Journal of the Siam Society [XI]

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THE

JOURNAL OF THE

SIAM SOCIETY

Volume XI

BANGKOK 1914-1915 KRAUS REPRINT Nendeln/Liechtenstein 1969

Reprinted by permission of the Thailand Research Society, Bangkok KRAUS REPRINT A Division of KRAUS-THOMSON ORGANIZATION LIMITED Nendeln!Liechtenstein 1969 Printed in Switzerland

CONTENTS.

Page. Unofficial Mission of ;rohn Morgan, by 0. Frankfurter, Ph. D.

1

A Hybrid Dipterocarpus, by A.. F. -11' Vaccinn.ti ou Law in Siam, by If. Campht'll Highet, )f. D., D. J:>. H.

13

.Annual Report

27

Accounts of Society for 191 2 and 1913

28

A.nnual !ll.eeting of Society

29

A General Meeting of i'iociet.y

33

'ttbe Ulnofficfal mtesfon of lobn morgan, mercbant, to Siam in 1821. The foreign relations betw~en Great Britain and Siam up w the time of King Mongkut were carried on through the East India Company, which had extended its influencA over a. part of the Malay Penin"~ula . .After the destruction of .Ayuthia and after the King Khun Luang Tak, who had established the Capital of Siam in Thana.buri, had been deposed by Chao Phya Maha Stik Songram, who afterwards ascended the throne as Phra Buddha Yot Fah, it was the chief cono::ern of the Kings to consolidate the empire. The outlying province~:~ and dependencies were not directly governed from Bangkok, and as far as the dependencies of th€1 Malay Peninsula were concerned, their supervision was ent:usted to the chiefs of Ligore and Singora, acting under the Kralahom, whilst the administration of the northern provinces was entrusted to the Mahat Thai Department, and the seaboard provinces near the capital were administered through the Foreign Office. After the Burmese war, the outlying provinces had all, more or less, tried to become independent of the central power, and harl arrogated to themselves the power of making treaties. These dependencies enjoyed from olden times home-mle, and they were only bound to acknowledge the SO\'ereign power by sending· to it tokens of respect and by assistiug the central Government in all warlike operations. But what foreign relations existed were of course controlled from the ca!'>ital. Subsidies were at that time specially expected in the numerous raids anCI wars against the Burmese, for after the destruction of .Ayuthia in 1767 no formal peace had been signed and a latent state of war always existed. The East India Company han always desired to get a foothold on the Malay Pl"ninsula and thus to forestall the extension of Dutch pow~r, a1Hl only in 18::4 a treaty was made between Holland and

( 2 ) Great Britain clearly defining their spheres of influence in the Malay Archipelago. The opportunity to extend the influence of Great Britain was therefore considerrd propitious when, in 1782, the Rajah of Kedah offered to the East India Company a strip of land for an annual payment in the hope that the company would assist him in his quarrels with his superior the King of Siam. When Captain Light on behalf of the East India Company, in 1786, made a treaty with the Rajah of Kedah, the information was withheld that Kedah owed allttgiance to Siam and the consequence was that the construction put on the meaning of the clauses of the treaty laid the foundation of all future disagreements with the sovereign power, who however never seems to have seriously contested the validity of the territorial cession. All subsequent treaties, such as t·hat of May 1791 regarding the mutual surrender of fugitive slaves, and for the supply of provisions, and the treaty of 1796 made by Sir George Leith which stipulated for the further cession of a piece of territory (Province Wellesley), were construed in different ways by the Rajah of Kedah and the East India Company. The policy of the Uompany was not to interfere with the internal affairs of the different chieftains of the Malay Peninsula, whilst they construed any cession made as a promise to render actual assistance. Kedah had certainly by her beh:~.viour lost the good will of the Sovereign power and when Kedah applied to Penang for interference in its favour with Siam, the question was referred to the Central Government. This last returned the same answer which was afterwards incorporated in the inst.ructions given to Orawfurd on his official Embassy to Siam, and the record is therefore wot·th quoting: •• In the year 1818-1814 an application was received by the Government of Prince of Wales's Island from the King of Queda, for the friendly interference of the British Government in his favour with his superior, the King of Siam. On that occasion, the Government of Prince of Wales Island referred the question to the consideration of the f;upreme Government, when it was determined tl.tat, whatever might, be the claim which the King of Qneda might ht\ thought to pos;aess to the attention and regard of the Bl'itish Government, our mediation for the adjustment of the differences subsist.ing between Siam and that coutttry might lead us into an P.mbarrassing participation in the int~rests and concerns of one or both States ; and the Government of Penang. was accordingly instructed to limit its proceedim!s to opening a communication with the King of Siam, and address-

3 ) ing a letter to him, framed in conformity with the view.;; and principles which were distinctly laid clown for its guidance." The East India Company was always guided by these principlRs and; whilst certainly amongst the merchants established in Penang there was a desire to extend the British influence over the wh0le of Kedah, the Penang Government kApt. a cool head and, whenever appealed to by Kedah for advice and help, gave the plain advice n0t to enter into political intrigues with Burmah, which had unofficially approached Kedah to render assis~ance in the intended invasion of Siam. Kedah seemed inclined to follow the advice tendered, but it showed otherwise a pronounced passive r~:~sistance to orders which were transmitted by the Bangkok Government, so that finally the Central Government deputed the Rajah of Ligore to suspend the Ra.jah of Kedah until he offered apologies and submitted to Bangkok. The " Ligorian " sent word to the British authorities of all he was doing and he advised the Rajah to submit to what appeared the lawful command of the Central Government. This the latter would not do and took refuge in Penang. Necessarily all these transactions interested the Indian Government, and it was decided to send an official Mission to Siam with the view of establishing the relations on a sound basis, of arranging the Kedah affair and also of seeing what might be done with regMd to the development of trade, especially as Portugal, the Uniteo States and Holland were eager to extPnri th eir traoe to Siam . For this purpose Crawfurd was selected by the Calcutta Government, and he haR wt·itten a long and faithful aecount of his m ssion to Siam and Cochin China. In the meanwhile also the newly est.ablished Colony of Singapore had thought it expedient to enter int.o direct commercialt·elations wit.h Siam and to acquire an unbiased knowledge Jf things there. So they tried the experiment of entrusting with this mission a merchant who, they thought, would combine it with his comme rcial vent.ure 11nt.rammellerl by pditical etiquette. The person so selectecl was one Mr. Morgan, of Singapore, who was r.-commendt>d for that position by one l\:fr. Palmer, of Calcut.ta, who was fina ncially interested in the venture. Mr. Morgan received very full instructions ann was to deliver a Jetter addressed to the King of Siam by the resident counci llor of Singapo1·e, Colonel Farquhar, and he was guaranteed against all possible losses in his venture. In his instructiom it was made quite clear that he

( 4 ) was only to speak in his own name and not commit the Government by any act. Mr. Morgan purchased and loaded a small boat "Non me recordo " of 70 tons burden, in Singapore, and left for Siam on the 25th of April 1821, arriving there on May 15th. On his arrival he had an interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who in the evening conducted him to an audience with Krom Mtin Chesda, the lateor King Phra Nang Klao. At that time Siam was making preparations for a war with Burmah and it is known that during a number of years Siamese troops bad been sent to the frontiers " to catch Burmese." In fact it was only at the death of the King Phra Buddha Lot La that the troops were recalled. Siam thought it expedient, whenever opportunity offered, to ascertain what position the British Government would assume and whether it would remain neutral, and they were consequently glad of the mission. Morgan, to whom these questions were put, answered them diplomatically without committing himself, under the plea that he was a merchant and did not know anything about the matter, and to the question whether Great Britain would assist Burmah in case of war and to the subsequent remark that it would be better for Great Britain not to do so also kept diplomatic silence. Evidently, however, Krom Miin Chesda was satisfied with the answer received, and on the 5th of June early in the morning a boat was sent by the Foreign Minister for Mr. Morgan to conduct him to an audience with the King. The presents which were sent by Colonel Farquhar were displayed befor·e the throne as well as those which Morgan himself had brought, and a letter add1·essed to the King was read aloud.* Morgan conformed to the usual ceremonies and the King addt·essAd to him the customary enquiry about the hea·Jth of the resident and also enqui1·ed about the abandonment of Malacca, about the newly established settlement .of Singapore, and why he had not brought muskets which he knew were wanted. After these questions permission was granted to Morgan to carry on trade without let or hindrance, which he did, believing that after the permission made to him his venture would prove very successful. He was, however, disappoint,ed and he ascribed his non-success partly to the interference of the Chulias and native Portuguese, in whose hands the trade was and who necessarily looked upon him as an interloper, and it may be here mentioned, that Orawfurd, Burney and Malloch held the • See appendix.

