)); ἀγροµενής, glossed ὁ ἐν ἀγρῷ διατρίβων καὶ εἰς ἄστυ µὴ κατιών (“a man who spends his time in the country and does not visit the city”) at Hsch. α 822, citing Call. fr. 371. The literal sense of ἀγροβόας (a hapax) should thus be something like “shouting in a field,” which is not what the gloss in Phryn. ~ Phot. = Synag. claims. It is a small leap, however, from the idea of shouting in a field to that of shouting as if in a field or out in the countryside, as a farmer or herdsman might, i.|e. employing one’s “outdoor voice”. The use of “Doric alpha” suggests that the word is designed to evoke high-style compounds such as ἀδεισιβόας (“not fearing the battle-cry”; Bacch. 5.155; 11.61), ὀξυβόα (“shrill-shouting”; A. Ag. 57 (lyric); subsequently at Luc. JTr. 3) and καλλιβόας (“beautiful-sounding”; S. Tr. 640 (lyric)). Ar. fr. 706 mentions an ordinary urban dialect (mesên poleôs) as distinct from an effeminate urban dialect (asteian hypothêlyteran), on the one hand, and a servile rural dialect (aneleutheron hypagroikoteran), on the other. Here the reference is to the way the individual in question talks (too loudly for polite society) rather than his accent or vocabulary. But lurking behind it is in any case the idea of country folk as less socially polished than city-dwellers. Cf. adesp. com. fr. *947 ἀγροίκου µὴ καταφρόνει ῥήτορος (“Don’t look down on a rustic speaker!”); Pl. Lg. 880a ἄγροικος καὶ ἀνελεύθερος ἂν λεγόµενος ἀνδραποδώδης τε (“a rustic, servile man speaking like a slave”); the Platonic idiom ἀγροίκως λέγειν (literally “to speak in a rustic manner”, i.|e. crudely; e.|g. Ap. 32d; Grg. 486c; 509a; Euthd. 283e, 284e; R. 361e, 613e); and for the character of the agroikos (likely a stock-figure in late 5th-century comedy; cf. Strepsiades in Aristophanes’ Clouds and the farmer/goatherd figure in Eupolis Aiges), see Thphr. Char. 4 and more generally Ribbeck 1888; Konstantakos 2005.

194

Cratinus

fr. 372 K.–A. (339 K.) Phot. α 505 = Synag. B α 497 α ἰ γ ε ί ρ ο υ θ έ α καὶ ἡ παρ’ αἴγειρον θέα· Ἀθήνησιν αἴγειρος ἦν, ἧς πλησίον τὰ ἴκρια ἐπήγνυον εἰς τὴν θέαν πρὸ τοῦ τὸ θέατρον γενέσθαι. οὕτως Κρατῖνος a p o p l a r v i e w and the view alongside a poplar.139 There was a poplar tree at Athens, near which they used to set up the grandstands as the viewing spot before the Theater existed. Thus Cratinus

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 262–3; Meineke 1839 II.189; Kock 1880 I.112; Roselli 2011. 72–5; Storey 2011. 423 Text"Kassel–Austin (following Meineke and Kock) take the words αἰγείρου θέα to be drawn more or less direct from Cratinus, although the note in Photius = Synagoge might just as easily be understood as assigning him responsibility for the information contained in the gloss rather than for the initial lemma. Citation context"From the common source of Photius and the Synagoge B generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄. Wilamowitz thought the source for the material was the Atticist lexicographer Pausanias (Paus.Gr. α 128), but very similar material at Hsch. π 513 (omitting the mention of Cratinus) shows that much of it goes back to Eratosthenes: παρ’ αἰγείρου θέα· Ἐρατοσθένης (fr. 3 Strecker) φησὶ ὅτι πλησίον αἰγείρου τινὸς θέα (αἴγειρος δέ ἐστι φυτοῦ εἶδος) ἐγγὺς τῶν ἰκρίων. ἕως οὖν τούτου τοῦ φυτοῦ ἐξετείνετο καὶ κατεσκευάζετο τὰ ἰκρία, ἅ ἐστιν ὀρθὰ ξύλα ἔχοντα σανίδας προσδεδεµένας, οἷον βαθµούς, ἐφ’ αἷς ἐκαθέζοντο πρὸ τοῦ κατασκευασθῆναι τὸ θέατρον (“a view from beside a poplar: Eratosthenes (fr. 3 Strecker) says there was a viewing place near a certain poplar—a poplar is a kind of tree—close to the ikria. The ikria, then, were extended and set up as far as this tree; ikria are vertical lengths of wood with boards lashed to them like steps, on which they used to sit before the Theater was constructed”). Additional traces of the same note are preserved at – Hsch. α 1695 = Suda αι 35 αἰγείρου θέα· αἴγειρος ἦν Ἀθήνῃσι πλησίον τοῦ ἱεροῦ, ἔνθα πρὶν γενέσθαι θέατρον τὰ ἴκρια ἐπήγνυον (“a poplar view: there was a poplar at Athens near the sanctuary, where they used to set up the ikria before there was a theater”)

139

Not “the poplar” (Rusten 2011. 218, offering the same translation in Hsch. π 513 (quoted below)).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 372)

195

– Hsch. θ 166 θέα παρ’ αἰγείρῳ· τόπος αἴγειρον ἔχων, ὅθεν ἐθεώρουν. εὐτελὴς δὲ ἐδόκει ἡ ἐντεῦθεν θεωρία· µακρόθεν γὰρ ἦν καὶ εὐώνου ὁ τόπος ἐπωλεῖτο (“a view beside a poplar: a place with a poplar, from where they used to watch (the shows). Watching from there was apparently inexpensive, since it was far away and the place was sold for a low price”) – Phot. θ 47 θέαν παρ’ αἴγειρον· τὴν πόρρωθεν λέγουσιν· αἴγειρος γὰρ ἦν τῶν ἰκρίων πλησίον (“a view alongside a poplar: They refer (thus) to the view from a distance, because there was a poplar near the ikria”; tentatively traced by Erbse to Aelius Dionysius (θ *5)) – Suda α 2952 = Synag. B α 1651 ἀπ’ αἰγείρου θέα καὶ παρ’ αἴγειρον· ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐσχάτων. αἴγειρος γὰρ ἐπάνω ἦν τοῦ θεάτρου, ἀφ’ ἧς οἱ µὴ ἔχοντες τόπον ἐθεώρουν (“a view from a poplar and (a view) beside a poplar: the view from the furthest distance, since there was a poplar above the Theater, from where those who lacked a place (to sit) used to watch the show”) – Eust. p. 1523.53–5 = i.199.44–6 = Paus.Gr. α 128 ἦν γοῦν φασιν αἴγειρος Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐπάνω τοῦ θεάτρου ἀφ’ ἧς ἐθεώρουν οἱ µὴ ἔχοντες τόπον. ὅθεν καὶ ἡ ἀπ’ αἰγείρου θέα ἐλέγετο. καὶ παρ’ αἴγειρον θέα, ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐσχάτων. καὶ ἦν φασιν εὐωνοτέρα ἡ παρ’ αἴγειρον θέα (“there was at any rate, they say, a poplar at Athens above the Theater from which those who lacked a place (to sit) used to watch the show, whence also the saying ‘the view from a poplar’. Also ‘a view beside a poplar,’ meaning the one from the furthest distance. And they say that the ‘view beside a poplar’ was quite inexpensive”).140 Interpretation"For the ἴκρια (temporary wooden stands erected in the Theater area for shows before stone seating was installed in the second half of the 4th century BCE), see fr. 360.3 n. According to Eratosthenes (whose sources other than the Cratinus fragment are obscure), a poplar tree stood on the slope above the last row of seats, and one could pay for the right to watch from there (standing rather than sitting, like SRO places at the back of some modern theaters?) rather than buying a more expensive ticket for a seat in the stands. See Roselli (who posits that this fragment suggests that Cratinus—i.|e. 140

Hsch. α 5716 ἀπ’ αἰγείρων· Ἀνδροκλέα τὸν ἀπ’ αἰγείρων (adesp. com. fr. 278) ἀντὶ τοῦ συκοφάντην, ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῆς ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ αἰγείρου τὰ πινάκια ἐξῆπτον, τουτέστιν ἐξήρτων, οἱ ἔσχατοι (“from poplars: Androcles from poplars (adesp. com. fr. 278) instead of ‘the sycophant’, since those furthest away used to fasten, i.|e. hang, the tablets from the poplar in the Agora”; obscure) refers to different poplar trees (note the plural), but might be connected somehow with the tradition that there were not only ἴκρια but also dramatic performances early on in the Agora (see fr. 360.3 n.).

196

Cratinus

Cratinus’ chorus—addressed the members of the audience located by the poplar tree, a thesis to which the text itself lends no support).141

fr. 373 K.–A. (22 Dem.) Phot. α 830 = Synag. B α 758 ἄ κ ο ς (sic Synag. : κος Phot.) π ε ρ ί α π τ ο ν· Ἀττικῶς εἴρηται. κέχρηται τῇ συνθήκῃ Κρατῖνος a r e m e d y h u n g a b o u t o n e s e l f (thus Synag. : the beginning of the first word is missing in Phot.): an Attic expression. Cratinus uses the combination

Citation context"An Atticist note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄, but ultimately to be traced to a more complete version of Phryn. PS p. 26.11–13 ἄκος περίαπτον· Ἀττικῶς εἴρηται κατὰ σύνθεσιν 〈µετὰ〉 τοῦ ἄκος. τὸ δὲ περίαπτον κατὰ µόνον 〈ἐπὶ τοῦ περιάµµατος〉 καθωµίληται (“an amulet: an Attic expression involving a combination 〈with〉 akos (‘cure’). But periapton alone is conventionally used in reference 〈to an amulet〉”). Interpretation"For περιάπτω and cognates referring to the fastening of magical objects about relevant portions of one’s body to ward off or cure disease, Pi. P. 3.52–3 γυίοις περάπτων πάντοθεν / φάρµακα (“fastening remedies to their limbs from every side”; among the medical resources of the mortal Asclepius); Bonner 1950. 3–4; Jouanna 2011. 50–4 (Galen). For magic amulets and rings generally, see Bonner 1950. 1–22; Nagy 2012, esp. 89–102; Dasan 2015 (with particular attention to the Roman period); Faraone 2017. For similar magical devices, cf. Ar. Pl. 883–5 (a ring proof against stings from venomous creatures); Antiph. fr. 175.3–5 (a ring that guards against an upset stomach; sold for one drachma); Anaxil. fr. 18.6–7 (Ephesêia grammata, magical words supposedly written on the cult statue of Artemis at Ephesus and inscribed on a leather charm) with Bernabé 2013.

141

Roselli further maintains that spectators were not charged for watching plays “from the poplar”. Hsch. θ 166 and Eustathius (the only ancient sources to address the question) disagree, asserting that watching from here was merely less expensive than purchasing a regular seat. Nor is there is any obvious reason why whoever owned the rights to the show would have passed up the revenue “poplar view” spectators represented.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 374)

197

Despite Phrynichus, ἄκος περίαπτον seems less likely to be an Attic colloquialism than a high-style poetic periphrasis (“a fastened-about cure” meaning “something that is wrapped about one and produces a cure”). ἄκος"is not otherwise attested in comedy. Elsewhere in the classical period, περίαπτον is a noun meaning “an object fastened about (a person)” and thus “an amulet” (LSJ s.#v. II; confined to Attic prose, although most likely only via the accidents of attestation).

fr. 374 K.–A. (21 Dem.) Phot. α 808 ἀκοῦσαι ὀργῶ· Κρατῖνός φησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Θουκυδίδης (4.108.6)· Λακεδαιµονίων ὀργώντων. σηµαίνει δὲ τὸ ὀργᾶν 〈τὸ〉 πάνυ ἐπαίρεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πρᾶξαί τι ἢ ἀκοῦσαι. … συγγραφικὴ µέντοι ἡ φωνὴ ἡ ἀκοῦσαι ὀργῶ I’m eager to hear: Cratinus uses the expression, as does Thucydides (4.108.6) as well: the Spartans being eager. orgân means to be extremely excited to do or hear something … However, the phrase “I’m eager to hear” (akousai orgô) is more suited to prose

Citation context"From a richly informed Atticist note that nonetheless confounds ὀργάω with ὀργάζω (“soften”; cf. Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 266), which is from a different root. Drawn at least in part from a more complete version of Phryn. PS p. 8.12–13, which has otherwise been transmitted only in the truncated form ἀκοῦσαι ὀργῶ· σηµαίνει τὸ πάνυ ἐπαίροµαι πρὸς τὸ πρᾶξαί τι ἢ ἀκοῦσαι (“I’m eager to hear: means ‘I’m very excited to do or hear something’”). Interpretation"For ὀργῶ similarly used in the sense “be bursting with eagerness (to do something)” (an Atticism, as Phrynichus observes), cf. Ar. Av. 462 with Dunbar 1995 ad loc.; Lys. 1113 (both better included under LSJ s.#v. II.2, “to be eager or ready, to be excited” than under LSJ s.#v. II.1, “swell with lust, wax wanton, be rampant”); A. Ch. 454 ὄργα µαθεῖν; Th. 8.2.2 ὀργῶντες κρίνειν.

198

Cratinus

fr. 375 K.–A. (380 K.) Phot. α 889–90 = Synag. B α 832 ἀλαζών· ὑπερήφανος (= Lex. Boys. p. xa 3). κυρίως δὲ ὁ ἀπατευών. ἀ λ α ζ ὼ ν κ α ὶ κ ο µ π ό ς (ἀλαζὼν om. Phot.b, gl. 889 et 890 conflatis : κυρίως … κόµπος om. Synag. B)· ψεύστης καὶ κοµπαστής. οὕτως Κρατῖνος alazôn: arrogant (= Lex. Boys. p. xa 3); but properly a deceiver. a l a z ô n a n d b o a s t f u l (“a deceiver and boastful” Phot.b, conflating α 889 et 890; “properly … boastful” omitted by Synag. B): a liar and a boaster. Thus Cratinus

Meter"Unknown; the words as transmitted scan accommodated in e.|g. anapaests or dactyls.

kllllx and might be

Discussion"Theodoridis 1979. 29–30 Text"The second κοµπός fell out of the text in Phot.b, while Synag. B omits everything between ὑπερήφανος and ψεύστης. In both cases, the result is that what are properly two notes are run together into one. Citation context"A note traced by Cunningham to the common source of Photius and the Synagoge B conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄΄, and taken by Erbse to be drawn from Aelius Dionysius (α 72, arbitrarily restored ἀλαζών· κυρίως ὁ ἀπὸ ἄλης ζῶν καὶ ἀγύρτης, µεταφορικῶς δὲ ὁ ψεύστης καὶ κοµπαστής. οὕτω Κρατῖνος (“alazôn: properly one who lives by wandering and a vagabond, but metaphorically a liar and a boaster. Thus Cratinus”). Related material, but with no mention of Cratinus, is preserved at – Hsch. α 2731 ἀλαζών· ὑπερήφανος. ψεύστης ἢ ἀπὸ ἄλης ζῶν (“alazôn: arrogant; a liar or someone who lives from wandering”) – Suda α 1057 ἀλαζών· πλάνος, ὑπερήφανος, ψευδής. παρὰ τὸ ἐν ἄλῃ ζῆν. καὶ ἀλαζονοχαυνοφλύαρος (Archestr. fr. 59.12), ὁ µέθυσος καὶ λῆρος. ἢ ἀλαζών, ἄλλως ζῶν, ὁ ἐστι µαταίως. ἰδίως δὲ ἀλαζόνας τοὺς ψεύστας ἐκάλουν, ἐπεὶ λέγειν ἐπαγγέλλονται περὶ ὧν µὴ ἴσασιν (“alazôn: an impostor, arrogant, lying. From en alêi zên (‘to pass one’s life in wandering’). Also alazonochaunophlyaros (Archestr. fr. 59.12), an alcoholic babbler. Or alazôn, allôs zôn (‘living to no purpose’), i.|e. pointlessly. But idiosyncratically they used to call liars alazones, because they profess to speak on topics about which they know nothing”) – Et.Gen. α 391 ἀλαζών· ὁ ἀπατεὼν † ἢ κοµπαστής, ὁ ἐν ἄλῃ καὶ πλάνῃ ζῶν. ἢ ὁ ἐκ τοῦ ἀλᾶν ζῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιτηδεύµατος ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ ἀπάτης (“alazôn: a deceiver † or a boaster, one who passes his life in wandering and vagrancy. Or one who lives from wanderings not as a business but from deception”).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 375)

199

Interpretation"An ἀλαζών (etymology uncertain) is a “bullshitter” vel sim., defined by Aristotle (EN 1108a21–2, 1127a20–2; EE 1221a24–5) as a person who boasts of abilities he does not have. Such boasting is not necessarily bad, in Aristotle’s view: individuals who behave thus for no gain are foolish rather than evil (EN 1227b9–11), while those who exaggerate for the sake of honor or reputation are not particularly reprehensible (EN 1227b11–12). But ἀλαζόνες who aim for profit are utterly shameful people (EN 1227b12–13). See in general Thphr. Char. 23 with Diggle 2004 ad loc.; Tract. Coisl. 38–9 (XII Janko), identifying ἀλαζονεία as one of the three character types of comedy, the others being τὰ βωµολόχια (“buffoonery”) and τὰ εἰρωνικά (“insincerity”), with Janko 1984. 214–18; Ribbeck 1882, esp. 1–51; MacDowell 1990. The word is colloquial 5th- and 4th-century Attic vocabulary, well attested in comedy (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 109; Eq. 269; Nu. 102, 449; Pax 1045; Av. 983, 1016; Ra. 909; Alc. Com. fr. 37; Anaxandr. fr. 50.1 with Millis 2015 ad loc.; Men. Georg. 27; cf. Plaut. Mil. 86–7) and prose (e.|g. X. Mem. 1.1.5, 7.2; Cyr. 1.6.22; 2.2.12; Pl. Phd. 92d; R. 486b, 490a; Aeschin. 3.99), and picked up as an Atticism at e.|g. Luc. Gall. 4; DMeretr. 10.1, 4; 15.3; Alciphr. 2.11.1. κοµπός"(cf. κόµπος, “din” and thus by extension “boast”142) is otherwise attested only at E. Ph. 600 κοµπὸς εἶ σπονδαῖς πεποιθώς, αἵ σε σῴζουσιν θανεῖν (“you are boastful, relying on truces that save you from death”) and Call. Aet. fr. 96.1 θεοὶ πάντες κοµποῖς νεµεσήµονες (“all the gods are resentful of the boastful”; cf. Hsch. κ 3478 κοµποῖς· ὑπερηφάνοις, “kompois: arrogant”). LSJ s.#v. (followed by Montanari s.#v.) treats the word as a noun (“= κοµπαστής”), but it seems rather to be an adjective.143

142

143

Perhaps connected with *k(u)emp–, “zittern, beben (‘shiver, shake’)”—whence, according to LIV s.#v., Skt. kampáyāmi, “lasse zittern (‘make shiver’)” and perhaps sam-pra-kampante, “zittern, sind in erregter Bewegung (‘shiver, are in agitated motion’)”; YAv. *kafsan, “sollen zittern (‘ought to shiver’)”; cf. Cheung 2007 s.#v. *kamp for doubts. For the semantics, cf. Engl. swagger, “walk with a swaying motion; brag”, which is a frequentative of swag, “sway”. Thus Mastronarde 1994 on E. Ph. 600. Herodian (Grammatici Graeci III.1 p. 187.20– 7), noting that disyllabic words ending in -pos and having -o- in the root correspond to verbs with -e- in the root (e.|g. τρόπος, “way”, but τρέπω, “turn”), suggests that the place of accentuation is determined by whether the word is a noun (in which case the root is accented; thus τρόπος) or an adjective (in which case it has word-final accent; thus τροπός, “twisted leather thong”). Although some of the word-final-accented forms Herodian adduces are difficult to construe as adjectives (e.|g. ποµπός, “escort”; λοπός, “peel”), the phenomenon—that the same derivational suffix forms both adjectives and nouns, but the adjectives generally have one kind

200

Cratinus

fr. 376 K.–A. (23 Dem.) Phot. α 1151 ἄ µ α χ ο ν π ν ῖ γ ο ς· τὸ ὑπερβάλλον κατὰ τὴν ἰσχύν, ὡς µηδὲ µαχέσασθαι πρὸς αὐτό. οὕτως Κρατῖνος. ἐρεῖς δὲ καὶ ἄµαχος χειµὼν καὶ ἄµαχον πρᾶγµα (Men. fr. 297.6) i r r e s i s t i b l e h e a t: (heat) that is overwhelmingly powerful, making it impossible to fight against it. Thus Cratinus. You can also say “an irresistible storm” and “an irresistible problem” (Men. fr. 297.6)

Citation context"Taken by Reitzenstein to be drawn from Phrynichus (= PS fr. *168). Cf. Phryn. PS p. 22.8–9 = Phot. α 1152 ἄµαχον τὸ κακόν· ὑπερβολικῶς, πρὸς ὃ οὐκ ἄν τις µαχέσαιτο (“the trouble is irresistible: hyperbolically, (trouble) against which one could not fight”), which might originally have been part of the same note. Interpretation"πνῖγος (lit. “choking, suffocation”) is heat so intense that one can barely breathe (e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 191 οἷον αὖ τὸ πνῖγος, ὡς ἀσελγές, “and what heat, how nasty!”; Ar. Av. 726, 1091; Hp. Aer. 10 = 2.42.15 Littré; Pl. Phdr. 279b), and which there is accordingly no point in struggling against (i.|e. by trying to remain active). Cf. Hes. Op. 582–96, where the recommendation is to deal with the situation by feasting and drinking wine in the shade. According to ΣEΓ Ar. Ach. 659, the word πνῖγος was also applied to an anapaestic section at the close of a parabasis, presumably because such sections were supposed to be pronounced without taking a breath; this use is not attested in the classical period. For ἄµαχος in the sense “against which one cannot fight”, e.|g. Antiph. fr. 7 ῥαγδαῖος, ἄµαχος, πρᾶγµα µεῖζον ἢ δοκεῖς (“violent, irresistible, a bigger problem than you imagine”); Men. Dysc. 193 κάλλους ἀµάχου (“what irresistible beauty!”); Pi. P. 2.76 ἄµαχον κακόν (“an irresistible evil”); A. Pers. 90 ἄµαχον κῦµα (“an irresistible wave”); Ag. 733 ἄµαχον ἄλγος (“irresistible grief”); Bacch. 16.23 ἄµαχος δαίµων (“an irresistible deity”).

fr. 377 K.–A. (24 Dem.) Phot. α 1488 ἀ ν α ι δ ὲ ς κ α ὶ θ ρ α σ ὺ β λ έ π ε ι ν· ἀναιδὴς µὲν καὶ θρασὺς καθωµίληται, τὸ δὲ ἀναιδὲς καὶ θρασὺ βλέπειν καινῶς εἴρηκε Κρατῖνος. ἡ λέξις Φρυνίχου (cf. PS p. 14.6) of accent, whereas the nouns generally have another—obtains among other suffixes as well (e.|g. -ρο-, -το-, -νο-, -λο-). See Probert 2006. 149–54.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 378)

201

t o c a s t a s h a m e l e s s , b o l d g l a n c e: “impudent and bold” is a conventional expression, but Cratinus’ “to cast a shameless, bold glance” is put in an innovative way. The gloss is from Phrynichus (cf. PS p. 14.6)

Text"Phryn. PS p. 14.6 has βλέπει, which might be what Cratinus wrote. Citation context"The note is explicitly traced to Phrynichus, although in the version of the Praeparatio Sophistica that has come down to us nothing is preserved except the lemma ἀναιδὲς καὶ θρασὺ βλέπει. Suda α 2198 ἀναιδές· τὸ θρασὺ βλέπειν (“shameless: to cast a daring glance”) appears to be another version of the same material. Interpretation"The use of a form of βλέπω with a colorful adverbial accusative of manner (here a neuter adjective, as at e.|g. V. 900 κλέπτον βλέπει; Ra. 562 ἔβλεψεν … δριµύ; Pl. 424 βλέπει … µανικόν τι καὶ τραγῳδικόν; Euphro fr. 9.16 γλίσχρον βλέπει; a noun at e.|g. Ar. Ach. 254 βλέπουσα θυµβροφάγον, 566 βλέπων ἀστραπάς; V. 455 βλεπόντων κάρδαµα; Pax 1184 βλέπων ὀπόν; Av. 1169 πυρρίχην βλέπων; Ra. 603a βλέποντ’ ὀρίγανον; Ec. 292 βλέπων ὑπότριµµα; Timocl. fr. 12.7 Ἄρη βλέπων) appears to be an Attic colloquialism (attested only in comedy); see Kühner–Gerth 1898 I.309. ἀναιδὲς καὶ θρασύ"Shamelessness and boldness—the latter sometimes presented as a positive characteristic of a person, but here colored by the first term in the description, as at Ar. Eq. 181 πονηρὸς κἀξ ἀγορᾶς εἶ καὶ θρασύς, “you’re base and from the Agora and bold”—are contrasting ways of describing the same quality, as a failure to take conventional standards of decency into account, on the one hand, and a positive readiness to trample them, on the other. For the collocation, cf. X. HG 2.3.54 (both superlative); D. 22.47; ep. 4.4. fr. 378 K.–A. (356 K.) Phryn. PS p. 9.6–7 ἀ ν α π η δ ᾶ ν ἐ ν δ ή µ ῳ· Κρατῖνος ἐπί τινος ἀκόσµως ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἀναπηδῶντος t o l e a p u p i n t h e p e o p l e: Cratinus in regard to someone leaping up in their Assemblies in a disorderly fashion

Meter"Unknown. The words scan rlllll. Discussion"Kock 1880 I.115; Hall 1995. 53 Citation context"An isolated Atticist note apparently concerned with the use of δῆµος (lit. “people” in a political sense) in reference to the Athenian ἐκκλησία (Assembly).

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Interpretation"For the extended use of δῆµος (common in the classical period), e.|g. fr. 327.2; Ar. V. 590 “the Council and the people”, i.|e. “and the Assembly”; Ec. 399 “the people began to shout” (in an anecdote regarding the Assembly); Antiph. fr. 194.11–12 “the people sit there, seeing and hearing nothing” (a description of the Assembly); Th. 8.54.3. For the Assembly itself and Assembly procedures, see Hansen 1983. ἀναπηδᾶν"is first attested at Il. 11.379, but is otherwise absent from elevated poetry, and in the classical period is confined to comedy (Ar. V. 1042; Av. 490; Lys. 929; Ra. 566; Antiph. fr. 152.5; Philemo fr. 82.15; Men. Pk. 357) and 4th-century prose (e.|g. X. HG 2.3.52; An. 7.2.20; Pl. Smp. 213b; R. 561d). Members of the Athenian Assembly sat, and individuals rose to speak and then moved up onto the βῆµα (the speaker’s platform; cognate with βαίνω) if they were recognized and given the floor. Leaping to one’s feet presumably indicates an eagerness to contribute, here with disregard for proper decorum; see in general fr. 422 n. (on gait and correct physical deportment generally). Cf. Ar. Ec. 427–9 εὐπρεπὴς νεανίας / … ἀνεπήδησ’ … / δηµηγορήσων (“a good-looking young man leapt up in order to address the people”); Aeschin. 1.71; 3.149 ἀναπηδήσας ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ (“after he leapt up in the Assembly”), 173 ἀνεπήδησεν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆµα (“he leapt up onto the speaker’s platform”). Aeschines elsewhere (3.2) advises that speakers approach the platform “prudently” (sôphronôs), as Solon’s legislature regarding the orderly conduct of speakers (peri tês tôn rhêtorôn eukosmias) supposedly demanded.

fr. 379 K–A. (384 K.) Phot. α 1617 = Suda α 2305 = Synag. B α 1305 ἀ ν ε π τ ε ρ ῶ σ θ α ι τ ὴ ν ψ υ χ ή ν· οἷον ἀνασεσοβῆσθαι. Κρατῖνος καὶ Εὔπολις (fr. 407) (Κρατῖνος καὶ Εὔπολις om. Suda : add. in marg. Phot.z) t o h a v e h a d o n e ’ s s o u l f u r n i s h e d w i t h w i n g s: i.|e. to have been shaken up. Cratinus and Eupolis (fr. 407) (“Cratinus and Eupolis” omitted by the Suda; added in the margin in Phot.z)

Meter"Unknown, although the words as preserved can be understood as iambic trimeter, e.|g.

klkl l|lkl 〈xlkl〉

Citation context"An Atticist note traced by Cunningham to the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge B conventionally referred to as Σ΄, which most likely goes back to Phrynichus; cf. PS p. 15.6–7 ἀνεπτερῶσθαι

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 380)

203

τὴν ψυχήν· οἷον ἀνασεσβῆσθαι, ἔκπτοιον εἶναι (“to have had one’s soul furnished with wings: i.|e. to have been shaken up, to be scared”). Note also Antiatt. α 70 ἀναπτερῶσαι· Ξενοφῶν Συµποσίῳ (9.5) (“to furnish with wings: Xenophon in the Symposium (9.5)”), which may be a separate part of the ancient discussion of the status of the word. Interpretation"A late 5th- and 4th-century metaphor for restless (“birdlike”) agitation, driven by fear or excitement, first attested at A. Ch. 227; elsewhere in comedy at Ar. Av. 433 with Dunbar 1995 ad loc., 1439–45, esp. 1444–5; Men. Epitr. 958 with Gomme–Sandbach 1973 ad loc.; see Taillardat 1965 § 826. The metaphor is picked up by Longus (2.7.1) and later by Christian authors (e.|g. Hippol. in Ps. 17). τὴν ψυχήν"is an accusative of respect, as in Storey 2011. 425 (Cratinus), rather than the subject of the infinitive, as in Storey 2011. 263 (Eupolis).

fr. 380 K.–A. (26 Dem.) Phot. α 1924 ἀ ν η µ έ ρ ω τ ο ς γ ῆ· ἡ ὕλης ἀνάµεστος καὶ µὴ κεκαθαρµένη πρὸς γεωργίαν. Σοφοκλῆς (fr. 825) καὶ Κρατῖνος εἶπον (εἶπον om. Phot.b) u n t a m e d e a r t h: that which is full of timber and not cleared for farming. Sophocles (fr. 825) and Cratinus used the expression (“used the expression” omitted by Phot.b)

Meter"The words as transmitted are consistent with iambic trimeter, e.|g.

klkl k|l〈kl xlkl〉

But see Interpretation.

Discussion"Reitzenstein 1907. xviii Assignment to known plays"Tentatively attributed to Seriphioi by Storey 2011. 425 (no reason specified, but presumably because this might be one of the places to which Perseus is sent). Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note, probably from an Atticist source. Interpretation"The fragments of Sophocles and Cratinus cited by Photius are the earliest attestations of ἀνηµέρωτος (“untamed”) in place of the more common poetic ἀνήµερος (“not tame, savage”, with less emphasis on agency: Anacr. PMG 348.7; A. Eu. 13–14 χθόνα / ἀνήµερον τιθέντες ἡµερωµένην, “making a savage land tamed”, 803; [A.] PV 716; E. Hec. 1077–8; Men. Dysc.

