Kojiki 9781400878000

Table of contents :
Translator’s Introduction i

Kojiki
Preface 35
Book I 45
Book II 161
Book III 299

Appendices
A. Additional Notes 397
B. RomanizedTranscriptions of the Song Texts 426

Glossary 445

Bibliography & Index
Bibliography 647
Index 653

Citation preview

KOJIKI

KOJIKI

Translated with an Introduction and Notes by DONALD し PHILIPPI

Princeton University Press University of Tokyo Press 1969

© University of Tokyo Press 1968 Printed in Japan All Rights Reserved

Copublished by PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS and UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO PRESS Library of Congress Catalogue: 67-29534

Acknowledgments

This study owes much to an advisory committee organized in co­ operation with the Nihon Bunka Kenkyusho (Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics), Kokugakuin University, and composed of the following members: Prof Hisamatsu Sen’ichi, chairman of the com­ mittee and general adviser; Pro£ Ono Sokyd, adviser on religious questions; Pro£ Kurano Keiyi, president of the Kojiki Gakkai and adviser on textual and exegetical matters; and Pro£ Kameirrakashi, adviser on linguistic aspects. My particular thanks go to Profs. Kurano and Kamei, who gave freely of their time and provided me with numerous helpful suggestions and comments. I am also greatly in­ debted to Pro£ Hirai Naofusa, formerly executive director of the Nihon Bunka Kenkyusho. It was largely through his encouragement that this project was begun, and through his initiative that financial support was obtained and the advisory committee organized. Thanks are due to the Rockefeller Foundation, whose supporting grant from August 1959 to July 1961 made research and work on this translation possible. I would also like to thank the various scholars, Japanese and American, who read this manuscript in whole or in part, and whose useful advice and criticism suggested a number of revisions. Although many people have provided assistance and encouragement throughout this project, the final translation, opinions and interpreta­ tions are entirely the responsibility of the author.

Donald L. Philippi

Tokyo December, 1967 v

CONTENTS

i

Translator’s Introduction Kojiki

Preface

35

Book I

45

Book II

161

Book III

299

Appendices A. Additional Notes

B. RomanizedTranscriptions of the Song Texts

397

426

Glossary

445

Bibliography

647

Index

653

Translator’s Introduction

Introduction

An investigation of a nation’s origins, whether they are comparatively recent or shrouded in ancient myths and traditions, is an interesting guide to the modern nation. Very often the beginnings of a nation’s history involve tensions, contradictions, and difficulties which continue to operate, overtly or latently, for many centuries. Even if the external forms of life undergo change—even revolutionary change—many of the early concepts, attitudes, and beliefs maintain a surprising vitahty, influencing the nation throughout its entire history. This has certainly been true ofJapan. All students interested in the origins ofJapan must of necessity turn to the Kcjiki. Completed in 712 a.d. under the auspices of the imperial court, it is the oldest extant book in Japanese and, as its title (literally, Record of Ancient Things”)suggests, an account of a still earlier era. It is the court’s statement about the origins of the imperial clan and the leading families and the beginnings ofjapan as a nation; and it is, at the same time, a compilation of myths, historical and pseudo-historical nar­ ratives and legends, songs, anecdotes, folk etymologies, and genealogies. While using the Kojiki as the earliest source book in Japanese hterature and history, the contemporary reader may also consult the wealth of supplementary information which has recently become available. The postwar years in Japan have witnessed a great revival of interest in the early centuries ofjapanese history. Released from the prewar ven­ eration of the Kcjiki and the national myths as sacred text, historians, archeologists, philologists, and students of mythology and literature have been able to look at their subjects anew, evaluate critically the material at hand, and make early Japan more accessible to the student and layman. In this book I have attempted to relate the translated text to the achievements of modem scholarship. As I did not think it sufficient merely to transliterate the names of persons, famihes, deities, or places, I have tried to identify all of them, to go into their etymologies when­

Kojiki ever possible, and to put them into perspective against the background of the history and social structure of early Japan. The glossary, foot­ notes, additional notes, and cross-references have been provided in order to help the reader gain a sophisticated, accurate, and (it is hoped) up-to-date undersUnding of the Kcjiki一and, incidentally, to help him avoid the pitfalls to which facile acceptance or rejection of the contents of this complex book would lead. In short, it is hoped that this book will serve not only as a translation ofJapan’s oldest extant book but also as an introduction to the history, genealogy, social structure, mythology, language, and hterature of early Japan. In the introduction which follows, I have outlined the prove­ nance of the Kcjiki, the Archaic Japanese language and writing systems, and the manuscripts and history of criticism of the Kojiki. Since there are several good, general accounts of early Japanese history in Enghsh, I will not discuss that history here. The reader may find the following books useful: J.E. Kidder, Japan before Buddhism (New York: Praeger, 1959); George B. Sansom, Japan, a Short Cultural History (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1962) and A History ofJapan to 1334 (Stan­ ford: Stanford University Press, 1958); Robert Karl Reischauer, Early Japanese History (2 vols.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1937). Robert Brower and Earl Miner*s Japanese Court Poetry (Stanford: Stan­ ford University Press, 1961) provides an excellent introduction to early Japanese poetry and poetic theory, and Roy Andrew Miller’s The Japanese Language (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967) is an informative study of the Japanese language and w,riting systems en­ compassing all periods.

THE PROVENANCE OF THE KOJIKI The Kojiki is, as its name imphes, a book of antiquities; it is a record of events which, by the seventh and eighth centuries, had become an­ cient history. The events recorded had been simplified and distorted in the collective memory and were heavily encrusted with legend and myth. The Kojiki was also the contemporary court’s attempt at an authoritative historical statement about its own origins. Scholars believe today that the compilation of genealogical and an­

4

Introduction ecdotal histories began in the sixth century, during the reigns of Empe­ rors Keitai and Kimmei. It has often been suggested that the “now” of the Kojiki refers to this period, the time of the first collection of the source documents which were later combined and elaborated to make what we now have as the Kojiki. The first concerted effort at historical compilation of which we have record is that made in 620 under the authority of Shotoku Taishi and Sima nd opo-omi. The works which, according to the Nihon shoki, were compiled under their initiative at the time were: 1) the “Record of the Emperors” (Tennd-ki, also read Sutnera-mikoto no pumi); 2) the “National Record” (Kokki,also read Kuni-tu-p購i); and 3) the ^funda­ mental records** (hongi, also read moto-tu-pumi) of the titled families and free subjects.1 All but one of these works were destroyed by fire in the Taika coup d^etat of 645 when Soga nd Umako’s house, where they were stored, was burned to the ground. A scribe named* Pune-ndpubito Wesaka rescued one book, the s'National Record,” from the burning house and presented it to Prince Naka-tu-opo-ye, the future Emperor Tenchi.2 As there is no further mention of the book, it may have been lost after Tenchi s death during the upheavals of the Jinshin Rebelhon of 672. The preface of the Kojiki indicates that the leading families also kept historical and genealogical documents. One of the chief reasons it gives for the compilation of the Kcjiki is the correcting of the mistakes and corruptions which had been allowed to creep into those documents. The only information we have in regard to the process by which the Kojiki was compiled comes from the preface of the Kcjiki itself In it, the compiler Opo no Yasumard informs us that Emperor Temmu (reigned 673-686), deploring the falsehoods which had crept into the families’ genealogical and historical records, decided to review and emend these documents with the purpose of “discarding the mistaken and establishing the true, and conveying the latter to posterity as an official body of historical doctrine.3 1 W. G. Aston, trans., Nihongi: Chronicles ofJapan from the earliest times to A.D. 679 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1956), hereafter cited as Aston, II, 148. 2 Ibid., 193. 3 Cf Preface: 39-42, 54. See the account of a previous attempt at regularization of

5

Kojiki

It is easy to understand that by the reign of Emperor Temmu the introduction of foreign culture should have produced, as a reaction, an increased interest in the nation’s origins and the native civilization. But an even more important consideration must have been the need for authoritative genealogical accounts by which to consider the claims of the noble families and to reorganize them into a new system of ranks and titles. At a time when noble families based their claims for distinc­ tion on ancestry and when questions of precedence and rank were decided by considerations of birth, ancestry, and degree of relationship to the imperial family, it is only natural that falsification of family records should have reached alarming proportions. It was, in fact, vital to the state to establish a definite system of ranks and titles based on a “correct” genealogical account acceptable to the imperial family, and we find evidence of this intense concern for genealogical data on almost every page of the Kojiki. As a result of Emperor Temmu’s concern for the revision of histor­ ical documents and the establishment of an acceptable master-text, an imperial command was given to a toneri, or court attendant, called Piyeda nd Are, to “learn” the texts of what appear to be two separate manuscripts: the "'Imperial Sun-Lineage’’4 and the “Ancient Dicta of Former Ages.’’5 We are told that Are was 28 years old at the time of this commission, and that he was endowed with remarkable intelligence and powers of memory.6 The preface also makes it plain that this project of compilation and revision ofhistorical materials was not completed by the time of Empe­ ror Temmu’s death in 686. No doubt we are to understand that the project of historical compilation was abandoned at that time. Interest­ ingly, at the emperor’s funeral, held in 688, the ceremonies included the pronouncing of eulogies detailing ‘‘the circumstances of the services rendered” by the ancestors of different prominent noble families and, names and titles during the reign of Emperor Ingyo, 121 :n. 4 Sumera mikdtd nd pi-tugi, a genealogical source document. 5 Saki-nd-yd no puru-goto or Sendai kuji, evidently a collection of myths, legends, and songs connected with the forebears of the Yamato ruling family. 6 Preface: 43-46.

6

Introduction again, of eulogies giving the succession to the throne of the imperial ancestors.’’7 The process of re-examining and re-editing the genealogical and historical materials was resumed after a lapse of twenty-five years (after the reigns of Jito and Mommu) in the fourth year of the reign of Empress Gemmei, which was in fact the year after the palace had been moved to the new capital of Nara. On the 18th day of the ninth month of 711, says the preface, the empress, appalled at the mistakes and cor­ ruptions in historical documents, issued a command to Opo no Yasumard to “record and present” those documents which had been learned by Are at the command of Emperor Tcmmu.8 Empress Gemmei was the daughter of Emperor Tenchi and the niece and daughter-in-law of Emperor Tenimu. Perhaps her doubly close relationship to Emperor Temmu accounts in part for the empress* desire to complete the project left unfinished at his death. No doubt also the conservative character of her reign9 was responsible for her conviction that, in order to finish the administrative reorganization begun at the Taika Reform and given more concrete form in the legal compilations and reforms made under Emperors Tenchi, Temmu, and Mommu, corrections should be made in the genealogical and historical records, which were regarded as containing doctrine of fundamental state im­ port—as being in fact “the framework of the State, the great foundation of the imperial influence.”10 In the past there has been disagreement about the exact nature of Yasumaro s role in the compilation of the Kojiki, It now appears that, having received the imperial command, he set to work re-writing the documentslearned” by Are, taking great care to preserve their linguis­ tic and semantic peculiarities by a grapliic system skillfully combining phonetic and ideographic use of Chinese ideographs.11 The source doc­ uments were probably written in a style long out of fashion, which 7 Aston, II,388-89. 8 Preface: 55. 8 The Shoku nihongi says that “she did not alter the previously established patterns, but followed them unswervingly.” (Tempyd 8:11.) 10 Preface: 41. 11 C£ Preface: 57-62.

7

Kojiki

required considerable mnemonic effort to master and reduce to oral recitation.12 Yasumard’s task was presumably to combine the two pre-existing documents, the “Imperial Sun-Lineage” and the “Ancient Dicta of Former Ages, into one work, couched in an up-to-date graphic style and supplied with glosses to clarify the meanings or readings of unclear passages. The resulting work, in three books, was presented to the empress four months later, on the 28th day of the first month of the year 712.13 * * * * 18 THE GENEALOGICAL AND THE ANECDOTAL SOURCE DOCUMENTS It is now generally believed that the basic documents from which the Kojiki was compiled were the above-mentioned two books, the first a genealogical source-book, the second an anecdotal work contain­ ing myth, legend, and song sequences. In the preface the two documents are identified, in accordance with the requirements of Chinese cadenced prose writing, by a number of apparently interchangeable terms: A. The genealogical source document: Sumera-mikoto nd pi-tugi (“Imperial Sun-Lineage’’)； Teiki (“Imperial Chromcles^,); Senki (uFormer Chronicles”).

12 Many documents of that time were written in a *scribe style* of script which had become extremely difficult to decipher and which contained many irregularly written ideographs and copyists* errors (c£ Aston.> II, 41). It appears that Are was especially gifted in deciphering and remembering the contents of such documents. The importance of memory in the learning of kambuti documents (see section entitled “"Writing Systems in Early Japan* *) will be recognized by all students of Japanese. In time a whole system of mnemonic devices and reading signs, annotations, and phonetic glosses came into use to assist the reader. The Kojiki text has been patiently outfitted with reading glosses* which tell the reader how to pronounce certain difficult words; the word order has been hybridized to enable the native reader to perceive the Japanese sentence structure; and there are even a few accent marks, whose purpose has not been fully explained but which must have been a guide to proper enunciation of the text. Undoubtedly these reading aids are largely or entirely the fruit of Are’s rote knowledge of the original source texts. Yasumaro no doubt re-wrote the texts in a more contemporary graphic style on the basis of Are’s memorized readings. 18 Preface: 67-69.

8

Introduction

B. The anecdotal source document: Saki-nd-yd nd puru-goto, also read Sendai Kuji (“Ancient Dicta of Former Ages”); Honji (“Fundamental Dicta”)； Kuji (uAncient Dicta”). Although some scholars doubt that the anecdotal source document existed at that time as one single book, it is highly probable that both sources were pre-existing written documents. There is documentary evidence for the existence in 746 of a one-volume book Nippon teiki and in 748 of a two-volume Teiki.u Quoted in the Nihon shoki and elsewhere, works of this title are believed to have been concise, mem­ orandum-like compilations containing data on the order of imperial succession, the offspring of the emperors, and occasional brief accounts of the chief accomplishments of their reigns. After the First Book (Chapters 1-46), the text of the Kojiki can be divided into two radically different styles. The genealogical information for each reign is written in a kambun style, in a remarkably consistent format. The songs and anecdotal prose narratives interspersed with the genealogical data are written in a Japanese style and have no consistent format. The genealogical data for each emperor contain the following information (the bracketed elements occur irregularly):

1. [Relation to the previous emperor.] 2. The emperor’s name. 3. The name and location of his palace and the words “ruled the kingdom/* [The number of years of his reign.] 4. The names of the emperor’s consorts and offspring. [Brief ac­ counts of their numbers and memorable activities.] 5. [Brief accounts of important accomplishments during the reign.] 6. [The age of the emperor at his death. The location of his tomb. The date of his death.] Although there are minor variations in style and in degree of detail, there is consistency in all these entries, and we can suppose that the genealogical sections were derived from a single genealogical source 14 See Takeda Yukichi, Kojiki kenkyii, I: Teikiko (Seyisha, 1944), 96-112. (All works cited are published in Tokyo unless otherwise indicated.)

9

Kojiki

document, which listed for each emperor in succession the types of information enumerated above. Fitted around this basic framework are all those accounts not derived from the genealogical document, but from an anecdotal source-doc­ ument, the so-called Kuji, Hotyi, or Saki-nd-yd nd puru-goto. Almost all of the mythological First Book must be assigned to this anecdotal source. Sections from the two sources have been combined in the Second and Third Books. However, Chapters 56-64, 69, 77, 89-91, 99, 108-109, 120-21, 127,135, and 140-49 are almost entirely genealogical; the other chapters are largely anecdotal, with occasional admixtures of data from the genealogical document. A number of scholars have suggested that the imperial genealogy, the so-called Sumera-mikoto nd pi-tugi, was originally a simple document containing little more than the names of the emperors, which was later collated with family records of the nobility, the sources of the names of consorts and offspring. Interestingly, the dubious reigns betweenJimmu and Sujin were especially popular sources of ancestors for the noble families. Naturally, ancient ancestors were more venerable than new ancestors, and it is much easier to fabricate an ancestry from an immemorably ancient period than from a comparatively recent age. False accounts attached at one time or another to a family’s genealogical records gradually gained currency, and despite the imperial policy of adhering to tradition and discouraging innovation, some of the fabrica­ tions must have been adopted in official quarters. The account of the rectification of names under Emperor Ingyd, quoted approvingly in the preface of the Kojiki, may well have been true. Such attempts continued sporadically until the early ninth century when the Shinsen shojiroku, the voluminous genealogical directory, was prepared. The preservation of purity in genealogical accounts proved an impossible task, since even in the Shinsen shdjiroku one can find fabrications orig­ inating later than the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. The genealogical glosses in the Kojiki, usually written in a smaller hand in two parallel columns under the names of the particular ancestor, are in large measure later fabrications. Most of the groups mentioned in the glosses claim as ancestors princes of the periods before Emperor 10

Introduction

Ojin, i.e., in dimly remembered periods. There are few families in the Kojiki, Nihon shoki, or Shinsen shojiroku who claim descent from empe­ rors or princes living in more recent, historical periods. In sum, the genealogical source document used in the Kojiki was probably a work originating at an early date一perhaps fifth but cer­ tainly sixth century—which was augmented in a series of redactions, the last of which occurred in the late seventh century or at the time the Kojiki was actually written.15 The bulk of the material in the Kojiki j

on HHXdVHD

巧.1/^

1

Book Three, Chapters 120 and 121

CHAPTER 121 Reign of Emperor Ingyo. 1

2

WO-ASADUMA-WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO 1 dwelt in the palace of Topo-tu-Asuka2 and ruled the kingdom. This emperor took as wife Osaka-no-opo-naka-tu-pime-nomikoto,3 the younger sister of Opo-podo-no-miko, and there was bom the child Ki-nasi-no-Karu-no-miko ; next, Nagata-noopo-iratume; next, Sakapi-no-Kuro-piko-no-miko ; next, Anapo-no-mikoto ; next, Karu-no-opo-iratume, also named SdTOPOSI-NO-IRATUME ；

She was named So-toposi-no-miko because the radiance of her body shone through4 her garments.5

Yaturi-no-Siro-piko-no-miko ; next, Opo-patuse-nomikoto； next, Tatibana-no-opo-iratume ; next, Sakami-no-

next,

IRATUME. (Nine children)

3 4 5

The Emperor had nine children in all. (Five princes and four princesses) Among these nine children, Anapo-no-mikoto6 ruled the kingdom. Next, Opo-patuse-no-mikoto7 ruled the kingdom.

1 The Shimpukuji manuscript precedes the name with the ideograph for ‘younger brother? Ingyo was the younger brother of the two preceding emperors Richu and Hanzei (cf 109:2); all three were sons of Emperor Nintoku and his famous empress Ipa-nd-pime of the Kaduraki family. The influence of their mother’s family may account for their undisputed accessions to the throne. 2 The Nihon shoki does not mention the location of his palace, nor that of Emperor Seimu (c£ note to 90:1)—strange omissions since both are mentioned specifically in the Kofiki Preface (verses 17,18). 3 This princess and her brother were the cliildren of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-nomiko, a son of Emperor Ojin (c£ 108:1). Another princess with the same name is listed in 99:12. 4 Toposi, topori. 5 Mi-so. ® Emperor Anko (c£ 123 :i). 7 Emperor Yuryaku (c£ 127:1).

331

Kojiki

6

7

8 9

io

u

12

13 14 15

When the emperor was about to assume the heavenly sun­ lineage, he declined, saying: “I have long had a certain illness and. am unable to assume the sun-hncagc.M However, since the empress8 as well as all the courtiers insisted, he ruled the kingdom.9 At this time the king of the land of Siragi presented eighty-one ships of tribute. The chief envoy [who presented] the tribute was named Komu Patimu-kamuki Mu; this man was deeply versed in medical lore, and cured the emperor’s illness. At this time the emperor, deploring that the families,10 and titles11 of the various families,10 and names12 of the people of the kingdom had become confused, placed kukahe13 before [the deity] Koto-yaso-maga-tu-pi of Ama-kasi, and estabhshed the families and ranks of the myriad corporation-heads14 of the kingdom.15 Also the Karu-be was established as a mi-na-siro for the crown prince Ki-nasi-no-Karu. The Osaka-be was established as a mi-na-siro for the empress. The Kapa-be was established as a mi-na-siro for Tawi-nonaka-tu-pime, the younger sister of the empress. The years of the emperor were seventy-eight. He died on the fifteenth day of the first month of the first year of the Horse.1®

16

His tomb is at Nagaye in Wega in Kaputi.

8 Osaka-no-opo-naka-tu-pime; undoubtedly this insistence came also from the em­ press* rehtives. The “external relatives,** the families of the emperors* consorts, had already achieved some influence in public afiairs― r rather, consorts were chosen from powerful families, who then took care to see that their sons-in-law came to the throne. • The Nihon shoki tells this episode with more dramatic detail. See Aston, I, 312-14. 10 Udi. 11 Kabane. 12 Na; this may refer to the be, the corporations of professional artisans, etc. 18 Kukabe were evidently pots used in divination, perhaps the cauldrons in which the water was heated for the ordeal. Be means jar,’ *pot,* and kuka is probably related to kukatati, a kind of ordeal in which the hand is plunged into hot water or made to grasp a red-hot axe. The Nihon shoki records that Emperor Ingyo tested the authenticity of names by subjecting their claimants to hot-water ordeals. Aston, I, 316-17. 14 Yaso-tomd-no-wo. 18 This is mentioned in verse 18 of the Preface. 1•甲午 Read kinoe uma. The thirty-first year of the cycle. 454 a.d. The Nihon shoki has 453.

332

Book Three, Chapter 122

CHAPTER 122 The illicit romance between the crown prince Ki-nasi-no-Karu-no-miko and his sister Karu-no-iratume ends in their DEATH.

