JEWISH IMMIGRANTS AND WORLD WAR I A STUDY OF AMERICAN YIDDISH PRESS REACTIONS

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JEWISH IMMIGRANTS AND WORLD WAR I A STUDY OF AMERICAN YIDDISH PRESS REACTIONS

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Copyright by Joseph Rappaport 1952

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JEWISH IMMIGRANTS AND WORLD WAR I A STUDY OF AMERICAN YIDDISH PRESS REACTIONS

by

Joseph Rappaport

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Scionce Columbia University 1951

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To Ifeoml

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE................................................

Page ii

Chapter I. II.

THE EAST EUROPEAN BACKGROUND............

*

1

THE IMMIGRANT JEW IN AMERICA ....................

33

III*

DESCENT INTO TEE MAELSTROM.....................

66

IV,

ATTITUDES AND VIEWPOINTS: 1915-1916 .............

1©1

V.

SUBMARINES AND SENTIMENTS: 1914-1916............

14©

VI,

"EE KEPT US OUT OF WAR" ........................

174

VII,

KLAL YISROEL: 1914-1917........................

212

AMERICA GOES TO W A R .........................

248

"THE YANKS ARE COKING!" .................

284

THE YEAR OF THE MESSIAH: 1918 ..................

337

VIII. IX. X.

CONCLUSION

.................

BIBLIOGRAPHY.......

378 390

i

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PBSTACB

Thin Is a study of the war reactions of the Bast European Jewish immigrant element in the United. States*

The largest part of

this groap settled in this country in the first decade of the Twentieth Century; thus at the time of the outbreak of Zuropean hostilities in 191^, immigrant Jews were in the main un-asslmilated. Yiddish-speaking, and relied largely on the Yiddish press as a source of information and ideological expression*

Old Yorld backgrounds,

the desire for the political and economic emancipation of the Bast European Jewish community, the Zionist impulse, the Impact of Socialist ideology, and the character of immigrant accommodation to American urban environment were all vital factors in the shaping of Jewish war attitudes*

It is the purpose of this study to define

these influences, to trace the impact of diverse Jewish ideologies upon war attitudes, and to reconstruct the pattern of these outlooks from the time of the commencement of European hostilities to the armistice*

This volume underscores Yiddish press reactions to the

European belligerents as well as Wilson*s foreign policy during the period of American neutrality; it emphasizes the role of Jews in the peace movement prior to and after the United States* entry into the war, and studies Jewish reactions to the revolutions in Russia, the Treaty of Brest—Litovak, the Balfour Declaration, aims program*

11

Wllson*s war**

A study of the war years appears to he particularly important in the field of American-Jevish history as it vas fraught vith such deep significance for these people hoth as Jevs and as Americans. The first World War vas a major turning-point in the Jevish. immigra­ tion into the United States* halting the movement entirely in 191^* and leading to its enforced restriction a decade later*

She conflict

hastened Jevish accommodation to the American scene hy weakening ties to var-torn European Jewish communities, hy making the United States the center of leading Jevish ideological movements, hy strengthening established and giving rise to nev Jevish communal institutions, hy giving fresh impetus to the Jevish trade union movement*

Also,

the vartime patriotic movement vas significant in strengthening American loyalties amongst Jevish immigrants*

As Jevish Socialists

and unionists occupied a central position in the American radical movement, a survey of Jevish radicalism during its vartime crescendo makes a contribution to the study of American political and labor extremism*

The reaction of American radicals to the Russian Revolu­

tion is given special attention in this volume*

The vriter believes

that Jevish history cannot he studied flln confinement8 find that non-Jevish influences must continually he underlined if the story of the JevB in a Gentile vorld is to he properly told* A study of the vartime Yiddish press is the main approach in this vork*

References are also n&de to the Anglo-Jevish press

American Socialist publications*

For sake of comparison, German—

American and general American press reactions are stressed* iii

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Primary

source materials emphasize the role of the Jews in. the Socialist movement, and deal with the progress of the Zionist, Congress* and Jevish war relief movements*

Sources relating to the war reactions

of Jevish national and fraternal organizations are also included* Other primary sources, Including autobiographical material, deal vith the Jevish immigration into this country*

Government publica­

tions deal vith Jewish immigration and radicalism, I wish to thank Or* Joshua Sloeh of the Hew York Public Library for his constant interest and assistance in "nVH»g available to me the facilities and resources of the Jevish Division; Mr* Abraham Berger of the Jevish Division, who continually vent out of his way in the search for materials on my behalf, and who clarified for me the concept of "the year of the Messiah" (1918); the assis­ tants in the Jevish Division;

Dora Stelngl&es, Marie Coralnik, e**

Fanny Splvack; Mr* Mendel Elkin, librarian of the Yiddish Scientific Institute; and Miss Leah Veitman of the library staff of the Jevish theological Seminary* I wish to thank Dean John A* Hr out of Columbia University for his constant guidance and inspiration* Dean Harry J* Carman of Columbia University for hie kindly interest and help in the organi­ sation of the volume; and Professor Salo Vf* Baron of Columbia University for his sympathetic interest and advice*

Shanks are

due to Professor Henry Steele Commager, Dr* Philip Friedman, Professor Oscar I* Janowsky, Dr* Jacob Shatsky, Mr* Louis 3* Boudin,

Iv

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Professor Joseph H. Greenberg, Mr, Abraham G, Duker, Mr, Frank N, Trager, and Dr. Leon L* Watters, I am particularly indebted to my sponsors Professor Allan Kevins and Dr, Jacob C. Hurewits of Columbia University for the reading of the manuscript and their constructive suggestions. Finally, I wish to acknowledge my deep indebtedness to my wife, Naomi Chaitman Bappaport, whose encouragement, devotion, and sacrifices helped make this work possible.

v

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1

CHAPTEH I

TBB HAST EUBOPBAH BACKOBOUKD

The concentration of Jews la Eastern Europe dates back a half milleniua, and in that span of time* the dominant forces in modern Jewish life have been shaped*

In the Middle Agee (before their

eastward migration)* the Jews were a comparatively prosperous* urban­ ized* and western people* subject to Latin and Germanic social and cultural influences*

The decline of feudalism, the rise of modern

capitalism* the Protestant Seformation* the rise of modern national­ ism* and the efforts of the Catholic Church to maintain itself in power generally had an adverse effect upon the welfare of Vest European Jewry*

Thus the beginnings of the modernity of western

civilization brought increasing Jewish persecution, and in contrast to the growing worldliness of European society, the Jewish mass re­ treated into an East European shell*^ The Sixteenth Century saw a growing concentration of Jews in Poland, while the several partitions of that nation in the Eighteenth Century marked the expansion of the Hus sian golog (the Diaspora, or the scattering of the Jews through the world after the Exile)*

The Austrian acfuisltion of Galicia at the same time brought

a large Jewish element under that country’s flag*

From Galicia, there

1* E* M« Kulischer, Jewish Migrations: Past Experiences and PostWar Prospects. Few York, 19^3* PP* 17-19o

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2 was r\ movement into eastern Hungary, Bukovina, and into the provinces of Vallachia and Moldavia, which vere united in 1861 under the Roumanian crown*

The Jews in the former Polish province of Posen

fell under Germanic rule as a result of the partitions*

Thus hy

the beginning of the nineteenth Century* East European Jewry was divided by national boundaries which remained generally unaltered for over a century down to the outbreak of the first World War* The Nineteenth Century was the most dynamic period in Jewish life since ancient tines*

It witnessed the greatest Jewish popula­

tion Increase of any century* the most wide-spread migratory move­ ments, and saw the most basic chaxges occur is. Jevish economic life as a result of the creation of an industrial proletariat*

In this

century there occurred the most diverse types of Jewish acculturation in varying national and cultural settings throughout the world as a result of the Great Migration from the East European focal point* The main Jevish ideological currents of the Twentieth Century all had their origins in the previous century*

Eastern Europe, then,

vas the seedbed for the flowering of those ideac and outlooks which the Jev transported with him as part of his cultural baggage wherever he turned in the world*

In relation to the scope of inis disserta­

tion, it must be emphasized that the East European background vas basic in the shaping of the war attitudes of immigrant Jews in America*

It is therefore necessary to consider the broader aspects

of Jewish life in Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Eoumania.

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3 1.

The Jews la Russia

Under the rule of the Tears* Russia's Jevish population was contained since 179^ within the boundaries of a Pale of Jewish Settlement that stretched from the Gulf of Riga to the Sea of Azov in the western-most part of Russia* in all parts of Poland*

The Jews were permitted to reside

The interior of Russia, however, was open

only to special classes of Jewish merchants and artisans* In 1905, Russian Jewry numbered approximately 5,9^,000, of which total about half lived In Poland, Lithuania, and White Russia, while another third resided in southwestern Ukraine*

The remainder

was scattered throughout the Baltic area and those parts of south­ eastern Ukraine which were included within the Pale*2* Characteris­ tically an urban people, almost 90$ of Russia,s Jews lived in towns and cities, dominating, in fact, the urban population of many of the provinces in the Pale*^ Economically, Russian and Polish Jewry formed a vital artisan and merchant class*

A total of 37$ of the economically-active Jews

were engaged in craft pursuits, primarily in the production of wearing apparel and leather goods*

About 35$ were ssrchants of all cate-

1* I, M, Rubinow, “Economic Condition of the JevB in Russia,* in United States Labor Bulletins, vols* 71-7^, Washington, 1907-1908, n* 493: Per Jude (Berlin), vol. II (1917), P* 1^2* 2* A* Ccralnik, "Jews in Poland and Russia According to the Last Census* (Yiddish), in TIVO Shrlftn far Bkonomlk un StatistIk. Berlin, 1928, vol. I, p* 219.

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gorles, engaged largely in the handling of agricultural produce* Unlike the general population* the farm element amongst Jews was quite insignificant*^ The typical Bussian-Jevish inmigrant in America characteris­ tically recalls the difficulties of life in the old country* the low standard of living of the Jewish community (which was generally higher however than that of the peasants)* and finally that he left Russia primarily to improve his economic circumstances* emigration of Jews from Bussi*.

The mass

ommenced after 1880* and reached

its height in the first decade of the Twentieth Century*

Though

the pogrom influence played an important role in motivating the movement* it is significant that the mass emigration coincided with marked industrial advance in the economy of the country*

In short*

the Jevish artisan could not compete against the evolving factory system* and found that an already limited market was increasingly heing dominated hy the factory* Professor Oscar I* Janowsky points out* Even before the World War* the Jews were divorced from the land and from factory labour, especially in the heavy industries, and therefore did not occupy any stra­ tegic position in the economic life of their countries* As middlemen* concentrated largely in petty trade and in the professions, they were easily dispensed vith or dis­ placed* As skilled artisans they had long fulfilled a vital economic need* But the development of factory

1* W. W* Eaplun-Eogan* "Die Judische Sprach und Sultur-Uemelnschaft in Polen," Zeltschrift fir Deaogranhie und Statlstik der Juden (Berlin), vol* H I , (Janaary-March, 1916)* p« 9*

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5 industry, especially in pre-war EuBsian-Poiand, had brought rain to many of those engaged in domestic production* Unable to find employment in the large scale industries because of the competition of the unskilled and illiterate villagers who were streaming into the urban centers« the erstwhile artisans turned to trade, already an overcrowded field, and swelled the ranks of Luftmenschen. Mass pover­ ty was a common feature of Jevish life before the World War in many regions of Bussia* .

Considering, furthermore, the factors of relative Jewish over­ population (which the emigration movement, despite its else, did not alleviate), the political oppression of the Jews, which had an effect upon their economic status (the Pale of Settlement), the existence of a wide-spread anti-Semitism, which in Poland particularly produced antl-Jewish boycott movements, the general maldistribution of wealth in Bussia, the growing exploitation of urban society as it grew more dependent upon a laissez-faire factory system, and the continuing agricultural crisis, which effected the livelihood of the petty trading class, already faced with the competition of a spreading railroad system,2 it may readily be seen that the Jew had little to look forward to in pre-war Bussia*

In the popular mind, America

became a land of opportunity, and once a measure of adjustment and

1* 0, I, Jenovsky, People at Bay. Hew York, 1938, pp. 107-108.

Z% M. Yishniak, "Kxe Russian Jews and the Pogroms of the 1880*sn (Yiddish), in A. Tcherikower (ed.), Geshlchte fun der Ylddisher Arbeiter Bavegung in di Pareinlgte Shtatn (History of the Jewish Labor Movement in the United States), Hew York, 19**3, ▼ol. I, p. 7^.

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6 well-being vas attained on this side of the ocean* the former life in Russia seemed shallow indeed* Socially and culturally, the largest part of Russian Jewry lived a life almost completely divorced from Russian society* Religious orthodoxy was the main motif ox life* and it "• * .enabled the Jews to withstand pressure from without and to maintain and uphold the millenial Jewish traditions and the uniformity of the Jewish way of life**^

Unlike Jewish Immigrant life in America* Sast-Suropean

orthodoxy demanded complete conformity to all those communal Institu­ tions which were concerned with the fulfillment of religious rites and ideals*

I* Levitate points out*

She benefits derived by the individual J6W from his community consisted mainly in the satisfaction of his religious needs by the communal institutions* To live without the facilities of a synagogue* a cemetery* burial society, a ritual pool for women, or the pro­ visions for kosher food, was unimaginable for a Jew in those days* The community* which afforded all these things had* therefore, a just claim upon his support. 2

Life centered primarily about the synagogue and the several societies for prayer and study*

The rabbi occupied a central position

in the community, defining orthodoxy and its social consequences*

The

synagogue vas the center of prayer, justice* charity, and social activi­ ty*

It served as both the mini and soul of the communal body*

1* I* Levitate, The Jewish Community; p* 173#

It was

1778-Iffeh. Hew York, 19^3,

2* Ibid*, p. 173.

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7 the anchor of the God-faith, and detachment fro a the kind of influence it exerted was hound to incur deep social and psychological overturningb in Jewish immigrant life in America.

Even in the economic

realm* the Busso~Jewieh. community exercised strict controls over its members.

Communal leaders appointed a market police, supervised

weights and measures, fixed prices, and controlled producer-consumer relationships.1

This tradition was directly carried on in America

hy Socialist union leaders, who in turn were now concerned with regulating enployer-employee relationships.

The strain of communal

responsibility was not cast into the waters when European Jews sought out a new continent. The Bale of Settlement served as the keystone in the twisted arch dedicated to Jewish persecution.

Barred from the Russian interior

(and after 1382 from initial settlement outside of towns within the Pale), and suffering from a series of regional evictions, the Jews were subjected to an official "ghetto" policy.

The Slavophil!stlc

suspicion of western "cosmopolitanism" and non^Slavic ideals, expressed in the Para Domoi movement ("It is lime to go home") of the Eighteen* Eighties,

cast suspicion upon those "strange" Jews living amongst

the Russians themselves.

Religious differences and antipathies, the

1. S. ¥. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Hew York, 1937, vol. II, p. 100. 2. Of. H. Frederic, The Hew Emodus. London, 1892, pp. 1-18.

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8 general oppression of the masses which was a consequence of despotic Tsarism (and which was reflected in the deeper persecution of the Jews themselves), and the self-imposed separation of Jews from the Gentile w r l d about them, were all basic factors in the erection of a wall of Jewish legal disabilities in Bussla* In the early years of the Nineteenth Century* Jews were sub­ jected to a policy of evictions which aimed at their removal from western frontier areas*-*- Thousands of Jews were thus affected* impairing their livelihoods, and aggravating population conditions wherever the evictees were forced to move*

In lo35» Nicholas I

cofified anti-Jewish laws into a formal Charter of Disabilities, embodying special rules governing Jewish artisans, merchants, pro­ fessionals, and students*

A decade later, an official Russification

program commenced, seeking to take advantage of certain assimilatory tendencies in the cultural life of the Jewish Intelligentsia, known as the Haskalah movement*^

Consequently, the jgahg&g, which were

communal self-governing bodies representative of a degree of inner Jewish autonomy, were abolished by the regime*

The scope of "outside11

controls was thus widened in relation to communal affairs, which the hand of the official "chinovnik" now reached down more closely to the core of Jewish life*

1* I* Friedlander, Jews of Russia and Boland. lew Tork, 1920, p# 129* 2* J. 8* Raisin, The Haskalah Movement in Russia. Philadelphia, 1913, pp* 162ff*

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9 But the years of the reign of Alexander II (1855-1881) *aw the amelioration of official persecution in the so-called Golden Age, in which indlridual Jews played a vital role in the development of Russia*! industrial system*

The Glnsburgs, Poliakovs, and Epsteins

became leading bankers in Poland, while the Poliakovs of St* Petersburg were important railroad builders."

The evolving industrial­

isation of the economy benefit ted Jewish merchants of the first Guild and some master artisans, who were permitted to move freely within 9 and even outside the Pale*"' But the gleam of the Golden Age merely proved to be pyritic for the large mass of Russian Jews who were engaged in handicrafts production and petty trade in the face of a rising industrial-capitalist economy* The emancipation of the serfs in 186l, which facilitated industrialization by creating a landless proletariat as a result of the limited redivision of the soil, led to agricultural overturnings which were frought with dangers for a large part of the Jewish popu­ lation, dependent upon the orderly processing and marketing of agricultural produce*

Consequent social and economic alterations

were productive of crises particularly harmful to a class of Jewish

1* S, ¥* Baron* op, cjt*. vol* II, p, 272* By 1898, Jewish owners held 37*856 of the 7750 factories in the Pale of Settlement* See: I. M. Bubinow, op* clt*. p* 537. 2* S, M. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland. Philadelphia, 1916-1920, vol, II, p. 162.

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10 middlemen and artisans who were engaged in increasingly outmoded forms of enterprise*

For the general Russian population, the beginnings

of the Industrial Revolution were reflected in social strivings for the amelioration of conditions of increasing inpoverizatloa— strivings which in relation to the Jews, form the background for the pogrom movements*

In part a manifestation resulting from religious antipa­

thies, the pogroms must also be viewed ao a social movement directed against supposed Jewish "oppressors*" These riots, sore than ais7 other factors— social or political— determined Jewish attitudes toward Russia and the Russians*

They are incidentally a basic consideration

in a study of Jewish war attitudes* The assassination of the Tsar on March 1, 1881, and the ensuing conference of the despots at Gatchina, wherein the Holy Synod, Pobyedonostzev, advocated a more rigid ecclesiastical police state, marked the beginnings of blacker years for Russisa Jewry**

The finan­

cial failure of Emancipation, the economic crisis resulting from the Russo-Turkish Var of 1877, and widespread famine conditions in the early Eighteen-Eighties fanned popular unrest*

The pogrom wave of

April, 1881 was a spontaneous movement coming on the heels of the assassination of the Tsar and the rumored complicity of Jews in the plot*

The heightened religious sentiment of Easter week added to

anti-Jewish feeling*

Torthermore, it was rumored that the new Tsar

1* Ibid*, vol* II, p* 181*

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11 had ordered vengeance cast upon the Jews aa retribution for the violent death of hie father*

In fact, In a village in Chernigov

Gubernia, the simple peasants petitioned the authorities not to punish them if tbe7 did not attack the Jews, but to make sure, they sacked several houses anyway The first large scale pogrom occurred on April 15, 1881, im Yelisavetgrad in the Ukraine*

The riots spread like wildfire into

neighboring towns and villages*

There were fifty pogrom incidents

in April and Hay in the provinces of Kiev, Volhynia, and Podolia* Major outbreaks occurred in the cities of Kiev, Odessa, and Minsk* m

In 1881, there were pogrom incidents in 215 places in ten gubernias** That year, rioting damaged 20,000 Jewish homes, incurred property losses amounting to $80,000,000, and impaired the livelihoods of at least 10',C00 Jews*^

Rioting of lesser intensity continued for four

more years* A tragic fatalism gripped the Jewish population, resolving itself into tears, fear, flight, and finally, hatred*

There is only

one reported case of a semblance of organized Jevish opposition, ln~ volving some thirty students in Odessa, who formed a Tevreiskaya

1* H* Yishnlak, qv , d t * . p* 79« 2* A* Tcherikover, "lev Material Concerning the Pogroms in Russia at the Beginning of the Xighties" (Yiddish), im Hiatorishe Shrlftn fun H I 2 , vol. II. Wilna, 1937. p. 3* M* Yishniak, op * clt*« p* 78,

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12 Drujina" (Jewish Union) to resist the pogromists#*

S. K# Pubnow

gives a moving picture of the reaetion of the pious in a St# Petersburg synagogue on January 18, 1882#

He writest

When the preacher began to picture the present position of Jewry, one long moan, coming as it were, from one breast, suddenly burst forth, and filled the synagogue# Everybody wept, the old, the young, the long-robed paupers, the ele­ gant dandies dressed in latest fashion, the men in Govern­ ment service, the physicians, the students, not to speak of the women# for two or three minutes did these heart-render­ ing moans resound— this cry of common sorrow which had issued from the Jewish hearto The rabbi was unable to con­ tinue# He stood upon the pulpit, covered his face with hie hands, and wept like a child#g

Tears later, in America, the picture and scope of the pogroms were underlined as characteristic of Jewish life in Russia (and duly exaggerated), and came to reflect Jewish attitudes toward both the regime and the Slavs#

Thus, 5# S# Rru&mo, in his autobiography,

describes a pogrom in Kiev!

The street was filled with gesticulating, brawling peasants, who gave vent to volleys of oaths as only descendants of Tartars know how, and rapaciously attacked Jewish shops and dwellings# Here and there savage-looking stushiks, with long, unkempt, sandy hair, bloodshot eyes, and disordered dress, shouted and yelled through the win­ dows of wrecked houses like firemen fighting flames# The

1# A# Tcherikower, "Revolutionary and Rational Ideologies of the Sussian-Jewish Intelligentsia" (Yiddish), in Qeshichte fun der Yiddlsher Arbelter Bay^uff dj farelnigte Shtatn, op. clt». vol. II, pp# 152-153# 2. S* M# Pubnow, o p # clt». vol. II, p# 286.

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13 noxssB were deafening] the crash of axes mingled with wild shrieks of victory] the ring of crowbars echoed above cries of agony] the clanking of hatchets drowned piercing screams of butchered babes] whoops of triumph swallowed heart-rendering groans of despair.^

The pogroms started the first mass emigration of Jews from Russia, and while not an underlying factor in the continued westward movement, they at least served to strengthen the view that future life for Jews in Rnssia would be futile.

When the pogroms gave rise

to thougits of life in the hew World, they began to weaken the hold of the Old, and thus bore the first seeds of American accommodation. Historically considered, the first pogrom period (1881-1885) was not a product of official instigation.

On the contrary, the riots

gave rise to fears in governmental circles of impending social revolt. An imperial manifesto issued soon after Alexander Ill's coronation stated:

The first task to be accomplished is the extirpation of the spirit of rebellion, which society must counteract of its own initiative. The persecution of the Jews in Southern Russia shows how people, otherwise devoted to the Throne, yield to the influence of evil-disposed persons, and unsuspectingly serve their rebellious plans.?

In truth, the Tsar had grounds for fearing Hihilist instigation of the masses, as even the Jevish Harodniks, upon first hearing of the

1* 5. S. Brudao, The Fugitive. Hew Tork, 190^, p. 250» 2. C. Lowe, Alexander III of Russia. London, 1905, p. 181.

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1'+ pogroms, rejoiced at the beginning of the "revolution,"

In 1882,

Pavel Axelrod wrote:

We. • .juet as all Haro&niks, were happy at the news, for we thought that the pogroms were a sign of the Russian revolution. We thought that the attacks would go beyond the Jew. We felt that the Jews were the swindlers. We weren*t concerned with the pogroms. We belonged to the Russian folk. However, how childish and naive we verei^

In attacking the problem of the pogroms, the regime chose the path of repression rather than that of amelioration, and set up a Central Committee for the Revision of the Jewish Question. As a result of the Committee's recommendations, the May Laws were passed in 1882, providing that Jews "are forbidden to settle anew outside of towns and towniets, an exception being made only in the case of existing Jewish agricultural colonies."2

The laws tended

to further aggravate living conditions in cities and towns in the Pale.

The increasing impoverination of Jews in overcrowded urban

centers was recorded

in the census report of 1897 in these words:

The pen refuses to record the frightful spectacle of the privation which the takers of the census have seen at close quarters, while going about the hovels,

1. A. Tcherikower, "Revolutionary and national Ideologies of the Russian-Jewish Intelligentsia" (Yiddish), o p . clt.. pp. 170-171. Also! P. 7. Axelrod, "The Pogroms and the Revolutionary Movement h3 Years Ago" (Yiddish), in D1 Zukunft. vol. XXIX, no. 9 (September, 1920, p. 550. 2. S. Joseph, Jewish Immigration to the United States: 1881-1910. Hew York, 19lA» p. 60.

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15 garrets, and cellars, in which thousands of Jews lead a pitiable existence* The tears often started to our eyes* On every page of the census papers, opposite the words! ’means of support,’ we have to write ’none.^

Conditions as these led to the great emigration movement, and served to shape an indelible Impression of a life of poverty la Bussia in the minds of most immigrant Jews in America. The last two decades of the Fimeteenth Century witnessed the mass eviction of thousands of Jews from their domiciles in many regions of the Pale*

In 1887, when the districts of Taganrog and

Bostov were separated from Skaterinoslav Gubernia, 90,000 Jews were forced to move back into the farther constricted Fsle*^

Thousands

of skilled Jewish artisans, residing in areas outside of the Pale (tinder the provisions of the Ukase of 1865) were placed under heavier surveillance, and forced back into the area of Jewish settlement in ever increasing numbers*3 the city of Moscow,^

In 1891, 12,000 Jews were driven out of

Many of the evictees of course became emigrants,

who later looked back to Tsarist Bussia from their new lands vith a strange mixture of melancholia and hatred*

1* From "Odesski Lietok, * February 21, 1897, quoted in V* Berard, Bussian Bnplre and Csarlsm. London, 1905, p. 135. 2* Ibid*. pp. 16&0.69* 3* Busso-Jsvish Committee, The Persecution of the Jews in Bussia. London, 1891, pp* I3**l6* h. S* M. Bubnov, on, clt*. vol. II, pp. 399-^6.

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16

The last years of Tsarism saw more numerous occupational restrictions enforced against Jevish artisans and merchants, vfalle more rigid educational restrictions proved particularly galling to a people who have made an ideal of learning and intellectual develop­ ment*

S tub , in 1887, Jevish admissions into the gymnasias, "real

schools,1* and universities were fixed at no more than ten per cent of total admissions therein*^ cut dovn to seven per cent*

In 1901, the admissions ratio vas In viev of multiple restrictions, the

hatred of Tsarism became even more deeply imbedded among Jews, and vas revealed in attitudes tovard Bussia wherever Jevish immigrants sought out a new life* American immigrant Jevish war attitudes vere directly influenced by the pogrom vave of 1903-1908 in Bussia*

These upheavals vere a

result of the social and economic disefuilibrium wrought by the pro­ gress of Bussi&n industrialisation on the one hA«d and that country’s defeat in the war against Japan on the other*

The pogroms reflected

the revolution-potential in Busslan society, which was directed at first against Jewish "oppressors," and which finally led to the overthroval of the regime itself*

Observing that the revolutionaries

in Bussia vere attempting to seize the reins of the reawakened pogromPegasus, the Tsarlets themselves mounted the saddle, and sought to drown the stallion in a sea of Jevish blood*

Ton Plehve, the

1* M* J* Kohler, Immigration and Aliens in the United States. lew Tork, 1936, p* 215*

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17 Minister of Interior, proclaimed that Bussia vas to become a Jewish hello1

From 1905 to 1916, there appeared 2,637 anti-Jewish tracts^

lh,327,000 copies of which vere distributed among the people*

Tsar

Ficholas, furthermore, spent 12,239*000 roubles to subsidise this propaganda.

In the first Soma, Count Urusov asserted that appeals

to riot had been printed at government expense in the Central Police 3 Department at St* Petersburg* I* ELbogen concludes:

A view of the pogroms as a whole indicated that a powerful organization disposing of extraordinary resources vas at work, and investigations shoved that a lawless romp government vas functioning at the seat of the eourt in St. Petersburg*^

A five year pogrom period commenced at Kishineff in April, 1903, where an anti-Semitic sheet (^Bessarabets"), officials from St* Petersburg, and a recalcitrant police vere responsible for a very severe outbreak*

The Central Belief Committee at Xishineff reported

that 44? persons were killed or injured, and that property damage amounted to 2,500,000 roubles*^

Cossacks attacked Jevc in Sialystok

1, S. W* Baron, oo* clt*. vol* II, p* 286* 2o Ibid*. vol* II, pp. 286-287* 3* I* Bibogen, A Century of Jevish Life. Philadelphia, 19Mf, p* 7l5fn. fr* IMd., p. 396. 5* 0* Adler and A* M* Margalith, American Intercession on Behalf of Jews in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the United Statea. 18fr0-1938f Hew? York, 19^3, p* 261.

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18 on April 9, 1905. and took part in pogroms lm Minsk, Irest-Litovsk, Syedletz, and. lodz.^

The greatest orgy took place in the third and

fourth weeks of October, 1905, when rioting occurred in 690 places in eight provinces in the Pale.*

All told, In 1905. 37*000 families

suffered a total of 937 deaths* 1,190 injured, and property losses amounting to 50,000,000 roubles*^

for the first time, hundreds of

Jewish self-defense units (known as "Bamoborones") sprung up to offer resistance to the terrorist "Black H u n d r e d s * T h u s had the Jewish suffering matured] The pogrom years (1903-1908) saw a half million Jews leave Bussia, with ninety per cent of this total migrating to the United States*

The riots Berved as a final motivational push in the

emigration of those whose economic circumstances were becoming in­ creasingly grievous* in the land of the Tsars*

Hot an underlying

cause for the overall exodus of Jews, the pogroms were nevertheless important on a periodic baBis, and perhaps served as an enduring rationalization for the leaving of a homeland and the severing of

1* S* M. JJubnow,

op*

cit*. vol. Ill, pp. 113-120.

2* I. Blbogen, on. cit.. p. 393. 3« Zelt8chrift ftfr Demographic rind Statlstik der Juden. vol. II (1906), p. 191.

k. J o t a description of the defense units, see: 3* Kraus, "Why I Came to America," Atlantic Monthly, vol. CTIII (August, 191l), pp. 198-200.

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19 many of those intangible ties which bind men to tho soil they . .rst trod*

It must again be emphasised that the pogroms served as the

primary basis of the Jews* hatred of Tsarism and the antagonism toward the Slavs*

let hatred perhaps bears the seeds of deep and regretful

love for the ways of early life* and herein lies the tragedy of immigrant Jewish attitudes toward Bnssia, particularly during the years of the first World War* American public opinion and officialdom* since the EighteenEighties, were sympathetic toward the plight of the Jews in Bnssia, and as a result were more tolerant of Jewish Bussophobia in 1914-1917 than they were of the pro—Germanism of the German-American element*^ For the purposes of our study, a brief review of pre-war American reactions to Jewish persecution in Bussia is in order* As early as May 21, 1880, Bepresentative S, S. Cox of Hew York spoke out in Congress against Bussia*s policy of evicting Jews from their domiciles in partB of the Pale*

2

During the first pogrom period,

1* One of America*s leading journalists, Arthur Brisbane, wrote in 1916, "The Germans are rescuing Kief and other sections of Bnssia in which Jews have been most terribly persecuted from the horrors of Bnssian rule* Bussia*s treatment of Jews finds retribution in this war* Belief comes to the persecuted and oppressed Jewish people in their transfer from Bnssian power to the more enlightened and benaficient rule of a modern nation like Germany*" Quoted in Bulletin of the IMHA (Hew Tork), January, 1916, p* 1* 2* Congressional Becord. House, 46th Cong*, 2d Sesso, vol* 10, p* 4 (May 21, 1880), p* 3626*

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20

resolutions of protest continually appeared in the Congressional Record.* Meanwhile the imerican minister in St. Petersburg* W. I« Hunt* who filled that post from 1882 to 1881*, and Secretary of State P. 7* Prellnghuysen continually expressed concern over the plight of the persecuted Busslan Jews.

German Jews in imerica, particularly

anxious over the fearful prospect of a horde of Ost.luden fleeing to imerica* continually put pressure on the government to protest the treatment of Busslan Jewry.

The Weber-Eempster mission to Eastern

Europe in 1891 was a direct result of conversations between the 3 financier Jacob E. Schiff and President Benjamin Harrison. The report of the mission prompted a presidential message to Congress* dated December 9* 1891* which spoke of the imminent flight of over a million Hebrews.

"Hut the sudden transfer of such a multitude

under conditions that tend to strip their small accumulations and

1. See: Congressional BecorA for the following dates: January 26* 1882* January 30* 1882* Pebruary 23* 1882* March 3, 1882* March 6, 1882, July 31. 1882, Pebruary 19, 1883, January 8, 1881*, June 30, 188**. 2. C. idler and A. Margalith, on. cit.. pp. 209-213* 3. Cf. J. B. Weber and W. Kempster, Report of Commissioners of Immigration upon the Causes which Incite Immigration to the United States. 2 vole., Washli^ton, 1892. See: ibid., vol. II, pp. 26-93*

121, 167.

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21 to depress their energies and courage is neither good for them nor for us," the Chief Executive concluded.* The Kishineff pogrom of 1903 stirred great indignation in America, while former President Grover Cleveland lashed out "bitterly at Tsarist Bussia at a Carnegie Hall (New York) meeting on May 27. 2 1903* attacking her "professedly civilised government." The Eoosevelt administration was particularly active in making representations to Bussia concerning the renewal of pogroms upon the Jews.

3

A Congressional resolution offered by Senator McLaurin of Mississippi on June 22, 1906 asserted that, ". . .the people of the United States are horrified by the report of the massacre of Hebrews in Bussia," while numerous protests of a similar nature again found their way into the Congressional Becord.

k

1. Messages and Papers of the Presidents; 1789-1897. vol. IX (1889-1998), Washington, I898 , p. 188. For Congressional sentiment, see also: Congressional Becord. January 5» 1892, January 6, 1892 , Pebruary 29, 1892, April 6, 1892, April 23, 1892, April 26, I892 , Jhne 10, 1892, July 21, 1892, January 5, 189^. The Democratic platform of 1892 also protested Jewish persecution in Russia. See: K. H. Porter, National Party Platforms. New York, 192*1, p. 163. 2. For a review of the meeting, see: Jewish Tribune (New York), April 6, 1928. After the Kishinev incident, there were 77 public meetings of protest in 50 towns in 27 states in the United States. Cf. C, Adler, The Voice of America on Kishineff. Philadelphia, 190*4-, p. xvii. 3. The Kishineff Petition of the Independent Order B ’nai B’rith was sent to Bussia through official diplomatic ohannels. Cf. S, Wolf, The Presidents I Have Known: 1860-1918. New York, 1918, pp. 187-215; 0. S. Straus, Under Four Administrations. New York, 1922, pp. 171-173* *4-. Congressional Becord. Senate, 59th Cong., 1st Sess,, vol. *40, pt. 9 (June 22, 1906), p. 8919 . See CongeeBSlonal Becord for: February 20, 1905, December 5, 1905, March 19, 1906, April 11, 1906, June 22, 1906, February 7» 1908, February 18, 1908.

with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

22 The passport controversy arose out of Bussia*s denial to naturalised Busslan-American Jews of the same travel rights accorded other American nationals under the terms of the Treaty of 1832*

The

issue was disputed since 1880. while Bussia*s actions were protested in the national party platforms of 1904, 1908. and 1912**

Finally*

after continued pressure exerted by the American Jewish Committee and the Union of American Hebrew Goi^regations, President William Howard Taft, on January 1. 1913* abrogated the Bussian-Amerlean Trade Treaty* ^ With this precedent of antl-Bussian feeling on the part of the American people and their government. Immigrant Jewish Bussophobia in 1914-1917* in the face of general pro-Ally sentiments (centering around France and Britain), was at least tolerated and understood by the general public*

As the Jews are continually sensitive to

Gentile pressures* this is an important consideration in a study of immigrant Jewish war attitudes*

2* The Jews in Austria-Hungary Prior to the first World War, the Jews in the Austro-Hungarian Empire were concentrated in East and West Galicia, lukowina, eastern Hungary, Tienna, and parts of Bohemia-Moravia*

In 1910, Austria held

1,300,000 Jews (of which total 870,000 resided in Galicia), while

1* Cf* The Americas Jewish Tear Book. 5672, pp* 19-63, I* H* Porter, 281, 306, 333. 357, 359*

op* cit*. pp. 250, 262-3,

2* C* Adler and A, Margallth, on. cit*. p. 286ff; A* Kraus, Pftlf^lwea^sB and Coaments. Chicago, 1925, p* 190ff.

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23 Hungary held a total of some 900,000.*

Occupational statistics reveal

that over half of the econonically-active Galician Jews were engaged in trading activities, while only a fourth were occupied in handicraft purauits. 2 Jewry.^

The earns pattern was characteristic cf pre-war Hungarian

Thus there existed a great surplus of petty Jewish traders.

The lower proportion of skilled craftsmen than was the case in Hussla is to he explained by Austria1s prior industrialisaiicn, resulting in the greater displacement of Austro-Jewish handicraftsmen (particu­ larly in Galicia).**

Generally speaking, then, because of the great

occupational imbalance, Galician Jewry was in a worse economic plight than their Bnssian brethera (except possibly in Lithuania).

This

fact is further reflected in the emigration statistics, which show a

1. For population statistics, seel B. Kann, "Hungarian Jewry Luring Austria-Hungary's Constitutional Period (1867-1918),* Jewish Social Studies, vol.Ill, no. h (October, 19^5), P* 3811 M. Bosenfelt, "Die Jtullsche Bevolkerung Galizlens, 1867-1910,* Zeltechrlft fflr Denograthle uni Statlstlk der Juden. vol. XI, Beft 10-12 (October-December, 1915)» pp. 98-99* K. Schickert, Die Judenfrage In U n g a m . Sssen, 1937, p. 12. 2. H. Margulies, "Lie Nationals Gllederung in Galisiem und Bukowisa, 11 in Per Jude, vol. II (1917), p. 727* M. Bosenfeld, Die Polnlsche Judenfrage. Berlin, 1918, p. 109. 3. Jo Lestschinsky, "Professional and Social Status of the Jews in Eastern and Central Europe" (Yiddish), in YIYO Shrlftn far Bkonomlk un Statistic. vol. I, Berlin, 1928, p. 200o h. See: B. Mahler, "Jewish Emigration from Galicia and Its Causes" (Yiddish), in Geshlchte fun der Yiddisher Arbeiter Bavegung in di Eareinlgte Shtatn. op. cit.. vol. I, pp. 115, 118-119* 122.

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2k higher rate of emigration of Galician Jews than Bub elan Jews, despite the fact that there were no pogroms In Galicia

Former conditions

of poverty were not as important, apparently, in the shaping of immigrant Jewish war attitudes sb were other factors, such as the pogroms.

Besnltingly, Galician and Hungarian Jews in America had

a completely different attitude toward their homelands (where they had equal civil and political rights) than was the case with Bnssian Jewso Austro-Hungarian Jewry had been emancipated in the pre-war period, and were consequently sympathetic to the monarchy.

Daring

Maria Theresa's reign in the middle of the Eighteenth Century, Austrian Jews possessed a limited degree of communal autonomy, while Joseph II*s Patent of Toleration of 1789 extended full religious freedom as well as freedom of occupational choice.^

At the turn of

the century, however, the regime, in pursuing a policy of Germanization, attempted to interfere with the religious, educational, and marriage practices of the Jews.^

For a short period during the Bevolutlon of

184*8, the Jews were completely emancipated, but the Constitution of 1851 restored most of the earlier religious aid educational curbs. Full emancipation finally came under the Constitution of 186?, which

1. C. A. Marcartney, The Social Revolution in Austria. Cambridge, 1926, p. 227*

2* A. L. SchuBsheim, "Jewish Polity and Jewish Parties in Galicia" (Yiddish), In Pinkoa Galltsla (N, Zucker, ed.), Buenos Aires, 19^5* p. 3**; Universal Jewish Encyclopedia. Hew York- 1939ft•$ "Galicia."

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25 united Austria and Hungary under one flag**

In 1906, Austria insti­

tuted democratic electoral reforms, which enabled the NationalistZionist Jewish People's Party to send three deputies to the Parliament the following year*

At the same time, ten Jews were chosen on tho

Polish Party ticket* 2

Despite the persistence of Earl Leuger's

anti-Semitic influence, Austrian Jews enjoyed an exceptional position, civilly and politically, in Central and Eastern Europe* In the Austrian province of Sukovina, the Jews possessed, since 1785, a measure of legal communal autonomy.^

The lav of

1867 continued this privilege, extending to Bukowinian Jewish com­ munities the right to elect their own administrators**1 Possessing equal political rights, Jews were an important element in the pro­ vincial Diet and in the administration of the chief city of the province, Czernowifcs.

In 1909-1911, the local Landtag decided to

alter the electoral lav by introducing a representative curiae for the various nationalities inhabiting the province*

In this unprecedented

act, Jewish nationality was recognized, but unfortunately, the pro-

la Tehudia Verlag, Pi Tldn in Oeeterreieh. Warsaw, 19lh, pp, h0-&3* 2* Ibid*. pp* V?-h8t A* L* Schuseheim, on* cit*. p* 70* 3* Ss Eassner, Die Juden in der Bukowina. Vienna. 1917, pp. 35-38; M. Reifer, Anseewahlte Hlstorlsche Schriften. Cernauti, 1938, p* 560 IMd., p. 57*

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26 cedure was later overruled "by the ministry in Vienna.^'

These

developments are however indicative of the degree of political and civil equality that a Jewish population of over 100,000 enjoyed in thie Austrian province»2 Jewish life in Hungary dates hack to the Slevemth Century, hut down to the middle of the nineteenth Century, was marked by continued persecution*

Since the reign of Maria Theresa (1740-1780),

the Jews had to pay a heavy "toleration" tax, were severely restricted in the purchase of land, suffered from a series of expulsions, and were barred frost residence in mining towns.^

The "toleration" tax

was abolished in 1846, consequent however upon the payment of the stun of 1,200,000 florins by the Jewish population*

Some 20,000

Jews took part in the Hungarian Bevolutlon of 1848 against Austrian supremacy, and as a result, the revolutionary Landtag at Szegedin on July 28, 1849 unanimously granted Hungarian Jewry full civil sad political rights*

The defeat of the Hungarian army, however, made

emancipation short-lived; subsequently Jewish communities were fined

1. Qo I* Janowsky, The Jews and Minority Eights (1898-1919). Hew York, 1933, p. 149. 2. B. Rubstein, "The Jews in Bukowina" (Yiddish), Literatur un Lebn. November, 1914, p. 58* 3. Cf. V, S. Baber, Alibi. London, 1944, p. 6 ; L. Oreenwald, Tolsnt Yor Lebn in Hhgarn. Columbus (Ohio), 1945, PP* 36-38, lasslo. Die Selstlga foi*aie_ gntwlkinnff a«*r Juden in ttngarn In der Brstea mn-rta daa _19. _Jahrhunderte. Berlin, 1934, pp. 17-18; 99? Hnlyersal Jewish Encyclopedia. "Hungary."