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122).144 But cf. Phot. α 808 ὀργάδες καλοῦνται πάντα τὰ ἀνειµένα εἰς ὕλην καὶ ἀνηµέρωτα καὶ ἀργά, ὡς καὶ Σόλων φησίν (“they use the term orgades for all land that has reverted to woods and is untamed and wild, as Solon also says”). γῆ may simply be a place-holder, like ἄνθρωπος in fr. 381 (see n.), and Radt suggests that Sophocles at least may have written e.|g. γαῖα or χθών instead. Reitzenstein hypothesized that the fragment represents a direct reference by Cratinus to Sophocles, which is possible but not a necessary conclusion, particularly if Solon used the word.

fr. 381 K.–A. (343 K.) Phot. α 1975 = Suda α 2537 = Synag. B α 1410 ἄ ν θ ρ ω π ο ς λ υ π η σ ί λ ο γ ο ς· σηµαίνει τὸν λυποῦντα (Phot. : µὲν ὁ λυπῶν Suda, Synag. B) διὰ τοῦ λέγειν τοὺς πέλας. οὕτως (Phot.b : om. Phot.z Suda Synag. B) Κρατῖνος a l u p ê s i l o g o s p e r s o n: denotes a man who annoys (lupôn; thus Phot. : Suda and Synag. B have the nom. rather than the acc.) his neighbors by talking (legein). Thus (“Thus” Phot.b : omitted by Phot.z Suda Synag. B) Cratinus

Meter"ἄνθρωπος is probably a place-holder (see Interpretation), and λυπησίλογος scans klkkk and is easily accommodated in iambic trimeter regardless of the case, number and gender in which Cratinus used the word. Discussion"Kaibel ap. K.–A. Citation context"An Atticist note drawn from the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge B conventionally referred to as Σ΄. The Epitome of Phrynichus (PS p. 13.11–12) preserves identical material, but without mention of Cratinus, and the original source of Σ΄ must thus be the unabbreviated version of the Praeparatio Sophistica. Interpretation"λυπησίλογος—the only verb-initial compound from λυπέω attested145 and the only one in -λογος before the 2nd century CE (note εὑρησίλογος, “clever at finding arguments, sophistic”, at D.L. 4.37)—is a mocking high-style epithet (cf. frr. 66 ἀγερσικύβηλις with Tribulato 2015. 290–1; 144

145

In ἀνηµερόω (attested only at S. fr. 905 ὃς παρακτίαν / στείχων ἀνηµέρωσα κνωδάλων ὁδόν, “I who on my way cleared the coastal road of wild beasts”; the speaker is presumably Theseus, see Lloyd-Jones 1994. 391) the prefix is not an alpha-privative but the preposition ἀνά. Tribulato 2015 misses the word.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 382)

205

470 µείξοφρυς) perhaps intended to represent the polar opposite of ἡδύλογος (literally “sweet-speaking”; e.|g. fr. 256.3 (of wisdom; lyric)). Kaibel thought that ἄνθρωπος as well was to be attributed to Cratinus. More likely the word is simply a place-holder designed to indicate the field of reference of the adjective, as in e.|g. fr. 382; Eup. fr. 409 (both also from Phrynichus); Ar. fr. 729; Phryn. PS pp. 2.4 ἀκρότητος καὶ ἄπορος ἄνθρωπος; 8.6 ἄνθρωπος πρόδοξος; 11.4–5 ἀτεράµων ἄνθρωπος καὶ πρίνινος καὶ στιπτὸς καὶ σφενδάµνινος (cf. Ar. Ach. 180); 31.16 αὐτογνώµων ἄνθρωπος; 33.9 ἀτενὴς καὶ ἀτεράµων ἄνθρωπος (cf. Ar. V. 730); 43.10 ἀνωφρυασµένος ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *577); 61.9 δηµεχθὴς ἄνθρωπος; 63.11 δικολύµης ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. 591); 70.22 ἐπιτριπτότατος ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *601); 71.1 ἐπιχαιρέκακος ἄνθρωπος (Alex. fr. 52, where ἄνθρωπος is in fact absent from the line quoted); 76.3 ἰχθυολύµης ἄνθρωπος (cf. Ar. Pax 811); 94.15 ὀνόγαστρις ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *638); 105.1 περικεκρουµένος ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *653); 109.19 στραγγαλιώδης ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *663); 112.6 τραχηλόσιµος ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *668), 12 τρισέχθιστος ἄνθρωπος (= adesp. com. fr. *669); 116.1 ὑποζυγιώδης ἄνθρωπος; 124.11 φιλάµπελος ἄνθρωπος, etc. Cf. the similar use of ἀνήρ in fr. 371 (again from Phrynichus) and of γῆ in fr. 380.

fr. 382 K.–A. (27 Dem. = adesp. com. fr. 841 K.) Phot. α 1979 ἄ ν θ ρ ω π ο ς φ ι λ ο π ρ α γ µ α τ ί α ς· πεποίηται µὲν ἡ φωνὴ ὁµοίως τῷ ληµατίας, δηλοῖ δὲ τὸν φιλοῦντα καὶ σπουδάζοντα πάντα τρόπον µεταχειρίζεσθαι πράγµατα. οὕτως Κρατῖνος ἄνθρωπος φιλοπραγµατίας Phot. : φιλοπραγµατίας ἄνθρωπος Kock a m e d d l e s o m e p e r s o n: the word is formed like lêmatias, and it denotes someone who loves and is eager to get involved in matters in any way possible. Thus Cratinus

Meter"ἄνθρωπος is probably a place-holder (see fr. 381 n. Interpretation; thus tentatively Kock), and φιλοπραγµατίας scans kklkkk and is easily accommodated in iambic trimeter regardless of the case, number and gender in which Cratinus used the word. Discussion"Kock 1888 III.555–6

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Text"If ἄνθρωπος is to be retained, Kock proposed reversing the order of the words and reading φιλοπραγµατίας ἄνθρωπος, which scans kklkklllx and might thus be taken as anapaestic; but see Meter. Citation context"Similar material, but without reference to Cratinus, is preserved in the Epitome of Phrynichus (PS p. 2.1–3): ἄνθρωπος φιλοπραγµατίας: δηλοῖ τὸν φιλοῦντα καὶ σπουδάζοντα πάντα τρόπον πράγµατα µεταχειρίζεσθαι (“a meddlesome person: denotes someone who loves and is eager to get involved in matters in any way possible”) and at Suda α 2539 ἄνθρωπος φιλοπραγµατίας· ἐπὶ πολυπράγµονος (“a meddlesome person: in reference to a polypragmôn”). All three versions of the note likely go back to the unabridged form of the Praeparatio Sophistica. Kock knew the fragment only from the Epitome of Phrynichus and therefore treated it as an adespoton. Interpretation"A φιλοπραγµατίας is someone characterized by philopragmosynê, a synonym of the more common polypragmosynê, a restless disposition toward becoming involved in matters that are either none of one’s business (~ “meddlesomeness”) or better left to other persons (~ “officiousness”). Cf. Eup. fr. 238 with Olson 2016 ad loc.; Thphr. Char. 13 with Diggle 2004 ad loc.; Ehrenberg 1947; Mette 1962; Dover 1974. 188–9; Adkins 1976; Leigh 2013. 16–53. Above all else, the philopragmôn involves himself in legal business and politics (Is. 4.30; Pl. R. 549c τιµὰς καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ δίκας καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην πᾶσαν φιλοπραγµοσύνην, “honors and offices and trials and all such philopragmosynê”; D. 1.14; 4.41–2; 39.1; Arist. EN 1142a2), but he also noses into the private affairs of other people (Lys. 24.24). The 2nd-century BCE comic poet Crito wrote a Philopragmôn; cf. Heniochus’, Timocles’ and Diphilus’ Polypragmôn. φιλοπραγµατίας is attested nowhere else before the Roman period, hence presumably Phrynichus’ interest in the word. For the formation, see on fr. 422.

fr. 383 K.–A. (357 K.) Phryn. PS p. 19.14–16 ἁ π α λ ὸ ς ε ἴ σ π λ ο υ ς τ ο ῦ λ ι µ έ ν ο ς· ὥσπερ Ὅµηρος (cf. Od. 5.425) τοὺς δυσόρµους λιµένας τραχεῖς λέγει, οὕτως Κρατῖνος ἐπὶ τῶν εὐόρµων τὸ ἁπαλόν ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου εἶπεν a n e a s y e n t r a n c e t o t h e h a r b o r: just as Homer (cf. Od. 5.425) refers to harbors that are difficult to anchor in as tracheis (“rough”), so Cratinus used the antonym hapalos (lit. “soft”) in reference to those that are easy to anchor in

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 384)

207

Phot. α 2234 ἁ π α λ ὸ ς ε ἴ σ π λ ο υ ς τ ο ῦ λ ι µ έ ν ο ς· ἀντὶ τοῦ τραχέος λαβὼν ὁ Κρατῖνος τὸ ἁπαλὸς σύνταξιν ἡδίστην ἐποίησεν “ἁπαλὸς εἴσπλους λιµένος” εἰπών a n e a s y e n t r a n c e t o t h e h a r b o r: Cratinus, using hapalos (lit. “soft”) instead of trachys (“rough”), came up with a highly pleasing turn of phrase when he wrote: “an easy entrance to a harbor”

Discussion"Körte ap. Kaibel ap. K.–A. Assignment to known plays"Körte tentatively attributed the fragment to Odysseis, presumably on the basis of Phrynichus’ comparison between Homer and Cratinus. Citation context"Both versions of the note must go back to the unabridged form of the Praeparatio Sophistica. Interpretation"If Phrynichus’ gloss is correct, εἴσπλους τοῦ λιµένος refers not to a voyage into a harbor (thus Storey 2011. 426; cf. LSJ s.#v. εἴσπλοος I) but to the harbor-entrance itself (LSJ s.#v. εἴσπλοος II; cf. Th. 4.8.5 τοὺς ἔσπλους τοῦ λιµένος ἐµφάρξαι, “to blockade the harbor-entrances”; D.S. 13.78.4; 14.48.3), and ἁπαλός is a transferred epithet that actually describes the harbor rather than its entrance (“an easy entrance to the harbor” ~ “an entrance to an easy harbor”). For ἁπαλός in its conventional sense “soft, tender”, see frr. *195.3; 257.1. The version of Phrynichus’ note preserved in Photius makes it clear that Cratinus’ use of the word represents an unexpected extension of its meaning. Homer at Od. 5.425 in fact applies τραχύς to a shore rather than a harbor (τόφρα δέ µιν µέγα κῦµα φέρε τρηχεῖαν ἐπ᾽ ἀκτήν, “at that moment a great wave bore him against the rough shore”; of Odysseus trapped in the sea off the Scherian coast).146 fr. 384 K.–A. (342 K.) Phot. α 2616 = Suda α 3496 = Synag. B α 1935 ἀ π ο ρ ε ῖ ν κ α ὶ σ φ α κ ε λ ί ζ ε ι ν τῷ δεινῷ (codd. : τῷ δίνῳ Bergk)· τὸ µὲν σφακελίζειν φλεγµαίνειν ἐστὶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σπᾶσθαι. Κρατῖνος t o b e a t a l o s s a n d t o s h u d d e r in reaction to something terrible (thus the codd. : “with vertigo” Bergk): sphakelizein means to suffer from a fever and to be convulsed on that account. Cratinus 146

For the distinction between limên (“harbor”) and aktê (“coast, shore”), cf. Il. 12.284.

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Cratinus

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 258; Blaydes 1896. 14; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Citation context"An Atticist note traced by Cunningham to the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge B conventionally referred to as Σ΄. Cf. Hsch. σ 2839 σφακελίζει· … ὀδυνᾶται. σπᾷ. διασπᾶται. ἀλγύνεται. σφακελισµός γὰρ καὶ σφάκελος ἡ ἄµετρος ὀδύνη (“sphakelizei: … suffers pain; convulses; is wrenched in various directions; suffers grief. For sphakelismos and sphakelos are measureless pain”); Σ S. Ai. 833 σφαδάζειν δὲ ἔλεγον τὸ σπᾶσθαι καὶ σφακελίζειν (“they used sphadazein to mean to be convulsed and shudder”). Blaydes thought that this fragment belonged with fr. 498 and accordingly emended various portions of the text of Phot. = Suda = Synag. B to render the language more medical. No change is necessary. Interpretation"How much of the initial lemma is to be traced to Cratinus is unclear. Kaibel (followed by Kassel–Austin) took τῷ δεινῷ to be an explanatory gloss by the grammarian who produced the note, and the use of ἀπορέω does not seem striking enough to require comment. If both points are true, σφακελίζειν alone belongs to Cratinus. For σφακελίζω (lit. “suffer from sphakelos (‘gangrene’)”) in the extended sense “suffer convulsions, shake” (patently colloquial, hence Phrynichus’ notice of the usage), cf. Pherecr. fr. 85.4 κᾆτα σφακέλιζε καὶ πέπρησο καὶ βόα (“and then suffer convulsions and be feverish and shout!”; the consequences of a dangerous decision to eat figs at midday).

fr. 385. K.–A. (369 K.) Poll. 2.17 καὶ Φρύνιχος (fr. 71) µὲν ὁ κωµικὸς τὰς νέας ἀφήλικας λέγει· ἦσαν δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀφήλικες. Φερεκράτης (fr. 231) δὲ τὴν γεραιτέραν ὡς ἀφηλικεστέραν, ὡς καὶ Κρατῖνος ἀ φ ή λ ι κ α γ έ ρ ο ν τ α (Poll.FS : ἀφήλικον γέροντα Poll.M) And the comic playwright Phrynichus (fr. 71) refers to young women as aphêlikai: there were also aphêlikes women. But Pherecrates (fr. 231) (refers to) an older woman as aphêlikestera, just as Cratinus too (says) a p h ê l i k a g e r o n t a (“an aphêlix old man”; thus Poll.FS : Poll.M has aphêlikon geronta)

Text"ἀφήλικον in Poll.M is declined as though from a second-declension adjective ἀφηλικός, which is otherwise first attested only in the 6th century CE (PMasp. 6.2).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 385)

209

Citation context"A short but well-informed discussion of terms for mature women embedded within a longer treatment of words used of women at various stages of life, much of it seemingly drawn from Aristophanes of Byzantium. Related material is preserved at – Phryn. Ecl. 56 ἀφῆλιξ λέγοντες ἁµαρτάνουσιν οἱ ῥητορικοί, τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἤ δεῖ χρῶνται· τὸν µὲν γὰρ πρεσβύτερον ῥητέον ἀφήλικα· οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τοῦ µηδέπω τῆς ἐννόµου ἡλικίας χρῶνται (“Rhetoricians are in error when they say aphêlix, since they use it in the opposite way from how they should. For an older man should be referred to as aphêlix, but they use the word of a child not yet of legal age”) – Phryn. PS p. 1.1–6 ἀφηλικέστεροι· οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, ὡς ἄπο τῆς ἡλικίας ὄντες. ἡλικίαν γὰρ ἔλεγον τὴν νεότητα οἱ ἀρχαῖοι … πλὴν κατὰ σύγκρισιν ἡ λέξις προφέρεται καὶ ἐν ὑπερθέσει, ἀφηλικέστατος καὶ ἀφηλικέστατοι. οἱ δὲ ἀπολελυµένως λέγοντες ἀφῆλιξ, ἀφήλικες ἀµαθέστατοι (“aphêlikesteroi: elders, inasmuch as they are away from the prime of life (apo tês hêlikias). For people in ancient times used to say hêlikia to mean neotês (‘youth’) … But the word is cited in the comparative and in the superlative, aphêlikestatos and aphêlikestatoi, whereas those who use it in the positive degree—aphêlix, aphêlikes—are supremely ill-educated”) – Moer. α 153 ἀφηλικεστέραν τὴν πρεσβυτέραν Ἀττικοί· τὴν νεωτέραν Ἕλληνες (“Attic-speakers (call) an older woman aphêlikestera; Greeks generally (call such a person) neôtera”) – [Hdn]. Philet. 168 ἀφηλικέστερος· ὁ τὴν ἡλικίαν προβεβηκώς (“aphêlikesteros: one who is advanced in age”) – Hsch. α 8635 ἀφηλικεστέραν· νεωτέραν (“aphêlikesteran (fem.): younger”) – Hsch. α 8636 ἀφῆλιξ· καταδεήςAS, ἀτελὴςS τὴν ἡλικίανASn (“aphêlix: lackingAS, incompleteS as regards ageASn”) – Phot. α 3340 = Suda α 4603 = Synag. α 1154 (cf. Synag. B α 2529) ἀφήλικα· τὸν πρεσβύτην. τινὲς δὲ χρῶνται τῇ λέξει ὲπὶ τοῦ µηδέπω τῆς ἐννόµου ἡλικίας παιδός, ὅπερ δεῖ φυλάττεσθαι· ὲπὶ γὰρ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου λέγεται (“aphêlika: an old man. But some authorities use the word in reference to a child not yet of legal age, which ought to be avoided; for the word is used in reference to an elder”). Interpretation"Phryn. PS p. 1.1–2 (quoted in Citation context) argues that ἀφῆλιξ means “away from the prime of life” and thus by extension “old”, as in Cratinus and at e.|g. hDem. 140 γυναικὸς ἀφήλικος (“an old woman”); Hdt. 3.14.7 (comparative as superlative); Hp. Morb. I 22 = 6.186.12 Littré (superlative

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as positive?).147 Pollux claims that in Phryn. Com. fr. 71 ἀφῆλιξ is used of young women, i.|e. those who are “away from the prime of life” because they have not yet attained it. Whether this is right is impossible to say, but this sense of the adjective (for which, cf. the lexicographers quoted in Citation context) is not attested elsewhere in the classical period. Phrynichus’ emphatic further claim at PS p. 1.3–6 that the positive form of ἀφῆλιξ is not used appears to be an error.

fr. 386 K.–A. Phot. α 3403 Ἀ φ ρ ο δ ί τ η Ψ ί θ υ ρ ο ς· Κρατῖνος. ἔστι δὲ ὄντως ἐν Ἀθήναις ἱερὸν Ἀφροδίτης Ψιθύρου ἀπὸ τοῦ τὰς εὐχοµένας πρὸς τὸ οὖς αὐτῆς εὔχεσθαι P s i t h y r o s (“Whispering”) A p h r o d i t e: Cratinus. There is actually a temple of Aphrodite Psithyros in Athens that derives its name from the fact that the women who pray do so into her ear

Citation context"Similar material, probably all drawn from the same original source—taken by Erbse, following Eustathius, to be the Atticist lexicographer Pausanias (ψ 2)—but with no mention of Cratinus, is preserved at – Harp. ψ 3 Ψιθυριστὴς Ἑρµῆς· ∆ηµοσθένης ἐν τῷ Κατὰ Νεαίρας (59.39). ἦν τις Ἀθήνησιν Ἑρµῆς οὕτω καλούµενος. ἐτιµᾶτο δ’ Ἀθήνησι καὶ Ψίθυρος Ἀφροδίτη καὶ Ἔρως Ψίθυρος (“Psithyristês Hermes: Demosthenes in his Against Neaira (59.39). There was a Hermes by this name in Athens. Psithyros Aphrodite was also venerated in Athens, as was Eros Psithyros”)148 – Hsch. α 8769 Ἀφροδίτη Ψίθυρος (“Aphrodite Psithyros”) – Eust. p. 1888.1–3 = ii.223.20–4 διὸ καὶ Ψιθύρου Ἀφροδίτης κατὰ Παυσανίαν (ψ 2) ἱερὸν ἦν Ἀθήνῃσι καὶ Ἔρωτος δέ· οὗ καὶ ∆ηµοσθένης, φησὶ, µέµνηται ἐν τῷ Κατὰ Νεαίρας. ἐκαλεῖτο δέ, φασι, Ψίθυρος διὰ τὸ τὰς εὐχοµένας αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸ οὖς λέγειν, ὅ περ ἐδήλου µὲν χρῆναι µυστηριάζεσθαι τὰ τοιαῦτα (“wherefore, according to Pausanias (ψ 2), there was also a temple of Psithyros Aphrodite in Athens and one of Eros as well; Demosthenes 147

148

Note also S. fr. 528a ἀφήλικες θέαµα (“an aphêlikes sight” or “aphêlikes in appearance”). The adjective is picked up as an Atticism at e.|g. Luc. Pseud. 15 γέρων ὢν καὶ ἀφῆλιξ (“being an old man and aphêlix”); Ael. NA 8.16 (superlative); Alciphr. 1.6.3; 2.31.1 (both superlative). Also preserved in condensed form at Suda ψ 100 (from the Epitome of Harpocration).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 387)

211

too, he says, mentions it in his Against Neaira (59.39). They say that she was called Psithyros because of the fact that the women who pray to her spoke into her ear, which made it clear that it was necessary to keep such matters quiet”) – Suda ψ 99 Ψιθυριστοῦ Ἑρµοῦ καὶ Ἔρωτος καὶ Ἀφροδίτης· ἅπερ πρῶτος ἐποίησεν, ὥς φησι Ζώπυρος (FHG IV.533, fr. 6), Θησεύς, ἐπεὶ Φαῖδρα, ὥς φασιν, ἐψιθύριζε Θησεῖ κατὰ Ἱππολύτου διαβάλλουσα αὐτόν. οἱ δὲ ἀνθρωπινώτερόν φασιν Ἑρµῆν Ψιθυριστήν, παρὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπους ἐκεῖ συνερχοµένους τὰ ἀπόρρητα συντίθεσθαι καὶ ψιθυρίζειν ἀλλήλοις περὶ ὧν βούλονται (“of Psithyristes Hermes and Eros and Aphrodite: which, according to Zopyrus (FHG IV.533, fr. 6), Theseus was the first to make, when Phaedra, so they say, whispered to Theseus against Hippolytus when she was slandering him. Some authorities say that Hermes Psithyristes is quite human, given that the people who congregate there compose obscenities and whisper to one another about what they want”). Interpretation"According to Photius and Eustathius (the latter expressly drawing on Pausanias), the epithet Ψίθυρος (“Whispering”; for the extended sense “slanderer”, cf. Ar. fr. 172) was used of deities in whose cultic presence prayers were not expressed out loud. The epithet is otherwise known only from Hsch. α 188 ψιθύρα· ἐξ ὧν τὸ σύνηθες καὶ ἥρωος Ἀθήνησιν ὄνοµα (“psithyra (‘whisperings’): whence in common use the name of a hero at Athens”; see Roscher 1902–9 s.#v. Psithyros) and as a divine name in a 2nd-c. CE inscription from Lindos (Lindos II.484 = Sokolowski 1962 no. 86). Cf. Mercurius Sussurio (“Whispering Mercury”) at CIL 13.13005, and see in general Usener 1904; Radke 1959; Pirenne-Deforge 1994. 46–8.

fr. 387 K.–A. Phot. α 3447 ἀ χ ν υ µ έ ν η σ κ υ τ ά λ η· Κρατῖνος τὴν ἄχθεσθαι ποιοῦσαν εἶπεν a t r o u b l e s o m e s t a f f: Cratinus referred thus to one that produces vexation

Discussion"Tsantsanoglou ap. K.–A.; Lelli 2006. 90 Assignment to known plays"Tentatively attributed to Archilochoi by Tsantsanoglou. Citation context"Probably drawn originally from a discussion of Archil. fr. 185 (for which, see Interpretation). Very similar material is preserved at

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Diogenian. 3.25 ἀχνυµένη σκυτάλη· ἐπὶ τῶν λυπηρὰς ἀγγελίας ἀγγελλόντων (“a troublesome staff: in reference to those that announce bad news”). Interpretation"At Archil. fr. 185.2, the narrator seemingly refers to himself as an ἀχνυµένη σκυτάλη149 before beginning an ainos (“fable”) about a monkey and a fox (for which, see Ar. Ach. 119–20 with Olson 2002 ad loc.). What is meant by this was a matter of scholarly dispute already in the Hellenistic period (A.R. fr. XXII Michaelis ap. Ath. 10.451d; Ar. Byz. fr. 367 ap. Ath. 3.85e–f), and the passage of Photius that preserves the fragment of Cratinus is most likely a remnant of that discussion. For Archilochus in Cratinus and other comic poets, cf. test. 17; fr. 211 ~ Ar. Pax 1298; fr. dub. 505; Ar. Av. 869 with Dunbar 1996 ad loc.; Lys. 360–1; Ra. 704; Bianchi 2016. 15 (with further bibliography). A σκυτάλη (no etymology) is a Spartan message-baton and by extension the leather strap wrapped about it to produce and later decode a text; cf. Ar. Lys. 991–2; Th. 1.131.1; X. HG 3.3.8–9 (“a skytalê, on which were written [the names of those] who were to be arrested”); Arist. fr. 509 Rose ap. Phot. σ 390.150 For the word used in an even more extended sense to mean “messenger”, cf. Pi. O. 6.90–1 ἐσσὶ γὰρ ἄγγελος ὀρθός, / ἠϋκόµων σκυτάλα Μοισᾶν (“you are a forthright messenger, a skytala of the fair-haired Muses”). ἄχνυµαι, a by-form of ἀχεύω (“grieve; aggrieve”), is elevated poetic vocabulary (e.|g. Il. 19.57; Hes. Th. 623; hDem. 37; Thgn. 619; Pi. I. 8.5; S. Ant. 627 (lyric)); attested nowhere else in comedy.

fr. 388 K.–A. (372 K.) Poll. 7.28 ἔρια οἰσυπηρὰ Ἀριστοφάνης (Ach. 1177), καὶ ἐ ρ ί ω ν π ι ν α ρ ῶ ν π ό κ ο ν (sic PollAC : ἐρίον πιναρῶν πόκων Poll.FS : πέκων Poll.B) Κρατῖνος Aristophanes (Ach. 1177) (says) “wool full of grease”, and Cratinus “a t u f t o f f i l t h y w o o l” (thus Poll.AC : “wool of filthy tufts” Poll.FS : pekôn only Poll.B) 149 150

West reads ἀχνυµένῃ σκυτάλῃ “with a troublesome staff”. West 1988 argues that this can hardly be the sense intended by Archilochus on the grounds that Archilochus composed his poems at a time when the ability to read and write fluently was rare, that poets of the archaic period seldom refer to writing, and that a baton and leather strap is an easily deciphered and thus ineffective means of communicating a secret message. West suggests that the skytalê was instead some symbolic or mnemonic device, the exact nature of which was already unclear to ancient commentators; but this is to explain obscurum per obscurius.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 388)

213

Discussion"Körte ap. Kaibel ap. K.–A. Assignment to known plays"Tentatively attributed to Dionysalexandros by Körte; cf. frr. 39 (on shearing scissors); 45; 48. Text"The variants in Poll.FS likely represent an unsuccessful attempt to expand the readings in an abbreviated exemplar (ἐρί() πιναρ() πόκ() vel sim.). Citation context"From the beginning of a collection of words related to wool and wool-working. Fr. 48 is cited a few lines later. Interpretation"Raw wool (ἔρια οἰσυπηρά or πόκος; Lat. oesypum)—here referred to as “filthy wool” (cf. Erot. p. 105.18–19)—was first washed and then, after it was dry, picked clean and carded before being spun into thread for weaving. Cf. Ar. Lys. 574–9; Ec. 215–17;151 Chrysipp. Stoic. fr. 546; and see in general Blümner 1912. 98–134, esp. 106–8; Forbes 1964. 8–26, esp. 20–1; Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 344 (with further bibliography). ἔριον"(attested elsewhere in comedy at e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 51; Amphis fr. 27.1; Antiph. fr. 21.3; Eub. fr. 89.3; Alex. fr. 178.6; Men. Her. 39) is properly a diminutive of the much less common εἶρος (“wool”; cf. fr. 181 εὐέρων, “fleecy” vel sim.; of sheep). πιναρῶν"(< πίνος, “filth”) is poetic vocabulary; cf. Eup. fr. 280.2–3 πιναρὸν ἔχοντ’ ἀλουσίᾳ / κάρα (“having a head filthy from lack of washing”) with Olson 2016 ad loc.; E. El. 184 σκέψαι µου πιναρὰν κόµαν (“Behold my filthy hair!”; lyric). πόκον"(< πέκω, “shear”) is a tuft of shorn wool or a complete fleece; cf. Ar. Av. 714 ἡνίκα πεκτεῖν ὥρα προβάτων πόκον ἠρινόν (“when it’s time to shear the spring wool of sheep”); Lys. 574; Il. 12.451 πόκον ἄρσενος οἰὸς (“a ram’s fleece”); S. Tr. 675 ἀργῆς οἰὸς εὐείρῳ πόκῳ (“a wooly tuft of a white ewe”; used to smear a supposed love-charm on a garment); E. El. 513 οἶν µελάγχιµον πόκῳ (“a ram black in fleece”); and note adesp. com. fr. 797 αὐτόποκον ἱµάτιον (a garment made direct from a fleece).

151

Taken by Ussher 1973 ad loc. to be a reference to dyeing. But very little home-spun wool will have been dyed, whereas 217 stresses the universality of the practice among Athens’ women, nor can dyeing wool reasonably be presented as an example of old-fashioned behavior and thus of old-fashioned virtue, which is the point of the entire passage.

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Cratinus

fr. 389 K.–A. (358 K.) Phyrn. PS p. 69.4 ἐ φ ι π π ά σ α σ θ α ι λ ό γ ο ι ς· οἷον καταδραµεῖν. Κρατῖνος t o c a v a l r y - c h a r g e w i t h w o r d s: i.|e. to run over/inveigh against. Cratinus

Citation context"An isolated Atticist note. Interpretation"The compound ἐφιππάζοµαι (cf. ἔφιππος, “on horseback”) is attested nowhere else before the Roman period and then in a different sense (see LSJ s.#v. 2 “ride upon”). Here the word is used figuratively of rhetoric, and thus most likely of action in either the courts or the Assembly, the underlying idea being of a horseman charging and routing an individual foot-soldier or small group of foot-soldiers, as in the aftermath of a battle. Cf. the very similar use of καταδροµή (literally “running down”, but by extension “invective assault”) at Pl. R. 472a; Aeschin. 1.135. For the prefix in the hostile sense “against”, see LSJ s.#v. ἐπί G.I.2.c, and cf. the cognates ἔφιππον (“on horseback”) at Eup. fr. 29 and ἐφιππεύω at D.S. 17.19.6 ἐφίππευσε τοῖς Πέρσαις (“he charged the Persians”); 20.3 ἐφίππευσε τῷ βαρβάρῳ (“he charged the barbarian”). The only other compound of ἱππάζοµαι attested in the classical period is καθιππάζοµαι, “ride down”, i.|e. “trample underfoot” vel sim. (A. Eu. 150, 779 (both lyric)). fr. 390 K.–A. (371 K.) Poll. 1.242 τῆς δὲ συκῆς ὁ καρπὸς … σῦκα, ἰσχάδες, παλάθη. ἰσχὰς νέα καὶ χλωρά, ἢ ἀρχαία καὶ ξηρά· οἱ δὲ κωµῳδοὶ καὶ ἰ σ χ ά δ α κ ο π τ ὴ ν λέγουσιν The fruit of the fig-tree (is) … figs, dried figs, fig-cake. A dried fig can be fresh and green, or old and dried up; the comic poets also use the term m i n c e d d r i e d f i g Poll. 6.81 παλάσια, ἃ καὶ Κρατῖνος ἰ σ χ ά δ α κ ο π τ ὴ ν καλεῖ palasia, which Cratinus in fact refers to as m i n c e d d r i e d f i g

Citation context"Poll. 6.81 assigns the fragment specifically to Cratinus in the course of a brief discussion of different types of figs, whereas Poll. 1.242 merely attributes it generally to comic playwrights in a discussion of names for the fruit of a fig tree. Both references likely go back to the same (unidentified) source.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 391)

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Interpretation"A παλάθη or παλάσιον was a pressed cake made of chopped dried fruit or the like, often but not necessarily figs; cf. Hdt. 4.23.3 (apparently plum paste); Ar. Pax 574 with ΣRΓ; Thphr. HP 4.2.10 ξηραίνουσι τὸν καρπὸν καὶ τὸν πυρῆνα ἐξαιροῦντες κόπτουσι καὶ ποιοῦσι παλάθας (“they dry the fruit, remove the stone, chop it up and produce palathai”; of plums); Luc. Pisc. 41 παλάθην ἰσχάδων (“a palathê of dried figs”); [Hdn.] Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 563.11 = Hsch. π 155 παλάσια τὰ συγκεκοµµένα σῦκα. καὶ διὰ τοῦ θ παλάθια καὶ παλάθη (“palasia are minced figs; and with a theta palathia and palathê”); Hsch. η 68 παλάθην συγκειµένην ἐξ ἰσχάδων (“a palathê composed of dried figs”). ἰσχάς"(< ἰσχνός, “dry”) is first attested in Hipponax (frr. 28.1; 123). For dried figs as a basic, common foodstuff, e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 74; Hermipp. fr. 63.16; Ar. V. 297; fr. 681; Alex. fr. 122 with Arnott 1996 ad loc. For figs generally, see Olson 2002 on Ar. Ach. 801–3; Orth 2009 on Stratt. fr. 4.1; Zohary–Hopf–Weiss 2012. 126–30. For κοπτός in the sense “minced”, cf. Antiph. fr. 131.8 τυρὸς κοπτός (“minced cheese”).

fr. 391 K.–A. (461 K.) Poll. 7.161 κ ε ρ ά µ ι ο ν ο ἰ ν η ρ ὸ ν Ἡρόδοτος (3.6.1) καὶ Κρατῖνος Herodotus (3.6.1) and Cratinus (use the term) w i n e - j a r

Discussion"Kock 1880 I.130 Citation context"From a collection of words pertaining to potters and pottery; Ar. fr. 743 (quoted in Interpretation) is referenced immediately after this. Interpretation"Kock connected the fragment with fr. 199.6 κοὐδ’ ὀξύβαφον οἰνηρὸν ἔτι κεκτήσεται (“and he won’t even have a vinegar dish for his wine any longer”; from Pytinê). κεράµιον"is a generic term for an earthenware jar152 most often used to store or transport wine (e.|g. X. An. 6.1.15 οἴνου δὲ κεράµια χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια, “1500 jars of wine”; 6.2.3 οἴνου κεράµια δισχίλια, “2000 jars of wine”; [D.] 35.18 οἴνου κεραµίοις, “jars of wine”; Alex. fr. 85.2 οἴνου κεράµιον, “a jar of wine”; Arist. Cat. 15b24; Ph. 211b3–4; IG II2 1368.162 οἴνου κεράµιον ἕν, 152

Not “cup” (Storey 2011. 427).