1

2

3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10 11

12 13

U

After the death of the emperor, the crown prince Ki-nasi-noKaru was to have assumed the sun-hneage;1 but before he as­ cended the throne, he seduced his younger sister2 Karu-no-opoiratume, singing this song: Making a mountain paddy, Because the mountain is high, An irrigation pipe is run Underneath the ground, secretly一

My beloved, whom I have visited With secret visits; My spouse, for whom I have wept With a secret weeping3— Tonight at last I caress her body with ease.4 This is Sirage-uta. Also he sang these songs:

The hail beats down

1 Pi-tugi. 2 Irdmo; a full sister; both were the offspring of Emperor Ingyo and Osaka-no-oponaka-tu-pime-no-mikoto (c£ 121:2). 8 Or ‘My spouse / Who is secretly weeping.* 4 Evidently this song was of wide distribution; it is also recorded, in slightly differing versions, in the Nihon shoki and the Kinkafu. The latter identifies it as Sira好-uta, as the Kcjiki does. In addition, it quotes a lost book, the Kokasho (Selection of Old Songs), which attributes the song to Emperor Ingyo.

333

Kojiki 15 16

17 18 19 20 21 22

23 24

25

26

On the bamboo grass Sounding tasi-das?— After sleeping with her to the full, Then, even if she leaves me5 6 ...

With each other as beloved, If only we sleep together, Then, even if we are separated Like threshed reeds, let us be separated7— If only we sleep together.8 These are pina-buri no age-uta.9 For this reason the various officials as well as all the people in the kingdom turned against Prince Karu and adhered to AnapoNO-MIKO.10 11 Then Prince Karu took fright and fled into the house of the opo-omi Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune, [where he] armed himself The arrows made at that time had copper arrowheads;11 therefore these arrows were called feurw-arrows.

5 Tasi-dasi tii is both an onomatopoeia expressing the sound of the hail beating down on the bamboo grass and an adverb related to tasika ni meaning *to the full/ 'well,’ *to a satisfactory degree/ ‘certainly,’ 'definitely/ etc.; here it is used as a pivot-word. 6 Aiso (p. 262) interprets the line as, ‘Then, even if people try to separate us....’ Earlier commentators read the line as pito pakayu to mo, literally, ‘even if people plot. . ..’ Pito may refer not to the beloved (‘she’),but to the ‘various officials’ and ‘all the people in the kingdom* as in verse 25; in that case, the line would have to be rendered, ‘Then, even if they turn against me. . . .’ After this line one must understand some expression such as, “I do not care,’’ “It does not matter to me.” The texts of this and the following song are written together in the manuscripts as if they were a single song. Some early commentators actually regarded them as one; Motoori was the first to view them separately. It is possible that they were originally independent songs which came to be sung together and were thus written as one song in the Kojiki. For another translation, see Brower and Miner, p. 72. 7 Midaru, ordinarily *to become disheveled,* *to become disorganized,* etc. 8 As in other ancient songs, the fifth line is a repetition of the second (c£ 111:40-44, 118:10-14). 9 The songs in 34:16-25 and in lines 69-76 below are also pina-buri. 10 A full brother of Prince Kara (c£ 121 ：2)and the future Emperor Anko (c£ 123 :i). Both Kara and Anapo are place names; Takeda surmises that the straggle between the two princes was an expression of some antagonism between the populaces of the two localities. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 173. 11 Literally, *copper arrow-insides.* Copper arrowheads were evidently called karu-ya,

334

Book Three, Chapter 122 28

Anapo-no-miko also armed himselE

29

The arrows made by this prince were the arrows of today.12 They are called arwpo-arrows.

30

At this time Anapo-no-miko raised an army and surrounded the house of Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune. When he arrived at the gate, there was a violent hail storm,13 and he sang this song:

31

32 33 34 35 36

37

38 39 40 41 42

Come thus under the shelter Of the gate Of Opo-mapeW O-MAPE-SUKUNE And wait for the rain to cease.14 Then Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune, lifting up his arms and hitting his thighs, came out dancing and singing.15 His song said:

Because the little bell On the garter16 of the noble17 Has fallen 〇氏18 The nobles17 are all astir. You commoners also, take care!

‘light arrows/ because they were lighter in weight than the usual iron arrows, and this karu came to be associated secondarily with the name of Prince Karu. Copper arrow­ heads were used in Japan in the Yayoi and the early and middle tomb periods; they had disappeared by the late tomb period (about the sixth century). See Goto Shuichi in Kojiki taisei, IV, 288-89. 12 Evidently arrows with iron arrowheads. 18 C£ 86:4. 14 Literally, ‘[We] will stand and cause the rain to cease/ Perhaps there was some warning in the song, admonishing Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune to make plans while the attacking forces were resting. The song appears also in the Nihon shoki. 16 We may suppose that the following song accompanied certain types of dancing. 18 Ayupi; a cord to tie up the trousers around the knees. Takeda, Kiki kaydshii zenko, P- I74-7517 Miya-pito; a courtier, noble, or member of the privileged classes; sometimes also a priest. The name of the song, tniya-pitd-buri, is derived from this word, which appears first in the original text. 18 Takeda suggests that the “noble’s” clothing had become disheveled, probably as a result of his intimacies with a woman. Thus Ene 41 signifies the jealous tumult of the other nobles, and 42 contains a warning to the commoners to “watch their step.” He believes that the song was a light, carefree song sung at an uta-gaki fest. Kiki kayoshil

335

Kojiki 43 44

45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

53 54

55 56 57 58 59

This song is miya-pito-buri. Thus singing, he came near and said: “〇 my prince the emperor,19 do not take arms against your elder brother. If you do take up arms, people will surely laugh. I will capture him and present him to you. Then he disbanded his troops and went off Hereupon Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune captured Prince Karu, led him out, and presented him. When he was captured, the crown prince sang this song:

〇 sky-flying20 Karu maiden— Should I cry loudly, People would know. Like the pigeons On Pasa Mountain, I cry secretly. Again he sang:

〇 sky-flying Karu maiden: Come hither secretly,21 Sleep here and then go your way,

zenko, p. 175. Or perhaps it satirizes the nobles for being so excited over a trifle and admonishes the commoners to keep their heads. Kurano, who identifies this and the preceding song as waza-uta (c£ note to 67:17), suggests that the meaning is, €A noble has seduced a commoner woman—therefore, commoners, take care V Kurano and Takeda, p. 294. 19 Or *son of our emperor*; Opo-mape-wo-mape-nd-sukune is addressing Prince Anapo, who later became Emperor Ankd. 20 Atna^datnu (probably firom ama tobu, as in line 62). This is a conventional epithet for kari (wild goose) and the similar sounding place name Karu. Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 176. The song name atnada-buri (verse 67) is taken from this first word. In the narrative context, the ‘Karu maiden* refers to the prince*s beloved, Karu-no-opoiratsume, but as an independent folk song, it may refer to the maidens of the Karu area. The song is recorded also in the Nihon shoki. 21 Sitata ni mo. Interpreting this as ‘secretly,’ ‘in stealth* (assuming it to be an abbrevia­ tion of sita-sita ni mo) seems more appropriate in context than the other current inter­ pretation, 'to the full,* ‘heartily’ (as in sitataka ni).

336

Book Three, Chapter 122 60

61

〇 Karu maiden !22

Prince Karu was exiled to the hot springs of Iyo.23 When about to go into exile he sang this song:

62 63 64 65 66

The sky-flying24 Birds are also messengers:25 When you hear The cry of the crane, Ask my name of it.26

67 68

These three songs are amada-buri. Again he sang this song:

69 70 71 72 73

If the great lord27 Is exiled28 to an island, There are ships29 By which I may return.30 Leave my sitting-mat alone !31

22 The final line is a repetition of the second line with the addition of the plural particle domo. The song is a romantic invitation to the **girls of Karu” and clearly does not fit the narrative. It is not given in the Nihon shoki, probably because of its inappropriateness to the narrative. Takeda suggests that it may have been sung at uta-gaki when men ap­ proached the “girls of Karu” and that the term ‘ girls of Karu” may have referred to prostitutes. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 177. 23 In the Nihon shoki version of the story, Karu-nd-opo-iratume is exiled to Iyo. Prince Karu commits suicide in the house of “〇po-mape-nd-sukune.” Aston, 1,325,329. The Kojiki account is highly dramatized, depending for its effect largely upon the songs included. If there is any historical truth in the prince's exile, the reason was probably a succession struggle rather than disapproval of his incestuous relations with his sister. 24 Here, ama tdbu; the two preceding songs began with ama-damu. 25 For the role of birds in early Japanese belief see note to 116:28. 28 Or *ask it for news of me.* A song of parting. 27 Opo-kitni. This must refer to the speaker, Prince Karu himself Later the diction shifts to the first person. 28 The verb papuru means ‘to cast away/ *to bury,’ and perhaps also, ‘to drive into exile.* See note to 24:1. 29 Puna amari. Puna, from pane, means ‘ship,’ ‘boat,’ and sometimes ‘burial casket.* Amari, from the verb atnaru, means *to be in excess,* *to extend farther than.* Other inter­ pretations of these lines may be, *1 will return, / in the returning ships.* *Beyond the casket, /1 will return [from beyond the grave].* Puna~atnari is most probably a conven­ tional epithet modifying kaperi, ‘return.* 30 Or *he.* No subject is explicitly expressed. 81 Wa ga tatami yunte. Yume is apparently an imperative meaning ‘take care of

337

Kojiki 74 75 76 77 78

79 80 81 82 83 84

85 86 87 88 89 90

Although I speak Of sitting-mats, I really mean :32 Leave my wife alone !33 This song is pina-buri no kata-orosi.34 So-toposi-no-miko35 presented a song; the song said:

Oh, do not go, lest you tread On the oyster shells On the beach of Apine36 Of the summer grass— Spend the night and return in the morning P7 Then later, overwhelmed by her feeling, she went after him. At the time she sang this song: Since you have set out, Many days have passed. Like the yama-tadu tree,38 I will go in search of you; I can no longer wait.39 The yama-tadu mentioned here is what is now [called] the

miyatuko-gI.

'leave as is,’ *beware of? The sitting mats of travelers were carefully kept at home and preserved from pollution during their absence in order to ensure their safe return. 82 These two lines are similar in form to 114:7-8. 83 Or ‘My wife, take care !* The song is rather di伍cult to interpret, but is, at any rate, an expression of anxiety by an absent person (either dead or in exile) for his wife. It appears also in the Nihon shoki. 34 Songs named pina-buri appear also in 34:16-25 and in lines 19-23 above. 851.e., Karu-no-opo-iratume; c£ 121:2. 36 The place name Apine may also mean *sleep together.* ‘Of the summer grass* is a conventional epithet modifying Apine. 37 The song cannot possibly be connected with the narrative and is most probably a folk song from a fishing village. 88 Yama-tadu no； a conventional epithet for the word mukape, *go after,* ‘go in search o£* In the Manyoshu version of this song (II, 85), this line is yama tadune, ‘seeking through the mountains.* Here, as in many other cases, a slight phonological difference can change the entire meaning of a passage. 99 A song sung by a woman going in search of her lover, or a song of yearning sung as an elegy by a mourner. The Manyoshu's version is attributed to Ipa-nd-pime who sang it in her yearning for Emperor Nintoku; the Manyoshu also quotes the Kojiki nar­ rative and song. As it was transmitted orally, there was obviously considerable variation among the different versions of this song.

338

Book Three, Chapter 122 91

92 93 94 95 96 97

98 99 100

101 102

When she caught up with him, he had been waiting and yearning for her, and he sang this song:

On Mount Patuse Of the hidden country,40 On the large ridges Are erected banners, On the small ridges Arc erected banners.41

As upon a large ridge, Do you rely upon our troth,42 Ah, my beloved spouse.

103 104

Like a tuki bow43 Reclining, Like an adusa bow44 Standing up—

105 106

Later, I shall hold you close,45 Ah, my beloved spouse !46 * 48

107

108

109

Again he sang this song:

On the river of Patuse Of the hidden country,

40 Komdriku nd, a conventional epithet for the place name Patuse. Aiso (pp. 292-94) raises the interesting question whether kotnoru, *to conceal oneself/ *to remain hidden/ might be interpreted here as *to hide within the tomb.,Patuse is known as an ancient burial place. 41 Banners were set up in religious ceremonies and funerals. 42 Naka sadatneru; meaning unclear. Sadameru would ordinarily mean *to fix,’ *to determine/ *to establish/ and naka, Relationship.* Perhaps naka is na ga, *you [as sub­ ject].* The preceding line, opo^wo yosi (or opo-wo ni si) is also somewhat unclear. Besides the translation given, it might mean *with the correct proportion o£ the large and the small.* 43 A conventional epithet for ‘reclining.’ 44 A conventional epithet for * standing up.* 45 Or *Later I shall watch over you,* i.e., shall protect you when asleep and when awake; or *Later I shall meet you again? The literal wording is, ‘Later [I] shall take and see/ 48 Line 100 is repeated. The final lines are similar to 128:32-33. The song is full of obscure passages and seems lacking in internal unity.

339

Kojiki 110 111 112 113

In the upper shallows A sacred post47 was staked, In the lower shallows A true post was staked.

114

115 116 117

On the sacred post Was hung a mirror, On the true post Was hung a jewel.48

118 119 120 121

My beloved, Who is to me as a mirror, My spouse, Who is to me as a jewel—

122 123 124 125

Only if I hear That she is there,49 47 48 Do I wish to go home, Do I yearn for my country.50

126 127

Thus singing, they committed suicide together.51 These two songs are yomi-uta.

471-kupi; a consecrated stake or post used in religious rites. 48 The mirror and jewel were hung on sacred posts or trees in order to summon the divine spirits. 4S I.e., only if she were there; according to the passage, she is not there. Takeda is prob­ ably right in calling the song an elegy. The rites at the river are, he says, rites to rid oneself of the pollution of death, i.e., funeral rites. Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 185. 60 Although Aiso (p. 298) regards the preceding song as a dirge, he believes that this one was originally a prayer for safety during a journey. This song is found in the Manydshu (XIII, 3263), but neither it nor the preceding one occurs in the Nihon shoki. 81 This is the earliest documentary evidence of the double suicides which so enlivened the stage during the Edo period. In fact, the theater-conscious commentator Nakajima (p. 487) even claims that this chapter reflects a rudimentary dramatic performance.

340

Book Three, Chapter 12^

CHAPTER 123 The reign of Emperor Anko. Opo-kusakaNO-MIKO IS KILLED AS THE RESULT OF Ne-NOOMI’S SLANDER.

His son1 Anapo-no-miko dwelt in the palace of Anapo at Iso NO-KAMi and ruled the kingdom. 2 The emperor, on behalf of his younger brother Opo-patuseno-miko,2 dispatched Ne-no-omi, the ancestor of the omi of Saka­ moto,3 to Opo-kusaka-no-miko4 and had him say: 3 “I wish to have your younger sister, Waka-kusaka-no-miko ,s marry Opo-patuse-no-miko; therefore, present her!” 4 Then Opo-kusaka-no-miko did obeisance four times and said: 5 “Since I had suspected that there might be such a command, I have kept her and not sent her elsewhere [as a bride]. With fearful reverence, I will present her in accordance with your command. 6 However, thinking it would be discourteous to [acquiesce to the emperor’s command merely] with words, he sent, on behalf of his younger sister, a jeweled crown of pressed wood6 to be pre-

1

1 rhe son of the preceding Emperor Ingyo. These words are lacking in most man­ uscripts, but are found in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 2 His full brother (121:2),later Emperor Yuryaku (127:1). 3 Cf. 62:16. 4 Emperor Nintoku’s son (109:3) and the uncle of Anapo-no-miko. 5 C£ 109:3, 127:2. 6 Osi^kt nd tama-kadura. Tatna-kadura means jeweled crown/ but osi-ki, written ‘pressed wood,* is unclear; it may mean ‘great tree.* (For the possible meanings of the troublesome element osi, see Glossary under 〇si-kuma-no-mik〇.) The crown is be­ lieved to have been a Korean style crown of gold or gilt bronze with tall vertical pieces in the shape of tree branches. Kidder (pp. 178-79) says in regard to the prevalence ofsuch crowns in protohistorical archeological sites: ‘‘Korean immigrants brought with them ornamental headgear and may have been responsible for developing an awareness among the native people of its attractions— attractions that are testified to by the haniwa and tomb remains. . . . Tall vertical crowns are found in Gumma, Fukui, Chiba, Shiga, Eliime and elsewhere, and one fine example is composed of three-armed tree-like formations, and all may bear small

341

Kojiki

sented as a token of reverence.7 7 Ne-no-omi then stole the jeweled crown, [meant as] a token of reverence, and slandered Opo-kusaka-no-miko, saying: 8 ^Opo-kusaka-no-miko would not receive the imperial com­ mand and said: 9 ‘Is my younger sister to be the sleeping mat for [one of] an equally ranking clan?’ 10 “[Thus speaking], he grasped the sword-guard of his sword and was angry.” 11 Then the emperor was greatly enraged and killed Opo-kusakano-miko ; taking the chief wife of this prince, Nagata-no-opoiratume,8 he made her his empress.

dangling magatama or discs suspended by gold wires, quite comparable to those of Mimana and Silla and implying that the connection these have with Korea is very direct?* The Nihon shoki relates that Ne-no-omi* s downfall came about when he wore the crown in public, and it was recognized by Yuryaku*s empress. See Aston, I, 363-64. 7 Wiya-ziro. 8 A full sister of Anapo-no-miko with this name is mentioned in 121 ：2.

342

Book Three, Chapter 124

CHAPTER 124 Mayowa-no-miko, hearing that Emperor Anko killed his father Opo-kusaka-noMIKO, MURDERS THE EMPEROR AND FLEES.

Sometime after this, the emperor was upon the divine bed1 taking a noontime nap. 2 Then he spoke to his empress and said: “Do you have any worries 3 She replied, saying: “Since I am enveloped in the profound favors of [my lord] the emperor, what worries should I have?” 4 At this time, the empress* previous child2 Mayowa-no-miko, who was seven years of age, was playing underneath the hall. 5 The emperor, unaware that the young prince was playing under­ neath the hall, said to the empress: 6 “I have something which worries me constantly. That is: when your son Mayowa-no-miko grows up, should he learn that I killed the prince his father, will he not have an evil heart [towards me]? 7 At this time, Mayowa-no-miko, who had been playing under­ neath the hall, overheard these words. 8 Thereupon, waiting concealed until the emperor slept, he took the sword at his side and cut the emperor’s throat, then fled into the house of Tubura-opomi. 9 The years of the emperor were fifty-six.3 10 His tomb is on the hill of Pusimi at Sugapara.

1

1 Kamu-doko; see 65:2. If this were a place where one retired to receive revelations, it seems odd that the emperor should have used it to take a nap. More probably, kamu is a eulogistic prefix equivalent to ‘imperial.’ See the use of the word kanti in 130:6. 21.e., child of her former husband, Opo-kusaka-no-miko. There must have been some special interest in the fact that this Japanese Hamlet was only seven years old when he accomplished his revenge. His later fate is recounted in Chapter 125. 8 The Nihon shoki does not record Anko's age at his death.

343

Kojiki

CHAPTER 125 Opo-patuse-no-miko

kills his two elder

BROTHERS AND BESIEGES THE HOUSE OF

Tubura-opomi. Mayowa-no-miko

dies.

Then Opo-patuse-no-miko, who was then still a youth,1 heard of [the murder] and was embittered and enraged. 2 Going to his elder brother Kuro-piko-no-miko,2 he said: “Someone has killed3 the emperor. What is to be done?” 3 However, Kuro-piko-no-miko was not alarmed and was of an indifferent mind. 4 At this time Opo-patuse-no-miko scolded his elder brother, saying: ‘‘How can you be so lazy that on hearing that the emperor, [your own] brother as well, has been killed, you remain uncon­ cerned and are not even surprised ?** 5 Then grasping his collar, he pulled him out and, unsheathing his sword, killed him. 6 Again, he went to his elder brother Siro-piko-no-miko,4 *and told him the situation as before. 7 He was as unconcerned as Kuro-piko-no-miko. 8 Then he grasped his collar and pulled him out to Woparida, [where he] dug a hole and buried him as he stood; when he was buried up to the waist, both his eyes burst out and he died.

1

1 In view of what we are told in 123:2-3, this seems unlikely, but evidently one of the story requirements was that the vendetta hero be a youth. The Wunderknabe element is present also in the story of Yamato-takeru-nd-mikoto (Chapter 79) and of Mayowano-miko (Chapter 124). 2 Cf 121:2. 3 Literally, ‘taken.’ 4 C£ 121 ：2. These two princes may have been regarded as Mayowa-no-miko^ ac­ complices. In the Nihon shoki, Kuro-piko-no-miko flees with Mayowa-no-miko and is burnt to death with him when Tubura~opomi*s house is burned. Aston, I, 334-35.

344

Book Three, Chapter 125 Again, he raised an army and surrounded the house ofTuBURAOMI.5 10 He also had raised an army and fought back; the arrows he shot forth were like the falhng of reed [blossoms]. 11 At this time, Opo-patuse-n6-miko,using a spear as a stafi? looked inside and said: “Is the maiden with whom I have spoken6 7 in this house?n 12 Then hearing this command, Tubura-omi came out himself took off the weapons he was wearing at his side, and bowing eight times, said: 13 “My daughter Kara-pime,8 of whom you inquired9 recently, will serve you. I will also present [with her] five miyake.10 11 9

Those five

miyake

are today the

sono-bito

of the five villages of KadurakI.