5 same opmion about them. On the other ltaud it must not be forgotten that Morgan imported opium, which was absolutely forbidden to be imported, and clandestinely disposed of it, a fact which was certainly known to the authorities. The only excuse that Morgan could make was that in this trarle a beautiful profit was made, and that all high officials and Chinese were interested in it. He admits on the other hand, as a further excuse, that the only persons using opium were the Chinese. Morgan in all his trading transactions did not forget the semi-official mission with which he was entrusted, and he came to the conclusion ''that any treaty that could be mAde could not protect merchants from the frauds practised on them without some person being on the spot to represr::nt them." In a subsequent audience Morgan had with Krom Miin Chesda, the question of British trade was raised and he was asked whether the British wanted a factory in Siam . In accordance with his instructions he replied he wou lrl report about it. It is curious to notice that in the instructions Crawfurd received and in the letter which he was to deliver to the King, it was especially mentioned that the Government did not desire to establish a factory or a Consulate in Bangkok, and Burney we know likewise repudiated the idea and even went so far as to say that the est.ablishment of a Consulate or factory in Siam would lead to complications. Be that as it may, certainly the establishment of a factory would not have been viewed with favourable eyes by the Portuguese, the relations between whom and Siam were renewed in 1817, when the Govemor of Macao had a letter forw:u·ded to the King in which he reqnested for the establishment of the former intercourse. The first attempt of the Portuguese was singularly unhappy inasmuch as the person who was to delivet· the letter became so excited by the behaviour of the people that he left Siam without waiting for a reply. The letter was, however, aftenvards answered ancl the Consul Silveira took charge of the factory. He received on his mission a stipend of 160 Ticals a month ft·om the Siamese Government and was solely t~mployed in building a ship for a merchant in Macao fat· which the Siamese Government had also pt·omised him money· He got actually for some time 2,000 Ticals monthly, a sum which wa~ afterwards reducP.d to 800 'res. and finally given up, when Mot·gan advanced him to 5,000 Dollars fot· this purpose, a transaction which

6

when it became kno wn was not co nduci ve to the good name of the PortuguesE'. 'J'he treaty mad A by the Purtug uese was neve r· ratified although sent to Go•1 for that purpose, as clauses had been inserted to which the Por·tnguese Government o~jected; but it must n ot. be for• gott,en that accordin g t o old r·ules both Governments ac!"!epted E;ilently such clauses as were agreed upou,. and it, must be therefor·e surmiserl t hat the clauses of the tr-Jat.y whieh were agreed upon were .~o u s irl e re d binding upon both pa:rties. Th e Consul r eceived fro m the Government in accordan ce with old practice a titl e H lnan g .A.bhai Banit ( the merchant by grace), wh ic h recognized him as in cha rge of Portuguese inter ests, a nd gavE' him t.o a certain extent chm-ge of the foreign. trade. This accounts for the inter-co urse he held w·ith Morgan and for the fact t.hat the Consu l duly repvrted to Goa eve~·ytltin g that Morgan was r1oing. The trade between Siam ani! t he outside world was mainly in ths hands of Chinese ancl Malays; as the duties thE''J had to pay on trade were very sma ll ,. tmd e wa~ tl .mris hin g , and Mo r·gan when he arrived in Bangkok counted 700 junk; of a ll descript.ions loading in the river. 'l'rade in ter·cour·se with the Uniterl States harl commenced in 18-18 anrl when Morgan arriveil, two American boats• load ing sugar were in the river, whilst the " Per~:;ian," a lso an Ame rican boat, was on her t hirrl voyage. Sit e had br·ought &,00{) mu skets fo·r which a ready sale to Governm ent was fonnd and a.:; the A.meri ca ns had an easy way u£ giving and t.aki ng-. t he relations between the United States and Siam were very intimate. This was felt to be the more so a::s it was· ~a id that the- President of llhe United States had addressed a lettt~r to t he King· of Siam by th:· captain of th e first .A.met·ic;ln boat arTi ving in the count.ry, in wh i• :l1 he reeomm~ I Hiecl him to the graces of the King, to whom he brought as a pt·esent 300 muskets. Certainly the Americans met with an excel lent reception in Siam , especially as they brought fir·earms which were needed. Moreover it is said that they diBtinguished t.hernselves by faimess in all their dealings and were consequently weH received by the authorities, and all their commercial transact ions were gui.ck ly conc luded. Thus up to August 1821 twe lve cargoes had been ca rried fl'Om Si·illm by A.mel'ican vessels, and it wa~ said that. an Anlt'riea.n facto ry woull soon be establi>ihed in Bangkok at~ t.lt e pt~.fi. t;; llHtde .i n a ll tmnsaetio n,; ·were good. In-· teveou.rse with the .Java ( h>VE'l'llllle nt was al;:;o ven{~ wed at the t. in~ would give to us the fruits of his ripe scholarship unkammelled by the drudgery of routine work. 'l'he last gr·eat work from his pen was the Catalog ue he mad e of the Turin-Exhibition, the pages of which are t eemin g with knowledge which could only be acquired by an active, observing life. It would take too long to e numerate the works he published, every one of which may be considered in the study of the :F'ar l~[l.St as a lasting monument. " As you know fr·om our report the Society has written to Italy to enquir·e whether any wor ks are ready for publication, as th ey would be only too gird to undertake th e task of publishing them. "'l'he name of Colonel Gerini will live as long as studies in the folklore, history, geography, grammar of the Rast are contiunecl, and we are proud that we could count him as a Vice-President and later as an Honorary Member of our Societ.y.

( 32 ) "The expression of our deep concern in the death of Colonel Gerini, whom irresistible fate has called away so soon, with the expression of our gratitude for his scholarship, in the name of our Society I wish to put on record, and I also propose that the expression of our heartfelt sympathy be. conveyed to the family of Colonel Gerini." Mr. Allegri seconded and it was carried. THE PRESIDEN'r'S PAPER. The President then read his paper on Mr. Morg!l.n's unofficial mission to Siam in 1821. At the conclusion Dr. Highet said he rose with great pleasure to propose a hearty vote of thanks to their President for his extremely interesting paper. He was not going to say he was the only one unacquainted with Mr. Morgan's adventures in Siam as he thought a good many were in that position, and an extremely interesting sidelight had been thrown on the early histot·y of Siam and the relatiom between Siam and Singapore. Subjects like this made the Siarr. Societ.y interPsting to all of them. He regretted that perhaps on account of the time and possibly on account of the work which had to be done in these day;; so few residents of Bangkok were present. Once mot·e he proposed a hearty vote of thanks to their President. This was carried with acclamation, and the meeting concluded.

(

33

)

General Meeting of the Society. -~ s-.-

An orclinary Gener11l Meeting of members of the Society took place at the Oriental Hotel, Bangkok, on 'rhursday, the 28th May , 191 4, to h ear· the paper by Dr. H . Campbe ll H ig het on Vaccination in Siam. Mr. A. J. hwm, Vice-President, was in the chail', and introduced th e lectnrer. Before readin g his paper Dr. Highet expressed the regret of the Society· at the abseuce through illness of their worthy President, Dr. l•'rankfurter. They were glad, however, to know he was makin g tl3tisfactory pr·ogress, and they all wi>~h e d him a speedy recovery. Dr. Highet tl paper was heartily applauded, and the Chairman voiced the feelings of those pt·esent in proposing a vote of tha11ks. Dr. Highet further exhibited a docum ent lent, through t he kindness of H. R. H. Prince Damrong, from the collection iu the ~ational Library. It was a treatise ou small pox written by the Hoyal Scribes in 1870, and probably copied from an 'Old manuscript. 'l'here were pictures for every month in the year, and it seemed that t.he virulence. of the disease was rega rd ed as varying accorcling to the timo of year and the part of the body on which the Jlllll'h first appeared. '.l'he cl ocument was beautifully written in gold 0 11 black.

CONTENTS.

Page. The Story of the Hecords of Siamese History-'frans lation of 1-f. H . H. Prince Darnrong's Preface to the History, by 0 ..Frankfurter, Ph. D.

1

An marly British Merchant in Bangkok, by R. Adey Moore

21

General Meetiug of the Society

40

THE STORY OF THE RECORDS OF SIAMESE HISTORY .

• •• [NoTE.-Subjoined is a tran slation of the first part of the introduction written by H. H. H. Prince Dam rung for th e History now being edited by him. It if; published in the first volum e.-0. FRANKFURTER.] The history of Siam may proper·ly be eli videcl into three periods, namely, (1) the period when Sakhothai was the capital, (2) the period when Ayuddhya was the capital, and (3) the period since Bangkok ( H.atanakosindr) has been the capital. It is rather difHcult to obtain definit e, accurate knowledge about the Sukhothai period. But stone inscriptions and ancient manuscripts do exist in sufficient number to enabl e us to institute a comparisOJl that affords us some knowl edge. Of such stone inscriptions and ancient manuscripts I have found eleven examples having reference to that period. These are :-

I. The stone inscription of Khun Ham Khamheng·, who was the thit·d King of Sukhothai in the dynasty founded by Phra Huang. 'rhis inscription dates from the yeat· B. E. 1835 (A. D. 1492), and was the first in whicit Siamese characters were employed. It relates the history of Sukhothai from the time King Khun Sri Indradit occupied the thron e up to the reign of King Khun Ram Khamheng. 2. A stone inscription of Pht·a Maha Dhammarajalithai, the fifth King of the dynasty of Phra Ruang. This inscription was made at Muang Nakhon Pu (near the present Kamphengphet) and is dated B. E. 1900 (A. D. 1557). It gives the story of certain relics brought from Ceylon. 3. Another stone inscription of Phra Maha Dhammarajalithai, on one side in Siamese characters and on the other in Cambodian. It is dated B. E. 1904 (A. D. 15Gl), and gives details of the history of Sukhothai in the reign of the royal author.