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Cratinus

“one jar of wine”; cf. Men. Sam. 303) or other liquids (e.|g. Ar. fr. 743 κεράµιον ὀξηρόν, “a vinegar jar”; Hp. Mul. 114 = 8.246.14 Littré ἐλαιηρῶν κεραµίων, “olive-oil jars”; Arist. HA 534a21 ταριχηρῶν κεραµίων, “saltfish jars”, i.|e. containing saltfish packed in brine; fr. 505 κεραµίων ἐχόντων πίτταν, “jars containing pitch”). οἰνηρόν"is attested elsewhere in comedy at fr. 199.6 (quoted above); Alex. fr. 56.2 οἰνηρὸν ἀγγεῖον (“wine pot”). For the formation, cf. ἀνθηρός (“flower-like”; Diph. fr. 64.1), ἰχθυηρός (“used for fish”; Ar. fr. 547, of a platter), µελιτηρός (“used for honey”; Ar. fr. 525, of a vessel of some sort), µυρηρός (“used for perfume”; Ar. fr. 210.1, of a flask), οἰσυπηρός (“full of grease”; Ar. Ach. 1177, of wool), ὑδατηρός (“used for water”; Α. fr. 96*.2, of a pitcher).

fr. 392 K.–A. (347 K.) Hsch. λ 691 Λ έ ρ ν η θ ε α τ ῶ ν· παροιµία τίς ἐστιν Ἀργολικὴ Λέρνη κακῶν, ἣν ἀποδιοποµπούµενοι ἔλεγον. τὰ γὰρ ἀποκαθάρµατα εἰς τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον ἐνέβαλλον. Λέρνην οὖν θεατῶν ἔφη ὁ Κρατῖνος τὸ θέατρον διὰ τὸ σύµµικτον εἶναι καὶ παντοδαπὸν ὄχλον ἔχειν a L e r n a o f s p e c t a t o r s: There is a proverb “an Argolic Lerna of bad people/ troubles,” which they said when they were getting rid of someone/something; because they threw their garbage into this place. Cratinus accordingly called the Theater a “Lerna of spectators” because it was a jumble and contained a motley crowd Phot. λ 204 = Suda λ 302 Λ έ ρ ν η θ ε α τ ῶ ν· ἀντὶ ⟨τοῦ⟩ κακῶν θέατρον. Κρατῖνος. οἱ µὲν διὰ τὴν Ὕδραν, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἀργείους τὰ καθάρµατα ἐκεῖ ἀποφέρειν· ὁ γὰρ ∆αναὸς ἐν τῇ Λέρνῃ τὰς κεφαλὰς τῶν Αἰγυπτιαδῶν ἀπέθετο· καί, ὡς εἰκός, ἐφ’ ὕβρει ἐκέλευσεν τὰ † δεισαια † ἐκεῖ ῥίπτειν a L e r n a o f s p e c t a t o r s: in place of “a theater of bad people/troubles”. Cratinus. Some authorities claim (that this expression is used) on account of the Hydra, others because the Argives carried their garbage off there; for Danaus deposited the heads of the sons of Aegyptus in Lerna, and as a (further) form of abuse, apparently, he ordered (the people) to throw their † deisaia † there

Meter"The words as preserved scan llkkl. Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.201–2; Kock 1880 I.113–14; Lelli 2006. 133 Citation context"Traced by Erbse to the Atticist lexicographer Pausanias (λ 11). Related material, although without the reference to Cratinus, is preserved at

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 392)

217

– Hsch. λ 690 Λερναία χολή 〈καὶ〉 Λέρνη κακῶν· παροιµία· διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἀργείους ⟨τὰ⟩ καθάρµατα εἰς αὐτὴν βάλλειν, ἢ διὰ τὸ τὸν ∆αναὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτιαδῶν ἐκεῖ καταθεῖναι τὰς κεφαλάς (“Lernaean bile 〈and〉 a Lerna of bad people/troubles: a proverb; because of the fact that the Argives used to throw 〈their〉 garbage into it, or because of the fact that Danaus deposited the heads of the sons of Aegyptus there”) – Str. 8.371 δείκνυται δὲ καὶ Ἀµυµώνη τις κρήνη κατὰ Λέρνην. ἡ δὲ Λέρνη λίµνη τῆς Ἀργείας ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς Μυκηναίας, ἐν ᾗ τὴν Ὕδραν ἱστοροῦσι· διὰ δὲ τοὺς γινοµένους καθαρµοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ παροιµία τις ἐξέπεσε Λέρνη κακῶν (“Near Lerna one is shown a spring called Amymônê. Lerna is a marsh in Argive and Mycenian territory, in which they report the Hydra (lived). A proverb ‘a Lerna of bad people/troubles’ arose from the purifications carried out in it”) – Diogenian. 6.7 Λέρνη κακῶν· ὡς Ἰλιὰς κακῶν. διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἀργείους ἐκεῖσε ἐν τῇ Λέρνῃ τὰ καθάρµατα βάλλειν (“a Lerna of bad people/troubles: like ‘an Iliad of bad people/troubles’. Because of the fact that the Argives in the area used to throw their garbage in the Lerna”). Interpretation"The extradramatic reference to the Theater audience suggests that the phrase is drawn from a parabasis. For similarly disparaging remarks about the spectators, cf. fr. 360; Ar. Ra. 273–6, and in general Eup. fr. 308. Whether Hesychius’ claim that Cratinus was referring specifically to the audience’s diversity (of social class? or place of origin?) is anything more than a guess is impossible to say. Perhaps “Lerna” stands instead via synecdoche for the Lernaean Hydra, and what Cratinus meant was that the audience had many heads and was thoroughly nasty. Λέρνη, a marshy area a few miles southwest of Argos, is often mentioned in connection with its homonymous river and numerous springs (e.|g. Hippon. fr. 105.10; [A.] PV 677; E. Ph. 613; A.R. 3.1241–2) and above all else because of the Hydra, an enormous, multi-headed water snake that lived there and was eventually killed by Heracles (e.|g. Hes. Th. 313–18; S. Tr. 1094; E. HF 419–24; Ion 191–2; Str. 8.368; [Apollod.] Bib. 2.77–80; Venit 1989; Kokkorou-Alewras 1990, esp. 41–3; Gantz 1993. 384–6). For Lerna as the place where the daughters of Danaus decapitated the sons of Aegyptus (as in Photius = Suda), see [Apollod.] Bib. 2.5; Paus. 2.24.2. For the association specifically of Amymone (one of the Danaids) with Lerna (as in Strabo; see Citation context), cf. E. Ph. 187–8; [Apollod.] Bib. 2.14–15; Paus. 2.37.1, 4; Hyg. 169. θεατής"is late 5th-century vocabulary, in comedy always of the actual audience in the Theater; see in general Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 205.1 (with additional examples of the use of the word in parabases).

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Cratinus

fr. 393 K.–A. (359 K.) Phryn. PS p. 89.1 µ η δ ὲ ν ὑ π έ ρ φ ε υ· Κρατῖνος ἐπὶ τοῦ µηδὲν ἄγαν n o t h i n g o v e r m u c h: Cratinus instead of mêden agan (“nothing in excess”)

Meter"The words as preserved scan lkkll; taken by Meineke to be anapaestic. Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.215; Fraenkel 1950 on A. Ag. 377 Citation context"An isolated Atticist note. Cf. discussions of ὑπέρφευ alone at – Phyrn. PS p. 120.14–15 ὑπέρφευ· οἷον ὑπερβαλλόντως καὶ ἐκπληκτικῶς. τὸ γὰρ φεῦ ἐπὶ ἐκπλήξεως τίθεται (“hyperpheu: i.|e. exceedingly and astonishingly, since pheu is used to express astonishment”) – Hsch. υ 486 ὑπέρφευ· ὑπεράγαν (“hyperpheu: in excess”). Interpretation"Fraenkel suggests that Cratinus’ µηδὲν ὑπέρφευ is just as likely a colorful variation of the commonplace mêden agan (“nothing in excess”; e.|g. E. Hipp. 265; Pl. Phlb. 45d—this is described as ὁ παροιµιαζόµενος λόγος, “the proverbial saying”; Prt. 343b, where the words are said to have been inscribed at Delphi along with γνῶθι σαυτόν, “Know yourself!”; Arist. Rh. 1395a19–20), as a bit of paratragedy (below). It might be either—or both— and simple metrical considerations may also have played a role in the poet’s choice of words. The adverb ὑπέρφευ is attested elsewhere only in Attic tragedy in moralizing contexts and with a negative sense: A. Pers. 820 ὡς οὐχ ὑπέρφευ θνητὸν ὄντα χρὴ φρονεῖν (“that he who is mortal should not think hyperpheu”; the ghost of Darius discussing the defeat the Persian army suffers for its hybris); Ag. 377–8 φλεόντων δωµάτων ὑπέρφευ / ὑπὲρ τὸ βέλτιστον (“the house was hyperpheu full, beyond what is best”; the chorus sing of Zeus’ justice (lyric)); E. HF 1320–1 καίτοι τί φήσεις, εἰ σὺ µὲν θνητὸς γεγὼς / φέρεις ὑπέρφευ τὰς τύχας, θεοὶ δὲ µή; (“And yet what will you say, if you, being mortal, take your fate hyperpheu hard, but the gods do not?”); Ph. 549–50 τί τὴν τυραννίδ’, ἀδικίαν εὐδαίµονα, / τιµᾷς ὑπέρφευ καὶ µέγ’ ἥγησαι τόδε (“Why do you honor tyranny, a prosperous wrong, hyperpheu and think so much of it?”; Jocasta urges her sons to stop fighting). Presumably < φεῦ (“alas!”), with the prefix adding an intensive sense (“φεῦ and beyond” vel sim.; cf. ὑπέρµορα, “beyond due measure”, on the one hand, and ὑπέρευ “extremely well” < εὖ “well”, on the other), and thus when used as an adverb “in a way that produces excessive grief”.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 394)

219

fr. 394 K.–A. (344 K.) Ath. 15.676f δεῖξαι γὰρ οὐκ ἔχεις ὅτι † διαλελυµένως † τις εἴρηκε ῥόδων στέφανον καὶ ἴων στέφανον· τὸ γὰρ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ κατὰ παιδιὰν εἴρηται· † ν α ρ κ ι σ σ ί ν ο υ ς ὀ λ ί σ κ ο υ ς † (sic Ath.A : ναρκίσσου στεφανίσκους Casaubon : ναρκισσίνους ὀλίσβους Schweighäuser : ναρκισσίνους ὀχίσκους vel ναρκισσίνους ὀσχίσκους Bothe : Ναρκίσσου ὀλίσβους vel Ναρκίσσου ὀβελίσκους Meineke) For you cannot show that anyone ever referred to a garland made of roses or violets † using an uncontracted form †; for Cratinus’ † n a r k i s s i n o u s o l i s k o u s † (thus Ath.A : “little garlands of narcissus flowers” Casaubon : “narcissus dildoes” Schweighäuser : “little narcissus carts” or “little narcissus branches” Bothe : “Narcissus’ dildoes” or “Narcissus’ little spits” Meineke) is said as a joke

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.181–2; Bothe 1855. 57; Meineke 1867 IV.327; Kock 1880 I.113 Text"The adjective ναρκίσσινος (“made of narcissus”) is otherwise confined to medical writers, where it is often used of suppositories, while ὀλίσκους is not a form of any word.153 Casaubon’s ναρκίσσου στεφανίσκους (“little garlands of narcissus flowers”; cf. Anacr. PMG 410.1 σελίνων στεφανίσκους; Anacreont. 42.5 στεφανίσκους δ’ ὑακίνθων; 44.15 ῥοδίνοισι στεφανίσκοις) restores a readable text that fits the context in Athenaeus, but is too far from the paradosis to inspire much confidence. Schweighäuser’s ὀλίσβους (“dildos”), Bothe’s ὀχίσκους (an unattested diminutive of ὅχος, “cart”) or ὀσχίσκους (an unattested diminutive of ὄσχος, “branch”) and Meineke’s two proposals (referring to the mythological figure Narcissus rather than the flower) are easier corrections of ὀλίσκους, but require that the text was already corrupt when Athenaeus or his source cited it as part of a discussion of garlands. Citation context"Part of a challenge issued by Myrtilus to Ulpian introducing a long discussion of garlands offered by the latter. Myrtilus orders Ulpian not to rely exclusively on Aelius Asclepiades’ Garlands. But Ulpian cites the work (otherwise obscure) in passing at 15.679b, and it is tempting to think that it is one of the major sources of this portion of the Deipnosophists although not necessarily of the fragment of Cratinus. Interpretation"The text is too problematic for any substantial conclusions to be drawn about its meaning. Garlands of narcissus flowers (as in Casaubon’s 153

Formally it seems to be a diminutive of ὀλός (“cuttlefish ink”), which makes no obvious sense.

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ναρκίσσου στεφανίσκους) are mentioned at Chaerem. TrGF 71 F 7 κισσῷ τε ναρκίσσῳ τε τριέλικας κύκλῳ / στεφάνων ἑλικτῶν (“triple coils of heliktoi garlands, with ivy and narcissus round about”); Artemid. 1.77 στέφανοι ναρκίσσων πεποιηµένοι πᾶσι κακοί (“garlands made from narcissus are bad for everyone”). For dildoes (as in Schweighäuser’s ὀλίσβους), see fr. 354 n. For the narcissus, see Atchley 1938. 48.

fr. 395 K.–A. (329 K.) Ael. VH 2.13 εὐδοκίµει δ’ οὖν αὐτῷ τὸ δρᾶµα. καὶ γάρ τοι καὶ τὸ τοῦ Κρατίνου τοῦτο συνέβη εἴ ποτε ἄλλοτε καὶ τότε τῷ θεάτρῳ, ν ο σ ῆ σ α ι τ ὰ ς φ ρ έ ν α ς But his comedy was well-received. In fact, if ever at any point the following remark by Cratinus was to the point, it was at that moment for the Theater: t o b e s i c k in the head

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.172; Kock 1880 I.110; Luppe 2007. 402; Wright 2012. 53; Telò 2016. 9 Text"Meineke suggested that τῷ θεάτρῳ might belong to the fragment as well and proposed reading τῷ δὲ θεάτρῳ ᾿νόσησαν τὰς φρένας (lkkl | lklklkl; part of a Eupolidean), while Kock suggested καὶ τῷ θεάτρῳ τότε νοσῆσαι τὰς φρένας, in which case it would scan e.|g. llkl l|r|kl llkl; iambic trimeter). Citation context"From a long, foolish story about how Anytus and others, well aware of the high regard in which the Athenian people generally held Socrates, plotted against him by convincing Aristophanes to attack the philosopher in a play (i.|e. Clouds). Interpretation"Although Aelian applies Cratinus’ words to the Theater (i.|e. the Theater audience), this does not necessarily mean that Cratinus himself did; but cf. frr. 342; 360; 392; Pherecr. fr. 163; Teleclid. fr. 4; Eup. frr. 205; 392 with Olson 2014 ad loc.; Ar. Nu. 520–5; Pax 43–4. The collocation νοσέω φρένας (“be mentally ill”, i.|e. “act crazy”) is attested elsewhere only at Phryn. PS p. 91.4 νοσεῖν τὰς φρένας, νοσεῖν τὸν νοῦν, νοσεῖν τὴν ψυχήν154 (“to be mentally ill, to be intellectually ill, to be spiritually

154

Cf. [Men.] Mon. 75 βέλτιόν ἐστι σῶµά γ’ ἢ ψυχὴν νοσεῖν.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 396)

221

ill”) and then in the 4th century CE at Lib. decl. 33.42 τὰς φρένας νοσεῖς; or. 1.62 ἐνόσει … τὰς φρένας, and in various Church Fathers (as an Atticism).155 For the idea, cf. Diph. fr. 23.5 αἱ κρίσεις θ’ ἡµῶν νοσοῦσι (lit. “and our ability to make decisions is ill”). The verb is first attested only in the second half of the 5th century156 and seems mostly to be used absolutely (“be sick”); elsewhere in 5th-century comedy only at Ar. V. 71; Av. 31 (both with νόσον as an internal accusative).

fr. 396 K.–A. (370 K.) Poll. 6.23 καὶ ο ἰ ν α γ ω γ ὸ ν π λ ο ῖ ο ν παρὰ Κρατίνῳ and a w i n e - t r a n s p o r t s h i p in Cratinus

Meter"The words as preserved scan lklllx. Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.211 Citation context"From a catalogue of compounds and derivatives of οἰνος; fr. 199 is quoted immediately after this. Interpretation"πλοῖον"(< πλέω, “sail”) is a generic term for a ship, with the adjective here serving to make it clear that this is a particular sort of merchant vessel (also known as a holkas < ἕλκω, “draw”; e.|g. Eup. fr. 99.7; Ar. Eq. 171; Pax 37 with Olson 1998 ad loc.; fr. 439; E. Cyc. 505; Th. 1.137.2; X. An. 1.4.6). For ships specifically described as οἰναγωγά, cf. Pherecr. fr. 152.4–5 βαθείας κύλικας ὥσπερ ὁλκάδας / οἰναγωγούς, περιφερεῖς, λεπτάς, µέσας γαστροιίδας (“deep cups like wine-transport vessels, perfectly round, thinwalled, pot-bellied in the middle”; the only other attestation of the adjective; cf. σιταγωγός, “grain-transport”, at e.|g. Hdt. 7.147.2 πλοῖα … σιταγωγά; Th. 6.30.1 σιταγωγοῖς ὁλκάσι; 8.4.1 σιταγωγοῖς ναυσίν). That οἰναγωγός is poorly attested means not that the word was rare, but only that our sources display little interest in rough commercial vocabulary of this sort. For merchant shipping, see in general Casson 1995. 169–200. For the wide range of goods imported into Attica by sea, see Hermipp. fr. 63 (but without reference to wine, 155

156

At E. fr. 644.2 νοσεῖν τίθησι τὰς ἀµεινόνων φρένας, the accusative is the subject of the verb rather than an accusative of respect (of the body part affected, as also at e.|g. Hdt. 3.149 νοσῆσαι τὰ αἰδοῖα). νοῦσος is attested already in Homer (e.|g. Il. 1.10).

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despite the fact that the business is imagined as conducted by ∆ιόνυσος ἐπ’ οἴνοπα πόντον (“Dionysus on the wine-dark sea”; v. 2). For imported wine in particular, e.|g. fr. *195.1 (from Mende); Eup. fr. 271.2 (from Naxos); Ar. fr. 334.2 (from Chios, Thasos or Peparethos); Stratt. fr. 64.2 (from Sciathos).

fr. 397 K.–A. (364 K.) ΣA Il. 18.521b οὐχ ὅσα µέντοι ἐν ῥήµασιν ἔκτασιν ἔχει καὶ ἐν ὀνόµασιν· παρὰ γὰρ τὸ ἄσσω καὶ κατάσσω καὶ µέλλοντα τὸν ἄξω καὶ προστακτικὸν τὸ ἆξον, (Il. 6.306) ――, ἡ ἀξίνη συστέλλει τὸ α, παρά τε τὸ ἀρῶ καὶ ἀρῶµαι ἐκτεινόµεν〈ον συστέλλοµεν〉 ὄνοµα ἀρήν· π ι σ σ ο κ ω ν ί α ς ἀ ρ ή ν (sic Nauck : ἁρην Σ : Ἄρης Bergk : Ἄρην Lehrs) Κρατῖνος (This is) not (the case) in fact for any verbs or nouns that have syllabic lengthening. For by contrast with assô (“break”), katassô (“weaken”), the future axô (“will break”) and the participle axon (“about to break”), (Il. 6.306) ――, axinê (“axe”) shortens the alpha, and by contrast with the long-vowel arô (“plough”) and arômai (“pray”), 〈we shorten〉 (the alpha in) the noun arên (“lamb”); Cratinus p i s s o k ô n i a s a r ê n (“a pitch-smeared lamb”; thus Nauck : the accent is missing in Σ : “Ares” (nom.) Bergk : “Ares” (acc.) Lehrs) Hsch. κ 4849 κωνῆσαι· πισσοκωνῆσαι· καὶ κύκλῳ περιενεγκεῖν. καὶ πισσοκώνητον µόρον λέγουσιν (A. fr. dub. 478 = adesp. tr. fr. 226a), ὅταν πίσσῃ καταχρισθέντες τινὲς ὑπὸ πυρὸς ἀποθάνωσιν· Αἰσχύλος Κρήσσαις (fr. 118). καὶ Κρατῖνος π ι σ σ ο κ ω ν ί α ν ἀ ρ ή ν νῦν φησι, διότι 〈πίσσῃ〉 (sic Kassel–Austin : πισσοκωνίαν Ἄρην νῦν φησι, διότι ⟨πίσσῃ⟩ Kaibel : πισοκονία γὰρ νῦν πισιδίαδτι Hsch.) χρίουσι τὰ παρίσθµια τῶν προβάτων kônêsai (“to cover with pitch”): pissokônêsai (“to smear with pitch”); also to lead in a circle. They also refer to “a pitch-smeared fate” (A. fr. dub. 478 = adesp. tr. fr. 226a) whenever people are burnt to death after being covered with pitch. Aeschylus in Krêssai (fr. 118)157. And Cratinus now says pissokônian arên (“a p i t c h - s m e a r e d l a m b ”), because of the fact that they smear the throats of sheep and goats 〈with pitch〉 (thus Kassel–Austin : “now says ‘pitch-smeared Ares, because of the fact that … 〈with pitch〉” Kaibel : “for pitch-smearing now † pisidiadti †” Hsch.)

Meter"The words as preserved scan iambic trimeter.

lklklkl and are compatible with

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 255; Meineke 1839 II.227–8; Lehrs 1857. 310; Kock 1880 I.116–17; Kaibel 1895. 440

157

πισσοκωνήτῳ πυρί

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 398)

223

Text"The explanation at the end of the note in Hesychius appears to be drawn from Hsch. π 2364 πισσοκωνίας· ∆ιόδοτος πισσοκωνίαν εἶπεν διὰ τὸ τὰ πρόβατα πίσσῃ χρίεσθαι (“pissokônias: Diodotus158 used pissokônia on account of the fact that sheep and goats were smeared with pitch”). This is at any rate some support for printing ἀρήν (“lamb”) rather than a form of Ἄρης (“Ares”) in the fragment of Cratinus. There is no evidence anywhere else for a “pitch-smeared Ares”. Citation context"The scholion is commenting on the length of the initial syllable in ἀρδµός (“watering hole”; < ἄρδω, “water”) at Il. 18.521 ἐν ποταµῷ, ὅθι τ᾽ ἀρδµὸς ἔην πάντεσσι βοτοῖσιν (“in a river, where there was a watering hole for all their herds”); traced by Lentz to Herodian (Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 109.15–22). Interpretation"Presumably a reference to a prophylactic medical measure of some sort carried out by shepherds. For pitch and pitch-production, see Olson 2002 on Ar. Ach. 188–90 with further bibliography. For smearing human beings with pitch before setting fire to them as a horrific means of execution, see Heracl. Pont. fr. 50 Wehrli = fr. 23 Schütrumpf ap. Ath. 12.524a.

fr. 398 K.–A. (319 K.) Excerpta cod. Darmst. 2773 fol. 329r ap. Hermann 1828 III.40 ἔοικε τὸ φενακίζειν καὶ ἡ φενάκη ὰπὸ τοῦ πηνηκίζειν καὶ τῆς πηνήκης γίνεσθαι … καὶ δῆλον ὅτι οἱ παλαιότεροι κωµικοὶ πηνήκην καὶ πηνηκίζειν ἔλεγον. Κρατῖνος· π ο ν η ρ ο ὺ ς ἀ ν θ ρ ώ π ο υ ς π η ν η κ ί ζ ω ν ἐ ξ α π α τ ᾷ. λέγεται δὲ πηνήκη ἡ ἐπίθετος κόµη, ὅθεν τὸ ῥῆµα πονηρούς cod. : πονηρῶς Kock phenakizein (“to cheat”) and phenakê (“wig”) appear to come from pênêkizein (“to cheat”) and pênêkê (“wig”) … and it is clear that the ancient comic playwrights used to say pênêkê and pênêkizein. Cratinus: h e d e c e i v e s b a d p e o p l e b y c h e a t i n g t h e m . Hair that is added (to one’s head) is referred to as a pênêkê, whence the verb

158

The manuscript transmits ἀόδοτος, which is easily explained as in origin a crude majuscule error (Α for ∆; corrected by Meineke). Kaibel took the Diodotus in question to be the Augustan-period physician and student of Asclepiades (RE Diodotos #14), but he might be anyone.

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Phot.z ined. = Suda ε 2189 ἐπηνήκιζεν· ἐξηπάτα. οὕτως Κρατῖνος epênêkizen: he used to deceive. Thus Cratinus

Meter"The words as preserved scan kllllllllllkkl. Meineke suggested that these might be the remains of two Eupolideans, e.|g. πονηροὺς ἀνθρώπους / πηνηκίζων ἐξαπατᾷ (〈oolxlk〉kl llll〈lkl〉 / lllllkkl 〈oolxlkl〉). But see Text. Discussion"Meineke 1847 I.63; Fritzsche 1855. 21; Kock 1880 I.106; Blaydes 1896. 13; Kaibel ap. Kassel–Austin Text"Kock took ἐξαπατᾷ in the Excerpta to be a gloss (cf. Phot. = Suda) and proposed reading πονηρῶς for the transmitted πονηρούς, yielding πονηρῶς ἀνθρώπους πηνηκίζων (“basely cheating people”; supposed meter left unspecified). Kaibel similarly found πηνηκίζων ἐξαπατᾷ redundant and argued that the only word that could be securely attributed to Cratinus was ἐπηνήκιζεν in Phot. = Suda. The paradosis πονηρούς (“bad, rascally”) makes the situation ironic (the subject’s victims get what they deserve), whereas Kock’s πονηρῶς (“miserably, wretchedly”) would lend some pity to the sentiment. Citation context"Material related to the anonymous grammarian’s note and traced by Erbse to Paus.Gr. π 21 is collected in fr. 304 Citation context. Note also Hsch. π 2205 πηνηκίζειν· ἀπατᾶν (“pênêkizein: to try to deceive”; traced by Erbse to Ael. Dion. ε *51). Interpretation"Although Kassel–Austin follow Kock in combining this material, these might better have been treated as two separate fragments.159 For the tone, see Text. φενακίζω is widely attested in the comic poets (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 90; Pax 1087; Ra. 921; Theopomp. Com. fr. 9.1; Men. Sam. 315), πηνηκίζω (if sound) only here and in the compound διαπηνηκίζω in fr. 304 and the lexicographic sources collected under Citation context there. φενάκη is first attested at Luc. Alex. 59. For πηνήκη, see fr. 304 n. ἐξαπατάω"The compound is attested already in Homer (e.|g. Il. 9.371) and is widely distributed thereafter (elsewhere in comedy at e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1103; Th. 343; Men. Perinth. 14), but is attested in tragedy only at E. Hipp. 1406, presumably for metrical reasons.