44However, the reason she herself does not come out is this: "Although, from antiquity, it has been known that an omi or murazi might hide in the palace of a prince, a prince’s hiding in the house of a vassal is unheard 〇£n 15 “For this reason I think that even though I, a lowly opomi, fight with all my strength, I can never possibly win. Nevertheless, even in death I will not abandon the prince who has, trusting me, come into my humble house.”12 16 Thus saying, he took up his weapons again, went back in, and continued to fight. 17 Finally, his strength failing and his supply of arrows exhausted, he said to the prince:

14

6 Tubura-opomi (124:8). 6 A conventional description of a valorous warrior. 71.e., the maiden with whom I have exchanged promises. 8 C£ 127:3. • Or perhaps, 4the maiden whom you visited? 10 It is strange that miyake, which were official granaries or government offices at­ tached to imperially owned plantations, should be “presented” to the emperor. Probably the diction is retroactive; what were later known as the five miyake of Kaduraki were presented to the imperial house by Tubura-no-opomi, the owner. 11 However, see 122:26, where Prince Karu sought protection in the residence of Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune. 12 His attitude differs entirely from that of Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune in 12214446. The word translated as ‘humble’ is corrupt in many manuscripts.

345

Kojiki

“I am wounded everywhere, and the supply of arrows is ex­ hausted. The fight cannot be continued any longer. What is to be done?” 19 The prince rephed, saying: “In that case, there is nothing else to be done. Now, kill me!” 20 Thus, he stabbed the prince to death with a sword and cut his own throat and died. 18

346

Book Three, Chapter 126

CHAPTER 126 Opo-patuse-n6-miko

kills

Osi-pa-no-miko,

WHOSE SONS FLEE INTO HIDING.

1

Sometime after this, Kara-bukuro, the ancestor of the yamaof Sasaki in Apumi, said:1 “In [the plain] of Kaya-no at Kutawata in Apumi there is an abundance of game.2 [As they] stand, their legs are like a field of susuki grass; their upraised horns are like leafless trees.”3 At this time he4 took Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko5 and went to Apumi. When they arrived at the plain, each of them made a separate temporary palace and lodged [there]. The following morning before sunrise, Osi-pa-no-miko, with a tranquil mind,6 came on horseback and stood by Opo-patusenO-miko’s temporary palace and said to the attendants of Opono-kimi

2

3 4 5

PATUSE-NO-MIKO:

6 7 8

“Has he not yet awakened? Tell him quickly. It is already morning. He ought to come out to the hunt. Then, urging his horse on, he went off Then the people who waited upon Opo-patuse-no-miko said: 'This prince speaks most strangely; you must take care. Also you ought to arm yourself?’7

1 To Opo-patuse-no-miko. 2 Literally, *boar and deer.* 8 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has ‘leafless pines.* 4 I.e., Opo-patuse-no-miko. 5 A son of Emperor Richu (113:2),therefore Opo-patuse-no-miko^ cousin. 6 I.e” meaning no harm, innocently. 7 Opo-patuse-no-miko^ servants slandered Osi-pa-no-miko. While the Kojiki makes Osi-pa-n6-miko*s murder the result of malicious slander, thus exonerating Opo-patuseno-miko from guilt, the Nihon shoki states clearly that Opo-patuse-no-miko murdered Osi-pa-no-miko because the latter had been chosen by Emperor Anko as successor to the throne. Aston, I, 336.

347

Kojiki

Then he put on armor under his clothes, took his bow and arrows, and went out on horseback. 10 For a moment their horses came side by side, and he took an arrow and shot down Osi-pa-no-miko. 11 Then he cut up his body, put it in the horses* feed-pails, and buried it on a level with the ground.8 12 At this, Iti-no-be-no-miko^ sons, Oke-no-miko9 and Wokeno-miko10—two children—heard of this upheaval and fled. 13 When they arrived at Karipa-wi in Yamasiro, as they were eating their provisions, an old man with a tattooed face11 came along and seized their provisions. 14 The two princes said: “We do not regret the provisions, but who are you?” 15 He answered, saying: “I am Wi-kapi12 of Yamasir〇.,, 16 rhcn they fled across the Kusuba13 River and came to the land of Parima. 17 Entering the house of a man of that land named Sizimu, they hid themselves and were employed as keepers of the horses and cattle.14 9

Opo-patuse-nd-miko became Emperor YQryaku after he had murdered almost all the other eligible candidates; only the two princes Oke and Woke escaped and survived to assume the throne after Ydryaku’s death. The Nihon shoki records that Yuryaku was censured as “the greatly wicked Emperor.” Ibid” 34〇. 8 I.e., without leaving any mound to mark the place where he was buried. Osi-pano-miko^ remains are rediscovered in Chapter 138. • The future Emperor Ninken (140:1). 10 The future Emperor Kenzo (138:1). 11 Tattooing or branding was a punishment in early times; we also read of tattooing as an identifying mark applied to members of certain castes, such as the Uma-kapi-be. See Aston, I, 305, 307. See also 54:13. 12 The name means ‘keeper of swine (or boars).’ He is punished in 138:28-32. 18 C£ 67:28-29. 14 That is, they assumed work of the lowest order. The princes* story is resumed in Chapters 136-139.

348

Book Three, Chapter 127

CHAPTER 127 Reign

of

Emperor Yuryaku.

Opo-patuse-no-waka-take-no-mikoto dwelt in the palace of Asakura at Patuse and ruled the kingdom. 2 The emperor took as wife Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko,1 the younger sister of OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO. (There were no children) 3 Again, he took as wife Kara-pime,2 the daughter of Tuburaopomi, and there was bom the child Sira-ga-no-mikoto ;3 and next, a younger daughter Waka-tarasi-pime-no-mikoto. (Two 1

children)

4

5 6

7

The Sira-ga-be was established as a mi-na-siro for the crown prince Sira-ga.4 Also the toneri of the Patuse~be were established, and the toneri of Kapase were established. At this time there immigrated people of Kure.5 These people of Kure were settled at Kure-para. For this reason, the name of that place is Kure-para.

1 C£ 109:3, 123 ：3. 2 C£ 125:13. 3 The future Emperor Seinei (135:1). * The same information is given again in 135:3. 6 A name given to the state of Wu in southern China. The Nihon shoki gives a much more detailed account of this immigration. See Aston, I, 351, 362-63.

349

Kojiki

CHAPTER 128 Emperor Yuryaku goes to wed WakaKUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO IN KAPUTI. On THE WAY HE IS PRESENTED WITH A WHITE DOG,

WHICH HE SENDS AS A BETROTHAL GIFT TO HER.

She

promises to follow him to the palace, WHEREUPON HE SINGS A SONG LOOKING FORWARD TO THEIR UNION.

At the first, when the empress1 dwelt in Kusaka, [the emperor] was proceeding to Kaputi over the Tada-goye Road of Kusaka. 2 As he climbed to the top of the mountain and surveyed the land,2 [he saw] a house built with raised logs3 on its roo£ 3 The emperor had inquiries made about the house, saying: “Whose house is this, built with raised logs?” 4 They replied, saying: “It is the house of the opo-agata-nusi of Siki. 5 Then the emperor said: “The scoundrel! He has built his own house like the palace4 of the emperor!”

1

1 Waka-kusaka-be-nd-miko. 2 Another example of the practice of ritual land-viewing described in the note to 110:1. 8 Katuwo. The modern katsuogi, round wooden logs placed at equal intervals on the ridge of a shrine roof; they were probably designed originally to hold the ridge in place with their weight. In haniwa they are found solely on pieces thought to represent the main building of a dwelling. The etymology of katuwo is unclear. See Zukai kokogaku iiten, pp. 164-65. 4 Mi-araka. The passage implies that the use of such architectural features was restricted to the imperial palace; perhaps they were regarded as a symbol of imperial authority. On the other hand, it is clear that some kind of raised log construction was used generally on all types of dwelling. Perhaps the culprit had constructed his house in a particular style restricted to the imperial palace. The emperor’s anger may have resulted, not simply from the roof question, but also from the affluence of the opo-agata-nusi, which may have rivaled that of the imperial family.

350

Book Three, Chapter 128 6

7

8

9

10 11

12 13

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

8 • 7 8

Hereupon he dispatched people to burn the house. Then the opo-agata-nusi, stricken with fear and awe, bowed to the ground and said: “Being a subordinate, I built it by mistake, not realizing my insubordination. I am overwhelmed with dread.” Then he presented an offering of entreaty, a white dog tied up with a cloth and with a bell attached. He had one of his own relations, named Kosi-paki, hold the dog’s leash and present it. Hereupon he5 abandoned the idea of setting fire [to the house]. Then he went on to Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko and gave her the dog, sending word: “This is something unusual, which I gained on the road today.” Therefore, calling it a betrothal gift,6 he presented it to her. At this time, Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko sent word to the emperor: “It is an awesome thing that you should deign to come with the sun at your back.7 Rather let me go up directly [to the capital] and serve you. For this reason, he went back to the palace. On the way, he stood at the top of the pass over the mountain and sang this song:

In the valleys Here and there Between the mountains this side Of Kusaka-be And the Peguri mountains (Of the rush matting)8 There stand flourishing Wide-leaved great oak trees.

The emperor. Tuma-dopi nd mono. C£ 48:6. C£ 37:11-12.

351

Kojiki 24 25

26 27

28 29 3〇 31

32 33

34

At their foot Grows entwined bamboo;9 At their tips Grows luxuriant bamboo.10 Entwined bamboo: We did not sleep entwined; Luxuriant bamboo: We did not sleep luxuriously.11 But later we will sleep entwined— Ah, that beloved spouse of mine!12 Then he sent a messenger back with this song.13

* Ikumi-dake.1 is a meaningless prefix; kumi is from the verb kumu, here meaning *to entwine,* *to grow close together,* or perhaps ‘to be concealed.* It is repeated in line 28 to introduce the image * sleep entwined.* 10 Tasitni-dake. Probably ta is a meaningless prefix, and sinii means 'densely growing,* ‘luxuriantノ It is repeated in line 30 to introduce the word tasi ni. If as Takeda thinks, tasimi is related to the word tasi ni, it may mean ‘satisfoctory,’ ‘goodly.’ Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 188. There is also a verb tasimu, *to like,* ‘to fancy.* 11 Tasi ni pa wi-nezu. Probably, ‘we did not sleep to the full* (as in 122:16). I have substituted 'luxurious* to preserve the play of words between tasimi-dake and tasi ni» 12 Like the songs in 112:10-26 and 122:108-24, this song introduces first two sets of images (in this case, the oak trees, then the bamboo), then relates the second image to the real subject of the song (here, sexual union). Its final lines resemble 122:105-06. The song does not appear in the Nihon shoki. 181.e., to Waka-kusaka-be-nd-miko.

352

Book Three, Chapter 129

CHAPTER 129 The old woman Aka-wi-ko comes before Emperor Yuryaku to prove her faithfulness TO A COMMAND HE HAD GIVEN HER MANY

YEARS BEFORE. THEY EXCHANGE SONGS.

j

2 3 4

5 6

7

8

Also on another occasion, the emperor was making a journey.1 When he reached the Miwa River, there was a maiden by the river washing clothes. She was extremely beautiful. The emperor asked the maiden: ‘‘Whose child are you?” She replied, saying: “My name is Aka-wi-ko of the Pik£ta-be.” Then he commanded: “Do not marry; I will soon summon you.” [Thus saying,] he returned to his palace. Thus this Aka-wi-ko waited respectfully for the command of the emperor until eighty years had passed. At this time Aka-wi-ko thought: “Many years have passed while I looked forward to his com­ mand. Now my body has become decrepit and withered, and there is no longer any hope. However, unless I reveal the faithful­ ness with which I waited, I will be unable to overcome my melancholy.” [Thus thinking,] she had hundreds of tables laden with gifts2 brought, and she came forth and presented them.

1 Or ‘was taking a walk.* Tachibana Moribe held that this account was related to the first song in the Manyoshu, which is attributed to Emperor Yuryaku and in which the emperor approaches a maiden picking greens on a hill and asks her name. To ask a girl her name signified a proposal of marriage. For a translation of the song, see Brower and Miner, pp. 48-49. 2 C£ 43 ：27； dowry presents?

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Kojiki

9

10 11

12

13

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

23 24

At this, the emperor, who had completely forgotten what he had previously commanded her, asked this Aka-wi-ko, saying: “What old woman are you? Why have you come?” Then Aka-wi-ko replied, saying: ‘‘In such a year and in such a month I received the emperor’s command, and [ever since] for a period of eighty years I have been waiting respectfully. Now my appearance has become old, and there is no longer any hope. Nevertheless, I have come forth to declare my constancy/* At this, the emperor was greatly surprised and said: I had quite forgotten that incident of long ago. But you, re­ maining constant in heart, have waited for my command and wasted away the prime of your life. This is most pitiable. In his heart he wished to wed her but, out of consideration for her extreme age, he was not able to consummate marriage with her, and gave her a song. The song said: Under the oaks, The sacred oaks Of Mimoro : How awesome— 〇 oak-forest maiden !3

Again he sang this song:

The field of Piketa4 Where young chestnut trees grow: When she5 was young Would that I had slept with her一 But now she5 is old.

8 Or ‘maidens.’ Takeda regards the song as distinct from the narrative, and takes it as a religious song of the sacred mountain Miwa (Mimoro) referring to the oak-forest priestesses who were forbidden to ordinary mortals. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 191. Tsuchihashi suggests that it may be an uta-gaki song taunting the maidens for being as distant and unapproachable as the sacred oaks. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 93. 4 The place name makes the song particularly applicable to Aka-wi-ko, a member of the Piketa corporation. 8 Or *1.’ There is no subject expressed in the original. Wlien the song is divorced from the narrative, T may be preferable.

354

Book Three, Chapter 129 25 26 27 28 29 30 3 t

32 33 34 3 5 36 37

Then Aka-wi-ko cried, and her tears soaked the sleeves of the red-dyed [garment]6 she was wearing. In reply to the emperor’s song, she sang this song:

At Mimoro They built a jeweled fence,7 But left part unftnishcd :8 On whom will you rely, Courtier of the deity?9 Again she sang this song:

In the bay of Kusaka10 Grow lotuses of the bay, Flowering lotuses: Ah those in their prime— How I envy them!11

s Ni-zuri; dyed by pressing or rubbing the cloth with dyes made of red clay or plants. 7 Tatna-kaki. The prefix tama, jewel,’ is eulogistic; the fence itself was made of stone or wood, or was merely a grove of trees marking the boundaries of the sacred precincts. 8 Tuki-aniasi. Difficult to interpret. *In building, left part unfinished* (Takeda, Kiki kaydshii zenko, pp. 192-93). ‘[1 am like] the left-over material in building the fence* (Aiso, p. 310). *1 have passed my prime in the worship of the god* (Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 94). ‘The building was flimsy,(Nakajinia, p. 510). 9 Kami no miya-pito; for miya-pitd see 122:39. Perhaps in the plural,*ye servants of the deity.* In the above translation the verb tuku (and its inflected form, tuki) has been inter­ preted as *to build.* If it is understood as *to worship,* we get this translation: ‘At Mimoro / I worshipped before the sacred grove, / I worshipped only too long, / And now on whom am I to rely, / Poor servant of the deity?* See Tsugita, pp. 582-83. This song is also given in the Kinkafii, which calls it situ-uta and quotes the Kojiki narrative. The Kinkafu author goes on to comment that the narrative does not conform to the song and gives a different account which attributes it to Emperor Sujin. Takeda concludes that it was a religious song woven secondarily into the narrative. Kiki kayoshii zenko, p. 193. The song*s meaning is unclear, but it appears to be the lament of someone who has been passed over or left out in some way. 10 Yuryaku*s empress was named Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko (127:2). If Kusaka is used as Piketa was used in line 20, this is a song of envy of the young empress. If divorced from the narrative, it is merely the song of an aged person envying youth. 11 In all four songs in this chapter, the third line repeats an element from the second line. Aiso (p. 314) pairs the songs as follows: (a) the song about Mimoro sung in 14-18 by the emperor and its reply, the old woman*s song about Mimoro in lines 27-31; (b) the song about the chestnuts of Piketa sung by the emperor in lines 20-24 the old

355

Kojiki

38 39

Then he rewarded the old woman richly and sent her back [to her home.] These four songs are situ-uta.

woman*s reply about the lotuses of Kusaka in 33-37. In spite of the consistency of such a grouping, the songs were probably independent songs originally. Tsuchihashi thinks that all of them were uta-gaki songs. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, pp. 93-95.

356

Book Three, Chapter ijo

CHAPTER 130 Emperor Yuryaku employs a maiden of Yesino. A dragonfly eats a horsefly on HIS ARM.

1

2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9

At a time when the emperor was making a royal visit to the palace of Yesino,1 there was a beautiful maiden on the bank of the Yesino River. He wedded this maiden and then returned to the palace.2 Once again later, when he made another royal visit to Yesino, he stopped at the spot where he had met the maiden. At this place he set up his royal dais and, sitting on tliis dais, he played the cither and had the girl dance. Then, because the girl danced so well, he made a song, which said: The divine hands Of the one seated on the dais3 4 Pluck the cither To which dances the maiden: Would that this were Toko-yo ド

1 The existence of a “detached palace” in Yesino (Ydsino) is first recorded in the Nihon shoki under the reign of Ojin. Aston, I, 264. The palace was frequently visited by later rulers, and is known to have existed as late as the reign of Emperor Shomu (724749)2 The palace of Asakura in Patuse (c£ 127:1). 3 The original reads, *by means of the hands of the deity (kattu) / Seated on the dais.’ The reference to the emperor as a katnl may be explained by assuming that an emperor was divine, or that musicians participating in sacred rites were divine. Probably, how­ ever, the song was originally an independent ritual song which accompanied a sacred dance performed for a deity and was not sung by the musician himself The use of the cither to accompany shamanistic performances is clear from Chapter 92, and it is entirely possible that the early Japanese believed that the divine spirit assumed control of the player during a trance and actually played the instrument. 4 I.e., *Would that this would last eternally !*

357

Kojiki 10

11

12

13 14 15 16

17 18 19 20

21 22

23 24

25 26 27

28 29 3〇 31 32

33

Then he proceeded to the plain of Akidu, and as he was hunting there, the emperor was seated on his dais. Then a horsefly bit his arm. Immediately a dragonfly5 came and devoured the horsefly, then flew away. At this time he made a song, which said: Someone reported To the emperor The news that game were lying On the peak of Womuro Of Mi-yesino : As our great lord Ruling in peace6 Awaited the game Seated upon his dais, A horsefly landed On his forearm, Clad in a sleeve Of white tape cloth. This horsefly A dragonfly quickly devoured.

Thus, in order to perpetuate The memory of this event, Is the sky-filled7 Land of Yamato called The Dragonfly Island.8 Thus from that time forward, that plain has been called the plain of Akidu.

Akidu. 6 Yasumisisi / u>aga opo-kimi no; cf 85 ^22-23. Since this term is used by others to refer to the emperor, it is out of place in a song supposedly sung by the emperor himself The same incongruity occurs in 131:7-8. 7 Sora tnitu; cf. 116:10. 8 Aki-du-sima; an appellation for Japan. It appears first in verse 11 of the Kojiki preface. For its etymology, see the Glossary ; here, of course, we have merely a folk etymology of the usual type. In the Nihon shoki version of this song, the conclusion is the moral that even such insects as the dragonfly faithfully serve the emperor. 5

358

Book Three, Chapter 131

CHAPTER 131 Emperor Yuryaku shoots a wild boar AND CLIMBS A TREE WHEN IT CHARGES HIM.

1

2

3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

On another occasion the emperor ascended to the top of Mount Kaduraki. Thereupon a huge boar appeared. Immediately the emperor shot the boar with a humming arrow;1 then the boar became enraged and came charging with a snorting noise. Thus the emperor, fearing its snorting, climbed up a black alder tree,2 then sang this song:

Fearing the snorting Of the beast, The wounded beast Shot by our great lord Ruling in peace,3 I ran away and climbed up A branch of the black alder tree On this hill!4

1 Nart-kabura; c£. 23113. 2 Pari-tio-kt. 8 See the note to 130:19. 4 Compare the account in the Nihon shoki, where the emperor’s attendant (Aston makes it ‘attendants,)loses his head when the boar charges and climbs a tree, leaving the emperor to shoot the boar himself The cowardly attendant sings this song as he is about to be executed, and is saved from death by the intervention of the empress. Aston, I, 344-45. The Kojiki account, attributing the song to the emperor, is much less satisfac­ tory than that in the Nihon shoki. The song is most likely one expressing servile adulation of the emperor.

359

Kojiki

CHAPTER 132 Emperor Yuryaku meets the deity Pitokoto-nusi on Mount Kaduraki in MYSTERIOUS CIRCUMSTANCES.

1

2

3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10

11 12

On another occasion, when the emperor was ascending Mount Kaduraki, all of his many attendants were dressed in dyed blue garments to which red cords were attached.1 At the time people who were exactly like the emperor’s entou­ rage were climbing the mountain from the opposite side. Both the appearance of their garments and the people themselves were so much alike as to be indistinguishable. Then the emperor, seeing this, inquired, saying: “There is no other king in this land of Yamat(5. Who is this who comes in this manner The style of the reply was also the same as the emperor’s own words.2 * * * * * At this time, the emperor was greatly enraged and fixed his arrow. His many attendants also all fixed their arrows. Then the other people also all fixed their arrows. Hereupon the emperor again inquired, saying: “In that case, say your names. We will all say our names and then shoot our arrows. This time, the reply was: “Since I have been asked first, I will say my name first: good

1 C£ 113 ：3〇. 2 Tsugita (p. 592) suggests that the account is reminiscent of such phenomena as mirages and echoes. It is also possible that the emperor encountered a procession of local rulers or priests; we have noted before (cf 128:5) that local ruling families lived on a scale comparable to that of the imperial court. See Nakajima, pp. 518-19. Inoue Mitsusada suggests a political significance: the downfall of the Kaduraki family and the seizure of its ritual privileges by the imperial family. K(yiki taisei,IV, 192.