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27 a total of two million gulden for cooperating with the revolutionary regime*^

Emancipation finally came in 1867» when franz Josef was

crowned king of Hungary,,

Thereafter, Hungarian Jewry was faced with

the problem of a more virulent anti-Semitism, enflamed by Victor

von

Istoczy in the Diet and the Tiza-Szlar ritual murder accusation of 1882* 3y and large, the Jews played an important part in Hungarian economic and cultural life after the middle of the nineteenth Century. More subject to western influences, the assimilation of the emancipated Jewish elaaent progressed far more rapidly than in Russia*

Kagyarlzed

Jews thus were active in business, politics, journalism, and the arte* The Liberal Party, having excluded Istoczy from its ranks, was character­ ized by the large degree of religious toleration which it offered when in power*

Seeking to Magyar!ae the population, the Liberal Party

permitted a large degree of Jewish communal solidarity to exist so as to permit Magyarized Jewish leaders to exert still wider influence.^ Compared to the Jewish situation in Bussia, this policy appeared truly liberal indeedJ

Thus the emigration of Jews from Hungary was very

largely economic in causation, and was not prompted by such factors as political persecution or pogroms*

Hungarian Jewish immigrants in

1* ¥• Laszlo, op. cit*. pp. 20-22* 2* S. Both, Juden 1m Phgnrlschen Kulturleben in der Zweltcn des 19. Jahrhiyidftrtp. Berlin, 1934-, p* 12* 3* B. A. Xann, on* cit*. pp. 360-362, 365*

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28 Ab b rlea had little reason to turn against their former homeland when it was b truck by war in 1914-*

Certainly their sympathies vent oat

to the Hungarian people when the troops of the hated Tsar threatened to sweep across the Carpathians.

3.

The Jews in Roumanla

The pre-var Jewish population of Eoumanla was concentrated in the two northern provinces of Moldavia and Vsllachia,

In 1901-1902,

the entire country had a Jewish population of 269*000, or h.55$ of the total Roumanian population, while almost three-quarters of the Jewish element lived in the province of Moldavia alone,^

Occupational

statistics show that a higher proportion of economically-active Roumanian Jews were engaged in the erafts (k2$) than was the case in Russia, Galicia, or Hungary,

Another 37$ were merchants and traders,^

The figures are indicative of a relative backward economy (the absence of extensive industrialisation), which in Eoumanla1s case went hand

1, Cf, J, KlsBman, Studies in the History of Roumanian Jews in the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th Centuries (Yiddish), lew Tork, l9^4, pp, 12-13* B, Stambler, L»Hlstolre dee Israelites Rounains et le Droit D»Intervention, Paris, 1913, P» 278; A» Bfippln, "hie Juden in Rumanien," Zeltschrlft fdr heaograuhle und Statlstlk der Juden. vol. III (June, 1907), PP® 81-82. 2. J, Lestschinsky, "Professional and Social Status of Jews in Zastern and Central Burope,H (Yiddish) in YIVO Schrlftn far Bconomik an Statlnt|v, Berlin, 1928, vol. I, p, 208; S, Bernstein, Die Judennolltlk der Rumrfnlschen Regierung. Xonenhagen. 1918, p, 27, In a predominantly agrarian society, the Jews assumed an important role in the handicrafts and trade (as in the Russian Pale), In the district of lotosani, for example, 68,70$ of the handicraftsmen were J£vs, Cf. ibid,, p, 27.

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29 in hand, with autocratic control by an upper class of largo landholders and consequent illiberal ity toward the Jews* Extensive Jewish settlement in Moldavia and Vallachla commenced in the latter part of the Eighteenth Century when provincial princes encouraged the development of a trading class* to gain full civil and political rights*

The Jews however failed

She reaction that followed

the failure of the Bevolution of 1848 against Turkish suzerainty laid the basis for a broader anti-Semitic policy on the part of local provincial leaders*

She organic laws of 1855 for Moldavia and Vallachla

provided for the expulsion of indigent Jews, barred future Jewish naturalization, and prevented Jewish settlement in villages*

The

Paris Conference of 1856 placed Vallachla and Moldavia under the collective protection of the European powers* although Turkish suserainty was continued*

Article 46 of the Convention stated that

individual liberty shall be guaranteed for all, while political rights could be extended to non-Christians by "legislative authority*"

Heed­

less to say, the rights of citizenship were not extended by that authority to the bulk of Roumanian Jewry*

Thus the Civil Code of

1864 distinguished between persons of Roumanian nationality (Jews) and Roumanian citizens*1

1* Cf* J. BluntBchli, Eoumanla and the Legal Status of Jews in Roumanlf. London, 1879, pp* 13-16J P* Hey, La Qnestlon Israelite en Roumanie. Paris, 1903, p* 6$ D* Colesco, Population de la Roumanie. Berlin, 1903, p* 19? L, Volfson, Story of the Jews in Eoumanla (Paper presented to the "Conference on Jewish Minority Rights," held in Zurich, Switzerland, August 16-21, 1927), pp* 3-4: Universal Jewish Encyclopedia. "Roumanla*"

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30 la 1866, when Charles of Hohengollern became ruler over the united principalities of Moldavia-Vall&chia, he underwrote the Constitution of the same year, which continued to deny to the Jews the rights of ordinary citizenship.

Mass expulsions from rural areas

under the decree of 1867 took place in the distriots of Bacau, Botoshant, Yaslui, and Tecucul.

The early Eighteen**Seven ties saw

rioting in the towns of Zsmall, Kabul, Vilcov, Berlad, and Galatz* These Incidents even prompted President Grant to appoint a Jew, Benjamin P„ Peixotto, as United States consul at Bucharest to attempt to secure the amelioration of Jewish persecution.1 The Congress of Berlin of 18?8, concerned with the reorganization of the Balkans, dealt with the status of minorities there. bb of

Article

theConvention, which had the active support of Bismarck (an

Important consideration in relation to Jewish war attitudes in 191b1917), provided that: • • .absolute freedom of worship should be granted to all persons in Bumania; that no religious beliefs should be a bar to the enjoyment of any political rights; and, further, that the subjects of all the powers should be treated in Bumania on a footing of perfect equality.

1. Cf. S. Sehwarzfeld, Les Julfs en Boamanie. New York, 1901, p0 179; J. H. Gargher, Die Judenfrage in Binganiaa. Berlin. 1918, p. 19; B. Bosetti, Bouaanla and the Jews. Bucarest, 190b, p. 31; J. Xissman, "Jews in Eoumanla and Their Emigration to the United States” (Yiddish), in Ceshlchte fun der Yiddlsher Arbelter Baveguna; in dl Tarelnigte Statu. on. cit.,. vol. I, p. 130.

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31 Roumanla failed to adhere to the Article, while the signatories in turn failed to force such adherence.

Thus despite the Article, corhe

were placed on Jewish liquor and tobacco dealers, hawkers, factory workers, artisans, students, Socialists, professionals, and communal organizations*

Down to the first World War, only 850 Jews gained

citizenship, while Hebrews were barred from over 200 occupations*^* Roumanla was the scene of anti-Jewish disturbances around the turn of the century*

A pogrom, stirred up by the "Anti-Semitic

Alliance," occurred in the city of Jassy in 1899*

following the

Russian example, the regime in 1907 attempted to divert peasant unrest into Jewish channels by planning pogroms in 50 towns in Moldavia*

Nevertheless, the military was forced to kill over 10,000

peasants in order to quell the uprising* The depression and unrest of the first decade of the new century stirred the first mass emigration of Jews from the country* The American government again attempted to intervene on behalf of Roumanian Jewry*

In 1902, Secretary of State John Hay sent a note

to the signatories of the Berlin Treaty, demanding Roumanian con­ formity to Article 44, and stating the principles

"Where wrongs

extend beyond national boundaries, so also does the right of their redress*"

At the close of the Balkan Wars of 1912*1913, the United

States again intervened on behalf of the Jews, urging that the peace

1. Cf* L. Wolfson, Jews in Bouaania. Hew York, 1911, P* H i M* Caster, "The Jews in Bouaania.B North American Review,vol* CLXXF (November, 1902), p* 445? J* Bluntschll, on* cit*. p« 24} I. Blbogen, on* cltff. P* 73*

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32

treaty contain guarantees of fall civil ani religious equality for all,

But emancipation did not come.* As with Russia*b Jews* Roumanian Jewry was subjected to an

official policy of persecution, and experienced pogrom outbreaks. Legal disabilities, as in Russia, hampered occupational activity, and contributed to a growing impoverization,

The mass emigration

movement which developed after 1900 was destined primarily for the United States, and it was inevitable that adverse sentiments toward the regime and the Roumanian people should manifest themselves as the immigrants viewed their former country*s role in the first World War,

1, Cf, M, J, Kohler and S, Wolf, Jewish Disabilities in foe BalVan States, Hew York, 1916, pp, 81, 831 J* Kissman, Studies in Roumanian Jewish History in the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th Century (Yiddish), pp, 27*28; J, H. Cargher. on, cit,. u p , 66-67. 80: S, Bernstein, on, cit,. pp, 7^-75, 82.

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33

CHAPTER II

THE IMMIGRANT JEW IN AMERICA

1# The Jew Comes to America Bie East European Jew came to America in search of & better life®

Poverty, political oppression, and insecurity incurred by

pogroms and anti-Semitism were underlying causes for the migration of the Jews from eastern E u r o p e A m e r i c a became imbedded in Jewish ideals, and thoughts and energies were directed in most families to enable at least one meniber to go to that "golden" land*

Even the

choice of an occupation for a child involved contemplation as to

1. The following passage on the emigration from Bychow, in Minsk Gubernia appeared in Der Yiddisher Emigrant (St* Petersburg), vol# IY, no, 5 (1910), pp. 11-12: "Prom our entire region a great emigration again eoraiencei. Old and young, healthy and weak all are going to New York, to Galveston, ete., and here only depleted towns remain. The causes of this emigration are almost entirely economic# Before shoemakers made a good living# Today, the shoe machine occupies his place, and the shoemaker is forced to leave here# Before tailors gained a livelihood from the village; today Gentile tailors are working and the competition is forcing out, understandably, the Jewish tailor# The same is the case with the small trader# Re­ cently it became almost impossible to deal with the Gentile# The new anti-Semitic spirit, the new 'culture* which enveloped the village caused a stirring and destroyed morality and trust, and the quiet life, which the small trader must have to exist# It is impossible to deal with the new generation of Christian villagedweller# All this caused a new and stronger emigration, • .the Jew emigrates seeking a home# • #As a result of this exodus our dark, muddy region is becoming poorer and poorer#"

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3k whether one could pursue the same task in America*

Hence the Jewlsk

Colonisation Association (10A) advised parents "to keep in mind the fact that the child would perhaps have to emigrate."^

Every offspring

or relative in America served to strengthen the bond to the land across the seas and the hope of a new life which it offered* Sales and evidence of new-found wealth only made life in the homeland appear more shallov*

A report to the IOA reads:

Prom America relatives and friends send good suggestions with ship tickets, and the youth and elders are carried in waves to America* The small towns are becoming more stag­ nant and are sinking into sad material circumstances* The only hope is the mall system and the letters with dollars from America* 2

The "America ideal" became so deeply rooted that the ICA even organized English classes in Minsk in 1911 to prepare prospective immigrants 3 for the new life* In many ways, thus, American acculturation began even before an immigrant set foot on these shores* Masses of East European Jews were often gripped by an "America fever," which in some years produced a veritable flight from towns and villages*

Benjamin Antin describes the symptoms thus:

1* Per Ylddlsher Emigrant, vol* VI, no* 8 (1912), p« 1* 2* Ibid*, vol* III, no. 11 (1909). p* 13* 3. Ibid*, vol. V, no. 18 (1911), p. 16.

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35 Cays passed in that town with ay grandfather* Bat somehow there came a strange stirring to the soul* 'Then caae hanger and unrest for America* There was that feel­ ing, that irresponsible, untuenching feeling and hunger and thirst, that yearning to reach out across that frightening ocean, over those mountains of water, aeroBB the hlue horizon, and touch the golden soil. .

for most Saet European Jews, the migratory experience brought with it the first contact with the civilisation of the Vest, and every aspect of this new world was hound to create deep impressions as well bb frightening insecurities*

The great adventure was filled

with hope, and yet it was cast in a mold of pathos*

The act of

leaving 000*8 childhood home and elders for a strange land was all too often a tragic experience*

B. Hasanovltz describes her parting

in these words:

Then the day of my departure, that ibrever memorable dayl Mother fainting, the children crying, father walking sadly back and forth across the living room, the house full of neighbors who had come to say goodbye* • *Vhen I was seated in the stagecoach, my father jumped up, clutched me in his arms, and bit rather than kissed my cheek* That last scream from my mother's wounded heart as the stage moved off still rings in my ears* A scream from a heart torn, it may be forever, from its dearest and best belovedJ2

1* B* Antin, The Gentleman from the 22nd. Hew York, 1927, p* 8* A report from Lukaschewka, Kiev Gubernia, reads: • *from our town, they do not emigrate, but they simply run* Today a Jew decides to emigrate, and tomorrow he sells everything. , *and commences hiB journey* Cf* Yohin (Kiev), December, 1911* p. 5**. 2* B* Hasanovits, One of Them. Hew York, 1918, p* 12*

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36 Ho natter the degree of accommodation to American life, the immigrant could not forget these impressions of the old life, and whatever elso his feelings toward his homeland, thoughts of it were always intermingled with a melancholia and yearning,

E, S. Brudno

describes these feelings well:

I gazed wistfully at the varying panorama through which I sped, and my heart throbbed wildly at the thought that it might be my last look at Russia, Ho matter how cruelly I had been treated in that land, it was the land in which I roamed in my childhood, and was ever to be remembered with yearning,^

The hardships of border-crossing (many Russian J s w b , because of the difficulties involved in securing legal emigration documents, had to cross the border into Germany illicitly), the subjection to German efficiency at the border stations and seaports, the impression­ istic glimpsesof Buch great cities as Hamburg and Bremen, the hard­ ships of travel in overcrowded steerage sections, and the first con­ tacts with the American scene were experiences which all Immigrants from Eastern Europe went through.

Each sequence, too, had a subtle

influence in the shaping of new patterns of life and the molding of attitudes concerning older ways and things. As has been pointed out, the mass emigration of Bast European Jews to the United States commenced in the year 1881 as a consequence Q of the outbreak of the pogroms in Russia, The movement from that 1, B. S, Brudno, The Fogltlve. Hew York, 190h, p0 269, 2« For a graphic picture of the flight, see: H, Friedlaender, Fuenf Hochen in Brody. Vienna, 1882 and L, Goldensteln, Brody uad die Busslsch-Judlsehe Emigration. Frankfurt, 1882,

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37 country remained strong until the outbreak of the World War*

Jewish

emigration from Galicia and Hungary grev strong in the EighteenNineties, while the movement from Eoumanla vae strongest after 1900, The immigrants entered communities in America previously established by Sephardic and German Jews (who had largely come to America in the colonial period and prior to 1880), and in turn came to dominate Jewish life in America, both numerically and culturally*

Thus, the

dominant strains of Jewish life in this country for over a generation prior to the outbreak of the World War steamed from an East European background, and were characterized by Institutions and ideologies carried over from that part of the world* In the years 1880-191**, 1,895»000 Jewish immigrants came to America from Bussia, Austria-Hungary, and Eoumanla*

The total Jewish

immigration into the United States in those y^ars amounted to 2»**97,000#^ In this period, the Jews formed over 11$ of the total immigration into this country.** Of the total number of Jewish immigrants arriving in the years 1880—191**, 71*6$ were from Bussia, 17*9$ came from AustriaHungary, h*3$ were from Boumania, while **03$ came from Western Europe*3

1* W. Saplun-Eogan, Die Judlschen Wanderbew«f>«fy*w in der Heuesten ZeltV 1880-191**;. Bonn, 1919* p* 19* The wartime immigration of Jews (191**-1918) declined to a total of around 60,000. Cf, Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, Twelfth formal »ftpnr».T 1920, p, 35* 2* W, W. Kaplun-Xogan, on, cltt. p* 21* 3* Samuel Joseph, Jewish Immigration to the Uni ted States (1881-1910). Hew York, 191**, p* 9***

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3» Jewish immigration into the United States was characteristically a family movement with a high proportion of children, and thus proved to be a permanent shifting, with a very low rate of return to Europe*1 The movement was characterised by a high rate of Bkilled handicraftsmen among the economicallyactive arrivals— a fact which la indicative of the displacement of this type of worker as a result of the growth of industry in Eastern Europe*

Of a total Jewish immigration of

1,074,442 in the Tears 1899-1910, 590,267 were economically active, while 67$ of the latter reported tlfet they were skilled workers. Thus, according to the immigration statistics, 37$ of the total number of Jewish immigrants in 1899-1910 were skilled workers.^

In the same

period, 64,2$ of the Jewish immigrants were destined for the state of Hew Tork, 10,1$ were destined for Pennsylvania, 4.7$ for Illinois, 6,?.# for Massachusetts, and 3$ for Hew Jersey.^

2.

Jewish Life in America

The early adjustment of the typical Jewish immigrant to urban American life was usually filled with hardship and tribulation.

The

1, Prom 189^-1914, a yearly average of 56 Jewish males to 44 Jewish females entered the United States; over 21$ of the total Jewish immigration in the same period consisted of children under 14 years of age. See: M, Traub, Judische Wanderungen. Berlin, 1922, pp, 72-73, 2, 1, Hersch, Die Yiddlshe Emlgratzle. Wilna, 1914, pp, 46, 6l, 3, S, Joseph, op, cit,. pp, 149-150.

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39 initial impact of those conditions which the immigrant first en­ countered frequently brought disillusionment and resultant bewilder­ ment*

M* 28* Ravage recalls:

I shall never forget how depressed my heart became as I trudged through those littered streets* with the rows of pushcarts lining the sidewalks and the centers of the thoroughfares* the ill-smelling merchandise* and the deafening noise. . .So this was America* I kept thinking* This was the boasted American freedom and opportunity— the freedom for respectable citizens to sell cabbages from hideous carts* the opportunity to live In those monstrous, dirty caves that shut out the sun­ shine* i

Yet ths necessity for earning a livelihood immediately brought the immigrant into the American economic milieu*

This step was a

vital one in the accommodation of the immigrant to American life* For many, the Bweatskop served as the first "school* " Ravage relates:

Indeed* the sweat-shop was for me the cradle of liberty* It was more— it was my first university* I was not long there before I discovered that there were better thirgs I could do with sy free evenings than to frequent the cosy hang-outs of my fellow-countrymen • * .when* * *the little black-eyed Russian girl who was receiving two cents per dosen shirts as a finisher boldly asserted that evolution pointed the way to anarchism and not to socialism* and cited the fact that Spencer himself was an anarchist, my eyes were opened and I felt ashamed of my ignorance* 2

1* M. K. Ravage, An American in the Making: The Life Story of an Immigrant. Hew York, 1917, P* 66* 2* Ibid** p* lh6*

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ho Thus the immigrant gradually came to discover America*

Robs

Cohen desoribes her experiences

lut now that I had had a glimpee of the Hew World, a revolution took ploce in my whole being* I was filled with a desire to get away from the whole old order of things* And I vent groping about bllndly0 stumbling, suffering and making others suffer* And then through the experience, intelligence, and understanding of other beings a little light came to me and I was able to see that the Old World was not all dull and the nev not all glittering* And then I was able to stand between the two, with a hand in each*^

Coming from one world and stepping into another, the Jewish immigrant becomes a "marginal11 man*

In the light of the incompati­

bilities between the two, the adjustment to the nev culture is by no means an easy one*

Though free from many local prejudices, which

makes possible a certain degree of objectivity, the immigrant never­ theless retains a sufficient stock of old prejudices And values, which often add to his own difficulties and make for a general uncompre— hension of his nev position*^

Thus Jewish immigrant marginality in

America is a vital consideration in a study of war attitudes*

The

Jewish position in 191h is reflected in W. C. Smith’s analysis:

1* R* Cohen, Out of the Shadow. lew York, 1918, p* J&6* 2* J5* V* Stone%uist, The M a rg in a l Man: A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict. Hew York, 1937. pp* 177-178.

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41 At times, to be sure* the Immigrant is not conecions of the -double1 life he ie living, fie 1b unaware of his assimilation and, when the course of his life rone smoothly, there is no difficulty. But a crisis situation arises and the conflict becomes painfully evident. He has been gradually moving closer to America, but this shock startles him he finds that he has not uprooted the old loyalties even though, for the time being, they have been dormant. The conflict comes to the surface.^

let narginality is the beginning of Americanisation and accost modation, and gradually the immigrant begins to identify himself with the life around him and grows more receptive to nev ways and ideals. The hold of the Old Vorld remains strong, but the impress of the Hev inevitably becomes stronger.

While immigrants continue to cling to

European institutions, these are at least accommodated to the ways of the nev life.

Often they become almost unrecognizable when com­

pared to their original forms0

This then is part of the process of

Americanization or accommodation: Americanization involves the social adjustment of the immigrant to the American environment— the processes of social assimilation by which immigrants in the United States come to participate in the common life of the nation and to Identify themselves with it in thought and feeling. It is a 6lov and organic process which cannot be isolated from the totality of the immigrant *s experiences and re** lationships in the United Stateso Fundamentally the problem of Americanisation is the problem involved in any migration from one social group to another, the bringing together of the traditions of the immigrant*s old and of his nev com­ mon! tys2

1. W. C. Smith, Americans in the Making. Hew York, 1999» p* 236. 2. Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. "Americanization," Hew York, 1942, vol. II, pp. 33-34-.

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k2 The Jew very willingly sought to

Americanize

and accommodate

himself, but he was not willing to immediately attempt to drop the cultural ’’baggage" which he brought with him from Europe*

Even if

he desired to do so, it would of course have been quite impossible0 As a statement in the Forverts points outt

We have to be Americans. We shall be* We shall learn English,, We shall accommodate ourselves to the laws and organisation of the country. We shall interest ourselves in her polities* • *We shall love America and help to build America* We shell accomplish in the Hew World a hundred times more than we could in the Old* But you shall not be able to erase the old hone from your heart* The heart shall be drawn elsewhere. And in our solitude, images shall rise up and stare in our faces with eternal sorrow* * • It is difficult to be a Jew in the world* It is much more difficult to be a Jewish immigrant.^

It is quite clear that though Americanization had progressed quite far by the time of the outbreak of the European war, the immigrant Jewish group in America had not become assimilated— the latter process involving the more complete rejection of European folkways, ideologies, and institutions*

The period of the European

war vividly emphasised the clash between the "new” and the "old,” for new-found loyalties and interests had not yet overcome old sympathies or hatreds*

While the impress of America continued to grow stronger,

events in Europe, effecting as they did living relatives and old sensibilities, were bound to produce different reactions than those

1* Forverts, June 17, 1916, p* 5*

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^3 incurred amongst "native" Americans#

We may now turn to a considera­

tion of the patterns Of immigrant Jewish life in America during the period of "Americanisation#" and thus continue our survey ranging from the East European background down to the eve of the conflict* The Jewish population of the United States in 191h was about 2,900,000, of which total, over 1,330,000 lived in the city of Hew York alone* 1

In 1917, Chicago had approximately 225,000 Jews, while

Philadelphia held about 200,000* 2

Areas of Immigrant settlen^nt

remained rather stable and compact in these cities down to the end of the war.

Thus the Jews of Hew York were concentrated largely in

the lower East Side, and to lesser extent in Brownsville and Harlem*^ In Philadelphia, the Jews were concentrated on the South Side, and in Chicago on the West Side*^ The Imaigrant colony served the basic needs of its inhabitants, providing cheap housing, accessibility to factories, and opportunities for social contacts.

While the colony tended to persist European

lo S* D, Oppenheim, The Jewish Population of the United States. Philadelphia, 1918, pp* 31-32* 2* Ibid.. p. k 9. 3* E* J* James (ed*), The Immigrant Jew in America. Hew York, 1907, p* ^3* h. Of. ibid.. pp* 51, 58* Cf* 1, Virth, The Ghetto. Chicago, 1928, pp* 179-207? P* ?* Bregstone, Chicago and Its Jews. Chicago, 1933, p* 37* H* L. Meites, History of the Jews of Chicago. Chicago, 1924, pp* 150-211? H, S. Morals, The Jews of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 169^, pp* 206-215? M. freeman, fufslg Yor Geahlchte fun YlAd^ahn hebn in Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1929, vol. I, pp. 17-28.

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traditions* it* at tbs same tins, aided in the transition to American ways*

The process was nevertheless a Blow one, and the "old" ways

were slow in losing their grip*

Hose Cohen describes the influence

of the colony in her autobiography:

Although almost five years had passed since I had started fbr America it was only now that I caught a glimpse of it* For though 1 was in America I had lived in practically the same environment which we brought from homeo Of course there was a difference in our joys, in our sorrows* in our hardships, for after all this was a dif­ ferent country? but on the whole we were still in our villsge in Bussia*!

This psychological association with the village and the old milieu was a vital determinant in the shaping of Jewish war attitudes* The dominant social organizations in Jewish immigrant colonies were synagogue congregations, "landsmanschaften," and fraternal orders*^

1. E, Cohen, on. clt.. p* 2^6* 2* In Hew York City, in 1921, there were a total of 8^3 synagogues, with 597 in the borough of Manhattan alone. Seel B. E* Park and H. A* Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted. Hew York, 1921* p* 206* In the same city, in 1917, there existed 1,016 "landsmanschaften*" See: Works Progress Administration, Pi Ylddlshe Landsmanschaften fun Hew York. Hew York, 1998, p. 70* These were organized into national federations on the basis of the European geographic origins of their memberb * In 1917, the leading federations were: Federation of Bessarabian Organisations (3,000 members)? Federation of Galician and Bukowinian Jews of America (60,000 members). Federation of Hungarian Jews in America (35,000 members). Federation of Polish Jews of America (50,000 members), and the Federation of Boumanian Jews of America, [email protected]: S* F* Bloom, "OBI — Fifty Years of Jewish Belief in Eastern Europe," QBT_Economlc Bevlew. vol# Y» no* 2 (December, 1S&5), F* 31* Jewish fraternal lodges in the United States held a total membership of in 1917* There were a total of 3,769 individual lodges, of which 986 ware situated in Hew York City. The leading Jewish fraternal orders were: Independent Order B*rith Abraham, Arbeiter Bing, Independent Order B'nai B*rith, Order B*rith Abraham, and Independent Order B'rith Sholom, See: Jewish Communal Register of Hew York. Hew York, 1918, p. 863*

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Serving a religious function, synagogues in large urban centers were usually organized by "landsmen" who had lived in the same city or town in Eastern Europe,,

Persisting religious practices almost wholly

European in origin and derivation, and consisting furthermore of elements that were at the time the most conservative and often the least worldly in Jewish life, the characteristically orthodox syna­ gogue was the leaBt amenable of Jewish institutions to particularly American influences,

As a symbol of group solidarity and separation,

the synagogue embodied a strong emotional attachment to Jewish com­ munities in Eastern Europe, and thus was a potent force in resisting non-Jewish religious and social ideals. The "landsmanschaften" were primarily agencies for selfprotection and social relations,

They were more definitively organised

along lines of the birthplaces of their members, and by keeping alive the memories of homeland and by aiding new arrivals from Europe, they lessened the danger of disorganization and demoralization,

While

aiding in the primary adjustment of the immigrant to the American environment, the "landsmanschaften" also served in the long run as agencies for the maintenance of social distance, typical "marginal" institutions.

Thus, they were

In this respect, L, G, Brown pointB

out:

The immigrants in America have evidenced a great nationalistic spirit as a means of adjustment in this country and as a plan for aiding their own native land, These motives have resulted in the development of many

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Jft organizations that have helped In economic and social accommodation In America as veil as serving as a mooring to the culture of their native lands.}.

The growth of national fraternal orders, which were more secularminded, cosmopolitan, and politically-active than synagogues or "landsmanschaften,* is indicative of the growing accommodation of Jews to the American milieu.

While the orders maintained a Bocial

distance from the dentils world, that separation was of smaller extent than was the case with other Jewish social organizations.

The orders

played a vital role in defending Jewish interests in this cwntry, and actively supported those organizations which represented Jewish interests "before American official and political circles,^ The occupational distribution of Jews in American cities with over 250,000 inhabitants in the year 1900 (a pattern which remained constant down to the war years) was as follows:

Occupation Manufacturing Trade Domestic and Personal Service Clerical Professions

Percentage 59*6 20.6 8.0 6.7 2*6

1. L. 0. Brown, Immigration. Cultural Conflicts and Social Adjustment. Hew York, 1933, ppo 2^1-24-20 2. Leading organizations of the latter type in 191^-1918 were the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress Committee, the federation of American Zionists, the American Joint Distribution Committee, and the Jewish Socialist federation.

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Transportatios and Commerce Public Service Other

1.7 0.5 0.5

/from H« Goldberg, "Occupational Patterns of American Jews," in The Jewish Review, vole III, no. 1 (April, 19^5)» P* 11 %jf

An investigation conducted in 1907 on the lower Bast Side in Hew York revealed that of the 333 family heade questioned, 112 were in the needle trades alone.^

Around 1910, the average Jewish worker

was earning an annual wage of around $460. 2

It is readily seen that

the Jewish immigrant group was primarily an industrial element in this period; thus it had undergone a basic transformation from an artisan and merchant class in Europe to a proletarian group in America.

Concentrated in large cities, engaged in similar occupa*

tions, and bound by ethnic and religious ties, the unity of the Jewish working class was strong in the pre-war years.

Thus there

developed a powerful Jewish labor movement, embracing, as it did, socialist ideology.

1. 0. S. Bernheimer, "Jewish Immigrant as an Industrial Worker," in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, no. 576 (March, 1909). p. 178. In Russia, in 1908, ^3.7? o^ the Jews in industry and the handicrafts were producers of clothing. Seet J. Lestschineky, "The Development of the Jewish People in the Last 100 Years11 (Yiddish), in YIVO Shriftn far Ekonomlk un Statietlk. vol. I, Berlin, 1928, p. 5^. 2. J. W. Jenks and W. J. Lauck, The Immigration Problem. Hew York, 1926, p. 138. In 1906, in Hew York, a Jewish n&le worker in the ladies' garment Industry earned an average of $12.62 a week on a seasonal basis. A female worker averaged only $6.86. See: I. M. Rubinow, "The Economic Situation of Immigrant Jews" (Yiddish), Pi Zukunft, vol. XI, no. 11 (Hovember, 1906), pp. 9-10.

48 At the 1918 contention of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union, Congressman Meyer London, who was active in the Cloakmaker Union, graphically pictured the development*

Many of us were cast into the ghetto, where only the dark side of America was Been— the gloomy side* In Hew York, in Chicago, in other large cities, we only saw the unclean part of American life? the petty, the small, the sordid, the uninteresting, the repulsive, were the things that surrounded u b « And the men who presumed to he the leaders of our life were the commercial men— the men who pointed our eye to the successful employer and said: 'This is your ideal* * We had to take the soul and the psychology of the Socialist— of the Idealist — and apply it to the conditions as they confronted us* We had to try to modify conditions and not lose ourselves — not to lose our soul— not to lose the man within us, under the oppressive conditions which we met*^

While the Jewish lahor movement was organized largely on an ethnic basis, it was nonetheless part and parcel of the general American labor movement (many Jewish unions being affiliated with the American Federation of Labor)*

This is a significant factor in

1* Proceedings of the International Ladles’ Garment Workers Union. 1918, p. 289. The preamble to the constitution of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union of America, which was formed in 1914, read: Every oppressed class in history achieved its emancipation only upon its attaining eoonomic supremacy. The same law operates only in the struggle between Capital and Labor* The industrial and inter-industrial organization built upon the solid rock of clear knowledge and class consciousness will put the organized working class in active control of the system of production, and the working class will then be ready to take possession of it* (Prom American Labor Year look. Hew York, 1917-1918, p* 180*)

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k$ a study of the Americanisation of the Jewish immigrant.

Close to the

core of American industrial civilization by virtue of their economic activities, the industrialisation and unionization of a large number of Jewish immigrants came to constitute the main forces in their accommodation to American life*

Furthermore, the vital role ttat

unionism has played in furthering American democratic growth attaches further significance to the contributions of the Jewish labor movement to true Americanism*

If the accommodation of the Immigrant Jew to

American life was retarded socially (and this is the realm of atti­ tudes and outlooks with which we shall primarily concern ourselves in thi8 work), at least economically, he was truly an integral part of the American milieu*

His social separations and his feelings

toward his old homeland do not detract from his basic Americanism* The Jewieh labor movement in America traces its origins directly back to the revolutionary movement in Eastern Europe, where union leaders were first nurtured in Marxian ideology*

Important

in the early Narodnik underground, Jewish radicals helped lay the basis for the Russian Social Democratie movement*

In 1897, the

General Jewish Workers1 Union, otherwise known as the Bund, was formed in Tilna, seeking economic improvement, civic freedom, and secular cultural development**

The Bund helped found the Russian

Social Democratic Party in 1897, and thereafter remained affiliated

1* I* KLbogen, on. cit*. p, 373*

50 vith that organization, which had a national-federative structured* Many members of the Bund who were swept away by the emigration move* ment or were forced to flee Russia entered the ranks of the Jewish labor movement in America#^ Efforts to unionize Jewish workers in America date back to the year 1882 when a Propaganda Terein was formed by Abraham Cahan to preach Socialist doctrine in Yiddish to the growing Jewish community in Hew York#

In 1885, a Jewish Worker1s Terein, which was linked

to the Socialist Labor Party, undertook to build the first Jewish labor unionB, and at the same time brought Jewish workers into con­ tact with the national eight hour movement and the Henry Oeorge 3 crusade. Out of the Terein and the Jewish branches of the Socialist Labor Party evolved the United Hebrew Trades of Hew York (1888), a central union organization, which opened a great era of unionism and militancy.

Prom a total of three unions with a combined menibership

of 80 members, the UHT rapidly expanded until by the end of 191b-, it held 10? unions, with a total membership of dose to 300,000#1* 1# 0. I# Janowsky. The Jews and Minority Rights, pp* 39-bO# 2# "The Jewish labor movement in America. • .is not only a product of economic conditions in America, but also of political conditions in Russia. American circumstances created its body; Russian conditions gave it its soul#" H, Burgin, 01 Seshlchte fun der Ylddisher Arbeiter Bavegung in America. Russian! un England. Hew York, 1915» p* 292# The Bund had kO branches in the United States in 1907, organized under a "Central Terband," located in Hew York City# Of# Works Progress Administration, Pi Ylddishe Landsmanschaf ten fun Hew York, p# 83# 3. H. Burgin, op., ..cttf PP* 92-93, 98-112# Ibid#. p# lb-7, H# Frank, "The Jewish Trade Union Movement in America! 1888-1938® (Yiddish), in YITO, Yorbuch fun Amontell. vol* II, Hew York, 1939, p. 102o

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51 The Eighteen-Nineties saw the first important strikes in the garment industry, which, though largely unsuccessful, were the hasis for later gains.

It is significant that the United Hebrew Trades

sent delegates to congresses of the Second Socialist International as early ae 1889 and 1891,*'

This interest in the actions of the

international Socialist movement became particularly significant in the years of the first World War and immediately after, causing controversies which threatened to shatter unions and nullify hard-won gains. The year 1900 saw the formation of the important International Ladies* Garment Workers Union,which organized several great strikes in the needle trades in the decade that followed,2

The Ladies* Waist

Makers strike of 1909 in New York, involving some 20,000 workers in hOO shops, gained union recognition, and brought wage and hour con3 cessions. In July, 1910, 60,000 Cloakmakers walked out in a strike which wae settled weekB later after the intervention of Henry Mosknwitz, an East Side reform leader, and Louis D, Srandeis, who helped draw up a protocol which brought about union recognition, guaranteed collective bargaining, and provided for wage and hour improvements,^

A strike of

1, H. Burgin, op, cit,. p, l66| B, Weinstein, D1 Yiddishe Unions in America. New York, 1929» p, 1^9, 2, B, Schleslnger, "International Ladies* Garment Workers Union," in Jewish Communal Register of New York. 1918, p, 12*f4. 3, H, Burgin, op, c|t». pp. 700-701? B, Weinstein, on. d t » . pp. 357ff. h. B. Schleslnger, op, cit.. p, 12h5* H. Prank,

op.

cit.. p, 116,

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52 30,000 garment workers in Chicago in the same year won a similar protocol,

In December, 1914» the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union

was formed under the leadership of Sidney Hillman and Joseph Schlossberg,* By the outbreak of the first World War, many of the basic grievances of the Jewish labor movement had already been ameliorated, while the first great period of militancy had been experienced*

The

movement appeared ready to embark upon an era of "pure and simple" unionism, though it still maintained close ties to the Socialist movement and marxian ideology,,

Furthermore, the Jewish Socialist

Federation (organised in 1913)* the Arbeiter Bing, and the Yiddish Socialist press, which, served as the chief propaganda and informa­ tional bulwark for the labor movement, continued to exert strong in­ fluence over the hearts and minds of Jewish unionists.^

The Russian

Bevolution, as we shall see, tore at the strings of ideological impulse, but apparently offered few solutions for the problems of American Jewish labor*

The period of the World War, thus, proved to

be a transitional one, while the prosperity which followed the conflict

1* C* So Zaretz, The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America* A Stnrfy in Progressive Trade Unionism. Hew York, 1934, p* 103, 2* In 1915* the Arbeiter Ring had a membership of 47,817 in nearly 600 branches, Cf, Pi Have ?elt. October 15* 1915* In 1917* the Jewish Socialist Federation had 4,055 members in 84 branches in 20 states. Cf. ibid., August 3, 1917, The Anarchist Federation was made up of three branches of the Arbeiter Bing, and the "Bread and Freedom" and "Internationals" groups. Cf. Freie Arbeiter Shtlmme. October 21, 1916, p. 1.

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53 In large measure l>ronght an end to the era of "sturm und drang*" Henry Moskowitz wrote a fitting epilogue:

The Russian Jew, though apparently moved "by revolu­ tionary principles, has always been practical enough to take whatever he can get in the struggle for a decent living* The amelioration of sweat-shop conditions is due largely* « *to the spirit of independence and the fighting qualities of the Jewish proletariat* These fighting qualities illustrate the innate dignity of the Jewish proletariat, engendered by the influence of modern social democratic thought* • *the Jew* * *has contributed to the modern social movement*^

All major Jewish ideological movements in America are European in origin*

The Jewish Congress and Zionist movements, during the

heights of their appeal, have sought almost exclusively to deal with the problems of European Jewry rather than with those facing the Jews in this country*

It would appear that the union movement, with

its progressive ideals, was the only mass movement which has sought to deal concretely with basic problems facing American Jewry*

That

there was no need for a movement for the civil emancipation of American Jewry (which the Congress crusade sought to effect for Russian Jewry) or for a negative approach to the American golos (the Zionist movement sought the "return" of European Jewry to Palestine) is of course a reflection of the freedom a"d tolerance which Jews found in this country*

That the international Zionist

1* H* Hoskowitz, "The Real Jewish Immigrant," Jewish Immigration Bulletin, vol* V, no* 5 (May, 1915), p 8.

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5* and Jewish Bights movements attained their greatest heights in this country is el so a reflection of American democracy*

Thus, during the

period of the first Vorld War, when the Jewish problem in Xurope was greatly magnified, efforts to solve it were centered in the United States*

Of course factors of relative isolation ani the material

wealth of American Jewry must be taken into consideration, as well as the fact that the disruption of normal life in war-tom Europe made impossible any large-scale organized effort there*

Yet to treat

the American phases of these movements, we must first explore their European origins* Political Zionism, under Theodor Herzl*s leadership, was for­ mally launched at Basel, Switzerland in August, 1897*

The Basel

Program called for the creation of a national home in Palestine for the Jewish people*

It looked forward to "the strengthening and

fostering cf Jewish national sentiment and consciousness" and to "preparatory steps towards obtaining government consent, where neces­ sary, to the attainment of the aim of Zionism*1,1 Initial efforts to secure Palestine from the Turkish government fhiled, while the British offer of land in Uganda was rejected by the Basel Congress of 1905, although a segment of the movement was receptive to it*

A split

developed, leading to the formation of the Jewish Territorial Organization (JTO), which stood ready to accept any offer of land as a haven for East European Jewry*

1* S. Landman, Zionism: Its Organization and Institutions. London, 1916, p. 19.

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55 After the death of Herzl in 1904, the Zionist movement wit­ nessed the emergence of national units concerned largely with local educational and cultural activities*^

International congresses were

concerned primarily with facilitating Jewish colonisation in Palestine, and the development there of cultural and educational institutions* European Zionism also witnessed the emergence of the Mizrahi Federa­ tion (1902-1904), which sought the fulfillment of Jewish religious lav within the ZloniBt movement*

The Jewish Social Democratic Labor

Party (Poale Zion) was formed in Bussla in 1906 under the leadership of Ber Borochov*

The party attacked the "bourgeois" tendencies of

the regular Zionist organization, and adhered to Borochov*s theory that the lack of national territory (Palestine) rendered impossible the normal (Marxian) development of the Jewish proletariat*^ A Jewish Socialist Labor Party, with a territorialist orientation, also emerged in Bussia in 1906* Bichard Gottheil attended the Pirst Zionist Congress at Basel as an American observer, and upon returning to the United States, founded the Federation of American Zionists with Babbi Stephen S* Vise and Dr* Harry Friedenvald*

Mizrahi, Poale, Zion, and Socialist-

1. 0* I. Janowsky, The Jews and Minority Bights, pp* 35-36* 2* Seet C* Zhltlowsky, Oeai^melte Shrlftn. Hew York, 1919» vol* IX, pp* I63«l65t H* Fineman, Poale Zionism: An Outline of Ita Institutions, Hew York, 1918; B» Zuckerman, Per Poale Zionism. Hew York, n.d*; B. Borochov (ed«), In Kampf far Yiddlshe Becht. Hew York, 1916.