159

Cf. Kock himself: “Suidae verba ad hoc fragmentum pertinere non necesse est”.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 400)

225

fr. 399 K.–A. (353 K.) Poll. 2.28 κικίννους δὲ Ἀριστοφάνης (V. 1069; fr. 229) τε εἴρηκε καὶ Εὔπολις (fr. 457)· τούτους δὲ καὶ παρωτίδας ὠνόµαζον. Κρατῖνος δὲ σ τ η µ ο ν ί α ς κ ι κ ί ν ν ο υ ς εἶπε τοὺς στήµονι ὁµοίους ὑπ’ ἰσχνότητος Both Aristophanes (V. 1069; fr. 229) and Eupolis (fr. 457) use the word kikinnoi; they also referred to these as parôtides (“beside-the-ear (hair)”). And Cratinus referred to locks that due to their thinness resemble warp-threads (stêmônes) as s t ê m o n i a i k i k i n n o i (“t h r e a d - l i k e r i n g l e t s ”) Hsch. σ 1823 σ τ η µ ο ν ί α ς κ ι κ ί ν ν ο υ ς · τοῖς στήµοσιν ὁµοίους s t ê m o n i a i k i k i n n o i (acc.): those that resemble warp-threads (stêmônes)

Citation context"The citation in Pollux is part of a small collection of words meaning “locks” or the like amid a larger assembly of words pertaining to hair generally; a discussion of terms for hairstyles follows. The entry in Hesychius is patently drawn from the same source, although with Cratinus’ name omitted. Interpretation"κίκιννοι"(taken by Beekes 2010 s.#v. to be substrate vocabulary; borrowed as Latin cincinnus) are “ringlets” of hair, typically mentioned in pejorative descriptions of overly pretty young men; cf. Ar. V. 1069–70 (“the ringlets of young men and their posture and their wide-assed-ness”) with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Theoc. 11.10; 14.4; Alciphr. 3.19.3; and in Latin sources Plaut. Capt. 647–8; Mil. 923–4; Truc. 287–8, 609–10 moechum malacum, cincinnatum, umbraticulum, tympanotribam amas, hominem non nauci (“you love a soft, curly-haired, shade-dwelling, tambourine-beating adulterer, a man of no worth”); Var. Men. fr. 375 Astbury; Apul. Met. 8.24; Juv. 6.492. στηµονίας"is a hapax. For the formation, see on fr. 422.

fr. 400 K.–A. Phot.z ined. χλωρὸν τυρόν· τὸν ἁπαλόν. Κρατῖνος green cheese: that which is soft. Cratinus

Citation context"Material probably drawn from the same (Atticist) source, but with no mention of Cratinus, is preserved at Moer. χ 9 χλωρὸν τυρόν

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Ἀττικοί· ἁπαλὸν δὲ Ἕλληνες (“Attic-speakers (say) ‘green cheese’; Greeks generally (say) ‘soft’”); Hsch. χ 554 χλωρὸν τυρόν· ἁπαλόν (“green cheese: soft”). Cf. Phryn. PS p. 127.7–8 χλωρὸς τυρός· ὁ νέος καὶ πρόσφατος (“green cheese: that which is new and fresh”); ΣD Il. 11.630 (µέλι χλωρόν) πρόσφατον, νέον. oὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἡµεῖς χλωρὸν τυρὸν λέγοµεν τὸν νέον (“(green honey) fresh, new. For in this way we too call new (cheese) chlôros tyros”). Note also Hsch. τ 1281 τράφαλλος· ὁ χλωρὸς τυρός. οἱ δὲ τραφαλλίδα (“traphallos: green cheese. But some call it traphallis”); Poll. 6.48, 57; 7.175; 10.19; Eust. p. 1001.51 = III.689.18 χλωρὸς τυρός, ὁ νεοπαγής (“green cheese, that which is recently curdled”). Interpretation"χλωρὸς τυρός"is soft, fresh cheese (caseus recens or mollis in Latin, e.|g. Var. R. 2.11.3; Plin. Nat. 28.161; Apul. Met. 8.19) of the sort being drained by the Cyclops at Od. 9.219, as opposed to hard, aged cheese with a rind (τυρὸς ξηρός; caseus siccus or vetus in Latin, e.|g. Plaut. Capt. 851; Var. R. 2.11.3; Plin. Nat. 28.156, 233). For green cheese mentioned elsewhere in Attic comedy, Ar. Ra. 559; Antiph. fr. 131.7 (in a catalogue of types of cheese); Alex. fr. 178.12 τυροῦ τροφάλια χλωρὰ Κυθνίου (“green wheels of Cythnian cheese”) with Arnott 1996 ad loc. For the green-cheese market in Athens, Lys. 23.6. χλωρός"(< *ǵ#helh3–, “green, yellow”; related to Lat. helvus, “pale”; holus, “cabbage”; Engl. “yellow” and “gold”) here refers to a pale, whitish yellow; cf. fr. 43 (of cow-dung, and thus “greenish-yellow”); Ar. Lys. 255 (of an olive tree or olive-tree wood, and thus perhaps “dull green”); Nicopho fr. 20.2 (of figs, meaning “unripe”); Axionic. fr. 4.8 (of a culinary paste, presumably made from fresh herbs and thus “green”); Crobyl. fr. 9.1 (of a chickpea, and thus either “fresh” or “yellowish brown”); Eub. fr. 27 (of a fabulous plant eaten by horses, and thus probably “green”); Alex. fr. 84.5 (of spices, and thus probably “green”). In general, see Irwin 1974. 31–78, esp. 60–2. τυρός"(< *teuH–, “swell”; related to Av. tûiri– “whey”) and its cognates are attested already in Homer (e.|g. Od. 4.88; 9.219; in the Iliad only at 11.639). For cheese as a basic foodstuff, see Olson–Sens 2000 on Archestr. fr. 14.5; Biles–Olson 2015 on Ar. V. 676.

fr. 401 K.–A. (366 K.) Phryn. Ecl. 337 ὅ ρ κ ω σ ε (sic Phryn.bBCEm : ὁρκῶσε Phryn.VL : ὥρκισε Phryn.x : ὥρκησε Phryn.F) καὶ ὁ ρ κ ω τ ὴ ς (sic edd. : ὁρκώτης Phryn.xbBEF : ὡρκωτης Phryn.C : ὁρκωτός Phryn.q : ὁρκω της Phryn.V) δ ’ ἐ γ ώ (sic Phryn.VNu.CEFq : δ’ om. Phryn.xB : δ’ ἐγώ om. Phryn.W)· οὕτω Κρατῖνός φησιν. µᾶλλον δὲ διὰ τοῦ ω λέγε ἢ διὰ τοῦ ι ὥρκισεν

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h e / s h e m a d e ( s o m e o n e ) s w e a r a n o a t h b u t I (thus Phryn.VNu.CEFq : “but” omitted in Phryn.xB : “but I” omitted in Phryn.W) 〈 a m / w a s 〉 i t s a d m i n i s t r a t o r: thus says Cratinus. And use by preference the form with an omega rather than hôrkisen with an iota

Meter"The words as transmitted scan are compatible with iambic trimeter.

llk and lllkl, respectively, and

Discussion"Meineke 1847. vii; Kock 1880 I.117; Fraenkel 1910 I.200 Text"The textual variants are all crude errors by copyists encountering unfamiliar vocabulary. For the accent of nomina agentis in -της such as ὁρκωτής, see fr. 494 n. Citation context"2nd-century CE advice on how to speak or write “proper” (i.|e. 5th-century Attic) Greek. Cf. Hsch. o 1237 ὁρκωτής· ὁ ὁρκίζων (“horkôtês: one who makes (someone else) swear an oath”). The propriety of horkizô is argued for at Orus fr. B 123 ὁρκίζειν καὶ ὁρκοῦν· ἑκατέρως (“horkizein and orkoun: both ways”). But even Orus (fr. B 124) rejects the noun ὁρκιστής: ὁρκωτάς· οὐχὶ ὁρκιστάς, οὐδὲ ὁρκωµότας λέγουσιν (“horkôtai (acc.), not horkistai, and they do not say horkômotai”). Interpretation"ὁρκόω"(also e.|g. IG I3 39.3–4 (mostly restored; 446/5 BCE); Th. 4.74.2; 8.75.2; Lys. 20.26; Is. 5.33; X. HG 6.5.3; Hesperia 2 (1933) 403 #20.6 (end of the 4th century)) is Attic vocabulary and refers specifically to the entry into formally binding oaths; used elsewhere in Attic comedy at Ar. Lys. 187 τίν’ ὅρκον ὁρκώσεις ποθ’ ἡµᾶς (“What oath exactly are you going to make us swear?”; addressed to Lysistrata by one of the women enlisted for the sex-strike) with Henderson 1987 on 181–239; Th. 275–6 ἡ φρὴν ὤµοσεν. / ἡ γλῶττα δ’ οὐκ ὀµώµοκ’, οὐδ’ ὥρκωσ’ ἐγώ (“Your mind made a vow, and your tongue [alone] has not sworn an oath, nor did I force it to”; Inlaw, recalling the Hippolytus, reminds Euripides of his obligation to rescue him, should their plan go wrong). The word is eventually supplanted by the synonym ὁρκίζω (first attested in the 4th century, e.|g. X. Smp. 4.10; D. 18.30; 19.278; IG II2 1126.13 (380/79 BCE)), which Phrynichus rejects. On the eventual fate of omicron-contract verbs, see Horrocks 2010. 308–9. Α ὁρκωτής is described at Antipho 6.14 as the official who administers a sworn oath in court. At X. HG 6.5.3, ὁρκωταί are used by the Athenians after the Battle of Leuctra in 371 BCE to extract promises for peace and mutual defense among the Greek cities, while in IG I3 39.4 (446/5 BCE) they are mentioned in connection with an embassy from Eretria after a failed revolt from Athens. The disparaged synonym ὁρκιστής is not attested outside of the lexicographic sources noted in Citation context.

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fr. 402 K.–A. (373 K.) Phot. α 174 = Synag. B α 272 ἅ γ ι ο ς· ὁ σεβάσιµος. καὶ ἅγιον τὸ σεβάσµιον καὶ τίµιον. λέγοιτο δ’ ἂν καὶ ἅγιος ὁ µιαρός, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄγους, ὡς Κρατῖνος h a g i o s (“holy”): a venerable man. And what is venerable and honorable is hagion. But a man who is miaros (“unclean, abominable”) could also be called hagios, from agos (“expiation, pollution”), as Cratinus (uses the word)

Citation context"A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄. Parallel material is preserved at Eust. p. 1356.59–60 = IV.926.3–4 ἅγιος παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς οὐ µόνον ὁ καθαρός, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ µιαρός, διὰ τὸ τοῦ ἅγους διπλόσηµον (“In ancient authors, hagios (means) not only the man who is katharos (‘pure’) but also the one who is miaros (‘unclean, abominable’), due to the double sense of hagos”). Interpretation"That which is ἅγιος is “sacred” in a way that inspires awe, dread and reverence (cf. ἅζοµαι) in those who encounter it, since it stands under a divine interdict of some sort (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 304, of religious rites; Av. 522, of the Birds in the supposed past, when human beings felt respect for them as quasi-divinities; Lys. 261, of the olive-wood statue of Athena on the Acropolis; Antiph. fr. 145.7, of an eel in the eyes of a gourmand influenced by Egyptian ideas about theriomorphic gods; Mnesim. fr. 4.59, of Syria as a source of spices burnt as offerings; [Thesp.] TrGF 1 F [4.5], of altars; Hdt. 2.44.1, of a temple; Pl. Cri. 51a, of one’s fatherland, judged even more ἅγιος than one’s parents and ancestors; Criti. 166c, of a temple; [Arist.] Mir. 834b11–12, of an oath). Although the term is normally used in commendation, therefore, it can reasonably be used to mean “awful, frightful” in a negative sense instead, as at D. 23.74 ὃ πάντων ἁγιώτατα τούτων ἔχει καὶ φρικωδέστατα (the only other obvious example from the classical period). Cf. εὐαγής (“pure”) and ἐναγής (“impure”); Latin sacer, which is usually “sacred” (e.|g. Plaut. Mer. 362; Catul. 7.6), but can also mean “abominable” (e.|g. Plaut. Mos. 983 unus istic servos est sacerrimus, “one of the servants there is especially wicked”; Turp. com. 25 etiam me irrides, pessime ac sacerrime?, “Are you still mocking me in the worst and most abominable way?”; Afran. com. 185 o sacrum scurram et malum, “O abominable and wicked loafer”; Catul. 14.12 di magni, horribilem et sacrum libellum, “O great gods, what a terrible and abominable little book!”); and see in general see Williger 1922. ἅγιος is first attested here, and is absent from epic, lyric and tragedy except for the fragment of [Thespis] cited above. The more common alternative form

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is ἁγνός (already in Homer at e.|g. Od. 5.123 Ἄρτεµις ἁγνή). The connection between ἅγιος and ἄγος proposed by Photius and Eustathius is superficially attractive, but leaves the absence of a rough breathing on ἄγος unaccounted for.

fr. 403 K.–A. (375 K.) Harp. pp. 7.8–8.9 Dindorf = Α 22 Keaney ἀγυιᾶς· ∆ηµοσθένης ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μειδίου (21.51)· “χοροὺς ἱστάναι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια καὶ κνισᾶν ἀγυιᾶς.” ἔνιοι µὲν ὀξύνουσι θηλυκῶς χρώµενοι, οἷον τὰς ὁδούς· βέλτιον δὲ περισπᾶν ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀγυιεύς. ἀγυιεὺς δέ ἐστι κίων εἰς ὀξὺ λήγων ὃν ἱστᾶσι πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν, ὡς σαφὲς ποιοῦσιν Ἀριστοφάνης τε ἐν Σφηξὶ (875) καὶ Εὔπολις (fr. 420). ἰδίους δὲ εἶναι φασιν αὐτοὺς Ἀπόλλωνος, οἱ δὲ ∆ιονύσου, οἱ δὲ ἀµφοῖν … εἶεν δ᾿ ἂν οἱ παρὰ τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς λεγόµενοι ἀ γ υ ι ε ῖ ς οἱ πρὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν βωµοὶ, ὥς φασι Κρατῖνος καὶ Μένανδρος (fr. 481) agyias: Demosthenes in his Against Meidias (21.51): “to set up choruses according to the ancestral customs and to fill the agyias with the smell of roasting meat”. Some authorities give the word an acute accent and treat it as feminine, as if to say “the streets”; but it is better to give it a circumflex on the theory that it is derived from agyieus. An agyieus is a column with a pointed end which they set up in front of their doors, as both Aristophanes in Wasps (875) and Eupolis (fr. 420) make clear. (Some authorities) say that these belong to Apollo, others to Dionysus, others to both gods … What Attic-speakers call a g y i e i s might be the altars in front of their houses, as Cratinus and Menander (fr. 481) say

Citation context"Cf. Lex.Rhet. AB I p. 268.8–10 ἐτιµᾶτο δὲ καὶ Ἀπόλλων ἀγυιεύς, ᾧ ἔθυον πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν βωµίσκους καὶ στύλους εἰς ὀξὺ ἀνατείνοντας στρογγυλώδεις ἀνιστῶντες (“And Apollo Agyieus was also honored, to whom they made sacrifice, erecting before their doors small altars and round stelae that rose to a point”; probably to be understood as another reference to this fragment); Suda α 383 = Synag. B α 200 (drawn from the Epitome of Harpocration, but with the reference to Cratinus removed). Related material, quite possibly all going back to a single, well-informed scholarly note, is preserved at Hsch. α 856; St.Byz. α 50 (citing Eup. fr. 420 and Ar. Th. 489); Phot. α 277 = Suda α 383 (citing Pherecr. fr. 92); ΣVΓ Ar. V. 875. Interpretation"ἀγυιεύς is (1) an epithet of Apollo as guardian of roads (ἄγυιαι) (e.|g. E. Ph. 631 Φοῖβ’ ἄναξ Ἀγυιεῦ, “O Roadside Lord Phoebus”, with Mastronarde 1994 ad loc.); (2) an altar (as here) or aniconic stele or pillar dedicated to Apollo Agyieus, on which offerings might be left; such altars were

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a common sight on Athenian streets (e.|g. Ar. V. 875 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc.; Th. 489 with Austin–Olson 2004 ad loc.; S. fr. 370.1 ἀγυιεὺς βωµός, “roadside altar”; IG II2 4719 Ἀπόλλωνι Ἀγυιε⟨ῖ⟩ τὸν βωµόν “the altar to Roadside Apollo”; Handley 1965 on Men. Dysc. 659; Finglass 2007 on S. El. 635; KossatzDeissmann, ThesCRA IV (2005) 396–7, 401–2). Whether the altars/stelae or the god to whom the altars were dedicated was first called agyieus is uncertain. On nouns in -ευς in general, see Chantraine 1933. 125–31.

fr. 404 K.–A. (376 K.) Phot. α 399 = Synag. B α 386 Ἀδώνιος· Φερεκράτης (fr. 213) εἶπεν ἀντὶ τοῦ Ἄδωνις (Blaydes : Ἀδώνιδος codd.). λέγει δὲ καὶ τὴν αἰτιατικὴν τ ὸ ν Ἀ δ ώ ν ι ο ν. οὕτω δὲ καὶ Πλάτων (fr. *4) καὶ Κρατῖνος, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης (fr. 759) καὶ ἕτεροι. λέγουσι δὲ καὶ Ἄδωνιν αὐτὸν πολλάκις Adônios: Pherecrates (fr. 213) said this instead of Adônis (Blaydes : Adônidos codd.), and he also uses the accusative A d ô n i o n. So too Plato (fr. *4) and Cratinus, as well as Aristophanes (fr. 759) and others. But they also often call him Adônis

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.694; Kock 1880 I.118 Citation context"A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄. Cf. Phot. α 400 = Suda α 515 Ἀδώνια· συνεσταλµένως. Ἀδώνι᾿ ἄγοµεν καὶ τὸν Ἄδωνιν κλάοµεν. Φερεκράτης (fr. 181). καλοῦσι δὲ καὶ τὸ εἴδωλον τοῦ Ἀδώνιδος οὕτως Ἀδώνιον (“Adônia: with a short final vowel. We are celebrating the Adonia and we weep for Adonis; Pherecrates (fr. 181). But they also refer to the image of Adonis in this way, as an Adônion”). ἀντὶ τοῦ should serve to compare equivalent forms, here words in the same case (e.|g. Phot. α 2297 ἀπεδηµηκότες· ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀποδεδηµηκότες). Blaydes, taking Ἀδώνιος to be a nominative, accordingly restored nominative Ἄδωνις for the paradosis Ἀδώνιδος (attracted into the genitive by the presence of τοῦ). Cobet 1858. 182 instead emended the initial lemma Ἀδώνιος to Ἀδῶνος (genitive of Ἄδων); but Ἀδώνιος would seem to be confirmed by Ἀδώνιον later on in the note. Meineke, understanding Ἀδώνιος to be a genitive (thus seemingly also Storey 2011. 432 “of Adonis”) and retaining the paradosis Ἀδώνιδος in Pherecrates, suggested emending Ἀδώνιον to Ἄδωνιν in Plato, Cratinus and Aristophanes, and Ἄδωνιν at the end of the note to Ἄδωνα. Interpretation"Ἀδώνιος is a by-form of Ἄδωνις, the name of a beloved of Aphrodite who died young. The name is likely a Semitic loanword (cf. Hebr.

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ādōn, “lord”) and is also attested in the form Ἄδων (e.|g. Theoc. 15.149; Nossis AP 6.275.4; Hsch. α 1224160). See Attalah 1966. 303–8. For Ἀδώνιος, cf. (in addition to the comic fragments cited by Phot. = Synag. B) Sapph. fr. 117B.b ὦ τὸν Ἀδώνιον. Words in -ιος are more typically adjectives meaning “pertaining to X” (e.|g. ἵππος, “horse” > ἵππιος, “pertaining to horses”; cf. Chantraine 1933. 33–8). For Adonis and the various rites and festivals in his honor, cf. Ar. Lys. 392–3; Men. Sam. 39–46 with Sommerstein 2013 ad loc.; Atallah 1966; Burkert 1979. 105–11; Ribichini 1981; Baudy 1986; Reed 1995; Simms 1998; Dillon 2003; Parker 2005. 283–8; O’Bryhim 2007; Reitzammer 2008; Pirrotta 2009. 65–70 (on Pl. Com. Adônis). Comedies entitled Adônis were also composed by Araros, Antiphanes, Philiscus and Nicophon; Philippides and Philetaerus wrote plays entitled Adôniazousai (“Women Celebrating the Festival of Adonis”); and Adôniazousai was supposedly identified by some authorities as an alternative title for Aristophanes’ Lysistrata (cf. ΣΓ 389, rejecting the claim).

fr. 405 K.–A. (377 K.) Suda αι 64 α ἴ γ λ η· βόλος κυβευτικός, λαµπηδών, αὐγή. Κρατῖνος. καὶ ποπάνου εἶδος δηλοῖ καὶ θυσίαν, ὥς φησι Λεαγόρας. ἔστι καὶ παιδιά τις. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ σελήνη οὕτω καλεῖται καὶ ὁ Ἀσκληπιός a i g l ê: a throw of the dice, shining, ray of light. Cratinus. It also means a type of cake and a sacrificial offering, according to Leagoras. It is in addition a game of some sort. But the moon and Asclepius are also referred to thus

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.229 Citation context"The entry in the Suda is a much abbreviated version of a note preserved at Phot. α 527 = Synag. B α 496 αἴγλη· λαµπηδών, αὐγή (λαµπηδών, αὐγή om. Synag. B), φέγγος, φῶς. καὶ ἡ θυσία δὲ ἡ ὑπὲρ τοῦ κατακλυσµοῦ εἰς ∆ελφοὺς ἀπαγοµένη αἴγλη ἐκαλεῖτο. καὶ ποπάνου τι εἶδος ἐν ᾧ διεπλάσσετο εἴδωλα. καὶ βόλος φαῦλος κυβευτικὸς αἴγλη ἐκαλεῖτο. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ σελήνη καὶ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τὸ περίµεσον. καὶ παιδιά τις ἐκαλεῖτο αἴγλη. καὶ ὁ Ἀσκληπιός. καὶ χλιδὼν δέ τις οὕτως ἐκαλεῖτο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι σηµαίνειν καὶ τὸν περιπόδιον κόσµον ἢ τὸν ἀµφιδέα, ἢ ἁπλῶς ψέλλιον. σηµαίνει δὲ καὶ τὴν πέδην (ἡ αἴγλη add. Synag. B), ὡς παρ’ Ἐπιχάρµῳ (fr. 17) (“aigleX: a shining, ray of light (“a 160

A personal name at Str. 11.529 as emended by Meineke (Ἀδὼρ codd.).

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shining, ray of light” omitted by Synag. B), light, daylight. The offering taken to the people of Delphi on account of the flood was also called an aiglê. Also a type of cake into which likenesses were worked. A bad throw of the dice was also called an aiglê. So too the moon and the central part of a yoke. In addition, a game of some sort is called an aiglê. Also Asclepius. Also a type of bracelet was referred to thus. And some authorities say that it also denotes a bit of jewelry that goes around the foot or an anklet. Or simply an ankle-bracelet. But it (“the word aiglê” Synag. B) also denotes a fetter, as in Epicharmus (fr. 17)”), from which the reference to Cratinus is however missing. The basic source for the note must in any case be the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge conventionally referred to as Σ΄. Eustathius (p. 823.25 = III.127.10–11) traces the claim that αἴγλη οὐ µόνον ἡ λαµπηδών, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποπάνου εἶδος, … καὶ θυσία τις πεµποµένη εἰς ∆ελφοὺς καὶ κυβευτικὸς βόλος to the Atticist lexicographer Pausanias (α 41), whence presumably most of what was in Σ΄, but also notes (p. 823.27 = III.127.12) that the reference to an αἴγλη as a bad throw of the dice was from a different authority, who must then be Aelius Dionysius (cf. Erbse 1950. 18–22). The reference to the moon presumably means “the [light of the] moon”161 and is to be connected with Od. 4.45 ὥς τε γὰρ ἠελίου αἴγλη πέλεν ἠὲ σελήνης (“for just like that of the sun or the moon was the aiglê”; in reference to the radiance of Menelaos’ palace; = 7.84, of Alcinoos’ palace), where a scholion glosses αἴγλη as λαµπηδών (thus 2 also ΣG HMaPV Od. 6.45). According to ΣVEΘBarbRsV57 Ar. Pl. 701, citing Hermipp. iamb. fr. 1, Asclepius’ youngest child was named Aiglê, which is perhaps to be connected with the claim that this was among the god’s own names. Other traces of the same original note appear to be preserved at – Poll. 2.63, 3.72 and 4.156 (αἴγλη included in lists of words meaning “light, shining” and the like); 5.99 (αἴγλη in a list of words for ankle-bracelets) – Hsch. α 1729 αἴγλας· ἀµφιδέας, καὶ ψέλια τὰ περὶ τὴν ὕνιν τοῦ ἀρότρου (“aiglai (acc.): bracelets, and the rings around the blade of a plow”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus) – Hsch. α 1730 αἴγλη· χλιδών, Σοφοκλῆς Τηρεῖ (fr. 537). [χιτών] καὶ πέδη παρὰ Ἐπιχάρµῳ ἐν Βάκχαις (fr. 17) (“aiglê: a bracelet, Sophocles in Tereus (fr. 537); [a cloak] and fetters in Epicharmus in Bacchai (fr. 17)”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus) 161

LSJ s.#v. I.1 offers as its initial gloss “the light of the sun or moon, Od. 4.45, (etc.)”. But the word simply means “splendor, gleam” (thus Montanari s.#v., which unfortunately goes on to miss all the other meanings recorded by Pausanias, which were dumped untranslated and unsorted into a catch-all note in the LSJ Supplement = s.#v. III).

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– Hsch. α 1731 αἴγλαις· λαµπηδόσι, λαµπρότησιν (“aiglai (dat.): shinings, brightnesses”) – Hsch. α 1732 αἴγλη· λαµπηδών, αὐγή, φῶς, λαµπρότης· ἔστι δὲ καὶ βόλος φαῦλος κυβευτικός (“aiglê: shining, ray of light, daylight, brightness. It is also a bad throw of the dice”; traced by Latte to the Homeric scholia and Diogenianus). None of this tells us where the Suda got its reference to Cratinus or how he is supposed to have used αἴγλη. The Suda’s Leagoras is otherwise unknown. Interpretation"Whether two separate words, αἴγλη, “light”, and αἴγλη, “bracelet”, have been confused in the lexicographic tradition, or whether the second sense is an extension of the first, is unclear; there is no etymology. αἴγλη is in any case otherwise confined to epic poetry (e.|g. Il. 2.458; hAp. 302), epinician (e.|g. Pi. O. 13.36; Bacch. 13.140) and tragedy (e.|g. S. OT 207 (lyric); E. Supp. 990 (lyric); Tr. 321 (lyric)). The only attested cognate in comedy is the over-the-top dithyrambic στρέπταιγλος at Ar. Nu. 335.

fr. 406 K.–A. (378 K.) Eust. p. 1484.28–9 = i.149.14–16 α ἰ γ υ π τ ι ά ζ ε ι ν … τὸ πανουργεῖν καὶ κακοτροπεύεσθαι, ὡς ὁ κωµικός, φασι, Κρατῖνος δηλοῖ (codd. : φησὶ Κρατῖνος ∆ηλίασιν Kock) a i g y p t i a z e i n (“to act like an Egyptian”) … means to behave badly (panourgein) and deal perversely (kakotropeuesthai), as the comic poet Cratinus, they say, makes clear (codd. : “says Cratinus in Dêliades” Kock)

Discussion"Sofia 2016. 86–8 Assignment to known plays"Tentatively assigned to Dêliades by Kock on the basis of his emendation of the text of Eustathius. Citation context"Phot. α 518 = Suda αι 75 = Synag. B α 494 = Et.Gen. B αἰγυπτιάζειν· τὸ πανουργεῖν καὶ κακοτροπεύεσθαι (“aigyptiazein: to behave badly and deal perversely”; from the common source generally referred to as Σ΄) is an abbreviated version of the same note, as most likely is Hsch. α 1744 αἰγυπτιάζων· κακοτροπευόµενος (“acting like an Egyptian: dealing perversely”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus) as well. Erbse assigns the material to Ael. Dion. (α 49), who is presumably the source of Eust. p. 1494.10 = i.162.21–2 αἰγυπτιάζειν· τὸ πανουργεύεσθαι.

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Interpretation"αἰγυπτιάζω"(“act like an Egyptian”; first attested here) refers to the Egyptian reputation for trickery and cleverness (A. fr. 373; Hyp. 3.3 with Whitehead 2000 ad loc.; Theoc. 15.48 with Gow 1952 ad loc.); cf. Ar. Th. 920–2, where Critylla connects her sense that Euripides and Inlaw are πανοῦργοι with the fact that they are “Egyptianizing”; St.Byz. α 112 αἰγυπτιάζειν τὸ πανοῦργα καὶ δόλια καὶ ὕπουλα πράττειν (“to act like an Egyptian is to perform wicked, deceitful and underhanded actions”); Taillardat 1965 § 409. For similar verbs, cf. Eust. p. 741.21–5 = II.677.14–16 εἰσὶ βλασφηµίαι καὶ ἀπὸ ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δήµων πολλαὶ ῥηµατικῶς πεποιηµέναι· ἐθνῶν µέν, οἷον κιλικίζειν καὶ αἰγυπτιάζειν τὸ πονηρεύεσθαι, καὶ κρητίζειν τὸ ψεύδεσθαι, ἐκ πόλεων δέ, οἷον λεσβιάζειν τὸ αἰσχροποιεῖν (“There are many insulting verbs derived from the names of ethnic groups, cities and peoples: from ethnic groups, e.|g. kilikizein (‘to act like a Cilician’) and aigyptiazein (‘to act like an Egyptian’), meaning ‘to act like a villain’, and krêtizein (‘to act like a Cretan’), meaning ‘to tell lies’; from cities, e.|g. lesbiazein (‘to act like someone from Lesbos’), meaning ‘to act shamefully’162”; traced to Suet. περὶ Βλασφ. 13 by Taillardat); δωριάζω, “act like a Dorian”, i.|e. “go around with very little clothing on” (Anacr. PMG 399); κορινθιάζοµαι, “act like a Corinthian”, i.|e. “have sex with prostitutes” or “pimp” (Ar. fr. 370); λακεδαιµονιάζω and λακωνίζω, “act like a Spartan” (Ar. frr. 97; 358; Eup. fr. 385.1 with Olson 2014 ad loc.); λυδίζω, “act like a Lydian” (Ar. Eq. 523; Hippon. fr. 95.1); σικελίζω, “act like a Sicilian” (Epich. fr. 207); σιφνιάζω, “behave like a Siphnian”, and χιάζω, “act like a Chian”, i.|e. “play elaborate music” (Ar. fr. 930).

fr. 407 K.–A. (379 K.) Phot. α 634 = Synag. B α 638 αἱµύλος· ὁ ἔµπειρος. ἢ ἡδὺς ἐν τῷ ἀπατᾶν καὶ κόλαξ. Πλάτων (Lg. 823e) αἱµύλος ἔρως φησί· καὶ Σοφοκλῆς (fr. 816). Εὐριπίδης δὲ (fr. 1095) καὶ αἱµύλην εἶπε θηλυκῶς. Σοφοκλῆς δὲ (Ai. 389) καὶ αἱµυλώτατον. Κρατῖνος δὲ α ἱ µ υ λ ό φ ρ ω ν εἶπε, καὶ α ἱ µ υ λ ο π λ ό κ ο ς ὁ αὐτός haimylos (“wily”): an experienced man. Or one who enjoys deceiving and a flatterer. Plato (Lg. 823e) says haimylos erôs (“wily love”); also Sophocles (fr. 816). And Euripides (fr. 1095) also uses haimylên in the feminine. And Sophocles (Ai. 389) also said haimylotaton (“wiliest”). But Cratinus said h a i m y l o p h r ô n, and the same man also (said) h a i m y l o p l o k o s 163 162 163

i.|e. “to give blowjobs”; cf. Ar. V. 1346 with Biles–Olson 2015 ad loc. Or “and the same person is haimyloplokos”.

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Text"Compounds in which a verbal second constituent has a passive sense are generally proparoxytone (e.|g. πυρίπλοκος, “woven with fire”; θεόποµπος, “heaven-sent”), while those in which it has an active sense are generally either paroxytone or oxytone (e.|g. δολοπλόκος, “weaving wiles”; ψυχοποµπός, “soul-escorting”). Assuming that the second word means “weaving wiles” rather than “woven with wiles”, therefore, it should be accented αἱµυλοπλόκος rather than αἱµυλόπλοκος. Cf. Gunkel 2014; Tribulato 2015. 27. Citation context" A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄. Interpretation"αἱµυλόφρων (“wily minded”) and αἱµυλοπλόκος (“weaving wiles”) are high-style hapax legomena. αἱµύλος (conventionally translated “flattering, wheedling, wily”; etymology uncertain, but see Weiss 1998. 55–6) is almost entirely confined to elevated poetry and is used pejoratively of deceptively clever words (e.|g. Od. 1.56, Hes. Th. 890, Op. 78, 789 and Thgn. 704 αἱµυλίοι λόγοι, “wily words”; Hes. Op. 373–4 γυνὴ … / αἱµύλα κωτίλλουσα, “a woman making wily chatter”; Pi. N. 8.33 αἱµύλοι µύθοι, “wily stories”; cf. [A.] PV 206 αἱµύλας … µηχανάς, “wily devices”) and of those who produce them (Sol. fr. 11.7 ἔπη αἱµύλου ἀνδρός, “words of a wily man”; S. Ai. 388 τὸν αἱµυλώτατον (Aias’ description of Odysseus; lyric); E. fr. 715.1 οὐκ ἆρ’ Ὀδυσσεύς ἐστιν αἱµύλος µόνος, “Odysseus is not alone in being wily then”; [E.] Rh. 498–9 ἔστι δ’ αἱµυλώτατον / κρότηµ’ Ὀδυσσεύς, “Odysseus is the cleverest bit of mischief”; in 4th-century prose at Pl. Phdr. 237b). In comedy, the adjective is attested only at Ar. Eq. 685–6 δόλοισι ποικίλοις / ῥήµασίν θ’ αἱµύλοις (“elaborate tricks and wily words”; lyric); Lys. 1269–70 τᾶν αἱµυλᾶν ἀλωπέκων παυἁίµεθα (“let us give up wily foxes”, i.|e. “wily foxiness”; an imitation of Doric lyric). The only other known compound in αἱµυλο- is αἱµυλοµήτης, “of winning wiles” (hHerm. 13). Compounds in -φρων are generally elevated vocabulary, e.|g. ἀγανόφρων (“gentle-minded”; fr. 256.3 (lyric); Il. 20.467; Ar. Av. 1321 (lyric)); αἰδόφρων (“respectful”; S. OC 237 (lyric); E. Alc. 659); ἀλκίφρων (“valiant”; A. Pers. 92 (lyric)); ἀνδρόφρων (“with a man’s mind”; S. fr. 943); γεραιόφρων (“with an old man’s mind”; A. Supp. 361 (lyric)); βαθύφρων (“profound”; Sol. fr. 33.1; Pi. N. 7.1); βλοσυρόφρων (“savage-minded”; A. Supp. 833 (lyric)); γυναικόφρων (“with a woman’s mind”; E. fr. 362.34); δολόφρων (“treacherous”; Asclep. XXXIX.4 = AP 7.145.4; of personified Deceit); θηλύφρων (“female minded”; Ar. Ec. 110); µελίφρων (“gentle-minded”; Il. 2.34); πανεύφρων (fr. 480 with n.); στερεόφρων (“stout-minded”, i.|e. “stout-hearted”; S. Ai. 926 (lyric)); many are hapax legomena and presumably coinages. Cf. the similarly elevated δολοπλόκος (“weaving wiles”, typically of a god; e.|g. Sapph. fr. 1.2; Thgn.