360

Book Three, Chapter 132

13 14 15

16 17 18

fortune with one word,3 bad fortune with one word,3 the word­ deciding deity4 Pito-koto-nusi-no-opo-kami ofKadurakI am I!” At this, the emperor was afraid and said: “I am struck with awe, 〇 my great deity! I did not know that you had a corporeal form.,^ Thus saying, beginning with his own great sword and bow and arrows, he had his many attendants take off the garments they were wearing and reverentially5 presented them. Then this PiTd-KOTd-NUSi-NO-opo-KAMi, clapping his hands,6 accepted these offerings. Thus, on the emperor’s return, from the mountain7 top to the entrance of Mount Patuse, this great deity escorted him back. It was at this time that this Pito-koto-n usi-no-opo-kami was [first] revealed.8

8 Pito-kdto. 4 Kotd-saka nd kami; or perhaps, ipi-panatu kami. This deity, by one word, could decide the fortunes of men; perhaps a deity of oracles or divination. 5 Or *worshipping? They presented their garments as expiatory offerings for their disrespect. 6 Evidently to express delight and to impart a blessing. 7 One ideograph appears to be corrupt in the original and has been disregarded in translation. 8 C£ 93 :i〇. That is, this deity first became known officially to the Yamato court at this time. The Nihon shoki gives a somewhat different version of this curious theophany. See Aston, I, 341-42

361

Kojiki

CHAPTER 133

A

MAIDEN HIDES FROM EMPEROR YURYAKU.

An

uneme from

Mipe of Ise saves her life

BY SINGING A SONG.

1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11

12 13

Again, the emperor journeyed to Kasuga in order to wed Wodo-pime, the daughter of the omi Satuki of Wani. At the time, the maiden1 met him on the road. Then, seeing his approach, she fled and hid on the hill.2 For this reason he made a song:

The hill Where the maiden is hiding— Oh for five hundred Metal hoes :3 How I would dig it up!

Thus that hill is called Kana-suki Hill.4 Again, when the emperor was celebrating a state banquet under a luxuriant5 tuki [tree] at Patuse, an uneme from Mipe of the land of Ise had lifted up the great wine-cup to present it. rhen a leaf fell from the luxuriant tuki tree and floated in the great wine-cup. The uneme, unaware that a leaf was floating in the wine-cup, presented the great wine.

1 Or *a maiden.’ 2 The Harima Judoki records the custom by which a girl, on receiving a proposal of marriage, would run away and hide. The suitor would seek her out and then marry her. It is said that a similar custom existed in recent years in the Yaeyama Islands of the Ryukyus. See also Aston, I, 19〇. 8 Kana-suki. * ‘Metal Hoe Hill? A folk etymology. The story of Wodo-pime is continued in Chapter 134. 5 Literally, ‘hundred-leaf?

362

Book Three, Chapter 133

14 15

16

The emperor, noticing the leaf floating in the wine-cup, held the uneme down and pressed a sword against her neck. As he was about to cut [her throat], the uneme addressed the emperor, saying: “Do not kill me! I have something to say.” Then she sang this song:

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

The palace of Pisiro At Makimuku6 Is a palace where shines The morning sun, A palace where gleams The evening sun,7 Is a palace where the roots Of the bamboo are plentiful, A palace where the roots Of the trees are long and extended, Is a palace built On firmly pounded soil.8

29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38

A hall of wood Of excellent pi trees Is the Hall of the First Fruits,9 By which is growing A luxuriant Tuki tree: Its upper branches10 Spread out over the heavens; Its middle branches Spread out over the eastern lands;11

'

® The palace of Pisiro at Makimuku was Emperor KeikS’s palace (c£ 77:1). This conflicts with the narrative (verse 11), which states that the emperor was at Patuse. The song was probably woven into the narrative secondarily. 7 Cf. 39:17. The palace is praised because of its location in the sun. 8 These lines praise the palace for the firmness of its foundation. This entire section of the song is in the nature of a palace-blessing. 9 Nipi^nape-ya; c£. 16:3. The hall where the autumn harvest festival was celebrated. 10 Compare the branch and leaf imagery here with that in 102:12-17 and 117:2. 11 Aduma; see its folk etymology in 84:16.

363

Kojiki

39 40

Its lower branches Spread out over the rural regions.12

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 6r 62

The leaves at the tip Of the upper branches Touch down On the middle branches; The leaves at the tip Of the middle branches Touch down On the lower branches; The leaves at the tip Of the lower branches Drop, as floating oil,13 Into the beautiful jeweled cup Presented By the girl of Mipe Of the silken garments14— And falling into the liquid, The waters churning, Churning around:15 This, too— How awesome, 〇 high-shining Sun-prince!

63 64 65

These are The words, The words handed down.16

12 Pina. Both Aduma and pina are used to refer vaguely to distant places. 13 C£ 1 ：2. The next several lines allude to the creation myth. 14 Ari-kinu no; conventional epithet for Mipe. The etymology is not entirely clear, but art appears to be the noun which now means *ant/ but which may have meant ‘worm’； thus, ‘silk-worm cloth.’ 16 An allusion to 3:4. By alluding to the felicitous creation myth, the uneme succeeds in creating an atmosphere in which the leaf-in-the-cup episode is regarded as a good omen rather than as a crime. 18 This refrain, appearing at the end of the three ama-gatari-uta in this chapter, is the same as that found in the kamu-gatari songs in Chapters 25-27. The similarity in diction

364

Book Three, Chapter 133 66 67 68 69

Thus, when she presented this song, he forgave her crime. Then the empress*17 sang a song, which said:

83

In this high place Of Yamato, In the gently elevated Meeting place, By the Hall of the First Fruits There is growing18 A wide-leaved Sacred camellia tree. Like its leaves, Wide and calm, Like its flowers, Shining brilliantly Are yeu, 〇 high-shining Sun-prince! Partake, 〇 my lord, Of the abundant wine!19

84 85 86

These are The words, The words handed down.

87

Then the emperor sang this song:

70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

of the songs in this chapter and those in Chapters 25-27 strongly suggests a common background. This song praises the palace and blesses the emperor, probably on the occasion of the harvest festival. Tachibana Moribe praised this song in the highest terms: “Since the Nara period it has been fashionable to idolize Hitomaro and Akahito. Be that as it may, when we examine the songs of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, we find that this song must be praised as the supreme song, and there are four or five which can be compared to it. Can the reader not detect their mysterious beauty unless he is endowed with a highly developed appreciative eye?” Itsu no koto-waki, p. 367. For another translation, see Brower and Miner, pp. 73-74. 17 Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko (127:2). 18 Lines 73-79 are almost identical with 112:19-26. 19 Identical with 28:35-36. The literal meaning is/ Present to him / The abundant wine!*

365

88 89 9〇 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102

1〇3 1〇4

The courtiers20 Of the great palace Like quails, Donning their scarves,21 Like wagtails, Their tails criss-crossing,22 Like garden-sparrows, Bowing low,23 Today too appear To be steeped in wine一 The high-shining Sun-palace courtiers.24

These are The words, The words handed down.

>

These three songs are ama-gatari-uta. Thus, at this state banquet the uneme of Mipe was eulogized and richly rewarded.

M Opo^miya-ptto. n I.e., wearing scarves, so that their appearance is quail-like. Scarves (pire) seem to have been part of the costume of the court women. n With their hems or trains dragging behind like tails? n Or, perhaps, ‘flocking.’ M By recounting the appearance of the “courtiers” at a court banquet, the emperor sings a song of praise for life at court; the “courtiers” seem to be court women. The bird imagery is reminiscent of the bird funeral in 34:3. All the songs in this chapter appear only in the Kojiki.

366

Book Three, Chapter 134

CHAPTER 134 Emperor Yuryaku exchanges songs with WODO-PIME OF KaSUGA. HlS DEATH. 1

On the day of this state banquet, when Wodo-pime of Kasuga presented the great wine, the emperor sang this song:

3 4

The water-spraying1 Omi maiden Holds the soaring flagon.

5 6

Holding the soaring flagon, 〇 hold it firmly!

7 8

Firmly from the bottom,2 Ever more firmly hold it, 〇 girl holding the soaring flagon !3

2

9

10 11

12

13 14 15 16

17 18

This is uki-uta. Then Wodo-pime presented a song, which said: Our great lord Ruhng in peace4 Each morning Leans upon, Each evening Leans upon His arm-rest—would that I

1 A conventional epithet for otni (*court noble,) because of its phonetic similarity to such words as umi (*ocean*) or uwo ffish*). 8 Or ‘heartily,’ ‘firmly.’ These words seem to be a formula of blessing for the ^firm­ ness* * of the life of the drinkers. 3 A song widely sung at drinking parties. Under the name uki-uta, it is recorded in the Kinkafu, which also records two prose narratives, one of them quoted from this section of the Kojiki. 4 C£ 85:22-23.

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Kojiki

19 20 21 22

Were even its bottom board! —〇 my brother !5— This is SITU-UTA. The years of this emperor were one hundred and twenty-four. He died on the ninth day of the eighth month of the sixth year of the Snake.®

23

His tomb is at Takawasi of Tadipi in Kaputi.6 7

6 This same exclamation is used as a refrain in 86:17, 23. 8 己巳 Read tsuchinoto mi. The sixth year of the cycle. 489 A.D. T For the story of the subsequent desecration of the tomb, see Chapter 139.

368

Book Three, Chapter 135

CHAPTER 135 The reign of Emperor Seinei and the SUBSEQUENT INTERREGNUM.

1

2 3 4 5 6

Sira-ga-no-opo-yamato-neko-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of Mikakuri at Ipare and ruled the kingdom. This emperor had no empress and no children. Thus the Sira-ga-be was established [as his] mi-na-siro.2 Thus after the death of this emperor, there was no suitable prince to rule the kingdom.3 At this time, they sought a prince to assume the sun-lineage. The younger sister of Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-wake-no-miko, Osinumi-no-iratume, also named Ipi-toyo-no-miko,4 *dwelt in the palace of Tunosasi of Taka-ki at Osinumi in Kaduraki.6

1 Emperor Yuryaku*s son (127:3). The Shimpuku-ji manuscript includes the words *his son* before the name. 8 Cf 127:4. 8 Because Yuryaku had murdered all princes eligible for the throne? 4 A daughter o£ Emperor Richu (c£ 118:2). According to the Nihon shoki, Opoke and Woke were discovered and made Seinei*s successors before his death. The interreg­ num presided over by Princess Ipi-toyo occurred while the two princes ceded the throne to each other. See Aston, I, pp. 375-76, 383-84. ® Verses 5-6 may mean, *At this time, while seeking a prince to assume the sun­ lineage, the younger sister...

369

Kojiki

CHAPTER 136 Princes Oke

and

Woke

reveal their

IDENTITY AS SONS OF ItI-NO-BE-NO-OsI-PA-

WAKE-NO-MIKO AND ARE RESTORED TO THEIR

RIGHTFUL POSITIONS.

1 2 3 4 5 6

7

8

Wo-date, the murazi of the Yama-be,1 was appointed governor of the land of Parima. At that time he came to the feast [celebrating] a new pit-dwell­ ing2 owned by a subject of that land named Sizimu.3 At this time, when the celebration was at its height and the drinking was well under way, everyone took turns dancing. There were two fire-tending boys seated by the hearth.4 When they made these young boys dance, one of the boys said: “You dance first, elder brother !,J But the elder brother in his turn said: “You dance first, younger brother !,J As they thus deferred to each other, the assembled people laughed at the spectacle of their deferring to each other.5 Then at long last the elder brother danced, and when he had finished, the younger brother, as he was about to dance, intoned a chant,6 saying:

1 Another murazi of the Yama-be named Opo-tate is mentioned in H5：37fE 1 Nipi-tnurd. The same type of celebration as that described in Chapter 8〇. The word murd, originally *pit dwelling,* came to mean ‘house’； thus a sort of housewarming festival is in progress. 8 C£ 126:17. 4 They were, of course, Princes Oke and Woke of Chapter 126. 5 The brothers* behavior is reminiscent of the behavior of Opo-sazaki-no-mikoto and Udi-no-waki-iratuko in 105:48ft. fhis episode prefigures their deference in regard to the throne in 137:43-44. 8 Nagame. The following curious chant is not written phoneticaDy, as is all the verse of the Kojiki, and does not appear to follow a known metrical pattern. Nevertheless, its diction is poetic, and we are of course entitled to treat it as a sort of antique free verse. It is a good example of the rambling, disjointed diction the early Japanese used to

370

Book Three, Chapter 136 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

My beloved Warrior lad Wears at his side a sword, On the hilt of which Is daubed red clay,7 And on the cord of which Is attached a red banner.8

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

When the red banner is erected It is seen to conceal9 The mountain ridges Where the bamboo Are cut down And their tips spread out in even rows10一 In this manner, And in the manner of an eight-stringed cither When in perfect tune一

25 26 27 28

Did he rule the kingdom, The son of Emperor Iza-po-wake,11 Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko一 Whose ofispring am I !12

29

The murazi Wodate heard this and was astonished; falling off his seat, he dismissed the other people in the room.

combine various loosely associated images until the purpose of the song becomes clear at the end. ’ In earliest times red was thought to be a sacred color which could expel evil spirits; later it was used to symbolize authority. 8 Or *The cord of which / Is decorated with a red flag.’ Motoori thought the ideograph *is attached* was corrupt. Red banners were used by advancing armies and by messen­ gers on imperial errands (c£ verse 29 of the Preface). 9 Another possible interpretation is, ‘When the red banner is erected / [The enemy] hide at the sight of it.* 10 Or *bent down.* An image of the all-pervading rule of the emperor. 11 Emperor Richu (118:1-2). There is no evidence that Osi-pa-no-miko did, in fact, reign. The last stanza may also be translated, *Did he rule the kingdom / Emperor Izapo-wake, / Whose son [was] Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko— / Whose offspring am I !* 11 Or ‘[His] servant-offspring !*

371

Kojiki

30

31

Setting the two princes on his left and right knees,13 he wept and sorrowed; assembling people, he built a temporary palace, accom­ modated them in this temporary palace, and sent out messengers. At this time their aunt Ipi-toyo-no-miko heard and rejoiced, and had them come up to the palace.14

13 The princes are spoken of as children, probably another Kojiki story of miraculous childhood rather than actual fact. 14 Different versions of the brothers* tale occur in the Nihon shoki (see Aston, 1,379-83), and in the Harima fudoki (see Additional note 28).

372

Book Three, Chapter リ 7

CHAPTER 137 Prince Woke

and

Sibi engage in a song

CONTEST OVER A GIRL NAMED OPUWO. WOKE

and

Oke

kill

Sibi. Prince Woke

finally

ASSUMES THE THRONE AS EMPEROR KENZO.

1

2

3 4 5 6

7

8

As he was about to rule the kingdom,1 the omi Sibi,2 the ancestor of the omi of Peguri, was present at an uta-gaki and grasped the hand of the maiden whom Woke-no-mikoto was going to marry.3 The girl was the daughter of the obito of Uda4 and her name was Opuwo.5 Woke-no-mikoto was also present at the uta-gaki. At this time the omi Sibi sang this song: The farther sides Of the great palace Are falling in at the comers.6

Thus singing, he asked for a completion of the song.7

11.e.,as the new reign was about to begin. The ‘he’ is not expressed in the original, but refers ultimately to Prince Woke, the younger brother, who reigned next as Em­ peror Kenzo. 2 Sibi*s great political power is made clear in verse 4〇. 3 The Nihon shoki attributes the events in this chapter to Emperor Buretsu [Muretsu]; see Aston, I, [399)-403. The story is one of rivalry between a claimant to the throne just returned from exile and the son of a powerful central family. 4 Some manuscripts have *Son6da? The word obito is followed by a pluralizing ideograph. 5 Or Opo-uwo; written with the ideographs for *great fish.* As she is not mentioned as a wife of Prince Woke in Chapter 138, the girl is probably a fictitious character; it has been suggested that her name was taken from the word opuwo in verse 33 of the song. ® A song in kata-uta form, sung as a challenge requiring an answer in the same form. The following songs are a battle of wits between Sibi and Prince Woke. This song seems to refer to the decline of the imperial fortunes. 7 He demanded a reply in the same metrical form. See 84:22.

373

Kojiki

9

10 11 12 13

14 15 16

17 18 19 20 21 22

23 24

25 26 27 28 29

30

Then Woke-no-mikoto sang this song: Because the carpenter Was unskillful, It is falling in at the corners.8

Then the

omi

Sibi sang this song:

Because the heart Of the great lord is slack, He does not enter The many-layered twig fence Of the omi lad.9 Thereupon the prince again sang this song:

As I watch the breakers In the briny rapids, By the fin Of the leisurely moving tuna fish10 * I see my spouse standing.11 Then the omi Sibi, more and more enraged, sang this song: Our great lord The prince’s twig fence— Though it be tied in eight sections, Though it be tied clear round, Is a twig fence which can be pierced,

8 The *carpenter* presumably refers to Sibi. Since he was able to reply spontaneously, Prince Woke won the first round of the contest. 9 Here, Sibi attacks the prince: * Since you are lax and indolent, you are unable to enter my strong fence, within which the maiden is confined.* Some commentators, however, believe that this song should be attributed to Prince Woke—in which case Sibi’s song in line 26-31 would make an appropriate answer. 10 A play on the name Sibi, which means ‘tuna fish.* C£ lines 33-37. n This does not seem an appropriate reply to the previous song and may instead refer back to the first song, since the word translated ‘fin’ is patade, which appears also in the first song translated as ‘sides.’ This is the only song in this chapter duplicated in the Nihon shoki, where it is the first song of the contest, sung by Emperor Buretsu to challenge Sibi.

374

Book Three, Chapter 137

31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Is a twig fence which can be burnt.12 Then the prince again sang this song:

〇 fisherman harpooning The great fish,13 the tuna fish: If she gets away from you,14 Then won’t you miss her!一 〇 Sibi harpooning the tuna fish!15

Thus singing, they contested until dawn and then each took his leave. 39 On the following morning, Oke-no-mikoto and Woke-nomikoto consulted together and said: 4〇 "All the court people come to the court in the morning and gather at Sibi’s house16 in the afternoon. Sibi must surely be sleep­ ing now, and there will be no one in his house. Therefore, if not now, it will be difficult to strike.”17 41 Then they raised an army, surrounded the house of the omi Sibi, and killed him. 42 At this time, the two princes ceded the kingdom to each other.18 43 Oke-no-mikoto deferred to his younger brother Woke-nomikoto, saying: “If you had not revealed our names when we were living in the house of Sizimu in Parima, we would not have become the rulers

38

12 This is the only song in the Kojiki written in what is now called the bussokuseki metrical form, a 5-7«5-7~7-7 pattern in which the sixth line is a repetition with minor variations of the fifth line. 13 Opuwo yosi; used as a hterary epithet to modify the following word sibi. Opuwo is, of course, also the girl’s name. 14 Areba. There are many different interpretations of this line. The word areba may mean, *if [she, it, etc.] rampages/ i.e., ‘if the fish you are seeking to harpoon moves about swiftly and escapes? It may also mean, *if [she, it, etc.] goes away.* 18 The fifth line is a repetition with slight variation of the second line. Various scholars have advocated that the order of the chapter*s six songs is confused and have regrouped them in different arrangements. 18 Literally, ‘gate.’ 17 Literally, ‘plot,’ ‘consult.’ 18 Compare this account with the other Kojiki example of the same sort of behavior in 105:48-54.

375

Kojiki

44

of the kingdom. This is all your doing. Therefore even though I am the elder brother, you must rule the kingdom first.” [Thus saying], he steadfastly yielded [his claim to the throne]. Therefore, unable to refuse, Woke-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom first.

376

Book Three, Chapter 1^8

CHAPTER 138 The old woman Okime reveals the LOCATION OF THE REMAINS OF ItI-NO-BE-NO-MIKO AND IS REWARDED BY EMPEROR KENZO.

The

EMPEROR EXECUTES Wl-KAPI.

1

Woke-no-ipa-su-wake-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of 2 Tika-tu-Asuka and ruled the kingdom for eight years.12 * The emperor took as his wife Nanipa-no-miko, the daughter of Ipaki-no-miko. There were no children. 3 As this emperor was searching for the remains of his father, Itino-be-no-miko, a lowly old woman of the land of Apumi came forth and said: 4 “The place where the prince’s remains are buried is known to me alone. The teeth will identify [the remains].M 5 His teeth were multiple teeth8 like the sakikusa.4 * * * 6 Then, conscripting labor, they dug up the ground in search of his remains. 7 Then when they had obtained his remains, they built a tomb on the mountain to the east of [the plain] of Kaya-no and buried [them there].

1 This long name for Prince Woke appears in no other document, and only in this one place in the Kojiki. Preceding his name in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript are the words, “The son of Isi-nd-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko, the son of Iza-po-wake-no-miko/* 2 According to the Nihon shoki, he died in the third year of his reign. Aston, I, 394. This is the first time the Kojiki records the length of an emperor’s reign. • Osi-pa. Part of his name was Osi-pa-no-miko. The Watnydsho defines an ideograph meaning ‘multiple-growing teeth* as osopa. 4 A lily with three-pronged branches. Teeth deformation of this type, i.e., filing the front teeth into three-pronged fangs, is found in human remains from thejomon period but not in Yayoi or protohistorical finds. Zukai kdkogaku jiten, pp. 400-401. The Kojiki account provides interesting evidence of possible Jomon culture survivals into the historical period.

377

Kojiki

They charged the children of Kara-bukuro5 with the care of the tomb. But later they brought his remains up.6 9 Then returning [to his palace], he summoned the old woman and IO gave her the name “〇Id woman Okime, 7 to reward her for having unfaihngly observed and remembered the place [where his father was buried]. Thus, receiving her within the palace, he praised her with warm 11 and profound tenderness. Thus a house for the old woman was built close by the palace, 12 and he summoned her every day without fail. Thus, he hung a large bell by the door of the great hall, and 13 whenever he wished to summon the old woman, he pulled and rang this bell. Then he made a song, which said: 14 8

15 16

17 18 19 20

21

Across the reed plains, Across the valleys8 Sounding far, Peals the bell: Okime is sure to come.9 At this time the old woman Okime said: “I have become extremely old and wish to return to my native land.” Then as he dismissed her in accordance with her words, the emperor, seeing her off into the distance, sang this song:

8 C£ 126:1. In the Nihon shoki, Kara-bukurd was implicated in Osi-pa-nd-miko^ murder; Emperor Kenzo commuted his death sentence and made him a tomb guardian. See Aston, I, 388-89. 6 And re-buried them in Yamatd. Motoori doubted the authenticity of this passage. 7 In the Nihon shoki account, she is the younger sister of Yamato-pukuro-no-sukune, the ancestor of the yama-no-kitni of Sasaki in Apumi. See Aston, I, 386-91. 8 Asadi-para (*reed plain*) and wo-dani flittle valley’) may be proper nouns. 9 The Nihon shoki records this and the following song. Aiso (p. 364) suggests that this song may have been the asadi-para-buri performed at the uta-gaki in 734 and mentioned in the Shoku Nihongi. C£ also the note to 111:38.