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56 Territorialist factions soon appeared on the scene as well.*

The

"branches of the Federation of American Zionists— Hadasaah, the women*8 organization; Young Judaea; the Order of Sons of Zion; and the InterooXlegiate Zionist Association— appeared between the years 1903-191^*

Prior to the advent of Wilson, the pressure exerted by

these groups was met with contempt by the State Department, which feared that American support of the Jews would irritate the Turks*^ American Zionism, except for groups in the Poale Zion move­ ment, did not seek to promote Arnerican-Jewish settlement in Palestine, nor did it demand a dual allegiance*

In Louis 2* Brandeis* wordst

The American Zionist acknowledges only one politi­ cal allegiance and one citisenship— the American, He is, however, the heir of, and concerned over, tvo cul­ tures— both the American and the Jewish.^

The American Jewish Congress movement for the eaancipation of Russian and Roumanian Jewry and the attainment of national or group rights for Jewish communities in all Central and East European

1* In 1917, the Poale Zion organization had some 3,000 members* She Jewish Rational Workers* Alliance, a fraternal order, was a Poale Zion affiliate* Cf* Jewish Communal Register of Hew York, pp* 1332-

13* *0.

2* F. E, Hanuel, The Realities of American-Palestlne Relations. Washington, D. C., 19**9» pp. 115-116* 3* 0, I* Janowsky (ed.). The American Jew. Hew York, 19^2, p. 223* For Brandeis1 views on Zionism, see his pamphlet, The Jewish Problem; How to Solve It. Hew York, 1919*

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57 countries gained, momentum during the years of the first World War. The pro-var background of the movement was almost entirely European* but deserves emphasis aB the tradition and ideology of the crusade was brought to America with the immigration*

The general Zionist

movement despaired of healthy national existence in the Diaspora in the face of anti-Semitism, and thus for a long time was unenthusiastie over the idea of national or group rights for Jews in European coun­ tries*

Proletarian Zionists, who however felt that a Jewish national

territorial home could not be achieved by an unorganized people, were more receptive to the movement, which promised to bring greater Jewish unity*^

Bundiats, while at first apprehensive of *unprole-

tarian" Jewish nationalist strivings (which, they felt, would detract from the ideals of the class struggle), under the influence of Vladimir Medem, soon attempted to draw a synthesis between the two* In 1905» with Jewish ethnic consciousness stirred up by the current pogroms, the Bund officially came out in favor of national-cultural autonomy for the Jewish people*

In short order, all Zionist groups

adopted the same platform,^ Th© pre-war movement in America was relatively insignificant* But as early as 1903, at the St* Louis convention of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Dr* David Philipson came out in favor

1* 0* Io Janowsky, The Jews and Minority Rights. pp0 68-71* 2* Ibid*. pp. 86-lbif.

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58 1 of group right8 for East European Jewish communities.

In 1907,

Abraham S, Schomer proposed a world Jewish Parliament to deal with

2 the problems of European Jewry.

The question of group rights for

American Jews was of course practically inadmissible.

As the

Poale Zion leader, Ber Borochov pointed out, M, . ,there exists in America no national question and no national politics, and there 3 can for the present be no talk of national rights here.s Jewish philanthropy and relief work assumed great significance during the years of the first World War so that pre-war developments in this field are also worthy of consideration.

The Jewish immigra­

tion into the United States was characterized by the development of organizations which endeavored to ease the lot of migrants and new arrivals.

Many of these organizations continued to exist after the

cessation of the immigration movement in 191^« and subsequently directed their efforts toward the relief of war sufferers. In England, the Conjoint Committee of the Mansion House Belief Fund (1882) and the Jewish Board of Guardians (1859) aided migrants

1. For a later reference to this address, see: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, hist Annual Beport. March, 1915* p. 7719. 2. See: American Jewish Congress, Beoort of the Commission on History of Previous Attempts to Secure Jewish Bights. Hew York, 1918, p. 7. Also: American Jewish Chronicle. May 11, 1917t P* 201; Uneer Vort. January, 1916, p, 1, 3. B. Borochov (ed,), In Eampf far Yiddlshe Becht. p, 85. The forma­ tion of the Jewish Kehillah of New York in 1909 by representatives of over 200 organizations in order that Jewish interests might be de­ fended was a significant, though unrelated, step toward the movement for a Jewish Congress. Cf. Jewish Communal Register of Hew York. pp. 49-5*K

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59 coming through tho port of Liverpool, while the latter body vae particularly active in aiding stranded Russian-Jewish alien* during the war.*

In 1891, the Baron de Hirsch fond (get up in 1889) estab­

lished the Jewish Colonisation Association (ICA) with headquarter* in St. Petersburg,

Originally intending to facilitate settlement

in Argentina, the Association soon directed most of its activities toward aiding migrants en route to America,

Over 500 information

bureaus were set up in Russia and Roumania,^

During the conflict,

these became important agencies for the dispercement of relief funds contributed by American Jews.

The German Hllfsverein der Deutschen

Juden (1901) and the Israelitische Allianz zu

Wien (1873) also

rendered vital pre-war and wartime service. As early as 1869, the Board of Delegates of American Israelites extended organized aid to Russian Jews coming into the United States, while in 1881, the Hebrew Emigrant Aid Society helped the first pogrom victims pouring into Hew York,

Neither group, it

must be pointed out, was particularly anxious to see a horde of Ostjuden come into this country, and actively sought to discourage

1, A, Tcherikower, "Der Yiddisher Immigrant in London in di 70-ker Yoren," PI Ylddishe Emlgratzle (Berlin), April, 1929, p. 90? L, Magnus, Jewish Board of Guardians* And the Men Who Made It (1859-1909). London, 1909, pp. 91-92, 2, L. Oungre, "Agencies and Organisations— ICA" (Lecture 32), HIASEICBM, Training Course on Migration Problems. Hew York, 19Mf, p. 812? S. Joseph, History of the Baron de Hirsch Pund. Hew York, 1935» p. 13,

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60 the influx, going so far as even to attempt to bring about a reemigration movement**

Offices of the Baron de Hirsch Fund were

opened in New York in 1890, leading to the subsequent formation of the Jewish Agricultural Society (1900) and the Industrial Bemoval Office (1901), which sought to shift Jews out of New York. ^

The

National Council of Jewish Women (1893) and the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society (1902) made the most enduring contribu­ tions of service in respect to the Jewish immigration.^

Through*

out the period of the mass movement, these organizations remained in close contact with groups in Europe engaged in the same type of work.

This relationship was continued during the years of American

neutrality in 191^1917 in connection with tho extension of relief to Jewish war sufferers.** 1. Cf. M. S. Isaac8, "The Board of Delegates of American Israelites," in Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. No. XXIX (1925), PP. 101-102? J. Lifschitz, "The First Bussian-Jewish Hass Immigration and the American Jews" (Yiddish), YIVO Bleter. vol. IV (1932), pp. 323-327? 6. Pollack, Michael Heil-prin and His Sons. New York, 1912, pp. 20h-2I3. 2. S. Joseph, History of the Baron de Hirsch Pond, pp. 19-23? D. G. Bobinson, The Agricultural Activities of the Jews in America. New York, 1912, pp. 50-51? D* Bogea, Jewish Philanthropy. New York, 1917, pp. 113m 121. 3. J. L. Bernstein, "The HIAS" (Lecture 3l)» in HIAS-HICS4 Training Course, on. cit.. pp. 789-801. In 1916, the HIAS Bureau of Education aided in the naturalisation of over 9,000 aliens, and organized 21 lectures on American history, customs, and civics. Cf. Jewish Immi­ gration Bulletin, vol. VII, no. 3 (March, 1917), p. 13. h. Jewish-American representatives discussed migratory problems with European comnunal leaders at the Jewish World Conference in Paris in 1878, the Berlin Conference of philanthropic organizations in 1882, the International Jewish Conference in Berlin in October, 1891, the Confer­ ence on Jewish Migrations held in Frankfort, Germany in December, 1904-, the Second International Emigration Convention, held in Brussels in 1906, and the Brussels Conference of 1912. Bee: M. Wischnitzer, "Origin and Character of Modern Migration— Attempts to Begulate Jewish Migrations" (Lecture 6), HIAS-HICEM, Training Course on Migration Problems, pp. 131-139.

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6l Jewish philanthropic institutions for the care of resident Jews in the United States were highly organized before the first World War.

These were thus able to shift a part of their activities

toward the raising of funds for Jewish war sufferers almost immediately following the outbreak of the European conflict.

All large centers of

Jewish residence had a United Hebrew Charities organization, which entralized relief collections and disbursements.

In addition, Jewish

hospitals, "landsmanschaften,n fraternal organizations, synagogues, free loan associations, employment bureaus, settlement houses, old age homes, and training schools served to care for the needs of the community.

The high degree of organization exhibited is indicative

of the degree of stability and adjustment attained by the American Jewish population.

The patterns of East European communal organiza­

tion and the sense of responsibility which existed there were carried over to America, and then altered and expanded to fit the needs and character of Jewish life in this country.

These organizations emu­

lated the spirit of East European communal life; at the same time they facilitated individual adjustment to a new environment.

In so

doing, they were a potent force for Americanization and accommodation. This survey may be concluded with a description of the Yiddish press in America, for this agency constitutes a basic approach to a study of Immigrant Jewish war attitudes.

At the same time, the

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62 Yiddish press sorrel as a vital determinant in the shaping of these attitudes.*

Perhaps no other press in the United States reflected

to the same degree the course of cognsinal development in relation to any particular group as did the Yiddish press*

An important Jewish

journalist, S. Margo she s has written:

Looking hack on the history of the Yiddisho • •press in Few York City, one cannot help being struck by the closeness with which it runs parallel to the entire course of Jewish development in Few York City* It would seem as if every change in the complexion of Hew York Jewry would register itself in the Jewish press almost automatically. 2

B. S. Park states:

No other foreign-language press has succeeded in reflecting so much of the intimate life of the people which it represents, or reacted so powerfully upon the opinion, thought, and aspiration of the public for which it existso This is particularly true of the Yiddish daily newspapers in Hew York City*^

1. The Anglo«Jewish press in America was comparatively small and rather non-influential in relation to the immigrant masses, whose war reactions are the scope of this Btudy, The Anglo-Jewish press reached only about 15*000 readere on a weekly and monthly basis in Hew York City during the period of the World War* Temperate and unemotional, lacking variety and creativity, it had little appeal for the immigrant Jewish population, which supported the Yiddish press almost exclusively. The Hebrew press in America only reached some 8,000 readers. See: S. Margoshes, "The Jewish Frees in Hew York," in Jewish Communal Register of Hew York, pp* 608*610. 2. Ibid.. p. 607. 3. R. E* Park, The Immigrant Press and Its Control. Hew York, 1922, P« 89.

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The Yiddish press developed in the United States in the latter part of the Nineteenth Century.

Its origins go hack to the year

18?0 with the appearance of a short-lived weekly, the New York Hohrew Times. Another weekly, also of short duration, the Judische Post, appeared at about the same time.*

The first enduring weekly was the

Ylddlshe Gazetten of New York, which made its initial appearance in A

1874, and continued publication for fifty-four years.

The first

Yiddish daily appeared in New York in 1881, and was known as the Tegliche Gazetten. Eowever, it ran only for several weeks.^

The

first permanent daily, the orthodox Yiddishes Tageblat. published by K. Sarasohn, appeared in New York in January, 1885, and ran until 1928.** At about this time, the first Yiddish Socialist periodicals made their appearance, presenting the early literary and journalistic writings of significant figures in the Jewish labor movement and Yiddish literary world#^

1. M. Starkman. "Host Important Moments in the History of the Yiddish Press in America* (Yiddish), in J. Gladstone, S. Niger, and H. Rogoff (editors), 75 Yor YiddiBher Presse in dl Eareinlgte Shtatnt 1870-1945. New York, 19**5. PPe 11-14. Other short-lived Yiddish weeklies that appeared in the EighteenSeventies wares The Hebrew News, the New Yorker Yiddlshe Zeit-nwg. the New Yorker Israelite, the iBraelitieehe Pretee(Chicago), and the Judische Yolks Zeitung. Ibid.. pp. 15-21. 2. J M d . , p. 18. 3 • Ibid.« p. 24. 4. IMd., p. 25. 5. Early short-lived Yiddish Socialist periodicals were: Dl Nave Zelt ( 1 8 8 6 ) , the New Yorker Juedlache P o lk a ( 1 8 8 6 ) , the Polks Advocate ( 1 8 8 8 ) . the Tarheit ( 1 8 8 9 ) . and the ArTieit n r Zw ituiyy ( 1 8 9 0 ) . C f . i b i d . , pp. 2 6 - 3 4 .

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64 The Yiddish press began to assume greater permanency in the Eighteen-Nineties with the appearance of the Socialist monthly, Dl Zukunft (New York) in 1891* the orthodox daily, Teellcher Ylddlsher Courier (Chicago) in 1892, the orthodox weekly, Polksfralnd (Pittsburg) in 1892, the Socialist daily, the Forverts (New York) in 1897i and the Anarchist weekly, the Frele Arbeiter Shtlmme (New York) in 1899**

The early years of the Twentieth

Century witnessed the appearance of many periodicals, including the orthodox Morgen Zhuraal (New York) in 1901, the liberal Yarhelt (New York) in 1905, and the liberal-Zionist Toe (New York) in 1914, all dailies*^ By 1917, there were h4 Yiddish periodicals in the United States*

Of theBe eight were dailies, with a combined circu­

it Ibid*. pp* 36-44. 2. J* Chaikin, Ylddlshe Bleter in America. New York, 1946, pp* 120ff, 130ff, 177ff, 233ff.

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65

culation of 634,042*

The five daily newspapers in New Tork City

alone had a total circulation of 406,492.*

1. Cf* J. Shatzky, "Presse Bei Yidnl Geshlchte fun der Tiddisher Presse," in Allgemelne Encyclopedia. New Tork, 1942, Supplement III, p. 271, Jewish Communal Register of New York, p. 617* The following list of places of publication of Yiddish periodicals in the year 1918 appears in: Senate Sub-committee of the Committee on Judiciary, Hearings on Brewing m A Interests, and German and Bolshevik Propaganda. 66 Cong*, 1st Sees. (1919). vol. II, p. 2922: Illinois Massachusetts New Jersey New York

7 1 1 31

Ohio Pennsylvania Wisconsin

1 3 1

N, V. Ayer & Sons1 American Newspaper Directory (Philadelphia, 1880-) gives the following circulation figures for the year 19171 Yiddishes Tageblat Morgen Zhurnal Varheit Courier Porverts Tog Zukunft

58,000 108,502 89,134 36,500 198,982 85,000 69,000

Dos Yiddiehe Polk Preie Arbeiter Shtimme Yiddishe Arbeiter Veit Portschritt Dl Naye Veit

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84,000 12,000 12,500 20,000 6,000

66

CHAPTER III

DESCENT INTO THE MAELSTROM

At Sarajevo* on June 28, 191*4, the plot of the Serbian secret society of the "Black Hand" vac carried out, and an aseassin’s bullet pierced the body of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, the heir to the throne of the Hapbburg Empire®

The killing shocked Europe, and evoked a

storm of indignation in Austria and Germany®

The first reaction of

the American press, which had been setting type for reporto of the Caillaux Affair in France, the American imbroglio with Mexico, the rash of American kidnappings, and the growing unemployment situation, was one of sympathy for the victim’s uncle, the Emperor Frans Josef, who was pictured "as a lonely old man weighed down by a life of sor­ row®

The Yiddish press in this country was equally sympathetic,

while the orthodox Moreen Zhurnal of Hew York expressed the viev that the Emperor’s dead nephew had been "a man with humane feelings," who "belonged to a dynasty with which we have always had certain sympa­ thies. Yet before the Balkan crisis deepened further with Russia’s involvement, the Yiddish press grew critical of Austria for her past

1, C* C, Tansill, America Goes to War. Boston, 1938, p, 17* Also: C. G, Cummins, Indian* Public Opinion and the World War. 191*4— 1917. Indiana Historical Collections, vol. XXVIII, Indianapolis, 19**5» P® 3» 2. Morgen Zhurnal (New York), June 30, 191*4-, p* *4-o

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67 encroachmentB upon Serbia, the treatment she accorded many of her subject nationalities, and her royalist institutions*3

The radical

Forverts of Hew Tork viewed tho assassination as an outcome of the economic struggle for control of the Balkans, and maintained that the Austrian crown prince "was the strongest propagandiser of hate* patriotism" and that he was killed "by the same forces which he, p more than others, had helped to create*" The Anarchist weekly, Frele Arbeiter Shtiame of Hew York even condoned the actions of the assassin, Princip, who in killing Ferdinand, supposedly prevented the accession to the throne of one who "would have began a period of the worst reaction for Austria, which would perhaps have ended only with a terrible people*s w a r , Y e t in the early days of July, the idea of such a war, and Bussia's role in it, appeared incomprehensible; consequently there wa6 much criticism of Austria, which in the light of later viewpoints and leanings was quite exceptional* Meanwhile, as the American people appeared to quickly forget about the Incident at Sarajevo, Martian seeds were being strewn from the palaces of the ministers of Europe*

Count Leopold Berchtold,

1* Cf. Varhelt (Hew York), June 29» 191**» p* **; Yiddishes Tageblat (Hew York), July 1, 191*** Forverts (Hew York), July 2, I91h, p. h* These newspapers and the rest of the Hew York press shall henceforth be referred to by name alone* The press outBide of Hew York shall be referred to by place of publication as well* 2* Forverts. July 1, 191**, p« 5* 3* Freie Arbeiter Shtimme. July h, 191**, p* 1, August, 191**, P* 183*

Also*

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Mother Earth.

68

Austria's Foreign Minister, resolved to punish Serbia, and sent a special emissary to confer with the German Kaiser, William II, at Potsdam on July 5th to secure the letter’s support for Austria, that she might further isolate and diminish her Balkan neighbor.

While

the Kaiser did not wish to precipitate a general European conflict, he waB at least willing to see his Austrian ally make quick work of Serbia.

The latter’s compromising reply to a harsh Austrian ultima­

tum of July 23rd was considered unacceptable, and relations between the two countries were severed.

Despite her awareness of Russia's

concern for Serbia, of France's apparent willingness to stand by her Russian ally, and of British efforts at mediation, yet at the same time reasonably assured of Germany's f\ill support, Austria decided to go to war against Serbia. Bews of the Austrian ultimatum and the prospect of armed con­ flict struck a totally complacent American public.

"Old Europe is

again bluffing with a World War,” declared the Chicago daily, the Teglicher Yiddisher Courier, in commenting on the Austrian note.^ The growing realization that a general war might break out as a result of Russia’s coming to the defense of her "little Slavic brother," Serbia, which was attacked on July 28th, immediately damp­ ened sympathy for the lattor in the Yiddish press.

Thus the imbroglio

came to be viewed as a part of the broader aspects of a German-Slavic

1* Teglicher Yiddisher Courier (Chicago), July 26, 1914, p. 4. Hence­ forth, this newspaper shall be referred to as the Chicago Courier.

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69 struggle for control of the Balkans with its probable adverse impact upon East European Jewry,,

As Serbia turned to Russia for support*

her actions were viewed in a large part of the Yiddish press as indicative of a Panslavic plot to spread "destruction and reaction,,"* "Panslavism," the Yiddishes Tageblat felt, "is one of the greatest barriers to progress and humanity and a stone in the path of civili­ zation,

A study of Yiddish press attitudes makes it apparent that

even prior to the commencement of general hostilities, American Jewish immigrants leaned to the Central Powers, and this, signifi­ cantly, was a result of their attitudes toward Tsarist Russia, which waB in the opposing European camp. Meanwhile, the Continent was rushing headlong into a general war*

Germany, fearing Russian support of Serbia, attempted to

restrain both Austria and the Tsar, but Serchtold would not be held back, leading to fall Russian mobilization along the German and Austrian frontier*

On July 31st, Germany presented Russia with an

ultimatum, demanding the immediate withdrawal of troops from her border. her,

As Russia failed to comply, Germany declared war against

France began to mobilize despite German warnings, and on

August 3rd, the latter country declared war*

The next day, Britain

came to the support of her Entente allies— France and Russia— when news was received of the invasion of Belgium.

1* Yiddishes Tageblat. July 27, 1914, P* 4* Also: Chicago Courier. July 28, 1914, p* 4: Morgen Zhnrnal. July 28, 1914, p. 4:Forverts. July 26, 191^, p. 4* 2* Yiddishes Tageblat. July 27, 1914, p* 4*

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70 Ignorant of the causes, the American people were shocked by the outbreak of general hotsiliities.

Tet they were quick to take

sides, for neutrality in thought proved to be impossible, despite Wilson1b early admonitions to the public*

America, the famed 'international boarding house,' was 'a menagerie of nationalities'! and millions of German-Americans, Irish-Americans, Itallan-Americana, Britieh-Americans and others could not be indifferent to the fate of the 'old country.' Many if not most Americans sympathized with one side or the other, and hoped it would win.^

A large part of the American public, particularly the predom­ inant "old immigrant" stock, was quick to emphasize its affinity with the Entente nations, Bussia excepted.

The ethnic and linguistic

ties to the English people, the political rapproehment which character­ ized relations between the two nations following the American Civil War, and the resultant invigoration of the Anglo-Saxon ideal in America all provided a firm basis for pro-British sentiment in 1914* Furthermore, "those more cultivated elements which dominated our intellectual, political and financial life still found in London

1, T. A. Bailey, Woodrow Wilson and the Lost Peace. Hew York, 1944, p. 2. 2. Cf, C. C. Cummins, ot>« cit*. p, 9! Heindel, The American Impact on Great Britain! 1898-1914. Philadelphia, 1940, pp. 69, 126! L* M. Gelber, The Rise An^io-Amerlcan Friendship! A Study in.World Politics. 1898-1906. London, 1998, pp. 17, 36, 135. 264.

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2

71 their unacknowledged capital."*

Of significance in relation to our

study is the fact that most Jewish immigrants in America came from a non-Anglo-Saxon world, while with significant exceptions their accommodation to American life had not progressed sufficiently hy 191h to imhue them with Anglo-Saxon ideals and a sense of unity with the English people. Affinity with the civilization of France, though less implicit in the character of American life than is the case with the culture and ways of the English people, is hased upon the close identifica­ tion of the Frenchman with the ideal of liberty. among /^mericeng/. . .like an ancestral ghost.

"Lafayette dwelt They thought of the

French Revolution as the child of their own democracy."

o

Though

adverse opinion of France characterized the period from the rule of Bonaparte to the Eighteen-Seventies, the tribulations of the Third French Republic arising out of the struggles between the Republicans and clerical and monarchist factions, rejuvenated the libertarian complex surrounding the name of France.^

In this respect, France

was to prove the "conscience" of Jewish war attitudes, which never-

1. W. Millis, The Road to War: America 1914-1917. Hew York, 1935, p. hi. 2. F. P. Chambers, The War Behind the War. 191h-1918. London, 1939, p. 188. 3* I p B. White, American Opinion of France from Lafayette to Poincare. Hew York, 1927, pp. 310-3H#

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72 theless was rationalized by the emphasis upon the "corruptive*1 in­ fluences inherent in a Gallic-Tsarist alliance. American opinion of Germany grew increasingly hostile in the generation prior to the World War*

Relations immediately following

the creation of the German Empire in 1871 were cordial, hut as both nations developed imperialist tendencies at the same time, and strove after the same Pacific holdings (Samoa), friction developed*^

German

sympathy for Spain during the Spanish-Aaerican War. her inroads into China, and her forceful measures against Venezuela in 1902 in the debt controversy further strained relations.^

Furthermore:

The German state-order struck Americans— even be­ fore they had tasted of its work— as an alien thing. It differed at every point from their own ways of living and governing. Its society seemed to them stuffy and title-ridden? its military posturing, brutal and danger­ ous. The moral power behind America>s ultimate partici­ pation in the War rose largely from that abhorrence of the German state-order. and Americans were accustomed to interpret the whole inwardness of the War as a conflict between the two principles of democracy and autocracy, which they believed the United States and Germany respectively represented.^

1. J. Xeim, Forty Years of German-American Political Relations. Philadelphia, 1919. pp. iii-iv. 2. Ibid.. p. 303. 3. F. P. Chambers, op. cit.. p. 189. Walter Millis (on. clt.. p. 93) points out in this respect: "One of the American peoples1 profoundest illusions about itself, of course, was its belief in its own 'nonmilitaristic* character. This was a great Bource of our detestation for the Germans."

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73 While Jews had similar impressions of Germany (many experienced the state-order vhile being processed as emigrants enroute to America), the country was also regarded as a seat of culture to which many East European Jewish scholars and professionals had gone for their train* ing.

Whereas Jewish impressions of Germany generally corresponded

with the feelings of a large part of the American people, the fact that the Jews* attention was drawn primarily to the Busso-German phases of the general conflict (unlike the American public) could lead only to partisanship with the Teuton.^ As Yon Moltke1e armies poured through Liege out upon the Flemish plain, the sympathy of the largest part of the American people went out to the Belgians, now heroically resisting the German invader*

Meanwhile the paw of the Russian bear stretched over the

Austrian frontier, and threatened to enfold Galicia*

Immediately,

the attention of American Jews was drawn to the East, for the plight of the Belgians appeared to be of little significance in their minds as howitzers began to pound into rubble towns and villages on the Austro-Polish frontier*

A Jewish editor, sitting in Few York, could

only write thus of the war madness:

1* It is to be noted that in 1897, during the Spanish-American War, the Yiddish press resented Germany's sympathies for Spain* See: Forvertf, October 29, 1897*

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7^ There are few of us vdio hare not some relative in the affected countries. It is therefore natural that our commiseration for them should be more intense than of people who are not familiar with the sights and scenes of the devastated regions and cannot picture the heart-breaking agony of millions of suffering souls.^

A Varhelt reporter making the rounds of the Galician quarter in Hew York City found Jews cursing Nicholas, and praiBing Franz Josef for resisting the Cossack invaders.^

On Saturday, August 1st,

Galician Jewish synagogues offered prayers for a long life for the 3 Austrian monarch. Jews were noticed gathered about the Austrian consulate on State Street in New York City, seeking to enlist in the Hapsburg army, while in Cincinnati, they were reported planning » rsgimont of volunteers to embark with German reservists.^

1. Ladies Garment Worker (English section), November, 191^. p. 1. Henceforth the Yiddish section shall be referred to by name alone. A street interview reported in the For?erts (July 31, 191^, p. k) quotes a Galician Jew in New York as saying: "What I am afraid of, is that the Bussian thief wants to grab Galicia, and then we shall become Hussians. They shall make pogroms against us and our Hnperor shall not be able to help us.n 2. Yarheit, July 29, 191^, p. 3* Yiddishes Tageblat. August 5» 191^* P« BGincinnatier Freie Presse,H August 5. 191^, quoted in C. J. Child, The German-^merleans in Politics: 1914-1917. Madison, 1939. p. 23fn. The German Consul-General in New York City asked the 3IAS shelter­ ing house to accommodate German reservists prior to their embarkation. Declaring that aid is rendered to all nationalities, the BIAS took in a number of them. See: Yiddishes Tageblat. August 10, 191^, p. 5.

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75 A letter that appeared in the Varheit is indicative of the clash of loyalties within a group of Austro-Jewish nationalists, who contemplated joining the arny of their homeland:

We, a group of Jewish youths, Austrian-horn, have decided to enlist in the Austrian army to defend our Sutherland, We are ready to carry out our plan, but . • ,we want to know precisely whether it is logical and correct that Jews should willingly fight for a land which is no longer actually theirs?^

Shortly after, the ForvertB gave a fitting reply to an anguished mother, whose sons had expressed a similar desire to enlist:

Let them thank God they are in America without having to be forced to kill people and to die need­ lessly themselves, . .It 1b true, that we wish the Russian Tsar black defeat in this war. But this is also the wish of his own soldiers, . .Why should we shoot themTg

Nevertheless, Austro-Hungarian Jews marched down Second Avenue in New York City on August 15th, protesting the current Socialist peace agitation,^ Russia bore the brunt of Jewiah-American aB well as GerxaanAmerican vehemence immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. Even the intensely partisan general American press could say little

Varheit. August 1, 191^, p* *f, 2, From "Bintel Brief" in Forverts. August lh, 191*f, p, 5. 3, Yiddishes Tageblat. August 16, 191b, p, 1,

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76 in favor of Russia though that country was fighting the Allies* tattle,!

The German-American press viewed the struggle as primarily

one between Slavic barbarism and German civilization.^

The Yiddish

press also saw the struggle as an East-West "kulturkampf,n and contemplated the possibilities of the emancipation of Russian Jewry following the triumph of German arms*

The Chicago Courier pointed

out that every Jewish family "is tied with a thousand threads to the old country, every Jew looks with anxious eyes to his suffering brethern in Europe, to their persecution, to their economic and spiritual ruination? thus there arises the hope that perhaps the despotic monarchy shall be defeated.^ The Yiddishes Tageblat felt that there could be no greater calamity for the world than the victory of the Slavic race.

1. C. C. Cummins* study of Indiana press reactions reveals that there was "no sentiment. • .in favor of Russia and its autocratic government." Cf. on. elt». p. 9. But the Kokomo (Indiana) 'Daily Tribune* of September 2, 191^ remarked: "If Germany's recent behaviour represents German civilization— which God forbid 1— the world will have no more fear of the Slavs." See:Ibid., p. 30. 2. C. Wittke, Gerrnan-Amerjeans ani the World War. Ohio Historical Collections, vol. V, Columbus, 1936, p. 7. 3. Chicago Courier. July 29, 191b, p. k. Tageblat. August 2, 191^, p. b a

See also:

Yiddishes

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77 A victory for the Slavs means a death blow for science* for popular government* for liberal ideas* free thought* A Slavic victory means the destruction of the progress which Europe has made in the last four hundred years, and it means the end of progress for a long, long time0^

Tet how different was the reaction of the Jews in Russia, who immediately came to the support of the Motherland}

It offers

a strange contrast to the nature of Russian-Jevish reactions in America, and points to the deep impress the forces of nationalism make in a people.

Thus one of the leading Jewish organs in Russia,

N o w Voskhod. issued the following call:

We were horn and brought up in Russia* Our ancestors are buried here* We Russian JewB are bound to Russia by ties which cannot be broken, and our brothers who have been driven beyond the ocean by cruel fate cherish their memories of Russia all through life. . . .At this historical moment, when our country is threatened by foreign invasion, when brute force has taken up arms against the great ideals of humanity, the Jews of Russia will bravely go forth to battle and will fulfill their sacred duty. . • o2

1* Ibid., August 3. 1914, p* 4* Also: Forverts. July 31, 1914, p* 4? Jewish Comment (Baltimore), August 31, 1914 and September 4, 1914, p* 270; California Yiddishe Shtlmne (San Francisco), October 23, 1914, p. 2; American Israelite (Cincinnati), November 19, 1914, p» 4* "German newspapers in Germany in their editorials and speakers at German meetings made continual reference to Russia as a medieval barbarism and as 'that Muscovite despotism.1 Russians were not only Cossaks, they were Tartars* The perfidy of the Tsar was emphasized* There were alBO praises for Germany's mission— knltur, civilization, independence, and liberty— all the catchwords of a good cause*" E. Dahlin, French and German Public Opinion on Declared War Alms: 1914-1918. Palo Alto, 1933, p. 16. 2* N o w Voskod. September 24 (October 7), 1914, fuoted in American Jewish Committee, The Jews in the Eastern War Zone. New York, 1916, PP, 37-38.

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78 Israel Zangwill describes how from the Great Synagogue of St. Petersburg, five thousand Jews, headed by the Crown Eabbi, inarched to the Tsar's Palace, and kneeling before it, sang Hebrew hymns and the Russian National Anthem.1 The pro-Germanism of America's immigrant Jews was an inevitable consequence of their Bussophobia.

The glorification of the Teuton

was a negative reaction stemming from the hatred of the Tsar* the Yiddishes Tageblat pointed out!

As

"The Jews support Germany be­

cause Russia bathes in Jewish blood. . .who will dare say that it is a crime for Jews to hat-e their torturers, their oppressors and murderers?. • .It is natural that Jewish sympathies should be on the side of learning and not on the side of ignorance.n

As a

result of the nature of their partisanship, as contrasted with the pro-Ally sentiments of most Americans, the Jews found themselves in the unenviable position of having to defend the actions of a nation otherwise pictured in the American press as committing the worst of

1. American Hebrew (New York), July 30, 1915, P. 3eace conference*

At the same time,

most Zionists, anticipating the victory of the Central Powers, con­ tinued to look to Turkey (despite the official neutrality of the

1* American Hebrew. December 15, 1916, p* 226* 2. Pi Zukunft. January, 1918, p. 13. Propaganda: 1914-1919. p. 169.

Cf* J. M* Eead, Atrocity

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128 Zionist federation) for the establishment of the national home*

The

Vuest for rationality11 sought to weave the threads of emotionalism into a more organized pattern of opinion* In occupied Russian territory, the Germans set up two adminis­ trative districts, one encompassing Congress Poland and the other the Oher-Ost area (including portions of Latvia and Lithuania, and center* ing in Vilna)*

Though the Germans represented themselves as being

the liberators of the Jews, they were reluctant to abolish all legal Jewish disabilities in Congress Poland for fear of antagonising the nationalistic Polish element*

In October, 1916, however, they per­

mitted the us8 of Yiddish as the language of instruction in the separate schools of the Jevish minority*

Jews were represented on

the Warsaw Municipal Council (though not in proportion to the total Jevish population of the city), and were permitted to maintain a Central Jewish Election Committee, which served as intermediary be­ tween the occupational authorities and the Jewish group*

In November,

a decree by the Governor-General of Warsaw, Von Desseler, permitted the organisation of a partly elective supreme council to supervise the Jevish religious community*

The Germans retained the right to

appoint one third of the members of the council, however**

In Ober-Ost

1* Cf. 0* I, Janoweky, The Jews and Minority Rights, pp, 203-210J A. BJha, op* _clt*, vol* II, p* 631* Pi Zukunf.t. January, 1917. pp* 12-13* Alfred P* H* Zimmerman, the German Secretary of State for foreign Affairs, in a letter to the American Jewish Chronicle, dated November 8, 1916, declared that, HBie present order, • *makeB possible a healthy development of a prosperous Jewish life and unhampered progress,* American Jewish Chronicle. December 15, 1916, pp. l6h~65*

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129 where the Germans did not have the problem of balancing ultranationalistic group influences with Jevish interosts, the administra­ tion treated the Jews as a separate national group In civil as well as in religious matters* 1

Generally, then, the situation of the

Jews was improved tinder the German occupation*

As A* G* Duker points

out: "The German regime was strict, hut it maintained order, and treated the population fairly: anti-Semitic officials were the exception rather than the rule*"^ The proclamation of the new Polish state in November, 1916 was hailed in the Yiddish press in America*

An autonomous Poland

under German suzerainty was considered a far better alternative to Russian rule or even to complete Polish independence (and the rule of ultra-nationaliBts).-^

The hoped-for economic benefits resulting

from closer ties to the German industrial system, the grant of a limited religious autonomy to Polish Jews, the strengthening of the Zionist and Sundist movements with the removal of Russian police repression, and the protection of Jews by the Germans against Polish chauvinistic nationalism were pointed to as gains under the new order.

1* I. Elbogen, on* cit.. p. h6h; A. Bohm, on. cit*. vol* II, pp. 631-632. 2* A. G. Duker, on. cit.. p. 15. 3. Chicago Courier. November 8, 1916, p* 4. Cf* Forverts. November 19, November 21, November 25, December 1, 1916: Morgen Zhurnal. November 20, 1916, p* Tog. December 12, 1916, p* Do8 Ylddlshe Polk. November 17, 1916, p. 3*

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k

130 Reflecting the friendly attitude of the Yiddish preBB toward Germany, A* Voliner, a staff writer on the Tog, asserted* "The liberators of humanity, the Allies, have freed no one while militaristic Germany ha8 proved to be the liberator of Poland as well as the protector of Jewish r i g h t s * A t the moment the Jewish destiny appeared bright as it rode the Teutonic Pegasus* Pre-war Zionism expediently looked to Turkey to fulfill the dreams of a Jewish national home within the confines of the Ottoman Empire, and down to the end of the year 1916, most American Zionists saw little reason to alter the HsrBlian tactic*^ Pro“Turkish views were as officious as was Jewish pro-Germanism, and while little faith

1* Tog, December 5* 1916, p* h* Cf* Bostoner Yiddisher Shtinme (Boston), November 10, 1916, p* 1; Perverts. November 2*f, 1916, p» h* Yoices of disillusion did crop up however* Dr* N* Syrkin expressed the fear that anti-Semitic Polish nationalism would now become more virulent since Poland now stood closer to complete independence* Syrkin also feared Russian vengeance against the Jews for collaborating with the Germans in the event of Allied victory* Cf* Dos Ylddlshe Polk. November 17, 1916, p* 3* See also, A* Tcherikower in Pi Zuknnft. January, 1917, p* 13* Justice Louis D* Brandeis objected to the German policy of restrict­ ing Polish Jews within the lines of the old Polish frontier, thus barring their movement into Germany proper (the Grenssperre policy)* He placed his faith in Allied promises of Polish autonomy* Cf* J* De Haas, Louis D» Brandele. New York, 1929, p* 80* Leading members of the German Hilfsvereln der deutschen Juden— Professor Martin Phllipsohn, Dr* Paul Nathan, and James Simon— allegedly supported the Greneperre policy* Cf* American Jewish Chronicle. May 12, 1916, p* 3* Per Yiddisher Kaempfer (November 2&, 1916, p* 4) objected to the grant of religious autonomy alone as delimiting the Jewish nationalautonomist movement, and as subjecting non-religious Jews to the control of religious leaders in the community* 2* At the Third Zionist Congress at Basel in August, 1899, Herzl declared: n0ur efforts are directed toward obtaining a charter from the Turkish Government— a charter under the suzerainty of His Majesty the Sultan*R Cf* N* Straus, The Congress Addresses of Theodor Herzl. New York, 1917, p* 20*

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131 was placed in Turkish leaderB, the fact that Palestine was an Ottoman appendage, while the Entente cause appeared to he a losing one, led to the linking of the Zionist future to the fate of the Central Powers. Unlike the pro-Ally Zionist faction, the pro-Turkish eleaent did not have a definite program— before the war Zionists spoke of a loan by Jewish capitalists in return for Turkish concessions, while East European ZionistB thought in terms of a slow penetration of Palestine until the Turkish yoke could be thrown off——and was discouraged by the persecution of Russian Jews and Zionists in Palestine in the period from December, 191k to March, 1915. When Turkey entered the war in October, 191k, efforts were made to naturalize Russian Jews so that they could be drafted into the anqy.

Resistance to this policy led to mass evictions from Jaffa

on December 17th. Egypt. 1

Some 6,000 Jewish refugees subsequently entered

The Anglo—Palestine Sank

wqb

closed, Zionist colonies were

disarmed, Jewish publications were banned, and Hebrew was forbidden as a language of communication.

A decree issued in January, 1915 by

Jemal Pasha, military governor of several Turkish provinces, including Palestine, declared:

1. Cf. P. E, Manuel, The Realities of American—Palestine Ralationn pp. 12&, 128. ------

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132 We. • .are from the bottom of oar hearts the friends and fellow citizens of all the Jews living in our midst. It is only Zionism and the Zionists, that destructive element aspiring to the creation of a state in our country, and all other such groups which entertain such fantastic aspirations, that we are against and will ever remain the enemies of.^

By March. 1915* however, American and German intervention brought about the cessation of the active persecution of the Zionists. The intervention of the German government, which no doubt helped to save the Ylshuv ("settlement"; name applied collectively to the entire Jewish community in Palestine) was primarily motivated by the desire to keep American immigrant Jews in the camp of the Central Powers. That German propaganda made full use of the ^benevolent1 intervention is revealed in a letter from Ambassador Bemstorff to Ezekiel Leavitt, editor of the Bostoner Yiddishe Shtlmme.

The letter, dated November

16, 1915> states in part:

As long as the war lasts, it would naturally be pro* mature to say anything about the final shaping of conditions in the Turkish provinces. The benevolent and understanding attitude of the German Government toward the Jewish problem, which as you know is everywhere appreciated by the Jews living in the occupied parts of Bussian-Poland, Lithuania and Courland, guarantees that, also after the war everything will be done by Germany to improve the condition of the Palestinian Jews. 2

1. Quoted from He-Herut (Jerusalem), No. 98, January, 1915* in Jewish Socialist Labor Confederation (Poale Zion), The Jew and the War; Memorandum to the International Socialist Bureau. The Hague, 1916, p. 80. 2. Bostoner Yiddishe Shtlmme (Boston), December 3, 1915, p. 6.