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1386) and µυθοπλόκος (“weaving stories”, of Eros; Sapph. fr. 188). For “weaving” used metaphorically to refer to the production of plots and the like, cf. Ar. V. 644–5; LSJ s.#v. πλέκω II.1; Blümner 1891. 103–4; Taillardat 1965 §§ 391, 417; Austin–Olson 2004 on Ar. Th. 433–5.

fr. 408 K.–A. Lex. cod. Vat. gr. 12 ap. Reitzenstein 1892/1893. 4 ἀ κ µ ή ν· ἐπίρρηµα. Αἰσχύλος (fr. 339a) καὶ Μένανδρος (fr. 504) … Κρατῖνος µέντοι τῷ (τὸ cod.) ἀκµήν ἐπιρρηµατικῶς µέν, ἀντὶ 〈δὲ〉 τοῦ ἀκµαίως ἐχρήσατο a k m ê n: an adverb. Aeschylus (fr. 339a) and Menander (fr. 504) … Cratinus did indeed use akmên adverbially, 〈but〉 in place of akmaiôs (“in a timely fashion”)

Citation context"The anonymous author of this Atticist note seems prepared to accept adverbial ἀκµήν as legitimate Attic usage, as in the Antiatticist (α 21) ἀκµήν· ἀντὶ τοῦ ἔτι. Ὑπερείδης ὑπὲρ Κρατίνου (fr. 116 Jensen)164 (“akmên: in place of eti (‘still’). Hyperides On Behalf of Cratinus (fr. 116 Jensen)”). That the speech by Hyperides cited by the Antiatticist was entitled On Behalf of Cratinus, however, combined with the fact that the anonymous Vatican author appears to be concerned to correct some other authority, raises the possibility that his “Cratinus” is actually Hyperides’ defendant, and thus that this is not a fragment of the comic poet. Less understanding for the adverbial use of ἀκµήν is expressed by Moeris (α 149) ἀκµήν ούδεὶς τῶν Ἀττικῶν ἀντὶ τοῦ ἔτι, ἢ µόνος Ξενοφῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀναβάσει (4.3.26)· Ἕλληνες δὲ χρῶνται (“No Attic-speaker [uses] akmên in place of ἔτι, except Xenophon alone in the Anabasis (4.3.26); but the Greeks generally use it”; cf. Thom. Mag. p. 137.6) and especially by Phrynichus at Ecl. 93 ἀκµὴν ἀντὶ τοῦ ἔτι· Ξενοφῶντα λέγουσιν ἅπαξ αὐτῷ κεχρῆσθαι (An. 4.3.26), σὺ δὲ φυλάττου χρῆσθαι, λέγε δὲ ἔτι (“akmên instead of eti (‘still’): they say that Xenophon uses it once (An. 4.3.26), but you be on guard against using it, and say eti”). Another, much-abbreviated echo of the discussion is preserved at Hsch. α 2449 = Suda α 906 ἀκµήν· ἔτι (“akmên: eti (‘still’)”). Interpretation"ἀκµήν"is the accusative of ἀκµή, “point”, esp. “point of time” and thus “right time” (e.|g. fr. 208.3; Eub. fr. 6.6; E. HF 532; Ph. 1081), used adverbially in the sense “at this point (of time), still; at the right time”. 164

Preserved in a slightly less expansive form also at Phot. α 769 = Suda α 904 = Synag. B α 696 ~ Σ∆ Luc. p. 214.19 ἀκµή· … λαµβάνεται δὲ καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἔτι. οὕτως Ὑπερείδης (from the common source generally referred to as Σ΄).

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Although adverbial ἀκµήν is not widely attested in Attic, the combination of the citations from Aeschylus, Xenophon, Hyperides and Menander leaves little doubt that it was legitimate usage regardless of whether Cratinus employed it. For the formation, cf. ἀκήν, “silently” < ἀκή, “silence”; πρῴην, “recently” (e.|g. Il. 24.500; Th. 3.113.4; Ar. Ach. 615) < πρώιος, “recent”; βύζην, “closely pressed” (e.|g. Th. 4.8.7; Luc. Lex. 4.7; cf. βύζω, “be frequent”); ῥύδην, “abundantly” (e.|g. fr. 487; Hippon. fr. 36.1); χύδην, “in floods” (e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 179; Diph. fr. 42.3); δήν (“for a long time”), πάλιν (“again”) and λίαν (“excessively”) from unknown nouns; and see in general Schwyzer 1953 II.67–70, 413 (with more examples).

fr. 409 K.–A. (381 K.) Eust. p. 1446.25–30 = i.98.36–9 (εὕστρα) κατὰ Παυσανίαν (ε 84) δὲ τὸ ἐκ σταχύων καυθέντων ἔδεσµα τοὺς ἀνθέρικας ἀποβαλόντων, ἤτοι ὁ περικεκαυµένος στάχυς. ἕτεροι δὲ ὅτι ἡ ὡρίµη κριθή, ἡ καὶ ἀ µ φ ί κ α υ σ τ ι ς παρὰ Αἰλίῳ ∆ιονυσίῳ (α 108). κωµικοὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ γυναικείου µορίου φασί. Κρατῖνος (lac. indicat Erbse) δὲ τὴν ὀσφὺν οὕτως ἔφη (heustra) According to Pausanias (ε 84), the edible portion of roasted ears of grain after they lose their beards, in other words parched grain. Others say that it is ripe barley, which (is) also (called) a m p h i k a u s t i s in Aelius Dionysius (α *108). But comic poets also use the word in reference to female genitals. And Cratinus (lacuna marked by Erbse) referred thus to the rump Hsch. κ 1923 καῦστις· ἡ ἔκφυσις τῶν σταχύων. πυροὶ ἁδρυνόµενοι, καὶ χόρτος. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ ἀµφίκαυστις. καὶ ἐπώνυµον ∆ήµητρος. Κρατῖνος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ µορίου ἔταξεν αὐτό. καλεῖται δὲ καὶ εὕστρα καὶ στρῶµα kaustis: the first growth of the ears of grain; mature wheat, also fodder. The same thing is also amphikaustis. Also an epithet of Demeter. But Cratinus uses it in reference to the genitals. And (kaustis) is also called heustra and strôma 3

Σ Ar. Eq. 1236VEΓ εὕστρα ἡ ὡρίµη κριθή. εἴρηται δὲ καὶ ἀµφίκαυστις παρὰ κωµικοῖς καὶ τραγικοῖς (adesp. tr. fr. 591a) ἀπὸ τοῦ περικεκαῦσθαι. οἱ δὲ τὴν πρώτην ἔκφυσιν τῶν πυρῶν, ἣν λήϊον προσαγορεύουσιν ὡραῖον, διὰ τὸ τοὺς πρωΐµους καέντων τῶν ἀχύρων ἐπιτηδείους εἶναι εἰς τροφήν heustra is ripe barley. And amphikaustis too is used in the comic and tragic (adesp. tr. fr. 591a) poets, from perikekausthai (“to have been parched”). But some authorities (say that the word means) the first growth of the wheat, which they refer to as the ripe crop, on account of the fact that the early (grains of wheat), when their chaff is burnt off, provide good nourishment

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Et.Gud. α 715 ~ EM p. 90.33–7 ἀµφίκαυτις· ἡ † ὀρεινὴ † κριθή, ἣν ἡµεῖς εὔστραν καλοῦµεν· καὶ οὕτω µὲν οἱ τραγικοί (adesp. tr. fr. 591a), οἱ δὲ κωµικοὶ τῶν αἰδοίων ἀµφίκαυστις ἀπὸ τοῦ περικεκαῦσθαι πρώτην ἔκφυσιν τῶν πυρῶν. ἣ λήϊον (ἡλήϊον cod.) προσαγορεύουσιν ὡραῖον, διὰ τὸ τοὺς πρωΐµους καέντων τῶν ἀχύρων ἐπιτηδείους εἶναι εἰς τροφήν. οὕτως Μεθόδιος ~ ἀµφίκαυστις· ἡ † ὀρεινὴ † κριθή, ἣν ἡµεῖς εὔστραν καλοῦµεν. καὶ οὕτω µὲν οἱ τραγικοί (adesp. tr. fr. 591a), οἱ δὲ κωµικοὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἀµφίκαυτις, ἀπὸ τοῦ περικεκαῦσθαι. οἱ δὲ τὴν πρώτην ἔκφυσιν τῶν πυρῶν, ἣν λήϊον προσαγορεύουσιν ὡραῖον, διὰ τὸ τοὺς πρωΐµους καέντων τῶν ἀχύρων ἐπιτηδείους εἶναι εἰς τροφήν. Μεθόδιος. εἴρηται µεταφορικῶς καὶ ἡ µάχη amphikautis: † mountain † barley, which we call eustra; thus also the tragic poets (adesp. tr. fr. 591a), whereas the comic poets (speak of) the amphikaustis of the genitals, from the fact that the first growth of the wheat is parched. Or they refer thus to the ripe grain-crop, on account of the fact that the early (grains of wheat), when their chaff has been burnt off, provide good nourishment. Thus Methodius ~ amphikaustis: † mountain † barley, which we call eustra; thus also the tragic poets (adesp. tr. fr. 591a), whereas the comic poets use amphikautis to mean “private parts”, from perikekausthai (“to have been parched”). Some authorities say that it is the first growth of the wheat, which they refer to as the ripe grain-crop, on account of the fact that the early (grains of wheat), when their chaff has been burnt off, provide good nourishment. Methodius. It is also used metaphorically to mean “battle”

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.186; Henderson 1991 § 43 Citation context"A collection of references to lexical material that Eustathius (commenting on Od. 2.300 αἶγας ἀνιεµένους σιάλους θ᾿ εὕοντας ἐν αὐλῇ, “flaying goats and singeing swine in the courtyard”; the behavior of the Suitors after the Assembly) traces to Aelius Dionysius. Closely related material, likely going back once again to Aelius Dionysius but making no reference to Cratinus or the comic poets generally, is preserved at – Hsch. α 4033 ἀµφίκαυστις· ἡ πρώτη τῶν ἀσταχύων ἔκφυσις. λέγεται δὲ καὶ καῦστις (“amphikaustis: the first growth of the ears of grain. But it is also called kaustis”) – Phot. α 1332 ἀµφίκαυστις· ἡ πρώτη τῶν ἀσταχύων ἔκφυσις. καλεῖται δὲ καὶ καῦστις, καθ’ ὅσον εἰώθασιν ἔτι χλωροὺς ὄντας τοὺς πρώτους στάχυς καίειν. οἱ δὲ ἁπλῶς τὸν στάχυν φασίν. Φρύνιχος (PS fr. 18) δὲ ἀµφίκαυστιν τὴν ὡραιοτάτην. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐρυσίβην. οἱ δὲ ἀµφίκαυστιν τὴν ὥριµον κριθήν. παρὰ δὲ τοῖς τραγικοῖς (adesp. tr. fr. 591a) καῦστις εἴρηται µεταφορικῶς ἡ µάχη, παρά τισι δὲ ἡ ὀσφῦς καὶ τὰ ἰσχία, παρ’ ἐνίοις δὲ ὁ ξηρὸς χόρτος. ἔνιοι δὲ τὸ αἰδοῖον (“amphikaustis: the first growth of the ears of grain. But it is also called kaustis, insofar as they are accustomed to parch the

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first ears of grain while they are still green. But some authorities say it is simply grain, whereas Phrynichus (PS fr. *18) (says) that amphikaustis is the ripest (grain). Some authorities say it is grain-rust, others that amphikaustis is ripe barley. In the tragedians (adesp. tr. fr. 591a), battle is referred to metaphorically as kaustis, whereas in certain authorities it is the rump or the flanks, while in some it is dry fodder. And some (use it of) the private parts”). Interpretation"The word used by Cratinus appears to have been ἀµφικαῦστις (not attested outside of the lexicographic sources cited above), which is < ἀµφί (“on all sides”) + καίω (“burn”). But the testimonia are sufficiently confused and contradictory to leave it unclear whether he used the word of the ὀσφύς165 (in this context probably “ass”; cf. Ar. V. 739–40 πόρνην, ἥτις τὸ πέος τρίψει / καὶ τὴν ὀσφῦν, “a whore who will rub his penis and his ass”) or of the female genitals. Meineke compared Ar. Pax 965, where κριθή (“barley”) is used of the penis, and Cratinus’ ἀµφικαῦστις might simply be a riddling way of referring to a colloquial sexual metaphor. Alternatively, the word might have more point if it alluded to genital depilation by means of fire, which appears to have been common practice among Greek women (cf. Austin–Olson 2004 on Ar. Th. 216–17, with further bibliography). For agricultural terms used as sexual euphemisms in comedy, see Henderson 1991 §§ 31–44, 122–39, 279–95 (although much of the specific argument is either inaccurate or exaggerated; § 43 specifically with reference to this fragment), and compare cross-culturally e.|g. the Gilgamesh Epic VI.7–8 (the goddess Ishtar demands that Gilgamesh be her bridegroom and give her his “fruit”); Shakespeare, All’s Well I.iii.130–1 “this thorn / Doth to our rose of beauty right belong”. fr. 410 K.–A. (382 K.) Suda α 1947 ἄ ν α λ τ ο ν· Ὅµηρος (e.|g. Od. 17.228) καὶ Κρατῖνος ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀπλήρωτον, ∆είναρχος (fr. incert. sed. 9 Conomis) δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ χωρὶς ἁλῶν. a n a l t o n: Homer (e.|g. Od. 17.228) and Cratinus in place of aplêrôton (“unfilled/unfillable”), and Dinarchus (fr. incert. sed. 9 Conomis) in place of “without salt (hals; pl.)”166 165 166

A sense of ἀµφικαῦστις attested to by Photius and Eustathius (both presumably getting the definition out of Aelius Dionysius), but ignored by LSJ and Montanari s.#v. Perhaps “without wit”, which would be far and away the earliest use of plural “salt” in this sense, although note Ar. fr. 158 with Kaibel ap. K.–A. ad loc.; Macho 274–5 τὸ µὲν τάριχος εἶπε ταχέως ἀποφέρειν / πρὸς τοὺς σπανίζειν ὁµολογουµένους ἁλῶν

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Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.229; Nauck 1894. 66 Citation context"Related material, much of it originating as glosses on Homer, is preserved at – Apollon. p. 35.28 ἄναλτον ἀπλήρωτον (“analton: aplêrôton (‘unfilled/ unfillable’)”; in a Homeric lexicon, followed by a quotation of Od. 17.228 βούλεται αἰτίζων βόσκειν ἣν γαστέρ’ ἄναλτον, “he wants to feed his insatiable stomach by begging”; said of the disguised Odysseus by the goatherd Melanthios) – Hsch. α 4421 ἄναλτον· ἀναυξές, τουτέστιν ἱκανόν. ἢ ἀπλήρωτον. παρὰ τὴν ἄλσιν (“analton: not growing, i.|e. sufficient. Or aplêrôton (‘unfilled/ unfillable’). From alsis (‘growth’)”) – Phot. α 1542 ἄναλτος· ἀπλήρωτος, παρὰ τὴν ἄλσιν (scripsimus : ἅλσιν codd.) καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς αὐξήσεως τελειότητα, παρ’ ὃ καὶ ἄλση τὰ κατάφυτα χωρία· πλήρωσις γάρ τις ἡ θεραπεία τοῦ πεπονθότος καὶ λείποντος, ὅθεν καὶ τὸ θεραπεύεσθαι ἀλθέσθαι (scripsimus : ἄλθεσθαι codd.) λέγουσιν (“analtos: aplêrôtos (‘unfilled/unfillable’), from alsis (‘growth’, our emendation : halsis (‘leap’) manuscripts) and the ultimate extent of increase, just as alsê (‘groves’) means places overgrown with trees; because plêrôsis is a sort of therapy for someone who is suffering or in need, whence also they say althesthai (‘to get well’) to mean therapeuesthai (‘to be tended to’)”) – Eust. p. 1840.23–4 = ii.143.9–11 γαστὴρ δὲ ἄναλτος ἡ ἀπλήρωτος καὶ µηδέ ποτε ἅλις ἔχουσα, ἢ ἀεὶ ἐν ταπεινώσει οὖσα καὶ µὴ ἀλδαινοµένη, ὅ ἐστιν αὐξοµένη ἐν τῷ κορέννυσθαι (“an analtos stomach is one that is unfilled/ unfillable and never has enough, or that is always getting smaller and not growing, i.|e. that increases in (its desire for) being glutted”) – Et.Gen. AB α 770 ἄναλτος· ἀηδής· ἀπὸ τῶν ὄψων τῶν µὴ ἐχόντων ἅλας καὶ ἀηδῶν ὄντων· σηµαίνει δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀχρεῖον. ἢ ἀναυξὴς καὶ ἀτελής· παρὰ τὸ † ἄλλω167 †, τὸ αὐξάνω, ὅθεν καὶ ἄλσος, τὸ εὐαυξὲς χωρίον. ἢ ὁ

167

(Gnathaena, embarrassed by the comic poet Diphilus’ gifts, “said to quickly take the saltfish off to those who were generally agreed to be lacking in salt”), which might be a witticism (“those who lack wit”). To Plu. Mor. 854c, cited by LSJ s.#v. IV (echoed at Montanari s.#v.) as the first certain example of this use of the word, add Ath. 9.366b ἀνηδύντων δὲ ἁλῶν πλήρεις οἱ κυνικοί (“the Cynics are full of unseasoned salt”, i.|e. of tastelessly cutting remarks). Perhaps a corrupted form of ἀλδαίνω (“make to grow, nourish”; cf. Eustathius) or (tentatively) an otherwise unattested verb formed from the same root as ἄναλτος and identical with Proto-Germanic *aljan- “nourish”, which Kroonen 2013 s.#v. suggests might be < *h2el-yo-, although he concedes that the evidence from Germanic alone is too scanty to reconstruct the form.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 411)

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ἀπλήρωτος καὶ ἀκόρεστος … παρὰ τὸ ἅλις, τὸ σηµαῖνον τὸ δαψιλὲς καὶ ἱκανῶς, γίνεται ἅλος καὶ κατὰ στέρησιν ἄναλος καὶ πλεονασµῷ τοῦ τ ἄναλτος (“analtos: unpleasant; from food that lacks salt and is unpleasant: it signifies someone useless. Or not growing and incomplete; from † allô, to increase, whence also alsos (‘grove’), a well-grown place. Or an individual who is unfilled/unfillable and insatiate … From halis (‘sufficiently’), which means ‘abundant’ and ‘sufficiently’, comes halos (‘salt’ (gen. sing.)) and via negation analos (‘unsalted’) and, with a superfluous tau, analtos”) – ΣVBQVind.133 Od. 17.228 (ἄναλτον) ἀπλήρωτον.V ἀκόρεστον, παρὰ τὸ µηδέποτε ἅλις ἔχειν. ὁ δὲ Ἡρωδιανὸς (Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 160.29–30) τὴν γαστέρα ἀναύξητον, ἄναλδήν (scripsimus : ἄναλδόν codd.) τινα οὖσαν, τὴν ἀεὶ ξηρὰν καὶ ταπεινήνBQVind.133 (“(analton): aplêrôton (‘insatiable’).V Unsatisfiable, from never having enough (halis). But Herodian (Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 160.29–30) calls the stomach ‘unaugmented’, since it is something that is feeble (analdês), which is always withered and mean”BQVind.133) Interpretation"ἄναλτος"is otherwise attested only in the Odyssey (17.228; 18.114, 364), to which Cratinus may thus have been alluding, and in Crates Com. fr. 47 ἄναλτος χύτρα (which Nauck argued was probably the same fragment, Cratinus and Crates having been confused at some point in the lexicographic tradition). The adjective is related to ἀλδαίνω and Lat. alere (both “nourish”), and perhaps to ἀλθαίνω (“get well”), as Photius suggests, and νεᾱλής (“not tired”); cf. Beekes 2010 s. vv.

fr. 411 K.–A. (383 K.) Hsch. α 4902 ἀ ν ε ξ ι κ ώ µ η· ἧς οὐκ 〈ἂν〉 (add. Bergk) ἀνάσχοιτο ὅλη κώµη. παρὰ Κρατίνῳ a n e x i k ô m ê: a woman whom an entire village could not endure. In Cratinus

Meter"The word as transmitted scans klkll and is compatible with iambic trimeter. Discussion"Lobeck 1837. 464 n. 13; Bergk 1838. 255; Kock 1880 I.119; Bonanno 1972. 156 Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. ἀνέχω is attested occasionally with a genitive (LSJ s.#v. C.II.2). It is nonetheless difficult to put much confidence in the text, which has been epitomized and from which one word (supplied by Bergk) appears to be missing in any case. Given all of that, it is

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tempting to think either that an accusative has fallen out of the text or been mistakenly removed by the epitomator (“a woman whose 〈 … 〉 an entire village could not endure”), or that ἧς should be corrected to ἥν. Interpretation"Hesychius—patently guessing—takes ἀνεξικώµη (a hapax) to be a compound of ἀνέχω (“support, endure”) + κώµη (“village”), but treats ἀν- as simultaneously (1) a privative (οὐκ) and (2) a prepositional (ἀνά-) prefix, as if the word were ἀνανεξικώµη. Lobeck accordingly suggested that Cratinus actually meant “a whore who supports an entire village” (πόρνη ἡ ὅλην κώµην ἀνέχουσα).168 [Arist.] Po. 1448a34–6 identifies κώµη as Doric rather than Attic vocabulary (although note e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 10.4),169 so perhaps the second part of the compound is instead < κῶµος, thus “she who/that which (fem.) puts up with a revel”.170 Compound adjectives normally have only two terminations (e.|g. Pi. O. 3.5–6 φωνὰν … / ἀγλαόκωµον), but cf. Ar. Eq. 1177 ἡ Φοβεσιστράτη [sc. Ἀθήνη] (“[Athena] who terrifies the army”); S. Ai. 172 with Gray 1851 ad loc.; E. Med. 826 with Porson 1820 ad loc. (his line 822). Compounds in ἀνεξι- are otherwise restricted to the Roman period. On verb-initial compounds generally, see fr. 445 Text; Knecht 1946; Tribulato 2015 (who misses compounds in ἀνεξι-).

fr. 412 (28 Dem.) Phot. α 2031 ἄνοµον κατηγορίαν· Λυσίας (fr. 468) εἴρηκεν, ἀ ν ο µ ί α δὲ Κρατῖνος, ἀνόµως δὲ Φιλύλλιος (fr. 28), ἀνόµηµα δὲ Λυσίας (fr. 467) anomon katêgorian (“a lawless accusation”): Lysias (fr. 468) uses the term, while Cratinus (uses) a n o m i a (“lawlessness”), Philyllius (fr. 28) anomôs (“lawlessly”), and Lysias (fr. 467) anomêma (“lawless act”)

Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note collecting words in ἀνοµ-, probably drawn from an Atticist source. 168 169

170

LSJ s.#v. bowlderizes Lobeck’s suggestion by omitting the first word. Montanari s.#v. offers “woman who could take on a whole village”, which inter alia ignores οὐκ. Hsch. γ 248 γεγωνοκώµη· ἡ µέγα κεκραγυῖα (“gegônokômê: a woman who shouts loudly”, i.|e. “loud enough for the entire village to hear”) was treated by Kock as adesp. com. fr. 1324, but is rejected by Kassel–Austin, who identify it as adesp. iamb. fr. 29 Diehl (not included in West’s Iambi et Elegi Graeci). cf. Ar. Ra. 218 κραιπαλόκωµος.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 413)

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Interpretation"ἀνοµία"(“lawlessness”) is common in prose (e.|g. Hdt. 1.96.2; Th. 2.53.1; Isoc. 4.114; Pl. R. 496d; X. Mem. 1.2.24) and is found elsewhere in poetry at E. HF 757 (lyric), 778 (lyric); IT 275; Ion 443; IA 1095 (lyric); Crit. TrGF 43 F 19.40. The cognate adverb ἀνόµως shows a similar distribution (in prose at e.|g. Th. 4.92.7; Lys. 3.17; in tragedy at E. Med. 1000 (lyric)). Contrast ἀνόµηµα, which is an unremarkable formation, but is nonetheless attested nowhere else before the Hellenistic period. Cratinus must thus have been cited in connection with ἀνοµία simply as an example of a “good Attic author” who used the word.

fr. 413 K.–A. (385 K.) Phot. α 2035 = Suda α 2563 = Synag. B α 1450 ἄ ν ο ρ γ ο ι· ἀντὶ τοῦ ἄνευ ὀργῆς. Κρατῖνος (sic Phot.b Suda : Κράτης Synag. B : om. Phot.z) a n o r g o i (“angerless”; nom. pl.): in place of aneu orgês (“without anger”). Cratinus (thus Phot.b Suda : “Crates” Synag. B : name omitted in Phot.z)

Citation context"From the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄ and taken by de Borries, comparing PS p. 2.11 ἄνοργοι· ἴσον ἐστὶ τῷ ἀόργητοι (“anorgoi: it is the same as aorgêtoi”), to be drawing on the Atticist lexicographer Phrynichus (fr. 203). Related material is preserved at – Moer. α 21 ἄνοργοι Ἀττικοί· ἀόργητοι Ἕλληνες (“Attic-speakers (use) anorgoi; Greeks generally (use) aorgêtoi”) – Thom. Mag. p. 11.14 ἄνοργος, οὐκ ἀνόργητος (“anorgos, not anorgêtos”). As often (cf. frr. 335; 414; 424; 446; 472), the witnesses—patently dealing with an exemplar reading simply Κρατ vel sim. and expanding the abbreviation ad libitum—are divided between assigning the fragment to Cratinus (Phot.b Suda) or Crates (Synag. B; notice omitted in Phot.z). This might therefore better have been treated as a dubious fragment of Cratinus and/or also have been dubiously attributed to Crates. Interpretation"ἄνοργος (“not wrathful”) is attested nowhere else. The alternative term ἀόργητος is first attested at Arist. EN 1108a8 and is found several times in Lucian (Pisc. 34; Herm. 12), who seemingly regarded it as unproblematic, i.|e. as acceptable Attic. Other compounds in -οργος or -οργής are rare and mostly restricted to elevated literature, e.|g. δύσοργος (“quick to anger”; S. Ai. 1017; Tr. 1118; Ph. 377), περίοργος/περιοργής (“very angry”; A.

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Ag. 216 (lyric); Th. 4.130.4), φιλοργής (“passionate”; Nic. Al. 175). For anger and control of it in classical Athens, see Harris 2001. 157–97, esp. 182, 193–4.

fr. 414 K.–A. (387 K.) Phot. α 2231 = Suda α 2877 = Synag. B α 1594 ἀ π α λ λ ά ξ α ς· ἀντὶ τοῦ πείσας ἀποστῆναι. Κρατῖνος (sic Phot.z Suda Synag. B : Κρατ Phot.b) καὶ ∆ηµοσθένης (24.37) καὶ ἄλλοι a p a l l a x a s: instead of peisas apostênai (“convincing to abandon”). Cratinus (thus Phot.z Suda Synag. B : “Crat” Phot.b) and Demosthenes (24.37) and others

Citation context"A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius, the Suda and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄. Κρατ in Phot.b may well have been the reading in Σ΄, which was expanded to Κρατῖνος in Photius, the Suda and Phot.z, but which might also represent Κράτης; cf. fr. 413 Citation Context. This might therefore better have been treated as a dubious fragment of Cratinus and/or also have been dubiously attributed to Crates. Interpretation"ἀπαλλάσσω"is normally “set free, deliver” someone (acc.) from something (gen.) (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 201 πολέµου καὶ κακῶν ἀπαλλαγείς, “freed from war and troubles”; Pax 920 δεινῶν ἀπαλλάξας πόνων τὸν δηµότην ὅµιλον, “after freeing the mass of demesmen from terrible troubles”; Anaxandr. fr. 81 κόρης ἀπαλλαττόµεθα ταµιείου πικροῦ, “we’re free of the bitter storeroom girl”). But Demosthenes uses the verb in the sense “convince to abandon” a legal claim (LSJ s.#v. A.I.3) at 24.37 ἂν ἀπαλλάξῃ τις τὸν ἐπιστάντα (“if someone convinces the prosecutor to step aside”) and 53.11 ἐπειδὰν τοὺς ξένους ἀπαλλάξω (“when I get rid of the foreigners”, i.|e. “convince them to abandon their claim”) (cf. [D.] 49.17), for which sense—ill-documented in LSJ and Montanari—compare Ar. Ec. 1046 τὴν γραῦν ἀπαλλάξασά µου (“convincing this old woman to leave me alone”); Pl. 316 τῶν σκωµµάτων ἀπαλλαγέντες (“after abandoning our jokes”); E. Cyc. 451 κώµου µὲν αὐτὸν τοῦδ’ ἀπαλλάξαι (“to get him to give up this revel”); And. 1.122 ἀπαλλάξαι δὲ Κηφίσιον (“to call off Cephisius”); Th. 8.46.4 τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἀπαλλάξαι ἐκ τῆς χώρας (“to get the Peloponnesians out of the country”); Isoc. 17.23 εἰ µή µ’ ἀπαλλάξειεν οὗτος (“if he could not reach a settlement with me”); [D.] 49.17 ἀπαλλάξαι τὸν Φίλιππον (“to convince Philippos to drop his suit”).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 415)

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fr. 415 K.–A. (388 K.) Phot. α 2525 = Synag. B α 1875 † ἀ π ο κ ρ ι π ά µ ε ν ο ς † (codd. : ἀποκρινάµενος Bergk : ἀποχρησάµενος Kaibel : ἀποκιρνάµενος Marzullo)· ἀποσεισάµενος (Phot. : ἀποσπεισάµενος Synag. B). οὕτως Κρατῖνος † a p o k r i p a m e n o s † (codd. : “answering” Bergk : “using fully” Kaibel : “mixing up” Marzullo): shaking off (thus Photius : “pouring oneself a libation” vel sim. Synag. B). Thus Cratinus

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 258; Marzullo 1959. 153; Marzullo 1962. 551 n. 3; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Text"The paradosis ἀποκριπάµενος corresponds to no known verb; the witnesses offer different glosses, neither obviously satisfactory; and no easy solution presents itself. Bergk emended the lemma to ἀποκρινάµενος (“answering”), which is an easy change but makes little sense with either gloss. Marzullo’s ἀποκιρνάµενος (“mixing up” vel sim., with the prefix meaning “to completion”) assumes that the Synagoge’s ἀποσπεισάµενος rather than Photius’ ἀποσεισάµενος is correct, although the latter (in the dat. pl.) is also found in what may be a related note at Hsch. α 6810 (quoted in Citation context) and the compound is attested only in the late Roman period. Kaibel compared Hesychius’ ἀποχρησαµένοις and suggested ἀποχρησάµενος. But the entry in Hesychius is itself difficult to understand, raising the possibility that it is similarly corrupt or (just as likely) merely represents a failed attempt to correct the more obviously problematic reading preserved in Phot. = Synag. Citation context"A lexicographic note drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge generally referred to as Σ΄΄΄. What may be related material is preserved at – Hsch. α 6407 † ἀποκρισάµενοι †· ἀπολ⟨ο⟩υσάµενοι, ἐπιπλυνάµενοι (“† apokrisamenoi (nom. pl.) †: washing oneself off, pouring washing water over oneself(?)”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus) – Hsch. α 6810 ἀποχρησαµένοις· ἀποσεισαµένοις (“using fully (dat. pl.): shaking off”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus).