378

Book Three, Chapter 138

22

〇 Okime,

23 24

Okime of Apumi, From tomorrow, Hidden behind the mountains, You will be seen no longer!

25 26

27

28

29 30

31

A search was made for the old man Wi-kapi, who took away their provisions when the emperor had met with misfortune and was fleeing.10 11 He was found and summoned, and executed in the river-bed of the Asuka River. They severed the knee-tendons11 of all his relatives. For this reason, to this very day his descendants begin naturally to limp whenever they come up to Yamato.12 Because the old man was found,13 that place is called Simesu.

10 C£ 126:13—15. 11 Or *leg muscles? 14 An interesting old superstition: the punishment of an offender was handed on to his descendants. 18 Misimeki; another folk etymology.

379

CHAPTER 139 Oke-no-miko desecrates the tomb of Emperor Yuryaku but does not destroy it. The death of Emperor Kenzo. 1

The emperor was filled with bitterness toward Emperor Opowho had killed the prince his father. In order to be revenged upon his spirit, he conceived the plan to break down the tomb of Emperor Opo-patuse. When he dispatched people [for that purpose], his elder brother Oke-no-mikoto said: “It is not proper to dispatch others to destroy this tomb. I will go myself and, in accordance with your majesty’s will, will destroy it and then return.0 Then the emperor commanded: “In that case, go and do as you say.” At this, Oke-no-mikoto went down himself and returned after digging merely a small hole at the side of the tomb. On his return he reported, saying: “It has been dug up and demolished/J Then the emperor, wondering at his quick return, said: “In what manner has it been destroyed ?n He replied, saying: “I dug up a small amount of earth at the side of the tomb. The emperor said: “Our intention was to avenge the prince our father, and it was quite necessary to destroy the tomb entirely. What is this about digging a little?” He replied, saying: “The reason why I did so is this: The desire to avenge upon his spirit the wrong done to the prince our father is truly a just one. patuse,

2

3 4

5 6

7 8 9

10

11

380

Book Three, Chapter

ljp

Nevertheless, the Emperor Opo-patuse, besides being our father’s enemy, was also our uncle.1 Furthermore, he was an emperor who ruled the kingdom. 12 “IC swayed solely by the desire to avenge our father, we were now to demolish the tomb of an emperor who had ruled the kingdom, then surely the people of the future would condemn us. 13 “But it was absolutely necessary to be revenged upon our father*s enemy. Thus I dug a little by the tomb. In so doing, this dishonor1 2 will suffice to show to future generations/* 14 When he had spoken thus, the emperor replied, saying: “This is also most just. Let it be as you say. 3 15 When the emperor died, Oke-n6-mikoto ruled the heavenly snn-lineage. 16 The years of the emperor were thirty-eight; he ruled the king­ dom for eight years. 17 His tomb is on the hill of Ipatuki at Katawoka.4

1 Emperor Yuryaku (Opo-patuse) and Osi-pa-nd-miko, the father of Princes Oke and Woke, were cousins. a Literally, ‘shame.’ 8 Compare this account with the Nihon shoki version (Aston, 1,389-90). rhis account of the moral dilemma of a person confronted with the conflicting claims of revenge and reverence for imperial institutions is an interesting landmark in the development of Japanese morality under the impact of Chinese ethics. The reputed tomb of Yuryaku is “exceedingly small and trivial by contrast** with the imposing tombs assigned to emperors such as Nintoku and Richu. See Kidder, p. 146. Aston (I, 390) was of the opinion that the tomb was really destroyed, a fact which the Kojiki and Nihon shoki tried to minimize. 4 This chapter concludes the Kcjiki’s anecdotal sections.

381

Kojiki

CHAPTER 140 Wives and children of Emperor Ninken. 1 2

3

4 5

Oke-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace ofPiROTAKA at Iso-no-kami and ruled the kingdom. The emperor took as wife Kasuga-no-opo-iratume, the daugh­ ter of Emperor Opo-patuse-no-waka-take,1 2 and there was bom the child Taka-ki-no-iratume ; next, Takara-no-iratume ; next, Kusubi-no-iratume ; next, Ta-sira-ga-no-iratume ;3 next, Wopatuse-no-waka-sazaki-no-mikoto ; and next, Ma-waka-noMIKO.4 Again he took as wife Nuka-no-wakugo-no-iratume,5 the daughter of Pituma, the omi of Wani, and there was born the child Kasuga-no-woda-no-iratume. The children of this emperor were altogether seven children. Among them, Wo-patuse-no-waka-sazaki-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.6

1 Preceding the name, the Shimpuku-ji manuscript has, ‘The elder brother of Wokeno-miko? From this chapter to the end of the Kojiki, the accounts consist almost entirely of genealogies. 2 Emperor Yuryaku. Waka-tarasi-pime-no-mikoto is the only daughter of this em­ peror mentioned in the Kojiki (127:3). 8 The empress of Emperor Keitai and the mother of Emperor Kimmei (c£ 142:4). 4 With the exception of Wo-patuse-no-waka-sazaki-no-mikoto, the future Emperor Buretsu, all of Ninken’s children were girls. 6 C£ 145:4. There may be confusion between 140:3 and 145:4 in the manuscripts. 8 There is no account of the tomb or age of Emperor Ninken.

382

Book Three, Chapters 140 and 141

CHAPTER 141 Reign 1 2

3 4 5

of

Emperor Buretsu.

Wo-patuse-no-waka-sazaki-no-mikoto dwelt in the palace of Nami-ki at Patuse and ruled the kingdom for eight years. Because this emperor had no children, the Wo-patuse-be was established as his mi-ko-siro. His tomb is on the hill of Ipatuki at Katawoka.1 After the death of the emperor, there was no prince to assume the sun-lineage.1 2 Thereupon a descendant in the fifth generation of Emperor Pomuda,3 Wo-podo-no-mikoto, was brought up from the land of Tika-tu-Apumi, and being united with Ta-sira-ga-no-mikoto,4 was given [rule over] the kingdom.

1 The same location as the tomb of Emperor Kenzo (c£ 139:17). Both Buretsu and Kenzo were childless, both ruled for eight years, and both were buried in the same place. 2 Here the line of Emperor Nintoku’s male descendants comes to an end. The Nihon shoki speaks of Buretsu as an extremely wicked ruler. C£ Aston, esp. I, 407. a Emperor Ojin. See notes to Chapter 108. 4 One of Ninken*s daughters and Buretsu’s sister.

383

Kojiki

CHAPTER 142 Wives and children of Emperor Keitai. 1 2

Wo-podo-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of Tamapo at Ipare and ruled the kingdom. The emperor took as wife Waka-pime, the ancestress of the Kimi of Miwo,2 and there was born the child Opo-iratuko ; next, IdUMO-NO-IRATUME. (Two children)

3

Again, he took as wife Meko-no-iratuaie, the younger sister of the murazi Oposi, the ancestor of the murazi of Wopari, and there was born the child Piro-kuni-osi-take-kana-pi-noMIKOTO；3 next, TAKE-WO-PIRO-KUNI-OSI-TATE-NO-MIKdTO. 4 (Two children)

4

Next he took as wife Ta-sira-ga-no-mikoto, the daughter of Emperor Oke5—this was the empress—and there was born the child AME-KUNI-OSI-PARUKI-PIRO-NIPA-NO-MIKOTO? (One child)

5

Again, he took as wife 1Wo-kumi-no-iratume, the daughter of Okinaga-no-mate-no-miko, and there was born [the child] SASAGE-NO-IRATUME. (One child)

6

Again he took as wife Kuro-pime, the daughter of Sakata-noand there was bom the child Kamu-zaki-noiratume； next, Ta-no-iratume; next, Sira-saka-no-iku-pikono-iratume; next, No-no-iratume, also named Nagakie-pime. opo-mata-no-miko,

(Four7 children)

7

Again he took as wife Yamato-pime, the younger sister of Katabu, the Kimi of Miwo, and there was bom the child Opo-

1 Preceding the name, the Shimpuku-ji manuscript has the words, *The fifth-genera­ tion descendant of Pomuda-nd-miko. * 8 But compare 69:21. 8 Emperor Ankan (143 :i). 4 Emperor Senka (144:1). 6 C£ 140:2. • Emperor Kimmei (145:1). 7 Some manuscripts have ‘two.’

384

Book Three, Chapter 142 iratume;

next, Maroko-no-miko ; next, Mimi-no-miko; next,

AKA-PIME-NO-IRATUME. (Four children)

Again he took as wife Abe-no-paye-pime, and there was bom the child Wakaya-no-iratume ; next, Tubura-no-iratume ; next,

8

ADU-NO-MIKO. (Three children)

This emperor had altogether nineteen children.8 (Seven princes and

9

twelve princesses)

〇

Among them, Ame-kuni-osi-paruki-piro-nipa-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.9 11 Next, Piro-kuni-osi-take-kana-pi-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.10 11 12 Next, Take-wo-piro-kuni-osi-tate-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.11 13 Next, Sasage-no-miko worshipped at the shrine of Ise.12 14 During this reign, Ipawi, the kimi of Tukusi, disobeyed the emperor’s commands and committed many indignities. 15 Therefore both Arakapi, the opo-murazi of the Mono-no-be, and kanamura, the murazi of the Opo-tomo, were dispatched to kill Ipawiノ3 16 The years of the emperor were forty-three.14 15 i

He died on the ninth day of the fourth month of the fourth year of the Sheep.16

17

His tomb is the tomb of Awi at Misima.

8 Only seventeen children are mentioned in the sections above. 9 Emperor Kimmei (c£ 145:1). Although this emperor reigned after the emperors named in the next two verses, he is mentioned first here. 10 Emperor Ankan. 11 Emperor Senka. 18 C£ 64:8, 69:15. 18 C£ Aston, II, 15—17. 14 The Nihon shoki says that he was 82 at the time of his death. 15 T未 Read hinoto hitsiづi. The forty-fourth year of the cycle. 527 a.d. The Nihon shoki has 531.

385

Kojiki

CHAPTER 143 Reign of Emperor Ankan. 1 2

Piro-kuni-osi-take-kana-pi-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of Kanapasi at Magari and ruled the kingdom. This emperor had no children. He died on the thirteenth day of the third month of the second year of the Hare.1 2

3

His tomb is in the village of Takaya at Puruti in Kaputi.

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes the name with the ideograph for ‘his son.* 2 乙ダロ Read kinoto u. The fifty-second year of the cycle. 535 a.d. This date cor­

responds to the death date given in the Nihon shoki. From this point on, the Kojiki and Nihon shoki dates agree; the death dates for Ankan, Yomei, Sushun, and Suiko are identical in both books.

386

Book Three, Chapters 143 and 144

CHAPTER 144 Wives and children of Emperor Senka. 1 2

TAKE-wo-md-KUN卜os卜tate-nS-mikStS1 dwelt in the palace of Iporino at Pinokuma and ruled the kingdom. The emperor took as wife Tatibana-no-naka-tu-pime, the daughter of Emperor Oke,2 and there was born the child Is卜pimeNo-MiKOTd;next, Wo-isi-pime-no-mikoto ; next, Kura-no-wakaYE-NO-MIKO.

3 4

5 6

Again he took as wife Kaputi-no-wakugo-pime and there was born the child Po-no-po-no-miko ; next, Wepa-no-miko. This emperor had altogether five children. (Three princes and two princesses)3 Po-NO-PO-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the kimi of Sipida. WEPA-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the kimi of Wina and the kimi of Tadepi.

1 The Shimpuku-Ji manuscript precedes this name with an ideograph meaning *younger brother* (cf 142:3). 8 This daughter is not mentioned among the offspring listed in Chapter 14〇. a The Kojiki omits any information about the death and tomb location of this em­ peror who, according to the Nihon shoki, died in 539. Aston, II, 35.

387

Kojiki

CHAPTER 145 Wives

and children of

Emperor Kimmei.

The Emperor Ame-kuni-osi-paruki-piro-nipa1 dwelt in the great palace of Siki-sima and ruled the kingdom. 2 The emperor took as wife Isi-pime-no-mikoto, the daughter of the emperor of Pinokuma,2 and there was born the child Yatano-miko； next, Nuna-kura-puto-tama-siki-no-mikot6 ;3 next, KaSANUPI-NO-MIKO. (Three children) 3 Again he took as wife her younger sister Wo-isi-pime-nomikoto4 and there was born a child Kami-no-miko. (One child) 4 Again he took as wife Nuka-ko«no-ibatume, the daughter of Pituma, the omi of Kasuga,5 and there was born the child Kasugano-yamada-no-iratume ; next, Maroko-no-miko ; next, Soga-

1

NO-KURA-NO-MIKO. (Three children)

5

Again he took as wife Kitasi-pime, the daughter of the opo-omi, Soga-no-Iname-no-sukune, and there was born the child Tatibana-n6-t6yo-pi-n6-mik6to ;6 next, a younger sister Ipakumano-miko; next, Atori-no-miko ; next, T6yo-mike-kasigiya-pimeno-mikoto；7 next, another Maroko-no-miko ; next, Opo-yakeno-miko; next, Imigako-no-miko ; next, Yamasiro-no-miko ; next, a younger sister Opo-tomo-no-miko ; next, Sakurawi-noYumipari-no-miko ; next, Mano-no-miko ; next, TatibanaMOt6-n6-WAKUGO-n6-MIKO ； and next, NeDO-NO-MIKO. (Thirteen children)

6

Again he took as wife Wo-ye-pime, the aunt of Kitasi-pime-

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes the name with the ideograph meaning ‘younger brother* (c£ 142:4). 2 C£ 144:2; his niece. 8 Emperor Bitatsu (146:1). 4 C£ 144:2. 6 Another daughter of this same person was married to Emperor Ninken (c£ 140:3). 6 Emperor Yomei (cf 147:1). 7 Empress Suiko (c£ 149:1).

388

Book Three, Chapter 145

and there was bom the child Uma-ki-no-miko ; next, Kaduraki-no-miko ; next, PAsiPiTd-NO-ANAPO-BE-NO-Mnco; next, Sakikusa-be-no-anapo-be-no-wko, also named Sume-irodo; and next, PATUSE-BE- NO-WAKA-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO.8 (Five children) This emperor had altogether twenty-five children. Among them, Nuna-kura-puto-taivia-siki-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.9 Next, Tatibana-no-toyo-pi-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.10 11 Next, T6y6-mike-kasigiya-pime-n6-mikot6 ruled the king­ dom.11 Next, Patuse-be-no-waka-sazaki-no-mikoto ruled the kingdom.12 Altogether four of his children ruled the kingdom.13 no-mikot6,

7 8 9 10

11

12

8 Emperor Sushun (c£ 148:1). ® C£ 146:1. 10 C£ 147:1. 11 Cf 149:1. Actually, she followed Patuse-be-nd-waka-sazaki (Sushun). 12 Cf 148:1. 13 The Kcjiki omits any information about the death and tomb location of Emperor Kimmei. The Nihon shoki gives his death date as 571.

389

Kojiki

CHAPTER 146 Wives and children of Emperor Bitatsu. 1

2

Nuna-kura-puto-tama-siki-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of Wosada and ruled the kingdom for fourteen years. This emperor took as wife his half-sister Toyo-mike-kasigiyapime-no-mikoto1 2 and there was born the child Sidu-kapi-nomiko, also named Kapi-dako-no-miko ; next, Takeda-no-miko, also named Wo-kapi-no-miko ; next, Woparida-no-miko ; next, Kaduraki-no-miko ; next, Umori-no-miko ; next, Wopari-nomiko; next, Tame-no-miko ; next, Sakurawi-no-Yumipari-noMIKO. (Eight children)

3

Again he took as wife Wo-kuma-ko-no-iratume, the daughter of the obito of Opoka in Ise, and there was born the child Putopime-no-mikoto ; next, Takara-no-miko, also named NukadePIME-NO-MIKO.3 (Two children)

4

5

6

7

Again he took as wife Piro-pime-no-mikoto, the daughter of Okinaga-no-mate-no-miko, and there was bom the crown prince Osaka-no-Piko-pito, also named Maroko-no-miko ;4 next, SAKA-NOBORI-NO-MIKO ； next, Udi-NO~MIKO. (Three children) Again he took as wife Omina-ko-no-iratume, the daughter of Kasuga-no-naka-tu-wakugo, and there was born the child Nanipa-no-miko; next, Kupata-no-miko ; next, Kasuga-noMIKO ； next, OpO-MATA-NO-MIKO.5 (Four children) This emperor had altogether seventeen children. Of them, the crown prince Piko-pito took as wife his half-sister

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes this name with the ideograph meaning *his son’ (145:2). 2 Empress Suiko (c£ 149:1); her birth is recorded in 145:5. 3 This princess is identified under the name of Tamura-no-miko in verse 7 below. 4 It is doubtful that this person was ever made crown prince. The title may have been attributed to him because he was the father of Emperor Jomei. 5 Another Opo-mata-no-miko appears in verse 8 below.

390

Book Three, Chapter 146

Tamura-no-miko, also named Nukade-pime-no-mikoto, and there were born [these children]: the emperor who ruled the king­ dom in the palace of Wokamoto;6 next, Naka-tu-miko ; next, TARA-NO-MIKO. (Three children)

8

9

Again he took as wife Opo-mata-no-miko, the younger sister of Aya-no-miko, and there was born the cliild Tinu-no-miko ; next, a younger daughter Kupata-no-miko. (Two children) Again he took as wife his half-sister Yumipari-no-miko ; and there was born the child Yamasiro-no-miko ; next, KasanupiNO-MIKO. (Two children)

10

[There were] altogether seven children. He died on the sixth day of the fourth month of the first year of the Dragon.7

11

His tomb is at Sinaga in Kaputi.

® Emperor Jomei (reigned 629-641). This is the latest fact to which the Kojiki refers. Jomei reigned after Empress Suiko, whose reign is the last that the Kojiki records form­ ally. He was the father of Emperors Tenchi and Temmu, and is probably mentioned here out of deference to the latter. 7 甲辰 Read kinoe tatsu. The forty-first year of the cycle. 584 A.d. The Nihon shoki has 585.

391

Kojiki

CHAPTER 147 Wives and children of Emperor Yomei. 1 2

Tatibana-no-toyo-pi-no-mikoto1 dwelt in the palace of Ikeno-be and ruled the kingdom for three years. This emperor took as wife Opo-gitasi-pime, the daughter of the opo-omi, Iname-no-sukune, and there was born a child Tame-noMIKO. (One child)

3

Again he took as wife his half-sister Pasipito-n6-anapo-be-noand there was born the child Upe-no-miya-no-Umayadono-toyo-to-mimi-no-mikoto ;3 next, Kume-no-miko ; next, WEKURI-NO-MIKO ； next, MAMUTA-NO-MIKO. (Four children) Next he took as wife Ipi-no-ko, the daughter of Piro, the kurano-obito of Tagima, and there was born the child Tagima-nomiko; next, a younger daughter Sugasiroko-no-iratume. The tomb of this emperor miko2

4

5

He died on the fifteenth day of the fourth month of the fourth year of the Sheep.4

was above the pond5 at Ipare, but was later moved to the middle tomb at Sinaga.

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes this name with an ideograph meaning ‘younger brother’ (cf 145:5). a C£ 145:6. 3 Prince Shotoku, the famous early patron of Buddhism and regent for Empress Suiko. * T未 Read hinoto hitsuji. The forty-fourth year of the cycle, the same cyclical date in which Keitai died (c£ 142:16). 587 a.d. The Nihon shoki has the same date. 5 One ideograph has been emended in conformity with all authorities; otherwise, we are forced to read, ‘was at Wakigami at Ipare.*

392

Book Three, Chapters 147 and 148

CHAPTER 148 Reign

of

Emperor Sushun.

Emperor Patuse-be-no-waka-sazaki1 dwelt in the palace of Siba-kaki at Kurapasi and ruled the kingdom for four years. He died on the thirteenth day of the eleventh month of the ninth year of the Rat?

His tomb is on the hill at Kurapasi.

1 The Shimpuku^i manuscript precedes this name with an ideograph meaning *younger brother* (c£ 145:6). 8 壬子 mizunoe ne. The forty-ninth year of the cycle. 592 a.d. The Nihon shoki has the same date. This emperor was assassinated. Aston, II, 119.

393

Kojiki

CHAPTER 149 Reign of Empress Suiko. 1

T6yo-mike-kasigiya-pime-no-mikot。丄 dwelt in the palace of Woparida and ruled the kingdom for thirty-seven years. She died on the fifteenth day of the third month of the fifth year of the Rat.1 2

2

Her tomb was on the hill at Opo-no, but was later moved to the large tomb of Sinaga.

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes this name with an ideograph meaning * younger sister/ Suiko was the sister of the preceding Emperors Bitatsu, Yomei, and Sushun and was also Bitatsu’s empress. Her birth is recorded in 145:5. 8 戊子 Read tsuchinoe ne. 628 a.d. The Nihon shoki has the same date.