2

4. The Book of the Lady Nobhamat. This book was the work of the Lady Nobhamat, a daughter ofPlua SriMahosot, who was ofthe Brahmin caste in Sukhothai. It relates how her father presented her to be a wife of King Phra Ruang, and how she became first wife with the title of Thao Sri Ch ulalaks. She lived in the royal palace, and became familiar with the royal customs and observances. These she noted down in her book, together with geographical dt>tails with regard to places, villages and towns and the sut·t·oundings of the palace. 'rhe whole is contained in three Siamese volumes, called variously t.he Book of the Lady Nobhamat, or the ':L'ables of Thao Sri Ohulalaks. In reading this book I came to the conclusion that as regards language it is a modern work of the Bangkok period, the idiom being different from that used in the time when Sukhothai was the capital. Moreover there are certain things in it that cannot possibly be true, such as the statement to the effect that thet·e were foreigner;;;, English, French, Dutch, Spaniards, and even Americans, there. The truth is, as we now know, that no such foreigners, or indeed any faran:;s at all, had come to Siam at the time of the Lady Nobhamat. J period, one made in the first Reign and again one in the 4th reign, and perhaps there might have been one made in the 3rd Reign. There are no pt·oofs that amendm ents were made in the time of Ayudclhya, bef01·e Bangkok was established as the capital. The History was written, it appeat·s, in Ayudclhya on two occasione, the first being in the Heign of Phra Narayana Maharaj, when the version of Luang Pras15t was composed. This version extends fr·om the casting of the statue of the Burldha named Baneng Chon, np to at the latest thR enrl of the reign of Prasad Thong. In the retgn of Phra Chao Horonnkot, another version was composerl, because in that reign many hooks were writt.Rn. The King just mentioned fol!owed the example of King Phra

( 12 ) Narayano. Maharaj and ordered a new and detailed history to be composed from the time of the foundation of Ayuddhya up to the reign of Phra Narayana at the most. This is clearly shown in the expbnations given by His late Majesty. I may furthet· add that I do not think that King P lua Boromakot brought the hist·o ry down to any later period, because it must be understood that the reign of Phra Thep Raja and of Phra Chao Sua, were not such that they can be consic1ered glorious ancestors of King Phra Boromakot. Why then should he have included the history of their reigns? Had he done so, th e narrative would assuredly have been different. 'rhere is an additional circumstance which lends colou r to the view that the extended version composed in the feign of King Phra Boromakot did not Hen reach as far as t he death of King Narayana Maharaj. In the history of that King's reign there are two mistakes. 1st. It is stated that Chao Fa .Abhayathot is the son of Phra Narayana, whilst he really was his younger brother. Phra Narayana had no sons, as is proved by the books written by the French .Amassadors, who came to Siam twice in the reign of Phra Narayana and gave many details about Siam. This is con firm ed by the evidence of Khun Luang Ha Vat, who stated that Phra Narayana had no sons but only a daughter, and that that vvas the reason why Luang Sorasak was cousidered an illegitimate son . 2nd. In the history it is stated that Phra Narayana died in the year 1044• C. E., whii st all other books including the yearly calendar give the date as C. .K 1050, a difference of 6 years. This is a significant error since in the reign of King Phra Boromalwt there were many persons alive from the tim e of Phra Narayana, and Kin~ Phra Boromakot him se lf was born in that reign. If that portion of the history was written in th e time of Phra Boromakot., how cou ld such mistakes have occulTed ? I have carefnlly looked ove r th e printed history in two volumes and the history correc tecl Ly the King l\'[on gknt., and haYe come to the conclusi on that the h istory written in th e reign of King Phra Boromakot only \\·ent. as far as the war in which Phya Kosa (Khun Lek) defeatec1 the Burmeoe in Saiyok and thPn returned to the capital.

( 13 ) The succeeding sections which refer to Vichnyen seem to have been added by another hand; t he portions of the history dealing with the reign of King Narayana ft•om that point onwards &re disjointed, and dates are not given. It would appear as though the compiler had written down from hearsay incidents such as the story of Chao Phya Vichayen and th at of Luang Sorasak up to the story of Chao Phya Kosa (Pan ) going to Fmnce. Even our own knowledge of the facts to-day is more accumte than that displayed in the history. I am t.11erefore of the opinion that the portions of the history above mentioned were wt·itten by someone who was hom aftet' the events narrat.ed hnd occurred, and the error ·of six years in the date of Phra. Narayana's death may thus be explained. Now, if tho portions of the history ft·om the end ofthe reign of King Phm Narayana Maharaj onwards were not written in the time of King Pht·a Boromakot and if they were written in Ayuddhya at all, they must have beP.n written in the reign of Phra Chao Smiyat Amarindr. But Phya Baran is of opinion that, since in that reign the Government was in a state of disturbance, there was no opportunity of writing history. In such a case, then, the portions in question could only have been written in the time of Dhanaburi, for even if there were many wars in that period, they were attended by victory. It has been further proved that Chao Krung Dhanabmi composed a version of the Ramaycma, and if he had timn for that, he could a1so have compiled a history.

If we examine the two printer1 volumes and see how Somdet Phra Chao 'l'hai Sara is blamed, and Phra Boromakot exalted, we must agree with that opinion because the King of Dhanaburi and his followers were sel'\ ants of Phra Boromakot. 7

Therefo re we may state that th~ King of Krung Dhnnaburi bt·ought the history ( the version of 0. E. 1145) left uncompleted since the time of King Phra Borornakot, up to the latter's death and from then to the destruction of Ayndclhya by the Bnnnese. This bter compilation was probably marle in the first Reign, in C. E. 1157, at th e time when th e hi story ot't.he country was being revi3ecl. We know further that the hi story of Dhanaburi was written, by request of H. M. Phm Nang Klao, hy 8omclet Phra Paramanujit, and Lite st.y le of the continuation is different.

( 14 ) In the 4th Reign the history was again corrected, and this version is the Royal autograph copy, which was only corrected up to C. E. 1152 (and there are 6 pages missing as compared with the printed volumes). Now the question arises as to what can be ascertained about the version said to have b~en written by Somdet Phra Wanratna in Pali. I can only answet· that Prince Sommot w:.s told by the Phra Sangharaj of Wat Rajapradit that he had seen that version, and that he rememberPd how ho altered Siamese names into Pali names, for example Chamtin Dil:l&enfi into Chamino Dibbasena. I myself asked Choa Fa Kt"Om Phya Bamrab Parapaks whether the book existed, and he stated that he had seen it himself in the hands of Somclet Phra Paramanuji t, and he believed that the book Wall still in Wat J etubon. He then gave orders to enquit·e of Phra Mongkol 'rhep (Thieng), who 1vas the personal servant of Phra Pammanujit, aud who stated in my presence that, after the demise of Krom Somdet Phra Pu.ramanujit, His Majesty King Mongkut gave orders to take all books . kept by him to the Grand Palace, and none were left in the Temple. When the books kept in thA Mandira Dhamma were brought to the National Library, the Council looked for the Mahayuddhalmt· and the Chulayuddakar, but neither of these books nor other histories could be traced. However, the Mahayuddhalmr and the Chulayuddhakar once existed, and if we enquire what their contents were we may even give the an slYer from the titles of the books. The two Books relate the 1va•:s fought to the glory of the Kings. If such wars were not victorious they were not mentioned. The Mahayuddhakat· speaks about a great wat·, the Chulayuddhakar al;>Ont a smaller war. Such :t great war was the wat· wit.h Pegu ft·om the time of Son:det Phra Maim Ohn.lcrabat up to t.he time when Somrlet Phra Naresnan fl p.feater1 t.he Prguans, and Prgu came nnder the jurisdiction of Siam. 'rhe person who composed the form er work composed it to tlw glory of Somclet Phra Naresnan, and for that there are proofs, namely, that the three versions of the hi story of E. C. 1136, 114·5 and 1157 all deal \Yith the e1•ents of the period of th e Mahayuddhn);:ar.

( 13 ) If we examine the pl'iuted copy and the royal autograph copy, we shall come to the same conclusion as Hil:l late Majesty, namely, that the History before Somdet Phm Maha Chakrabat is written in a short form, as if taken from the yearly Calendar. From the time of tlomdet Phra Maha Chakrabat up to the time of King Phra Boromakot, the person composing it relied on the Mahayudclhakar.

·with regard to the Chubyuddhakar, we have to couswer what campaigns after the campaigns against Pegn are worthy of record. In the reign of Phra Narai, there were ·wars against Burma and Chiengmai, but these cannot be considered comparable to the great struggle in the cour8e of whicb the King of Dhanaburi fought the Burmese and quelled disturbances, so that Dhanaburi rose to the same pinnacle of eminence which Ayuddhya had reached formerly. The resemblance between this war and that fought by King Naresuan was such as to invite the composition of a work in honour of the King of Dhanaburi which should liken him to the first-named monarch. The writing of such a work would cause no little satisfaction to the King of Dhanaburi. For this reason, the Chulayuddhakar may perhaps have been composed in Dhanabmi. And if that is so, I believe I am able to fix the author, namely Phra Dhammai:lhiraj Mahamuni of W at Hong, or as he is also called Somdet Chao Chiin. This person was known as a great scholar, who was esteemed by the King of Dhanaburi and finally was raised to the dignity of Phra Sangharaj. In the first reign of the present dynasty he was reduced in rank to that of vV anratna. It has already been stated that Phra Paramanujit, when compiling his version of the history, had recourse to the composition in Pali of Somdet Phra vVanratna. Perhaps it was the Chulayucldhakar itself, ·written by Somdet Chao Chi.i.n, to which he thus referred.