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133 Abraham Goldberg, the editor of the Yiddish organ of the Zionist Federation, Dog Yiddishe Folfc. felt that Germany** new association with Semitic peoples in Poland was driving her off her historic path of anti-Semitism, a coarse which he hoped would be beneficial to the Zionist causo*^ The Zionist press in America repeatedly courted the faror of the Turk in a vain pursuit for an autonomous Palestine under JewishOttoman rule*

Reports of Turkish abuse of Jews were continually played

down, while the "historic® friendship of the Ottomans came in for constant reiteration*

The termination of active Jewish persecution

after March, 1915* when for a two year period the Jews fared better than the Armenians, Syrians, and Greeks in the Ottoman Empire, strengthened pro-Turkish proclivities*

Even though the Zionist

Federation was on record as being officially neutral, its Yiddish organ declaredt

1* Dos Yiddishe Folk. Angust 6, 1915, p* 5« See also: Unser Yort. January, 1916, p* 6 ? Tog, February 18, 1916, p* Herzl declared at the Third Zionist Congress in 1899 (afterhis interview with the Eaiser), "The very fact that the gifted emperor has given his attention to the national idea would suffice to inspire us with a certain amount of confidence* * «the German emperor assured us of his sympathetic interest* All true Jews ought to be grateful to him in consequence*" Cf* H* Straus, on* cit*. p* 18* 2* Cf* Yarheit, January 26, 1915, P* Morgen Zhurnal. March 10, 1915. P* Chicago Courier. January 28, 1915» P* Dos Yiddishe folk* August 13, 1915. p. 5 and March 17, 1916, p*$\ Yiddishes Tageblat. May 12, 1916, p* *f{ Maccabaean. July, 1916, p„ l6h{ Jewish Comment (Baltimore), April 21, 1916, p* Jf2*

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We have felt, and have often expressed the feeling, that In a well-ordered Ottoman Empire, the Jew* had the heat opportunity to derelop their cultural and economic life in Palestine, We hare hased our policy upon the traditional friendship of the Turks and the Jews. We hare assumed, . .that the kinship of the Jews and the Turks would allay any suspicions on the part of the Ottomans with regard to our pacific endeaTore in Palestine, and from the Jewish point of view, this kinship gives assurance of a splendid future for the Jewish people in the Orient.^

While Zionist leaders were not fuite as optimistic, the fact that the Holy Land waB under Turkish rule made necessary frequent expressions of friendship.

Shemaryah Levin, a prominent Zionist

orator and member of the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, maintained that Jewish wartime evictions from Palestine were merely an unfortunate accompaniment of the conflict for which the Turks were not entirely to blame.2 Even Louie B. Srandeis, a pro-Ally, tactfully declared in January, 1915*

Zionism is not a movement to wrest from the Turk tho sovereignty of Palestine. Zionism seeks merely to establish in Palestine for such Jews as choose to go and remain there, and for their descendants, a legally secured home, where they may live together and lead a Jewish llfet where they may expect ultimately to con­ stitute a majority of the population, and may look for­ ward to what we should call home rule.^

1* Dos Yiddishe Polk. Bovember 12, 1915* P* 8 . See also: Mgncgbgegn, September, 1914, pp. 83-54. 2. S, Levin, In_Milchome Tseltn. New York, 1J15, vol. I, pp. 57, 59, 61, 174-175. 3* Menorah Journal (New York), January, 1915* p. 18.

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135 Rabbi Stephen S. Vise, alio a pro-Ally, in an address delivered on October 3, 1915 in Carnegie Hall in Hew York City, looked forward to Jewish settlement in Palestine tinder continued Turkish rule*^ Jacob He Haas, Secretary of the federation of American Zionists, re­ ported to the Zionist convention of 1916 that,

. .the Turkish

Government has been friendly toward all institutions classes of 2 Jews in Palestine." While efficacious statements as these do not necessarily reflect the true feelings of these men, they did serve to sway the mass of Zionists, whose sympathies were overwhelmingly on the side of the Central Powers* Thus, daring the first two years of the conflict, few Zionists in America were disposed to place much hope in the AllieB for the fulfillment of the aims of the movement*

The mere fact alone that

Turkey ruled the Holy Land was sufficient to fix this point of view, but the fact also that Russia was Turkey1s enemy in the war was an added incentive*

Thus Dos Yiddishe Polk remarksd:

What sort of an impression would we make in the world should we unite the Jewish flag with that of Russia, which is responsible for the most terrible pogroms in the war. • *in the event of an Allied de­ feat, this tactless action would prove catastrophic*^

1* American Hebrew. October 8, 1915, p* 631* 2* American Jewish Chronicle. July 28, 1916, p« 382* 3« Dos Yiddishe Folk. September 8 , 1916, p« h«

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136 Russian aspirations as regards Constantinople and Allied commitments to the Arabs vere viewed as death-blows to Zionist hopes*'*’ The86 fears stemmed largely from suspicions* for there was little actual knowledge of behind-the-sceneo maneuverings.

Russia

was in fact promised Constantinople and control of the Straits in a secret treaty with the British on March 12* 1915*

Tot the agreement

was at most conditional* depending upon post-war British supervision of certain zones in Persia hitherto considered neutral and the french annexation of Syria.

2

Contrary to Zionist fears* allied commitments to Arab national** ism did not guarantee Moslem rule over Palestine.

Early in 1915*

Britain set up a committee to consider the question of the partition of Turkey.

The committee’s report in June pointed to the necessity

of preventing any strong foreign power from exercising domination in Palestine.

It particularly opposed yielding to the-french in the

matter of Palestine* yet the report did not recommend outright British annexation.^

In October* 1915* Sir Henry McMahon* the British High

Commissioner for Egypt* wrote to the Sharif of Mecca that his govern­ ment would support Arab independence in the Asiatic provinces of the Turkish Sultan •’within those frontiers wherein Great Britain is free

1* Cf. Yiddishes Tageblat. Hovember 10, 191h, p. Morgen Zhurnal. Becember 2h, 191h, p. h; Yiddisher Record (Chicago), March 5* 1915* p. hi American Israelite (Cincinnati)* November 12, 191h, p. h# 2. Cf. ESCO foundation for Palestine, Palastlnei A Study of Jeviefr. Arab, and British Policies. Hew Haven, 19^7, vol. I, pp. 57-58. 3. Ibid.. pp. 5&-59.

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137 to act without detriment to the interests of her ally, Prance," 1

As

Prance lay claim to Syria, which at the time was understood to include Palestine, the latter area did not fall within the province of the McMahon statement,^ The Becret Anglo-French Sykes-Picot treaty of May, 1916, furthermore, contained no territorial commitments to the Sharif, and called only for consultations with him in the establishment of an international administration over Palestine, fears, however, Bussia

web

In line with Zionist

to be consulted in the determination of

the form of that administi'&tion,^

Britain was to have control of the

ports of Haifa and Acre, which would thus form an enclave in the international zone. Haifa to Messina,^

Prance was to control the coastal belt from It is thus apparent from a review of wartime

negotiations that there was little actual basis for Zionist fears of exclusive Arab ascendency in the Holy L»nfl in the event of an Entente victory. The actions of Vladimir Jabotineky, who from 1914 to 1917 cam­ paigned in Egypt, Denmark, and Britain for the formation of a Jewish Legion to be attached to the British army for action in the Hear East,

1, Cf, J, C, Hurewitz, The Struggle for Palestine. Hew York, 1950, p, 19, 2, Cf. P. L, Eanna, British Policy in Palestine. Washington, D. C,, 1942, p, 22, 3* ESCO Foundation for Palestine, on. cit,. vol. I, p, 60. 4. Ibid,, pp, 62-63,

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138 met the opposition of the Zionist press in America*

It was feared

that any change in the status quo in the Near East would be potentially beneficial to Arab nationalism and that if the Central Powers emerged victorious that Turkey would resent the fact that a Zionist military unit had fought against her*

Thus Haccabaean. the English language

organ of the Federation of American Zionists* stated;

"The Zionist

organization has nothing to do with any scheme conceived by one of its own Irresponsible fire-brands* who as a member of the Zionist organization* has been guilty of an absurdity as well as of a dis­ loyal act* British military action in the Near East created much uneasi­ ness*

Even as late as January, 191?* fears were expressed that the

CosBaek would follow on the heels of the Tommy, and that fighting in Palestine would destroy the land*^ An Allied victory was not generally anticipated* and it was considered suicidal to link Zionism with the Entente.^

Central Power "benevolency*1 in occupied Poland, it was hoped,

1* Haccabaean. May* 1915* p* 33* Cf, Yiddishes Tsgeblat. October 11, 1915* p* 6? American Jewish Chronicle. August h, 1916, p, 386. 2o Cf* Dos Yiddishe Folk* January 19* 1917* p« 5? American Jewish Chronicle. January 19, 1917, p* 325: Yiddisher Record(Chicago January 26, 1917* P* 1* Morgen Zhurnal. March 13, 1917, p. h* 3* Leading European Zionists had little apparent faith in Allied victory down to the end of 1916* These included such important names as M« Cssiahkin* Leon Motzkin* Victor Jacobson* and E. W, Tschlenow. Cf. C. Weizmann, Trial and Error. Hew York, 19^9, vol. I, pp. I6h-l66*

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139 vould be extended to Palestine and the Zionist cause*

Jevish

nationalism (Zionism and the Jevish Rights movement)* it

web

felt*

could in no way benefit from an alliance in vhlch Russia vaa a partner*

Here vas the incarnation, in the Jewish sphere, of the

devil theory of war**

1* See:

C. A* Beard, The Devil !Eheory of War* New York, 1936*

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140

CHAPTER

T

SUBMARINES AND SENTIMENTSt 1914-1916

Three weeks after the outbreak of the European conflict, President Woodrow Wilson, speaking in the Senate, declared:

We BiUBt he impartial in thought as well as in action, must put a curb upon our sentiments as well as upon every transaction that might be construed as a preference of one party to the struggle before another*^

Wilson did not imply that the commercial manufacture or sale of arme and munitions should be halted, but apparently at this time was not willing to see the United States become an exclusive arsenal for the Allies*

In this respect, it must be pointed out that the ’'neutrality

proclamation" of AngUBt 4, 1914, did not call for an embargo on ansB shipments*

Furthermore, even though such shipments began to assume

unprecedented proportions, threatening the spirit of "strict neutral­ ity," the State Department declared on October 15, 1914:

Neither the President, nor any executive department of the Government, possesses the legal authority to inter­ fere in any way with trade between this country and the territory of a belligerent* There is no act of Congress conferring such authority or prohibiting traffic of this sort with European nations* 2

1* Congressional Record, 64th Congress, 1st. Sees*, vol„ 53, pt* 14, Appendix, pp* 523-24* 2* Quoted in C. J* Child, The p. 45.

Geraan-Amerioann

in Politics: 1914—1917.

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141 The same ruling applied to war credits, as veil*

The Administration

did not, however, permit the flotation of loans in this country until August, 1915. 1 The first Anglo-French loan vas floated in this country in October, 1915 at a half billion dollars, and vas negotiated by the House of Morgan.

2

From October, 1915 to February, 1917, these two

countries secured loans amounting to $1,400,000,000, while in 1916, Bussia borrowed $61,000,000.3

Allied loans and credits in this

country made possible the shipment of around $2,200,000,000 worth

u of munitions and other war material.

There were many paths leading

to American participation in the first World Wart the path of American economic solidarity vith the Allies vas one of the broadest. There seemed to be little public concern over the apparent unneutrality of exclusive American contributions to the Allied war effort.

The legality of the shipments, general pro-Ally sentiment,

and the fact that such aid vas bound up vith American prosperity made

1, C. C. Tansill, on. cit.. p. 105. 2. Ibid., pp. 112-113. 3* 0, J. Child, op. cit*. p* 155? C. C. TanBill, op. cit., p. 117

^

Ihld.. p. 53.

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I*t2

impossible the reversal of trade policy once initiated*^

She

German-American element bitterly attacked the shipments ae violative of American neutrality and as being responsible for the slaughter of sons and brothers on the Continent*

Tho Yiddish press took the

position that aid to the Allies (including Bussia)* being harmful te the Teutonic powers* was resultingly harming East European Jewry* Condemning war profiteering* the Forverts declared;

Ve immigrants from Europe feel strongly the immorality of the capitalist position* The war is spilling our blood; it is tearing our flesh* Cur kinfolk are being destroyed; terrible ruin is being heaped upon our fathers and mothers* Can we be happy that business is improvlngT2

An interesting appeal from Jewish spokesmen in Germany* pub­ lished in the Chicago Courier, very well reflects the thinking of immigrant Jews in this country:

1* Testifying at a Reichstag investigation on October 21* 1919* Bernstorff declared* "American commerce was so completely tied up with the interests of the Entente that it was impossible for Vilson to disturb those commercial relations without calling forth such a storm of protest on the part of the public that he would not be able to carry out his intention*" See: Carnegie Endowment for Inter­ national Peace* Division of International Law, Official German Documents Relating to the World War. Sew York, 1925* vol* I, p* 23h* 2* Forverts. March 26, 1915* P* The Anarchist Mother Earth (February* 1915* PP* 37^-375) declared: "The very day the stupid public murmured compulsory prayers for peace* the Carnegie-Schwab steel mills worked overtime to supply the warring countries with steel plates and guns* • .this 1 b the hypocrisy of American neutrality."

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1&3 Ve cry out to America; thousands of your most loyal and active citizens come from cities which are being destroyed by the shells which you are sending instead of the money remittances which were previously forwarded to childhood homes* in all the towns lying between Libau and Lemberg* You are sending iron sheila to help the Tsar's armies* You are exchanging iron for gold* death for life* The children are killing their parents— Americans, you are at peace* You are not fighting for your existence* Ve beg of you, listen to our appeal*^

While reconciled to the legality of the arms trade, the Yiddish press was of the opinion that it did not conform to the highest principles of morality, humanity, and peace*

p

Just as Russia conditioned Jewish attitudes im respect to all other basic issues in the war, she determined sentiments concerning American bank loans and credits to the belligerents*

In January,

1915, the American Jewish Committee sent a telegram of protest to Wilson vhen information was received that Russia had applied for credits from member banks in the Federal Reserve Systemo

The

Co s h

mittee argued that such credits would be in violation of the resolu** tion adopted by the Congress in 1911, terminating the conmercial treaty of 1832 between the two countries.^

In refusing to lend the

1* Chicago Courier. August 13, 1915, P* 1* 2* Forverts. March 26, 1915, p* 3? Varhelt. April 12, 1~15, P* bi Yiddishes Tageblat. April 21, 1915. Pe Freie Arbelter Shtimme. July 10, 1915, P* 3* American Jewish Year Book. 5677, p* 300* Louis Marshall, of the American Jewish Committee, was approached early in 1915 a Russian agent, M* Syromyatnikov, who promised a change in Russia's policy toward the Jews if the Committee would halt its opposition to pressures for the renewal of the commercial treaty. Cf* American Hebrew. August 18, 1916, p. ^3^* A letter from the State Department to the American Hebrew (October 20, 1916), dated October 13, 1916, denied that negotiations for the renewal of the treaty were being conducted*

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144 facilities of Kuhn, Locb and Company in connection with Allied applications for loans, Jacob E, Schiff declared:

So detestable and inhuman a government as the Bussian, which destroys the homes of its people and ravages and murders its own subjects by the hundreds of thousands, neither deserves nor should receive comfort from American banks and bankers.i

American aid to the Allies gave rise to a movement for an embargo by pro—German elements*

Inevitably, the crusade came to be

controlled by the National German-American Alliance, ani served the purposes of German propaganda work in this country.

Unfortunately

the movement coincided with the ^starve^ihe—war** campaign conducted by pacifists and Socialists, who were motivated primarily by ideological considerations and the reasonable supposition that economic solidarity with the Allies would threaten to involve the United States in the war as an actual belligerent*

It was inevitable however that the Socialist

and German—Amerlean Alliance movements should cross paths on many occasions due to the influence of such outright pro-Germans in the Socialist Party as Yictor Berger and Abraham Cahan*

Yet as early as

1* American Israelite (Cincinnati), DecenSber 2, 1915, p* 4* Por similar views in the Yiddish press, see: Tog, March 19, 1915, p* 4; Yiddishes Tageblat, March 19, 1915, p* 4j Porverts, Hovember 24, 1915, p* 1 and March 2, 1916, p* 4* In June, 1916, Louis Marshall protested to lee, Eigginson and Company for negotiating a Bussian loan* Cf, American Jewish Chronicle. July 7, 1916, p* 260* Jacob E* Schiff did agree however to handle an Austrian loan issue in 1915« Cf, C. Dumba, on* clt*. p* 172* Kuhn, Loeb and Co* probably helped finance German propaganda in this country by means of a loan of $400,000* Cf* Senate Sub-committee Bearings on_German Propaganda, op, cit*. vol* II, pp, 1967, 1994.

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145 August 14, 1914, well before the German-Aaerican Alliance sprang into action, the "National Committee on Immediate Action" of the Social­ ist Party urged the immediate cessation of the export of money and munitions to belligerent nations.^

A mass meeting on Union Sfuare

in New York City on August 22, 1914, organized by the United Hebrew Trades, demanded that the shipment of food abroad be halted in order to stop the rise of prices at home.

"Starve the war and feed America"

became the slogan for action.^ The German-Araerican Alliance initiated its embargo campaign in October, 1914.

In December, the organisation placed its weight

behind the Bartholdt and Vollmsr bills in Congress for an embargo on all munitions shipments to Europe.^

Neutrality Leagues, usually

centering around Alliance branches, sprung up throughout the country. In January, 1915* the pro-German American Independence Union was

1. A. Trachtenberg (ed.), The American Socialists and the War, p. 10. 2. Of. Porverts, August 23, 1914, p. 8. See leaflet: "Starve the war and feed America" in Band School File: "Political Parties, Socialist Campaign Leaflets, 1912-1916." The general rise in prices and slack conditions in the clothing industry in 1914-1915» leading to a series of strikes in the summer of 1915* made Jewish labor receptive to appeals for an embargo on food and munitions shipments to Europe. Cf. C. E. Zarets, The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America: A Study in Progressive Trades-Unionism, pp. 106-115i 1»» Levine, The Women1s Garment Workers. New York, 1924, pp. 277-297* 3. 0. J* Child, on. clt». pp. 48—51.

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1*46 formed in Washington to consolidate German and Irish support of proposed embargo legislation*^

That there was extensive support of

the movement in the country at large in the first few months of the war is evidenced by an A* F. of L* convention resolution (November, 191*0* which called for sole governmental manufacture of arms* muni­ tions* and other implements of war so as to weaken ainternational combinations of capitalists* who sell their products indiscriminately to the Governments of the world* • . The Yiddish press based its support of the embargo campaign upon principles of Justice and humanity, and with the Moreen Zhnnml felt that, B* • *it is a cruel neutrality which cares for belligerents with death-dealing weapons*"^

In April, 1915* over

Jewish periodic

cals, along with some 300 other foreign-language publications, pub­ lished paid advertisements, submitted to them by the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers, and financed by the German Information Bureau, calling for an arras embargo, "to alleviate

1* F* L. Paxson, American Democracy and the World War: Pre-War Years (1913-191?), Boston, 1936, pp* 20*4-205. 2* Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor. 191*4-, pp* *467-468. But the 1915 convention condemned the embargo movement as Germaninspired. Cf. S* Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States. Hew York, 1929* p* 230. 3# Morgen Zhurnal. April 7, 1915* p© *4© Also: Chicago Courier. February 5, 1915, p* *41 Yarheit. February 9, 1915* p* *4} Tog. April 7. 1915* p© *41 Glelchhelt. June 26, 1915* P© 7©

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147 human suffering, and to preserve life, rather than to help destroy it."^

The Socialist Congressman from New York, Meyer London, writing

in the Forverts, urged the workers of America to "refuse to manufacture arms* . .to refuse to export those goods which can he used in the O

warring nations*"

It is evident that Jewish partisan sentiments

and ideological leanings contributed by indirection to the purposes of pro-German propaganda in this country. Meanwhile, the Socialist embargo movement became even more involved with the partisan activities of the German-American Alliance* The Socialist Party of New York together with the Jewish Socialist Federation joined with the United German Societies of the city to sponsor a peace and embargo meeting in Madison Square Garden on June 24, 1915*

Though opposed to embargo legislation, William

Jennings Bryan, the former Secretary of State, made an indiscrete appearance at the gathering*

The Beverend Bernard Drachman, A*

Held, Jacob H* Schiff, and Samuel Untermeyer were among the sponsors of the meeting, while the two latter individuals became honorary

1* Tog. April 4, 1915» p« 8© Hate, pp* 101-102*

Cf* G. S. Yiereck, Spreading Germs of

2© Fprverts. April 24, 1915, p* 4* In May, 1915, the National Executive Committee of the American Socialist Party urged the halting of arms and munitions production for war and the placing of an embargo upon the shipment of war goods to Europe* Cf© Yiddlsher Socialist. June 1, 1915, p« 7©

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vice-presidents of the Friends of Peace, an organization formed after the Madison Square Garden affair.* The FriendB of Peace, with the cooperation of tho National Sxecutive Committee of the Socialist Party, organized a national meeting of pro-embargo organizations in September, 1915 in Chicago. Socialist groups in New York, including the Jewish Socialist Federa­ tion, objected, however, to the outright pro-=Oerman character of the proposed gathering and opposed cooperation with the German-American Alliance, leading to the withdrawal of all Socialist delegates. 2 German propagandists, meanwhile, attempted to influence foreign-born workers and their unions in this country. Jewish unions were not immune to such activities.

The radical

On April 15, 1915,

pro-German elements in the Central Federated Union (A.F.L.) of New York, representing some 300,000 workers, colled a meeting at Cooper Union, where workers were urged to protest avms production and to formulate plans for a general strike in the munitions industry.

The

publication of the Ladies1 Vaistmakers Union, Gleichhelt. urged the membership to attend.-'

The United Hebrew Trades of New York and the

1. Cf. Circular of the Friends of Peace (1915). In Band School File: nWar and Peacat Peace Organizations.n Also: C. J. Child, on. clt.. pp, 76-78; 0. Wittke, on. clt.. p. 621 M. S. Curti, Bryan and World Peace. Northhampton, 1931, p, 227. A, Held is possibly Adolph Held, business manager of the Forverts from 1912-1917. 2. J. Spargo, Americanism and Social Democracy. New York, 1918, p. 181. 3# Gleichhelt. April 9, 1915, p.

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Ih9 International Ladies' Garment Yorkers Union, Loth affiliates of the Central federated Union, probably helped organize the meeting at which Congressman Meyer London and Abraham Shiplakoff, a member of the New York State Assembly, were speakers.^ German propaganda, apparently at a cost to the German government of half a million dollars, attempted to lay the groundwork of an organization known as Labor's National Peace Council (June, 1915), which aimed at preventing the loading of munitions ships*

The

treasurer of the Council was Ernest Boehm, who, at the same time, was the secretary of the Central federated Union,

The opposition

of Samuel Gompers brought about the collapse of the Council's efforts*^ When the Austrian ambassador, C* Dumba, was. declared -persona non grata in September, 1915 for attempting to foment strikes among Austrian workers in American munitions plants, the Yiddish press was not un­ friendly to him, a fact which is apparently indicative of continuing

1* Tog. April 16, 1915, p* 1? Varheit. April 16, 1915» P* !• 2. H. C, Paterson, on* clt*. pp* 1^7~lh8} P* L* Parson, op* clt.. pp. 279-280. The Executive Council of the American federation of Labor reported to the 1915 convention of the organizations ", • .these persons do not consider fully the disastrous effect upon the workers of our country as well as upon all of the citizens that could come from such a restriction and discrimination of trade which would result in closing so many industries and would quickly reduce thousands of men, women and children or our country to starvation* Eiere is no middle ground, for it is impossible to distinguish between munitions of war and the ordinary articles of commerce*" Proceedings of the American federation of Labor. 1915* P* ^9*

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150 favorability toward some form of embargo*

Thus, though Jewish

Socialiste and unionists had by this time given up the policy of cooperation with the German-American Alliance in the embargo move­ ment* the convention of the ILGWU in October* 1915 went on record as favoring a ban on the shipment of "life necessities” to Europe*^ Sat the embargo movement was practically ended by this time* giving way to the movement for the prohibition of American travel on arsed belligerent vessels* Woodrow Wilson*s insistence upon the right of such travel and his defense of the doctrine of freedom of the seas* which demanded that German sub-mariners insure the lives of ship passengers* were key factors in the United States* ultimate entrance into the war* While the President was *uite inconsistent in revealing a lack of equitability in the enforcement of the doctrine in relation to German and British abuses, and thcugh he was fuite intolerant of Justifiable German protests against munitions shipments to the Allies (again he was holding to the letter of international law), his adherence to a standard of propriety in international relations set an unprecedented example.

Expanded later into a fourteen point program for inter­

national Justice and progress, his defense of the doctrine of freedom of the seas was a lesson in morality that the world has failed to learn*

1* Cf* Forverts. September 12, 1915» p* Ylddlsher Be cord. (Chicago), September 22, 1915* p* 1* Tog. September 28, 1915* P« 2* Proceedings of the International Ladies* Garment Workers Union. 1915. p. 118.

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151 As it vac one of the major issues in the war, a study of Jewish reactions to the sea controversy is a necessary part of this study* Wilson first turned his diplomatic guns in England's direction as a result of her initial violations of the rights of neutrals on the high Beas*

It is interesting to compare Yiddish press reactions

to the Anglo-American imbroglio with German-American diplomatic ex­ changes over neutral rights.

Successive British Orders-in-Councll

extended the list of contraband, authorized the capture of "conditional" contraband bound for neutral European ports, and declared the North Sea and English Channel to be "military areas*" The Bryan Note to Britain in December, 191^ was a broad defense of neutral rights, end was hailed in the entire American press**

As Britain continued to

disregard neutral rights (the Order-in-Council of March 11, 1915 prohibited cargoes from going to neutral lands unless consigned to an organization set up by the Allied governments in each of these countries), the Yiddish and German-American press became staunch defenders of the rights of neutrals as defined by international law* English "marine-ism" was looked upon as a greater threat to American peace than German militarism*^

The American note to Britain on March

30th, protesting the latest Order-in-Council as "an almost unqualified

1* C* Wlttke, on* clt*. p« 5^* 0* 0* TanBill, on. clt.. p. 187* Cf* Yiddishes Tageblat. December 31, 191^» p* Tarhgit. February 25, 1915, P* fc. 2* Cf* Varheit, March 16, 1915, p* Freie Arbeiter Shtinane* March 20, 1915, p. 1; Yiddishes Tageblat. March 28, 1915, p. ^*

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152 denial of the sovereign rights of the nations now at peace,” was well received in the American press.1

delay until July of the British

reply seriously strained relations, and gave rise to fears in ad­ ministration circles that the public would Become receptive to the embargo campaign.2 violations.

The note from Whitehall only stressed German

While resentment against Britain mounted in this country,

there was little demand for a more forceful American policy.

Ap­

parently only the pro-German elements in this country were willing to see more determined measures taken against the English "highway robber."^ Successive American notes from the fall of the year 1915 to the summer of 1916 failed to deter the British, who in July of the latter year, even drew up a blacklist of 8h American firms suspected ofdealing with the Germans.

Wilson was so taken aback by the proce­

dure that he wrote the following to Colonel House: I am, 1 must admit, about at the end of my patience with Great Britain and the Allies. The blacklist business it the last straw. . . 0I am seriously considering asking Congress to authorize me to prohibit loans and restrict exportations to the Allies. .

1. C, C. Tansill, op. clt.. p. 196. 2. C. Seymour, American Diplomacy Purine the World War. Baltimore, 1934-, pp. 67-69. 3. Morgen Zhurnal. November 9, 1915* p. 1915* P« Tog. November 9, 1915, p. 17, 1915. p.

Cf. Varhelt. November 9, Ylddlshea Taeeblat. November

h’. C. Seymour, op. clt.. pp. 76-77. In September, 1916, Secretary of State Hobert Lansing wrote to Wilson that, "The temper of the American people is nov so aroused over the attitude and practices of the Allies, that I fear the consequences unlees there is some recession on their part. . •" Cf. N. P. Baker, Why We Went to War. Hew Tork, 1936, p. 82.

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153 The Yiddish press felt that the British action vat "the last straw," and maintained that an energetic American protest was in order*^ Britain failed to adopt a conciliatory attitude, hut in view of the vast American trade with the Allies, the administration bowed to British expediency and the American dollar*

By this time, Wilson

had ^uite definitely permitted hie pro-ally propensities to determine the course of American foreign policy*

Historians in the decade of

the Nineteen-Thirties branded the idealist-President a hypocrite for preaching the sanctity of lav while moTing in the shadow of the western democracies* It would appear that pro-German elements in the United States were more emphatic than the State Department itself in demanding that the Allies adhere to the letter of international law in respect to the trading rights of neutral nations*

As the Teutonic powers would

have benefit ted from such adherence, which would probably have broadened trade between the United States and Germany via the neutral nations on the Continent, the reason for the stand of the pro-Germans is apparent*

Their favorability toward embargo legislation must be

considered in the same light*

In opposite fashion, the pro-Allies,

including the President and leading elements in the State Department, were not willing to force full British compliance with rules of inter­ national law governing the rights of neutrals on the high seas*

Yet

1* Cf* Varhelt. July 20, 1916, p* 4-; Morgen Zhurnal. July 20, 1916, p* h; Tog. July 20, 1916, p* 4? Chicago Courier. July 27, 1916, p*

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15^ at the eame time they were threatening Germany with a break in diplostatic relatione as a consequence of her own continued violation** The United States* in fact, vent to war over the submarine issue*

It

would only be a biased judgment which would condone the actions of the State Department and at the same time condemn the pro-Germans in this country for demanding more forceful measures against Britain*

Indeed

the latter element was in an ambiguous position rendered quite tragic by the fact that it was the Germans, and not the English, who were drawing American blood on the higi seas* Germany's actions in the first months of the war, as regards American neutral rights, were in conformity with international law* In view, however, of British violations and the increasing flow of American products into Allied ports, Germany decided to alter her policy, end on February 4, 191^ announced the establishment of a "war zone" around the British Isles,

The submarine was thus to become

a threat to every enemy vessel in the area*

The use of this weapon

threatened to do great violence to international lav in that the safety of passengers could not always be insured due to the secretive nature of submarine attack, which precluded 'visit and search1 pro­ cedure*

Of course, passengers from neutral nations traveling on

belligerent vessels (under international law they had a perfect right to do so) were in the same danger as British and French nationals* Furthermore, neutral vessels sailing in the war zone had no guarantee of safety, considering the fact that belligerent vessels often resorted

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155 to the use of neutral flags as a permissahle ’ruse de guerre*1 In a struggle for existence, the Germans could not he expected to strictly adhere to the letter of international law, prescribed by legal and philosophical minds*

The pro-Germans in America looked upon the

German announcement of February b-th as Just retaliation to British provocations, while the Yarheit concluded that ”the last act of the war has already begun. Wilson, of the legal mind and Anglo-Saxon spirit, dispatched the first "submarine” note to Germany on February 10, 1915.

He

attacked the war zone declaration, demanded that Germany continue to observe the rules of ’visit and search,’ and declared that he would hold Germany to "strict accountability” in the event of the destruction of -American vessels or the loss of American lives*

The German reply

a week later promised to spare American vessels as far as possible in view of the fact that the British were using the American flag as a ruse.

On February 20th, the United Stateb sent identical notes to

both Britian and Germany urging the latter to respect the obligations of ’visit and search,* while Britain was asked to permit foodstuffs to reach Germany to be distributed to civilians through American agencies.

Germany accepted the proposal with the condition that

certain raw materials (as well as foodstuffs) be permitted through the British blockade.

Britain's reply was a rejection of the American

1. Yarheit. February 7* 1915* p. Cf. J. C. Crighton, Missouri and the World War. 191h~1917: A Study in Public Opinion. University of Missouri Studies, vol. XXI, no. 3, Columbia (Mo.), 19^7, p» 73i C. Wittke, on. cit.. p, 68.

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156 proposal.1

Submarine sinkings continued through March and April,

resulting in the loss or damage of three American vessels. By the same kind of negative reasoning which produced a proGermanism among American immigrant Jews, the Yiddish press blamed England for the fact that Germany was forced to circumvent American rights on the high seas.

Certainly, it wae felt, Germany could not

be blamed for having to resort to the use of the submarine to break the British blockade.

As the Morgen Zhurnal pointed out*

• . .Germany is completely right in ueing the only means by vhich she can make an impression. Inhumanity is no greater on one side than on the other; there is aB much room for pity for German women and children as there is for English sailors or their widows and orphans. If the peaceful population of German towns and cities may die of hunger or unemployment due to shortages of material and the lack of trade incurred by English war plans, then English trading vessels may be sent to the bottom in the carrying out of German war plans. 2

Because of England’s obstinency, the Forverts felt, "Germany cannot and will not recognise the American position."^

1. C. C. Tansill, on. cit.. pp. 238-240. 2» Morgen Zhurnal. March 11, 1915, p. 4. 3. Forverts, February 23, 1915, p. 5o When the British hoisted the American flag over the ’Lusitania’ on February 5* 1915 (three months before it was sunk), the Morgen Zhurnal (February 9, 1915, p. 4) commented: "It is understood that we would have no just complaints against the German government if one of her submarines had sunk the 'Lusitania’ at a time when she was flying an American instead of an English flag. H

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157 The issue was brought to a head on the afternoon of May 7* 1915» when the giant Cunard liner 'Lusitania' was sunk by a German torpedo close to the Old Head of Kinsale off the Irish coast*

Over

eleven hundred persons went down with the British vessel; among the dead there were over a hundred Americans.

News of the sinking was

received in the United States with expressions of amazement and horror*

There was little clamor for war; instead there was a general

demand that American travel rights be more vigorously protected** The German-American press, fearful of war, attempted by every means to justify the actions of the German submarine*^

The initial reaction

of the Yiddish press was one of condemnation of the German act* "Blood cannot wash away blood," waB the verdict of the Tog.3 In short order, however, Jewish journalists began to weigh the issues in the sinking, and the question emerged, "Is England in no way guilty?"^

The consensus of Yiddish editorial opinion in the

days following the sinking was that the vessel was probably carrying munitions, that she was armed, that the passengers had been warned

1. H, LanBing, War Memoirs. Indianapolis, 1935* PP* 27-28; V, Millie, on* clt.. p. 174; C. C* Cummins, on* clt*. p* 110; J. C* Crighton, on. clt*. pp. 83-84* 2. C* Wittke, on. clt*. pp. 72-73* 3* Tog. Hay 10, 1915* P* ^* Also: Yiddishes Tageblat. May 9, 1915, p. 4; American Hebrew. May 14, 1915, Po 36* 4. Morgen Zhurnal. May 9. 1915* p. ^*

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158 1)7 the German government on May 1st against Bailing on the vessel* and that the sinking was not a product of Germany's criminality alone, hut of the criminality of war in general.*

By May 10th, the

Yiddishes Tageblat maintained that, "The Lusitania issue it today a different one than on the day of the s i n k i n g . T h e enduring ration­ alization of Jewish suffering in Poland (unheard and unlamented in the non-Jewish press) was held up in comparison to one incident of suffering by the "rich,B who had no business traveling for pleasure in the "war zone” anyway.^

The Yiddish press was particularly

energetic in urging restraint upon the country so as to avoid war against Germany.

Perhaps the picture of America fighting on the side

of Tsarist Russia flashed throigh many an editor*s mind as he con­ templated the consequences of the *Lusitaniat sinking.

American

Jewry placed its faith in Wilson to keep the country out of war. The first American *LusitaniaT note to Germany, sent on May 13* 1915, held the latter to strict accountability for the sinking,

Yarheit. May 8, 1915, p. 4- and May 9, 1915* P* 9, 1915* p. h-j Yiddishes Tageblat. May 10, 1915, p* May 9. 1915. P.

Forverts. May Chicago Courier.

2. Yiddishes Tageblat. May 10, 1915, p. 3* Tog. May 9, 1915, p. Bostoner Ylddishe Shtimme. May lh, 1915, p. h; Yiddlsher Record (Chicago), Hay lh, 1915, p. FortBchritt. June 25, 1915, p* Several prominent Americans at this time urged against American travel on belligerent vessels; among them were Vice-President Thomas Marshall, Senator Stone of Missouri, Rear-Admiral F. E. Chadwick, and Cardinal Gibbons. Cf. C. C. Tansill, op. cit., pp. 276-277; R* H. Abrams, Preachers Present Arms. New York, 1933, p. 30.

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159 and demanded reparations for injuries to Americans.

The Jewish

Kehillah of New York, on May 16th, drew up a resolution of support of Wilson in his dealings with Germany.*

"WE STANS WITH THE

PBS SISENT,11 was the title of a Morgen Zhurnal editorial on May 16th. In so far as standing with the President still meant peace with Germany, the Jews were prepared to do so, yet it was continually urged that he understand the war psychology of the German nation, "which sees hundreds of thousands of its children dying in the struggle,"

2

and that he should accordingly act with due restraint.

We may detect the beginnings of a pattern of vacillation in the Yiddish press, which saw pledges of devotion and patriotism made at the outset cf a crisis or an important turn in diplomatic events; any slowing down, however, of a sequence of events, offering oppor­ tunity for reflection, only reactivated pro-German inclinations, leading to criticism of American foreign policy.

The lattern, re­

peated through a series of diplomatic crises, is quite indicative of the marginal character of immigrant Jewish thought. On May 28th, the German reply to Wilson's note was received. It claimed that the 'Lusitania' waB an auxiliary cruiser of the British Navy, that the vessel was armed, and that she was carrying munitions*

The note also warned of the consequences of travel by

1. Bos Yiddlshe Polk. May 28, 1915* Po 1. 2. Chicago Courier. May l^f, 1915, p.

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160 neutrals on belligerent vessels.^- The German reply was Bharply attacked in the general American press, but Oerman-Aroerlean nowspapers considered the note as being quite truthful and justified*

2

The views expressed in the Tiddish jress (whose pro-Germanism was not quite as strong of course as that of the German-American press) seemingly indicate a conflict in the minds of the editors between the patriotic exigencies of following Wilson's lead and the desire to put in a few good words for Germany in the light of general issues in the European conflict*

Thus credence was placed in

Germany's declarations concerning the sunken vessel, but it was pointed out that Wilson's legal position was unassailable, and that the German submarine should have provided for the safety of the passengers.

g

While the argument of German "necessity" was stressed,

there was little open criticism of the President at this time*

Only

when the Secretary of State, William J* Bryan, resigned in protest against Wilson's second 'Lusitania' note did the Yiddish press widen such criticism*

It is apparent that the social pressures exercised

by a pro-Ally public served to restrain the inclinations of Jews to discover more "truth" in Germany's claims*

The Yiddish press needed

1* C* C. Tansill, op. cit*. pp* 323-324* 2* Ibid*, p* 324;

C. Wittke, op. clt*. p* 75*

3* Cf* Forverts. June 1, 1915* P* 4; Yiddishes Tageblat. June 1, 1915, p* 4; Chicago Courier. June 1, 1915, P* 4? Tog. June 1, 1915, p. 4j Freie Arbeiter Shtimae. June 5» 1915* p* 4; Pi Zukunft. June, 1915, pp* 495-496*

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161 a Bryan to serve at lta rationale, for here was a "grass-roota" American supposedly on its tide of the fence. Wilson*! second note, dispatched on June 9th, denied the German accusations concerning the nature of the vessel and its cargo, and stressed the issue of the loss of American lives through the breach of accepted principles of international lav.

The note had

been considered too strong and threatening by Secretary Bryan, vho resigned his post rather than put his signature to the "ultimatum."*He promptly began urging the President to warn Americans against travelling on belligerent vessels, and demanded that the dispute with Germany be arbitrated.

Bryan was apparently convinced that the

country was heading for war, and thought that by going to the people, he could arouse "a great latent pacific sentiment."^ The American press vas highly critical of the former Secretary of State, going so far as to accuse him of treason to his country.^ The German-American press fuickly hailed the actions of the man vho previously had been the scapegoat for its attacks upon American foreign policy.

The Yiddish press, apart from some mild criticism

of Bryant hasty actions, vas convinced that he had acted in the interests of peace.** He vas judged as being a man of principle, vhile

1. C. C. Tansill, on. clt.. pp. 3^3-3^* 2. M. Curti, Bryan and Vorld Peace, p. 221. 3. 0# C, Cummins, op. clt., p. 123* 0. C. Tansill, on. clt.. p. 338. h. Cf. Chicago Courier. June 9, 1915, p. Yarheit. June 9, 1915, p. Yiddishes Tageblat, June 10, 1915» pTog» I1*. 1915. p.

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162 ths President* in comparison, appeared only "as a simple politi­ cian,"*

Thus, clinging to Bryan*s shirt-tails, the way was open

to the Yiddish press for open and forthright criticism of American foreign policy aB conducted by Wilson tnd his advisors.

Motives

were two-fold— the preservation of peace and the furtherance of the Teutonic cause. The Yiddish press unanimously supported Bryan *3 demand that Americans stay off belligerent vessels in order to prevent future diplomatic controversy with Germany,2

Thus the German reply of July

8th to Wilson's second note, promising to protect American lives and shipping as far as possible, was hailed in Jewish quarters.

The

Freie Arbelter Shtimme maintained that:

, « .no better note could have been expected, • ,it was written with feeling, • .with a desire to avoid war, and with an almost crying call from a people which is doing its best to defend that which they believe is for them a matter of life or death,^ Wilson1s third Lusitania1 note of July 21, 1915 was an un­ compromising defense of the rights of neutrals, and held that German

1, Freie June 10, Arbelter 1915, p.

Arbelter Shtimme. June 12, 1915, p« 1, Also: Forverts. 1915* p» hs Fortschrltt. June 18, 1915» F« Ylddishe Yelt (Chicago), June 19 , 1915, p. M i Freie Zukunft. July, 17,

2, Gf, Morgen Zhurnal, July Mrt 1915* P* Yiddlsher Record (Chicago), July 9* 1915, P* Forverts. July 11, 1915» P» M-i Tog, July 11, 1915, p, Freie Arbelter Shtimme. July 17, 1915, P« 1* 3, Freie Arbelter Shtimme. July 17, 1915, p* 1,

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163 contraventions of these rights were "deliberately u n f r i e n d l y , T h e country at the moment seemed to he close to a diplomatic break with Germany, Despite the fact that the Yiddish press was clearly opposed to Wilson’s position, in the light of the aggravation of the crisis, the non-radical organs, in particular, quickly reemphasised their unflinching loyalty to the President,

Quite indicative of national­

istic pressures (pro-Germanism was un-American) was a Chicago Courier statement which ran counter to its own past opinions on American foreign policy.