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fr. 416 K.–A. Phot. α 2860 = Synag. B α 2149 ἀ ρ ρ ά β α κ α· τὴν ὀρχηστρίδα ἢ τὸν ὀρχηστὴν ἢ βλάσφηµον. ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρραβάσσειν, ὅ ἐστιν ὀρχεῖσθαι. οὕτως Κρατῖνος a r r a b a x (acc.): a dancing-girl or a dancer or slanderer; from arrabassein, which means “to dance”. Thus Cratinus

Citation context"Drawn from the common source of Photius and the Synagoge conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄΄, and traced to the Atticist lexicographer Pausanias (α 156) at Eust. p. 1854.34–6 = ii.189.11–14 οὐκ ἂν δέ τις ἀπισχυρίσαιτο µὴ οὐκ εἶναι καὶ τὸν ἀρράβακα ἐθνικόν, ὅς ἐστι κατὰ τοὺς παλαιοὺς ὀρχηστὴς ἢ βλάσφηµος. Παυσανίας δὲ καὶ ἐτυµολογίαν αὐτοῦ παραδιδοὺς γίνεσθαί φησιν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρραβάσσειν, ὅ ἐστιν ὀρχεῖσθαι (“no one would deny that arrabax, which in ancient authors means ‘dancer’ or ‘slanderer’, is a dialect word. But when Pausanias gives its etymology, he says it comes from arrabassein, which means ‘to dance’”). Another version of the same note, although without reference to Cratinus, is preserved at Hsch. α 7414 ἀρράβακα· ὀρχηστήν. ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀραβάσσειν, ὅ ἐστι ὀρχεῖσθαι. οἱ δὲ τὸν βλάσφηµον (“arrabax (acc.): dancer, from arabassein, which means ‘to dance’. But others say it means ‘slanderer’”). Interpretation"The etymology of ἀρράβαξ and ἀρραβάσσω (neither attested outside of lexicographic sources) is unknown, although they might be related to ῥαβάττω (Hsch. ρ 3 ῥαβάττειν· ἄνω καὶ κάτω βαδίζειν. τινὲς δὲ τύπτειν, καὶ ψόφον ποιεῖν καὶ ἀράσσειν τοῖς ποσί, καὶ ῥάσσειν, “rabattein: to walk upwards and downwards; but some authorities say (it means) to beat, and to make noise and pound with the feet, and to beat the ground”; = adesp. com. fr. dub. 535). Words in -αξ are often disparaging or dismissive in tone; cf. βάβαξ, “chatterer” (Archil. fr. 297); θαλάµαξ, “lower-bench rower” (Ar. Ra. 1074); µώµαξ, “fault-finder” (adesp. com. fr. 82); νέαξ, “youngster” (Nicopho fr. 18); πλούταξ (Eup. fr. 172.9; Men. fr. 351.10); στόµφαξ, “bombastic ranter” (Ar. Nu. 1367); φάσαξ, “denouncer, sycophant” (adesp. com. fr. 436); φέναξ, “cheat” (Ar. Ach. 89; Ra. 909); φόρταξ, “baggage bearer” (adesp. com. fr. 803); χάσκαξ, “pathic” (adesp. com. fr. *928); χλεύαξ, “jester” (adesp. com. fr. 812); ψίλαξ, “bald guy” (Ar. fr. 922), and from lexicographers and other late sources e.|g. τρὐφαξ, “debauchee”; φλύαξ, “jester”; χαύναξ, “braggart, impostor”; ψόφαξ, “noisy guy”. See in general van Leeuwen 1900 on Ar. Eq. 361; Chantraine 1933. 380–2.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 417)

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Entertainment by ὀρχηστρίδες (“dancing girls”) and the like was common at symposia (e.|g. Crates Com. fr. 34; Metag. fr. 4; Ar. Ach. 1093; Pl. Prt. 347d; X. Smp. 2.1; see in general Olson–Sens 1999 on Matro frr. 1.121; 6.2). How ἀρράβαξ also came to mean “slanderous”, i.|e. “a slanderer”, is unclear, but this is presumably an extended metaphorical sense of the word (e.|g. someone who “tramples” another). fr. 417 K.–A. (389 K.) Phot. α 2881 = Synag. B α 2148 ἀρρενωποὺς καὶ ἀρρενωπάδας τοὺς γυννίδας (sic Cohn : τὰς γυναῖκας Phot. Synag. B) καλοῦσιν. Κρατῖνος (sic Phot.mg : Κρατῖνος om. Synag. B) They call sissies (thus Cohn : “women” Phot. and Synag. B) arrenôpoi and arrenôpades. Cratinus (thus Phot. in margin : “Cratinus” omitted by Synag. B) Eust. p. 1571.46 = i.264.45–6 ὁ παρὰ τῷ Κρατίνῳ ἀ ρ ρ ε ν ώ π α ς, τὰ µὲν ἄλλα γύννις ὤν, ἔχων δέ τι ἀνδρόµορφον. οἱ δὲ τοιοῦτοι καὶ ἀνδρόγυνοι λέγονται Cratinus’ a r r e n ô p a s, who (masc.) is a sissy in other respects, but has a somewhat masculine shape. Men of this type are also called “androgynous”

Citation context"The note in Phot. = Synag. B is drawn from the common source conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄΄, which goes back to a lexicographer also used by Eustathius in a comment on the word µῆλοψ171 (“apple-colored”, i.|e. “golden”) at Od. 7.104 αἱ µὲν ἀλετρεύουσι µύλῃς ἔπι µήλοπα καρπόν (“some of whom (fem.) grind mêlops grain on millstones”). Note also Hsch. α 7429 ἀρρενωπάδες· ἀνδρόγυνοι (“arrenôpades: androgynous”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus). As Erbse saw, all this material probably goes back to the Attic lexicographer Pausanias (α 157*). Suda α 3822 is considerably more expansive: ἀρρενωπός, ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ ὁ ἀνδρεῖος, ὁ στερρός. λέγουσι δ’ οὕτω τὰ µὲν ἄλλα γύνιδας, ἔχοντας δέ τι ἀνδρόµορφον. Ἱππώναξ (fr. 161) δὲ ἡµίανδρον, τὸν οἷον ἡµιγύναικα. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἀπόκοπος, καὶ βάκηλος, καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ γάλλος, καὶ γύννις, καὶ Ἄττις, καὶ εὐνουχώδης (“arrenôpos: an androgynous man, also a courageous man, a hard man. And they refer thus to those who are effeminates in other respects, but who have (masc.) a somewhat masculine shape. But Hipponax (fr. 161) says ‘half-man’, someone 171

Misaccented in Montanari s.#v. (µήλοψ), which follows LSJ but ignores the correction in the Supplement.

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who is as it were a ‘half-woman’. The terms ‘castrated’, ‘pansy’, ‘androgynous’, ‘priest of Cybele’, ‘sissy’, ‘Attis’ and ‘eunuch-like’ are also used”). The material in the various lexicographers is sufficient to confirm that τὰς γυναῖκας in Phot. = Synag. B is wrong and that Cohn’s τοὺς γυννίδας ought to be read, a common word having driven out a much rarer one. Interpretation"ἀρρενώπας"(“a masculine-looking creature”172 vel sim.) is < ἄρρην (“male”) + ὤψ (“face”) + -αδ-, a suffix already attested in Homer and used especially in technical and poetic language inter alia to form pejorative terms for women (e.|g. κασαλβάς, “prostitute”; Ar. Ec. 1106) and terms for female religious devotees and goddesses (e.|g. µαινάς, “maenad”), but cf. κελαινώπας θυµός, “black-faced spirit” (S. Ai. 955 (lyric)); µιγάς βαρβάρων στρατός, “a motley army of foreigners” (E. Ba. 1356); κηκὰς ἀλώπηξ, “mischievous fox” (Nic. Al. 185); λογάς, “hand-picked soldier”. See in general Chantraine 1933. 349–64. At least as far as the lexicographers could tell (see also the material collected under Citation context), an ἀρρενώπας was not a “woman of masculine appearance” (thus Montanari s.#v., citing this fragment and the entry in Hesychius, but neglecting the other evidence) but a particular type of effeminate man, one who presented physically as unambiguously male even if his behavior suggested otherwise. fr. 418 K.–A. (389b K.) Theodos. Περὶ κλίσεως τῶν εἰς ων βαρυτόνων (ed. Hilgard) p. 21.29 τὰ µετοχικὰ ὀνόµατα τὴν τῶν µετοχῶν φυλάττει κλίσιν, εἰ µὴ καταλήξεως τοιαύτης τύχοι, ἥτις ἐν ὀνόµατι ἄλλην ἠγάπησε κλίσιν. ἔστωσαν δὲ παραδείγµατα τοῦ κανόνος ταῦτα· Φαέθων Φαέθοντος, Πυριφλεγέθων Πυριφλεγέθοντος. τὸ µέντοι Φέρων Φέρωνος κλιθέν, ὡς παρὰ Μυρτίλῳ (fr. 4)· ――. ἠκολούθησε δὲ τοῖς τοιούτοις κυρίοις, φηµὶ δὴ τῷ Πέρων Πέρωνος· καὶ Ἀ ρ τ ύ ω ν Ἀρτύωνος κέκλιται παρὰ Κρατίνῳ, ἐπειδὴ τὰ εἰς ων ὑπὲρ δύο συλλαβὰς βαρύτονα τῷ υ παραληγόµενα οὐ κλίνονται διὰ τοῦ ντ, οἷον Ἠλεκτρύων Ἠλεκτρύωνος, Ἀµφιτρύων Ἀµφιτρύωνος Names formed from participles preserve the declension of the participles, unless they belong to a class of word that prefers a different declension in a name. Let the following be examples of the norm: Phaethôn Phaethontos, Pyriphlegethôn Pyriphlegethontos. The declension Pherôn Pherônos, however, as in Myrtilus (fr. 4): ――; it followed proper names of this sort; I mean in fact Perôn Perônos. And the declension A r t y ô n Artyônos (is found) in Cratinus, since nouns with more than two syllables and a recessive accent that end in -ôn and are accented on the upsilon are not declined in -nt-, e.|g. Êlektrôn Êlektryônos; Amphitryôn Amphitryônos 172

But scarcely “manly” (Storey 2011. 432).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 419)

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Citation context"A discussion of the declension of participles used as proper names amid a larger discussion of the declension of words ending in -ων not accented on the final syllable. Interpretation"ἈρτύωνU(probably < ἀρτύω, “prepare; season food”; e.|g. fr. 336 γλαῦκον οὐ πρὸς παντὸς ⟨ἀνδρός⟩ ἐστιν ἀρτῦσαι καλῶς, “Not everyone can season a glaukos well”; S. fr. 1122 ἐγὼ µάγειρος ἀρτύσω σοφῶς, “I as cook will spice it wisely”) is otherwise unattested and is likely a speaking name coined by Cratinus. If so, it is difficult to believe that it belonged to anyone other than a cook. Cf. on the one hand Πλαθάνη (literally “Bread-Pan”; the name of a slave-woman working in an inn at Ar. Ra. 549), and on the other hand the common slave-name Παρµένων (literally “who remains beside”; e.|g. Ar. Ec. 868; Philem. fr. 45.1; Men. Sam. 302). For comic cooks, see fr. 341 nn. Proper names of men in -ων are typically paroxytone (also e.|g. Ἀγαµέµνων); cf. Chandler 1881. 173. Those with -ων- throughout have probably generalized the omega of the nominative singular (e.|g. Ἀπόλλων, Ἀπόλλωνος); cf. Sihler 1995. 294. Occasionally there is variation between forms in -ονος and in -ωνος: e.|g. Ἠλεκτρύωνος (e.|g. E. Alc. 839; A.R. 1.748) versus Ἠλεκτρύoνος (e.|g. [Apollod.] Bib. 2.54).

fr. 419 K.–A. (15 Dem.) Phot. α 3237 αὐτοµάτως· ∆ηµοσθένης, α ὐ τ ό ν o µ ο ι· Κρατῖνος. καὶ Ξενοφῶν Λακώνων πολιτείᾳ (3.1)· αὐτονόµους ἀφιᾶσιν automatôs (“independently”): Demosthenes, a u t o n o m o i (“independent”): Cratinus. Also Xenophon in the Constitution of the Spartans (3.1): they let them govern themselves

Discussion"Luppe 1967. 404–5 Text"Demosthenes uses the adjective αὐτόνοµος repeatedly (e.|g. 1.23; 7.30), but αὐτοµάτως appears nowhere in the speeches and fragments preserved for us. Luppe accordingly suggested that the note in Photius is in error and that what should be read is αὐτοµάτως· Κρατῖνος, αὐτόνoµοι· ∆ηµοσθένης. Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. Interpretation"αὐτόνοµος"(literally “under one’s own laws”; late 5th-century vocabulary) is rare in poetry (elsewhere in the classical period only at S. Ant. 821) but very common in prose (e.|g. Hdt. 1.96.1; Th. 1.113.4; X. HG 3.1.20;

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Isoc. 8.58; D. 1.23), often in a pregnant sense with ἀφίηµι (e.|g. Th. 1.139.1, 3; Isoc. 4.176; X. HG 3.2.12). The point of the citation is thus presumably not that Cratinus used the adjective in an exceptional way, but that the presence of it in his poetry, as well as in Xenophon, showed that it was legitimate Attic usage. fr. 420 K.–A. (390 K.) Hsch. α 8981 ἅ ψ ω· προσεγγίσω (Musurus : προσαγγιστω cod.). δήσω. Κρατῖνος h a p s ô ( “ I w i l l f a s t e n ” ): I will bring near (Musurus : † prosaggistô † cod.). I will bind. Cratinus

Text"*προσαγγίζω is not attested elsewhere (although the simplex ἀγγίζω does exist as a late variant of ἐγγίζω). Musurus in the editio princeps of Hesychius accordingly corrected the first gloss to προσεγγίσω, which is confirmed by the parallel material in the Et.Gud. and the EM; see Triantafyllidis s.#v. ἐγγίζω. Citation context"Traced by Latte to Diogenianus. Additional reminiscences of the same original note can perhaps be detected at – Et.Gud. α 181 ἅπτω· τὸ προσεγγίζω· οὗ ὁ µέλλων ἅψω (“haptô: prosengizô; the future of which is hapsô”) – EM p. 157.37–43 ἆσσον· τὸ ἐγγὺς καὶ πλησίον … παρὰ τὸ ἅπτω καὶ προσεγγίζω (“âsson (‘nearer’): engys (‘near’) and plêsion (‘nearby’) … from haptô (‘I fasten’) and prosengizô (‘I bring near’)”). Interpretation"ἅπτω"(“fasten; touch”; cf. Latin aptus, “apt, fitted”) is widely attested in poetry and prose, most often in the middle in the sense “lay hold of” (LSJ s.#v. A.II), but occasionally in the active meaning “fasten (one thing to another), bind (together)” (LSJ s.#v. A.I), which seems to have been how Cratinus used it. Elsewhere in 5th-century comedy, active forms of the verb are attested only in the sense “light, kindle” (LSJ s.#v. B: e.|g. Ar. Ach. 984; Nu. 18, 768). fr. 421 K.–A. (391 K.) Phot. β 16 ~ Suda β 18 β α δ ί ζ ο υ· ἀντὶ τοῦ βάδιζε. οὕτως Κρατῑνος b a d i z o u (“keep walking!” (mid.)): instead of badize (“keep walking!” (act.)). Thus Cratinus

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Discussion"Kock 1880 I.120; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Citation context"A lexicographic note from the common source of Photius and the Suda generally referred to as Σ΄΄. Interpretation"βαδίζω"(“walk; go”)173 is common in comedy (in the imperative at e.|g. fr. 45; Crates Com. fr. 16.9; Eup. fr. 299.2 with Olson 2016 ad loc.; Ar. Ach. 1086; Eq. 724; Nu. 860; V. 180; Lys. 243; Dionys. Com. fr. 3.20; Men. Dysc. 596; Epitr. 376; Peric. 982) and related genres (Euclides iamb. fr. 1.1; Hermipp. iamb. fr. 4.1), as well as in Attic prose (e.|g. Lys. 1.16; Antipho 5.24; X. Mem. 2.1.11; Pl. Phdr. 227d). The verb is rare in elevated poetry (hHerm. 210, 310; S. OC 589; E. Ph. 544; Chaerem. TrGF 71 F 20; adesp. tr. fr. 177.1), however, and is absent from both Thucydides and Herodotus, marking it as colloquial Attic. Cf. fr. 422 with n. Middle present forms of βαδίζω are not otherwise attested, and Kock and Kaibel (comparing Ar. Pax 291, where Datis supposedly says χαίροµαι for the proper χαίρω) took this to be a solecism.

fr. 422 K.–A. (392 K.) Poll. 3.92 βαδιστικὸς παρ’ Ἀριστοφάνει (Ra. 128), παρὰ δὲ Κρατίνῳ βαδισµατίας (sic C : βαδίσµατι FS : βάδισµα A) badistikos (“suitable for walking”, i.|e. “good at walking”) in Aristophanes (Ra. 128), and in Cratinus b a d i s m a t i a s

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.210 Text"The common exemplar of the various manuscripts of Pollux must have offered the abbreviated reading βαδισµατι() vel sim. This was then variously expanded by scribes, the C-scribe alone producing βαδισµατίας, which appears to be the correct reading. Citation context"From a small section of words cognate with βαδίζω within a larger collection of words related to travel and motion. Interpretation"βαδισµατίας"(“who walks habitually” vel sim.; a hapax) is a nominalized adjective < βάδισµα (“gait”; e.|g. X. Ap. 27; D. 37.55; picked up by Lucian as an Atticism at Herm. 18; Tim. 54) < βαδίζω (“go, walk”; e.|g. fr. 421 173

Wrongly described in Montanari s.#v. as “very rare in poetry” (better “in elevated poetry”).

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with n.; Ar. Ach. 394 with Olson 2002 ad loc.; Ra. 23). For the colloquial suffix -ίας used to form words of this sort designating a person by a characteristic trait, often pejoratively, see fr. 496 n. For the formation specifically from a -µα noun, cf. ληµατίας (Ar. Ra. 494) and φρονηµατίας (e.|g. X. Ages. 1.24), both cited by Kassel–Austin, and elsewhere in comedy πραγµατίας (“tiresome”; adesp. com. fr. *642), σπερµατίας (“full of seeds”; fr. 147.2), στιγµατίας (“tattooed”; fr. 81; Ar. Lys. 331; Eup. frr. 172.14; 298.2; Cic. Off. 2.25; the title of a play by Naevius), τραυµατίας (“wounded person”; the title of plays by Alexis and Antiphanes), φιλοπραγµατίας (fr. 382) and ψευδοστιγµατίας (“falsely tattooed”; the title of a play by Nicostr. Com.). Other such words from the classical period are mostly technical in nature, e.|g. κυµατίας (“wavy”, i.|e. “stormy, turbulent”; Hdt. 8.118.2); λευκοφλεγµατίας (“with a leucophlematic temperament”; Hp. Epid. III 14 = 3.96.5 Littré), παλµατίας (“accompanied by violent shocks”; Arist. Mu. 396a10), πλασµατίας (“fabricated”; Arist. GA 734a33), φλεγµατίας (“phlemy”; e.|g. Hp. Aer. 24 = 2.88.3 Littré), φυµατίας (“afflicted with tumors”; Hp. Art. 41 = 4.180.3 Littré), χασµατίας (“which produces fissures”; Arist. Mu. 396a4).

fr. 423 K.–A. (393 K.) ΣRVEΓ Ar. Av. 1536 Εὐφρόνιος (fr. 27 Strecker)· ὅτι ∆ιὸς θυγάτηρ ἡ Βασίλεια (sic ΣR : -εία ΣVEΓ) καὶ δοκεῖ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἀθανασίαν αὕτη οἰκονοµεῖν. ἣν εὔχεται (Holwerda : ἔχει codd.) καὶ παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ (fr. 41) ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ τῷ Τυδεῖ δώσουσα τὴν ἀθανασίαν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ παρὰ Κρατίνῳ ἡ Β α σ ί λ ε ι α (-εία codd.). ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἀθανασίαν καλοῦσι Euphronius (fr. 27 Strecker): Basíleia (“Princess”; thus ΣR : Basileía, “Sovereignty” ΣVEΓ) is a daughter of Zeus, and she apparently manages whatever has to do with immortality. Ιn Bacchylides as well (fr. 41) Athena prays for (thus Holwerda : “has” codd.) her when she intends to bestow immortality on Tydeus. And B a s í l e i a (“Princess” : Basileía, “Sovereignty” codd.) is also in Cratinus.174 But some authorities call her Athanasia (“Immortality”)

Text"The final alpha is long in βασιλεία (“sovereignty”), but short in βασίλεια (“princess”). The latter is confirmed by the meter at Ar. Av. 1537 as the identity of the girl Peisetairos demands from Zeus and weds at the end of the play,

174

Storey 2011. 432 does not print the Greek but seemingly gets matters backward, giving Cratinus a word meaning “Royal Power”.

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which is also clearly how Euphronius understood the text, despite the manuscripts of Aristophanes, which have Βασιλεία at all but one point in this note. Citation context"A scholion on Ar. Av. 1536ff. The Alexandrian grammarian and poet Euphronius (3rd c. BCE; Aristophanes of Byzantium was his student) produced commentaries on Athenian comedy that were eventually absorbed into the work of Didymus, to whom—perhaps through Didymus’ successor Symmachus—this note is presumably to be traced. Interpretation"βασίλεια"(“queen, princess”) is used as a generic honorific of goddesses (e.|g. of the Graces at Pi. O. 14.3; of Artemis at Hdt. 4.33.5; of Peace at Ar. Pax 974; of Demeter at Ar. Ra. 383; of the Phrygian Great Mother at Men. Theophor. fr. dub. 6, 10 Sandbach = CGFPR 145.6, 10; cf. παµβασίλειαι, “entirely regal ones”, of the Clouds at Ar. Nu. 357). Commentators ancient and modern have often assumed that the βασίλεια referred to in Birds must be either Athena or Hera, i.|e. that Peisetairos demands either Zeus’ wife or his virgin daughter (also the guardian goddess of the city of Athens). But this seems hybristic even for an Aristophanic hero, and the fact that Prometheus must explain who Basileia is suggests that she is a slightly less significant figure than this. See Dunbar 1995 on Av. 1531–6 and 1537. Euphronius, at any rate, appears to believe that what Peisetairos got from Zeus was actually the gift of immortal life in the guise of a woman, much as Heracles at the end of his labors was allowed to marry Zeus’ daughter Hêbê (“[Eternal] Youth”). Tydeus, a hero from the generation before the Trojan War and the father of Diomedes, was one of the Seven against Thebes. According to Pherecyd. FGrH 3 F 97, Tydeus was wounded by his Theban adversary Melanippus, but was saved by Amphiaraos. After Amphiaraos (who hated Tydeus for making him part of the expedition) killed Melanippus, he threw his head to Tydeus, who in his anger broke the skull open and began to consume Melanippus’ brains. At this moment Athena—Tydeus’ consistent champion in his adventures up to this point—arrived, intending to make her favorite immortal (cf. Bacch. fr. 41). At the sight of Tydeus’ ugly behavior, however, she changed her mind, and Tydeus responded by begging her to transfer her gift to his son Diomedes. See also [Apollod.] Bib. 3.76; Stat. Theb. 8.717–66; Beazley 1947; Gantz 1993. 510–18, esp. 518. Bernabé takes the incident to be drawn from the Thebais (fr. 9, p. 27 Bernabé).

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fr. 424 K.–A. = Crates Com. fr. 71 Bonanno Et.Gen. AB β 85 = EM p. 194.23 β έ θ ρ ο ν· βέρεθρον, καὶ κατὰ συγκοπὴν βέθρον. Κρατῖνος καὶ Εὐφορίων (fr. 148, p. 55 Powell). οὕτως Ἡρωδιανὸς περὶ Παθῶν b e t h r o n: berethron (“pit”), and via syncopation bethron. Cratinus and Euphorion (fr. 148, p. 55 Powell). Thus Herodian On Modifications of Forms

Discussion"Bonanno 1972. 172 Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note traced back to Herodian’s On Modifications of Forms; the fragment was not known to Lenz and is therefore not included in Grammatici Graeci. The Et.Gen. has Κρατῖνος, but EMDM have the abbreviated κρατ, which was expanded in printed editions of the text into Κράτης; see Alpers 1970. 145. Which interpretation of the evidence is correct is impossible to say, and this ought probably to have been treated as a dubious fragment of both Cratinus and Crates. Interpretation"βέθρονU(a hapax) is identified by Herodian as a syncopated form of βέρεθρον, “pit” (e.|g. Il. 8.14; Od. 12.94; [Archil.] fr. 328.13; first in prose in Theophrastus, and picked up as an epic rarity at Lyc. 1280; A.R. 2.642; 4.1698), a poetic variant of βάραθρον. In Athens, the βάραθρον was a ravine or pit into which individuals judged enemies of the people were sometimes thrown (Hdt. 7.133.1; X. HG 1.7.20; Pl. Grg. 516d), whether alive or dead is unclear; cf. Arnott 1996 on Alex. fr. 159.1 (quoted below); Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 172.16. In comedy, the word generally appears in exaggerated, stereotyped threats of violence and the like (e.|g. Ar. Eq. 1362 ἄρας µετέωρον εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐµβαλῶ, “I’ll lift him into the air and throw him in the Pit”; Nu. 1448–9 σεαυτὸν ἐµβαλεῖν εἰς τὸ βάραθρον, “Cast yourself into the Pit!”; Ra. 574 εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐµβάλοιµί σε, “I’d like to cast you into the Pit”; Alex. fr. 159.1 τοὺς ἁλιέας εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐµβαλῶ, “I’ll throw the fishermen into the pit”; Men. Dysc. 394, 575 ἄπαγ’ εἰς τὸ βάραθρον, “Go off to the pit!”). Such expressions are often phonetically reduced in colloquial speech (e.|g. Engl. [God] blind me > blimey), and βέθρον perhaps results from this phenomenon, making this a rare trace of the Greek actually spoken by at least some Athenian subpopulations; cf. Amphis fr. 30.12–13, where rough local fish-vendors are presented as clipping their words.

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fr. 425 K.–A. (394 K.) Ath. 1.22c ὀρχησταὶ δὲ ἔνδοξοι Β ο λ β ὸ ς µὲν παρὰ Κρατίνῳ καὶ Καλλίᾳ (fr. 30) Famous dancers include B o l b o s, mentioned by Cratinus and Callias (fr. 30)

DiscussionUMeineke 1839 II.742; Kaibel ap. K.–A. Citation context"From a brief catalogue of well-known dancers offered in the course of a lengthy discussion of choral dance (from the portion of the Deipnosophists preserved only in the Epitome). Interpretation"The dancer Bolbos is Stephanis #531; that Callias also referred to him suggests that he belongs to the 440s BCE or so. Βολβός is not attested elsewhere as a personal name, and this is instead most likely a nickname (“nomen ioculare” Kaibel) that mockingly recalls either the favorite food of the individual in question (for the βολβός, “purse-tassel hyacinth bulb”, e.|g. Ar. Nu. 188; fr. 128.1; Alex. fr. 167.13 with Arnott 1996 ad loc.; Archestr. fr. 9.1 with Olson–Sens 2000 ad loc.; Casoria–Menale–Muoio–Botanico 1999) or some prominent feature of his anatomy (e.|g. a large round nose or a massive lump on his forehead; cf. Lat. Cicero). For nicknames generally, cf. Anaxandr. fr. 35 with Millis 2015 ad loc. For individuals called after items of food, cf. Alex. frr. 102.2–4; 173; Aristopho fr. 5.2–3.

fr. 426 K.–A. (395 K.) Hsch. β 1084 Β ρ έ α· Κρατῖνος µέµνηται τῆς εἰς Βρέαν ἀποικίας. ἔστιν δὲ πόλις Θρᾳκίας, εἰς ἣν Ἀθηναῖοι ἀποικίαν ἐξέπεµπον B r e a: Cratinus mentions the colony sent to Brea. This is a Thracian city, to which the Athenians sent a colony

Discussion"Busolt 1897. 417 n. 1; Gomme 1945. 32 n. 1, 373–4; Jacoby 1952. 67 n. 52; Woodhead 1952. 60 Assignment to known plays"Assigned to Thraittai by Busolt. Citation context"Traced by Latte to Diogenianus. Much of the note in Hesychius (but without the reference to Cratinus) is also preserved at St.Byz. β 166 Βρέα, πόλις 〈Θρᾴκης〉, εἰς ἣν ἀποικίαν ἐστείλαντο Ἀθηναῖοι. τὸ ἐθνικὸν

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ἔδει Βρεάτης. ἔστι δὲ Βρεαῖος παρὰ Θεοπόµπῳ εἰκοστῷ τρίτῳ (FGrH 115 F 145) (“Brea, a 〈Thracian〉 city, to which the Athenians sent a colony. Its ethnic should be Breatês, but is Breaios in Theopompus in Book 23 (FGrH 115 F 145)”) and at Hdn. Grammatici Graeci III.1 p. 283.28 Βρέα πόλις Θρᾴκης, εἰς ἣν ἀποικίαν ἐστείλαντο Ἀθηναῖοι (“Brea, a Thracian city, to which the Athenians sent a colony”). Jacoby argued that the reference in Hesychius might actually be to the collection of Athenian decrees by the historian Craterus, an abbreviated Κρατ or the like having been mis-expanded by a scribe. The same might be true of fr. 429. Interpretation"For Brea, an Athenian colony whose foundation is conventionally placed ca. 446 BCE on the basis of letter-forms in the relevant inscriptions, see IG I3 46 (= Meiggs–Lewis 49; a decree providing for the colony). Little is known about the Brea colony, including its precise location, although it has been associated with the settlers dispatched by Pericles to Thrace to settle Bisaltia (Plu. Per. 2.5), which lay west of the River Strymon (Hdt. 7.115.1). Brea has also been situated in the Chalcidice, between Therme and Strepsa, based on Bergk’s emendation of the paradosis Βέροιαν at Th. 1.61.4 to Βρέαν. See in general Woodhead 1952 (arguing in favor of Bergk’s emendation of Thucydides); Mattingly 1966 (redating the Brea decree to 426/5 BCE); Asheri 1969 (concentrating on the reference in Theopompus, and suggesting that it supports placing Brea in Chalcidice); Isaac 1986. 51–2; Hansen 1999 (arguing that Brea is actually identical with the better-known colony at Amphipolis). The name itself may be Thracian; cf. Mesembria. For Athenian colonies in Cratinus’ time, see fr. 429 n.

fr. 427 K.–A. (396 K.) Phot. β 334 = Suda β 502 β ῶ σ ο ν· βόησον (Kuster : βοήθησον codd.). Κρατῖνος b ô s o n: shout! (boêson) (Kuster : “lend aid!” codd.). Cratinus

Text"The paradosis gloss βοήθησον is the aorist imperative of βοηθέω rather than of βοάω, and Kuster’s correction is drawn from a closely related entry in Hesychius (for which, see Citation context). Citation context"A lexicographic note traced by Theodoridis to the common source of Photius and the Suda generally referred to as Σ΄΄. Parallel materi-

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al, although without the reference to Cratinus, is preserved at Hsch. β 1399 βῶσον· κάλεσον, βόησον (“bôson: call!, shout (boêson)!”). Interpretation"o + ᾱ/η generally remains uncontracted in Attic (in the verb in question here at e.|g. Ar. Nu. 220 ἀναβόησον; Ec. 403 ἀναβοήσας; Epicr. fr. 10.30 ἐβόησαν; X. HG 4.2.22 ἀναβοῆσαι), but contracts to ω in Ionic (e.|g. Il. 12.337 βώσαντι; Hippon. fr. 1 ἔβωσε; Hdt. 1.146.3 βῶσαι; 5.1.2 ἐπιβώσωνται), hence presumably the interest felt by the original author of this note in Cratinus’ use of contracted βῶσον rather than uncontracted βοῆσον. A similar form appears at Ar. Pax 1155 βωσάτω, which lacks any other obvious stylistic coloring and where the poet’s motivation may simply be the fact that the uncontracted form cannot be made to fit into the line. Cratinus’ resort to the Ionic form is probably best explained as similarly a matter of metrical necessity; but this might instead be evidence for a dialect-speaker.

fr. 428 K.–A. (397 K.) Phryn. PS p. 59.13–14 γ α σ τ ρ ο χ ά ρ υ β δ ι ς· ἐπὶ τῶν 〈πάντα〉 κατεσθιόντων (sic Borries : 〈πάντ’〉 ἐσθιόντων Bekker) Κρατῖνος εἶπεν g a s t r o c h a r y b d i s: Cratinus used this in reference to those who devour 〈everything〉 (“everything” added by de Borries : “of those who eat 〈everything〉” Bekker)

Meter"The word as transmitted scans lkklk and is compatible with iambic trimeter as well as e.|g. dactylic hexameter. Citation context"An isolated entry in a 2nd-century CE guide to speaking “correct”—i.|e. colloquial late 5th- and 4th-century Athenian—Greek. Interpretation"A hapax coinage recalling ποντοχάρυβδις (“sea-Charybdis”), an epithet of a glutton at Hippon. fr. 126.1 (mock-Homeric dactylic hexameter). Charybdis is properly an enormous whirlpool encountered by Odysseus near the end of his wanderings (Od. 12.104–7, 235–43, 430–8). For the figurative use of the word, cf. Pherecr. fr. 101 ἐκκαρυβδίσαι (~ “to drain dry”, although the text is insecure); Ar. Eq. 248 Χάρυβδις ἁρπαγῆς (“a Charybdis of extortion”); adesp. com. fr. 629 µεθυσοχάρυβδις (“drunken-Charybdis”, a word for a woman who drinks too much; also from Phrynichus); Anaxil. fr. 22.18–19 (a point of comparison for a greedy courtesan who swallows down sea-merchants, ships and all); Simon. PMG 522.1 (everything seemingly important “reaches a single, horrid Charbydis”, i.|e. is ultimately swallowed up by oblivion); Blümner 1891.