Now, I beg you to consider the style of Somdet Phra Ps.ramanujit when he speaks about the reign of Chao Talc He says : "When Ayuddhy'1 had not yet been destroyed, the King had a proof that he could be considered as one destined to become a Buddha, and he knew that Ayuddhya was to be destroyed because the Chiefs and the people were unjust. Therefore he assisted, with all hi8 power the Samanas, Brahmanas sary without fnrthet· instructions from the Court of Dil'ectors of the East India Company to take any notice of the representation submitted by that individual, or to reopen the question of infraction in co nn ection therewith, notwithstanding the adverse opi nion recorded by the Law Commission in their repot·t." The opinion of the Law Commission, it may be added, has not yet bee n found. A lPtter fl'om the Court of Dil'ectol'a addressed from London, 2nd January 1846, to the Governor and Council of Bengal stated " with respect to th e personal injuries complained of by ~fr. Huntet·, they appear to have been in some measure provoked by his own impl'udence; and there wo::tld probably have been d ifficulty in establi ~ hiug- the facts in such a manner as to entitle your Government to make a public demand of redress on his behalf. We approve, th erefore, of your uon-interference. The general question remains whether the King's assumption of a monopoly of sugar is an infringement of th e treaty. You referred the question to the Law Commission, who are of opinion that it is so. Major Broadfoot is of a contrary opinion, and you have determined not to interfere. Monopolies being a fl'equent and even habitual resource of the Siamese Government for purposes of revenue, we cannot but think that, if the Government had intended to bind itself nevet· to re-establish them, an expt·ess opinion to that e"ffect would have been inserted in the treaty. Without· distinct proof in the correspondence at the time that such was the intention of the negotiations, we do not think our right of remonstrance sufficiently clear to induce us to exert it." As far as can be ascertained nothing further was done by Hunter to pt·osecute his claims, and probably the dispute " ·as then drop-

ped, after being under discussion for about three years. There is no doubt that, despite his losses, Hunter had done very well in his twenty years trading with the l:iiamese, and he went home. As far as we know,. llm1ter stood well with . the British authorities both at Prince of Wales Island and in India up to the time of his falling out with the Siamese. Capt. BumE~y was glad to avail himself of his services during his Mission in 1826, and indeed Hunter was present, at Captain Burney's personal request, when the :Mission were received in audience by His Majesty. He was also useful to the Indian Government on the occasion of Dr. Richardson's overland journey from Moulmein to Bangkok in 1839, and on the occasion of the decision of the King of Siam to restore the expelled Hajah of Kedah to his territory. "No British authority took part in the negotiation," a minute of the Court of Directors held in London 30th December 1842 states, "but it is considered to have been much aided by the good offices of Mr. Hunter," to whom a present of 5000 dollars• was made in conformity with expectations previously held out. For these services Hunter received the thanks of the successive Govel'llors General at these periods. Hunter had the Siamese title of Luang Avudh Viset, conferred princip!!.lly in recognition of his gift of muskets, Hunter married in 1825, and his bride was Tan Puying Sap, whose home was close by the "Hang Huntraa" at Kadi Chin. This lady has quit~ an interesting ancestry, which it is believed extends back to Constance Phaulcon of Louvo. I have put together the information as far as it goes in an attempt to prove the relationship of Tan Puying Sap with Chao Phya Vichayen of Louvo. Phaulcon was married to a Japanese lady, and they had one son. This son afterwards served Siam, and was sent as Envoy to Pondicherry. He married a lady of Portuguese descent and died in 1754. There were many grandaughters of Constance Phaulcon but only one grandson, named John. He was taken into captivity at the fall of Ayuthia, but escaped in a few years and returned to Siam, settling in Bangkok at Sta. Cruz. One of the grand-daughters was taken to Mergui as a prisoner of war, and while there met Jean Chi, a Portuguese Captain in the Burmese Army, and subsequently married him at )!ergui in in 1768. He was a Catholic and came from Macao. Of this marriage • Another official document of the pel'iod gives the smu as 5,000 Rupcel:i,

.From Bishop Pallegoix's Descl'iption of Siam . Supposed to be portrait of Angelina Sap.

( 35 ) there was n daughter, Philippa, who married one Ta Vian, and was alive in 1861, when a census of the people at Sancta Cruz was taken. Angelina Sap was the daughter of this marriage, and she was horn in 1805, and married in ] 825 to Robert Hunter. She was thus a great grand-daughter of Phnulcon. 'rhe lady is spoken of as being a benut.y, ext.remf"!ly fair, with eyes like Qneen Victoria. She was accomplished, and it is not unlikely that part of her early life was spent in the palace of Wang Lang. In Bishop Pallegoix's book is a woodcut of a Siamese lady, which is said to be the portrait of Angelina Sap, and which Chao Phya Bhaskarawongse has recognised. Her pot·trait was used as being the fairest type the Bishop could get. Before her marriage she was always spoken of as Tan Puying Sap. She dressed grandly and was considered to be the most fashionable person of her day. On great occasions her silk panuug was converted into a skit·t, and she wore big silk pahoms (black or pale yellow). In old age she was stout, with very little hair. Hunter was a sportsman, and fond of sailing. He had a cutter called "Friends" of about thirty tons burthen, in which excursions to the islands at the head of the Gulf were undertaken. Of the marriage one son was born, in 1827, and was named after his father. He was sent home to be educated, and when he returned the father built himself a building on the klong at Sancta Cruz to the north of the "factory." It was in front of Angelina Sap's old home. Hunter the second married in 184·9 Rosa Ribeiro de Alvergarias Noi, the Catholic daughter of Phya Viset Sougkram. Of this gentlem:.m Crawfurd wrote in 1822 :-" I had an interview this afternoon with Pascal Ribeiro de Ah'ergarias, descendant of a .Portuguese Christian of Kamboja. His acquirements were remal'imble, for he not only wrote the Siamese, Kambojan, and Portuguese languages with facility, but also spoke and wrote Latin with considerable pt·opriety ......... He was married to the lineal descendent of an Englishman named Charles Lister, a merchant who settled in Kamboja_in 1701." He was descended from the Cambodians who settled in Samsen, but at the t.ime of hi::~ daughter's wedding was said to be liv ing at Ban Kamen, on the site now occupied by the palace of the Prince of Kambaeng Bejra. Rohe1·t the second was liked by the Siamese ancl in the com·se of time receiverl the Siamese title of Luang Sura Sakom , and carried on t.he duties which John

( 36 )

Bush was later on to develop, and which are to-day under the control of the Harbour Department. Hunter the second had a great deal to do with Sir John Bowring when that Minister arrived in Siam. On the arrival of the "Rattler" in the river Hunter went on board, 3.nd Sir John says:-" As far as I can see the arrangements tor my entertainment have been confided to the care of Mr. Hunter." The "Rattler" after some discussion came up river and moored opposite the Beitish factory. "I am located," Sir John wrote, "in the building C:llled the Bt·itish factory, but the building has been reconstructed and put in good order fot· my reception. I occupy two appartments abo\'e-a sitting room, large and airy, and a bedroom which has been newly papered, in which I sleep in a bed which is ornamented with drapery of scarlet and gold and ft•om which garlands of flowers are suspended. Jars of feesh water are placed on my table with bouquets of roses and a Siamese servant speaking English has me in special charge." At one of the plays given by the King in honour of Sir John at which Hunter was also present, His Majesty called out to Mr. Hunter suggesting that he should lwing Mrs. Hunter to the palace to dance, adding "that he knew this lady could dance as well as any of the performers then playing." It is to be assumed that the King spoke from knowledge as we know that the lady was brought up in the Palace. Hunter the second was registered as a British subject at the Consulate, June 20th 1856, eight days after its establishment. By his official position the second Robert w:ls brought into contact with the foreign sailing vessels visiting the port, and had a rep11tation for courtesy coupled with diplomacy in the carrying ont, of his duties. He also acted as Secretary to the Kalahome, and is so described in the register of deaths at the British Consulate. His religion was given as Presbyterian. He died very suddenly at Saucta Cruz, whP-re he lived in his 0\\' 11 house near his mother, at the age of 38 yen.rs, on the 19th April 1865. It may be recalled in passing that the death register of the Bt·itish Consulate is singular in that the first entry is that of the British Consul himself. The second Robert had two sons, Robert the thit·d and J ohn Hunter. Robert was born in 1851f5i and John in 1854. Nori his third child was by a lesser wife. Robert the third and John were sent to be educated in Singapore at the establishment.oftho Reverend Mr. Hodgson and late~: were sent to Scotland. Mrs.

( 37 ) Leonowens in one of her books has the following reference to Mrs. Rosa Hunter:-" She had . two sons, wh0 had been taken away from her in their infancy by their Protestant father-lest they should be brought up in the Roman Catholic faith-and shipped off secretly to Scotland, in order that they might be educated uniler the influences of the l!'ree • Church of Scotland, in which he had himself been brought up. This ocoasionerl a breach between husband and wife which led to their ultimate separation, ancl Rosa returned to the home of her childhood where I visited her at short intervals to WI·ite her letters in English to her absent boys," whom she regat·ded as lost" by the foolish prejudices of their father." Both of the grandchildren appear to have been in Government service nt one tinw, one being described as Hunter Foreign Office and the other as Hunter Army. Robert the third inherited hiR grand-father's capability for busin~ss, and went to Cambodia and traded with the suppbrt of King Norodom. He fell ill, however, and returned to this country, He died in 1889. John remained in the service of Government and enjoyed a considerable reputation as a translator. He was also unfortunately a gamb ler, and is said in his desire to have money to have mortgaged his father's and his grandmother's property. 'l'he old lady died in her eightiet.h yeat• on April 30th 1884. John died in 1891. Neithet· of the male grandchildren of Hunter married, but Nori did. She is described as being very fair. Her husband was a son of one B-e~~}arriin -Bing, and of this marriage t.here was one son, and many daughters of whom some descendants survi1re. The son was in the army, and is reported to have died at Ubon in ]'._;brnary this year. Benjamin Bing was a brother of Luang Akanee (Nai Chit), the man who established the first photo studio in the country and alw managerl the old gas works at ~a.o Ching Cha, from which gas was supplied for the illuminations at King Chulalonglwrn's Coronation. Thel'e are several descendants of Hunter through Nol'i or Norah, but there is nothing to be gained by tt·acing the history of the family fnrthet·. The successor to Hunter's firm in the factot·y was a Portuguese merchant called Joseph but, losin g money over the venture, he gave up after a short tenancy. In King Mongkut's reign the buildings were repaired aud kept as a resid ence fot· distinguished visitors. They were repaired prior to the visit of Sir John Bowring, and again for the Austrian Mission, which anived in 1869. The hrigation Department's

( 38 ) new home was originally two properties. That on the klong belonged to the Somdej Chao Phya Ong Yai, who rented it to Dr. Bradley. The doctor lived there until King Mongkut gave him the land at the entrance to Klong Bang Luang where his daughter still lives. His late l\1ajest.y presented both the British factory and Bmdley's old house to Chao Phya Bhaslmrawongse. The new owner pulled down the old warehouse on the north side and replaced it with a two storey brick building. The south godown is still standing, but Chao Phya Bhaskarawongse removed two rooms at the river end in order to extend the m·igina.l home of Hunte1-. In the latter's time these warehouses had very wi·de verandahs, which we1·e made smaller during the alterations prep:uatory to the arrival of the Austrian Mission. The facto1·y itself Chao Phya Bhaslmrawongse did not alter, except that the doors and wii!ows were remade, and the back verandah pulled down. For many years the property was known as Rajadut House. Thus although the buildings devoted to the Inigation Department are not yet a century old, they have acquired an historical interest. In conclusion I should like to add that in addition to the authors quoted, I have received much kind assistance from Chao Phya Bhoskarawongse, from the President. of the Siam Society, and the Rev. Father Colombet, and they have also lent t.he major portion of the exhibits here this evening .