394

Appendices

Appendix A ADDITIONAL NOTES

Additional Note 1 The cosmogony of the Kojiki is a step-by-step evolution of the universe; each step is symbolized by an appropriately named kami or deity. Among the first triad of deities, A me-nd-mi-naka-nusi-no-kami appears to be the embodiment of an abstract concept rather than an object of religious worship. Kami-musubi-no~kami seems to be merely the counterpart, per­ haps the female counterpart, of Taka-mi-musubi-nd-kami, the only one of the three to play an active role in the mythology outside of Chapter i. It is clear that the accounts in the first two chapters had little basis in popular tradition and that they were the intellectual products of the literati familiar with Chinese culture who were charged with editing a national mythology. See Tsuda, Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 325-41. The native mythology must have begun with Izanagi and Izanami. Since the compilers of the Kcjiki were more interested in justifying the political supremacy of the ruling family than in supplying lucid accounts of the begin­ ning of the universe, these early chapters were apparently brought in to provide a background for Izanagi, whose offspring Ama-terasu-opo-mikami was the heavenly progenitrix of the imperial line, and to establish a setting for the activities of these deities. The Nihon shoki includes a number of variant versions, some of which show even more marked Chinese influence than the Kojiki chapters. But in neither case can we be justified in looking to the Japanese official mythology 一 ompiled for political purposes一for a satisfactory and lucid cosmogony.

Additional Note 2 In Chapter 2, the Kcjiki cosmogony continues, presenting a series of deities representing various stages of the evolution of the universe. However, as Matsumura says, 44these divine couples are identified only by name and per­ 397

Kojiki

form no actions; furthermore, the names are extremely vague and uncertain, and it is quite difficult to get any unquestionably certain meaning from them.” Nihon shinwa no kenkyu, II, 65. Matsumoto has noted similarities between the Japanese myths and the evolutionary myths of Polynesia. Nihon shinwa no kenkyil, p. 181. For the significance—or lack of significance—of each name, see the Glossary. Additional Note 5 With regard to the meaning of the 'heavenly pillar* ceremony, Motoori says:

It seems to have been an ancient ceremony to precede conjugal inter­ course by walking around a pillar. Here, the performance of this ceremony at the beginning of the conjugal intercourse must be of the deepest sig­ nificance. ...But since there is no explanation [of the ceremony], its meaning cannot be fathomed by ordinary mortals. If one were to venture a conjecture, however, first of all, the man is above in sexual intercourse, like heaven or the roof which spreads over the house; the woman is be­ low, like the supporting earth, or the floor of the house. The pillar stands between them, strengthening and connecting top and bottom, and thus no doubt the idea is to strengthen and connect the couple. Kojiki-den, I, 193Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) and Suzuki Shigetane (1812-63), also kokugakusha of the late Edo period, agreed that the pillar is a phallus (Matsumura, II, 207). Matsumura quotes various other explanations for it offered by modem scholars, e.g.: (i) A type of sympathetic magic akin to the European maypole designed to increase human fecundity by means of the vital powers latent in a tree. (2) A procession of men and women singing around a pillar as an ancient Japanese wedding custom. (3) The ancient Japanese belief that the deities live in the heavens or on high mountains, and that they could be summoned down to tree-tops or pillars. Processions around pillars or trees were religious ceremonies for the purpose of summoning down a deity. Ibid., 213-14. Matsumura’s own explanation is that: (i) The heavenly pillar was used to summon down divine or ancestral spirits, or the symbol of these spirits. (2) The procession around it summoned the spirits and ensured their blessing upon the marriage. The ancient Japanese believed that sexual intercourse was a sacred rite and that the presence of the deities was vital when performing 398

Appendix A

it. (3) Although phallic symbolism and fecundity symbolism can be seen in the heavenly pillar, they are only peripherally significant. Ibid” 219. Nishida regards this myth as a Shinto version of original sin. Since Izanagi and Izanami, the creators of all things, were brother and sister, humanity as well as everything in the universe originated in an incestuous marriage. The procession around the heavenly pillar was a ritual designed to circumvent this taboo; and the death of Izanami (7:22), the symbolic death of Amaterasu-opo-mi-kami (who is regarded as having committed incest with Susano-wo in chapter 15), and the expulsion and. punishment of Susa-nd-wo (17:25) were punishments endured by the Shinto gods to atone for humanity. Kojiki taisei, VII, 153-54.

Additional Note 4 Following the ideographs, I have translated the word piru-go as "leech­ child/ but its interpretation is debatable. Its explicit meaning must be beech­ child/ some sort of monstrosity lacking arms and legs, but piru-go may also be the counterpart 〇(piru-me, ‘sun-maiden,’ and may thus mean ‘sun-lad’ or "sun-child.J The probable meaning of the story is that, because the parents erred in the ritual of conjugal intercourse, the child was deformed or unworthy and was therefore rejected. The theme of failure preceding success is common in myths about the first man and woman. Matsumura identifies this story as an exposed child” type of tale and notes its similarities with the stories of Sargon, Moses, Perseus, and others. Nihon shinwa no kenkyu, II, 246ft Interestingly, Tsuda regards the piru-go story as a reflection of some mag­ ical custom; for instance, when a child一particularly a first child一was bom, a human figurine was perhaps put into a reed boat and floated away as a scapegoat. Nihon koten no kenkyil, I, 356. Additional Note 5 Hirata Atsutane’s comments on the passage in 7:18 are illuminating. He connects fire (hi) with blood (chi); both are the same color, and are also con­ nected in chapter 8 when the blood of the fire-deity is transformed into various deities. He says that Izanami’s giving birth to fire (the fire-deity) reflected either the afterbirth or the menstrual blood. In his time the men­ strual period was referred to as “fire,” and he surmises that the practice of 399

Kojiki remaining in seclusion during the menstrual period may be connected with Izanami,s sickness?* Zenshu, I, 233. Takagi Toshio’s identification of this fire with the sacred fire kindled in religious worship is unconvincing. See his Hikaku shinwagaku, pp. 139-40, quoted in Matsumura, II, 355-56. Other scholars speak of an association of ideas here with the custom of burning the parturition hut after birth (c£ notes on 41:16). Ibid” 358-59. More acceptable are those theories which connect the birth of the fire­ deity with the spring mountain-burning practices common in agriculture. But Matsumura thinks that these practices were too commonplace and too beneficial for them to be mentally associated with the violent death of the earth-goddess figure Izanami. Many other scholars, including Matsumura himself see in the burning of Izanami a reflection of the phenomenon of volcanic eruption. Ibid,, 359-7〇.

Additional Note 6 Chapter 9 is one of the most interesting single chapters in the Kcjiki be­ cause it gives us our most concrete information on the ancient Japanese ideas about death and the afterlife. Judging solely from the information in this chapter, how did they visualize the land of the dead? 1. The mental picture of Yomi was both simple and unstable. See the notes on “the gods of Ydmi” in 9:3 for the confusion about the rulers of the land of the dead. 2. There was no idea of a final judgment or of retribution or reward after death. 3. Yomi occasioned feelings of revulsion at its filth and pollution rather than feelings of fear or horror (see n :i). Ritual impurity, rather than night­ marish horror, is the keynote of the story. 4. Pollutions and evils originated in the land of the dead (10:13, 11:14). 5. There were houses in Yomi (9 ：2); its inhabitants were conscious, moved about, and ate food (9:3); but in some respects the mode of existence of the dead differed from that of the living(9：6fF). Lack of evidence prevents our knowing in detail about early Japanese views of the afterlife, but they may have been more complex and subtle than a reading of the Kcjiki and Nihon shoki alone would indicate. Matsumura concludes that, in comparison with other ancient peoples, the Japanese were almost completely indifferent to the details of the afterlife. “The mental image of the land of Yomi is simple to the point of being 400

Appendix A astonishing” (Nihon shinwa no kenkyu, II, 415). The optimistic this-worldliness of the Japanese, living in their mild and sunny islands, made them indifferent to anything as uncertain and morbid as the life after death. Furthermore, since the main object of the Kojiki mythology was to explain the political and historical backgrounds for the rule of the Yamato court, the afterlife is not described in great detail because it was irrelevant. The Japanese myth­ makers were interested in having their characters move along quickly in a chronological narrative of the origin of the state, and they had little interest in philosophical asides or concrete descriptions of things and places unless these were absolutely necessary for the progress of the narrative. Ibid,, 416-19. It is difficult to agree with Tsuda when he says that the accounts in Chapters 9 and 10 are, even in the Kojiki, incidental episodes which have no organic connection with the preceding and following narratives. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 394.

Additional Note 7 According to Motoori’s explanation of the “hearth of Y6mi,, passage, Izanami was unable to return because she had eaten food cooked with the impure fire of Yomi. He argued that there is something inherently polluting about fire:

It is impossible to fathom why it is that there is pure fire and polluted fire; but to deny that it is so is to disbelieve the Divine Words and to rely perversely on one’s own mind. Today it is the custom to take extreme care of the fire at the time of divine worship and in places where gods are present. . . . What [the goddess] is saying here is that she yearns for her relations and wishes to return to this world, but that she is unable to re­ turn because of the pollution encountered by eating at the hearth of Yomi. Appreciate fully the import of these words, by no means treat lightly the pollution by fire! Kojiki-den, I, 278. Even in recent times, there have been reports of folk customs which regard as impure the fire of mourning families. See Matsumura, II, 425-27. Matsumura argues that, although there may have been such recollections of impurity imparted by eating food cooked over an impure fire in the mind of the Kojiki compiler, the original meaning of the passage was that Izanami, by partaking of the food of the land of Yomi, had become a person of that land. The idea that partaking of the food of the dead magically disqualifies one from returning to his native land occurs also in the Greek myth of 401

Kojiki Persephone, in the Kalevala, among the Maoris, in China, and in the Ryukyus; the idea that one may not return home if he has eaten the food of any other world or society一such as the world of the spirits, fairies, or gods一 was also widespread. In primitive thought, eating or drinking together brings about a magical relationship, and Matsumura concludes that this myth merely reflects a belief in the magical cohesive force inherent in eating food in common. Ibid” 427-39.

Additional Note 8 Susa-no-wo is the prime figure of the ensuing chapters and possesses the most complex personality of any of the figures in the Kojiki mythology. He has been variously identified as storm-god, serpent, trickster, political re­ surgent, culture hero, and god of the underworld. No doubt this diversity stems from the multiplicity of sources of his life history. A number of accounts are assembled here and some attempt is made to unify them and smooth out their discrepancies; nevertheless, the person of Susa-no-wo as it appears in the Kojiki presents such a wealth of contradictory details that we must regard it as a composite. Susa-no-wo is usually considered to be an Idumo deity, and his birth as an offspring of Izanagi is probably an account of later origin intended to place him within the official mythology. Motoori argues that Susa-no-wo was an evil deity from birth, because the filthy smells of the land of Yomi still adhered to the nose from which he was born, whereas the impurities in the eyes had already been removed. Kojiki-den, I, 331-32. However, if Susa-no-wo is in some way a windstorm­ deity, then it is not unnatural for him to come into existence from the nose. Additional Note 9 It is rather odd that Susa-no-wo, who originally had only one parent, his father Izanagi, suddenly says in Chapter 13 that he wishes to go to the land of his “mother.” Clearly Izanami was still considered to be his mother; in some versions of the Nihon shoki, she actually does give birth to him. Matsumura (IV, 361-96) suggests, rather disconcertingly, that Ne-no-katasu-kuni may not be the subterranean land of Yomi, but may be rather the motherland, the dimly remembered original homeland of the Japanese race. In any case, Susa-no-wo^ announcement of his desire to visit the land of his “mother” provokes his father, Izanagi, to fierce rage; and it is this which 402

Appendix A arouses our curiosity. What is the real reason for Susa-n6-wo’s cosmic dis­ content, for his poor relations with his father, and his yearning for his “mother ? Is he an inherently evil deity, preferring the pollutions of Yomi to the ruling of his allotted ocean territory? Is he a mythical trickster, ever playing pranks and delighting in stirring up ill feelings and discord? Or is he a child deprived of motherly affection, venting his frustration upon his father with a reply which stirs up old rancor and causes the father to disown and cast out the son? Whichever it is, Susa-nd-wo from this point becomes an outcast, regarded with suspicion and mistrust by the heavenly deities. Interestingly, Susa-ndwo is capricious only in the presence of the Yamatd-centered deities; in the Idumo narrative of Chapters 19 and 20 he appears in an entirely diflerent role, as a national culture-hero.

Additional Note io Why does Susa-nd-wo, who has just proved his sincerity of heart in the ukcpi in Chapter 15, immediately proceed to ravage and rage in Chapter 16? Various explanations have been suggested for this aggressive behavior. Edo period scholars believed that the order of the accounts had become confused. They advocated altering the chapters so that after his victory in the child-bearing scene Susa-no-wo would be pacified; his raging could only, they held, logically occur before, not after, his victory. Motoori felt that Susa-nd-wo^ ravages, followed by Ama-terasu-opo-mikami’s retirement into seclusion and Susa-no-wo^ expulsion, should precede the ukepi, in which Susa-nd-wo proves, by the children he causes to come into being, that his intentions are irreproachable. Kojiki-den, II, 405. Hirata transposes the events in Chapter 18 to a position between Chapters 15 and 16, stating that Susa-no-wo, unable to endure pollution of any kind, was enraged at Opo-ge-tu-pime^ actions (18:2) and killed her instantly. While his fury was still at its height he returned to Heaven and committed the ravages described in Chapter 16. Zenshu, I, 449-5〇. Both of these viewpoints are, however, untenable from a textual stand­ point. In the norito for the 'Great Exorcism of the Last Day of the Sixth Month” there is a list of eight “heavenly sins” (ama-tu-tumi), which are: 1. breaking down the ridges 2. covering up the ditches 3. releasing the irrigation sluices 403

Kojiki

4. double planting 5. setting up stakes 6. skinning alive 7. skinning backward 8. defecation. 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8 are committed in the Kojiki by Susa-nd-wo, and 3, 4, and 5 are attributed to him in the Nihon shoki. The connection between agricultural offenses and ritual offenses is remarkable; in ancient society offenses destruc­ tive of agriculture were as abhorrent as those causing ritual impurity. In one theory, Susa-nd-wo is regarded as a deity who destroys crops and must be propitiated. Matsumura, III, 37-4〇. But according to Matsumura, Susa-nd-wo was not originally a crop-destroyer, but rather a benevolent patron of agriculture, whose role was later reversed. It is common, Matsu­ mura says, for an alien god, where introduced into another mythological system, to be made to act in a manner exactly opposite to his former role一 the better to belittle and discredit him and the people he represents. Thus, Susa-nd-wo, peaceful rice-planting god of Idumo, becomes Susa-nd-wo, crop-destroyer, in Yamato mythology. Ibid” 41S. Additional Note 11 Chapter 18, in which Susa-nd-wo kills the food-goddess Opo-ge-tu-pime and useful plants and animals appear in her corpse, is apparently a detached narrative having no organic connection with the preceding or following narratives. As noted below, other versions of the same story have persons other than Susa-nd-wo as the slayer, and, as it is hard to identify the Susano-wo of this narrative with any of his usual roles, we may conclude that his appearance here is somewhat dubious. Probably it can be explained as stemming from the desire of the compiler of the Kcjiki to emphasize his violent nature. The version recorded in the Nihon shoki is sufficiently divergent to warrant being quoted here in outline:

Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami, hearing that a deity called Uke-moti-nokami [a food deity] dwelt in the Central Land of the Reed Plains, sent Tuku-yomi-no-mikoto [the moon god] to inquire after her. When Tuku-yomi-no-mikoto arrived there, Uke-moti-no-kami took rice, fish, and meat from her mouth, and, placing them on tables, offered them to him. At this he became angry and killed her, then returned and reported this matter. 404

Appendix A

Then Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami rebuked the moon deity and vowed never to set eyes on him again. For ever after she dwelt one day and one night apart from him. [A mythological explanation for the rotation of sun and moon.] When Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami sent a messenger to see, in the dead Uke-moti-no-kami^ head there had come into being cattle and horses, on her forehead millet, on her eyebrows silk-worms, in her eyes Deccan grass [MJ hie; also panic grass], in her belly rice, and in her genitals wheat, soy beans, and red beans. When these were taken and presented to Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami, she rejoiced and caused these things to be used by mortal men for their livelihood. [Asahi ed., I, 86-87; Aston, I, 32-33.] The similarities of this myth with the Chinese P’an-ku myth have often been pointed out, but there appear to be even more strikingly similar myths in Taiwan and the Philippines. Matsumura (III, 122-25), arguing from the rather large divergences in detail between the Kojiki and Nihon shoki versions, concludes that this myth was originally a native Japanese folk tale which was incorporated into the official mythology in various current versions. Some of the explanations suggested for the slaying of the food-goddess are: the idea that all things of value in life originated in a criminal act; the practice of slaying a victim to ensure a good crop; the practice of performing rites to pacify the grain spirits slain when plants are cut down at harvest. Ibid” 125-27. Tsuda also suggests that the story of the slaying of Opo-ge-tu-pime orig­ inated in some yearly folk ceremonies in which a deity was destroyed or killed. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 42〇. It is interesting, however, that the Nihon shoki contains a similar story in which there is no slaying:

Kagu-tuti [the fire god] took as wife Pani-yama-bime and gave birth to Waku-musubi [one of the musubi generation gods]. On the head of this deity there came into being the silkworm and the mulberry, and in his navel there came into being the five grains. [Asahi ed., I, 70; Aston, I, 21.] The original version of these stories may be one in which Waku-musubi, the deity of generation, dies and various useful things come into being from his corpse. If the deity is a generation deity and not a food deity, there is 405

Kojiki nothing odd in giving birth to worms, cattle, grains, etc., and there is no need for him to be slain. Matsumura, III, 151-52.

Additional Note 12 In Chapter 19, Susa-nd-wo appears in a new role, as a culture hero of the Idumo region. There is a marked difference between his new character and his former character as a wild transgressor in heaven; although traditional commentators speak of his ‘sins’ being wiped out when he kills the dragon, probably the two sections are independent in origin. The tale of the dragon may be merely an Idumo folk tale, the hero of which has been identified with the Susa-nd-wo of the preceding chapters. The myth is, of course, a variation of the Perseus-Andromeda story, but possesses certain peculiarities of its own. The most divergent interpretations have been proposed. The folklorists see Susa-nd-wo as a more highly per­ sonalized double of the eight-tailed dragon, the two being really one. This interpretation, with all its subtleties, has been summarized in English by Cornelius Ouwehand in “Some notes on the god Susa-no-o,M in Monumenta Nipponica, No. 3-4 (1958-59), pp. 138-61. Saigo Nobutsuna, the Marxist water, interprets this myth as a representa­ tion of the conquest of nature by humanity through the introduction of metal implements. Kojiki, p. 41-42. I find all of these interpretations somewhat far-fetched, and prefer to regard the story as a Japanese folk-tale pure and simple. Similar stories in­ volving human sacrifices occur in Japan as oral literature, and are found in early collections of tales such as the Konjaku monogatari (Vol. XXVI, tales 7 and 8)and the Uji shili monogatari (Vol.X, tale 6). Additional Note 13 The story of the rabbit and the crocodiles in Chapter 21 is widely known in the East. A similar story is told today in Indonesia and the Malay Peninsula about a mouse-deer (kan^il, Tragulus pygmoeus) and crocodiles and about a monkey and crocodiles. The story is also found in India and Ceylon, and may have been brought to Japan through Buddhist scriptures. The great similarity in details of all these tales makes it highly improbable that the Kojiki tale is autochthonous. See Matsumura, III, 330-33. There are some problems connected with the interpretation of the word wani, which is here translated as ‘crocodile.’ The word means ‘crocodile,’ ‘alligator’ in Modem Japanese, but some scholars have questioned whether 406

Appendix A a bona fide crocodile is intended in the Kojiki, since this animal does not occur in Japan. The word is written phonetically here and in the several other places in the Kojiki in which it appears (44:15^ 45 :フ),but in the Nihon shoki it is written with the ideograph meaning ‘crocodile’ (Asahi ed., I, 173). Aston (I, 104) translates it as ‘sea-monster., The Izunto fadoki has an account of a girl being bitten by a wani at a place called Pime-saki (Fudoki, p. 87). The Watnyosho (ca. 934) defines the animal represented by the ideograph as follows: it is like a tortoise, has four legs; its snout is three feet long and its teeth sharp; if a tiger or large deer fords the water, the crocodile will attack it. The Japanese name is wani'y (Quoted in Kojiki^-den, II, 504.) Takeda suggests that a wani was a fabulous animal,a composite based on impressions of sharks and containing elements of tortoises and snakes. Nihon shoki, Asahi ed., I, 173. Other modem scholars take wani to be a type of shark, noting that there exists a shark called wani-zame in Modern Japanese. See Tsugita, p. 14〇. I prefer, however, to render wani in the Kojiki as "crocodile* for the follow­ ing reasons: (a) the probability of a Southern Asiatic origin for this story― in the foreign versions crocodiles figure prominently; (b) the fact that the Wamyosho clearly identifies wani as meaning 'crocodile’; (c) the fact that wani unmistakably means *crocodile in Modem Japanese; (d) the use of the ideo­ graph for ‘crocodile in this account in the Nihon shoki; (e) the fact that the Japanese language possessed words for other animals which did not actually exist in Japan.

Additional Note 14 Scarves (pire), presumably worn around the shoulders or throat, chiefly by women, are mentioned as magic implements in 23 ：7,23 :ii, 106:28. Probably these scarves were fetishes used by shamans. See Matsumoto, Nihon shinwa no kenkyii, p. 149. Interesting light is thrown on the use of these scarves, and on the use of fetishes in general, in a passage in the Kujiki which lists snake-repelling and bee-repelling scarves among the ten regalia (the Kojiki of course has only the three) given by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami to her descendant on his descent from heaven. The passage is quoted below: The Ancestress of the Heavenly Deities [thus] commanded, bestowing

4〇7

Kojiki Ten Precious Treasures as the Heavenly Regalia. These were: the Mirror of the Deep, the Mirror of the Shore, the Sword Eight Hands Long, the Jewel of Life, the Jewel of Resuscitation, the Jewel of Plenty, the Jewel of Turning Back on the Road, the Snake [-repelling] ScarC the Bee[-repelling] Scarf^ and the Scarf [to ward off] Various Things. The Ancestress of the Heavenly Deities commanded, saying: “If there should be any pain anywhere, take these ten treasures, and while saying: *One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten,* wave them, wave them in a leisurely manner. If this is done, the dead will return to lite. This is the origin of the word puru, ‘to wave?