Thus the newspaper pointed out that, "Every criti­

cism of the President’s position is, , ,at present uncalled for and unpatriotic, • .America will look with hostility upon any effort to weaken the President^ hand,"

2

The radical press was characteristically less prone to such shifting, and continued in a vein of criticism,

"If England is

correct," Pi Zukunft asked, "why is Germany wrong when she uses the eg.me arguments as England?"^

Fearing the consequences of Wilson’s

uncompromising position, and reasserting its anti-war position, the Forverts stated:

1, C. C. Tansill, on. cit,. pp, 350-351* Cf, E, Borchard and W, P. lag©, Neutrality for the United States. New Haven, 1937, P* 165* 2, Chicago Courier. July 25, 1915, p* 1915, p. 3, Pi Zukunft. August, 1915, p. 682.

Also:

Varhelt. July 25,

Cf. Tog, August 6, 1915, P*

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I6t» If Wilson were sincerely concerned for the lives of Americans, he would not have taken Buch a diplomatic step, which endangers the livee of American soldiers in the event of war. He should adopt Germany's proposal that he forbid Americans to travel on vessels carrying munitions. It is true that the principle of freedom of the seas would suffer. But a human life is more important than anything else. Man was not created for a principle, instead principles were created for man.^

A strained sense of justice in radical mindB (American travel on munitions ships appeared unjust) led to such conclusions, which nevertheless were conditioned by pro-German inclinations. While Ambassador Bernitorff was attempting to placate Wilson and thereby lessen the tension, the news was flashed of the sinking on August 19th without warning and without any provisions being made for the safety of passengers, of the British steamer, 'Arabic,' en route from Liverpool to Hew York. incident.

Two Americans were lost in the

America moved closer to war as the nation's press debated

whether this was in fact Germany's reply to the President’s last note. The non-radical Yiddish press was shocked at the "spiteful, senseless, wasteful destruction of life,"^ and once again the cry went up that

1, Forverts. July 27, 1915, p* Emma Goldman's Mother Earth (December, 1915* p* 335)> presented the Jewish Anarchist position when it asked: "Where was the protest of Washington when 'our men, women and children' were killed at Ludlow? Or is there any difference in killing 'our men, women and children' in Ludlow or on the high seas? Yes, indeed. The men, women and children at Ludlow were working people, belonging to the disinherited of the earth, foreigners who had to be given a taste of the glories of Americanism, which the passengers of the Lusitania represented. • .therein lies the difference." 2. Chicago Courier. August 23, 1915* p» August 22, 1915* p»

Also:

Morgen Zhurnal.

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165 Jewry must follow the President*

The Varheit succinctly pointed up

to the Jewish dilemna when it stated:

We have a right to our sympathies in the war: we do not have the right however to make white out of black when it is a question of simple justice* And certainly we must not do this when one of the dis­ putants in the controversy is our own land.^

The growing threat of war, oppositely, served to place the radical press on a more active anti-war footing*

This tendency,

reinforced by successive crises, is significant in respect to the position of the radicals %4ien the country actually did go to war in April, 1917*

Thus, the Forverts, commenting on the 'Arabic,* stated

that the sinking was "not an absolute affront to America's honor*

It

was one of the violations of war itself and not of Germany alone* * * all bloody capitalistic governments are equally guilty* The *Arabic' crisis ended quickly (and incidentally brought about a settlement for all intents and purposes of the Lusitania issue) when on September 1, 1915* a formal German note promised: Liners will not be sunk by our submarines without warning and without safety of the lives of the non-combatants, pro­ vided that the liners do not try to escape or offer resistence*^

1. Yarheit. August 20, 1915* p* 2. Forverts. August 21, 1915* P* 3* C* 0. Tansill, on* clt*. p, 367* Germany promised in October, 1915 to pay an indemnity for the two Americana lost on the ’Arabic,f but the 'Lusitania1 reparations issue remained "somewhere in the wings with no clue to bring it forward*" Ibid,. p. *f06*

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166 The entire American press, the Jewish included, hailed this apparent settlement of German-American difficulties* particular, was credited with the peaceful outcome*

WilBon, in Underlying

Jewish enthusiasm was a pacifist strain, characteristic of both conservative religiosity and socialist opposition to capitalistic conflict*

"America has won a great victory in the field of diplomacy

which is often far greater than a victory on the battlefield," ob­ served the Yiddishes Taaeblat.,* The enduring threat of a break in diplomatic relations with Germany and the possibility of war gave rise to a movement in Congress early in 1916 which demanded that the President warn American citizens of the dangers of travel on belligerent vessels*

By the end of Febru­

ary, the Gore-McLemore resolutions to this effect became a leading Congressional issue.

Wilsons position continued to stress the point

that under international law, Americans, as neutrals, could travel on any vessel on the high seas, and that accordingly their lives must be protected against any form of naval attack, including that of under-sea raiders*

The President wrote to Senator William J* Stone

of Missouri that, "The honor and self-respect of the nation is in­ volved.

We covet peace, and shall preserve it at any cost but the

loss of honor."

The American people were divided on the issue;

1. Yiddishes Tageblat. October 7, 1915* P» 2* C. Seymour, American Diplomacy During the World War. p0 116.

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167 C* C. CnmminB maintains that the people of Indiana "would have favored admonishing Americans not to embark on belligerent ships."* As vas already pointed out* the expiring embargo movement gave way to a new crusade seeking the prohibition of American travel on vessels of nations at war*

She Yiddish press again made an about-

face and came out in opposition to the Chief Executive on the issue of the Gore-McLemore resolutions*

The Yiddishes Tageblat remarked

that, "It is not a question of rights or of illegalities? it is a question of danger*"

The Freie Arbelter Shtimme justified the

sacrifice of principle because "the whole fabric of international law is being violated on all sides.

All Yiddish newspapers op­

pressed a fear of war as a result of indiscriminate American travel on the high seas as well as tfileon^ uncompromising position***

On

March 6, 1916* Congressman London introduced a resolution:

That Congress solemnly declare its unalterable opposi­ tion to war as a means of enforcing the claim that Americans may travel in armed merchantmen of belligerents*^

1* C. C. Cummins, on* clt.. p. 195, 2* Yiddishes Tageblat. January 7. 1916, p. 6* 3* Freie Arbeiter Shtimme. March k t 1916, p, ka February 27, 1916, p,

Cf* Morgen Zhurnal.

k, Cf, Freie Arbelter Shtimma. February 26, 1916, p* 1? Yiddishes Tageblat* February 25* 1916, p, k\ Tog. March 2, 1916, p* 4? Forverts. March 2, 1916, p. 2* 5» Congressional Raeord - House, 5k Cong,, 1st sess., vol. 5^, pt. k t P* 3638.

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161 The resolution was an important signpost of Socialist action a year later when the vinds of war rushed from the sea and engulfed a nation. On March 3rd. the Senate tabled the Gore resolution; the House rejected the McLenore measure four days later*

In a pattern which

had become quite precise, the non-radical Yiddish press, desirous of exhibiting its loyalty, reversed itself on the issue, and hailed Wilson*s victory*

The Yiddishes Tageblat remarked that, "an official

warning to .Americans to avoid traveling on armed merchant ships would have been in a sense a sign of weakness for A m e r i c a * L e s s con­ cerned with a display of "loyalty," the radical Forverts sarcasti­ cally remarked that the capitalists who deny justice and humanity at home become "the greatest defenders of principles* • *of utopian idealism" when it comes to foreign affairs.^ Yiddish press opinion was destined to waver once more as the submarine issue again came out in the open.

On February 11, 1916,

the German government announced that beginning in March, its under­

1* Yiddishes Tageblat.March 9* 1916, p* 60 See also: Varhelt. March 8, 1916, p* ki Chicago Courier. March 6, 1916, p. 4* The issue of American "honor" also influenced the non-radical Yiddish press in the concurrent American difficulties with Mexico and Pancho Villa* Favoring American intervention in Mexico after the Villa raids upon American soil, the Varhelt (March 10, 1916, p* U) remarked: "It is now the duty of America to use any and all means to apprehend the murderers, wherever they may be, and to punish them • . .The question here is not one of blind revenge, but of American security*" Also: Yiddishes Tageblat. June 26, 1916, p* 4. It is significant that where America1a honor was involved in relation to European affairs, the Yiddish press was not quite as forthright* 2* Forverts. March 1, 1916, p* ^*

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169 sea fleet would attack armed enemy merchant ships without warning. The Yiddish press hacked Germany*e contention that such vessels* as naval auxiliaries, might justifiably he sunk without warning. Once more, English "provocation" was pointed to as the basis of German action.* On March 2^th, the French passenger steamer, 'Sussex,* was sunk without warning by a German submarine in the English Channel* Several Americans were injured in the action.

On April 18th, Wilson

sent the following note to Germany:

Unless the Imperial Government should now immediately declare and effect an abandonment of its present methods of submarine warfare against passenger and freight-carry­ ing vessels, the Government of the United States can have no choice but to sever diplomatic relatlons*2

Forgetting itB expressions of "English provocations," the quixotic Yiddish press (but for some of the radical organs) again pledged its support of the President's position in the crisis.

Thus

the Chicago Courier, stated in a familiar vein:

• . .now is the time for every American citizen, for anyone who truly loves this great free nation to forget all other interests and sympathies in relation to other lands, aDd to think first of America.3

1* Cf. Morgen Zhurnal. February 13, 1916, p« hj Yiddishes Tageblat. February 1*1-, 1916, p. 2. C. C. Tansill, op. clt.. p. 506* 3. Chicago Courier. April 23, 1916, p. h. 1916, p. k\ Tog, April 20, 1916, p. 4.

Also:

Varhelt. April 20,

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170 It is apparent that with the first impact of a crisis, American nationalistic impulses were aroused in the Jewish immigrant body, and that these impulses were strong enough to subdue sentiments which otherwise ran counter to the stream of general American thinking* Sensitivity to group and nationalistic pressures is a basic step in the accommodation of immigrant elements* This is not to say that such pressures are necessarily lasting? particularly if accommodation is not far advanced*

Thus after the

initial impact of the 'Sussex1 crisis, Jews reverted back to many of the stock arguments characteristic of their pro-Germanism*

The per­

vasive thought that America might become an ally of Tsarist Bussia as a result of the dispute with Germany was an underlying cause of the constant shifting of positions*

It was as if American nationalism

were at war with Jewish nationalistic (or ethnic) impulses*

Once more

then, the cry went up that Wilson was more tolerant of English viola­ tions.

The Yiddish press began asking why the President had warned

Americans to get out of Mexico in view of the difficulties with that country, but nonetheless saw fit not to warn Americans to stay off belligerent vessels*^

The question appeared to be a logical one,

and Jews were not satisfied with the legalistic replies*

Arguments

of humanity, Jews felt, do not justify an approach to war, for

1« Of• Morgen Zfaumal. April 20, 1916, p* Saye Yelt. April 21, 1916, p* ?A Porverts. April 29, 1916, p8 6| Pi Zukunft. April, 1916, p. 281.

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171 humanitarianism and conflict are at opposite poles.

The radical**

Zionist Yiddisher Kaempfer. the organ of the Foale Zion* need the occasion of tho approach of May Fay to urge Jewish labor to demon** strate "for peace and to protest against w a r . T h e Forverta re­ marked that* "The voice of the people is the voice of God.

Let this

voice he a warning to all Congressmen and demagogues. The German reply of May hth to Wilson's 'Sussex* note was "a distinct surrender to the American demands."^

The note promised

that enemy merchant vessels would not he sunk without warning* and that all efforts w>uld he made to save the lives of passengers.

The

note went on to say that continued German adherence to international law would depend upon neutral efforts toward compelling the Allies to show equal respect for that law. self "complete liberty of action."

Germany thus reserved for her­ Nevertheless, throughout tho

remainder of the year, her submarines did not violate the pledge to Wilson. The 'Sussex* pledge was generally well-received in the American press, but Missouri newspapers* for example, reflected some resentment over the conditional features contained therein.^

The crisis past

1. Yiddisher Kaempfer. April 28, 1916, p. 6. 2. For verts. April 30, 1916, p. 8. 3. C. C. Taneill, op. cit.. p. 5H « h. J. C. Crighton, op. cit.. p. llh.

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172

the Yiddish press rendered itB final opinions* and maintained that Germany was completely justified in demanding that the United States exercise its influence to bring about British conformity to inter­ national lav.

It was pointed out that Germany had given in to the

United States in every dispute, it seemed just therefore that England should also be expected to respect American rights.

The

Tog maintained that Germany,s demands in this respect were entirely in the interests of "justice, humanity, and the feeling of fair play®"^

The Morgen Zhurnal

was of the opinion that the German

reply served to defeat "the criminal conspiracy to drag America into the World War to help England,"^

Yet the Varhelt fuite cor­

rectly pointed out that the current settlement could only be at most a temporary one, and that war "between America and Germany is in3 evitable under present circumstances*" It is clear, in final judgment, that the Yiddish press, at this time, was very much opposed to going to war over the submarine issue.

The Yiddish press, in truth, demanded basically that there

be universal respect for international law to guarantee, at least, American peace*

But if Britain chose to violate the law of the seas,

the pres8 felt that Gernany could not be expected to do otherwise.

1. Tog. May 10, 1916, p. h* May 8, 1916, p* 4*

Cf, Ibid*. May 6, 1916, p* 6? Forverts.

2* Morgen Zhurnal. May 7, 1916, p. 4* 3. Varhelt. May 6, 1916, p* 4*

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173 Jewry was of the opinion that as international law wae being violated on all Bides, the United States should demand equal conformity by all (our foreign policy was considered to be un-neutral)} if this was not possible, it was felt that this country should withdraw from the imbroglio as far as possible*

Thus favorability was expressed toward

the embargo movement and the Gore-Mclemore resolutions*

The Jews

were in the peculiar position of demanding an isolationist policy* while they themselves were very far from being American provincials* Quite the opposite} they were Russophobes and pro-Germans* and expected that American "neutrality" would benefit the Teutonic cause*

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17^

CHAPTER VI

“HE KEPT TJS OUT OP WAR"

If pacifism stems from an ethical abhorrence of physical con­ flict, then Woodrow Wilson, the Idealist and academician, was a pacifist.

But the man was also an American nationalist, and he

possessed an Anglo-Saxon bias— factors which precluded aloofness from the ways of the warriors.

He would not compromise America’s "honor,"

and thus found himself compromising with pacifism itself.

Yet his

sense of "honor" stemmed from a sense of universality, and if pacifism inevitably meant American Isolation, then, he felt, the pacifist ideal was worth compromising.

At least, he hoped, the concession would

only be temporary, for recourse to power politics and the sword would one day perhaps bring about lasting peace and the attainment of ethical ideals in a world order.

While he was himself blind to many of the

economic undercurrents of civilization, the Great Man moved among in­ ferior 8tuff, who would not and could not comprehend hiB ideals and motivations.

Their influence, too, undeniably dragged the President

down a few pegs; it was too late before he realized how far he had descended (In leading America into a nationalistic-imperialistic con­ flict, supposedly to 'fight for peace’ and the 'brave new world'). When he would compromise no more in the fight for the League of Rations,

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175

he emerged a beaten and disillusioned man*

He was destroyed by the

force of nationalism, of which he was but an American disciple.

Be­

fore his passing, his face~the mask of death— had a haunted look, seemingly obsessed by visions of dead American doughboys, who he thought had died in vain.

Perhaps the face mirrored the shaping of

another cataclysm* Wilson did not decide upon war for America until February, 1917, yet his unyielding stand in the submarine issue, the loans to the Allies, war propaganda, and the preparedness movement, which helped produce a psychological readiness for war as well as having laid the groundwork for the production of the sinews of destruction, all made America's entry into the war seemingly irrepressible.

The preparedness movement

was launched even before the outbreak of the European conflict.

In

the summer of 1913, General Leonard Wood opened two voluntary civilian training camps to begin the conversion of America to militarism.

In

December, 1914, the National Security League was formed to agitate for preparedness against the “German menace."

Early in 1915, the American

Legion was organized, proposing to enroll a quarter of a million young men in a voluntary reserve army.

By the spring of 1915, a deluge of

propaganda for readiness against "Teutonic invasion" engulfed the press. In the summer, young businessmen were marching at Plattsburg to prepare for the defense of hearth and homeland.

The echo of the marching

cadence reverberated in Washington, and in July, a White House presB release announced that Wilson, who was at first opposed to the prepared-

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176

n088 movement, would now submit an Increased military budget to the Congress.

The warhorse was stamping in his btallI

Wilson’s initial opposition to preparedness had the unanimous support of the Yiddish press.

It was a reflection in part of an

Imbued hatred and fear of soldiery in a group that had come from auto­ cratic lands and which was steeped in the ethics of peace.

Jewish

Socialists, besides, had their Marxian dogma with which they could eondenm capitalistic war and soldiery.1

When the President informed

Congress in December, 1914, that the United States would be “ashamed p of any thou^it of hostility or fearful preparation for trouble," the man was hailed in the Yiddish press for his supposed condemnation of JJ

"profiteers," "jingoes," and "murder-patriots."

Agitation for pre­

paredness, the Frele Arbeiter Shtlmme. optimistically declared, "would have little influence, so long at least as-the present Wilson regime 4 shall continue.H

1. Morris Hillqult wrote in 1909 (Socialism in Theory and Practice,. Wew York, pp. 296, 298)r "One of the greatest evils of the modern state is the standing army. Capitalist society cannot be maintained without a host of soldiers... The standing armies and the navies are besides a prolific source of general brutalization and demoralization of the people." 2. Quoted in, C. Seymour, American Diplomacy During the World War, p. 8. 3. Varhelt, December 9, 1914, p. 4; Tog. December 10, 1914, p» 4 ; Frele Arbeiter Shtlmme. December 12, 1914, p. 1. 4. Ibid.. December 12, 1914, p. 1.

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177

The Jewish radicals were particularly vehement in their attacks •upon the agitation for preparedness.

In a debate with Congressman

Augustus P. Gardner (Mass.) In Carnegie Hall in New York City on April 2, 1915, Hillquit was of the opinion that: For all the human lives that have been ruthlessly destroyed in this war, for the homes that have been wrecked, for the towns and villages that have been devastated, for the fiendish atrocities that have been inflicted on mankind, the ’patriots’ of Europe who have been urging on their gullible countrymen the need of ever greater military preparedness, bear an awful share of responsibility. Uillqult, incidentally, was one of the organisers of the American League to Limit Armaments, which was formed in December, 1914, to 2 combat "the spread of the militaristic spirit in the United States.” The radical Yiddish press continually warned against the crea­ tion of an American military oligarchy, maintained that preparedness propaganda was being financed by the trusts, and was of the opinion 3 that the armament movement would inevitably lead to war. But the Forverts significantly pointed out: If there should be an actual threat of a European monarchy attacking the United States, we all would

1. Must We Arm?: Hilloult-Gardner Debate. New York, 1915, p. 38. 2* Report of the New York State Joint Legislative Committee for the Investigation of Seditious Activities. Albany, 1920, vol. I, p» 10?8, henceforth referred to as Report of the Lusk Committee. 3. Cf. Forverts. December 6, 1914, p. 4, December 26, 1914, p. 4, February 23, 1915, p. 4, March 3, 1915, p. 4; Per Yiddisher Soziallstr July 1, 1915, p. 1. Also see: Mother Earth. September, 1915, p* 258’ .

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178

fight for America with our heart* and soul*...not out of "blind patriotism, hut because America has the freest institutions in the world* That would he a real struggle for freedom,1 So long as Wilson remained outside the preparedness cemp, the non-radical and orthodox Yiddish press saw fit to continue to attack militarist propaganda.

Again it was a case of conformity.

The

chief argument was that militarism was counter to American tradition, and furthermore, there was no danger of American involvement in the European conflict anyway!

2

Speaking to members of the Northern

Indiana Teachers Association in April, 1915, Babbl Stephen S, Wise, who later became a rabid supporter of America*s war effort, declared; "...the present war and all its unspeakable horrors is the answer to 3 those w* o will not see that war preparation is war provocation." An observer at the July, 1915 convention of the Central Conference of American Babble noted that most of the delegates "stand opposed" to preparedness.

4

Predominantly an immigrant group, American Jewry could

not very well be isolationist, nevertheless, in its Americanisation, it had come to adopt some of the isolationist arguments which were strong at the time.

1. Forverts. December 8, 1914, p. 4. 2. Cf. Morgen Zhurnal. March 2, 1915, p. 4j Yiddishes Tageblat. March 3. 1915, p* 4; Chicago Courier. April 22, 1915,p. 4. 3. Quoted in C. C. Cummins, op, cit,.p. 183fn. 4. American Hebrew. July 9, 1915, p. 234.

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179

On November 4, 1915, in a speech delivered at the Biltmore Hotel in Hew York City, Wilson can* out in favor of preparedness* His position was that it would not he readiness f6r war, hut "only for defence."1

By this time, Wilson had strong popular support, for the

feeling reigned that a powerful America, commanding the respect of the belligerents, would he able to uphold her "honor" without having to go o to war. The American clergy, too, was "overwhelmingly" in favor of

3 preparedness.

Samuel (tampers came out in support of the President

at the A* P. I-* convention in November, 1915; the following month, he helped the National Civic Federation draft a resolution calling on the Congress to create a Council of National Defense*

4

The radical Yiddish press condemned Wilson's Biltmore Address as indicative of the opportunism of a politician faced with the necessity of denying the Republicans a monopoly over the preparedness issue* The President, the radicals felt, had become the dupe of the "monopolists,"

1. Quoted in W. Mlllism on* cit*. p* 237, 2. J. C* Cri^iton, on* cit.. p* 118; C. C« Cummins, op* cit.. pp, 169170. 3* R. H* Abrams, op* cit*. p» 33* 4. Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor. 1915, p* 387* L. I. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor. Washington, 1933, p, 141, 5. Forverts. November 6, 1915, p» 4; Ylddlshe Arbeiter Yelt (Chicago), December 4, 1915, p* 4* ------

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180

and in turn he shall deceive the lovers of peace into supporting ndli1 tarlsm. Congressman Meyer London, writing in the Zukunf t. feared that an armed America would become warlike In the event of the slightest provocation* preparedness, "

A.Liessin, the editor of the same publication, opposed because we love our new home, which gave us security,

freedom, and equality, and therefore we want her to remain different 3 from our terrible old home." Thus, the Amalgamated* s Fortschrltt lamented! Let us tear up all our nice bookd describing demo­ cracy in our land. Let us erase from our memories all the nice poems written about freedom in our land* The; want us to read a new testament— 'pre­ paredness.1 While the "liberal" Yiddish press also tended to be critical 5 of the President on the preparedness issue, the conservative and ortho­ dox press, anxious to display its "loyalty," reversed its former posi­ tion on the issue, and quickly followed Wilson down the road to the 6 joust with the war-god* Meanwhile, in January and February, 1916, 1* Of, Frele Arbeiter Shtlmme. November 13, 1915, p. lj Naye Veltr Decem­ ber 3, 1915, p. 1; Forverts. December 4, 1915, p, 4; Qlelchheit. December 17, 1915, p. 4* Kaye Post. January 7, 1916, p, 7. 2* D1 Zukunftr December, 1915, p* 1070. 3* Ibid*. January, 1916, p, 3* 4. Fortschrltt. November 26, 1915, p* 4* 5. Cf« Varhelt. November 5, 1915, p* 4j Tog. November 4, 1915, p» 4; Yiddisher Record (Chicago), December 17, 1915. p. 4t Dos Yiddish** Folk December 24, 1915, p. 5* ““ “ ’ 6* Cf. Yiddishes Tageblat. November 7, 1915, p. 4; Morgen Zhurnalr Novem­ ber 7, 1915, p* 4; Chicago Courier. December 8, 1915, p 0 4. Also see: American Israelite (Cincinnati), May 4, 1916, p* 1*

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Wilson toured the eastern seaboard and the Middle Weet urging prepared­ ness.

The motives for the tour are quite unclear, but In all proba­

bility the Democratic Party was concerned with the forthcoming election, and was fearful of a Republican monopoly over the issue.

Also Wilson

probably had the Idea that a strong America, commanding the respect of all the powers, could act as an effective mediator in the European conflict.

The House mission to Europe, American peace efforts in

December, 1916, and the famous "peace without victory" message in Janu­ ary, 1917 are all indicative of Wilson's motives. But the President was in many respects an incongruous man, who shaped great forces, but then was carried away or was struck down by their excesses.

The great preparedness parade of May 13th in Hew York

City, in which over 125,000 marchers paraded well into the night, shouting the slogans of the militarist state, was probably not too com­ forting to Wilson, who at this time certainly had no inclinations to see the country get into the fi^it.

He was always weaker than the

great forces he tried to direct, whether they be nationalism, the busi­ ness economy, or preparedness.

This is the tragedy of the man.

Yet,

one must ask whether such a man is in fact weak, who tries to move the forces that in turn shake the world. The conservative Yiddish press, rabbinical elements, and the nonradical fraternal orders were securely in the preparedness camp in the year 1916.

Habbi Samuel Schulman of Temple Beth-El in Hew York

City saw no contradiction "between promoting peace and preparedness."* 1. Quoted in B. H. Abrams, on. cit.. p« 35.

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Even a Spclallst like Henry L* Slobodin, who emulated Charles E. Bussell, supported the movement out of fear of the German "menace." Slobodin, who was active in the Socialist Labor Party in the EighteenNineties, pointed out that international Socialist congresses had never condemned the building of citisen armies*1 The radicals, however, intensified their anti-preparedness crusade.

Meyer London carried the fight into Congress, while Abraham

Shiplakoff fou^it the proposal in the Hew York State Assembly to intro-

2 duce military training into the public schools*

The second biennial

convection of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America at Bocihester t

in May, 1916 passed a resolution against the militarization of America.* The sixteenth amual convention of the Arbeiter Bing concluded that 4 "constant preparations for war must sooner or later lead to conflict," Both the Socialist and the Socialist Labor parties adopted anti-pre­

Have Yelt. January 14, 1916, p. 3. Even Morris Hillquit wrote before the war (Socialism in Theory and Practice, p. 300)j "Socialism stands for the abolition of all wars and all armies, but recognizes that within the modern social system this is an unattainable ideal. The practical Socialist program, therefore, advocates what the Social­ ists consider the next best step— introduction of a national democratic militia system instead of that of the standing army." Bays Veit. April 17, 1916, p. 1* The Central Federated Union of Hew York (A.F.L.) also opposed the military bill. Of, ibid. June 16 1916, p, 1* ’ 3, Proceedings of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. 1916

197^

4. Per Fralnd. June-July, 1916, p, 38.

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p.

183 1 paredness planks In their platforms for 1916,

The American Federation

of Labor at its 1916 convention distinguished between preparedness and militarism, pointing out that the latter is a "system fostered and de­ veloped by tyrants with the object of supporting their arbitrary author2 ity,M Obviously Wilson was not a tyrant. The anti-preparedness movement blended with a pacifist crusade, which sought to put an end to the European conflict.

The latter move­

ment, which united nonradicals and Socialists (consequently stigmatizing it), found initial inspiration in Wilson's early anti-war declarations. Thus, in his message to Congress on December 8, 1914, the President declared that Americans should not be "thrown off...balance by a war with which we have nothing to do, whose causes cannot touch us, whose very existence affords us opportunities of friendship and disinterested 3 service...." In April, 1915, he felt that America1s role as a peace­ maker was a natural one, fort We are compounded of the nations of the world; we mediate their blood, we mediate their traditions, we mediate their sentiments, their tastes, their passions, we are ourselves compounded of those things.4 On May 10, 1915, Wilson declared that America was "too proud to fight," and urged that the country ba an example of peace for the world.

5

1. Cf. A, Trachtenberg, on. cit.. p. 28; American Labor Year “Book. 1915 p. 187. ; 2. Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor. 1916, p. 383, 3. 0. Seymour, American Diplomacy During the World War, p. 8. 4. W. D. Baker, op. cit.. p. 136, 5. W. Millls, op. cit.. p. 178.

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On May 27, 1916, in a speech delivered at a meeting In Philadelphia of the League to Enforce Peace, the President felt that if the oppor­ tunity arose, the United States should "suggest or initiate a movement 1 for peace*" Wilson's idealism was food for Socialist and pacifist thou^it as they "braced themselves for the fi$it for peace* Jews played an important role in the pacifist movement.

Miss

Lillian Wald of the Henry Street Settlement in New York, for example, was the first president of the American Union Against Militarism, and was also active in the Women's Peace Party.

Louis P. Lochner served

as secretary of the Chicago Peace Society, and was instrumental in the formation of the Emergency PeaC9 Federation, in which organisation the Jewess Miss Hosifca Schwimmer, of Ford Peace Ship fame, played an lmportant role.

2

Babbi Stephen S* WI bo and Morris Hillquit were also asso­

ciated with the Federation.

Among the vice-presidents of the New York

Peace Society were the mining magnates Daniel Guggenheim and Adolph Lewisohn, Jacob H. Schlff, Oscar S* Straus, and Habbi Stephen S. Wise.

3

The Central Conference of American Babble was represented at the Second World Court Congress, held at Carnegie Hall in New York City in May, 1916.

At its July, 1916 convention, this rabbinical organization nade

1* Ibid., pp. 309-310, 3. Louis P. Lochner pointed out in a pamphlet, Pacifism and the Great War (Chicago, n.d.), that pacifists oppose preparedness, urge "war on war traders," favor "the golden rule for the rule of the fist," and as "apoBtles of world organization," seek an international police force and world arbitration conferences* 3* Of. Yearbook of the New York Peace Society. 1914*

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185

plans for a regular Peace Sabbath, with sermons to be devoted to pacifist 1 topics* In December, 1916, Jacob R* Schiff and Rabbi Wise helped sponsor the American Neutral Conference Committee, which sought an internatlonal peace conference of all the neutral powers*

2

Miss Jane

Addams, In her book Peace and Bread in Time of ffarr reports Zionist representation at the gathering of the Women1s Peace Party in December, 1916, where the plight of oppressed and dependent nationalities was 3 discussed* Nonradical elements in American Jewry supported the "bourgeois" pacifist movement as long as the Wilson administration appeared to be working toward the same ends.

The plight of East European Jewry caught

in the throes of conflict was the most potent factor in bringing about an intense desire for peace in Jewish circles.

The sight of Jews

arrayed against each other in hostile European armies prompted the Zionist Maccabaean to declare that, "JewlBh citizens in the United States wi}l not be slow in seconding the efforts of our government in behalf of peace•"

4

In September, 1914, Oscar S. Straus, former American ambassador to Turkey, and a friend of Bernstorff, gleaned from a conversation with

1* Proceedings of the Central Conference of American Rabblsr 1916, p. 76. 2. Yiddishes Tageblat. December 15, 1916, p, 13. Both men also served as vice-presidents of the League to Enforce Peace* 3* J. Addams, Peace and Bread in Time of War. New York, 1945, pp. 21-28. 4* Maccabaean. August, 1914, p. 34.

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18$

the latter, that the ambassador appeared to favor American mediation In the interests of peace.

On September 6th, Straus rushed to the capi­

tal to see Biyan, who subsequently called Bemstorff back to Washington from New York to discuss the matter.

Peace feelers were sent out to

the belligerent governments, but as R. S. Baker points out? "The Straus proposal was met on all sides with tremendous douches of cold water*"1 Expressions of a desire for peace were subsequently forthcoming from the Union of American Hebrew Congregations in January, 1915, the New York Kehillah in May, 1915, the Independent Order B*rith Abraham in June, 1915, the Federation of American Zionists in July, 1915, and in the spring of 1916, from the Federation of Galician and Bukowinian Jews

2 and the Central Conference of American Rabbis* Unlike the general American press, Yiddish newspapers lent their support to the wild Ford Peace Ship mission in December, 1915* In November of that year, Miss Rosika Schwimmer of the Emergency Peace Federation approached the auto manufacturer'with a plan for the estab­ lishment of a permanent peace conference at The Hague.

Ford agreed to

finance the sailing of a vessel to carry American delegates to the

1, R. S. Baker, Woodrow lllton: tlfe and Letters. New York, 1939, vol*Y, pc 280. Cf. J. von Bernstorff, on. cit.. pp. 68-69 ; 0. S. Straus, Under Four Administrations, pp. 378-82. 3 , Proceedings of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. 1915, p. 7751; Tog. May 21, 1915; p* 1; American Hebrew. June 11, 1915, p. 137; Maccabaean. July, 1915, p* 4; Dos Ylddlahe Folk. Juno 2, 1916, p. 3; Proceedings of the Central Conference of American Rabblsr 1916, p. 96*

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187

proposed conference, which he hoped would get the boys out of the 1 trenches hy Christinas. Immediately a wave of ridicule greeted the new Don Quixote, who was pictured charging forth on a horseless car­ riage to do battle with the Kaiser and Sir Herbert Asquith*

When the

Oscar II sailed forth from Hoboken with its cargo of Intellectuals, American journalists waved the vessel off with a hearty horselaugh. Henceforth all pacifist efforts were to be considered "crack-pot," and thus held up to ridicule. p Tet the Yiddish press considered the mission "lofty,"

while

the Morgen Zhurnal went so far as to say that the sailing shall prove to be "one of tho most significant journeys in the history of the 3 world*" Uie Tog compared the auto magnate to Tolstoy, while Dos Tlddlshe Folk reflected that though fools may laugh, "America shall 4 not be ashamed of her Ford*" Even the radical Yiddish press saw a g

"certain goodness" in the capitalist Ford’s "crusade for peace."

The

failure of the Ford mission and the resulting despair of the pacifist crusade caused the editor of the Bostoaer Tiadishe Shtlmme — Leavitt —

Ezekiel

to ciy out in poetic vein:

1. For his pacifist views see: H. Ford, Comments--Peaoe or War.

n*d*

2* Yiddishes Tageblat. Wovember 28, 1915, p* 4. 3. Morgen Zhurnal. December 6, 1915, pe 4* 4* Tog. November 38, 1915, p. 4; Dos Ylddlshe Folk. December 10, 1915, p* 4* * 5. Forverts, December 3, 1915, p* 4. December 4, 1915, p* 1*

Cf* Frele Arbeiter Shtlmme. ’

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188

•0 etop the war at any pricet' The voice of Justice loudly cries, ’Enough of human blood you’ve shed, You filled the earth with many dead And filled her day by day still more 0 stop the war, 0 etop the warl'* The radical peace movement in Europe and America proved to be more enduring than the humanitarian and pacifist crusade, and of course it was of far greater significance.

The Lietknecht-Adler

faction in Europe, as we have seen, opposed the war from the very be­ ginning.

On January 16th, 1915, Dutch and Scandinavian Socialists

met at Copenhagen (Morris Hillquit refused an invitation, maintaining that the meeting was not representative of the entire Second Interna­ tional), and issued a call to all Socialist parties in neutral countries to continually work for peace©

2

Of greater significance was the meeting in Zimmerwald, Switzer­ land on September 5-8, 1915 of 38 anti-war Socialists from eleven

1. Bostoner Yiddisher Shtlmme (Boston), Decamber 31, 1915, p. 5. 2. M. Fainsod, International Socialism and the fforld Warr pp. 46-47; E. G© Balch, Approaches to the Great Settlement. New York, 1918, p© 53* Pro-war Socialists from Allied countries met in London on February 14, 1915, in the first of a series of such conferences, and Justified the struggle against German Imperialism, which was considered a threat to European liberty and democracy. The conference stressed the theme of evacuations of conquered territory, the self-determination of peoples, the creation of an international league, and protested the current persecution of Jews in Russia. Cf. M. Fainsod, op© cit.. pp. 52-55. A meeting of pro-war German and Austrian Socialists in Vienna in April, 1915, voiced similar demands. Cf© ibid., pp. 55-56.

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189

countries, including Germany, France, Italy, and Husala. Bund was also represented at the conference.

The Jewish

Though the delegates

were split on the Issue of a formal break with the Seoond International, as demanded by delegate Lenin, a compromise manifesto was Issued at­ tacking "national solidarity with the exploiting class," and stating further that, "It is time to take up this battle for peace, and for a peace without annexations or war indemnities...the right of self-deter­ mination of peoples must be the Indestructible foundation of the crea­ tion of national relations,"*

Though the Zimrnerwaldists did not break

with the Second International, they set up an "International Socialist Committee" in Berne, as opposed to the regular Bureau of the Interna2 tional located at Hie Hague. By the end of the yea? 1915, moderate Socialists, particularly in Germany (now waging aggressive war), grew more vocal in protesting national war efforts.

A group of Independents broke away from the

German Social Democratic Party, and led by Hugo Haase, Eduard Bernstein, and Earl E&utsfey, called for peace and disarmament.

In December,- 1915,

20 Socialists in the Beichstag voted against the fourth German budget.

1. American Socialist (Chicago), October 23, 1915, p. 1. The manifesto was subsequently approved by 33 Socialist parties in 20 countries. Cf. Hillquit, Loose Leaves from a Busy Life Hew York, 1934, p. 154, 2. For the fullest account of the Zimmerwald conference, see; M. Fainsod, op. cit.. Chapter IV. See also; L. L. Lorwin. Labor and 1nternatlonalIsm, p. 156; H. W. Laidler, Socialism in Thought and" Action. Hew York, 1920, pp. 284-285.

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Still another faction— the Spartacne group— led "by Karl Liebknecht, called for revolutionary action against the government bo as to halt the imperialist war.

The Ebert group in the Reichstag, representing

majority Socialist opinion, supported the "no annexation" demands of the Zimnerwaldists, but nevertheless continued to vote for war credits to "complete" the defense of the realm.

The Scheldemann Socialist-'

Opportunist group, while favoring evacuations in the West, sought full guarantees for Germany's frontier, and "rectifications" in the East.5 The conflict among the Socialist factions in Germany came to be reflect­ ed in American-Jewish Socialist circles as well, for it must be re­ called that the latter traditionally looked to the movement in Germany for ideological direction.

The general pro-Germanism of the immigrant

radicals was an added factor also in the attraction to the German "genossen" (comrades). International left-wing Socialist collaboration was strength­ ened in the year 1916.

On April 24th, a group of 43 German, French,

Swedish, Italian, and Russian "Zlmmerwaldiets" met at Kienthal, Switzer­ land, and in a manifesto drawn up by Lenin, Ledebour (Germany), and Rourderon (France) denounced the "bourgeois" pacifist movement in favor of revolutionary action to stop the war.

The themes of "no annexa-

tions" and the "self-determination of peoples" were again stressed. The conference also protested: ...the persecution of the Jews by the Russian Govern­ ment, and by their helpers, 'Liberal Bourgeoisie,' which, according to its accustomed system, endeavors 1. E. Dahlin, op. cit., pp. 71, 78. 2. M. Fainsod, on. cit.. pp. 94-97.

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2

191

to make tho Jews pay for the disaffection of the popu­ lation as well as for military disasters.1 On July 31st, nine Socialist delegates from five neutral countries, with American representation, met at The Hague, and demanded the ces­ sation of hostilities, emphasizing the principles of "no annexations"

2 and "self-determination." Down to the end of 1915, most Jewish radicals in America, as well 08 the Forverts. were sympathetic to the "pro-war-of-defense" position of the Ebert-Scheidemann group in Germany.

It was only in

1916 that the Zimmerwaldist'position gained added adherents.

By this

time, of course, it was felt that Poland was securely in German hands, and that the Russian threat was ended.

Though the Forverts continually

inveighed against "capitalism" and "imperialism" as being responsible for

the

war, and constantly spokeof the desirability of

peace,its

position was qualified and rendered contradictory by itB initial support of the pro-war German Socialists. M. Olgin, of the Forverts staff, felt that the German Socialists had no recourse but to help defend their homeland against the Russian invaders. Suddenly, like a burst of thunder from the blue, war came....Germany, the land of the strongest labor movement, the center of Marxist thought and practice, found herself in a fearful position. At any moment

1. Quoted in the Report of the Lusk Committee, vol. I, p. 416. 2. Naye Veit. August 4, 1916, p. 1. It is to be recalled that in December, 1914, the American Socialist Party first emphasized these demands. Of. American Socialist (Chicago) December 26, 1914, p. 1. *

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an attack by the Cossacks upon East Prussia could he expected... England's fleet might he seen off the OerBdn shore. What could they have done? Should the Socialists have turned their hacks on their country?* In addition to defending the West against Bussian despotism, Olgin felt that the German Socialists would also contribute to the destruc-

2 tion of that despotism by supporting the war effortc The Forverts continued to emphasize the thesis that the defeat of Russia, to which German Social Democracy shall have contributed, will lead to social revolution in that country.

Furthermore, this repre­

sentative Socialist newspaper was certain that the Social Democrats will show their true worth by blocking any German efforts to help crush a Russian upheaval.

In fact, the Forverts felt, the Social Democrats

shall themselves "return" to the ideals of the class struggle upon the conclusion of the European conflict, and shall support revolution every3 where. Editor Abraham Cahan was thus opposed to the Zimmerwald movement, which he felt would only weaken the anti-Tsarist camp,

A

strong, undefeated Germany, he felt, remains the hope of progressive Socialism in the world.

As late as October, 1916, in an address before

the convention of the ILGWU, Cahan declared:

1, Forverts. February 3, 1914, p« 4. 2, Ibid.. March 17, 1915, p0 4. 3, Cf, Forverts. September 19, 1915, p, 5, and December 17, 1915, p, 4,

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I visited Germany a year and a half ago and also was there about four years ago and I made a study of the trade union situation in Germany, the great country of socialists... Germany has the greatest socialist movement In the world. They have outstripped England In trade unionism and have a greater movement, and this has all been achieved in twenty-five years simply be­ cause they have learned the lesson of patience and practical result.* Having come to the defense of German Social Democracy for the support it rendered the homeland, the Forverts. in antl-Zimmerwald spirit, maintained that Jewish radicals, under similar citcumstanees, would defend 9capitalist" America. If America were In a situation of this kind, the great majority of our Socialists would not deal other­ wise. They would also fight against a war declara­ tion until the last moment, they would lend all their energies to prevent the coming of war. But If their efforts were to be of no avail and if war should break out, and if the country were in danger of attack, then the Socialists would take up arms and stand shoulder to shoulder with non-Sociallst citizens In the fight against the enemy, as they are now doing In Germany, Austria, and France.2

1. Proceedings of the International ladles1 Garment Workers Union. 1916, p. 113o The Zionist, S. Levin, noting that German Social Democracy had re­ pudiated cosmopolitanism In favor of nationalism, wrote, "...our Social Democracy /Zionism/ Is going through the same evolution...." See: S. Levin, In Milchome Tseltn. vol. II, pp. 164-165. 2. Forverts. January 20, 1916, p. 4. At the time of the 'Lusitania* crisis, Louis B. Boudin wrote: "The working class shall be ready to go to war for a Just cause, but the cause for which It Is now being called upon to fight Is thoroughly unjust." Cf. Per Ylddlsher Sozlallst. June 15, 1915, p, 3,

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19**

Clarifying the Socialist position, Congressman Meyer London (New York) declared; I draw a sharp line of demarcation between a war of defense and & war of aggression. We must defend against attack. No sacrifice can be too great for that* We must not permit ourselves to be the aggros-, sor. We must oppose any policy that nay load to war* As we shall see, the 11line of demarcation" was unclear toradicals in April,

1917 when the United States entered the conflict* But Jewish radicalswere by no means unanimous in

German

support of

Social Democracy and the idea of a just "defensive" war*

The

anti-Forverts wing of the Jewish radical movement, made up of the Jewish Socialist Federation, the Jewish Socialist Labor Federation (S. L. P.), and those in the Anarchist movement, being less prone to pro-Germanism and Ruesophobla, condemned all the "capitalist" belliger­ ents, and urged opposition against all forum of "imperialist" war — offensive or defensive.