•••

( 39 ) Genealogical table to show Robert Huntt»r's wife's ancestry.

CONSTANCE PHAULCON MARRIED TO A

JAPANESE CATHOLIC. I Issue;

ONE soN,

A

CAPTAIN IN THE NAvY, wHo wAs sENT AS ENvoi'

TO PoNDICHERRY, AND DIED IN

1754.

HE MARRIED A LADY

oF PoRTuGuEsE DESCENT.

Issue

ONE

SoN

MANY DAUGHTER:;

AND

One grand-daughter was marin captivity at Mergui to Jean Chi, a Portuguese Captain in Burmese Army.

John, a grandson, taken into captivity at fall of Ayuthia, 1767. He escaped in 1769 and came back to Siam. He settled at Sta. Cruz.

~·ied

Issue:

I

A Daughter named Philippa, married to one of Portuguese Descent, called Ta Vian. Was alive in 1861 when a census of people at Sta. Cruz was taken.

Issue : Angelina Sap, Born in 1805, Married in 1825 'fo Robert Hunter Issue:

SoN,

RoBERT HuNTER

M.

Issue ROBERT

Born 1851 Died 1889

JOHN

Born 1853 Died 18~)1

RosA RIBEIRO [SEP'!.

1849]

( 40 )

GENERAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY .

• •• An ordinary General :Meeting of the members of the Society took place on June 23rd, 1915, to heat· the paper by Mr. Adey .Moore. The Pt·esident, Dt•. 0. l!'rankfut·ter, was in the chair. In opening the proceedings, the President said : - Before we proceed to the business for which our meeting has been convened, the reading of :Mr . .Moore's paper on the earliest British merchant in Bangkok, I may be allowed to make a few statements regarding our Society. In accordance with the law of 1\:114:, the Societ.y has been registered in due form and, b~ing a put·ely scientific society, no fees for such registration have been exactt>d by Government. l!'urther"at a meeting of the Council held lately it vras decided that for the period of 191-.1, and 1915 only the subscription for one year should be called and that consequently rnembet·s who have paid their subscription in the commencement of the year 1914 are considered to have paid it till the end of 1915. New subscriptions will be called with the issue of the second number of the Journal. With regard to our publications you have received the fit'Et part of Volume XI early in September 1914, and the second part containing a translation of the Preface to Prince Damrong's History of Siam and the paper of Mr. Moore on Robert Hunter will be issued in the course of the next month. The third number will contain the concluding part of Khun Phraison's translation of tht> Burmese history of the intercburse between Burma and Siam, whilst it is intended to commence after that with the publication of Mr. Craib's and Dr. Kerr's articles on the Flora of Siam. We trust we shall also be able to print in the near future some important historical documents having reference to the intercourse of Siam with the East India Company, in the time of King Narayana. I have now to ask Mr. Moore to read his paper. At the conclusion of the paper, the President said: -I am sure we have all listened with great interest to Mr. :Moore's paper, and it is no mere phrase when in the name of the Society I thank him most cordially for what was surely a real labour of love. As things are, the period in which Mr. Hunter was in Bangkok is not so very distant, and still it is as if an age had elapsed between the first real merchant

( 41 ) appearing in Siam for trade and the present time. The way in which Mr. Moore brought out these different points entitles him to a full share of our thankfulness, combined with the hope that he will find leisure to show us something more of the past of Siam. I have now the honour to propose a hearty vote of thanks to Mr. Moore. Mr. J. Ct·osby said the paper covered the ground very well, and many facts had been unearthed t hat were unknown to most of them. One additional fact that might be noted was that, according to Neale, Hunter was the man who discovered the Siamese twins. Wit h regard to houses built in European sty le, the Borneo Company's house had not been mentioned, and he beiieved that was older than the British LPgation. That house, however, was now demolished. On another point it might be noted that, although there had been no British factory here since Bangkok had been the capital, he believed there was an earlier British factory at .Ayuthia. He bt>lieved Hunter was the fil'st European allowed to build a house on the land. The name of Hobert Hunter the SP-cond was the first on the register of British subjects here, and the second name was that of the late Dr. Samuel Smith, vvho probably met the original Robert Hunter. He had pleasure in supporting the vote of thanks. This was cordially passed, and the proceedings terminaterl, those present then proceeding to examine the small loan collection of " Hunteriana" which had been al'ranged. The following is a list of the things shown : Drawing of the British " factory ," from Neale'il "Residence in Siar11." Photos of "factory" as it is at present. Woodcut of lady said to be .Angelina Sap, taken from Bishop Pallegoix's "Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam." Original application of the second .Robert Hunter to the He'ld of the Catholic Mission, dated Sept.. 1849 , for permission to marry Rosa Ribeiro de .Alvergarias Noi, Catholic daughter of Phya Viset Songkram. One of the copper coins importe Burmese King, the last of tile dynasty founded by the famous Bayin Naung Kyawdin Nawrata. It was also hinted tbere that the success of the 'l'alaings was only temporary, [LJJd that a new Burmese hero arose in the person of Mauug Aung Zeya,l who subst>qnently founded a dynasty. ·what is contained here is the account of the intercourse between Burma and Siam clnr·ing his reign a11d those of his successors.

Within a Lrif'f period of five years from the begirming of the yeat· 1114 (A. D. 1752 ), wb eu he first raised the standard of revolt against the Talaings, to th e beg iHni11g of the year 1119 (A. D. 1757 ), Maung Aung Zeya, a native of Moksobo, 2 a town to the north of Ava, OL' Alaung :tllintayagyi,il as he was subsequently known in Bmm~se histor-y, hacl made him self master of both Burma proper and Hanthawadi. He had no t. only driveu away the Talaings from the whole of Burma proper, but had invaded the 'ralaing country, captured their capital aud deposed their king. Since that time the 'l'alaings lost their national power, their feeble attempts to overthrow the Burmese sovereignty beiu g promptly and rigorously suppressed. In spite of the great distance b etwee n Hanthawadi and Zinme (Chiengmai) and the lack of facilities of communication in those days, news of the rise of Alaung :Mintayagyi and his success uver the Ta.laings reached Zinme. One of the Kings of Hantha.wadi known

1.

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( 2 ) as Siugyashin 'l'h::pnein 'l'aw,l who had left Hanthawadi and found a refuge in Zinme, must have heard of the achievements of Alaung Mintayagyi. He sent Daw 'l'heikdi Yaza, Etga Pyinnya (.A.gga Paiiiia) and Einda Thari ( Inda Sari) to convey a message of congratulation to the Burmese hero; they anived while the latter was still engaged in the siege of Hanthawadi and a.bout a month and a half before its fall. During the siege the messengers were left in tht3 care of :Minhla Mingaung, one of the commanders of the army. Six days after the capture of Hantltawadi, which took place on the lOth of waning of Kason 1119 (May A.. D. 1757), they were sent back with a letter feom the chief ministee (lit: agga maha senapati) to Thamein Taw and the Governor of Zinme. The letter recapitulated the successes attained by .A.laung Mintayagyi, culminating in his caphue of the capital of the Talaings and the submission of the Sawbwas and governors all over Burma and Hanthawadi. 1t then ended with an exhortation, and a threat, to 'l'hamein Taw and the Governor of Zinme to come over to His Majesty and swear allegiance to him, if they valued theit· dignity, position and life, and desired hal:Jpiness both mental and physical. S hould they fail to do so, mistrusting their armed strength, the fate which befel the King of the Talaings and his people would inevitably be theirs aiso . .A. message similar to the one sf'nt to Ziume was sent on the same day to the Governor of Mtittama, and a reply was received from the Talaing nobles Binnya Thiri Gc')nna Teza and Daw Einda BaJa Byama tendering their submission. On the 9th of waxing Wazo 1119 (July .A.. D. 17fi7 ), there arrived at Hanthawadi representatives from the following Sawb1Yas of the Shan and Yun countries with messages of submission accompanied by presents. The Sawbwa of Anan sent his son Nan-hon with three elephants; those of Ivfaing-kyi and Kyaing-lmung ( Chiengkong) otie elephant each ; the Sawbwa of Kyaing-ton ( Chieng Tung) sent Paya Kaung'bai{Jg with two Fonies complete with gold saddlery and trappings; those of Payaw, Lawin, Bye .'1nd Dalaing one pony each; the Sawbwa of Kyaing-tlnn sent one hundred and twenty men carrying many presents of cloths, musk, scented nnguents, &c.

1.

'Li~~ Vltl Vide Siam Society ,Journal Vol. VIII, Part II, pages 98-100.