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122–3; Taillardat 1965 § 724. No other γαστρο-compounds are attested in comedy, but cf. the similarly unflattering γάστρις (“glutton”; Ar. Av. 1604; Th. 816; Pl. Com. fr. 219), γάστρων (“pot-belly”; Ar. Ra. 200) and γαστρώδης (“pot-bellied”; Ar. Pl. 560). For another attack on a glutton (or alleged glutton), see fr. 62 (Lampon), and cf. frr. 349; 358; 499.

fr. 429 K.–A. Phot. γ 99 γ ε ω ν ό µ α ς· τοὺς διανέµοντας τὴν γῆν ἐν ταῖς ἀποικίαις. οὕτως Κρατῖνος g e ô n o m a i (acc.): the men who divide up the land in the colonies. Thus Cratinus

Citation context"A lexicographic note tentatively traced by Theodoridis to Diogenianus. Closely related material, but without the reference to Cratinus, is preserved at – Phryn. PS p. 57.15–17 γεωνόµης καὶ γεωµέτρης· διαφέρει, ὅτι γεωνόµης µὲν ὁ διανέµων ἐν ταῖς ἀποικίαις ἑκάστῳ τὸν κλῆρον, γεωµέτρης δὲ ὁ µετρῶν τοὺς κλήρους (“geônomês and geômetrês: there is a difference, in that a geônomês is the man who distributes his parcel of land to each individual in the colonies, whereas a geômetrês is the man who measures out the parcels of land”; presumably the ultimate source of the notes in Photius and Hesychius) – Hsch. γ 478 γεωνόµαι· οἱ ἐν ταῖς ἀποικίαις διαιτώµενοι κληροῦχοι καὶ νέµοντες τὴν γῆν (“geônomai: the cleruchs who govern in the colonies and distribute the land”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus). Interpretation"See fr. 436 Citation context. γεωνόµης is not attested outside of the lexicographic notes quoted above, but would appear to be equivalent in sense to γεωνόµος at IG I3 46.10–12 γεονόµος δὲ ℎελέσθ[αι δέκα] | [ἄνδρας], ἕνα ἐχ φυλε͂ς· ℎοῦτοι δὲ νεµάντ[ον τὲν] | [γε͂ν] (“and let the geônomos choose ten men, one per tribe; and let these men distribute the land”; a decree from ca. 446 BCE establishing a colony at Brea in Thrace (for which, see fr. 426 n.)). Precisely as Phrynichus says, therefore, this is the magistrate given general supervisory authority over the land in a colony,175 just as an ἀγορανόµος is charged with supervising a city’s marketplace (e.|g. Ar. Ach. 723 with Olson 175

Montanari s.#v., despite citing Phrynichus, thus gets the meaning of the word wrong (glossed “settler”).

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2002 ad loc.; V. 1407; X. Smp. 2.20), an ἀγρονόµος is charged with supervising its country districts (e.|g. Pl. Lg. 760b; Arist. Pol. 1321b23–30), an ἀστυνόµος is charged with supervising its streets and public buildings (e.|g. Pl. Lg. 763c–d; [Arist.] Ath. 50.2 with Rhodes 1981 ad loc.), a γυναικονόµος is charged with supervising its women (e.|g. Philoch. FGrH 328 F 65; Timocl. fr. 34.1–5), and a παιδονόµος is charged with supervising its boys, i.|e. in Sparta its system of public education (X. Lac. 2.2).176 Greek colonization began in the 9th century BCE (two early Euboean colonies, at Al Mina in Syria and Pithekoussai in Italy, were settled by ca. 800 BCE), and by the 6th century colonies (ἀποικίαι) were scattered across much of the northern and western Mediterranean, as well as along the shores of the Black Sea. Colonies were politically independent of their mother-city, but retained special ties to it; often the constitution of the metropolis was adopted for the new state and the sacred hearth in the prytaneum was kindled with fire brought from there. See in general Graham 1964; Dougherty 1993; Boardman 1999; Wilson 2006. Athenian colonization, by contrast, began only in the late 6th century, and the settlements the city sent out were often properly cleruchies (κληρουχίαι, literally “portion-holdings”, referring to the portion, κλῆρος, of land each settler was awarded; see in general Salomon 1997), whose inhabitants remained Athenian citizens and were thus still liable for military service and subject to certain taxes.177 Athenian colonies/cleruchies in Cratinus’ time included not only Brea but also e.|g. Naxos, Andros and the Chersonese, all founded ca. 450 (Plu. Per. 11); Thurii, founded in 446/5 (D.S. 12.9–11; Plu. Per. 11.5); Aegina, founded in 431 (Th. 2.27.1; D.S. 12.44.1; Plu. Per. 34.2–3); Potidea, founded in 430/29 (Th. 2.70.4; D.S. 12.46.6–7); and Lesbos, founded in 427 (Th. 3.50.2). See in general Figuera 2008, esp. 435–62. For the allotment of land in cleruchies, see Ar. Nu. 203, where Strepsiades assumes that scientific instruments for measuring land must naturally be connected with dividing up cleruchies; Av. 992–1020, where the famous geometer (literally “land-measurer”) Meton (PA 10093; PAA 647810) appears with plans to lay out the new city of Cloudcuckooland; and cf. Eup. fr. 223.2 “Slip off to some colony!” with Olson 2016 ad loc.

176 177

Fraenkel 1910 II.148 n. suggests that the form may have arisen by analogy with γεωµέτρης. Evidence of a clear distinction between apoikia and cleruchia is certain for the 4th century, but less so for the 5th; see Graham 1964. 167–89.

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fr. 430 K.–A. Phot. γ 150 γ λ υ κ ω ν ο χ ό ρ δ ο υ ς · τοὺς ἡδύνειν πειρωµένους ταῖς µελοποιίαις. oὕτω Κρατῖνος (supra lin.) g l y k ô n o c h o r d o i (acc.): men who attempt to give pleasure with their music-making. Thus Cratinus (“Thus Cratinus” written above the line)

Meter"The word as transmitted scans klkll and is compatible with iambic trimeter. Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. Interpretation"The second element of γλυκωνόχορδος (a hapax and doubtless a nonce-word) is < χορδή (“intestine”, and thus “string” for a bow or musical instrument; e.|g. Pherecr. fr. 155.16, 25). For -χορδος as the second constituent of compounds that typically denote an instrument by its number of strings, e.|g. δίχορδος (“two-stringed”; Sopat. fr. 12.2), ἑπτάχορδος (“seven-stringed”; Ar. fr. 467), τρίχορδος (“three-stringed”; Anaxil. fr. 15.1). Photius appears to take the first element in the word from Cratinus to be γλυκύς and thus interprets the compound as meaning “who have pleasant strings” vel sim., i.|e. “who produce pleasant music”; cf. Chionid. fr. 4.2 ταῦτ’ οὐ µὰ ∆ία Γνήσιππος οὐδ᾿ ὁ Κλεοµένης / ἐν ἐννέ’ ἂν χορδαῖς κατεγλυκάνατο (“not even Gnesippus, by Zeus, or even Cleomenes would have produced such sweetness with nine strings”). In fact, the first element is < γλύκων (literally “sweetie”; attested in the classical period at Ar. Ec. 985 and glossed ὁ εὐήθης. µωρός, ἔκλυτος, “someone simple, foolish, weak”, at Phot. γ 151), seemingly making this a left-oriented endocentric compound with a substantival head. The only productive categories of left-oriented compounds in ancient Greek are (1) preposition-first compounds (e.|g. ἔνδηµος, “in-dwelling, resident”) and (2) verb-first compounds (e.|g. φερέοικος, “house-bearing”). There are also a few anomalous categories: (3) so-called “reverse bahuvrihis” such as θυµολέων (“lion-heart”) and ὀνοµάκλυτος (“having a famous name”), although these compounds are often equally explicable as right-oriented (e.|g. θυµολέων, “a lion (in respect to) the heart”) or as univerbations of phrases (e.|g. ὀνοµάκλυτος < ὄνοµα κλυτός, “famous in respect to his name”; cf. δουρικλυτός, “famed for his spear”, where the first constituent is clearly an old dative of δόρυ, “spear”); (4) compounds like those in ἀξιο- and ἰσο-, whose first constituent is an adjective that requires a complement to be semantically complete and is therefore akin to a preposition; (5) plant and animal names attested primarily in scientific texts (e.|g. σύαγρος, “wild boar”; καρποβάλσαµον, “fruit of the

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balsam tree”). See in general Tribulato 2015. 103–22. γλυκωνόχορδος patently does not belong to types (1), (2), (4), or (5). If it belongs to type (3), the meaning ought—despite Photius—to be something like “sounding like a simpleton”.

fr. 431 K-A. (398 K.) Poll. 7.179 δακτυλιογλύφος· δακτυλιουργὸν αὐτὸν εἴρηκα Φερεκράτης (fr. 234), τὸ δὲ γ λ ύ φ ε ι ν Κρατῖνος, καῖ τὸ γλύµµα Εὔπολις (fr. 441) daktylioglyphos (“gem-engraver”): Pherecrates (fr. 234) refers to him as a daktyliourgos (“ring-worker”), and Cratinus uses g l y p h e i n (“e n g r a v e”), while Eupolis uses glymma (“engraving”) (fr. 441)

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.213 Citation context"From a brief collection of words having to do with jewelry and jewelry-making. Poll. 7.108 contains similar material as part of a large collection of terms pertaining to metal and metallurgy, including a reference to Philyll. fr. 14 for the word δακτυλιουργός (cited at Poll. 7.179 as from Pherecrates). Interpretation"γλύφω"(“engrave”; related to Lat. glūbere “peel” and Engl. cleave) is first attested in Herodotus,178 where it is the activity of statue-makers (ἀγαλµατοποιοί) as opposed to ζωγράφοι (painters), of whom γράφουσι is used (2.46.2), and is also applied to engraving seal-stones (7.69.1 τὰς σφρηγῖδας γλύφουσι); cf. Crates Com. fr. 8 καρδοπογλύφος (“carving kneading-troughs”) with Bonanno 1972. 69–71 and Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 21; Ar. Nu. 879 ναῦς τ’ ἔγλυφεν (“and he used to carve ships”, sc. out of wood; offered as evidence of Pheidippides’ supposed brilliance as a child); Pl. Hipp.Mi. 368c δακτυλίους γλύφειν (“to engrave rings”); Thphr. HP 5.3.7 ἀγάλµατα γλύφουσιν (“they carve statues”). Pollux’s implication would seem to be that Cratinus used the verb in reference to the cutting of gemstones, for which see Blümner 1884. 280–301; Boardman 2001. 379–82; Olson 2014 on Eup. fr. 441.

178

But note γλυφίς (“arrow-notch”) already in Homer (Il. 4.122; Od. 21.419).

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fr. 432 K.–A. (399 K.) Poll. 2.188 γόνυ δὲ ἡ µετὰ τοὺς µηροὺς συγκαµπή, ἀφ᾿ οὗ καὶ τὸ γ ο ν α τ ί ζ ε ι ν παρὰ Κρατίνῳ τῷ κωµῳδοποιῷ And the joint that comes after the thighs179 is a gony (“knee”), whence also g o n a t i z e i n in the comic poet Cratinus

Citation context"From an extended collection of anatomical terms. Phryn. PS p. 56.5 γονατίζειν· τῷ γόνατι πλήττειν (“gonatizein: to strike with the knee”) is likely drawn from the same source, which Hsch. µ 1109 µετοκλάζει· γονατίζει (“kneels: gonatizei”) and Phot. π 431 = Suda π 688 παροκλάζων· γονατίζων (“kneeling: gonatizôn”; ~ Hsch. π 979) can be taken to suggest was part of an Atticist debate about whether the verb could be used thus or was properly restricted to the sense “go to one’s knees, kneel”. Interpretation"For γονατίζω in the sense “strike with the knee” (attested nowhere else except in the lexicographic glosses cited below), cf. ἀκρίζω (“go on tip-toe”; E. fr. 570); ἐξαγκωνίζω (“thrust one’s elbows out”; Ar. Ec. 259); καταγλωττίζω (“French kiss”; e.|g. Ar. Ach. 380); κονδυλίζω (“strike with the elbow”; Hyp. fr. 98); λακτίζω, “strike with the foot/heel” (e.|g. Ar. Nu. 136); νωτίζω (“turn one’s back”; E. Andr. 1141); ποδίζω (referring to a dancestep of some sort; fr. 234); πτερυγίζω (“flap one’s wings”; Ar. Av. 795, 1466); ὀλεκρανίζω, “strike with the elbow” (adesp. com. fr. 763 with Phryn. PS p. 97.6–7). Contrast similar verbs in which the body-part is not moved but is instead the target of an assault, e.|g. γαστρίζω (“strike in the stomach”; Ar. Eq. 273); ὀρχιπεδίζω (“seize by the testicles”; Ar. Av. 142); πυγίζω (“have anal sex with”; e.|g. Ar. Th. 1120, 1123); ῥαχίζω (“cut the spine”; A. Pers. 426); and cf. English “knee” in the archaic sense “kneel” at e.|g. Shakespeare, King Lear II.ii “I could as well be brought / To knee his throne and, squire-like, pension beg”, and “head” in the sense “remove someone’s head” at e.|g. Shakespeare, Measure for Measure II.i.228 “If you head and hang all that offend that way”. γόνυ is < *ǵenu, “knee”, whence also Lat. genu and Engl. knee. The ubiquitous secondary suffix -ιζω serves to create denominal verbs (i.|e. those formed typically from nominal or adjectival stems) already in Homer (e.|g. στεναχίζω, “groan”; πολεµίζω, “wage war”). See in general Casevitz 1991; Greppin 1997.

179

Sc. as one moves down the leg from the hips.

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fr. 433 K.–A. (CGFPR 237) POxy. 2738 col. ii πυρριχίζων, ἐν δὲ Αἰξὶν Εὐπόλ[ιδος] (fr. 18) τὸ µαλακὴν κελ]εύ[ειν] τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ποεῖν. σκληρ]ῶ̣ς ποιοῦντο[ς] τοῦ ἀγροίκου τὸ σχῆµα τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ὁ διδ[ά]σκαλος ἐκέλευσεν µαλακῶς αὐτὸ ποιεῖν. ὡς οὖν ὁ Ἀρ[ισ]τ[ο]φ[ά]νη[ς] τῶι Τριτογένεια µ̣ό̣ν̣ωι ἐπιθέτωι ἠρκέσθη καὶ ὁ Κρατ[ῖ]νος τῶι Γ ο ρ γ ο . ρ ̣ α ̣ κ ο ν . ο δ ο κ α . [ ] ἠρκέσθη τ[ὸ] αὐτὸ δηλοῦντ̣ι̣ πρᾶγµα ὅτι ἀποκλινω̣[..]ηι κεφαλῆ[ι τ̣ὸ̣ τ̣[ῆς] θε[ο]ῦ σχῆµα πο.[].. λ̣ε̣φ̣ι̣[].[].ται: .µοι[ µ̣υ̣νο̣ν̣[ ].εν[ ].[ doing the pyrrhichê, and in Eupolis’ Aiges (fr. 18) the command to make the Athena languid. When the rustic did the Athena-step awkwardly, his teacher ordered him to do it languidly. Just as, then, Aristophanes (Nu. 989) was satisfied with Tritogeneia on its own as an epithet, and Cratinus was satisfied with G o r g o [ ]r a k o n [ ]o d o k a [ ], which makes clear the same thing, namely that turning away . . . with the head the goddess’ step

Discussion"Lobel 1968 (editio princeps) Citation context"A fragment of a 2nd-century CE commentary on an unidentified comedy (thus Lobel). The reference to Eup. fr. 18 is apparently offered in support of a point—now lost—which the commentator has made involving a male figure doing a pyrrhic dance. What follows is intended to explain the use of “the Athena” to mean “the Athena-step”: Aristophanes did the same with Tritogeneia (another epithet of the goddess) at Nu. 989, as did Cratinus with Gorgo[ ]rakon[ ]odoka[ ]. Interpretation"Whether Eupolis’ “Athena”, Aristophanes’ “Tritogeneia” and Cratinus’ “Gorgo[d]rakon[t]odoka” (thus ed. pr.) are all the same dance is unclear. If so, they are presumably to be identified with the pyrrhic dance, which Athena was said to have executed after defeating the Giants (D.H. 7.72.7) and which was performed in Athens by choruses of armed men, beardless youths

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(ageneioi) and boys, leaping and waving shields about, in competitions at the Panathenaic festival (Lys. 21.1, 4; cf. Ar. Ra. 153; X. An. 6.1.12; Is. 5.36). For the pyrrhic dance, see also Ar. Av. 1169 πυρρίχην βλέπων (“looking a pyrrhic dance”, i.|e. “looking daggers”); E. Andr. 1135–41; Pl. Lg. 796b, 815a (claiming that the movements imitated the way missiles and blows from weapons were avoided); Ath. 14.630d, 631b–c, citing Aristox. fr. 108 Wehrli; Luc. D.Deor. 8; Downes 1904; Latte 1913. 32–40, 56–63; Poursat 1968. 566–83; Borthwick 1967; Borthwick 1969; Borthwick 1970. 318–30. Cratinus’ word—probably a coinage, given its extravagance—refers to the gorgon device Athena wore on her breastplate or shield (E. Ion 209–11; [E.] Rh. 306 with Liapis 2012 ad loc.; [Apollod.] Bib. 2.46), and is associated by the commentator with a part of the pyrrhichê in which the dancer turned his head aside, suggesting a reference to the idea that anyone approaching the monster had to look away to avoid being turned into stone by the sight of it. Cf. Antiph. fr. 164.1–4; Borthwick 1970. Gorgodrakontadoka is < Γοργώ (“Gorgon”)180 + δράκων (“serpent”) + δέχοµαι (“hold, receive, await”) and thus means “Gorgon-serpent-accepting” vel sim.; cf. ἰοδόκος (“arrow-holding (quiver)”; e.|g. Il. 15.444). For similar epithets of Athena also ending in Doric -α, cf. Γοργοφόνα, “Gorgon-slaying” (E. Ion 1478 (lyr.)); γοργολόφα, “Gorgon-crested” (Ar. Eq. 1181).

fr. 434 K.–A. (400 K.) Poll. 5.68 δασὺς τὴν τρίχωσιν, καὶ τὰ ὕπτια τῶν ποδῶν ἀλλ’ οὐ µόνα τὰ πρανῆ δασυνόµενος, ὅπερ οὔ φησιν Ἀριστοτέλης (HA 519a22) ἑτέρῳ ζῴῳ προσεῖναι. διὰ τοῦτο γάρ µοι δοκεῖ δ α σ ύ π ο δ α τὸν λαγὼν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Κρατῖνος καλεῖν, ὄνοµα ποιούµενος τῷ ζῴῳ τὴν φύσιν shaggy-haired, and thickly covered with hair not only on the tops of its feet but also on their undersides, something Aristotle (HA 519a22) says applies to no other animal. For on this account, it seems to me, the hare is called a ‘ s h a g g y - f o o t’ by various authorities, including Cratinus, who turns the nature of the animal into its name

Discussion"Meineke 1839 II.211 Citation context"From an extended discussion of hares. Cf. Phot. δ 66 δασύποδα· τὸν λαγὼν καὶ (καὶ del. Theodoridis) Ἀττικοί (“dasypous: Attic180

Ed. pr., by contrast, takes the first element to be γοργός (“grim”)

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speakers also (“also” del. Theodoridis) (use this term for) a hare”), which may be another reminiscence of Pollux’ source. Note also – Ar. Byz. fr. 188 ⟨ὁ⟩ λαγὼς λέγεται καὶ πτὼξ καὶ δασύπους καὶ ταχείνας (“the hare is referred to as a ptôx (‘cowering animal’), dasypous and tacheinas”) – Hsch. δ 307 = Phot. δ 64 = Suda δ 86 δασύπους· λαγώς (“dasypous: hare”; from the common source of Photius and the Suda conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄). Interpretation"δασύπους"(literally “shaggy-footed, hairy-footed”; first here) is attested elsewhere in the classical period only in comedy (e.|g. Alc. Com. fr. 17.1; Antiph. fr. 131.6; Ephipp. fr. 15.9; Nausicr. fr. 2.3; Nicostr. Com. fr. 4.2; Diph. fr. 1.2), in Aristotle (e.|g. HA 488b15; GA 774b3), and at Antisth. fr. 100.7 Caizzi, and appears to come from a homely, colloquial, riddling register. For hares, which were hunted for both food and sport (e.|g. Od. 17.294–5; X. Cyn. 6.4) and are often included in banquet catalogues and the like (e.|g. Epich. fr. 53.2; Eup. fr. 174.2; Ar. Ach. 878; Eub. fr. 63.6; Archestr. fr. 57 with Olson–Sens 2000 ad loc.), see Keller 1909–1913 I.210–17; Kitchell 2014. 82–5, and cf. fr. 466 n. (on the more conventional term λαγώς/λαγός). Compounds in δασυ- are generally applied to animals and the like, e.|g. δασύµαλλος (“thick-fleeced”, of sheep; Od. 9.425), δασύστερνος (“shaggy-breasted”, of wild animals; Hes. Op. 514): δασύκερκος (“bushy-tailed”, of a fox; Theoc. 5.112); δασυχαίτης (“shaggy-haired”, of a goat; AP 6.32.1). fr. 435 K.–A. (401 K.) Hsch. δ 644 ∆ ε ξ ώ· ὁ Κρατῖνος ὠνοµατοποίησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δέχεσθαι δῶρα D e x ô: Cratinus coined the name from dechesthai dôra (“to receive gifts”)

Citation context"A lexicographic note traced by Latte to Diogenianus. Hsch. ε 2300 Ἐµβλώ· πέπλασται παρὰ τὸ ἐµβλέπειν· ὡς ἡ ∆ωρὼ καὶ ∆εξώ (“Emblô: formed from emblepein (‘look at’); like Dôrô and Dexô”) presumably refers to the Cratinus fragment as well, in which case it must ultimately go back to the same source. Interpretation"∆εξώU(“she who receives (bribes?)”), also attested at App. Anth. 2173b, would seem to be the counterpart of ∆ωρώ, a fictitious goddess of bribe-giving mentioned by Cratinus in Eumenides (fr. 70.1 ap. Ar. Eq. 529; cf. Kanavou 2011. 65). The name is < δέχοµαι “receive” and -ώ, a suffix used inter

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alia to form the names of personified concepts, notably some of the Muses (Ἐρατώ, Κλειώ; cf. Hes. Th. 75–9), Seasons and Graces (Αὐξώ, Θαλλώ, Καρπώ, Πειθώ; cf. Paus. 9.35.1–7), and elsewhere in comedy Ἐµβλώ (fr. dub. 510 with n.), Ἰασώ the goddess of healing (cf. ἰάοµαι, “cure”) (Ar. Pl. 701) and Κερδώ “the wily one” (Ar. Eq. 1068; cf. κερδαλέος, “crafty”). Names of divinities are sometimes formed this way, notably a number of the Nereids (e.|g. ∆ηρώ, ∆ωτώ, Καλυψώ, Κητώ, Νησώ, Πλωτώ, Πρωθώ, Σαώ, Σπειώ; cf. Hes. Th. 240–62; [Apollod.] Bib. 1.12), the Graiai (Ἐνυώ, Πεφρηδώ, ∆εινώ; cf. Hes. Th. 273; [Apollod.] Bib. 2.37), and one of the Gorgons (Σθεννώ; Hes. Th. 276), as are divine epithets and nicknames (e.|g. Πεδιώ, an epithet of Hera (cf. πεδίον, “plain”) at IG 14.595–6 (Sicily); Θαρσώ, an epithet of Athena (cf. θαρσός, “bold”) at ΣAbT Il. 5.2; Σιτώ, an epithet of Demeter (cf. σίτος, “grain”) at Polemon fr. 39; Ἀφρώ = Ἀφροδίτη at Nic. Al. 406; Τριτώ = Τριτογένεια (Athena) at AP 6.194; Μνηµώ = Μνηµοσύνη at Orph. fr. 180 Bernabé; cf. the nominally Thracian deity Κοτυτώ at Eup. fr. 93 and Ὑψώ = Hypsipyle at A. fr. 247). The suffix was also used to form the names of various bugbears deployed to frighten children, e.|g. Ἀλφιτώ and Ἀκκώ (Chrysipp. Stoic. fr. 313); Γελλώ (Sapph. fr. 168A); Γοργώ (e.|g. Il. 11.36); Μορµώ (Ar. Ach. 582 with Olson 2002 ad loc.).181 Its original purpose appears to have been to form feminine abstracts, which could in turn easily be personified: e.|g. πευθώ, “tidings” (A. Th. 370); µελλώ, “delay” (A. Ag. 1356). For personifications as deities, see in general Stafford 2000, and the essays collected in Stafford–Herrin 2005. Nothing else is known of Emblô, who is granted a lemma in neither LSJ nor Montanari.

fr. 436 K.–A. = Crates Com. fr. 54 Phot. δ 287 = Suda δ 500 δ ι α β ά λ λ ε ι ν· τὸ ἐξαπατᾶν καὶ παραλογίζεσθαι. Θουκυδίδης αʹ καὶ Κρατῖνος (καὶ Κρατῖνος in marg. Phot.z : καὶ Κράτης Suda) d i a b a l l e i n: to deceive and mislead. Thucydides in Book 1182 and Cratinus (“and Cratinus” Phot.z in margin : “and Crates” Suda) 181 182

For personal names of human beings in -ώ, e.|g. Μελανθώ (Od. 18.321; 19.65); Κλησίππω (IG IV 729 col. ii.13); Σαπφώ. Untrue of the text of Thucydides as it has come down to us, although Kassel– Austin compare 1.133 ὡς οὐδὲν πώποτε αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς βασιλέα διακονίαις παραβάλοιτο (“that he had never deceived him in his errands to the King”). Note also 5.16 ἀπιστότερος διαβάλλων (“less believable when he tried to deceive them”; of Cleon).