This is no doubt a description of an actual ceremony connected with the Chinkon-sai (Spirit-pacification Festival), in which articles of the emperor’s clothing are known to have been waved or shaken. Evidently fetishes were waved or agitated to stir up their latent magic power, which was thus im­ parted to the person for whom the ceremony was performed. Compare the 了ewel of Lite and 'Jewel of Resuscitation* in the Kujiki account with the ‘sword of liie and 4bow-and-arrow of lite of Susa-nd-wo, which are stolen by Opo-kuni-nusi in 24:9. Compare also the * Mirror of the Deep’ and 4Mirror of the Shore* with the 'tide-raising jeweF and hide­ ebbing jewel* of 44:14 in the Kojiki. Various fetishes are kept even today in Shinto shrines and brought out on special occasions, for instance to pray for rain. It is believed that if they are handled too often, they will lose their magic power.

Additional Note 15 The articles stolen by Opo-kuni-nusi from Susa-nd-wo in 24:9 are: 1. The ‘sword of life* (iku-tati) 2. The * bow-and-arro w of life* (iku-yumi~ya) 3. The ‘heavenly speaking cither’ (ante no nori-goto); or, less probably, ‘heavenly jeweled cither5 (atne no nu-goto) With regard to the first two articles, there are several interpretations: (a) that the prefix iku, meaning *to live/ indicates that these articles had the power to impart long life; (b) that the prefix indicates that they had the power to bring the dead back to life; (c) that the prefix is merely a conven­ tional eulogistic prefix having no semantic importance at all. Some com­ mentators argue that these two articles were fetishes; others see them as ancient symbols of sovereignty like the regalia in 39:2. The word translated as cither, is koto, an ancient stringed instrument, also 408

Appendix A

sometimes rendered as ‘harp.’ What appears to be a koto was excavated from the Toro site, a Yayoi period village in Shizuoka prefecture. It is some 40 centimeters in length and has the usual notches (shihi in Modem Japanese) for six strings, the same number as are on the wagon, a Japanese instrument used today in performing kagura. A haniwa clay figurine of a 5-string koto (20.3 centimeters in length) and a haniwa showing a player holding a small koto on his lap also exist. See Kishibe Shigeo in Zusetsu Nihon bunkashi taikei, ed. Kodama Kota et al. (Shogakkan, 1956-58), II, 331-33. The koto can thus be regarded as a more or less native Japanese instrument. Its use in shamanistic trance performances is illustrated in 92:2 in the Kojiki; by strumming on the instrument, the spirits of the gods would be induced to descend and speak through the mouth of the medium. The term ante no ndrigoto, ‘heavenly speaking cither/ means, according to Matsumura, “a magic koto possessing the power to summon down the gods and cause them to speak [noru] divine words.’’ Nihon shinwa no ketikyu, III, 345. The articles stolen by Opo-kuni-nusi were undoubtedly fetishes. Matsu­ mura compares them with the teraphim stolen in a similar story in Gen. 31:19( and appearing also in I Sam. 19:13-16. Ibid., 341-42. According to Matsumoto, Opo-kuni-nusi, the archetype and deity of a band of politically influential shamans in old Idumo, had gained magical powers by marrying the daughter of the god of Yomi (assuming that Neno-kata-su-kuni is really the same as the land of Yomi) and by carrying away these magic articles after many ordeals. Thus he was able to pacify the god of Yomi, the bringer of death, and return to earth. Nihon shinwa no kenkyu, p. U9.

Additional Note 16 The songs in Chapters 25-28 are a series of antique recitations (katari), all of them identified by the name Kamu-gatari (see Glossary). They are very similar in style and in the common refrain to the Ama-gatari-uta recorded in Chapter 133. Many scholars identify the Kamu-gatari and the Ama-gatari-uta as part of the repertoire of songs handed down among the Ama clan of seafarers, some of whom were employed as singers and story-tellers at court. It has often been suggested that these songs were the accompaniment to dances or primitive operas. The actions which are described so vividly in 25 ：2i-26, 27:3 and other passages, imply that these songs were acted out. In any case, these songs are among the finest examples ofancient Japanese verse. The song in Chapter 25 describes the visit of the god Ya-ti-pok6 to the 409

Kojiki

maiden Nuna-kapa-pime. Its import will perhaps become clearer upon read­ ing the following variants of the same song. The first is from the Nihon shoki, which records it as being sung by Prince Magari-no-opine (later Emperor Ankan). In the year 513 this prince married Princess Kasuga. On a moonlight night “they held converse and were un­ aware that the dawn had come.” When the prince did realize it, he broke suddenly into this song: Unable to find a wife In the land of the eight islands, Hearing that In the land of Kasuga Of the spring sunshine There was a fair maiden, Hearing that There was a good maiden:

The doors of wood Of flourishing pi trees一 Pushing them open, I entered in And embraced her legs, Taking her as wife, And embraced her head, Taking her as wife, Letting my beloved’s hands Embrace me, And embracing my beloved With my hands, Like clinging vines, Mingling and entwining一 Just then, When I was sleeping well, The bird of the yard, The cock crowed, The bird of the field, The pheasant resounded. 410

Appendix A

Already, before even telling Of my love, The day has dawned, my beloved. [Nihon shoki 96] The Manydshu also contains variants of the same song, for instance:

As I went out A-wooing In the land of Patuse Of the hidden country, The skies grew cloudy, And snow began to fall; The skies grew overcast, And rain began to fall. The bird of the field, The pheasant resounded, The bird of the house, The cock crowed. The dawn has come, The night is over. I shall enter and sleep; Open this door! [Manydshu, XIII, 3310]

As I went a-wooing In another land, Before even untying The cord of my sword, The day has dawned. [Manyoshil, XII, 1906]

From all this it is obvious that the song had a very wide distribution in early Japan, and that it existed in a number of versions. The marriage system was such that the wife remained at her parental home and the husband went

411

Kojiki to visit her there; the crowing of the birds at dawn was the signal for the lovers to part.

Additional Note 17 The following slightly condensed account of the surrender of Opo-namudi is quoted from the Nihon shoki: After Opo-namudi had at first refused to surrender the land, Taka-mimusubi-nd-kami sent him this message: “Upon hearing what you have said, [I feel] that there is profound reason to it. Therefore I command you again in this wise: that is, the visible things which you rule are to be ruled by my grandchild. You will rule the sacred [lit., divine] things. “Also the Heavenly Sun-dwelling Palace [Ante nd pi-sumi nd miya\ where you will dwell will be built for you immediately; the thousand-league taku ropes will be tied into 180 knots. The palace will be built with high, massive pillars and broad, thick boards. Also rice paddies will be provided. Also in order that you may come and go at will across the ocean, high bridges and floating bridges, and a heavenly bird-boat [atne nd tori-pune] will be built. Also a bridge will be laid across the river Ame-no-yasu-nokapa. Also there will be built a white shield of 180 stitches [pieces of material?]. Also the one who will assume charge of your worship is Ameno-po-pi-no-mikoto. ’ ’ Then Opo-namudi replied: “The instructions of the Heavenly Deity are thus considerate. I will not venture to disobey the command. Let the sovereign grandchild rule the visible things which I rule, and I will depart and rule the invisible [hidden, secret] things.” [Asahi ed., I, 147-48.]

According to this reply, Opo-kuni-nusi agreed to relinquish the political, external rule of the land to the emperors, while retaining a religious, cer­ emonial role. This is similar to the events of the Taika reform of 646, when the local rulers (kuni-nd-miyatuko), who had formerly possessed hereditary powers in political and religious matters, were now deprived of political power and replaced by governors dispatched from the central government, though allowed to retain their religious functions. No doubt the story of the abdication of Opo-kuni-nusi is a mythological reflection of some such process of historical development. Matsumura, III, 485-89.

412

Appendix A

Additional Note 18 When the land was surrendered by Opo-kuni-nusi of Idumo, it would have been logical for the son of the heavenly deities to descend there to rule it. One of the most baffling mysteries ofJapanese mythology is why, instead, he descended to Pimuka, to a mountain-top in a region in Kyushu far distant from Idumo, and even further distant from Yamato. Matsumura (III, 510) regards the land-ceding and the Taka-ti-po myth as two basically independent myths which were later combined. The choice of a mountain-top can easily be explained by analogy with the Korean myths of the Heavenly Descent; but why Pimuka? Tsuda offers several explanations. Although, he believes, the imperial fam­ ily really originated in Yamato and never came from Kyushu, its ultimate origin was assigned to Pimuka in Tukusi because: (i) Pimuka, meaning 'sun­ facing/ was an etymologically appropriate place of origin for a dynasty calling itself the *Heavenly Sun-lineage*: for the same reason Ama-terasuopo-mi-kami was also bom in Pimuka (11:2, 22). (2) The people of Yamato had a yearning for the West, since all new culture entered via Kyushu: this adulation was applied in ignorance to Pimuka, a culturally barren region, by the geographically naive Yamato people. (3) There may have been some intercourse with Pimuka which was reflected in this account. (4) It was necessary to assign the Descent from Heaven to a location far removed from the everyday ken of the Yamato people. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 537-38. Matsumura (III, 521-30) contends that the original myth was based on a rite of*facing the sun,’ or a general preference for sunlit places. An unspecified ‘sun-ficing’ (pi-mukapi) location became fixed as Pimuka, but the rudimen­ tary meaning is still preserved in such passages as 39:17: ‘a land where the morning sun shines directly, a land where the rays of the evening sun are brilliant.* Although this may be the case, it is clear that the Kcjiki does identify the location of the Descent with a definite mountain peak in Kyushu.

Additional Note 19 The conclusion of Chapter 44 becomes clearer when compared with the following account in the Nihon shoki:

He besought his younger brother from afar, saying: "You have dwelt for a long rime under the ocean and must certainly have some efficacious method. I pray you to save me. If you save my life, 413

Kojiki the myriad families of my offspring will not leave your fence, but will be your mime-vassals.” Then the younger brother ceased blowing out his breath, and the wind stopped blowing. Thus the elder brother knew the power of his younger brother and was about to yield his allegiance to him, but the younger brother turned his angry countenance against him and would not speak with him. At this the elder brother put on a waistcloth, rubbed red clay on his palms and on his face, and said to his younger brother: “I have defiled my body thus. I will be your mime for ever.” Then he raised up his feet and stamped them in imitation of his drown­ ing painfully. At first, when the tide covered his feet, he did the foot­ divination; when it reached his knees, he raised up his feet; when it reached his thighs, he ran around; when it reached his waist, he rubbed his waist; when it reached his under-arms, he put his hands on his breast; and when it reached his neck, he raised up his hands and waved them about. From that time until now, this has never ceased. [Asahi ed., I, 189； Aston, I, 107.]

Matsumura (III, 676) says that the point of the story in Chapters 42-44 is the proclamation of the superiority and power of the imperial family, represented by Po-wori-no-mikoto, the grandfather of Emperor Jimmu, as compared with the abject submission of Po-deri-no-mikoto, the ancestor of the Paya-pito (c£ 41 :i8), who represents alien tribes or groups.

Additional Note 20 The song in Chapter 51 contains many obscurities; the words isukupasi and kudira for instance, have not yet been explained convincingly by anyone. If kudira (51 ：2j) really means ‘whale,’ as one would expect, it is rather diffi­ cult to explain why a whale should be caught in a snipe-net一unless, perhaps, an intentional exaggeration is intended. If one takes this song in context, then lines 19-25 are a song of exultation at the downfyi of Ye-ukasi, and the remainder is a song sung at the victory feast. Undoubtedly it was with this in mind that the compiler of the Kojiki included it here. Originally, however, it was probably independent一a jocular song about hunting and about the peculiar relations existing within the polygamous family system. Perhaps it was woven into the Kojiki narrative at this point, when Emperor Jimmu was at Uda, because the place-name Uda also occurs 414

Appendix A

in the song text. The Kcjiki abounds in songs of entirely independent origin, secondarily re-applied to totally different narrative situations. The Nihon shoki,in which this song also occurs, adds the following gloss:

This is called Kutne-uta. Today, when this song is performed at the Court Music Department, there are [distinctions between] the large and small hand beats [or: hand movements] and the coarse and fine notes. These are traditions surviving from antiquity. [Asahi ed., I, 20; Aston, I, 118.] Clearly, this song was actually performed at court in the early 8th century, and was regarded as a song of considerable antiquity, in the performance of which archaic traditions were observed. Elsewhere, the Nihon shoki makes it clear that the Kunte-uta were so called because they were handed down among the Kume-be. All of the songs in the Kojiki Chapters 51-52 are identified as Kume-uta in the Nihon shoki, and no doubt were once included in the reper­ toire belonging to this corporation. The song in Chapter 51 is performed today by the court musicians under the name Kume-uta and has a long history of performance as accompaniment to the dance called Kume-niai. The music went into disuse during the reign of Emperor Go-tsuchi-mikado (1465-1500), and was re-composed in 1818.

Additional Note 21 The tale of the red painted, arrow in Chapter 53 has many parallels in early Japanese literature. The Nihon shoki records a marriage between the god Opo-mond-nusi-nokami and princess Yamato-toto-momo-so-pime. In this account the god reveals himself in his true form, as a beautiful little snake, alarming the princess, who strikes her genitals with a chopstick and dies. See Aston, I,158-59. The Kojiki itself in Chapter 66 records another case in which the god of Mount Miwa transforms himself into a human being and marries a human maiden. It is clear from the above (and by comparing Kojiki 66:12) that the god of Mount Miwa was regarded as a snake■—or at least as frequently assuming the form of a snake. Today, Mount Miwa (see Glossary) is the center of a flourishing religious cult; the mountain, itself considered sacred, is infested with snakes, who consume the offerings left by the pious, and stories of supernatural marriage are grouped together by Japanese scholars as 'Mount Miwa type tales.

415

Kojiki Another variant of the story is found in a fragmentary quotation from the Yatnashirofudoki, an early topographical work on the province of Yamashiro [Yamasiro]. The lightning god of Kamo transforms himself into a red painted arrow and floats down the brook where a maiden called Tama-yori«bime is playing. She takes the arrow home and. places it by her bed; soon she be­ comes pregnant and gives birth to a boy, who later ascends to heaven. See Fudoki, p. 266-67. The connection of lightning with snakes and dragons in Japanese folk belief is well known; and it is said that Opo-mond-nusi, the god of Mount Miwa, is a lightning god, and that the red painted arrow is a symbol of lightning. However, it is more convincing to suppose the existence of erotic symbolism in these stories: the snake-husband, the arrow or chopstick striking the female genitalia, etc. Other interesting accounts of the supernatural marriage from which the empress was bom are found in the Nihon shoki. At the end of the first volume we find:

Koto-siro-nusi-nd-kami [a son of Opo-kuni-nusi; c£ Kojiki 29:3, etc.], transforming himself into a giant crocodile many feet long [ya-piro nd kwna-wani], consorted with Mizo-kupi-pime of Misima [in other versions, Tama-kusi-pime] and gave birth to a child Pime-tatara-isuzu-pime-nomikoto. This was the empress of Emperor Kamu-yamatd-ipare-biko-Popo-de-mi. [Asahi ed., I, 124; Aston, I, 61-62.] In the third volume of the Nihon shoki, under the reign of Emperor Jimmu, we are told that the emperor decided to take this maiden as his consort when he was told the following: Koto-siro-nusi-no-kami, from his union with Tama-kusi-pime, the daughter of Mizo-kupi-mimi-no-kami of Misima, had a child named Pime-tatara-isuzu-pime-no-mikoto. She is a woman of uncommonly beau­ tiful appearance. [Asahi ed., II, 40; Aston, I, 132.]

Additional Note 22 The interpretation of the passage in 64:10, which states that pito-gaki were first made at the tomb of Yamatd-piko-no-mikoto during the reign of Em­ peror Sujin, presents some difficulty. The word pitd-gaki, literally ‘human fence,* has two meanings. First, it means an entourage of attendants* who walk in procession around a deity or exalted personage. It is used in this sense in the works Kotaijingu gishiki-cho (804) and Toyuke-gu gishiki-cho (804?). In the passage in question, however, 416

Appendix A it seems to be used in its second sense一the primitive practice of burying people alive in the earth around a tomb. According to the Nihon shoki, this practice was abandoned as too cruel at the burial of Yamatd-piko-no-mikoto (during the reign of Emperor Suinin) and was replaced by the custom of burying clay figurines, or haniwa. See Aston, I, 178-81. The practice of having attendants “follow in death a deceased ruler is an extremely ancient one, found in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, and China, and reported within modem times in Asia. See Zukai kokogaku jiten, pp. 44849, and Aston, loc. cit. The History of the Kingdom of Wei (Wei Chih) records that the mysterious Japanese queen Pimiko was followed in death by over one hundred male and female attendants or slaves. See Tsunoda et al., Sources ofJapanese Tradition, p. 8. The Harima fiidoki, a topographical work of the early 8th century on the province of Harima (Parima), has this account concerning the village of Iwa in the country of Sikama:

Iwa Village. To the North of the hill Pune-nd-woka there is a pond called “Horse s rfomb Pond.5* Long ago, during the reign of Emperor Wopatuse [Yuryaku, latter half of 5th century], lived Naga-piko, the distant ancestor of the murazi of Wopari; he had a good slave girl and horse, both of which he was very fond o£ When Naga-piko was on the verge of death, he spoke to his son and said: "After my death, bury them in the same manner as I am buried, rhus, these tombs were made for this purpose. The first was Naga-piko’s tomb, the second was the slave girFs tomb, and the third was the horse’s tomb; altogether there were three of them. Later, when the Lord of Kami-no-opusi was governor, he constructed a pond by the tomb. For this reason, it was named the Horse’s Tomb Pond.” [Fudoki, pp. 188-89.]

Evidently the custom was suppressed at a fairly early date. In the famous Edict of 646, Emperor Kotoku regulated the burial systems in Japan and forbade, among other things, the slaying or voluntary suicide of human beings in connection with funerals. Aston, II, 22〇. There is as yet no archeological evidence for the existence of such a custom in early Japan (Zukai kokogaku jiten, p. 449), and according to Kidder, if such a practice really did exist, it was not very widespread (fapan before Buddhism, pp. 193-94). Consequently, ancient documentary accounts which describe haniwa figurines as being originally substitutes for human sacrifices are highly 417

Kojiki suspect. It is well known that the predominant form of the haniwa in the early Kofun period was a cylindrical jar. Ibid., pp. 192-201. It is probably best to approach the statement in 64:10 with caution, and to examine the archeological facts before lightly accepting these dubious old narratives.

Additional Note 23 The most penetrating study in recent years of the character of Yamatdtakeru-no-mikoto is Takagi Ichinosuke’s essay “Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto to roman seishin,” written in 1939. It can be found in Yoshino no ayu, pp. 29-44. This essay sees Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, and to a lesser extent, Susa-no-wo, as embodiments of the “romantic spirit in the broadest sense, and surmises that Emperor Temmu, a heroic and sensitive ruler, was the person 111 some way responsible for giving this romantic impress to the Kojiki. The following is a summary ofTakagi’s essay: Among the many heroic figures in the Kojiki, there is none possessing such an intensely romantic spirit—in the broad sense—as Yamato-takeru-nd~ mikoto. rrhe actions of Susa-no-wo in Chapter 13, for example his “rebel­ lious attitude and yearning for freedom revealed in 13:6, are indications of a romantic character; in Chapters 14-16, where Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami is an Apollo-like wisdom figure, Susa-no-wo^ character is markedly Dionys­ ian. But while in these sections he is a tragic hero, from Chapter 19 on he becomes victorious, successful, and reconciled, and his transformation into a refreshed/* satisfied figure is completed in 20:1-1〇. Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, on the contrary, is constantly surrounded by a thick romantic atmosphere of melancholy. His tragic destiny stems from his heaven-given audacity and emotional intensity. His “fearless, wild dis­ position* * in 79:1-7 is even more savage than that of Susa-no-wo. As Susano-wo was expelled from heaven, so Yamato-takeru is dispatched to quell the Kumaso-takeru (79:7-9). After his initial victory, he is again dispatched against the Eastern regions (Chapter 82). Although successful in love, he witnesses the terrible end of one of his wives (84:1-12), and he himself dies tragically in true romantic style (Chapters 86-87). Finally his soul, “now for the first time completely liberated by death,’’ flies away as a white bird (88:8). “In short, what we can always sense throughout his life is emotion rather than wisdom, yearning rather than fulfillment, tragedy rather than comedy; these qualities taken together are the so-called romantic spirit, or at any rate a spirit corresponding thereto. 418

Appendix A His romantic spirit reaches its acme in the two songs in 87:2-7 and 87:9-15, in which we note “the longing, the yeaming for the Infinite nesting in the breast of this giant.” Why does the account of his life in the Nihon shoki lack the romanticism which impregnates the whole Kojiki account? Takagi sees here the impress of the personality of Emperor Temmu, the prime actor in the Jinshin rebel­ lion of 672, and also a Manyo poet. Whereas the spirit of the preceding emperors Tenchi and Kobun was intellectual, harmonious—in a word, clas­ sic—Temmu’s was emotional, rebellious, romantic. Takagi surmises that the spirit of Temmu, who played an important role in the history of the com­ pilation of the Kojiki, corresponds somehow, directly or indirectly, with that of the Kcjiki’s greatest hero, Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto. Or perhaps the original spirit of the Kojiki merely revealed itself with remarkable vitality here when it happened to come upon an appropriate subject. In either case, according to Takagi, we may discover here one point of origin, perhaps the primeval state in Japanese literature, of the romantic spirit in the broad sense.