( 3 ) Alaung Mintayagyi conferrerl upon Daw Zweyaset, a Talaing nobleman, the title of Binnya Dah and commissioned him to keep watch and gnard in the town of Mottmna. He then demolished the the town of Pe-gn (Pegu) so that, it should not harbour rebels and afford them shelter and means of defence, and left Hanthawacli for Yangon (Rangoon), the town bnilt by him , and t.hence he retumecl. to Upper Burma, going up the Eyawaoi (ll'rawady) in a big royal barge. He left Rangoon on the 12th of waning Wazo 1119 (July A. D. 1757) and, on the lOth of waning of the following Tawthalin (September), arrived at Yaclana-Theingal (Hatana Singha), the capital built by him. Possessed of more than ordinary energy and elated with his recent success over the Talaings, Alanng Mintayagyi allowed himself only a yeat·':;; rest at his own capital before he was np in arms again, this time against the Kathe5 , the people of Manipur. The Kathes were defeated, the Sawbwa together with the whole population of his capital fled and took refuge in the forests and mountains, and when the Burmese entered the town there was not a single soul in it. Attempts were made to secure the Sawbwa but without success. So Alaung Mintayagyi returned to his capital nftRr appointing one of the ministers of the Sawbwa to look after the affait·s of the State, and planting a stone inscription in the centre of the town to the effect that only rightful heirs by lineal J~HliJPI1i

7. llJtl-l !l,~-ibid, p.

2n2.

I

lOIJ 1.n \!11111'9"

R. Y!Utl~ '"itl!l

?

(

7

)

dit·ection of H.atbil and encamped at Panmaw2 village. They left the place the next day and anived at the town of Ratbi, which was taken the same day. Apparently HO attempt was made by the Siamese to hold these two towns. 'rhe army rested for fonr days ab H1.tbi, and it then continued its march and encamped at Ban-Lwin3 vi llage. When the Burmese had left that vi lln.ga and gone some distance towards the sea, they were met by the Siamese force undet· Aukbya Yaz1wuntha n, which consisted of 15 regiments with 200 elephants, 1,000 horse and 20,000 1;1en. The Burmese vanguat·d under Mingaung Nawr.1ta and J\finhla Nawrata engaged the Siamese and were getting the worst of the fight, losing heavily in killed and wounded. The .Myedu Prince, Thil'idamayaza, very opportunely came np with his forces, in time to turn the tide of battle and secure a success. The Siamese at·my was routed ; about 100 elephants, 1,000 rifles, 180 guns and 2,000 men were captu!'ed. The commat1der-in-chief Aukbya Yazawunthan managed to escape on horse-back. That day the Burmese encamped at Ban-Kyin. 4 On the next day they were again on the move and, after encamping at Ban-Tun5 and Ban-Kyauk6 on the way, they capt ured the town of Thapanb0n.7 Here they took rest for five days. When His Majesty of Siam heard that the towns of Byat-pi and Hatbi had fallen, and that the Burmese had already captured Thapanbon, he made elaborate preparations for the defence of the capital, mounting additional guns on the ramparts, commandeering elephants, horse, men and provisions, and taking them into the city. Then to try and intArcept the enemy, a force of 300 elephants, 3,000 horse and 30,000 men, di vicled into six brigades, was sent to Talan river to oppose the crossing. The following were in command of the six brigades, viz., Bya Tezaw, Bya Seinda Mani,S Bya Einda Thura,9 Bya Kamani,IO Aukbya Yav.awunthan, and Aukbya Kabhon,ll and the last named was appointed commander-in-chief. A

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(

8

)

'l'he Burmese left Thapanbon and, when the advance guard under Mingaung Nawrata and Minhla Nawrata arrived at Talan river I, they found the opposite bank fu ll of the Siamese forces . Finding they were greatly out-numbered they dared not commence the attack, but waited fot· the remainder of the army to come up. Before long the Myedu Prince arrived with the forces undet· his command. He wanted to attack the Siamese at once, bnt Mingaung Nawrata asked him to desist., saying that they were not very far ft·om the capital, that the army then opposing them would not bfl like that they had already encountered, but would be composed, most probably, of Yodaya's picked forces especially chosen and sent by theit· Sovereign, and that the numbet· of elephants, horse, aud men appeared to be much greater than befot·e. He said it would be advisable to strike a decisive blow and put the enemy to rout in one engagement, as the moral effect of such success would be to strike tert'or into the minds of the whole population cf t he capital. He added that His Burman Majesty was still at some distance, and they should therefot·e wait till he came within reach of the scene. Whi le they were thus discussing, mounted messengers from Alaung .Mintayagyi anived ordering them to defer engaging the enemy ti ll he himself should come up. Some time after the an·ival of the messengers they saw at a distance the royal standard of their Sovereign usually cart'ied on the elephant ridden by him, and heard the sound of dt·ums and gongs of forces on the march. 'l'hen the Myedu Prince ordered a general attack, personally conducting the operations. Mingaung Nawrata was on the right, Minhla Nawrata on the left, and Minhla 'l'hit·i in the centt·e ; thay forded the river simultaneously to attack the Siamese on the opposite bank. The Siamese opened a heavy fhe while the Burmese were still fording the rivet·, and inflicted a severe pun ishment incrPasing the death roll of the Burmese. The invaders wer·e temporarily held in check by the severity of the fire of the defenders from their vantage ground. Just then Alaung Mintayagyi with his forces arrived on the scene and jvined in the fight,. Thus reinforced, the three columns which went into the river· first were able to gain the opposite bank and a severe fight ensuell. The Siamese, having lost the aar, and both men anrl animals of the Burmese army were hard put to find su itab le dry gro und for their camps. 'fhe water spirit was summ oned and, having been t hreatened with a drawn sword, was commanded in the name of His Burman Maiesty to causA the flood to subside. The Burmese hi storian n aively reco rds that only when thus com manded did the water go down. During the recess in the rain s, Nemyo Th ihapate and his officers made arran ge ments to obtain contin gents from Zinme, Linzin and t.he Sawbwas and gove mors on the east side of the Thanlwin river, preparatory to the march against Yodaya. Th e forces sent by way of Dawe under Maha Nawrata quartered at that place durin g t he rains, making anangment~ in the meantime to levy contingents from Hanthawadi, Mottama, Byeik,l Dawe, and Taninthari. When the rains were over the Burmese army was augmented by the addition of the following forceE which came over to Dawe, namely, 3,000 men formed into six regiments und et· the command of Einda Yaza (Indaraja) from Hanthawadi, 3,000 men also in six regiments under the command of Binnya Sein from Mottama, and four regiments of 2,000 men fr om Taninthari and Byeik under th e command of Lakyawdin, ·whil e four regiments of 2,000 men lev ied in Dawe were placed under the command of th e Governor of Mottama. 'l'he total of the forces aftflr the addition of the levies amounted to 200 elephants, 2,000 horse, and 30,000 men. This army left Dawe for Yodaya on the lOth of waxing Tazaun gmon 1127 (November A .D. 1765 ). The govemors of the towns in Siamese territory on th e line of march of the Burmese .!!

1.

The same as Illyeik, ll.Jfl~ l-lWl•

( 20 )

got information of t he entry of the enemy into Siam, and promptly repairecl the moats, parapets, towers, etc., and made preparations to defend their towns to the best of t heir ability by laying down spikes, throwing up earth-works, setting np palisades, and mounting additional guns and men on the ramparts. The Burmese arrived at the town of Byat-pi, the governor of which decided to defend the town as he dared not fight the enemy in the open. The town was, however, stol'med and taken, t he governor and all the inhabitants being capt ured . 'rhere was the usual looting, but arms and ammnnition had to be sent to t he camp of the commander-in-chief, and the rest of the bootr , including men, women, gold, silver, etc., be:::ame the property of t.he person who had been able to seize it. Having administered t he oath of allegiance to the principal officials of the to~Yn, and leaving a small force of occupation, t he Burmese continueci their march to Ratbi. Apparently the governor was taken away as a prisoner. The governor of Ratbi, having already heard that Byat-pi had fallen and its governol' been mane prisoner, gave up the idea of defend ing t he town, and t ogether with t he principal officials went to the Burmese camp and tendered submission. The Burmese general issued orders to every regiment t hat the inhabitants of the towns which offered no resistance should not be molested in any way. He administered the oath of allegiance to the gc vernor and the principal official8, and left them in charge of the town. Th e Burmese army then proceeded to ThapanbOn, the governor of which follow ed the example of the governor of Ratbi, met the Burmese general on the way with present::;, and tendered his submission. They marched on to the town where the govemor and t he principal officials took the oath of allegiance. The next move of the Burmese was towards Kanpuri.l Th e governor of that town had stored up a large quantity of food suppli es and had sufficient time to get men and arms into the town to defend it: . so he decided not to submit, but, although a stubborn defence \\'as offered, the town fell to the fierce attack of the Burmese. Many houses were burnt down and a '{eneralloot was allowed to the men, arms and ammunition being as ·Jsual considered as the E:ltate share of the booty. The oath of alle·~iance was given to the principal officials, the governor apparently

1.