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Discussion"Bonanno 1972. 161 Citation context"A fragment of an Atticist discussion of the use of the verb διαβάλλω in an extended sense drawn from the common source of Photius and the Suda conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄. Related material is preserved at – Hsch. δ 942 διαβάλλει· καταγινώσκει. ὑβρίζει. παραπατᾷ. παραλογίζεται (“diaballei: he/she/it condemns; outrages; leads astray; misleads”) – Phot. δ 291 διαβάλλεις· παραλογίζῃ, εἰς ἀπέχθειαν ἄγεις. τάττουσι δὲ τὴν λέξιν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐναντίου, οἷον “τῇ θυγατρὶ τῇ ἐµῇ διαβεβληµένος” (Hdt. 1.118.2), καθὸ καὶ Πλάτων ἐν Πολιτείᾳ (6.498c) “µὴ διάβαλε ἐµὲ καὶ Θρασύµαχον” (“diaballeis: you mislead, you lead into enmity. But they also use the word in reference to variance, for example ‘having been set at variance with my daughter’ (Hdt. 1.118.2), as Plato as well (does) in the Republic (498c) ‘Don’t set me and Thrasymachus at variance!’”) – Suda δ 499 διαβάλλεται· χρῶνται ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐξαπατᾶν. Ἄρχιππος (fr. 38.2)· τὸν γὰρ γέροντα διαβαλοῦµαι τήµερον. καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης (Av. 1648)· διαβάλλεταί σ’ ὁ θεῖος, ὦ πόνηρε σύ (“diaballetai: they use (the word) in place of exapatan (‘to deceive’). Archippus (fr. 38.2): for I’ll deceive the old man today. And Aristophanes (Av. 1648): Your uncle is deceiving you, you miserable creature”) – Suda δ 892 διέβαλεν· ἐξηπάτησε. καὶ Θουκυδίδης οὕτως κέχρηται καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης ἐν Θεσµοφοριαζούσαις (1214)· διέβαλέ µ’ ἡ γραῦς. ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐξηπάτησε (“diebalen: he/she/it deceived. And Thucydides uses it this way, as also does Aristophanes in Thesmophoriazusae (1214): The old woman diebale me, in place of ‘deceived’”) – ΣRVEΓ Ar. Av. 1648 διαβάλλεταί σ’ ὁ θεῖος· ὅτι τῷ διαβάλλεται χρῶνται ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐξαπατᾶν, ὡς καὶ Ἄρχιππος ἐν Πλούτῳ (fr. 38)· ἔστιν δέ µοι καλῶς πρόφασις εὑρηµένη· / τὸν γὰρ γέροντα διαβαλοῦµαι τήµερον. παρόµοιον δὲ καὶ τὸ Ὁµηρικὸν (Il. 4.6)· παραβλήδην ἀγορεύων. καὶ παρ’ Ἀλκαίῳ (fr. 445 = Alc. Com. fr. dub. 34)· παραβάλλεταί σε (“Your uncle is deceiving you: They use diaballetai in reference to deception, as does also Archippus in Ploutos (fr. 38): I’ve invented a fine excuse; for I’ll deceive the old man today. The passage from Homer (Il. 4.6) is similar: speaking deceitfully. Also in Alcaeus (fr. 445 = Alc. Com. fr. dub. 34): he/she/it is deceiving you”). Interpretation"Whether the author in question is Crates or Cratinus—Kassel– Austin hedge their bets by assigning the word to both poets—is unclear, and this fragment (like fr. 439) might better have been placed among the dubia. The root meaning of διαβάλλω—systematically discussed by Chadwick 1996. 87–94—is “throw across” (LSJ s.#v. I). But the verb is far more often used to

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mean “put on opposite sides, set at variance” and thus “slander”183 (LSJ s.#v. V; e.|g. Ar. Ach. 502; Eq. 262), with the latter sense occasionally extended to “mislead” (LSJ s.#v. VI; in addition to the passages cited by the lexicographers listed in Citation context, cf. Men. Dysc. 462 with Sandbach 1973 ad loc.; Dunbar 1996 on Ar. Av. 1648, comparing Hdt. 9.116.1–2), as allegedly by Cratinus (or Crates). See also fr. 437 n. (on διάβολος).

fr. 437 K.–A. Phot. δ 306 † δ ι α δ ο κ ί ς †· διάβολος. οὕτως Κρατῖνος † d i a d o k i s †: slanderer/deceiver. Thus Cratinus

Text"According to the lexicographers, a διαδοκίς (not attested outside of the lexicographers) is a beam that is set perpendicular to the other roof-beams of a building and supports them:184 – Phot. δ 307 διαδοκίς· ἡ δεχοµένη τὰς ἄλλας καὶ βαστάζουσα, ὑποτιθεµένη δὲ πλαγία (“diadokis: the (beam) that receives the other (beams) and supports them, being set sideways beneath them”; the gloss after the one in question here; traced by Theodoridis to Diogenianus) – Hsch. δ 995 διαδοκίς· οἱ µὲν [ὑπόθεµα τῶν δοκῶν, πλάγιον ὑπόθεµα,] ἡ τὰς ἄλλας δοκοὺς ἀναδεχοµένη· οἱ δὲ δοκῶν πλάγιον ὑπόθεµα (diadokis: some authorities (say that this is) [a base of the beams, a support set sideways], the (beam) that receives the other beams. Others say that it is the sideways support of the beams”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus). This makes no sense given the gloss, and most likely a scribe has accidentally replaced the proper lemma with the one that follows it in Phot. δ 307. Hsch. δ 994 offers διάδικος·185 τὸ εἰς δίκην καλεῖν. Ἀττικοί (“diadikos: to summon to trial; Attic-speakers”), while Suda δ 540 has διαδικασάµενος· ὀνειδίσας, διελέγξας (“diadikasmenos: reproaching, finding fault with”), and διάδικος is so close to διαδοκίς that it is probably the word from Cratinus missing from Photius. 183 184 185

Hence “accuse falsely” at Storey 2011. 432, which ignores the gloss offered in the citation context. Hence “crossbeam” at Storey 2011. 432, which ignores the gloss offered in the citation context. Emended to διὰ δίκης by Latte and taken by him to be a reference to S. Ant. 742.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 438)

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Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. Interpretation"See Text. For Photius’ gloss διάβολος (attested in comedy only at Ar. Eq. 44–5 ἐπρίατο δοῦλον, βυρσοδέψην Παφλαγόνα, / πανουργότατον καὶ διαβολώτατόν τινα, “he bought a slave, a Paphlagonian tanner, an utterly villainous and slanderous/deceptive character”; Men. fr. 887 oὐκ ἔστιν οὔτε διάβολος / γραῦς ἔνδον, “there’s neither a slanderous/deceptive old woman inside”), cf. fr. 436 n. (on the cognate verb διαβάλλω).

fr. 438 K.–A. (402 K.) Hsch. δ 1143 δ ι ά λ ο γ ο ς (sic Theodoridis ex Phot. δ 375 : διαλαος Hsch.)· οἱ µὲν ἐπιµυλίδιον δαίµονα· ἄλλοι δὲ παιδιᾶς εἶδος, ἐν ᾗ διαλέγουσι τὰς ψήφους. βούλεται δὲ λέγειν ὁ Κρατῖνος τὸν ἔσχατον τῶν π ό ρ ν ω ν d i a l o g o s (thus Theodoridis from Phot. δ 375 : διαλαος Hsch.). Some authorities (say that this is) a deity associated with a mill, others (that it is) a type of game in which they select (dialegousi) their pebbles. But Cratinus wants it to mean “the most whorish (masc.) o f the w h o r e s ”

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 260; Meineke 1839 II.196–7; Kock 1880 I.122; Theodoridis 1978. 32 Text"Hesychius has † διαλαος †, which is not a Greek word, and Phot. δ 375 (quoted in Citation context) suggests that the correct reading is διάλογος and that what Cratinus wrote may have been διάλογος πορνῶν (thus Theodoridis). Citation context"A lexicographic note traced by Latte to Diogenianus. Phot. δ 375 διάλογος πορνῶν· τὸ ἔσχατον καὶ λείψανον· διάλογος γὰρ παιδιᾶς µέρος, ὅταν ἐπὶ τέλει διαλέγωσι τὰς ψήφους (“dialogos pornôn (‘selection of whores’): what is last and a remnant. For a dialogos is part of a game, when they select (dialegôsi) their pebbles at the end”; traced by Theodoridis to Diogenianus) clearly goes back to the same source. Interpretation"More likely an insult describing someone polemically accused of selling his body (~ “the most degraded of male prostitutes”) than praise of an individual actually involved in the business (~ “the finest of male prostitutes”). διάλογος"in the sense “dialogue, conversation” (4th-century prosaic vocabulary: e.|g. Isoc. 12.26; Pl. Sph. 263e; Prt. 338a) is < middle διαλέγοµαι (LSJ s.v. διαλέγω B), whereas Cratinus’ sense “selection”, i.|e. “the choicest

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example” (otherwise unattested) is < active διαλέγω (“pick out, separate”; LSJ s.#v. A).186 πόρνων"For abusive references to public figures as prostitutes, see Olson 2017 on Eup. fr. 99.26–7. For male brothel prostitutes generally, see Eup. fr. 247.3; Aeschin. 1.74, 120; Din. 1.13. fr. 439 K.–A. ~ Crates Com. fr. dub. 57 Phot. δ 505 = Suda δ 845 δ ι α ψ α λ ά τ τ ε σ θ α ι· τὸ διαστέλλεσθαι εἰς ἔρευναν, τὸ γὰρ ἀψάλακτον ἄθικτον. οὕτως Κρατῖνος (sic Phot. : Κράτης Suda) d i a p s a l a t t e s t h a i: to be exposed to investigation, because what is apsalaktos is untouched (athiktos). Thus Cratinus (thus Phot. : “Crates” Suda)

Discussion"Bonanno 1972. 160 Citation context"Drawn from the common source of Photius and the Suda conventionally referred to as Σ΄΄. A condensed version of the same note (with the reference to Cratinus/Crates removed) is preserved at Hsch. δ 1472 διαψαλάττεσθαι· τὸ εἰς ἔρευναν διαστέλλεσθαι (“diapsalattesthai: to be exposed to investigation”; traced by Latte to Diogenianus).187 The second half of Suda α 4723 ἀψάλακτος· ἀπαθής, ἀτιµώρητος. ἀψάλακτον γὰρ τὸ ἄθικτον. οὕτως Κράτης (fr. dub. 57) (“apsalaktos: without injury, without penalty; for what is untouched is apsalakton. Thus Crates (fr. dub. 57)”) is taken by Adler to be drawn from Suda δ 845 and thus to be of no independent value as a witness; the first half is in origin a gloss (= ΣR) on Ar. Lys. 275 ἀπῆλθεν ἀψάλακτος (not even the Spartan king Cleomenes, when he occupied the Acropolis, “went away unscathed”).188 186

187

188

For ἔσχατος in this sense in Hesychius’ gloss, see LSJ s.#v. I.2. Photius seems to use the word to mean instead “last”, hence the additional gloss καὶ λείψανον, as if the reference were to the pebble no one wanted and that was accordingly left behind when all the players had drawn. LSJ s.#v. refers the reader to s.#v. διαψαθάλλω (attested only at Hsch. δ 1469, which Latte brackets as a variant version of δ 1472) and glosses “feel with the fingers, scratch”; cf. Hermipp. fr. 70). But the entries in Phot. = Suda leave little doubt that the word Cratinus/Crates used was from a different root. Montanari incautiously follows LSJ and omits the lemma διαψαλάττοµαι altogether. For ἀψάλακτος, see also S. fr. 550 ap. Hsch. α 8940, where the word is glossed ἀκίνητος. ἀψηλάφητος. ἀκρότητος (“unmoved, untested, not beaten down” [thus Naber for the paradosis ἀκράτητος, “unsubdued”]).

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Interpretation"Whether the author in question is Crates or Cratinus is unclear—Kassel–Austin offer no reason for assigning διαψαλάττεσθαι unambiguously to Cratinus or for offering only ἀψάλακτος as Crates Com. fr. dub. 57—and this fragment (like fr. 436) might better have been placed among the dubia. διαψαλάττοµαι"(not attested outside of lexicographic sources) is < ψαλάσσω, “touch, stroke”189 (e.|g. S. fr. 100a; Ion TrGF 19 F 13a; Lyc. 139), an enlargement of ψάλλω (“pluck”), which is often used in reference to playing stringed instruments (e.|g. Ar. Eq. 522; Av. 218 ἀντιψάλλων; Anacr. PMG 373.3; 374.1; Hdt. 1.155.4; Pl. Lys. 209b; Men. Epitr. 260; Macho 107 ψαλλόµενος, “being played to on a string instrument”190); cf. Eup. fr. 88.2 διαψάλλεις τριγώνοις, where the prefix (“carefully” vel sim.) seems to do much the same duty as the adverb in the preceding line (καλῶς … τυµπανίζεις, “you play the drum well”). The gloss offered by Phot. = Suda suggests that what Cratinus/ Crates meant was “to be handled thoroughly” and thus “closely examined”.191 For the formation of ψαλάσσω < ψάλλω, cf. ἀφάσσω, “feel” (e.|g. A.R. 2.710) alongside ἀφάω, “touch” (e.|g. Il. 6.322; Th. 1.91.3; Pl. Sph. 267a; Men. Asp. 271). Other compounds of ψαλάσσω (all exceedingly rare and attested only with -σσ- rather than Attic -ττ-) are ἀναψαλάσσω, “tear open” (Lyc. 343); µεταψαλάσσω (glossed µετατιθέναι, “remove”, at Hsch. µ 1049); προψαλάσσω, (“assail”?; conjectural at S. fr. 314.247); ὑποψαλάσσω (Ar. Lys. 84, of groping a woman “like a sacrificial victim”; a Spartan is speaking).

fr. 440 K.–A. (403 K.) Poll. 3.75 δουλοπρεπὲς (Ap. 30) δὲ καὶ δουλοπρεπέστερον (Mem. 2.8.4) Ξενοφῶν, καὶ δουλοπ ρ ε π έ σ τ α τ α Κρατῖνος καὶ δουλοπρέπεια Θεόποµπος ὁ κωµικός (fr. 91) And Xenophon (uses) “servile” (Ap. 30) and “most servile” (Mem. 2.8.4), and Cratinus (uses) “m o s t s e r v i l e”192 (neut. pl.) and the comic poet Theopompos (fr. 91) (uses) “slavish disposition”

189 190 191 192

Hence presumably the odd “to feel out” at Storey 2011. 432. Thus rightly LSJ s.#v. II.3 (and cf. Gow 1965, with parallels); scarcely “to be celebrated with the sound of the lyre” (Montanari s.#v.). Beekes s.#v. ψάλλω renders the gloss “to be instructed to do research”, which is a possible rendering of the Greek but makes no sense in context. Perhaps adverbial, “in an extremely servile fashion”.

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Citation context"From a small collection of words derived from δοῦλος within a larger collection of words having to do with slaves, whence also fr. 86; Pherecr. fr. 244; Eup. frr. 426; 467. Interpretation"The conversation at X. Mem. 2.8.4 is about working for another man, which the ruined but proud Eutherus refuses to do, while X. Ap. 30 is Apollodorus’ sneering reference to the fact that the son of Socrates’ accuser Anytus managed the family’s leather tannery. Likewise at Hdt. 1.126.5 δουλοπρεπής is used to describe hard physical labor, and at Pl. Grg. 518a the contrast is between occupations and activities appropriate for free persons and banausic, i.|e. “slavish” ones; cf. Pl. Grg. 485b (playing around or speaking like a child, despite actually being an adult, is “slavish”). δουλοπρεπής and its cognates thus appear to have a more abstract sense than the more pedestrian δουλικός (for which, cf. Phryn. Com. fr. 39.1 δουλικῶς; Ar. Ra. 743; Arar. fr. 18 ἔργον δὲ δουλικόν (from this same section of Pollux)). Other compound adjectives in -πρεπής, all similarly “grand” in one way or another, include ἱεροπρεπής (Men. Dysc. 646; a self-promoting cook describes his own art); κοµψοπρεπής, “ingenious-seeming” (Ar. Nu. 1030/1; lyric, describing the “music”, i.|e. verbal and argumentative style of Wrong); µεγαλοπρεπής (“impressive”; Ar. V. 1186, the sort of stories Bdelycleon wants his father to tell in sophisticated company); γενναιοπρεπής (“befitting someone noble”; Ar. Pax 988, from a sacrificial prayer to Peace herself)).

fr. 441 K.–A. (350 K.) Phot. σ 462 σπιθαµή· τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ µεγάλου δακτύλου ἐπὶ τὸν µικρόν· τὸ δ᾿ ἀπὸ τοῦ λιχανοῦ λιχάς· τὴν δὲ σπιθαµὴν τινὲς καὶ δ ό χ µ η ν καλοῦσιν· οὕτως Κρατῖνος spithamê: the distance from the thumb to the little finger; whereas a lichas is the distance from the forefinger (lichanos) (sc. to the little finger)193. But some authorities also use the term d o c h m ê for a spithamê; thus Cratinus

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 264; Kock 1880 I.114

193

Thus Photius; what was intended—or at least what should have been written—was τὸ δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὸν λιχανὸν λιχάς (“a lichas is the distance (sc. from the thumb) to the index finger”, i.|e. when they are separated as far as possible from one another).

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 441)

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Citation context"Moer. δ 41 δόχµη Ἀττικοί· σπιθαµή Ἕλληνες (“Atticspeakers (use) dochmê; Greeks generally (use) spithamê”) and Phot. δ 736 = Suda δ 1434 = Synag. δ 357 δοχµή· σπιθαµή (“dochmê: spithamê”; from the common source generally referred to as Σ΄) leave little doubt that the note is drawn from a collection of Attic vocabulary. Hsch. σ 1508 σπιθαµή· τὸ µέτρον, τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ µεγάλου δακτύλου ἐπὶ τὸν µικρὸν διάστηµα ἐκταθέν (“spithamê: a unit of measure, the distance from the thumb to the little finger when extended”) may come from the same source. Interpretation"A δοχµή (< δέχοµαι) is normally defined as a unit of measure equal to four “fingers”, i.|e. a τετραδάκτυλον194 or παλαστή/παλαιστή (“palm”): – Paus.Gr. δ 26 δόχµη· τὸ τετραδάκτυλον. Κύπριοι δὲ τὴν παλαιστήν. ἴσως διὰ τὸ πλαγιάζειν τῇ χειρὶ ἐν τῷ µετρεῖν. δόχµιον γὰρ τὸ πλάγιον (“dochmê: a tetradaktylon; but the Cypriotes call it a palaistê (‘palm’). Perhaps (it is called a dochmê) since one turns (plagiazein) one’s hand sideways to measure; because what is plagios (‘sideways’) is dochmios (‘aslant’)”) – Ael. Dion. δ 30 (ap. Eust. p. 1291.44–6 = IV.696.12–16) δόχµη· τὸ τετραδάκτυλον. Ἀρίσταρχος δὲ ὀξύνει, ὡς καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης (fr. dub. 959) ἐν τῷ· “οὗτοι δ’ ἀφεστήκασι πλεῖν ἢ δύο δοχµά.” ἐν µέντοι τοῖς ἀκριβεστέροις ἀντιγράφοις ὀξεῖα ἐπίκειται τῇ πρώτῃ συλλαβῇ κατὰ τὸ λόχµη, λόγχη, ὄχνη, ὄγχνη (“dochmê: a tetradaktylon. Aristarchus gives it an acute accent on the final syllable, as does Aristophanes (fr. dub. 959) in his ‘But these men/things are more than a pair of dochmai away’. In the more accurate copies, however, it has an acute accent on the first syllable, like lóchmê, lónchê, óchnê, ónchnê”) – Poll. 2.157 δοχµὴ δὲ συγκλεισθέντες οἱ τέτταρες δάκτυλοι (“four daktyloi combined are a dochmê”) – ΣVEΓΘM Ar. Eq. 318 δυοῖν δοχµαῖν· παίζων καὶ αὐτὸς παλαιστὰς ἐξετείνετο· δοχµὴ γὰρ ἡ παλαιστή (“a pair of dochmai: He himself was stretching out his palms as a joke; since a dochmê is a palaistê”). A σπιθαµή (no etymology), by contrast, is a “span”, i.|e. the distance from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the little finger when the hand is fully extended195 = 12 daktyloi. It is tempting to think that Cratinus’ use of δοχµή = σπιθαµή was merely a hapax mistake generalized and converted into doctrine by Atticist 194 195

Not recognized as a technical term by LSJ or Montanari, but clearly treated as such by the lexicographers. Presumably the sense intended by Beekes 2010 s.#v. “the range between the stretched thumbs and the little finger”.

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lexicographers. Other units in the system include the κόνδυλος (“knuckle”; the reference is actually to the middle joint of the finger) = 2 daktyloi; διχάς (“half”) or ἡµιπόδιον (“half foot”) = 8 daktyloi; λιχάς (“index span”, i.|e. “lesser span”) = 10 daktyloi; ποῦς (“foot”) = 16 daktyloi; πυγµή (“fist”, i.|e. the distance from the elbow to the end of the fingers when a fist is formed) = 18 daktyloi; and πῆχυς (“cubit”, i.|e. the distance from the elbow to the end of the extended fingers) = 24 daktyloi.

fr. 442 K.–A. (404 K.) Hsch. δ 2539 δ υ σ β ρ ά κ α ν ο ν (δυσκάρβανον Bergk)· δυσχερές. βράκανα γὰρ τὰ ἄγρια λάχανα· ἔστι δὲ δύσπλυτα (sic Phot. = Et.Gen. = Suda : δυσπλητα Hsch.). λέγει οὖν ὁ Κρατῖνος δυσκατανόητον οἱονεὶ † δυσνόητον d y s b r a k a n o n (dyskarbanon Bergk): difficult; for brakana are wild potherbs, and they are difficult to wash (thus Phot. = Et.Gen. = Suda : † dysplêta † Hsch.). Cratinus accordingly uses (it to mean) dyskatanoêton (“difficult to understand”), as if it were † dysnoêton (“difficult to understand”)

Discussion"Bergk 1838. 259–60; Meineke 1839 II.197; Lobeck 1846. 48–9; Kock 1880 I.122 Citation Context"Traced by Latte to Diogenianus. Closely related material, but without reference to Cratinus, is preserved at – Hsch. β 1041 βράκανα· τὰ ἄγρια λάχανα (“brakana: wild potherbs”) – Phot. δ 799 = Et.Gen. AB = Suda δ 1602 δυσβράκανος (Suda : δυσβάρκανος Phot. Et.Gen.)· δυσκατανόητος· βράκανα γὰρ ἄγρια λάχανα δύσπλυτα (“dysbrakanos (thus the Suda : dysbarkanos Phot. Et.Gen.): difficult to understand; for brakana are wild potherbs that are difficult to wash”; from the common source of Photius, the Et.Gen. and the Suda generally referred to as Σ΄΄) – Phot. β 260 βράκανα· λάχανα δύσπλυτα καὶ ἄγρια (“brakana: potherbs that are difficult to wash and wild”) ~ Suda β 517 βράκανα· ἄγρια καὶ δύσπλυτα λάχανα (“brakana: wild and difficult-to-wash potherbs”) (also from Σ΄΄). Text"κάρβανος (etymology obscure) means “barbarian” at A. Supp. 118, 129, 914; Ag. 1061, and Bergk—recognizing that Hesychius’ etymology seems fanciful—accordingly suggested that Cratinus wrote δυσκάρβανον. If δυσβράκανος is in fact from βρακεῖν (see Interpretation), there is no reason to emend. A

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more substantial problem is that the end of the entry in Hesychius appears to be corrupt and/or lacunose and does not actually state that Cratinus used δυσβράκανον, instead crediting him with δυσκατανόητον, although it is difficult to see the point of citing Cratinus, if he did not use the problematic word under discussion, and one would expect δυσκατανόητον to be instead a gloss (thus “Cratinus used it in the sense ‘difficult to understand’”). Interpretation"The consumption of βράκανα is a mark of an impoverished, subsistence-level existence (cf. Pherecr. fr. 14.1–2 ἐνθρύσκοισι καὶ βρακάνοις / καὶ στραβήλοις ζῆν, “to live on chervil, brakana and snails”; Luc. Lex. 2 τῶν σκανδίκων καὶ βρακάνων λαχανευσάµενος, “after green-gathering some wild chervil and brakana”; Isager–Skydsgaard 1995. 43). Despite the opening portion of Hesychius’ treatment of δυσβράκανος, however, the word is—as Kock saw—more likely < βρακεῖν (“understand”; Hsch. β 1042 βρακεῖν· συνιέναι, 1046 βρακ⟨ε⟩ίς· συνείς (both cited by Kassel–Austin)), hence δυσκατανόητον οἱονεὶ † δυσνόητον at the end of the note (and cf. Phot. δ 799 = Et.Gen. AB = Suda δ 1602, where δυσβράκανος and δυσκατανόητος are simply equated). For δυσχερής (Hesychius’ initial gloss of δυσβράκανος) used to describe difficult arguments or discussions, e.|g. Isoc. 15.281; Pl. Prt. 333d; D. 20.113; Arist. EN 1145b6. Neither δυσκατανόητος nor δυσνόητος (the other two words that Hesychius might conceivably be taken to be assigning to Cratinus) is firmly attested before the Roman period.

fr. 443 K.–A. (405 K.) Hsch. δ 2578 δυσθαλής· δυσαυξής. Κρατῖνος dysthalês: slow-growing. Cratinus

Discussion"Casaubon 1620. 424; Meineke 1839 II.197; Bothe 1855. 62; Kock 1880 I.122 Assignment to known plays"Casaubon, comparing Alex. Mynd. fr. I.16 Wellmann ap. Ath. 9.393a, attributed the fragment to Cheirônes. Citation context"An isolated lexicographic note. Interpretation"The note in Hesychius is most likely severely epitomized, and this may therefore be in origin another reference to fr. 264 Ἰθακησία ὀρτυγοµήτρα (“an Ithacan corncrake”; ap. Ath. 9.392f), referring to a bird

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Cratinus

Alexander of Myndus (fr. I.16 Wellmann, ap. Ath. 9.392f–3a) described as τὸ µέγεθος ἡλίκη τρυγών, σκέλη δὲ µακρά, δυσθαλὴς καὶ δειλή (“the size of a turtledove, long-legged, slow-growing and wary”). δυσθαλής"(< δυσ-, “badly” + θάλλω, “grow, flourish”) is attested only here and in the fragment of Alexander of Myndus cited above. δυσαυξής (Hesychius’ gloss on the word) typically describes slow-growing plants (e.|g. Thphr. CP 1.8.4; 4.12.10; HP 3.6.1);196 cognate vocabulary is attested elsewhere in comedy at e.g Ar. Av. 1062 εὐθαλεῖς (lyric), 1737 ἀµφιθαλής (lyric).

fr. 444 K.–A. (406 K.) ΣT Il. 16.428 ἀγκυλοχεῖλαι· παρασύνθετον (Bekker : παρὰ σύνθεσιν cod.) ἐκ τοῦ ἀγκυλόχειλος. ἢ ὡς τὸ δ ω δ ε κ έ τ α ι (Lobeck : † δεδόκεται † cod.) παρὰ Κρατίνῳ ankylocheilai: a secondary compound (Bekker : “to a compound” cod.) from ankylocheilos (“with a hooked beak”). Or like d ô d e k e t a i (“t w e l v e - y e a r - o l d s”; Bekker : † dedoketai † cod.) in Cratinus

Discussion"Kock 1880 I.122–3; Marzullo 1959. 153 Citation context"A gloss on the unexpected form ἀγκυλοχεῖλαι at Il. 16.428 (ἀγκυλοχείλεις being expected), seemingly drawing on Choerob. Grammatici Graeci IV.1 pp. 166.34–167.1 ἀπὸ τοῦ χεῖλος ἀγκυλόχειλος συνθέτου γίνεται παρασύνθετον ἀγκυλοχείλης ἀγκυλοχείλου (“ankylocheilos is a compound of cheilos, a secondary compound (is) ankylocheilês, ankylocheilou”), 167.37– 168.3 οἱ Ἀττικοὶ … οἱ δωδεκαέται … λέγουσι τὴν εὐθεῖαν τῶν πληθυντικῶν … ὀφείλοντες εἰπεῖν οἱ δωδεκαέτεις (“Attic authors use hoi dôdekaetai (‘the twelve-year-olds’) for the nominative plural, whereas they ought to use hoi dôdekaeteis”). Interpretation"For similarly contracted forms in comedy, cf. δεκέτης (“lasting ten years”; Ar. Ach. 191); δεκέτις (“five years old (fem.)”; Ar. Lys. 643); ἑξέτης (“six years old”; Ar. Nu. 862); ἑπτέτης (“seven years old”; Chionid. fr. 3, cited by the Antiatticist precisely for the absence of the alpha; Ar. Ra. 418); ἑπτέτις (“seven years old (fem.)”; Ar. Th. 480); πεντέτης (“lasting five years”; Ar. Ach. 188); ὑπερεξηκοντέτης (“over sixty years old”; Ar. Ec. 982).

196

“Hard to grow” (Storey 2011. 432) is thus unlikely to be right.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 446)

277

fr. 445 K.–A. (407 K.) Poll. 3.64 ἐ θ έ λ ε χ θ ρ ο ν δὲ Κρατῖνος λέγει And Cratinus says e t h e l e c h t h r o n (“bearing a grudge”)

Citation context"From a collection of words meaning “misanthropic” vel sim. Cf. Moer. ε 43 ἐθελέχθρων· Ξενοφῶν Ἀποµνηµονεύµασιν. παρ’ ἄλλῳ δὲ οὐχ εὗρον (“ethelechthrôn (gen. pl.): Xenophon in the Memorabilia. But I found it in no other author”). Moeris appears to be in error—ἐθέλεχθρος is not found in Xenophon, at least not in the form in which the text has come down to us—but his note does serve to make clear that the good Attic credentials of ἐθέλεχθρος were a matter of scholarly discussion. Note also Poll. 5.115 ἐθελέχθρως (at the end of a list of words meaning to feel ill will toward someone; presumably drawn from D. 39.36). Interpretation"ἐθέλεχθροςU(first attested here; cf. the cognate adv. at D. 39.36) is < ἐθέλω (“be willing”) + ἐχθρός (“hostile”); the point of the word is apparently that a reasonable person might give up his hostility toward another at some point, but that the ἐθέλεχθρος opts to maintain it. The only other comic compounds in ἐθελο- is fr. 446 ἐθελόσυχνος (n.), but cf. the similarly abusive ἐθελόπορνος (“voluntary prostitute”; Anacr. PMG 388.5), ἐθελοκακέω (“be willingly bad/cowardly”; e.|g. Hdt. 5.78) and ἐθελόδουλος (“willingly servile”; Pl. R. 562d). For other compounds in ἐθελο-, see Tribulato 2015. 379–80.

fr. 446 K.–A. = Crates Com. 48 K. Et.Gen. AB (~ EM p. 299.30–2) εἰλίπους παρὰ τὸ εἰλίσσω· τὰ γὰρ εἰς ω λήγοντα τρισύλλαβα βαρύτονα µίαν συλλαβὴν συγκόπτουσιν ἐν τῇ συνθέσει, οἷον µιαίνω µιαιφόνος, τανύω τανύπεπλος, εἰλίσσω εἰλίπους· σηµειούµεθα παρὰ Κρατίνῳ (Et.Gen. : κρατῶ EMM : κρατ EMD : Κράτητι vulg.) τὸ ἐ θ ε λ ό σ υ χ ν ο ς. σηµαίνει δὲ τὸν θέλοντα συχνάζειν. τοῦτο δὲ ἐσηµειωσάµεθα ὅτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐθέλω τὰς γ΄ συλλαβὰς ἐφύλαξεν eilipous (“having a rolling gait”) is from eilissô (“roll”); for trisyllabic words ending in ômega with an acute on the final syllable lose one syllable in a compound, e.|g. miainô (“stain”), miaiphonos (“defiled by murder”); tanyô (“stretch”), tanypeplos (“with a long robe”); eilissô (“roll”), eilipous (“having a rolling gait”). We take special note of e t h e l o s y c h n o s in Cratinus (thus the Et.Gen. : kratô EMM : krat EMD : “Crates” vulgate), which means someone who willingly frequents (a place). We made special note of this (word) because it preserved the three syllables of ethelô (“be willing”)

278

Cratinus

Discussion"Kock 1880 I.143; Bonanno 1972. 168–9 Citation context"A lexicographic note traced by the source to Herodian (Grammatici Graeci III.2 p. 260.22–7). Although the theory of word-formation espoused here is confused, Herodian is attempting to explain the formation of a number of unusual compounds that have—or that he believes have—verbal first constituents. Herodian seems to suggest that such compounds are formed directly from finite verbs with the subsequent loss of the personal ending -ô, which is not actually the case; tanypeplos, for example, is not a syncopated *tanyo-peplos formed directly from tanyô and peplos (“robe”), for both tanypeplos and tanyô are instead formed from a stem tany- by compounding and derivation, respectively.197 The fact that ἐθέλω and the combining form ἐθελοboth have three syllables—Herodian’s reason for calling attention to Cratinus’ ἐθελόσυχνος—is also mere coincidence: -ω (the ending of the first-person singular present active indicative) and -o- (the semantically empty linking vowel typical of Greek compounds) have nothing to do with one another. But ethelosychnos and other compounds in ethelo- are superficially unusual, in that relatively few verb-initial compounds make use of the linking vowel -o(cf. βουλόµαχος, “desiring strife” (Ar. Pax 1293); µελλοδειπνικός, “(song sung while) waiting for dinner” (Ar. Ec. 1153)); instead, most verb-initial compounds have stems in -σι- (e.|g. ἀείρω, “raise” and ἀειρσίπους, “raising the feet” (e.|g. Il. 3.327); χρέµπτοµαι, “clear one’s throat” and χρεµψιθέατρος, “spitting in the theater” (adesp. com. fr. 1100)). The manuscripts of the EM offer ambiguous abbreviations of the name of the author responsible for ἐθελόσυχνος, and these were interpreted in the printed versions of the lexicon as references to Crates, to whom the fragment is accordingly assigned by Meineke and Kock. The Et.Gen., on the other hand, gives the word unambiguously to Cratinus. An abbreviated Κρατ vel sim. is likely in the background, and the fragment might better have been treated as a dubium of both poets. Interpretation"ἐθελόσυχνος"(a hapax) is < ἐθέλω (“be willing”) + συχνός (“numerous, many, much, wide, long”); cf. σύχνασµα (“something done often”; Poll. 6.183) and συχνάκις (“very often”; Luc. Scyth. 2). Herodian takes the word 197

In addition, tanypeplos—unlike ethelosychnos—is not in fact a verb-initial compound, although the loss of a primary adjective *τανύς in Greek obscures this fact somewhat. The exact meaning of εἰλίπους is uncertain, and the etymology proposed by Herodian is accordingly uncertain, as are modern etymologies; cf. Beekes 2010 s. vv. εἰλίπους, ἕλιξ; Olson 2016 on Eup. fr. 174.3. The same is true for the relationship between µιαίνω and µιαίφονος; cf. Beekes 2010 s.#v.

Incertarum fabularum fragmenta (fr. 447)

279

to refer to a person who voluntarily passes time (somewhere or with someone, dubious company presumably being the point in either case), whereas LSJ s.#v. suggests “fond of repetition, a bore”, like the men satirized at Thphr. Char. 7 and Hor. Serm. 1.9. On compounds in ἐθελο- generally, see fr. 445 n. On verb-initial compounds generally, see Tribulato 2015.

fr. 447 K-A. (25 Dem.) Phot. α 1663 ἀνασκυζᾶν (adesp. com. fr. *485)· ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐξοιστρεῖν καὶ ἀκολασταίνειν. καὶ ἐ κ σ κ υ ζ ᾶ ν Κρατῖνος, Φρύνιχος (fr. 86) δὲ σκυζᾶν ἔφη anaskyzân (adesp. com. fr. *485): in reference to going mad and behaving licentiously. And Cratinus (said) e k s k y z â n, while Phrynichus (fr. 86) said skyzân

Citation context"Seemingly drawn from a more complete version of Phryn. PS p. 18.13–18 (preserved only in epitomized form) ἀνασκυζᾶν (adesp. com. fr. *485) καὶ σκυζᾶν (Phryn. Com. fr. 86)· σκυζᾶν µέν ἐστιν τὸ πρὸς τὸ πάσχειν ὀργᾶν καὶ τίθεται ἐπὶ τῶν νεωτέρων ἢ παίδων ἢ γυναικῶν. τὸ δὲ ἀνασκυζᾶν σηµαίνει µὲν