Even the Arbeiter Ring's publication, Per

Fraind declared: All are guilty for the blood-bath, the people as well as the rulers, the aristocrats as well as the plutocrats, the bosses as well as the backers, the workers as well as the capitalists, and even the Social Democrats who now deserve the name ’Social Patriots', comparable to the ordinary bourgeois 'National Patriots',...^

1* Congressional Record - House, 64th Cong*, 1st Sees., Vol. 53, pt* 5 (March 28, 1916), p. 5021. The Socialist Party platform in 1916 favored a national referendum on the issue of war, except, however, in the case of actual attack upon the country. Cf. Naye Yeltr September 29, 1916, p« 2. 2» Per Fraind. December, 1915, p* 1*

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The theory of ft '’defensive” war was particularly condemned by anti-Forverts elements.

"Since when," the Yiddishe Arbeiter Veit

ashed, "has it become a Socialist principle to defend the homeland — the land in which the workers are economically and politically organ­ ized to struggle against capitalism."*

The Socialist Labor Party in

a message to the Copenhagen conference of 1915 stated: So long as this theory is adhered to, a repeti­ tion of the present mass-marder of Europe’s prole­ tariat may occur at any time. Hothing can prevent a capitalist class of one country, through its various agencies, from starting a war with another nation, unless the respective Socialist parties are organizing the working class industrially, i.e., for the immedi­ ate overthrow of capitalism. Accordingly, these elements hailed the Zimmerwald movement, and sang the praises of Karl Liebknecht— "the symbol of fighting Internatlonal3 ism" and "the spirit of the Revolution." It is apparent that the Zimmerwald movement was creating a spirit in Jewish Socialist ranks, which though temporarily healed in 1918, reappeared after the war with the creation of the Third Inter­ national.

Jewish anti-Zlmmerwaldlsts defended German Social Democracy,

1« Yiddishe Arbeiter Veit (Chicago), January 30, 1916, p, 4. 2. Quoted in the Report of the Lusk Committee, vol. I, p. 820. An Anarchist manifesto, issued early in 1915, and signed by Alexan­ der Berkaan, William Shatoff, S. Yanowshy, and Imna Goldman stated, "...it is foolish and childish...to seek to fix responsibility on this or that government. Wo possible distinction can be drawn between offen­ sive and defensive war...." See: Mother Earth. May, 1915, p. 119, 3« Waye 7eltf September 1, 1916, p0 2; Freie Arbeiter Shtlmme, July 1 1916, p. 1. *

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196

and opposed the noo annexations" plank Is the Lenlslat platform.

Thus

Abraham Cahan wrote: "It would be a fortunate thing for the Jews and Gentiles of Lithuania if the whole area should be annexed by Germany, " 1 Men like Morris Hillqult, a member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, the Bundlst M, Olgln, who later became editor of the Communist Morgen Freiheit. Dr. B. Hoffman, former editor of the Ha,ye Post, organ of the Cloakmakers Union, Shochno Epstein, editor of Glelchhelt. organ of the Waistmakers Union, and Max Goldfarb, staffmember of the Forverts. in opposing the Zimmerwald movement, looked forward to the post-war revival of the Second International and the renewed leadership of German Social Democracy.

“The International,"

wrote Hillqult, "Is physically destroyed, but spiritually and morally it remains as before— Indestructible,"

2

On the other hand, the pro-Zinmserwald faction grew stronger In 1916 and the beginning of 1917 as disillusionment in European Social Democracy grew and as the movement for peace became stronger In Europe, Furthermore the Husslan threat was apparently ended, end Poland and Galicia seemed secure in German hands.

Why not a return to the prin-

ciples of the class struggle and the revival of true Internationalism?

1. Forverts. November 24, 1915, quoted in Naye Veit. December 3, 1915, p, 4, PI Zukunft. March, 1915, p, 215. See also: ladles Garment Worker (English edition), June, 1915, p. 26; Glelchhelt. November 26, 1915, p* 5; Nave Veit. December 10, 1915, p, 4, 3. Naye Valt. Novesaber 26, 1915, p, 1, December 3, 1915, p, 2, December 10, 1915, p, 4,

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A. S. Sacks of the Yiddishe Arhelter Veit mirrored changing sentiments when he wrote; Socialists mast not he supporters of any kind of war, except a war for the emancipation of the working class, only in such a war can the workers, the class-> conscious, enlightened and revolutionary workers, engage with their full energies. All other wars are only wars by the capitalists, and for the capitalists. It was with the heritage of such ideas and expressions (strengthened by the March Revolution in Russia) that American-Jewish radicals re­ acted to America* s entrance into the war in April, 1S17, Indeed, the radical peace movement in this country gained momentum in the years 1915-1916*

Though the participation of the

pro-German anti-Zlnsserwaldists in the radical peace movement was some­ what contradictory, they felt that an Immediate negotiated peace, based largely on the status quo, would be beneficial to Germany.

At

least pro- and anti-Zimmerwaldists could agree on the desirability of keeping America out of the war.

The May Day demonstrations of 1915

accordingly stressed the peace issue, and placards were borne proclaim­ ing the slogans: DOWN WITH WAR and LONG LIVE THE UNITY OF TEE NATIONAL­ ITIES.

After the slhki&g of the "Lusitania," the Socialist Party

attacked the war hysteria stating: Let us proclaim in tones of unmistakable deter­ mination: ’Not a worker’s arm shall be lifted for the slaying of a fellow-worker of another country, nor turned for the production of mankilling Implements or war supplies! Down with warI Forward to interna­ tional peace and the world-wide solidarity of all workers!

1. Yiddishe Arbeiter Veit. December 18, 1915, p. 4. S. A. Trachtenberg, op. cit.. p. 14.

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Subsequently, as ire have seen, American radicals courted the embargo movement and agitated against preparedness* Like Wilson, the Socialist Party stressed the idea of American mediation in the conflict to bring about a negotiated peace.

In May,

1915, the party urged the President to convoke a congress of neutral nations, which would remain in permanent session and attempt to bring 1 about general peace talks. In December, 1915, Representative London introduced a resolution calling for the convocation of such a congress* In a program very much like Wilson** later Fourteen Points, the resolu­ tion demanded the evacuation of conquered territory, the liberation of oppressed nationalities, the holding of plebiscites in Alsace-Lorraine, Finland, and Poland, freedom of the seas, gradual concerted disarma­ ment, the establishment of an international court of arbitration, the use of the commercial boycott as a means of enforcing the decisions of the court, and finally, the removal of all civil and political dlsabil2 ities against East European Jewrv. On January 25th. 1916. a Socialist

1. M. Hillqult, Loose Leaves from a Busy Life, p. 161* 2. Congressional Record - House, 64th Cong., 1st sess., Vol. 53, pt. 1 (December 6, 1915), pp. 33, 1217. The Rational Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, meeting in December, 1915, came out in support of the resolution. Of. A.Trachtenberg, op. _cl_%.. p. 21. Dutch, Horwegian, and Danish Socialists also came out in support of the proposals. Cf, Kaye VeltT February 18, 1916 p. 1. On March 24, 1916, Hillquit received a communication from * Hermann Muller of the Executive Committee of the German Social Demo­ cratic Party, favoring the establishment of an effective international court of arbitration, a popular referendum on all foreign tratles an international agreement on arms limitation, and the abolition of mili­ tarism. Cf. ibid., March 31, 1916, p. 1 .

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delegation, consisting of James Maurer, Morris Hillqult, and Meyer London called on Wilson, and formally presented the peace plan to the Chief Executive. 1

The London resolution was later incorporated in

the Socialist Party platform for 1916. Preparatory to the presidential campaign of 1916, the Socialist Party Issued an extraordinary manifesto in April, declaring: We call upon the people to demand that this country keep its hands out of the European madhouse. We suggest and appeal that the workers as a measure of self-defense and as an expression of their power, exert every effort to keep America free from the strain of a causeless war, even to the final and ex­ treme step of a general strike and the consequent paralysation of all industry. Previously only the Anarchists and the Socialist Labor Party defended such tactics, while the congresses of the International in 1891 and 1910 had voted down resolutions calling for resort to the general strike to prevent war.

3

In the presidential campaign, the

Socialist Party stressed its opposition to war and preparedness, and 4 advocated a negotiated peace. The failure of the latter ideal led

1. J. H. Maurer, It Can Be Done.Hew York, 1938, pp. 215-216, 2. A. Trachtenberg, op. clt.. p. 25. 3. See: Have Zelt. May, 1915, p. 3; Freie Zukunftf November, 1915, p. 5 . 4. Cf. Leaflets: "What the Socialists Want," "What’s the Difference?"; "The Socialist Candidate for President Says" in Hand School File; Political Parties:; Socialist Campaign Leaflets, 1912-1916.

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to an effort on the part of American Socialists to revive the Second International.

In January, 1917, the National Executive Committee

cabled the International Socialist Bureau of The Hague, demanding that it convene a congress of all member parties on June 3rd on Dutch soil. The cable stated, further, that if no action were taken by the Bureau, the American Socialist Party would itself undertake the initiative. The message went on to state? The collectivism of war must be made into the Socialism of Humanity. Above all other needs is the need of a world organization based upon the solidarity of all nations... Upon the blackened ruins of this greatest of human tragedies must be laid the foundations of the greatest of human Ideals, the federation of the world.* While the plan never materialized, the appeal in January forms part of the background for the vital Emergency Convention of the American Socialist Party in April, 1917, Our study has thus far revealed that America1s immigrant Jews were veiy definitely opposed to United States entry into the war, and that the Yiddish press had lent its support to pacifist and radical efforts to end the conflict.

The belated favorability toward prepared­

ness in conservative circles was based, as we have seen, upon the view that a strong America could best “guard" the peace.

The fact that if

the United States went to war it would be fitting alongside of Tsarist Russia was an underlying factor in the position taken by immi­ grant Jewry —

radical as well as nonradical.

Of course, both elements

1. American Socialist (Chicago), January SO, 1917, p 0 1.

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found further rationalization in the spheres of either the Jewish peaee-ethic or Marxian ideology.

When revolution struck Russia in

March, 1917, nonradical Jewry was fully ready to go to war for God and country.

This left the somewhat bewildered radicals holding on

to the heritage of Marx and Zissnerwald.

But this, as we shall see,

proved strong enou^i to make for defiance of the call of patriotism. The fact that the American Socialist Party had in January, J.917, re­ turned to principles of International Socialist action in seeking to end the conflict, reveals the growing respect for the Zimmerwaldist tactic.

All this is to point out that the appeal to the immigrant

Jewish electorate In the 1916 presidential race was the appeal of peace.

The Democratic slogan, "He kept us out of war" blended with

the peace sentiments of all Jewish voters at the time, regardless of how they cast their ballots# The American people, too, somewhat to the amazement of party leaders, who were misled by the preparedness agitation, were anxious for the preservation of peace.

While Woodrow Wilson was leading a

preparedness parade in Washington, D, C., on June 15th, a remarkable scene was being enacted in the Democratic convention hall in St. Louis, The Democratic ’keynoter,’ former Governor Martin H. Glynn of New York, was stressing the note; of peace in his address, and pointed out how American diplomacy had in the past maintained both peace and honor at the same time.

When he pointed to an episode involving the death of

several American seamen at the hands of the British, the crowd shouted,

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’What did we do?’

’We didn’t go to war,’ was Glynn’s answer, indi-

catlzg that an honorable settlement took place.

Pandemonium broke

loose aa the delegates shouted that Wilson too had preserved both peace and honor —

that 'He kept us out of war.'*

The Yiddish press was divided in 1916, with the conservative and orthodox organs largely behind Charles Evans Hughes, the Hepublican candidate? the Liberal and Zionist press supported Wilson, while the radical press was divided between the latter and the Socialist candidate, Allan Benson.

Begardless of this division along party

lines, the Jewish vote was for peace, with Eepublicans and Socialists claiming that the Democratic candidate had by his policies the country too close to actual involvement.

brou^it

The Morgen Zhurnal.

which supported Hughes, claimed: The peace which the present administration has main­ tained is as insecure as is the present prosperity which is dependent upon the output of munitions fac­ tories. When on one day we demand strict accounta­ bility on the part of an armed Power and on another we send an arny into a neighboring Republic J}Ib x icpj, it is no more than a fortunate accident that we have not until now been dragged into the war. The Forverts. which of course supported Benson, felt that the only reason why the country was not at war was because of Germany's conces3 slone, and not because of any determined Wilsonian peace effort.*"

1. W. Millie, op. d t «. pp. 312-319. 2. Morgen Zhurnal. October 11, 1916, p. 4. 1916, p. 7.

Also: Perverts. October Si ' * *

3. Ibid., June 16, 1916, p. 4.

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203

The Tog, which wavered between the Democratic candidate and Benson, editorially attacked Wilson*e defenee of “abstract rights" tn the con­ troversy with Germany, maintaining that these only risk “the lives of tens of thousands of American citizens*1*

The radical press contin­

ued to harp on the preparedness issue, claiming that a militarized America was in inminent danger of actual involvement in the European 2 conflict. It appears that, except for disagreement over the issue of preparedness, the conservative and radical Yiddish press attacked Wilson with the same arguments*

These centered, of course, around a

mutual desire for the preservation of peace* The Democratic campaign machine effectively exploited the peace issue, and thus was able to tear at the edges of conservative and radical blocks of Jewish voters*

In a last miBute appeal, the

Democrats made such statements as: You are working, not fitting? alive and happy, not cannon fodder... If you want war, vote for Hughes. If you want peace with hgnor and continued prosperity, vote for Wilson.*' The Chicago Courier, traditionally e. Republican newspaper, succumbed to appeals as thir, and toward the end of the campaign, came out in support of Wilson.

Reflecting what proved to be a general

trend in the Jewish vote, this newspaper felt that, “It is senseless

1# Tog. October 18, 1916, p* 4. Also: Morgen Zhurnal. August 2 1916 p* 4* Yiddishes Tageblat. November 1 , 1916, p 0 4 . * * Wave Veit. September 15, 1916, p« 5* 3. M. Sullivan, Our Times: The United States. 1900-1925f Hew York, 1933, vol. V ("Over Here: 1914-1913"), p, 239.

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204

to change an efficient fire-marshall for an inexperienced one in the midst of the holocaust* ” 1

Again the Courier stated;

America does not need war and does not desire war* With President Wilson in the White House we are sure that war will not come to America* Pres­ ident Wilson has shown that he is ready to attempt all honorable means to avoid a conflict. This alone is basis enough why we do not degire to see a change in the Presidency at this time** Wilson's election strength among Jews stemmed from the conviction that despite all else, he had actually "kept us out of war.* The unfortunate injection of the "hyphen” issue into the presidential campaign, and the heated debates over the "loyalty" of German-Americans in view of their attachment to the Fatherland, af­ fected the sensibilities of immigrant Jews, who were also pro-German in respect to the conflict.

As a result, the Yiddish press, in tra­

ditional vein, continually emphasized the allegiance of the immigrant Jewish element to its newfound homeland*

This strain of self-con­

scious protestation on the part of a socially-unaccomodated group, going against the mainstream of American opinion in its pro-Germanism, gave rise to an unceasing volley of expression of patriotism, which began almost immediately after the outbreak of hostilities in Europe* It misht be well to trace the basis for these expressions, coming as they did in such a flood of words in 1916 in relation to the "hyphen" issue*

1* Chicago Courier. October 22, 1916, p* 4. 2 . Ibid., Wovember 5, 1916, p* 1 *

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The Yiddish press, representative of an inanlgrant group, main­ tained that American patriotism was not compromised by a Jewish cos­ mopolitanism based either on the ethnic attachment to co-rellglonlsts In Europe or on Socialist principles of Internationalism,

In the

first sense, G. Bublick, the editor of the Yiddishes Tageblat. maintained: I am an American in relation to everything concern­ ing American citizenship; I am however a Jew in relation to anything dealing with Jewishness, nationalism, Godliness, history, belief, and race. Rabbi Stephen S. Wise held the same view, pointing out: The American Jew must learn to do two things. Re must render a maximum of high service to the Republic and that service must be extended without the surrender of his own racial and religious in­ tegrity. America does not demand of the Jew that he commit racial or spiritual suicide, America asks the Jew to live in a Jewish manner and to live so as to be truth-eeeking and truth-loving, rightserving and justice pursuing. In respect to the other ser.Be of American patriotism —

the

view that it is not incompatible with Socialist internationalism,the Bundist B. Vladeck, a member of the Hew York City Beard of Aldermen

1* Yiddishes Tageblat. November 7, 1915, p, 4. For similar expres­ sions, see: ibid,, October 14, 1915, p. 4; October 31, 1915, p, 6 ; December 7, 1915, p, 4, In the same sense, the Bostoner Ylddlsher Shtlmme (Boston), December 17, 1915, p. 2, stated: "We Jews love America as much as do the true Yankees, and yet we absolutely refuse to repudiate our Jewish nationalism, because Jewish nationalism as we see it, does not impair Americanism and is not opposed to it," 2. Yiddishes Tageblat. Hovember 26, 1915, p, 12,

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216

Again Russia was in the potl

But the Kehillah came out in support of

the Congress idea, with delegates to he elected by Jewish organisations, and for the sole purpose of considering the Jewish question in bellig1 erent lands. The American Jewish Committee was soon reconciled to the idea of an open assembly, hut it continued to oppose its democratic organi­ zation, and maintained besides that it should he convened only upon the conclusion of hostilities in Europe.

In September, 1915, the Rational

Workmen’s Committee expressed a willingness to cooperate more extensive­ ly with the other factions (nationalist, "bourgeois," or otherwise), and demanded the convocation of a democratically-organized Congress to work for civil, political and national rights for Central and EaBt European Jews.

2

A joint conference of the Rational Workmen1* Committee, the

American Jewish Committee, and the Jewish Congress Organization Committee took place in November, 1915, hut there was no agreement on the issue of 2 national rights or the date of the proposed Congress. Revertheless

1. American Hebrew. June 25, 1915, p. 186. pp. 167-169.

Cf, 0. I. Janowsky. op. cit. ’

2. American Israelite (Cincinnati), October 14, 1915, p. 1. The RFC did not define the term national rights, while the radical press continually laid greater stress upon thg jjyocurement of civil and political rights. Cf. Per Ylddlsher Socialist, ilarch 15, 1915, p. 2; Forverts. August 3, 1915, p. 4, August 29, 1915, p. 4, September 17, 1915 p. 4; Raye Veit. August 6 , 1915, p. 5; Per Fraind. September, 1915, p. 33 * 3. American Hebrew. November 19, 1915, pp. 34-35.

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206

In 1917, maintained* The American flag is as much our flag as is the red flag of the International. Both express . pp. 157, 163. It is quite certain that the American Jewish Committee, in view of its past attitude on the question of a wartime meeting of the Congress, also influenced the Fresident to request a delay when he was visited by Rabbi Wise on June 29, 1917. Cf. R. S. Baker, on. clt.. vol. VII, p. 135.

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221

was moat sweeping.

It was generally felt that Russia’s triumph In

the war would "be a death-blow to the Jewish emancipation movement. A triumphant Russia, It was feared, would dictate tyrannical terms governing the disposition of East European territories and peoples, and this being the case, Jews could expect little justice.

A victor­

ious Slavic race, the Morgen Zhurral pointed out, “shall undertake to destroy her opponents.

In such a.case we can expect the greatest

Jewish persecutions In history."*

The Honorable Charles B. Strecker

used milder terms as he reflected the antl-Tsarlst orientation of the Congress Organization Committee's Preliminary Conference In March, 1916: But it is with profound grief that we learn of the martyrdom that cannot be described of our broth­ ers in Russia. To them we extend not only the ex­ pression of reverent sympathy, but we, assembled here, I sun sure, will do our utmost to exchange a better and a brighter future for the lamentable, heart-rendering experience of the p r e s e n t . 2 In its broader aspects, the Jewish Congress movement was orien­ ted In favor of the triumph of German arms, at least over Russia, and as regards, particularly, the hoped for liberation of Poland and

1. Morgen Zhurnal. Hovember 16, 1915, p. 4. 2. Proceedings of the Preliminary Conference of the Congress Qrg»u< na­ tion Committee. March, 1916, p. 22.

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222

Rounania.*

leading Jewish nationalists like Abraham Goldberg, editor

of Dos Ylddlshe Folk, and S. Kaplansiy, the Austrian Poale Zionist, reasoned that Poland's liberation from the Tsarist yoke would hold out 2 good hopes for Jewish emancipation* As regards the Roumanian situa­ tion, the Anglo-Jewish Comment of Baltimore pointed out: It stands to reason that with the conquest of Roumanla a brighter future opens for the Roumanian jews. While Germany is supreme In that country, we can rest as­ sured that just as in the case of Poland, the Jews will not suffer more than the rest. With the conclu­ sion of peace Germany is pledged to secure humanity rights for the Jews In Roumanla as in the other Balkan States. 3 As has b 9 en pointed out (Chapter IV), the German reorganization of Poland and the extension of a limited autonomy to Jewish religious com­ munities was looked upon as a good beginning in the direction of national ri^its for Jews In Eastern and Central Europe*

1* Cf. Ylddlsher Kaempfer. October 27, 1916, p* 5; Chicago Courier. November 8 , 1916, p* 4; Morgen Zhurnal. November 20, 1916, p, 4; Dos Ylddlshe Folk. November 24, 1916, p* 4; AmericanJewish Chronicle. November 10, 1916, p. 1* The theme of Jewish "liberation" by Teutonic arms was emphasized also by propagandists In Germany. See? P. Perles, Per Krleg und die Polnlsheen Juden in Ihrem Verhaltnls zu Deutschland. Konlgsberg, 1914; B. Segel, Per Weltkrleg und das Schlckaal des Judlschen Volkes; Stlssre elnes Gallglschen Juden an Seine Glaubensgenossen In den Nerutrtflen Iandern lnbesondere in Amerika. Berlin, 1915* 3. A. Goldberg, Per Ylddlsher EongresB. New York, 1915, p* 13. Naplansky’s views, see: Tog. May 7, 1915, p. 1. 3. Jewish Comment (Baltimore), December 22, 1916, p. 234,

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For

223

The Congress movement placed Its faith in the “brave new world," the hoped-for liberation of the nationalities, and the devel­ opment of a new morality among rulers and peoples*

The movement was

founded upon a now martyrology, but lamentations stirred anticipations of future deliverance, giving rise to a rescue-movement with deepseated Messianic undertones* and Socialism.

Thus it was too with Jewish Zionism

Tragedy stirred optimism and idealism, the latter

being quite the antithesis of a concurrent sorrow* Justice from a Gentile world.

The Jew demanded

Thus, M. Baranov of the Forverts asked:

What about us Jews? Is it conceivable that while the post-war world will be regenerated we shall remain in the same circumstances? How foolishi Is it possi­ ble that a new-born humanitarianism will not treat the Jews better than in pre-war years? Is it possible that a happier, wiser, finer, more humanitarian world will hate and despise us Just as it did in the unhappy, dark, enslaved pre-war world? Those who think so deny humanity... A happy family does not know of step-children0 A free world will not know of oppressed classes*.. Let us hope*..lot us believe...let us at least believe*...’

2-

The Zionist Movement

The sweep of a militant nationalism throughout Europe and prospects of post-war changes in the political organisation of the Hear East stirred Zionist nationalism in the United States.

The

magnetism of an ethnic attraction to suffering JewB in Eastern Europe awakened nationalistic sensibilities, as was the case with the Congress movement, and drew attention to Zionism as a concurrent solution to

lo Forverts. September 14, 1915, p 9 5S

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22k

the European Jewish problem.

Furthermore, Zionism blended with the

nationalistic undertones of Judaism as a faith, and thus had great ap­ peal to the orthodox masses.

Jewish labor, too, witnessing the prole­

tarian defense of European homelands and the apparent collapse of the ideal of Socialist cosmopolitanism, was attracted to the Zionist camp.^' As has already been noted, many of the basic demands of American-Jewish labor has been realised immediately before the war as a result of a series of victorious strikes.

More faith was non placed in a practical

"pure**and~simplen unionism, divorced from an ethereal Weltanschauung, The war years were years of prosperity, and were not conducive to alle­ giance to the nythical ideal of an American "class struggle." quest for new ideology served to strengthen Zionism.

The

The growing

middle-class outlook if not status of immigrant Jewry blended with the Zionist tactic, which stressed orthodox diplomatic procedure, Chartism (the Balfour Declaration), and a "practical" conservatism.

Wartime

Jewish suffering and persecution hei^itened the disillusionment in the Colos. yet the negative attitude (and in the case of American Zionism it was in relation to European conditions only) stirred a constructive 2 policy of self-help, given the flavor of a renaissance crusade. The 1. From the Chicago Courier strongest under the roar of quickly blew away the false nature... The Jew begins to

(March 15,1915, p.4)t "Jewish unity is cannons and the explosion of powder. The war cosmopolitanism which is not based upon human feel his homelessness more strongly*..."

2* Pinchas Eutenberg wrote in Boa Yiddishe Folk (June 25,1915, p,4 )« "...before anything else we are Jews. And before anything else we must protect our own Jewish interests, fulfil our own Jewish duties— duties which we cannot put off, which do not allow themselves to be placed aside regardless of with which side our sympathies may lie." *

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225

mainstream of the World War I phase of American Zionism thus embodied a sympathy for oppressed Jews in Europe, the channelization of nation­ alistic undercurrents inherent in Judaism, and finally, the flight from cosmopolitanisms Zionists saw no incompatibility between Jewish and American nationalism.

Addressing the conference of the Eastern Council of Re­

form Rabbis in New York City in June, 1915, Louis D. Brandeis declared; Let no American imagine that Zionism is inconsis­ tent with Patriotism. Multiple loyalties are objec­ tionable only if they are inconsistent, A man is a better citizen of the United States for being also a loyal citizen of his state and of his city; for being loyal to bis family, and to his profession or trade; for being loyal to his college or his lodge. Every I ri sh American who contributed toward advancing home rule was a better man and a better American for the sacrifice he made. Every American Jew who aids in ad­ vancing the Jewish settlement in Palestine, though he feels that neither he nor his descendants will ever live here, will likewise be a better man and a better American for doing so. 1 As an internationalist, Brandeis saw in Zionism a means of securing for the world the full contribution which the Jews are capable of n»ving if unhampered by artificial limitations.

He saw it as a movement

to recover Jewish self-respect, and hoped that it would thereby weaken the force of anti-Semitism.

Finally, he saw Zionism as a movement for

the revitalization of the tradition of the Fathers, yfeich, he maln2 tainad, hold an enduring message for the world.

1* Zionist Organization of America, Brandeis on Zionism,. Hew York, 1942, p. 28, 2. Cf. H. M. Xallen, Zionism and World Politics. New York, 1931 137-138.

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pp.

226

The other major tendency in the Zionist Movement — Nationalist-Socialist (Poale-Zionist) —

the

was defined hy Dr. V, Syrkin

at the Boston Convention of the Zionist Federation in 1915: The Jewish workingmen have been misled and disabled through different causes than the combination of Zionism and Socialism. But this time is going to end. The Jewish masses are awakening to the fact that a proletariat which is not rooted in the nation is an impossibility and a contradiction. Jewish socialism advocated cosmopolitanism in the world, but the war has come and changed the situation, in International socialism. Herve in France joined his suffering and struggling nation, and so it is the policy of all the socialists of the world. In this great storm of human history, the Jewish masses begin also a process of national awakening and rejuvenation. 1 Was Syrkin suggesting that the "class struggle" was non-exlstent in America?

Was he denying that Jewish labor in America was an

integral part of the working class in this country?

Was he suggest­

ing that Jewish nationalism was a basic prerequisite for true classconsciousness on the part of a Jewish proletariat?

Would the new

Jewish state not require a proletarian-capitalist alliance to insure its growth and the triumph of Zionist nationalism?

Assuming this to be

the case, would the "class struggle" finally commence again only to threaten the inner security of the Jewish national home?

The JewlBh

national-Socialist position, which is the Marxist dilemma, left nany questions unanswered. Immediately after the outbreak of the European Conflict,

1. Maccahaean. July, 1915, p. 9.

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227

American Zionist* sensed that the weight of the movement would shift to this country.

Louis Lipsiy of the Federation of American Zionists

and Shemaryah Levin issued the following call: We in America now have the good fortune to show our manhood in this emergency, and it is our duty to meet it with earnestness, willingness, and optimism. No sacrifice of time or energy or means should appear tc us too heavy to make. Upon us, and our handling of the situation depends, perhaps, the future of our organ­ ization, for which we have struggled these many years. 1 On August 30, 1914, an extraordinary conference of Zionists took place in the Hotel Marseilles in Hew York City, leading to the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee for Ceneral Zionist Affairs.

The chairman and leader of this group was Louis D. Brandeis

who later became justice of the Supreme Court.

The Provisional Exec­

utive Committee, managing a Zionist Emergency Fund, took over most of the work of the Inner Actions Committee of the World Zionist Organiza­ tion (located in Berlin), end centralized loose Zionist federations upon 3 a war footing. The Provisional Executive Conmlttee was in the main

1. Maccahaean, August, 1914, p. 47. 2* Jewish Communal Register of Hew York, pp. 1401-1404; I. Cohen, The Zionist Movement. New York, 1946, pp. 338-339; F. E. Manual, op. cit. p. 117. In Mey, 1915, the Berlin Actions Committee formally transferred its powers to the Provisional Executive Committee. Zionist offices were set up in Copenhagen in February, 1915 under the direction of Leo Motzkin, E. W. Tchlenow, and Hahum Sokolow. Tchlenow and Sokolow, who were also members of the Inner Actions Committee, soon left for England, leaving Motzkin in charge in Copenhagen ■until November, 1916. Victor Jacobson subsequently replaced Motzkin. Cf. 0. I. Janowsky, Jews and Minority 51afctsr p. 191fn. The main office of the Jewish National Fund was transferred from Cologne to The Hague. A small "actions" committee was also set up in Constantinople under the direction of Richard Llchtheim. CLf.A.-Bfthm,, on. clt.f vol. II, pp. 626-627.

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228

pro-Ally, and thus was able to approach Wilson and at the same time cooperate with the English Zionists.*

Bren before the end of 1914,

Brandeis informed Wilson of Zionist aims, and sought to engage the intercet of the French and English ambassadors.

2

The Zionist movement meanwhile was rapidly gaining strength. Early in 1914, the Federation had a membership of only 7000; by 1917, the number Jumped to 22,000; in 1919, the membership totalled 150,000.

3

Also, many organizations, unaffiliated with the Federation, announced their support 06 the Zionist movement.

The Zionist convention in

Philadelphia in 1916 voted a budget of a quarter of a million dollars for the Federation, set up a million dollar stock corporation for the purpose of developing the Jewish community in Falestine, and authorised Hadassah, the women’s organization, to prepare a medical unit to be 4 sent to the Holy Land. Zionists were confident that the movement could solve the Jewish problem in Europe.

Somewhat ethereally, it

was anticipated that Zionist reconstruction in Palestine, aided mainly by funds raised in America, could produce a rapid movement of Jews into that land, and in that way ameliorate Jewish difficulties on the Cong

tinent.

As with many idealistic movements with seemingly far-fetched

1. S. Adler, "The Palestine Question in the Wilson Era," Jewish Social Studies, vol. X, no. 4 (October, 1948), p. 305. 2. A.T. Mason, Brandeis. A Free Man’s Life. New York, 1946, p. 451. 3. Cf. A. Bbhm, op. clt«. pp. 638, 640: Jewish Communal Register of Haw Yor?~. p. 1301. 4. J. De Haas, Brandols. p. 63. 5. See: Report to the 19th Convention of the Federation of AmavicftTi Zionists. 1916, p. 3. ” “

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229

goals, Zionism in 1916 In no way anticipated the manner in which the Jewish State would finally "become a reality.

While Zionists did not

solve the Jewish problem in Europe, American Zionism, commencing with the war years, in extending material aid to the general movement, enabled it to eventually gather the victims of the European golos. The growth of Poale Zionism in radical circles produced a major split in the Jewish Socialist movement, which in post-war years was destined to become even more divided over the issue of Communism,

Hot

grounded in the "class struggle," it was inevitable that the American Socialist movement should suffer from Ideological deviations (Zionism and Communism), which themselves had little basic content applicable to the American scene.

The Poale Zion party gained entrance into the

national Workmen’s Committee for Jewish Ri^its (which was controlled by non-Zionist radicals), and in 1916 became a member party of the Second International.

The International Poale Zion Confederation, whose con­

trol bureau was located at The Hague, was influential in committing European Socialist parties in favor of Jewish autonomy in Palestine.* The strength of PQale Zion influence among Jews in this country was revealed at the First Jewish National-Socialist Workmen's Convention, which convened on March 24, 1917 in New York City.

In attendance were

401 delegates from 30 unions, 34 branches of the Independent Aybeiter Hing, 81 branches of the Jewish National Workers' Alliance, and 61 1. Jewish Socialist labor Party (Poale Zion) of America, The Alms of Jewish Labor: Memorandum to the Socialist and Labor Democracy of the World. New York, 1918, p. 16.

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230

■branches of the Poale Zion Party. over 100,000 American Jews.

The delegates claimed to represent

Amidet wild applause, Dr. Chaim Zhitlowsky

shouted: "The Jewish nation shall achieve national emancipation only in its own land —

and this land is Iretz Israeli"

The convention went on

to demand international gnarantees for undisturbed national and instltutional development in Palestine.

Finally, it urged the Jewish Congress

to give consideration to the Palestine question. 1 Poale Zionism and Zionism in general came under inoreaslng fire in the anti-nationalist radical press.

The Ylddlshe Arhelter Veit of

Chicago felt that Jewish Socialists must not forget their class inter­ ests and maintained that "...Jewish demands must be the demands only of g the Jewish proletariat." "A Zionist must be a romanticist, we are 2 too materialistic," was the opinion of the Have Yelt. Zionists* stress upon the use of Hebrew rather than Yiddish in the national home was at­ tached as being indicative of their hatred of the golos and the social 4 strivings of Jews in Europe and America. The radical press stressed 1. Cf. Dos Ylddlshe Folk. March 30, 1917, p.l; Miller's Yochenshrlft. March 30, 1917, p. 11. Dr. H. SyrldLn wrote in 1918: "The construction of Palestine is at pres­ ent almost the only national Jewish duty, and Instead of organising a Jewish Congress with a Zionist content, it is much more logical to expand the Zionist organization to include all the Jewish people.“ From "Tog" (n.d.) quoted in the Kaye Veit. July 26, 1918, p, 6 . 2. Ylddlshe Arbelter Yelt (Chicago), December 18, 1914, p# 4. 3* "Haye Yelt" (n.d.), quoted in Dos Ylddlshe Folk. December 14, 1917, p. 6 . Also: Pi Zukunft. March, 1916, p. 200. 4. Cf. Forverts. March 13, 1918, p. 4; Pi Zukupftf October, 1918, pp. 593, 596. For the Zionist view on Hebrew vs. Yiddish, see: A. Goldberg, Hebraism u p Ylddlshism. Hew York, 1918. ™

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the prior right to Palestine of the predominant Arab population, under­ lined the difficulties Involved in procuring that country for the Jews in the li#t of their minority position there, and feared the exploita­ tion of the Arabs by a ruling Jewish minority in the event that Jewish 1 control were established. Finally, the radicals regretted that the upsurge of Zionism came on the heels of a world conflict, and accused Jewish nationalists of exploiting the suffering for their own purposes. Later, Jewish Socialist organisations even refused to acknowledge the Balfour Declaration because it felt that, "It is not in line with the spirit of a Socialist organisation to adopt a resolution of thanks in connection with military victories."

2

The passive attitude of the Federation of American Zionists toward the western Allies largely divorced that organization from the tactics of the English Zionist Federation, which began negotiations with the British government.

It was this passivity on the part of the

American organization and the Copenhagen office which led Chaim Weism&nn and his group to break with International Zionism and such leaders as

1. Pi Zukunft. September, 1917, p, 511, and February, 1918, pp. 93-94, 2. In May, 1917, the National Workmen1s Committee withdrew its repre­ sentatives from the Executive Committee for an American Jewish Congress because of the Zionist majority in the latter, Cf. Miller's Vochenshrlft. June 1, 1917, p. 10. Previously, the Poale Zion had withdrawn from the National Workmen's Committee because of the latter's opposition to Zion­ ism. Cf. Ylddlsher Kaempfer. February 9, 1917, p„ 1 .' Prior to 1918, the American Jewish Committee, the Central Conference of American Rabbis, the Socialist-Territorialists, and a large part of the Anglo-Jewish press in this country were also opposed to the Zionist movement.

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Shemaryah Levin and Dr. Judah L* Magnes In the United States and Leo Motskin, V. Jacobson, and E. W. Tschlenow on the Continent.

Welsnann

nevertheless had the vital support of such leading figures as Louis D. Brandeis, Rabbi S. S. Vise, Nathan Straus, and Felix Frankfurter. While Zionism had a deep influence amongst Jews, the latter, being a tiny minority in England and the United States, could not hope to budge public opinion to any effective degree; thus the Zionist tactic became one of attempting to influence heads of government*

Often therefore,

as was the case with the Provisional Executive Committee, Zionist lead* 6 rs, working "behind the scenes," did not reflect the views of the mem­

bership and adherents.

Thus the Provisional Executive Committee,

unlike the membership of the Zionist Federation, was outright pro-Ally, The negotiations with the English government were of course the most vital aspect of Zionist developments during the years of the first World War . 1

The English Zionists proceeded on the assumption

1, As early as 19001 at the Fourth Zionist Congress, in London, Hersl declared: "England, mighty England, free England, with its world-embrac­ ing outlook, will understand us and our aspirations. With England as a starting-point we may be sure that the Zionist idea will soar further and hi^ier than ever before." Cf. Maccabaean. December, 1917, p. 409, At the same time, the Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain the Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, and the Dally Chronicle and Pall Mall Gazette expressed interest in Zionist aims. Cf. A. M. Hyamson British Pro.jects for the Restoration of the Jews. Leeds, 1917 p. ZB*, Weismann met Lord Arthur J. Balfour in Manchester in’1906 *and acl (juainted him with the Zionist movement. Cf. M. W. Weisgal/chaim Welsmann. New York, 1944, p. 120. *

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233

!

of Allied victory, and felt that the reestablishment in Palestine'of a center of Jewish national life would collide with no British interest.^ In December, 1914, Weismann saw Iloyd George, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who in turn directed Mr. Herbert Samuel, a member of the cabinet, to prepare a memorandum on Zionism for Prime Minister Herbert Asquith.

The document, which did not meet with Aswuith1 s favor, urged

the annexation of Palestine and the encouragement of Jewish immigration into the country.

On December 14, 1914, Welzmann saw Balfour, then

First lord of the Admiralty, who remarked: "I believe that when the

2 gunsstop firing you may get your Jerusalem." Early in March, 1916, the British

Foreign Officehad in its

hands a statement of the Conjoint Committee of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and the Anglo-Jewish Association which spoke of the "historic interest" that Palestine possesses for the Jewish community. That the propaganda value of this "interest" was realized by the Foreign Office is revealed in a British memorandum to Sergei D. Sazanoff, the Russian Foreign Minister, dated March

13, 1916:

... it is clear that by utilizing the Zionistidea,im­ portant political results could be realized. One of the results would be the conversion of the Jewish

1« Cf. H. Sacher, Zionism and the State. London, 1915. 3. C. Welzmann, Trial and Error, vol. I, pp. 149-152. At this time, the First Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Conference and Cyril P. Scott, editor of the Manchester Guardian, came out in sup­ port of a Jewish Palestine, the latter maintaining it could be a buffer state to protect the Suez Canal and Egypt. Cf. Congressional Record — House, 65th Cong., 2nd Seas., vol. 56, pt. 6 , p. 6911; ESCO Foundation for Palestine, on. clt«. vol. I, p. 81.

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23*f

elements in the East, the United States of America, and other places to the nse of the Allies; elements Those attitude is at present rather antagonistic to the Allies. 1 In September, 1915, Paul Miliukov, the Hussian Liberal leader, declared that his country would support international rule over Palestine after the war.

2 The aforementioned Victor Basch mission to the United States

in 1915 under the auspices of the french government stressed the claim that in the disposition of Ottoman territory after the war, the inter­ ests of Jewish colonies in Palestine would he safeguarded by the Allies. Germany, which since the beginning of the war had placed special stress upon the cultivation of Jewish public opinion, was not unaware of the influence of Zionism amongst Jews.

Not wishing to endanger her rela­

tions with Turkey, she proceeded cautiously, encouraging the formation in December, 1915 of the Israelite-Mohammedan Union under the direction of Dr. Alfred Hossig.