.::!. f11tlJ~'IaJ r u

( 26 ) being taken away as a priso ner. .A small force was left to occupy the town, as in the case of Byat-pi. 'rhe town of S:Lya,l was the n ext objective of the But·m ~se . The go vet·not· readily tendered hi;; subm ission, and he and his officials took the oath of a ll t>giance ; they were allowed to assum e the administration of t he town as before. The general then pt·oceeded to Sun-pyon.2 The governor of that town would not submit, but, the defence mu st have been vet-y feeble as the Burmese stormed and took it quite eas ily. 'rhere was the attendant looting in taking a t oll'n by assault,, ::md the usual apportioning of the booty as regards arms and ammunition. .As was the case with towns which offered r esistan ce, the govem or here was taken away :ts a pt·isoner, and the town was left in th e chat·ge of the prin cipa l officials, who had to take the oath of allegiance; a small force was also stationecl to 'maintain order and suppress any attempt t o organize armed resistance against the Burme3e. 'rh e invaders then marched to the town of Salin 3; the governor, having leamt of th e fall of the towns lying on the west of it, went out. togeth er with his chief officials to meet the enemy, and tendered submission. They took the 0 tt> rll fac e of th e city . The Burmese gen eral arranged five rt'gimeuts coutaiuing iu all 100 elephants, 1000 horse, and 10,000 men to repel th e attack. Th e Siame~e were worsted in the fight and forced to re-enter th e city. 'l'b o Burmese captured over 100 elephants, 500 guns and 1000 men. There were many killed also . About five clays aft,et· the first attempt to dislodge th e invaders from their position, anoth er n.t,temp t was ma,le, thi s t im e again st th e forces ou the western fac fl of th e cit.y. Two llivisions \\'ere sent out, one under the commnnd of Bra Than co ntaining 400 elephants, 1000 guns on carriages, and 50,000 picked soldi ers, and th e oth er unde r the command of Paya 'ret,! c.: ontaiuing tlt e same number of forc es as in th e first division. The war elephants were protected with armom· of sheet s of iron round the t emples and on th e breast. Three guns were mounted on each of them together with the necessary men to work the guns. Maha Nawmtn, th e Burm eHe gen eral, I \'ai-l iuformed oft he approach of the Siamese, and he arranged to meet them in two divisions. One of these consisted of 20 regiments containing 100 elephants, 500 horse, and 20,000 men, under the following five commanders, each

1.

¥Jr:m mn

( 32 ) having four regiments under him :-Nemyo Gonnarat, Satukamani, Thirizeya Kyawzwa, Letya Theikdi Kyaw, and Thiri Yanclameik Kyawdin. 'rhe other division also consisted of 20 regiments with the same number of men and animals C:)mmanded by th e following five officers:Mingyi (minister) Zeyathu, Nunda Bala Kyawdin, 'Ihurein Tazaung, Yanngn Thiri Kyawdin, and Thamein Kyawganng. The Burmese took up their stand to receiv e the attack of the Siamese n ear the pagoda built by King Bayin Nanng Kyawdin Nawrata, the two division s being separated by it. 'rhe Siam ese altered their tactic;;, appare ntly with a view to taking the Burmese by ;;urpri::;e, who expected to be attacked along the whole length of the two division s. They combined their two divisions and fell upon the twenty regiments commanded by Mingyi Zeyathu and four others, opening the attack by au incess~nt artillery fire from the 1000 guns mounted on caniages and se nding a regular shower of shots and shell:::. 'rh en before the smoke from the guns hacl cleared away, Bra Than the Siamese commander drove his 400 elephants again st the enemy, and del[v ered a fi erce attack. The gov ernor of 'l'hapanbOn, true to the oath he had taken of allegiance to the Burmef:ie, was fir~; t and foremo:; t. to receive the elephant charge. He was mounted on an elephant and a:::;;isted by twenty elephants disposed on the right and left of him and 500 tusiliers who generally followed close to the elephants. \Vhen Bra 'rhan saw the governor of Thapanb6n coming forward, he drove his O\Yn elephant towards the governor saying that he had been looking out for him .. The two men met in singl e combat, each on his own elephant. But just as the tusks of the opposing elephants came in con tact, a shot from one of the Siamese fusiliers killed the govemor of ThapanbOn. The Siamese commander theu hurled the weight of his tJ.OO elephants on the Burm ese caval1·y 500 strong and forced them to fall back. Following up their advantage the whole Siamese army delivet·ed a fierce attack on the t.wenty regim ents under Mingyi Zeyatbu and fom others, the attack of 800 elephants and the guns on carriages being particularly effective. The Burmese could not withstand the attack and were. almost on the point of b eing put to rout, \Yhen their commander-in-chief, hearing an unusual firing of guns and fusils, came out from his camp with 200 elephants, on e hundred of which were in front of him and fifty each on his right and left, supported by 3,000 fu siliers. Th e other division of the Burmese forces, which had up to the present remained idle, sa,,· th eir commander-in-chief coming forward to the scene of battle.

( 33 ) 'l'he sigh t st'e med to have roused t hem from th eit· lethargy to life ancl e nergy, as t hey h1Lt'l'i ec1ly nutc1e a fbnk movement round the east side of th e pagoda , got behind th e S iam ese army and attack ed th e rear \rith vigom. .Jliu gyi Zeyathu :l.ll ll his broth er commanders tl'iecl their best to ral ly thei l' waveriu g forceil nnc1 make a stand. In thi s they were at last s ucce::;sf ul, as th e atte ntio n of the Siamese was now divided, haviu g to fight the Burmese in t!J e real' as \r ell. They sent a heavy al't illel·y fi,· e in l'ap id succes::; ion int o t he S iam ese elephant corps. Th e elephants, about 200 ill lll1 Lnber, unable to stand ngaiu st thi s shower of shot ancl shell, becam e unnt:tuageable, tum ed ruuud and st.amp eded in to t he ranks of th e Sia mese army, causin g great confusion aucl creatin g a panic. 'rhe two Siamese commanders fouud it imp ossible to rally their forc t's, t he panic bein g tur ned into a general rout; th ey gathered togethet· as many of t heir scattered forces as th ey could and re-entered th e city. The Bmmese captured about 200 elephants, 200 g un ,; and ~,000 men. The Siam ese al so lost a large number in killed. Th e Burm ese army retmned t o th ei r camp . Mnlm Nawmta, th e commander-in-chi ef, then ao:::;t' mbled all the dficers of th e army and said that the gove m or of 'l'hnpanbOn, in Jr:n~'tl~'tl'11J~l11l't1lJ ~w.

2

~n ~u lti?

See V>Jr:n~V'l.:JHliJPm

. Ln orde red t hat all the inhabitants of the city, both men and ~·o m e n. young a nd old, should, with suitable offerings, propitiate the guardian spit·its of t!te city, the countt·y, and the weapons. In compliance with thi s royal command, the great gun was brought out with clue cer emony and, with the hel!J of mechanical appliances, raised aml mounted on the ttortltern wnll of t he city awl directed against. Nemyo Tltihapate's camp. It was then loaded with an ample charge of powder and all kind s of shot, ::;uch as bar-shot, chain-shot, shrapnel, elongated bull et.~ , etc., and fired with a fuse. The fus e burned all righ t and so did t-he priming powder, but the charge in the g nu f~til ed to ig nite. Althoug h repeated ly tried, the gun failed to discharge it.s load of shot. So the charge was taken out to discover th e cause, and tu the amazement of the officers and men, it was found that the powder hail cli::;solv ed and water trickled down the mouth of the g un. According to the Burmese historian, who was evidently endowed with a faculty fat· more imaginative, than historical , the Siamese officer;; \\' ere alleged to have exclaimetl that when even the great guardian gun of the city, a thing inanimate, had gone over the side of the K ing of Ava, they, who were animate beings, could not but submit. This incident, if true, probably the result of bad gun-powder coming in contact with the cold metal in - -- -----·---- -1. The presence uf cavalry among the forces brought ont by Bra :Mundnri was 11 ot mentioned before .!!./ 2. The Siam ese history mentions two g nu s by name (1) lJU VlT:l-Jrn C!J

'

'

mal-J~Pl~n~, (2) lJij llnu ~an. Vide Vlr:n~vm~t1'lPil1ltUJ 1m u1 ~me:~~

lL'Cl:

01000

( 48 ) very damp weather, played so strongly on th e superstition of t h e officers, both military anil ci\·il , that tl1 ey b eseech ed t.h eir S over eign to submi t, bl'inging forw:ucl t h e followin g reasons : -th:.t owing to the siege being prolonged to ove l' two years, both th e r. ivil and military population in the city had been sufferin g from a scarcity of food; and as some of them had left the city st ealthily a nd e n t e red the camps of the Hurmese, to find relief from the pangs of hunger, th e e nemy must have learnt the straitened circumstances of the besieged; that knowing the condition in th e city, th e en e my wel'e sh owing greater activity in raising eart.h em mound s, mounting guns on t hem , and keepiug up a cont inu al bombardm ent; that ow iu g to th e arrival of reinforcements almost daily, the enemy we re in high spirits; that repeated attempts to fire the g reat guardian gn n of th e city. had failed, the gun-powder obsti nately refusing to catch fire ; that for several clay s, the b esieged had been subsistin g on greatly reduced ration s, ten to twt'nty men having to li\'e on a " Sa le" 1 of ri ce ; that in about ten day.'> more, they would scarcely h ave sufficie nt strength iv hold their arms; a nd that a peacefn l surrender, befo re a forcible entry by the enemy, would be the means of saving the population. To thi:; appeal,' His Siamese Majesty \\'as, however, obdurate, re markiug t hat even if the enemy were to build iron fo l'ts with iron walls, leave alone small brick forts, and conti nu e the siege ever so long, t he city honoured with the name of Dwarawadi was impregnablE:'; t hat the city b eing WA ll provided wit h all kinds of defensive works and ably supported by fift y aux iliary forts, the enemy forces cou ld not possibly harm the inhabit ants of t he city, as they were not endowed with t h e power of flig ht. He ordered that the defence should not b e relaxed , and the defenders l"hould be exhorted to be ahYays on the a lert. Nemyo Thihapate obtained dt>finite information of the condition of the besieged fl'om the refugees from the city arriving at the Burmese camp. He then called a meeting of the military office rs and explained to th em in detail how matters stood . He said that it evidently was the intention of the King of S iam to defend the city to the last, notwithstanding the fact that the people in it were almost starving; to storm the ci t y would entail g reat loss of their men, as the moats were broad and deep, and the city was of large extent and very