Additional Note 24: Variant versions of the songs in 85:6-18 and 85:20-32 are found in the Owari no kuni Atsuta Jingu engi, compiled in 890, which records old legends about the origins of the Atsuta Shrine of Owari (Wopari). In this work, Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, noticing the menstrual blood on the cloak of Miyazu-pime, sings: Ma-soge Wopari no yama to Kotigoti no Yama nd kapi yu Tdmi wataru [Ku] bi ga pa nd* Pa-poso Tawaya-gapina wo Maki nemu to Ware pa moperu wo Yori nemu to Ware pa moperu wo * In one manuscript: Kugapi ga reading Kubi(ga pa nd is obtained.

Across the mountains Of Wopari And across the valleys Of the mountains here and there Flies the swan Of delicate plumage. Your arm slender and delicate Like this bird— Though I desire to sleep Embracing it, Though I desire to sleep Drawing close to you, に By supplying an initial syllable the plausible erwise the reading is pikapa nd.

419

Kojiki

Wagimoko Na ga keseru Osupi no upe ni Asa-tuki no gotoku Tuki tatinikeri

〇 my beloved, Upon the cloak You are wearing, Like the morning moon The moon has risen.

To this Miyazu-pime replies as follows:

Yasumisisi Wago opo-kimi Taka-pikaru Pi no miko Ara-tama nd Ki-pe-yuku tosi wo Tosi pisa ni Miko mati-gatani Tuki kasane Kimi mati-gatani Ube na ube na si mo ya Wa ga keseru Osupi no upe ni Asa-tuki nd gotoku Tuki tatinikeru

〇 my great lord Ruling in peace, 〇 high-shining Sun-Prince! As the years one by one Elapse, Waiting vainly for you, 〇 prince, For many long years, Waiting vainly for you, my lord, Throughout many moons, Verily it is no wonder That upon the cloak I am wearing Like the morning moon The moon should rise!

The Owari no kuni Atsuta Jingu engi calls these songs kuni-buri-uta, a name frequently given to local folk songs. The existence of somewhat different versions of the lyrics proves that the song had a complex history.

Additional Note 25: The stones referred to in 95 ：2-5 must have been a very famous sight in their day. The Nihon shoki mentions them briefly (Aston, I, 229), and in a fragment of the Fudoki of the land of Chikuzen (Chikuzen no kuni fadoki) quoted in the Shaku Nihongi (a late 13th century commentary on the Nihon shoki) the following occurs:

Ito County. Plain of Kopu (to the west of the county). In the west of this plain there are two white stones. (One is one foot two inches long, one foot high, and forty-one pounds in weight. The other is one foot one inch long, one foot high, and forty-nine pounds in weight.) In ancient 420

Appendix A

times, Okinaga-tarasi-pime-no-mikoto, on her way to conquer Siragi, arrived at this village; the child she was carrying was about to be bom. At that time she took these two stones and, attaching them to her waist, prayed: “I have come to this plain on my way to pacify the Western borders. Let the child I carry, if he [or: if the stones?] be [truly] a deity, be born after my triumphal return. Finally she pacified the Western borders and returned and gave birth to the Emperor Pomuda. The people of the day called the stones ko-umu-isi [prince-bearing stones]. Today this has become corrupted to Kopu-no-tsi. [Fudoki, pp. 334-35.] Another almost identical account is given in a fragment from a work called the Tsukushi fadoki, also quoted in the Shaku Nihongi. kaze no Ise no umi no Opisi ni Papi motopordpu Sitadami no

[51:19-39]

11 Osaka no Opo-muro-ya ni Pito sapa ni

429

Kojiki

I-papi motopori Utite si yamamu

Sikesiki wo-ya ni Suga-tatami Iya saya sikite Wa ga putari nesi

[52:40-46]

15 Tata namete Inasa no yama no Ko nd ma yo mo I-yuki mamorapi Tatakapeba Ware pa ya wenu Sima-tu-tdri U-kapi ga tomo Ima suke ni kd ne

[54:25-29] 21 Sawi-gapa yo Kumo tati watari Unebi yama Ko nd pa sayaginu Kaze pukamu to su

[55:3-7] 22 Unebi yama Piru pa kumo towi Yupu sareba Kaze pukamu to so Ko nd pa sayageru

[52:48-56]

16 Yamato no Taka-sazi-no wo Nana yuku Wotome-domo Tare wo si makamu

[55：9-i3] 23 Mimaki-iri-biko pa ya Mimaki-iri-biko pa ya Ono ga wo wo Nusumi sisemu to Siri-tu-to yo I-yuki tagapi Mape-tu-to yo I-yuki tagapi Ukagapaku sirani to Mimaki-iri-biko pa ya

[54:3-7] 17 Katu-gatu mo Iya saki-dateru Ye wo si makamu [54:10-12] 18 Ame-tutu Tidori masi toto Nadd sakeru to-me

[67:4-13]

[54：i4~i6] 24 Yatume sasu Idumo-takeru ga Pakeru tati Tudura sapa maki Sa-mi nasi ni apare

19 Wotome ni Tada ni apamu to Wa ga sakeru to-me

[54:18-20]

20 Asi-para nd

[81:9-13]

430

Appendix B Tosi ga ki-pureba Ara-tama no Tuki pa ki-pe-yuku Ube na ube na Kimi mati-gatani Wa ga keseru Osupi no suso ni Tuki tatanamu yd

2$ Sane sasi Sagamu nd wo-no ni Moyuru pi nd Po-naka ni tatite Topisi kimi pa mo [84:7-11]

26 Nipi-bari Tukuba wo sugite Iku-yo ka neturu

[85:20-32]

30 Wopari ni Tada ni mukaperu Wotu no saki naru Pitotu matu Ase wo Pitotu matu Pito ni ariseba Tati pakemasi wo Kinu kisemasi wo Picdtu matu Ase wo

[84:19-21]

27 Kaga nabete Yo ni pa kokono-yo Pi ni pa towo-ka wo [84:23 -25] 28 Pisa-kata no Ame no Kagu-yama To-kama ni Sa-wataru kubi Pipa-boso Tawaya-gapina wo Makamu to pa Are pa suredd Sa-nemu to pa Are pa omopedo Na ga keseru Osupi nd suso ni Tuki tatinikeri

[86:13-23] 31 Yamato pa Kuni no mapo roba Tatanaduku Awo-kaki Yama-gomoreru Yamato si urupasi

[87:2-7]

[85:6-18]

29 Taka-pikaru Pi nd miko Yasumisisi Wa ga opo-kimi Ara-tama no

32 Inoti no Matakemu pito pa Tatami-komo Peguri no yama no Kuma-kasi ga pa wo 431

Kojiki Uzu ni sase Sond ko

38 Pama-tu-tidori Pama yo pa yukazu Iso-dutapu

[87:9-15]

33 Pasikeyasi Wagipe no kata yo* Kumo-wi tati ku mo

[88:23-25] 39 Iza agi Puru-kuma ga Itate opazu pa Nipo-dori no Apumi nd umi ni Kaduki sena wa

[87:18-20] * Some manuscripts have ア“；the meaning is the same.

34 Wotome no Tokd-no-be ni Wa ga okisi Turugi no tati Sono tati pa ya

[96:18-23]

40 Kono miki pa Wa ga miki narazu Kusi nd kami Toko-yo ni imasu Ipa tatasu Sukuna mi-kami no Kamu-poki Poki kuruposi Toyo-poki Poki motoposi Maturi kosi Miki 20 Asazu wose Sa sa

[87:23-27] 35 Naduki no Ta no ina-gara ni Ina-gara ni Papi-motoporopu TSkoro-dura [88:3-7】

36 Asa-zino-para Kosi nadumu Sora pa yukazu Asi yo yuku na

[98:3-16]

[88:11-14]

41 Kono miki wo Kamikemu pito pa Sono tudumi Usu ni tatete Utapitutu Kamikere ka mo Mapitutu Kamikere ka mo

37 Umi ga yukeba Kosi nadumu Opo-kapara nd Uwe-gusa Umi-gapa Isayopu [88:16-21]

432

Appendix B Ni-guroki yuwe Mitu-guri no Sono naka-tu-ni wo Kabu-tuku Ma-pi ni pa atezu Mayo-gaki Ko ni kaki tare Apasisi womina Ka mo ga to Wa ga misi ko-ra Kaku mo ga to A ga misi ko ni Utatakeda ni Mukapi woru ka mo I-sopi woru ka mo

Kono miki nd Miki no Aya ni uta-danosi Sa sa [98:19-3〇] 42 Tiba nd Kaduno wo mireba Momo-ti-daru Ya-nipa mo miyu Kuni no po mo miyu

[101 ：2-6] 43 Kono kani ya Iduku nd kani Momo-dutapu Tunuga no kani Yoko sarapu Iduku ni itaru Itidisima Misima ni toki Mipo-dori no Kaduki iki-duki Sina-dayupu Sasanami-di wo Suku suku to Wa ga imaseba ya Kopata no miti ni Apasisi wotome Usirode pa Wodate ro ka mo Panami pa Sipi pisi nasu Itipiwi nd Wani-sa no ni wo Patu-ni pa Pada akarakemi Sipa-ni pa

[101:14-53】

44 Iza ko-domo No-biru tumi ni Piru tumi ni Wa ga yuku miti ni Ka-gupasi Pana-tatibana pa Po-tu-ye pa Tori wi karasi Sidu-ye pa Pito tori karasi Mitu-guri nd Naka-tu-ye nd Potumori Akara-wotome wo Iza sasaba Yorasi na [102:6-21]

45 Midu tamaru Ydsami nd ike nd

433

Kojiki Wi-gupi uti ga* Sasikeru sirani Nunapa kuri Papckeku sirani Wa ga kokoro si zd Iya woko ni site Ima zd kuyasiki

49 Kasi nd pu ni Yokusu wo tukuri Yokusu ni Kamisi opo-miki Uniara ni Kikosi moti wose Maro ga ti

[102:23-31] * Omitting the interpolations of Motoori at this point.

[103:13-19]

46 Miti nd siri Kopada wotome wo Kami no goto Kikoyesikadomo Api makura maku

50 Susukori ga Kamisi miki ni Ware wepinikeri Kotona-gusi We-gusi ni Ware wepinikeri

[102:34-38]

[104:15-20]

47 Miti no siri Kopada wotome pa Arasopazu Nesiku wo si zd mo Urupasimi omopu

51 Ti-paya-buru Udi no watari ni Sawo-tori ni Payakemu pito si Wa ga moko ni komu

[102:40-44] 48 Pomuda no Pi nd miko Opo-sazaki Opo-sazaki Pakaseru tati Moto turugi Suwe puyu Puyu-ki* nd Sukara ga sita-ki no Saya saya

[105:18-22]

52 Ti-paya-pito Udi no watari ni Watari-ze ni tateru Adusa-yumi ma-yumi I-kiramu to Kokoro pa mopedo I-toramu to Kokoro pa mopedo Moto-pe pa Kimi wo omopide Suwe-pe pa Imo wo omopide

[103 ：2-Il] ♦ The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has pukt nd and lacks the ideograph for yu. These lines were formerly divided: Puyu-ki nosu/Kara ga sita-ki no.

434

Appendix B Tomo ni si tumeba Tanosiku mo aru ka

Iranakeku Soko ni omopide Kanasikeku Koko ni omopide I-kirazu so kuru Adusa-yunii ma-yumi

[III :28う2] 56 Yamato pe ni Nisi puki agete Kumo-banare Soki wori to mo Ware wasureme ya

[1〇5128-45] 53 Oki-pe ni pa Wo-bunc turaraku Kurozaya nd* Masaduko wagimo Kuni pe kudarasu

[111:34-38]

57 Yamato pe ni Yuku pa ta ga tuma Komoridu no Sita yo papetutu Yuku pa ta ga tuma

[in 17-11] * rThere appear to be corruptions in this line. Today it is generally reconstruc­ ted as in the translation (c£ Takeda, Kiki kayoshii zenko, p. 132); the meaning, however, is still unclear. Kurozaya is usually translated ‘black scabbard*; it probably modifies一perhaps as a literary epithet—the following word Masaduko. Motoori read it as Kurozaki, which he identified as a place in Kibi.

[iii:4CM4]

58 Tuginepu ya Yamasird-gapa wo Kapa-ndbori Wa ga noboreba Kapa no pe ni Opi-dateru Sasibu wo Sasibu nd ki Si ga sita ni Opi-dateru Pa-bird Yutu ma-tubaki Si ga pana no Teri imasi Si ga pa nd Pirdri imasu pa Opo-kimi ro ka mo

54 Osi-teru ya Nanipa nd saki yo Ide-tatite Wa ga kuni mireba Apa-sima Onogord-sima Adiniasa nd Sima mo miyu Sake-tu-sima miyu

[111:16-24]

[112:10-26]

55 Yamagata ni Makeru awo-na mo Kibi-pito to

59 Tuginepu Yamasird-gapa wo

435

Kojiki

Miya-nobori Wa ga noboreba Awo-ni yosi Nara wo sugi Wo-date Yamato wo sugi Wa ga mi ga posi kuni pa Kaduraki Takamiya Wagipe no atari [112:28-38]

63 Yamasiro nd Tutuki no miya ni Mono mawosu A ga se nd kimi pa Namita-gumasi mo

[113:32-36]

64 Tuginepu Yamasiro-me nd Ko-kupa moti Utisi opo-ne Sawa sawa ni Na ga ipese koso Uti-watasu Yagapaye nasu Ki iri mawi kure

60 Yamasiro ni Isike Tori-yama Isike isike A ga pasi-duma ni Isiki apamu ka mo

[113:2-6]

[n3：43-5x] 65 Yata no Pitd-moto suge pa Ko motazu Tati ka arenamu Atara suga-para Koto wo koso Suge-para to ipame Atara sugasi me

61 Mi-moro no Sono taka-ki naru Opo-wi-ko ga para Opo-wi-ko ga Para ni aru Kimo mukapu Kokoro wo da ni ka Api omopazu aramu

[114:2-9] [113:8—15】

66 Yata nd Pito-motd suge pa Pitdri wori to mo Opo-kimi si Yosi to kikosaba Pitdri wori to mo

62 Tuginepu Yamasiro-me no Kd-kupa moti Utisi opo-ne Ne-ziro no Siro-tadamuki Makazukeba koso Sirazu to mo ipame

[114:11-16]

67 Me-ddri nd Wa ga opo-kimi no

[113:17-24]

436

Appendix B Ordsu pata Ta ga tane ro ka mo

73 Taka pikaru Pi no miko Ubesi koso Topi tamape Makoso ni Topi tamape Are koso pa Yd nd naga*pito Sora mitu Yamato no kuni ni Kari komu to Imada kikazu

[115:7-10]

68 Taka yuku ya Paya-busa-wake no Mi-osupi-gane

[115:12-14]

69 Pibari pa Ame ni kakeru Taka yuku ya Paya-busa-wake Sazaki torasane

[116:12-23]

[115:17-21]

74 Na ga miko ya Tubi ni siramu to Kari pa komurasi

7。 Pasi-tate nd Kurapasi yama wo Sagasimi to Ipa kaki kanete Wa ga te torasu mo

[116:25-27]

75 Karano wo Sipo ni yaki Si ga amari Koto ni tukuri Kaki piku ya Yura no to nd To-naka nd ikuri ni Pure tatu Nadu no ki nd Saya saya

[115:25-29]

71 Pasi-tate no Kurapasi yama pa Sagasikedd Imo to noborepa Sagasiku mo arazu [ii5：3i-35]

72 Tama kiparu Uti nd asd Na koso pa Yo no naga-pito Sora mitu Yamato no kuni ni Kari komu to kiku ya

[117:7-16]

76 Tadipi-no ni Nemu to siriseba Tatu-gomo mo Motite komasi mono Nemu to siriseba [116:4-10]

[118:10-14]

437

Kojiki Kari-komo nd Midareba midare Sane si saneteba

77 Panipu-zaka Wa ga tati mireba Kagiropi nd Moyuru ipe-niura Tuma ga ipe no atari

[122:19-23] 82 Ope-mape Wo-mape-sukune ga Kana-to kage Kaku yori kone Amc tati yamemu

[118:17-21]

78 Opo-saka m Apu ya wotome wo Miti topeba Tada ni pa norazu Tagima-ti wo noru

[122:32-36] 83 Miya-pito nd Ayupi nd ko-suzu Otiniki to Miya-pito toyomu Sato-bito mo yume

[118:25-29] 79 Asipiki nd Yama-da wo dukuri Yama-dakami Sita-bi wo wasise Sita-dopi ni Wa ga topu imo wo Sita-naki ni Wa ga naku tuma wo Kozo koso pa Yasuku pada pure

[122:38-42]

84 Ama-damn Karu no wotome Ita nakaba Pito sirinubesi Pasa nd yaina no Pato nd Sita-naki ni naku [122:2-11]

[122:48-54] 85 Ama-damu Karu wotome Sitata ni mo Yori nete topore Karu wotome-domo

80 Sasa-ba ni Utu ya arare nd Tasi-dasi ni Wi-netemu noti pa Pito pa kayu to mo

[122:56-60]

[122:14-18]

86 Ama tobu Tori mo tukapi so Tadu ga ne nd

81 Urupasi to Sane si saneteba 438

Appendix B Koyaru koyari mo Adusa-yumi Tateri tateri mo Noti mo tori miru Omopi-duma apare

Kikoyemu toki pa Wa ga na topasane [122:62-66] 87 Opo-kimi wo Sima ni paburaba Puna amari I-gaperi koniu zd Wa ga tatami yume Koto wo koso Tatami to ipame Wa ga tuma pa yume

[122:92-106]

91 Komdriku nd Patuse nd kapa nd Kami-tu-se ni I-kupi wo uti Simo-tu-se ni Ma-kupi wo uti I-kupi ni pa Kagami wo kake Ma-kupi ni pa Ma-tama wo kake Ma-tama nasu A ga mopu imo Kagami nasu A ga mopu tuma Ari to Ipaba koso yo Ipe ni mo yukame Kuni wo mo sinopame [122:108-125] 92 Kusaka-be nd Koti nd yama to Tatami-komo Peguri nd yama nd Koti-goti no Yama no kapi ni Tati-zakayuru Pa-bird kuma-kasi Moto ni pa I-kumi-dake opi Suwe-pe ni pa

[122:69-76] 88 Natu-kusa no Apine no pama no Kaki-gapi ni Asi pumasu na Akasite dopore

[122:79-83]

89 Kimi ga yuki Ke-nagaku narinu Yama-tadu no Mukape wo yukamu Matu ni pa matazi [122:85-89)

90 Komonku nd Patuse nd yama nd Opo-wo ni pa Pata pari-date Sawo-wo ni pa Pata pari-date Opo-wo yosi Naka sadameru Omopi-duma apare Tuku-yumi nd 439

Kojiki

Piku koto ni Mapi suru womina Tokd-yo ni mo ka mo

Tasimi-dake opi I-kumi-dake I-kumi pa nezu Tasimi-dake Tasi ni pa wi-nezu Noti mo kumi nemu Sono omopi-duma apare [128:16-33] 93 Mimdro nd Itu-kasi ga moto Kasi ga moto Yuyusiki ka mo Kasi-para wotome [130:14-18] 94 Piketa nd Waka-kurusu-bara Wakakupe ni Wi-nete masi mono Oinikeru ka mo [130:20-24]

[13〇：5-9] 98 Mi-yesino nd Womuro ga take ni Sisi pusu to Tare so Opo-mape ni mawosu Yasumisisi Wa ga opo-kimi nd Sisi matu to Agura ni imasi Siro-tape no Sode ki-sonapu Takomura ni Amu kaki tuki Sono amu wo Akidu paya-gupi Kaku nd goto Na ni opamu to Sora mitu Yamato nd kuni wo Akidu-sima topu

95 Mimdro ni Tuku ya tama-kaki Tuki amasi Ta ni ka mo yoramu Kami nd miya-pito

[130:13-32] [130:27-31]

99 Yasumisisi Wa ga opo-kimi nd Asobasisi sisi no Yami-sisi no Utaki kasikomi Wa ga nige noborisi Ari-wo no Pari no ki nd yeda

96 Kusaka-ye nd Iri-ye no patisu Pana-batisu Mi nd sakari-bito Tomosiki rd ka mo [13〇:33-37]

97 Agura-wi nd Kami nd mi-te moti

[131:4-11]

440

Appendix B

100 Wotome nd I-kakuru woka wo Kana-suki mo Ipoti mo ga mo Suki-banuru mono

Simo-tu-ye ni Oti purabape Sidu-ye no Ye nd ura-ba pa Ari-kinu no Mipe no ko ga Sasagaseru Midu-tama-uki ni Ukisi abura Oti nadusapi Mina koworo KoworS ni Ko si mo Aya ni kasikosi Taka pikaru Pi no miko Koto no Katari-goto mo Ko wo ba

[133:5-9] 101 Makimuku no Pisiro no miya pa Asa-pi nd Pi-deru miya Yupu-pi nd Pi-gakeru miya Take no ne nd Ne-daru miya Ko nd ne no Ne-bapu miya Yapo-ni yosi I-kiduki nd miya Maki saku Pi no mi-kado Nipi-nape-ya ni Opi-dateru Momodaru Tuki ga ye pa Po-tu-ye pa Ame wo open Naka-tu-ye pa Aduma wo operi Sidu-ye pa Pina wo open Po-tu-ye no Ye no ura-ba pa Naka-tu-ye ni Oti purabape Naka-tu-ye no Ye nd ura-ba pa

[133:17-65]

102 Yamato no Kono taketi ni Ko-dakaru Iti no tukasa Nipi-nape-ya ni Opi-dateru Pa-biro Yutu ma-tubaki So ga pa no Pirori imasi Sono pana nd Teri imasu Taka-pikaru Pi no miko ni Toyo-miki Tatematurase Kdc