4

By encouraging Zionism, Germany hoped thereby

1. S. S. Wise, and J. De Haas, The Great Betrayal. Hew York, 1930, pp. 28-30. Also: ESCO foundation for Palestine, op. clt.r pp. 83-84. 2. Cf. Chicago Courier. October 3, 1916, p. 4. The idea of international protection for a Jewish state was in har­ mony with general Zionist opinion in the United States, unlike the views of the Provisional Executive Committee, which looked forward to British rule. Thus Dr. Chaim Zhltlowsky wrote in August, 1915 that he was in favor of “an absolutely free, neutral, politically independent Jewish State in Palestine” under the protection of an international tribunal. Cf. C. Zhltlowsky, Gesamelte Shrlftn. vol. IX, pp. 135-140, 3. Cf. 0, Weizroann, on. clt.. vol. I, p. 185. 4. Cf. J. P. Jones, and P. M. Hollister, The German Secret Service in America. 1914-1918. Boston, 1918, p. 335. **

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235

to divert any movement of Polish JewB onto her soil (the Grensperre policy).

Stress upon propaganda in the war, it is seen, was of great

significance for the Zionist movement. Meanwhile the work of the "political action committee" of the English Zionist Federation was progressing rapidly.

In October, 1916,

a draft of Zionist proposals for Palestine was completed.

This was

expanded at a meeting of leaders in London on February 17, 1917.

The

following basic points were adopted: 1 . The right of the Jewish people over Palestine should receive International recognition. 2. The Jewish settlement in Palestine should be recognized as a nation in the juridical sense, with a large sphere of self-government, the right to use Hebrew, and the right to levy taxes. 3. A charter should be granted to a Jewish company with preferential right to acquire state and private lands, to obtain concessions on public works, to enjoy the right of free immigration and facilities for the naturalization of immigrants. 4. The whole area of historic Palestine should be united under one administration. 5. The Holy Places should enjoy the privilege of extra-territoriality.^

Healizing the propaganda value of Zionism, the declaration further stated that the grant of these demands would "further consolidate Jewish public opinion in the Entente countries...."

2

Unaware at this time of the existence of the Sykes-Picot Treaty, the Zionists were nevertheless cognizant of French opposition to the proposal of exclusive British rule in Palestine, and dispatched tfahum Sokolow across the channel to seek a modification of the French position# 1. ESCO Foundation for Palestine, op. clt*. vol. I, p. 94. 2. C. Weizmann, op. clt.. vol. I, p. 188.

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236

Received at the Quai d'Orsay in March, Sokolow was authorised to inform tha American and Russian Zionists that the French government regarded their program with favor**

Sokolow received similar assurances from

the Pope and Italian Prime Minister Boselli. On March 22, 1917, Balfour, now the British Foreign Minister, advised Weizmann to try to interest the United States in a joint Anglo-

2 American protectorate over Palestine.

Though opposed to the condo-

mlnion plan, Weizmann felt that American support for the proposal for a British protectorate would he vital.

Writing to Brandeis on April 8 ,

1917, he suggested that, “An expression of opinion coming from yourself and perhaps from other gentlemen connected with the Government in favor of a Jewish Palestine under a British protectorate would greatly 3 strengthen our hands. 11 In an interview with a Tog reporter, Balfour, who came to the United States in April, 1917 promised to support 4 Zionist interests. On May 16th, Brandeis saw Balfour, and assured him of Wilson’s sympathy for Zionism and the idea of a British protec­ torate.

Four days later, Weizmann announced: ”1 am entitled to state

... that His Majesty18 Government is ready to support our plans,"

5

1. P. L. Hanna, on. cit.. p. 34. 2. C. Weizmann, op. clt.. vol. I, p. 190. Cf. B.U.C. Dugdale, Arthur .Tames Balfour. London, 1936, vol.II, p* 230. 3. C. Weizmann, op. clt..

vol. I, p« 193.

4. Tog, April 28, 1917, p. 1, 5. FSCO Foundation for Palestine, op. cit*. vol. I, p. 99.

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237

On May 7th, 1917, the Morgen Zhurnal published the text of an interesting cable it received from Lord Bryce, indicating that the British government anticipated receiving American-Jewish funds for the reconstruction of Palestine.

The cable reads:

Much sympathetic Interest here in reestablishment of Jews in Palestine. To effect this and give pros­ pect of success, three things needed: Turkish rule must be extinguished, not only in Palestine but ev­ erywhere south and east of Taurus Mountains; large body American and other Jews must indicate wish to return; large funds needed to repair ruin wrought re­ cently by the Turks in Palestine and enable execution of irrigation and other works reld.r Vol. I,

no. 6 (n.d.), 1.

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312

existence until after the ear, never recovered from the convention fiasco.

It continued to campaign against universal military training,

hut the Liberty Defense Union of March, 1918 absorbed most of lte activities.1 Pro-war Jewish elements, meanwhile, undertook to enlighten their misguided radical brethren.

In May, Judge Aaron J. Levy, who

did not prevent the Varhelt. in which he had a financial interest, from becoming a nro^Serman sheet in 1915, called on President Wilson to discuss propaganda among Jews.

At a meeting of Jewish newspaper editors

in June in Few York (to which Abraham Cshan was not invited), the harmful impression of Jewish radicalism upon the general public was discussed. It was decided to step up the Liberty Bond campaign in the Yiddish 3 press. Fearing pacifist influence in the A. F. L* b Central Federated Union of Few York, Samuel Gompers embarked upon a campaign to "Ameri­ canise" the labor movement in the city. support of the Jewish Spargo-ites.

In this effort, he had the

Speaking before the Central Feder­

ated Union in June, Gompers warned Jewish pacifists of the harmful con­ sequences of their agitation, and attacked the radical Yiddish press

1. See: People's Council, The Case Against Universal Military Training Few York, 1918. ------2. Cf. Senate Sub-committee Hearings on German Prouaganda. vol. IT 1843-1844. ’

pp.

3. Cf. Miller's Yochshrift. June 23, 1917, p. 4.

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for publishing the anti-war crusade.

Ernest Bohn, the secretary of

2 the CFU, accused the People’s Council of helng a German "plot."

In

July, Gompers approached George Creel, head of the Committee on Public Information, for financial support for the anti-radical campaign. Consequently, a CPI office was set up In New York under the direction of Robert Maisel and Chester M• Wright. Yiddish propaganda work for the office.

Ur. Joseph Chaikin handled 3

A letter from Spargo to Gompers, suggesting the creation of a labor alliance to resist "aggressive reactionary tendencies” and to make clear that democracy and loyalty go hand in hand, led to the formation of the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy on August 16, 1917, Robert Maisel became director of the organisation, which n&lnt&ined joint offices with the CPI bureau in New York City.

Most of the expen­

ses of the Alliance were handled by the Creel organisation.

Charged

with the task of "keeping labor industrious, patriotic, and quiet," and seeking to combat the People’s Council, the Alliance sent speakers and

1. Ibid.. July 6, 1917, p, 5. 2. Naye Yelt. July 37, 1917, p, 1, 3. Cf. J. R. Mock and C. Larson, on. cit,. p. 190* L. L. Lorwin, The American federation of Labor, pp. 147-148.

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31^

literature to Jewish unions and fraternal groups.

In the first six 2 months of its work, the Alliance set up 150 branches in 40 states. Shortly after the formation of the Alliance, pro-war right-wing Jewish radicals formed the Jewish Socialist League of America.

Active

in the organisation were a group of Peale Zionists, including Dr. N. Syrkin, J. Slonim, of the Yarheit. Leon Savage, city editor of the Tog •J

in 1917-1918, L. Braun, and J. Menaker.^

William Edlin and Henry L.

Slobodin were also active in the group, which was affiliated with the "Social Democratic League" (formed by the St. Louis dissenters) as well as with the American Alliance.

William Edlin and Dr. H. Syrkin repre­

sented the Jewish-Sociallst League at the national convention of the Alliance in Minneapolis held on September 5-7.

The delegates endorsed

a resolution drawn up by Syrkin calling for a Jewish National Home in Palestine.

4

At the convention, Syrkin delivered a particularly invec­

tive speech in which he declared that Jewish radical opposition to the

1. Yiddish pamphlets circulated by the Alliance were entitled: "Will American Socialists Do This?" and "Why Workingmen Support the War." A total of eight pamphlets (1,445,612 copies) were circulated by the Alli­ ance. Cf. Henort of the Committee on Public Information. 1920, pp. 1718, Patriotic articles in Yiddish appeared in the Hew York "Evening Journal," the Hew York "American," and the Philadelphia "Inquirer." Cf. J. Shatsiy, Zammelbuch zu der Geshlcht-e fun der Yiddlsher Presse in America. Hew York, 1934, p. 39. 2. J. B. Mock and C. Larson, ou> cit.. pp. 190-191. 3. Tog. August 29, 1917, p. 2. 4. Tog, September 5, 1917, p. 1 ana September 9, 1917, p0 1.

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315

war was a direct result of the work of German agents prior to America's entrance into the conflict.1

The Alliance convention declared its

support of the Russian Provisional Government, and called upon American Socialists to support the war, and thereby help save the Russian

2 Revolution. A similar appeal was Issued by the Jewish-Socialist League on September 13th*

It declared!

Socialists and Jews! Think of what Germany is now doing to Russia and of what our countiy is doing for Russial Germany is supporting counter-revolutions, aiming at the restoration of the old tyranny. America is upholding democracy and liberty, aiming at the es­ tablishment of a Russian free republic on a firm basis. Jews of America, lay aside other considerations* Unite in the support of the United States, of freedom and democracy the world overt3 The antl~war radicals, who believed that peace not war would be the best guarantee of the Russian Revolution, were not yet ready to listen *

to an appeal of this type.

Instead, the Hlllquit mayoralty campaign

in Hew York proved to be the crescendo of agitation for a negotiated

Uave Veit. September 14, 1917, p. 1. Syrkin was condemned by the executive committee of the Foale Zion for his utterances* Himself a member of the committee, he subse­ quently withdrew from that body. Cf. Yiddlsher Kaempfer. October 5, 1917, p . 3. 2. Cf. L. L. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, pp. 149*150; Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor. 1917, p. 100. 3. American Jewish Chronicle. October 13, 1917, p. 681.

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316

peace before the Great Reversal m s brought about by the Bolshevik Revolution and Brest-Lltovsk, In the race with Morris Hillqult were John P. Hylan, the Demo­ cratic candidate, John P. Mitchel, the current mayor who ran as an Independent, and William P. Bennett, the Republican aspirant. war and "Americanism" were central issues in the campaign.

The

Bennett

and Mitchel supported the government's war program, while "Red Mike" Hylan, seeking the Irish, German, and Jewish vote, preferred to remain silent on war issues.

Hillqult made the peace issue a central one in

his quest for office. The Socialist candidate was motivated by the idea that a war "to the end" would solve none of the basic problems responsible for the holocaust.

Maintaining that modern conflicts grow out of the clash of

trading Interests of the wealthy classes of different states, he was of the opinion that the World War would not destroy these classes or their particular interests.

Instead, he felt, the unity of the working class

was being destroyed, shattering, at the same time, the class struggle* While he placed a large part of the blame for the war on Germany, he refused to accept "the naive theory" that her defeat would insure a lasting peace.*

Seeking a general, negotiated peace based on the

Russian "no annexations" formula and Wilson's "peace without victory" statement, Hijlquit emphasised the Reichstag peace resolution and the

1. See Hillqult article in Tlddlshe Arbeiter Veit (Chicago), September 1 4 , 1917, p * 4*

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317

Papal note as Indicative of a universal desire for peace.

He pointed

to the Russian soviets as examples of effective organizations working for peace, and looked forward to the revival of the Second International to consolidate Socialist peace agitation throughout the world.* Speaking at Madison Square Garden on September 23rd, Hillqult declared? We are for peace. We are unalterably opposed to the killing of our manhood and the draining of our re­ sources in the bewildering pursuit of an Incomprehen­ sible *democracy,’ a pursuit of democracy which has the support of the men and the classes who habitually rob and despoil the people of America; a pursuit of democracy Which begins by suppressing the freedom of speech, press, and public assemblage and by stifling legitimate political critlclzm. Hot warfare and ter­ rorism, but Socialism and social justice will make the world safe for democracy....2 Emphasizing the Importance of the mayoralty campaign in the general peace movement, the Socialist candidate declared at one of his political meetings that "a Socialist victory in the Hew Tork City election will be a clear mandate to our government to open immediate negotiations for a 3 general peace." The publication of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers' Union saw

1. Ibid., September 21, 1917, p. 6; "What I Will Do If Elected Mayor," in Hand School File? "Political Parties, Socialist Campaign Leaflets’ 1917-1927." ' 2. M, Hillqult, Loose Leaves Prom a Buev Llfs. p* 185; Tog. September 24 1917, p* 1; Glelchhelt. September 28, 1917, p. 2P * 3. M. Hillqult, ibid.. p0 189.

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318

In the Hillquit campaign the reflection of a rising tide of revolu­ tionary Socialism in America.

It urged heightened Socialist political

aetion to gather together all elements of the American working class "around the "banner of revolution Socialism in order to put an end to oppressive capitalist control#"

"Who can say," the publication asked,

"how quickly we are approaching the last hour of the capitalist system?" The Jewish voting element in New York City gave Hillquit strong support.

In his autobiography, the Socialist candidate describes the

kind of reception he received. One evening I was to speak at three meetings in the lower Hast Side. No street demonstration was planned, but a gigantic parade was formed spontaneously. The whole East side seemed to be on its feet, and for three hours countless thousands of men and women surged and swarmed through miles of street before and behind the car in which I made ny laborious progress from one hall to another. They sang and cheered, and their number swelled incessantly. It was a touching scene never to be forgotten.** Organizational support for Hillquit stemmed from the United Hebrew Trades, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers' Union (which organized a "Socialist Campaign League" with Louis Hollander as director), the ILGWU, the Jewish Socialist Federation, the Arbeiter Ring, the Poale Zion, the Jewish National Workers' Alliance, the Socialist-Territorialists, the Progressive Irish League, and the Negro Independent Political

1* Fortschrltt. October 19, 1917, p# 4. See also: Ladles Garment Worker (English section), November, 1917, p. 10. ' ~ 2. M. Hillquit, Loose Leaves From a Busy Llfer p. 188.

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319

Council of Harlem. Anti-radical Jewish elements were positively frightened hy Hillquit’s popularity.

Miller's Vochenehrlft proclaimed: "Every Jew

... who votes for a Socialist ... underwrites himself as an enemy of the nation, and registers himself as a Genian p&trlor in America."

2

The Morgen Zhurnal wondered why "the Jewish roomer should "be a ... grumbler in our great boarding house."

3

Reflecting characteristic

fears of anti-Semitic consequences of Jewish radicalism, the same news­ paper declared: We have no fear of the danger of anti-Semitism in America, but it certainly will not be good for us if the outer world shall look upon the votes of Jewish immigrants as proof that we are less patriotic than others, and it is better to avoid this today than to have to bear regrets in the future.4 In the fli^it from ethnocentricity, the patrioric climbers had apparently not shaken themselves loose of a ghetto-complex.

Writing

in the Varhelt. Louis Marshall asked, "Why must we endanger our futn-.lete rejection of pre-war Bast European

Jewish patterns* advocated resettlement in Palestine as a solution of the European Jewish problem.

In 191^, the fate of the East European

Jewish community and the future of Jewish Ideological movements were linked with the Teutonic cause* The conflict vigorously stimulated Jewish group consciousness and sensibilities* heightening those hopes and passions which were the vintage of the Old World,

As these were not founded upon an Anglo*

Saxon heritage* they proved strong enough for a time* to run counter to the mainstream of general American war attitudes*

Thus* the partly

accommodated Yiddish-speaking element was led by its Sussophobia into the pro-German camp* where it remained from August, 191^* to March* 1917* The negation of the golos and a ghetto-complex served to separate in immigrant minds the destiny of Jewish communities in Bussia and Boumania from the general fate of these lands in the war*

The defeat of the

"oppressors,** it was felt* would benefit the ’‘oppressed."

Jurthermore*

it was felt that the Teuton would advance the cause of Zionism and Jewish national rights*

Socialists* nurtured in Germanferxist philosophy* based

their hopes for revolution in Bussia on the anticipation of Tsarist defeat.

That England and Prance were opposed to Germany in the conflict

appeared to be of little consequence* for their protestations of democracy

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380

were seen as rendered hypocritical so long as Nicholas remained their ally.

At the same time, there was little sympathy for Belgium in view

of the Cossack threat to Calicia and Hungary.

Tsarist Bussia was the

keystone in the structure of immigrant Jewish attitudes, and her fate in the period of America's neutrality singularly determined the pattern of viewpoints on the war. Jewish radicals, though no less pro-German in sentiment (with lrat few exceptions), could however in neutral America, indulge in the luxury of an unmolested anti-war crusade, inspired by the credos of Marxian ideology.

Thus they Joined minority Socialists in belligerent states

and the radical parties of other neutral landB in the ideological war­ fare against those manifestations of American domestic and foreign pol­ icy which tended to bring the country closer to actual involvement in the conflict.

Thus Jewish Socialists were opposed (as were all pro-

Germans in America) to loans and credits for the Allies.

They attacked

the preparedness movement, and agitated for an embargo on the shipment of war material to Europe. Fearing America's entry into the war over the submarine issue, the Socialists, and the Yiddish press in general, tended to defend Germany during her diplomatic exchange with Wilson.

Socialise,

as did all pro-Germans, supported the isolationist reaction during the presidential campaign of 1916. Jewish radicals thus contributed to the aims of German propaganda in this country, while their Bussqphobia (stemming from ethnic sensibil­ ities) led to the Justification in many quarters of the German Social Democratic contribution to the "defense" of homeland and Western Europe

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381

against the Cossack "hordes."

A Socialist dilemma thus grew out of the

ideological attack upon war on the one hand, and the support of pro-war German Socialists on the other.

Attempts were accordingly made, in

August Bebelian terms, to differentiate between "defensive" and "offens­ ive" conflicts.

Like nationalist Socialists in Europe, Jewish radicals

in America (organized in a Jewish Arbeiter Bing and a Jewish Socialist Federation) could not escape from ethno-natlonallstlc impulses, A growing awareness of the contradiction between ideology and existent sentiment led to the attraction to the Zimmerwald movement in Europe, which condemned all form of capitalist conflict organized along national lines, and which advocated social revolution as a means of bringing peace.

It is not without significance, however, that by this

time (the Zimmerwald Conference took place in September, 1915)* Germany had already conquered &LanA, "liberating" her Jewish population while safeguarding Galician Jews from the menace of the Slav.

As the Zimmer*

wald crusade led to the creation of organizations which conflicted in purpose and function with those already set up under the auspices of the old Second International, it is apparent that the division of Jewish Socialist sentiment over the Leninist movement was indicative of the development of post-war ideological differences relating to Bolshevism and the Third International.

Of significance, also, is the fact that as

America was moving closer to involvement in the conflict, the proZimmerwald radicals were at the same time building up their ideological fences against war.

Also, those who continued to support German Social

Democracy (as opposed to the Zimmerwald!sts) felt that America's entry

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382

would contribute to the total collapse of Genian Socialism* and be** •ides* this country's belligerency* regardless of the sinking of Aneri** can vessels* would not be for purposes of "defense.R Thus when diplo— aatic relations between the United States and Germany were broken In February, 1917, Socialists were almost fully united in opposition to Americas entry into the war* The official position of the Federation of American Zionists in 1915*1916 was one cf neutrality*

Uncertain as to the outcome of the

holtillties* and fearful of jeopardizing the possibilities of organized Jewish settlement in Palestine regardless of the nature of the post* war disposition of the area, the Federation did not wish to antagonize any of the belligerents* Regardless of the position of the Federation* the Zionist masses looked to the Central Powers and Turkey (the latter then in possession of the Holy Land) for the fulfillment of hopes for a national home*

let

the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs* 1m openly pursuing a pro-Ally policy* was even more un-neutral in its no­ tions than was the Federation and its branches*

When the United States

broke off diplomatic relations with Germany* Zionists* in view of the progress made in negotiations with the English government concerning Palestine* were ready to support the Entente* Prior to the break with Germany* the movement for an American Congress for Jewish Rights incorporated too many diverse elements to evolve a definitive policy toward the belligerents.

Generally* however,

in line with immigrant Jewish war attitudes* the movement looked to

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383

Germany— .the conqueror of Poland, Lithuania, and Roumania— a b the great** est hope for the extension of national or "group* rights to Hast Europe­ an. Jews,

When diplomatic relations between the United StateB and Germany

were broken, the Congress movement was left hanging in the air, The abdication of the Russian Tsar on March 15, 1917, removed all Jewish nationalists1 qualms.

The Congress movement, with restored faith

in the Russian golos, hailed Jewish emancipation there, and but for the radical element, placed itself behind the Entente,

Zionism, though a bit

apprehensive as to the future necessity of the movement for a Jewish state in view of Susao-Jewish emancipation, could now hope for official Russian support.

With the reversal of attitudes toward Germany, JeWeh

nationalists now had no doubts about supporting American belligerency. The Balfour Declaration and the Fourteen Points, stressing the self** determination of peoples, later intensified that support. The "bittei>*ender" radicals were in a less enviable position, lying prone on the bed of principle, but nevertheless shaken by the events in Russia,

Tet the removal of the Tsar now occasioned a complete

"return" to Marxian prinoiple as a basis for opporftlon to American belligerency.

In Zimmerwaldian spirit, the war in their minds was still

"imperialist" and "capitalist,"

Supporting both the Fetrograd Soviet,

which favored an immediate peace, and the anti-war St, Louis platform of the Socialist Party (April, 1917), Jewish radicals conducted anti-war demonstrations, opposed conscription and censorship, refused to purchase war bonds, and backed the peace campaign of the People's Council,

In

the fall mayoralty campaign in New York, Morris Hillquit, who aroused

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384

fears in non-radical circles of anti-Semitic repercussions and accusations of pro-Germanism, ran on a platform advocating a negotiated peace. But the end result of radical efforst could only prove beneficial to Germany.

American Socialists, as was the case vith their European ideo­

logical brothers, could not escape the dilemma of nationality. The "return" to principle led to criticism of Bolshevik agitation following the March Bevolution(as failing to conform to Marxist patterns of Socialist evolution and as threatening the stability cf the Provisional Government).

Thus the radicals greeted the November devolution with

marked skepticism and doubt.

Tet as the Bolsheviks showed themselves

capable of maintaining control at the same time as their program and manifestoes appealed to radical idealism, they gradually came into great­ er favor.

Though the Bolsheviks repudiated cherished principles of

social democracy (American Socialism repudiated revolutionism), their tactics were defended on the basis of pragmatic necessity.

"Brave new

world" thinking lent an aura to the Bolshevik experiment, particularly as the war contributed to the disillusionment in western Socialism,

fur­

thermore, the radicals feared the German and counter-revolutionary threat, and thus clung to the Leninists as the only hope for revolutionary prog­ ress in Bussia. Wilson* s liberality toward Bussia in his fourteen Point program, and the disillusionment in the possibility of a just, negotiated peace with Germany following the signing of the BreBt-litovsk treaty were factors in the radical reversal toward the war.

It was now felt that

Germany's unconditional surrender was necessary if the Bussion Revolution

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385

was to be Baved,

Just as many Jewish radicals supported Germany in

1914-1917* looking at her war effort as a means of "saving*1 European Jewry and western Socialism, they now supported capitalist America as a means of "saving" the Bolshevik Revolution,

Also, the pressures of

American wartime nationalism had become as difficult to resist bb was the case with European Socialists in August, 1914, The year 1916 was the "year of the Messiah* for American Jewry, Jewish emancipation and social revolution in Russia momentarily re­ stored a faith in the golos in the ranks of the Congress and Socialist movements.

Yet the uncertainty of the future of the East European Jewish

community in view of Bolshevik extremism and internal dissension in Russia tended to strengthen the Zionist position,

Wilson18 support of

the Balfour Declaration and the British conquest of Palestine also bolstered the movement for the projected Jewish state,

Zionist activity

in the United States expanded greatly, and in 1918 aimed at the socialdemocratic organization of the Palestinian economy,

Zionist-Socialism

(Poale Zionism) attracted former anti-nationalist radical elements; thus it appeara that nationalism proved too strong a force for Jewish radical cosmopolitanism, influenced as it Was in the course of the conflict by German, American, and Zionist national interests. As the war camo to an end amidst the reemphasis of Wilsonian principles (the acceptance of which by Germany was a condition of the armistice) and the outbreak of social revolution in Central Europe, Jewish nationalists and Socialists quite prematurely hailed the glories of peace and the "realization" of sacred ideals.

The Messiah seemed to

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386

lie spreading Hia wings across the face of Europe and the Hear Bast, and Jews opened their arms to embrace Hia « However the flash of idealism was but short-lived for events immediately following the war gave empha­ sis to the fact that this was not yet the "brave new world." The seeds of post-war radical dissension lay in the incompatibili­ ty of national Socialist ideologies with the dictates of Sussian Bol­ shevist internationalism,

American radicalism, despite all its protesta­

tions of allegiance to the ideals of internationalism and the proletarian revolution, did not itself have a deeply-imbedded revolutionary tradition, and was closely bound up instead with the ideals of progressive trade unionism.

The war, besides, only strengthened "Gonperism" in the radical

branches of the labor movement, and further weakened ties to the wither­ ing Second International,

The tendency had gone so far that by 1918,

radicals were exporting a "capitalist" war, in a spirit that was anti­ thetical-regardless of contemporary rationalisations— to the highest precepts of Marxism,

When Bolshevism appeared on the worldi-scene, its

appeal to Jewish Socialist visionaries soon proved to be tremendous, and it was hailed as the hope of the world.

But the radical Jewish trade

unions had at the same time given tip thoBe very revolutionary tactics now demanded of them by the Bolshevik Third International,

They had

become "Americanized," and worked in a completely different framework and level of economic advance,

Tet a psychological and ideological

lag fostered a continuing attachment, in some circles, to the Bolshevik experiment. Thus factors of social and economic accommodation as opposed to

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387

the attachment to revolutionary ideology brought about a post-war split in Jewish Socialist and trade union ranks*

Anti-Bolshevik Socialists

returned to the pre-war rejection of the Bnssian golos. Bitter partisan struggles were to ensue within Jewish unions, fraternal organizations, and in the Yiddish press as the Bight and the Left both descended from the heights of the Messiah.

Jewish radicals, in the wake of the Great

War, found themselves in a state of illusion, disillusion, and division. The old Gods were loBt; some found the new, but the spirit of Marx waxed eternal. From the heights of that fervor which characterized the Zionist movement in the last year of the conflict, there fell the hopes of the dreamers of Israel down upon the Jagged rocks of a bitter reality where they were all but crushed.

At the Peace Conference, Zionist representa­

tives were trapped by the self-determination principle which they them­ selves had previously so vigorously defended. On the bads of this prin­ ciple, the King-Crane Commission, dispatched by the Supreme Allied Council to Palestine to determine the wishes of the natives concerning the disposition of the territory, brought back recommendations against the establishment of a Jewish state.

Yet in 1920, Britain was given a

Mandate over Western Palestine, and was instructed by the Supreme Council to carry out the provisions of the Balfour Declaration,

A Jewish Agency

was to be recognized as a public body, and Jewish immigrants were to be permitted to form •’close" settlements in the area,

Zionists eould con­

tinue to dream, but over a third of a people was to be destroyed before hopes could finally become reality.

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388

The Jewish Congress movement experienced even greater dis­ illusionment,

After having teen postponed until the end of the war,

the American Jewish Congress finally convened in December, 1918, in Philadelphia, where a Committee of Nine was chosen to proceed to Paris to strive for the inclusion of the "national rights" principle in the constitutional law of new or enlarged states.

The Jewish delegation

was of course faced with the obvious difficulty that the Jews had no territorial claims on the Continent, and in working for Jewish "national rights" in any particular country, they would in fact be working for an impossible state within a state.

The Big Three in Paris refused to

recognize Jewish "national rights" or even Jewish "cultural autonomy" in Boumania and Poland, but due to Wilson’s influence, provisions other­ wise favorable to the Jews in relation to civil and political rights were included in the fundamental laws of these states.

Unfortunately,

legal guarantees could not prevent future political and economic oppression of Jews,

The Jewish Bights movement thus had its Wilson,

but already in 1919* he was a dying man. The period following the conflict was a tragic one for the Jews, particularly as it followed a period of great messianic fervor and expectation,

Pogroms were sweeping the Ukraine, while early in 1920,

Jews and Arabs were fighting in the Holy Land,

The Socialist movement

was torn apart, and the Jewish Bights movement was tasting the bitter fruits of national hatred. Nevertheless, great changes had been wrought.

The war had over­

thrown Tsari Bin, and had brought emancipation to a large portion of Bast

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389

European Jewry.

The Zionist movement gained momentum, and the Jewish

unions in America found added strength.

The war hastened the accomoda­

tion of the immigrant Jew to the new life,

European turmoil weakened

society there hoth materially and culturally, while life in American seemed to offer, in comparison, unlimited peace and progress.

The war

was also responsible for the hastening of the maturation of JeWhh communal and cultural life in America as ties to deoliniag European Jewry grewwaker,

The rejection of the European golos grew more complete,

while American Jews on the whole grew passive as to its fate,

Eadical­

ls® declined in Jewish ideology and interest as the working masses gained added security and Increasingly entered into the ranks of the middle class,

Zionism and Judaism became central concerns of the Jewish

immigrant element in the United States,

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390

BIBLIOGRAPHY I. MANUSCRIPT MATERIALS

Unpublished sources consulted by the present writer include the wartime correspondence of the Hew York County section of the Socialist Party and material relating to the People’s Council for Democracy and Terms of Peace, in the files of the Rand School of Social Science in Hew York City.

The writer also consulted fifty-five manuscript auto­

biographies of Jewish immigrants in the files of the Yiddish Scientific Institute in Hew York City*

II. PRINTED PRIMARY SOURCES PERIODICALS Advance. Hew York, 1918: English weekly organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. American^ Hebrew. Hew York, 1914-1918: weekly. American Israelite. Cincinnati, 1914-1918: weekly. American Jewish Chronicle. Hew York, 1914-1918: weekly. American Socialist. Chicago, 1914-1918: weekly organ of the Socialist Party. Per Amerlkaner. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish weekly. B'nal B'rlth Hews. Chicago, 1914-1918: monthly. PI BoBtoner Ylddlshe Shtlmme. Boston, 1915-1916: Yiddish weekly. Bulletin (Collegiate Zionist Federation), Hew York, 1917; irregular. Bulletin of the People’s Council of America. New York 1917-1919Irregular. ' ’

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

391

Bulletlq (Young Men' a Hebrew Association) t Hew York, 1914-1918: weekly. California Ylddlshe Shtlmme. San Francisco, 1914: Yiddish weekly. The Call. Hew York, 1914-1917* Socialist weekly. Per Flhrer. Hew York, 1915: Yiddish dally. Per Folksadvobat. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish weekly. Per Folksfralnd. Pittsburgh, 1914-1918: Yiddish weekly. Fortschrltt. Hew Yori^ 1915-1918: Yiddish weekly organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Forverts. Hew York, 1897, 1914-1918: Yiddish Socialist daily. Per Fraind, Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish monthly organ of the Work­ men’s Circle (Arhelter Ring). PI Frele Arhelter Shtlmme. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish Anarchist weekly. PI Frele Zukonft. Hew York, 1915: Yiddish Anarchist monthly. Glelchhelt, Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish weekly organ of the Ladies' Waist Makers Union. Per Grosser Kundes. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish satirical weekly. The Headgear Worker. Hew York, 1917-1918: monthly organ of the United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers Union. The Immigrant, Hew York, 1921-1930: monthly, publication of the Council of Jewish Women, Jewish Comment. Baltimore, 1914-1918; weekly. Jewish Immigration Bulletin. Hew York, 1911-1921: monthly, publication of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society. Per Jude. Berlin-Ylenna, 1916-1926: monthly. Ladles Garment Worker. Hew York, 1914-1918: Ylddish-Sngllsh monthly organ of the International Ladles' Garment Workers Union. Llteratur un Lebn. Hew York, 1914-1916: Yiddish monthly.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

392

Maccabaean. New York, 1914-1918: organ of the Federation of American Zionists. Menorah Journal. New York, 1915-1918: monthly publication of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association* Miller* s Vochenshrift. New York, 1916-1918: Yiddish weekly. Morgen Zhuraal. New York, 1914-1918: Yiddish Orthodox dally. Mother Earth. New York, 1914-1918: Anarchist monthly* Pi Nave Post. New York, 1915-1918: Yiddish weekly organ of the Cloakmakers Union. Pi Nave Veit. New York, 1915-1918: Yiddish weekly organ of the Jewish Socialist Federation. Pos Nave Vort. BoBton, 1914-1918: Yiddish monthly organ of the Independent Workmen’s Circle. PI Naye Zelt. New York, 1914-1915: Yiddish monthly organ of the Jewish Socialist Labor Federation. Neiland, Montreal, 1926-1927; Yiddish weekly. Ost un West. Berlin, 1901-1913: monthly. Batsionale Lebn. New York, 1916—1917: Yiddish monthly. Pi Shtlmme fun dl Rue sishe Gefangene. New York, 1915: Yiddish monthly of the Anarchist Bed Cross. Slbler un Catorge. New York, 1915: irregular Yiddish publication of the New York Society for Political Prisoners in Siberia. Per Tegllcher Yiddlsher Courier. Chicago, 1914-1918: Yiddish daily. Per Tog. New York, 1914-1918: Yiddish daily. Unser Vort. Chicago-New York, 1915-1918: Yiddish monthly organ of the Soclalist-Territorialists. Pi Vaihelt. New York, 1914-1918: Yiddish daily. Per Vegf Berlin, 1922-1924: Yiddish monthly. Vohin. Kiev, 1911-1912: Yiddish Territorialist monthly.

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393

Di Ylddlshe Arbelter Shtlanie. flew York, 1917-1918: Yiddish monthly organ of the JewlBh national Workers1 Alliance. Pi Ylddlshe Arhelter Veit. Chicago, 1914-1917: Yiddish radical weekly. Pi Ylddlshe Emlgratgle. Berlin, 1928-1930: Yiddish monthly. Pos Ylddlshe Folk, Hew York, 1915-1918; Yiddish weekly organ of the Federation of American Zionists. Pi Ylddlshe Qasetten. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish weekly. Per Ylddlsher Emigrant. St. Petersburg-Wilna, 1909-1914: Yiddish monthly ptiblication of the Jewish Colonisation Association. Per Ylddlsher Gelst. Portland (Oregon), 1916; Yiddish weekly. Per Ylddleher Immigrant. Hew York, 1908-1909: Yiddish monthly pub­ lication of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society. P er Yiddlsher Kaempfer. Hew York, 1916-1917: Yiddish weekly organ of the Poale Zion. Per Ylddlsher Legloner. Hew York, 1918: Yiddish weekly. Per Ylddlsher Beeord. Chicago, 1915, 1917: Yiddish weekly. Per Ylddlsher Soslallst. Hew York, 1915: Yiddish weekly. Per Ylddlsher Vegveiser. Hew York, 1916-1917; Yiddish monthly organ of the Orthodox Jews of America and Canada. Yiddishes Tsgeblat. Hew York, 1914-1918: Yiddish Orthodox daily.

SOURCES RELATINO TO JEWISH IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITEP STATES American Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Russian Refugees, Laws and Regulations. Hew York, 1891. Ellinger, M., Report to the Hebrew Emigrant Aid Society of the United States. Hew York, 18820 Friedlaender, H., Fuenf Wochen in Brody. Vienna, 1882. Goldenstein, L., Brody und die Russlsch-Judlsche Emigration. Frankfurt, 1882*

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39**

Hebrew Emigrant Aid Society, Colonization of Russian Refugeea in the West, Hew York, 1882. .. Proceedings of the Conference of the ... and Auzlllary Committees. Representing the various cities of the United States and Canada at Hew York. Jnne 4. 1882. Hew York, 1882. . Report of Mr. J u IIu b Schwarz on the Colony of Russian Refugees at Cotonaxl. Col.. Hew York, 1882. _______ , Report on the Formation of the First Russian Jewish Colony in the United States at Catahoula Parish. Louisiana. London.f »rn m*m m J 1882, ■

■ —



-

-

■ ■'»



! ' ■ ■ ■ » »

I II

I





I

■ 1

11



-

. . . . . . . . . . . .







II

Hebrew Technical School for Girls (Hew York), Annual Reports, Hew York, 1889-1913. International Order B ’nai T^rith District Grand Lodge, Ho. 2, Report of Committee on Roumanian Immigration and Condition of Immigrant Jews. July 23. 1901. Cincinnati, 1901. International Order B*nai B'rith, Jewish Alliance of America, Baron de Hirsch Trustees, Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Official Correspondence Relating to Immigration of Russian Exiles. Washington, 1891. Jewish Agriculturists1 Aid Society of America (Chicago). Report of the Society^ Work and Achievements, from the Time of its Organization (Pall. 1888) to Hovember 1. 1900. Chicago, 1901. Jewish Alliance of America, Constitution and Abstract of Proceedings of the First Convention. Philadelphia, 1891. Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women. Reports London, 1902-3914. '* Russian-American Hebrew Association, Annual Report. Ho. 4. Hew York 1894, ’

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

395

SOURCES RELATING TO THE SOCIALIST, PACIFIST, AND LABOR MOVEMENTS Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, Documentary History. New York, 1914-1918. American Federation of Labor, Report of Proceedings of the Annual Convention. 1914-1918, Washington, D. C.f 1914-1918. Annual Report of the Executive Secretary of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, n.p., 1914. Annual Report of the Executive Secretary Stephen F. Weston of the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Yellow Springs fOhloV, 1915. Delegates to the Emergency National Convention (Socialist Party) held April 7th to 14th. 1917 at St. Louis. Mo.. (Rand School). Eighty-Seventh Annual Report of the Directors of the American Peace Society. 1915, Washington, 1915o Financial Statement of the People1s Council. September 14th. 1917. (Rand School.) First Annual Report of the Women’s Peace Society of New York City. February 19th. 1915 to Febmary 11th. 1916. New York, 1916. International Ladles* Garment Workers Union, Report and Proceedings of the Thirteenth Convention (October 16-28. 1916), Philadelphia, 1916. . Report and Proceedings of the Fourteenth Convention (May 20June 1- 1918)T Boston. 1918. Lochner, L. P., "Stop the Next War Now'." Address at March Dinner of the People’s Council, held In New York City on March 30. 1919. (Rand School.) Magnes, J. L., Address at Conference For Democracy and Terms of Peace Garden Theatre. New York City. May 30-31. 1917. Washington 1917. Washington, 1917. *----- * r "Let The Peace Conference Convene." Address Delivered at Constituent Assembly. People’s Council of America. Chicago. Sunday, September 2, 1917. (Band School.) _______ "The People Do Not Want War," Address Delivered at Madison Square Garden. Saturday Evening. March 24. 1917. (Rand School.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

396

The People* s Council, of America; List of members of committee* (Hand School.) Proceedings of the Emergency Convention of the Socialist Party of America at St. Louis. 1917, (Band School.) Beoort of Executive Secretary? Emergency National Convent ion. St. Louis. Mo*. April 7. 1917^ (Band School.) Beoort of the First American Conference For Democracy and Terms of Peace, held at Madison Square Garden. Few York City. May 30-31. 1917. Few York, 1917. Beoort of the Socialist Party Meeting; National Committee. May. 1915. (Band School.) Besolutlons Adopted by the International Congress of Women. The Haguq. Holland. April 28-29-30. 1915. New York, n.d. Socialist Campaign Leaflets; twelve leaflets relating to the war in Band School file, "Political Parties, Socialist Campaign Leaflets, 1912-1916"• "Political Parties, Socialist Campaign Leaflets, 1917-1927." Test of Besolutlons and Provisional Constitution of Permanent Comn^ »slon of Labour and Socialist International. Lucerne. lst-9th August. 1919. London, 1919* United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers Union of North America, Proceedings of the Annual Convention. New York, 1915-1917. Waldman, L., Address by Socialist Party Candidate for Member of Assem­ bly. Eighth Assembly District. 19181 (Band School.) What Has Done by the Executive Committee at Chicago; Peopled Council. (Band School.) Yearbook of the New York Peace Society. 1914.

(Band School.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

397

SOURCES RELATING TO THE AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS The AmericaD Jewish Congress, Memorials Submitted to President Wilson on the Jewish Title to Palestine, and the Rights of the Jews in Other Lands. by Representatives of the American Jewish Congrees. New York, 1919. _______ t Referendtun Submitted by Executive Organisation Committee for an American Jewish Congress, to the Delegates to the Preliminary Conference Held at Philadelphia. March 26~27. 1916. New York, 1916. . Renort of Commission on History of Previous Attempts to Secure Jewish Rights. New York, 1918. . Renort of the General Board of Elections to the Executive Committee,. New York, 1918* . Report of the Palestine Commission of the American Jewish Congress. New York, 1918. Renort of Proceedings of the American Jewish Congress. New York, n.d. . Renort of Proceedings of Preliminary Conference of the American Jewish Congress. New York, 1916. . Rules of Elections to the American Jewish Congress. New York, n. d. Jewish Congress Organization Committee, To the Jews of America. The Jewish Congress vs. The American Jewish Committee: A Complete Statement, with the Correspondence Between Louis D. Brandels and Cyrus Adler. New York, August, 1915,

SOURCES RELATING TO THE ZIONIST MOVEMENT The Federation of American Zionists, Official Programme: Zionist Con­ vention. held in Boston. June 54-July 1. 1915. (New York Public Library.) . Program? Twentieth Annual Convention. June 24. 1917. York Public Library.)

(New

. Program of the Twenty-first Annual Convention of the ... , Pittsburgh. Memorial Hall. June 35-27. 1918. (New York Public Library.)

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398.