1. A" Sale" is lj64th part of a basket of 8 gallons capacity, equal to about one "Thanan " of Siamese measure.

str011 g ly buil t ; th e h eavy g m1s moun ted on t he ramparts of the c~ty and of the fift y auxiliary forts we re num ero us and effecti ve. H e s ugges ted that th ey should set up a big li re in t he t wo t unn els wh ere t hey had undermin ed t he base of the walls a nd ke p t t he walls in th eir pos ition by means of wooden support s. Thi s suggestion ha ving b een approved of by the officers, orders were sent to a ll t he reg im ents and cam ps to have elephan ts, horse, and men r eady fo r action. Then with firewood and other inflamm abl e materia18 , t he \\·oocl en posts and bea ms support in g t he base of t he ll'all s in t he t unnels were set fire to. Owin g to th e heat cracks \\·ere form ed in t he overlyin g g round; and th e posts suppor tin g t he \\'all hav ing bee n burn t a ll'ay, about a hundred " tas" of th e wa ll collapsed . The Burm ese forces th en made a general rush, some entered th e city t.hroug h t he breach t hus cau sed, som e scaled th e \1 ails with laddet·s and go t in sid e, whil e others also made th eir entry by th e three tunn e ls leadin g into the city. Th e S iamese nobles tri ed th eir bes t to exhort t.h e d efender::; t o fi g ht wit.h all their mig ht , bu t owin g to th eir having been on red uced ration s fo r a corJ siderable tim e, th e resis tan ce was fe ebl e aud ineffectual. .A s soon as the Burmese g ain ed a footin g in t he city t hey se t fire t o th e houses, public buildin gs, monas teries, a n(l oth er reli gio us e(l ifi ces. Th e Burm ese solrtiery sei vail ed, hi s identity \\'as not recogni zed, and he was kill ed by a random shot. Thus d ied Kya uk-b1m E kadat,l wh o assumed t he r egal t itle of E lmdat hayaza ( E kaclasarajii ), a nd t he capital of Yodaya 2 fell into th e hands of the Burmese on l'hlll'sday th e 11th of waxing Tag u 11 29 ( A pril A . D . 1767 ). The fit·st batch of Bur mese soldier;; who entered the palace found B ra-on-saw San , a brot-her of t he K in g , in close confin ement with an iron rin g round his n eck . He was removed from th e place of his confin ement and kept und er g uard. rrhe B urmese officers maile a t.,.l

vj.J

L

I

I

1. tl'i1W1Ltln'flVl Vide WT:11jjVJUf1'JPll11CilJ 1m Ul _,,.,r 2. Th e Bnrm e»e historian called t.h e co untry Y nwnnk n A y6kza ( Yon aka A yujjhn) and th e ca pital Tilawka-dwnrawadi ( Tilobt dYaraYati:) which is, I

,

pres um e, th e nen rest Burm ese t ran slite rati on of n7-1tYlW Yl'J111'lPl ""'

( 50 ) careful search for His Siamese Maj esty, but till dawn the following day t hey could n ot find him. Th ey t hen t•emovecl .t h e iron ring from Braon-saw San's neck and sent him round uncler a s trong guard to make a thorough search b oth inside ancl outside the city. Hi s Majesty's bodyl was at last found at th e western gate of th e city. Honours befitting a king were paid to th e royal remains, and the customary funeral obsequies we re performed.

A full enquiry was then mad e about th e members of th e royal family, and the following, accordin g to Lhe Hmannan hist0t')', were found :-Of th e qu een s, Min Mauk, Man Min, Mun Thi2 and Mun Thila3 were the chief. Th ere were eight hundred and eixty-n ine concubines, including those who were h onolll'ed with the tit les of Bra-on and Brasan. Of the brothers, there was one who had been king at one time; and th er e were al ,;o Thu-n l 'ad6nmayaza,4 Kya-wa-an- sut., Bm-on-saw Tarn.ik , Bra-on-saw Than, Bm-6n-saw Nemmun, Bra-un-saw Kun , Braon-saw Sarit, Bra-on-s o found in th e capital , of whom th e following were t he prin cipal ones, namely-Minist ers of t he fit·st mnk, Paya Pa lnk:m ,2 P ay :1. B-u m; M inist.ers of th e seco nd rank , Paya M un-th i, Pay a M un-th abo-t.aik ; M ini st er of t he Hoyal Treasury, Pay a Barabat; Minister of th e Roy:1. l Granaries, Paya Bahd epa 3 ; Minist er in charge of.th e capital, Paya Hn. mn.ya 4; Mini ster in charge of arm s and ammunition , Lo n'' Hu rataik . ln strn ction s were issued to every reg im en tt1 t hat it sh ould celebr:1.te th e great even t by ha ving music a nd dancin g in t h e st yle of t.h e B nrnlt'E e, Ta lain g , 'ravoy:m , Te nasser im people, Shan , Yun , Lin zin , and Siam ese . In th e capital th e Bnt·mese fou nd pe rsons en gage d in t h e follow i ng trades aml p rofess ions, na mely-mu sicians a nd d n again, according to the Siamese history ahont 200,000 Siam ese died dttrin g the two years' invasiou of the Burmese, in cluding those killed in th e fightin g and those who died of disease and starvation. ( Vide page 305, end of vol II of

W~~t1'lP!1! 'Qu"'u ~r:n~Y1...."rHa'll1.)

~r:

11'

Therefore, wh en th e capital fell into the

( 54 ) The city was then destroyed, and the Burmese forc es left the Siamese capital on the 9th of waxing Nayon 1129 (June, A. D. 1767) marching in the direction of Ta.-yaik. The Hmannan history does not mention of any one being appointed to govern the newly conquered country or of any force being left to occupy the territory acquired.! As about that time the Chinese had a.lrearly entered Burmese hands of the Burm ese, there conld not possiuly have heen a very large popnlation left in the city 'l'he S iamese hi8tory ad mits that abont 30,000 prisoners of war, includin g nobles and com mon people, both men and women, were taken away, which figur e is more reasonable nud is perhaps about the conect nnmber.

( s~e

W1:1l'l!WUI'VJPI11 vol. II page 303 ). If the clistribntion of prisoners were m ade in the mann er stated here, it is nwre than likely that the Bnn11ese officers and soldiery allowed or indnccd. t.he prisoners t.o ransom themselves by payment in silver, gold, jewell ery, a11d other easily portable property, us s uch 1111 arrangement " ·o nld be to the advan tage of buth If so, the distribution reco rded 1vas only intend erl to show the relative Rhares or the officers and men, and did not mean t ha t prisoners as distributed were actually takrn away to n urma. T o the best of n1y knowledge t here is not, at the preset:t day, a single desce ndant of the Siarnes«:>, who 1verc then co mp t>lled to make a home in Bmma, who retains any traee of his a ncest ry in spl'ec b, manners, cnst.o ms, or tmd itional beli efs. It is. »t ran gc tb:it so large a co mmnnity ns t.he Siamese th en wer«:>, n1 non nt in g at lenst to abon t 20,000 persons, Rhould have entirely lost their national characteristics with in a space of ahont 14 decades. It is otherwi€e with the Portuguese, M aho mmednn, and Manipnri prisoners of war, who, up t o t.h e prese nt d>ty, retain a few characte risti c beliefs and traditions of their ancestors. One probable explanation of this total disappranmce of nntionnl and rn cial ehnrnct«:>ristics wit.hin a period ol' aLont six generation~, is the identit.y of religion and the s inlilarit y of Leliel's nmlnotions ontside the teaching of rel ig ion. Til e 13nrmese might have been very ern e! in th eir co nduct of war, bnt towards prisone rs of war wh o were tnarle t.o settle down in llnrn•a, t.bey were inva riably tolerant and co nsiderate, and opp rc:>sion was abn ost nnkn,wn, provided, of eonrse, these 1-wo pl e themsd ves \\' ere loyal nn(i law-abiding Intennarriage betwee n the Sinmese and BnrmeRe would be very easy and , and for a time appeared to threaten an attack on the IJt>eieging army. It was not unt,il January 1762 that the city sunendet·ed. The King parclonecl his uncle, and without delay orderd a mat·ch on Zimm~ t.o puni:;h the in s ult which had been offtn·ed by an invasion of Burmese territory. Talab!n was stdl at the head of a force in the country between the river::J Salwin and Thaungyin. He, his wife, and family were captm·ecl; ancl though in th~ Burmese histot·y it is stated that hi;; life was spared, it is to be feared that the general who had nol•ly fought for the cause of the last king of Peg n, was se:::retly put Death of to den.th. The expedition again st Zimm~ was sueceseTala han. ful. The capital oft hat state was occupied \Yithont much difficulty. 'l'he remaining tu onths of the reign ot Naungdoagyi pasiled \\'ithont any important incident. He devoted himself to erecting religions buildings, Death of and while so employed ct the operations of the war. Reinforcements and order::1 to persevere came from A1•a. The Burmest>, having command of the whole resoUL"ces of the country, successfnlly prevented food supplies from ent et·ing the city. The gaLTison, unable any longet· to defend thE\ walls, yielded to a gemral attack by the besiegers. 'fhe city was entirely destroyed by fi1·el. The king, Ekadatha Rajll., was killed in the confusion. His brothet·, Braun Soasan recognised the body 11ear the western gate of the palace. 'fhe queen and the whol e of the royal f~mily were taken prisoners and carried away capti \'e. Immense treasures and stores of war r!laterial were found in the pJ.lace.. The ~onquest was effected at a critical moment for Burmeoe interest:;;. Thihapate had received orders to return home, for the Burmese monarchy was once more threatened by a Chinese invasion. The army, marching rapidly , reached Ava in July ; the Shan auxiliaries ''"ere allowed to return to their own countries. 1. In the history of Siaru it is correctly stateu that this siege occupieu nearly two years, 17UG and 1767 A.D. In a brief history of Siam published in the Chinese Repository, and said to have been written by the King of Siam, this siege is confused with that Ly Alaunghpri't in 1760. The date for the capture of the city is given as March 1767. Sec Dow ring's Siam, vol. I., P· 58, and vol. II., P· 34i.

City tn.kt:n , April A. D. l7l37.