. Report of the Executive Committee of the ... to the Eighteenth Annual Convention held at Boston. June 27-July 1. 1915. New York, 1915, . Report of the Executive Committee to the nineteenth Annual Convention, held at Philadelphia. July 3-5. 1916. Heir York, 1916. ' if Report of the Executive Comnilttee of the «... Submitted to the Twentieth Animal Convention, held at Baltimore. June 24-37. 1917. Hep York, 1917, . Seventeenth Annual Report of the Executive Committee to the Annual Convention held In Rochester. Hen York. Jtuoe 28-30. 1914. Rochester, 1914. Frledenwald, H., Presidential Address at the Twentieth Annual Conven­ tion of the Federation of American Zionists. June 24. 1917. Baltimore, 1917. Jewish Rational Fund Bureau for America, Annual Reports 1914-1919. Hew York, 1919. Jewish Socialist Labor Confederation (Poale Zion), The Jew and the War; Memorandum of the ... to the International Socialist Bureau. The Hague, 1916, The Jewish Socialist Labor Party (Poale Zion) of America, The Alms of Jewish Labor; Memorandum to the Socialist and Labor Democracy of the Torld. Hew York, 1918. Official Documents Relating to the Jewish Rational Home In Palestine. Submitted to the Conference on Palestinian Problems. Hotel Astor. Hew York. February ~17thf~ 1924. (Zionist Archives.) Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, Reports. 1917-1918. Plttiburgh, 1918, Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, The Federation of American Zionists, Hadassah, etc., Reports to the Twenty-first Annual Convention of the Zionist Organization of America. Pittsburgh. June 23^27. 1918. (Hew York Public Library.) The Zionist Organization of America, Constitution for the Government of the Zionist Districts. Hew York, 1918.

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399

Correspondence on the Advisability of Calling a Conference for the Purpose of Combatting Zionism. Hew York, 1918. Report of the Rational Executive Committee of the Zlonlet Organization of America. June 1. 1918-May 31. 1919. Hew York, 1919. SOURCES RELATING- TO THE JEWISH WAR RELIEF MOVEMENT American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, Report by Commission of the American Jewish Relief Funds. Hew York, March, 1917, . Report of Mr. S. Hoofien to ... Concerning Relief Work in Palestine from August 1. 1917 to May 31. 1918. Hew York, 1918. Report on the Transmission and Distribution of American Moneys to Districts in Poland Occupied by the German Armies. by Alexander M. Pushkin, of Commission of the American Jewish Relief Fund. Hew York, March, 1917. _________ Reports Received by ... of FundB for Jewish War Sufferers. Hew York, 1916. Central Committee for the Relief of Jews Suffering Through the War, Reports. 1914-1922, Hew York, 1916-1922. Jewish Peonle’s Relief Committee of America, Facto un Doknmentn. 1915-1924. (Facts and Documents). Hew York, 1924. Jewish Welfare Board, Annual Report. 1917-1918. Hew York, 1919.

SOURCES RELATING TO JEWISH NATIONAL AND FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS The American Jewish Committee, “Annual Reports," 1914-1918, American Jewish Year Book. 1914-1918. Arbeiter Ring, Report zu der ... Konventlon fun Arbelter Ring. (Report to the Convention of the Workmen*b Circle).' 1914-1918, Hew York, 1914-1918. Independent Order B fnai B frith, Proceedings of the General Convention of the Constitution Grand Lodge. Hew York, 1915-1918. Independent Order B fnai B ’rlth (District Grand Lodge, No. 1), Proceedings of the Annual Session. Hew York, 1915-1918.

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Independent Order B'nai B'rith (District Grand Lodge, No. 4), Proceedings of the Annual Session. San Francisco, 1915-1918. Independent Order B fnai B ’rith (District Grand Lodge, No. 7), Proceedings of the Annual Session. New Orleans, 1915-1918. Independent Order B ’nai B ’rith (Supreme Lodge), Report of the Executive Committee of the Constitution Grand Lodge. 19151916, New York, 1916. Independent Order B ’rith Abraham, Official Report of the Proceedings at the Thirty-first Annual Convention. 1917, New York, 1917. Independent Order B ’rith Abraham (U. S. Grand Lodge), Report of the Grand Secretary ... to the Annual Convention. New York, 1915-1917. Proceedings of the Central Conference of American Rabbis. 1914-1918, in Yearbook of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, 1914-1918. Proceedings of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. 1914-1918, in Annual Reports of the Union of American Hebrew Congrega­ tions, 1914-1918.

BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS Adler, C., I Have Considered the Years. Philadelphia, 1941. Ainslie, P., The Church and International Peace. New York, n. d. American Jewish Committee, The Jews in the Eastern War Zone. New York, 1916. American Neutral Conference Committee, Some Sidelights on French Opinion. New York, 1917. Amram, David W., A Jewish State in Palestine,. New York, 1918. Appel, M., "Ich Werde Nicht Sterben, Sondern Leben und die fferke Gottes Verkunden," Krlegspredjgt gehalten am Versfthnungstage. 30 September. 1914 in der Hauptsynagfegue su Karlsmhe. Karlsruhe, 1914. Bader, G., Zvlschen Blut un Feler. (Between Blood and Fire). New York 1916. *

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Balch, E. G., Approaches to the Great Settlement. New York, 1918. Benson, Allan L., Inviting War to America. Girard, Kansas, 1916. . Socialism the Lone Foe of War. n. p., 1914, _

tt The Truth About Socialism. New York, 1913.

Ben-Zvi, I., Per Falestlner Arhelter Fund (The Palestine Labor Fund). New York, 1916. Bimbaom, N., Den Ostjuden ihr Becht. Vienna, 1915. Bodmer, M. J., Eln Neper Staaten^Bund und das Ost.judenproblem. Stuttgart and Berlin, 1916. Bfthm, A., Per Ylddlsher Natzlonalfund (The Jewish National Fund), n. p., 1916. Borochov, B., (ed.)f In Kampf far Ylddlshe Recht (In the Struggle for Jewish Bights), New York, 1916. ~ Boudin, L. B., Socialism and ffar. New York, 1915. Brandeis, L. P., The Jewish Problem: How to Solve It. New York, 1919. i ____ , Jewish RlAtB and the Congress. New York, 1915. ______ Jewish Unity and the Congress. New York, 1915. . Zionism and Patriotism. New York, 1915. Bruning, C., Women and ffarr n. p., n, d. Buber, M., "Die Eroberung Palftstinas," Verlag: Hapttel Hazalr, Land und Arbeit. Berlin, 1918. Chapman, C. H., The Conscription of Wealth, n* p., 1917. Chazanowitsch, L. and Uotzkin, L. (ed.), Die Judenfrage der Gegenwart Stockholm, 1919. ’ Commager, H. S. (ed.). Documents of American History. Vol. II, New York, 1946. Committee on Public Information, The German-Bolshevlk Conspiracy (War Information Series, No. 20), Washington, October, 1918.

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. The War Tor Peace (War Information Series, No* 14), Washington, March, 1918c Cook, W. M., A Letter to the Cltlsens of the Second Assembly District. Hew York, 1918* Cowen, G., Memoirs of an American Jew. Few York, 1932. Dana, L. I., The Work and Problems of the Jewish Hatlonal Fond. New York, 1916. Davidson, D., "The Moral Issue of the World War," Address Before the Brotherhood of Temple Keneseth Israel. Allentown. Pennsylvania, April 25. 1915. Stroudsburg, 1915* Enelow, H* G., The Allied Countries and the Jews. New York, 1918. federation of American Zionists, The Economic Possibilities of Palestine. New York, 1918, . The Jews and the Arabs. New York, 1918. Federation of Bessarabian Jews of America, Memorandum on the Bessarabian Jewish Situation. New York, 1918. Federation of Roumanian Jews of America, Memoir on the Jewish Ques­ tion In Roumanla. New York, 1918. Flneman, H., Poale Zionism? An Outline of Its Aims and Institutions. New York, 1918. Friedman, E. M., Zionism and Jewish Reconstruction. New York, 1918. Gardner, A. P. and Hlllqult, M., "Must We Arm7" A Debate on the Question: Resolved; That the Security of the Nation Requires an Increase of the Military Force of the United States. New York, 1915. Germer, A«, Defeated? n» p*, 1918. Geiger, L., Die Dsutschen Juden und der Krlegr Berlin, 1915. Gluck, M., What Our Pioneers Have Created. New York, 1916. Goldberg, A., Hebraism up Yiddlshlsm. New York, 1918. _______ , Per Ylddlsher Kongress (The Jewish Congress). New York, 1915.

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Goldtan, E., Living my Life. 2 vols., New York, 1931. Patriotism; A Menace to Liberty. New York, n. d. Gompers, S., American labor and the War. New York, 1919. labor* e Interest In the league to Enforce Peace. New York, n. d. r Seventy Years of Life and labor: an Autobiography. 2 vols., Few York, 1925. Hausmann, G. N., “The Great War and the Hope of the Jews,11 A Lecture Delivered Before Congregation Plncus Ell.feh. New York. Decem­ ber 12. 1914. New York, 1915. Hillquit, M., Loose Leaves From a Busy Life. New York, 1934* . What The Socialists Have Done. New York, 1916. Holmes, J. H., Are We Worth Dying For? New York, November, 1917. __________ and Brown, H. D., The Church in War Tlmer New York, October, 1917. Houston, H. S., Economic Pressure as a Means of Preserving Peace. New York, n. d. Hull, W. I., Preparedness: The Military and the American Programmes. New York, 1916. Hyamson, A. M., British Projects for the Hestoratlon of ths Jaws. Leads, 1917. Jefferson, C. E., The Delusion of Militarism, n. p., n. d. Jewish Agency For Palestine, Documents Relating to the Balfour Declara­ tion and the Palestine Mandate. London, 1938. Jewish National Fund, Per Herzl Vald (The Herzl Forest), n. p., 1916. Jewish People's Relief Committee of America, D1 Lage fun Yldn In di Mllchome Lender (The Condition of Jews~*Tn Belligerent LandsV. New York, 1916© Jewish Socialist Federation of America, Dl Mllchome. Ihre Ursachn un Olalchtn (The War. Its Causes and Prospects). New York, 1914©

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Jewish Socialist Labor Party (Poale Zion) of America, The Alms of Jewlsbt Labor. New York, 1918. " Kallen, H. M., Nationality and tho Jewish Stake in the Great ffar. New York, 1915. Kantarovich, C», Per Soslallsm (Socialism), New York, 1918, Kessler, L*, History and Development of Jewish Colonization In Palestine. LondOD, 1918. Kosovski, V., Per Ylddlsher Churbn in Russland (The Jewish Ruin In Hassla). New York, 1915. Kraus, A., Reminiscences and Comments. Chicago, 1935. Landman, S., History of Zionism. London, 1915* _______ , Zionism? Its Organization and Institutions. London, 1916. Levin, S., In Mllchome Tseltn (In War Time). 2 vols., New York, 1915-1917. Lewis, A. P., Cosmopolitanism and Zionism. London, 1919. Lipsky, L., Thirty Years of American Zlontsmf New York, 1927. Lochner, L. P., Pacifism and the Great Tar. Chicago, n. d. Mack, J, W., Americanism and Zionism. New York, 1918. Maurer, J. H., It Can Be Done. New York, 1938. Milch, J., Soglallsm. Mllchome.un Natzionallsro (Socialism. War, and Nationalism). New York, 1916. Montefiore, C. G., Liberal Judaism and Jewish Nationalism. London, 1917, National Workmen’s Committee for Jewish Rights, The War and the Jews in Russia. New York,»1916. ' — Nearing, S., The Cost of Llvlngf n. p., 1918. ‘

The Great Madness. New York, 1917.

_______ . Open Letter to Profiteers. New York, 1917. f Profiteering, n. p., 1918. . Yearning for Liberty, n. p., 1918.

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Patterson, J. H., With the ZlonlstB In Gallipoli. London, 1916. Peonle1s Council, The Case flew York, 1918.

Against Universal Military Training.

Perles, F., Per Krlee und die Polnischen Juden In Ihrem Verhaltnls gu Deutschland. Konigsberg, 1914* Phllipson, D., My Life as an American Jewr Cincinnati, 1941. Pool, D. de Sola, Zionism bb an Expression of Jewish Patriotism. New York, 1914e Prosser, W. A., Militarism; A Philosophic Explanation and a Patriotic Protest. Pittsburgh, n. d. Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, Zionism Conquers Public Opinion. New York, 191V. Richards, B. G., A Congress for Jewish Rights. New York, 191V. Root, R. C., Our Future Peace Program. Berkeley, California, October 1, 1914. Rosenblatt, B. A., An Industrial Army for Palestine. New York, n. d. _______ , The Zionist Organization. New York, 1916. Rosenfeld, M., Polen und Juden. Vienna and Berlin, 191V. Russell, C. E., Facts About War, n, p., 1914. Sacher, H. (ed.), Zionism and the Jewish Future. London, 1916. f Zionism ana the State. London, 1915. Schroeder, T., The Meaning of Free Speech for Pacifists, n. p., n. d. Segel, B., Per Weltkrleg und Aos Schickeal der Juden; Stlmme elnes Gallslschen Juden an Seine Glaubensgenossen In den Neutr&len L&ndern Inbesondere in Amerlka. Lemberg, 1915. Shalnkin, V., Erett Israel In Mllchome Tselt (Palestine In War New TorkJ a.,d.

'*

Sieff, I. M., Jewish Colonisation and Enterprise in Palestine London, 1916. * Simon, J., Preparatory Steus for the Jewish Colonisation of Palestine The Hague, 1917.

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Socialist Party, Socialist Congressional Campaign Book. 1914« Chicago, 1916, . Socialist Hand Book? Campaign 1916. Chicago, 1916. Sparge, J., Americanism and Social Democracy, Hew York, 1918. Spire, A., Les Jutfs et la Guerre. Paris, 1917. Stone, H, I., Economic Aspects of Restoration. Hew York, 1918. Straus, H., The Congress Addresses of Theodor Herzl. Hew York, 1917. ~

The Economic Possibilities of Palestine, Hew York, 1918.

Straus, 0. S., Preparedness Against the Se'barbarlgation of the World,. Hew York, 1916. ______ t, Under Four Administrations. Hew York, 1922. Syrkin, H., Gekllbepe Zlonlst-Soslallstlshe Shriftn (Selected ZionistSocialist Writings). 2 vols., Hew York, 1925* _______ _, Ylddlsher Kongress in America (Jewish Congress In America). Few York, 1915. Trachtenberg, A. (ed.), The American Socialists and the War. Hew York 1917. Tschlenow, H. W., la Guerre, la Revolution at le Sionlsme. Copenhagen, 1917* Tucker, I. St* John, The Price We Pay, n. p., n. d. Walling, W. S., The Socialists .and the War. Hew York, 1915. Wallis, L., An Economic Program for Zionism. Hew York, 1918. Welsmann, C., Trial and Error. 2 vols., Hew York, 1949. Wolf, S., The Presidents I Have Known from 1860-1918. Washington B.C. 191£L " Zar, I., Her Hazlonal Fund u p der Poale Zion (The national Fund and the Poale Zion). Hew York, n. d. _______ , The Palestine Workers* Fund; Its Aims and Policies. Haw York 1 OT Q

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407

Zhltlowsky, C., Eretz Israel un dl Ylddlshe Arbelterach aft (Palestine and Jewish Labor). New York, 1918. . Qesamelte Shrlftn (Collected Works), vols. VIII-X, New York. 1919. The Zionist Organization; London Bureau, Great Britain. Palestine and the Jews. Jewry*s Celebration of Its National Chartm* London 1918. The Zionist Organization of America, The American War Congress and Zionism. New York, 1919. _____

,.American Zionist Medical Unit for Palestine. New York, 1919.

_______ , Brandels on Zionism. New York, 1942. _______ , 100 Selected Editorials from the Secular Press of America on the ZloplBt Movement. New Y ork, 1918 • ' _______ , Palestine and Jewish Nationalism. New York, 1918. _______ ,, Palestine for a JewlBh Homeland. New York, 1918. _______ , The Promise of the Allies. New York, 1918. Zuckerman, B., Per Poale Zionism, New York, n. d.

GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS Annual Reports of the New York State Commissioners of Emigration 1847-1889. ’ Congressional Record,. 1872-1916. Messages and Papers of the Presidents; 1789-1897. vol. X (1889-1897) Washington, 1898. ’ * jfotlopal Gernan-Amerlcan Alliance; Hearings Before the Sub-commltt^ of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate 65th Cong., 2nd Sees., Washington, 1918. * Report of the New York State Joint Legislative CnmM n eg for the Investigation of Seditious Activities (Lusk Cnrrmrttton^ p vols Albany, 1920. ’ ’

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408

Report of the United States Immigration Commission. vol. IV, Washing­ ton, 1911. R eport of the United States Industrial Commission, vol. XV, Washington, 1901. Rubinow, I. M., “Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia,“ United States Lahor Bulletin, vols. 71-74, Washington, 1907-1908, pp. 487-583. Senate Sub-committee of the Committee on the Judiciary, Hearings on Brewing and Liquor Interests and German and Bolshevik Propa­ ganda. 65th Cong., 2nd Sees., Washington, 1919. United States Conmittee on Fublic Information, Complete Report of the Chairman of the Committee on Public Information. 1917-1919. Washington, 1920. , Weber, J. B. and Kempster, W., A Report of the Commissioners of Trntnjgratlon upon the Causes which incite Immigration to the United States. 2 vols., Washington, 1892.

IMMIGRANT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES Antin, B., The Gentleman from the 22nd. New York, 1927. Ant in, M., Eroro Plotsk to Boston, Boston, 1899. _______ , The Promised Land. New York, 1912. Benequit, I. A., Durchgelebt un Durehgetraeht (Lived and Thought^ | 2 vols., New York, 1934. ' Bogen, B., Born a Jew. New York, 1930. Brudno, E. S., The Fugitive. New York, 1904. Cahan, A., Bleter Fun Mein Lebn (Leaves from my Life)r 2 vols. New York, 1926. * Cohen, R., Out of the Shadow. New York, 1918. Cohen, S. H., Transplanted. New York, 1937, Gold, M., Jews Without Money. New York, 1930.

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Gorelick, A., Shturmdlke Yoren (Stormy leers). Hen York, 1946. HaBBDOvltz, E., One of Them. Hew York, 1918, Horwich, B., My First Eighty Years. Chicago, 1939. Kasovich, A., Zechtzik Yor Lebn (Sixty Years of Life). Hew York, 1919. Kohut, R., My Portion. Hew York, 1925. Kopeloff, I., A iboI In America (Once Upon a Tima In America). Hew York, 1928. , Amol tm Shneter (Once Upon a Time and Later). Vllna, 1932. Levine, S., TJntererdlshe Kaempfer (Underground Fighters). Hew York, 1946. Maslianslty, H., Fertzlg Yor Lehn tin Keropfn (Forty Years of Life and Struggle), Hew York. 1924. Ornitz, S. B., Haunch. Paunch, and Jowl, Hew York, 1924. Panunsic, C. M., Soul of an Immigrant. Hew York, 1921. Pupln, M., From Immigrant to Inventor. Hew York, 1923. Raboy, A., Mein Lehn (My Life), vol. II, Hew York, 1947. Ravage, M. E., An American In the Making; The Life Story of an Innlgrant. Hew York, 1917. Beznikoff, C., By the Waters of Manhattan. Hew York, 1930. _______ , and Beznikoff, H., Early History of a Sewing-Machine ODerator Hew York, 1936. * Sahsovitch, K., Adventures In Idealism, Hew York, 1922. Steiner, E., Against the Current. Hew York, 1910. _______ From Allen to Citizen. Hew York, 1914. Stern, E. G., I am A Woman - And A Jew. Hew York, 1926. . My Mother and I . Hew York, 1917. Stone, G., My Caravan of YearB. Hew York, 1945.

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Weinstein, B., Fertglg Yor In der Ylddlsher Arbeiter Bavegnng (Forty Years in the Jewish Labor Movement). New York. 1924.

III, REFERENCE BOOKS, COLLECTIONS, HEPORTS, STUDIES, GENERAL HISTORIES Allgeraelne Encyclonedia (General Encyclopedia). 8 vols*, New York, 1939-1944. The American Jewish Year Book. Philadelphia, 1899-date, The American Labor Year Book. Rand School of Social Science, New York, 1916-1920, Anneal Reports of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. Cincinnati, 1914-1918, Paron, S. W«, A Social and Religious History of the Jew8. 3 vols., New York, 1937. Bl&tter ffer Demographic. Statlstlk. and Wlrtschaftskunde der Jttdenr Berlin, 1923-1925, Cohen, I., Jewish Life in Modern Times. London, 1929. Commentary. New York, 1945-1950, Contemporary Jewish Record. New York, 1938-1945, Elhogen, I., A Centery of Jewish Life. Philadelphia, 1944, Encyclopedia Jndalca. 12 vols., New York and London, 1901-1906, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 15 vols., New York, 1942. Engelnran, U. Z., The Rise of the Jew in the Western World. NewYork, Gedank un Lehn. New York,

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Graeher, I, and Britt, S. T. (editors), Jews in a Gentile World, New York 1942. * Graetg, H., History of the Jews. 6 vols., Philadelphia, 1891-1898. Gray gel, S., A History of the Jews. Philadelphia, 1947, Flstorla Jndalca. New York, 1938-1945.

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Hyamson, A. M., A History of the Jews In England. London, 1908. Jacobs, J., Jewish Contributions to Civilization. Philadelphia, 1919. Janowsfey, 0* I., People at Bay. New York. 1938. The Jewish Communal Register of flew York. New York, 1918* The Jewish Encyclopedia. 13 Vols., New York and London, 1901-1906. The Jewish People? Past and Present, vol. I, New York, 1946. Jewish Quarterly Review. London, 1889-1900. The Jewish Review. New York, 1943-1946, Jewish Social Service Quarterly. New York, 1934-1943, Jewish Tribune. New York, 1938, Judlsches Lexikon. 5 vols., Berlin, 1937-1930, Kaetein, J., History and Destiny of the Jews. New York, 1933, Margolis, M. L. and Marr, A., A History of the Jewish People. Phila­ delphia, 1945, Monatschrift fftr Geschlchte und Wlssenschaft des Judenthuros. Frankfurt 1880-1918. Ost ppd Nest. Berlin, 1901-1913, Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. Baltimore, etc., 1893 ff. Raisin, M,, A History of the Jews in Modern Times. New York, 1923, Reisin, F., Lsaikon fun der Ylddlsher Llteratur. 4 vols., Wilna, 19261927, Revue des Etudes Julves. Paris, 1880-1938, 1940, 1946-1947, Ruppin, A., Jewish Fate and the Future. London, 1940, ..The Jews in the Modern Vorldr London, 1934, Saehar, A, L., A History of the Jews. New York, 1940. Steinberg, M., The Making of the Modern Jew. New York, 1944,

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Universal Jerriah Encyclopedia. 10 vols.f New York, 1939 ff. Yearbook of the Central Conference of American Rabbis. Cincinnati, 1914-1918. Ylddlsh-sotglallstlgche Zamel-blcher (Yiddish-Socialist Collections), no. I, New York, 1919. YIVO Bleter. Wilna, New York, 1931-1949. Zeltschrlft fftr Demographle und Statletlk der Juden. Berlin, 1905-1910, 1912-1916, 1919-1927. Zeltschrlft ffer die Qeschichte der Juden In Deutschland. Berlin, 1892-1897, 1929-1937.

IV. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES JEWS IN RUSSIA Axelrod, P. F., "Pogromen un dl Revolutgionere Bevegung mlt 43 Yor Zurlk" (Pogroms and the Revolutionary Movement 43 Years Ago), 91 Zuknnft. vol. XXIX (September, 1924), pp. 550-555. Baskerville, B. C., The Polish Jew. New York, 1906. Berard, V., The Russian Empire and Cgarlsmf London, 1905. Bloom, S. P., "ORT - Fifty Years of Jewish Relief in Eastern Europe," ORT Economic Review, vol. V, no. 2 (December, 1945), pp.3-37. Botkine, P., "A Voice for Russia," Ceptury Magazine, vol. XLV (February 1893), pp. 611-615. Brudno, E. S., "The Emigrant Jew at Home," Worlds Work, vol. VII (July, 1904), pp. 4471-4479. Cohan, A., "Jewish Massacres and Revolutionary Movement In Russia " North American Review. No. 177 (1903) pp. 49-62. * Coralnlk, A., "Dos Yidntum fun Poiln un Russland loit di Letgte Folktgeilung" (Jews in Poland and Russia according to the Last Census), YIVO Shrlftp far Ekonomlk un Statlstk. vol. I, Berlin 1928, pp. 211-320. Costa, 0., "Freeing Six Millions: What Emigration Means to the Russian Jew." Contemporary Review (London), vol. CVI (1914). pp. 783-789.

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Davltt, M., Within the Pale. New York, 1903. Dubnow, S. M., History of the Jews Id Russia and Poland,. 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1916* Dubnow, W., "Zu der Ekonomlsher Geshichte fun dl Yldn in Russian!" (On the Economic History of the Jews In Russia), YIVO Shrlftn far Ekonomlk un Statistlk. vol. I, Berlin, 1920, pp. 92-97. Frederic, H., The New Exodus. London, 1892. Friedlander, I., Jews of Russia and Poland, New York, 1920. Gelber, N. M., "Statlstlk fun Yldn In Poiln sof 18-fcn Yor-Hundert" (Statistics of Jews In Poland at the end of the 18th Century), YIVO Shrlftn far Ekonomlk un Statlstlk. vol. I, Berlin, 1928, pp. 85-88. Goldberg, B., "Die Juden unter der Stadtlschen Bevolkerung RusslandB," Zeltschrlft f%r Deaographle und Statlstlk der Juden. vol. I (1905), p.*2. Graham, S., Tsar of Freedom; Life and Reign of Alexander IIf New Haven, 1935. Harcave, S., "The Jewish Question in the Russian Duma," Jewish Social Studies, vol. VI, no. 2 (April, 1944), pp. 155-176. Hourwltch, I. A., "Persecution of the Jews," Forum, vol. XI (August, 1891), pp. 611-626. Jacobs, J., "Official Defense of Russian Persecution! A Reply to *A Voice for Russia,1" Century Magazine, vol. XLVI (May-October, 1893) pp. 359-362. * Kaplan-Kogan, W. W., "Die Judlsche Sprach und Kultur Gemelnschaft In Polen," Zeltschrlft f&r Demographle und Statlstlk der Juden, vol. XI (1915), pp. 65-75, and vol. XII (1916),’ pp. 4-16, Lestschinsky, J., "Di Entviklung fun Yiddlshn Folk far di Letzte 100 Yor" (The Development of the Jewish People in the Last One Hundred Years), YIVO Shrlftn far Ekonomlk un StatlBtlk, vol. I Berlin, 1928, — , pp. 1-64. 9 . ___ , "Dos Europaishe Yidntum in der Emancipatzie Epoche" (European Jewry in the Epoch of Emancipation), Gedank un Lebn. vol. II no. 1 (April, 1944), pp. 3-27 and vol. II, no.*2-3 (July* October, 1944), pp. 61-81.

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Lestschlnsky, J.f "Professionaler un Sozialer Bashtand fun di Yldn in Mizrach un Tzentral-Europa" (Professional and Social Status of the Jews in Eastern and Central Europe), YIVO Shrlftn far Ekonomlk un Statlstlk, vole I, Berlin, 1928, pp0 191-210. . "Di Yeride funem Europaishn Yidntum" (The Decline of European Jewry), Sedank trn Lehn. vol« I, no. 1 (May, 1943), pp. 5-30. levitats, I.. The Jewish Community in Russia; 1772-1844f Naw York, 1943. Lowe, C., Alexander III of Bussla. London, 1895. Mansion House Belief Fund, Persecution of the Jews in Russia, Liverpool, 1883. Margolin, A. D., The Jews of Eastern Europe. New York, 1926. Margolin, S., "Die Entwickelung der Judischen Handwerks in Russland," Zeltschrlft fftr Demographle und Statlstlk der Juden. vol. II (1906), p. 149, . "Die Neuesten Angaben Uber den Stand der JudiBchen Bevolkerung in Hussisch-Polen," Zeltschrlft fhr Demographle und Statlstlk der Juden. vol. VII (1911), p. 89. . "Die Wirtschaftliche Lage der Judischen Arbeitenden Klassen In Bussland," Archlv Fftr Sozlalwlssenschaft und Sozlalpolltlk. Tubingen, vol. XXVI (1908), pp. 247-269. ^ "Die Zerstreutheit der Judischen Bevolkerung in Bussland und die Gros sindustrie," Zeltschrlft fftr Demographle und Statlstlk der Judem vol. VI (1910), p, 160, "The Massacre of the JewB in Russia," Worlds Work. July, 1903, pp, 3597-3599. Mavor, J., An Economic History of Russia. New York, 1915, Menes, A., "Vegn der Industrle-befelkerung bel Yldn in Russland, 1897," (Concerning the Industrial Population Among Jews in Russia, 1897), YIVO Shrlftn far Ekonomlk un Statlstlk. vol. I, Berlin, 1928, pp. 255*256, Patkin, A, L., The Origins of the Russlan-Jewish Labor Movement. New York, 1947.

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Petersburg Jewish Hilfskomltee, "Opfer der Pogrome in Bussland; 1905," Zeltschrlft ffar Demographle und Statistik der Juden. vol. II (l906)^p. 191. Raisin, J., The Haskaleh. Movement In Russia. Philadelphia, 1913. Hoblnson, ff. T., Rural Russia Under the Old Regime, Rew York, 1932. Rosenblatt, P., "Di Ekonomlshe Lage fun dl Yldn in Russland" (The Economic Conditions of the Jews in Russia), Dl Zuknnft. vol. XI (September, 1906), pp. 382-385. Rosenfeld, M., Die Polnische Judenfrage. Berlin, 1913. Russo-Jewish Committee, The Persecution of the Jews In Russia, London, 1891. Shatzky, J», ”An Attempt at Jewish Colonization in the Kingdom of Poland," YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, vol. I, 1946, pp. 44-63. Szalkowskl, Z., "The Alliance Israelite and East European Jewry; A Postscript," Jewish Social Studies, vol. VII, no. 2 (April 1945), pp. 151-152. * Tcherikower, E., "Weie Materialn Vegn di Pogromen In Hussland orihoib di 80-er Y o m " (Hew Material Concerning the Pogroms in Russia at the Beginning of the Eighties), Historlshe Shrlftn fun YIVO vol. II, Wllna, 1937, pp. 444-465. _f "Yldn Revolutzionern in Russland in di 60-er un 70-er Yoren" (Jewish Revolutionaries in Russia In the 60fs and 70's) Historlshe Shrlftn fun YIVO, vol. Ill, Wllna, 1939, pp.*60-172, Welnryb, S. B., Heueste Wlrtschaftggeshichte und Polen; 1772-1881, Breslau, 1934.

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Weintraub, C., "Sixty-Fifth Anniversary of ORT," ORT Economic Review vol. V, no. 4 (June, 1945), pp. 3-15. Wengierow, L., "Die Juden Im Z&Dlgreich Polen," Judlsche Statlstlk Berlin, 1903, pp. 293-310. * Wolf, L., Persecution of the Jews In Russia, London, 1912.

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JEWS IE ROUMANIA Bernstein, S., Die Judenpolltlk dar Rumanlschen Regierung. Kopenhagen, 1918. Bluntschll, J., Roumanla and the legal Statue of the Jews In Roumanla. London, 1879. Board of Delegates of American Israelites, Jews in Roumanla. New York, 1872. Carsiher, J. M., Die Judenfrage In Rumftnlen. Berlin, 1918. Chandler, W. S4., The Jews of Roumanla and the Treaty of Berlin. Washington, D. C., 1913. Clarnet, A., Lee Julfs Rouroalns. Reponse & M. A. D. Xenopol. Paris, 1903. Colesco, L«, Population de la Roumanle. Berlin, 1903, Gaster, K., "The Jews in Roumanla," Worth American Review, vol. CLXXV (Hovemher, 1902), pp. 664-675. Jericho-Polonius, S., Rumanlsche Judenfrage. Lemherg, 1901. Kissman, J., Shtudles zu der Geshlchte fun Rumanlshe Yldn In 19-tn un Onholh 20-stn Yorhundert (Studies In the History of Roumanian J e w B In the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th Centuries), flew York, 1944. Kohler, M. J.,and Wolf, S., Jewish Disabilities In the Balkan States, Wew York, 1916. Lahovary, J., The Jewish Q.uestlon In Roumanla, London, 1906. Landesco, A., "Elisabeth of Roumanla and the Jews," Century Magazine. vol. LXXII (May-Qctober, 1906), pp. 160-161o Lazare, B., "The Jews in Roumanla," Contemporary Review (London), February, 1903, pp. 237-243. . Las Julfs en Roumanle. Paris, 1901. Levy, M. W., "Roumanla," American Jewish Year Book, vol. IV (5663), pp. 14-41, Marcus, M., Ce Quo les Julfs Roumalne Dolvent a la Presse. Paris, 1911.

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Pelxotto, B. P.. "The Story of the Roumanian Mission." 'The Kenorah. vol. I - IV (1886-1987), series. Petresco-Commene, Eftudes Sur la Condition des Israelites en Roumanle. Paris, 1905* Bey, P., La Question Israelite en Boumanle. Paris, 1903, Bosetti, B., Roumanla and the Jews. Bucharest, 1904. Rouanet, G., Les Julfs en Roumanle. Paris, 1902. Ruppln, A., "Die Juden in Rumftnlen," Zeltschrlft fftr Demographle und Statlstlk der Juden. vol. Ill (1907), pp. 81-86. Schwarzfeld, P., Les Julfs en Boumanle. flew York, 1901, _______ , "The Situation of the Jews in Boumanla since the Treaty of ‘ Berlin (1878)," American Jewish Year Book, vol. Ill (5662), pp. 63—86. Segal, B., Roumanian und Seine Juden. Berlin, 1918. Stanibler, B., L^lstolre Des Israelites Roumalns et le Droit D !Interventlonr Paris, 1913. Wolfson, L., The Jews In Roumanla, New York, 1911* _______ , The Story of the Jews in Roumanla (Paper Presented to "Con­ ference on Jewish Minority Rights," Zurich, August 16-21 1927).

JEWS IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY B. D., "Yldn In Ungam," YIVO, Ylddlshe Ekonomlk. vol. I, Wllna 1937 pp. 184-194. ' ’ ’ Berthold, P., Zur Juden-Prage in Gallzlen. Frankfurt, 1900. Damon, L. J., "Austrian Anti-Semitism," The Nation, vol. LXX (June 14 1900), pp. 453-455. * Dan, D., "Die Juden in der Bukowina," Zeltschrlft fftr Osterrelsche Volkskunde. Vienna, vol. VII (1901), pp. 69-78. 117-125 ’ 169-179. ’

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Claghorn, K. H., The Immigrants Day In Court. New York, 1923. Cohen, 6., Jews In the Making of America. Boston, 1924* Daniels, J., America via the Neighborhood. New York, 1920, Davidson, G., "The Palestine Colony in Michigan," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. No. XXIX (1925), pp. 61-74. Davis, J., The Russians and Ruthenlans In America. New York, 1922. Davis, M. M., Immigrant Health and the Coinriuclty. New York, 1921. Davis, P., Immigration and Americanization. New York, 1920. _______ i? "Making Americans of Russian Jews," Outlook, vol. LXXX (1905), pp. 631-637. Dawson, C. A. and Gettye, W. "S., An Introduction to Sociologyr New York, 1939. Drachsler, J., Democracy and Assimilation. New York, 1930. Duker, A. G., "Jewish Terrltoriallsm," Contemporary Jewish Record, vol. II, r>o, 2 (March-April, 1939), pp. 14-30. Duncan, H. G., Immigration and Assimilation. New York, 1933. Eaton, A. H., Immigrant Gifts to American Life. New York, 1932. Sisensteln, J. D., "The History of the First Russian-Americar Jewish Congregation, Beth Hamedrash Hagadol," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. No. IX (1901), pp. 63-72. Elia8 S0 f, B., "The Jews of Chicago," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. No. XI (1903), pp. 117-130, Elgas, B. A., The Jews of South Carolina. Philadelphia, 1905. Enteen, J., "Yiddish Literature," Jewish Commnnal Register of New Yorlr New York, 1918, pp. 581-595. ’ Epstein, M», Di Geshichte fun Arbeiter-Xlass in America (The History of the Horking Class In America). 2 vols., New York, 1935.

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Feldiran, A. J.f The American Jew; A Study of Backgrounds. New York, 1937. Feldman, H., Racial Factors In American Industry. New York, 1S31. Felsenthal, B., "On the History of the Jews in Chicago," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. No. II (1894), pt>. 21-27. Pishberg, M., Health and Sanitation of the Immigrant Jewish Population of New York. New York, 1902. . The Jews: A Study of Race and Environment. New York, 1911, *

Fortune (Editors), Jews in America. New York, 1936* Frank, H., "Di Yiddishe Trade Union Bevegung in America: 1888-1938" (The Jewish Trade Union Movement in America: 1888-1938), YIVO, Yorbuch fun Amoptell. vol. II, New York, 1939, pp. 102-132. Freeman, M., Fuftzlg Yor Geshlchte fun Ylddlshp Lebn In Philadelphia (Fifty Years of Jewish life in Philadelphia)r2 vOls., Phila­ delphia, 1929. Friedman, L. V., Jewish Pioneers and Patriots. New York, 1942. Galitzl, C. A., A Study of Assimilation Among the Roumanians in the United States. New York, 1929. Gladstone, J., Niger, S. and Rogoff, H. (editors), 75 Yor Yiddishe Presse in dl Fareinlgte Shtatn: 1870-1945 (75 Years of Yiddish Press in the United States: 1870-1945), New”fork, 1945. Glanz, A., "The Socialist Territorialist Labor Party," Jewish Communal Register of New York. New York, 1918, pp. 1343-1352. Glanz, R., "Jew and Yankee: A Historic Comparison," Jewish Social Studies, vol. VI, no, 1 (January, 1944), pp. 3-30. _______ , "Notes on Early Jewish Peddling in America." Jewish Social Studies, vol. VII, no, 2 (April, 1945), pp. 119-136. _______ , "Yidn in America bais der Kolonialer Tkufe" (Jews in the United States in the Colonial Epoch), Gedank un Lebn. vol. IV no. 1 (April-June, 1946), pp. 36-60. *

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Jonas, H. J., "Writing American Jewish History, 11 Contemporary Jewish Record, vol. 71, no. 2 (April, 1943), pp. 137-150, Kaplan, If. M.f Judaism as a ClvlllzatlontToward a Reconstruction of American Jewish Life. Hew York, 1934. Karpf, M.f Jewish Community Organization in the United States. Hew York, 1938. Kisdi, G., "The United States and the International Jewish Question," His torta Judalca. vol. 71, no, 2 (October, 1944), pp. 189-193. Kohler, M, J,, "An Early American Hebraw-Chrietlan Agricultural Colony, 11 Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. Ho. XXII (1914), pp. 184-186. . "Some Early American Zionist Projects," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. Ho. 7III (1900), pp, 75-118, Kretchmar-Isreeli, A., "The Poal-Zion Movement," Jewish Commnnal Regis­ ter of Hew York. Hew York, 1918, pp. 1331-1342. Kuh, E, J., "The Social Disability of the Jews," Atlantic Monthly. vol. Cl (April, 1908), pp. 433-439. Lazaron, M. S., Common Ground. Hew York, 1938. Lebeson, A., Jewish Pioneers in America. 1492-1918, Hew York, 1931. levine, L., The Women’s Garment Workers. Hew York, 1924. levinger, L. J., A History of the Jews in the United States. Cincinnati, 1930. Levy, L. R., Russian Jewish Refugees in America. Philadelphia, 1895. Linfield, H. S., The Commnnal Organization of the Jews in the United States; 1927. Hew York, 1930. Lord, E., Trenor, J. D. and Barrows, S. J., The Italians in America. Hew York, 1905. Lowenthal, M., Henrietta Scold; Life and letters. Hew York, 1942. Maclver, R. M. (ed*), Group Relations and Group Antagonisms. Hew York 1944. * ” : *

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Hargoshes, S., "The Jewish Press in Hew York City," Jewish Commnnal Register of New York. Hew York, 1918, pp. 596 ff. Martens, I*, The Hebrews in America. Hew York, 1888. Marshall, L., "The American Jewish Committee," Jewish Communal Register of Hew York. Hew York, 1918, pp. 1309 ff. McCall, 3. W., Patriotism of the American Jew. Hew York, 1924. McDonald, R. C., "The Jews of Horth Boston," Unitarian BsTlew. May, 1891, pp. 363-369. Meites, H. L., History of the Jews of Chicago. Chicago, 1924. Meyer, L., The American Jew. Hew York, 1907. Miller, H. A., Races. Rations and Classes. Philadelphia, 1924. Morals, H., The Jews of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1894. Ogburn, W. P. and Hinikoff, M. P., Sociology. Cambridge, 1940. O’Heal, J., A History of the Amalgamated Ladles* garment Cutters* Union. Local 10. Hew York, 1937. Oppehhelm, S. D., The Jewish Population of the United States. Phila­ delphia, 1918. Paradise, V., "Jewish Immigrant Girl in Chicago," Survey, vol. XXX (1913), pp. 699-704. Park, R. S., "Assimilation." Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. I (1937), pp.'281-283. . The Immigrant PresB and its Control. Hew York, 1922. _

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Price, G. U., Dl Yidn In America (The Jews in America). Odessa, 1891. Raynor, W. S., Addreee Containing the History of the Har Sinel Congre­ gation. Baltimore. Baltimore, 1893. Reiser, Z., "Zu der Geshlchte fun der YIddisher Presse. Dl Yiddishe Journalistik In Argentina" (On the History of the Jewish Press. Jewish Journalism In Argentina), YIVO Bleter. vol. II (1931), pp. 121-133. Rile, J. A., How the Other Half L ives. Hew York, 1939. . "The Jews of Hew York," Review of Reviews, vol. XIII (1896), pp. 58-62. Robinson, L. G., Agricultural A ctlvltles of Jewe la America. New York, 1912. Rose, P. M.,The Italians In America. Hew York,

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Shatsky, J,, (ed.), Zanssslbuch tru der Geshlchte fun der YIddisher Presse Ip America (Source Book op the History of the Ylddl8h PreaB Ip Auerlea). Hew York, 1934. Sllber, M». "America Ip Hebrew literature," Publications of the Amerlcap Jewish Hlatorlcal Society. Ho. XXII U914), pp. 101-137. Smith, H. C., Americans la the Making. Hew York, 1939. Sol tee, M., The Yiddish Press; A p Americanising Agency. Hew York, 1924. Soule, G., Sldoey Hillman. Hew York, 1939. Speek, P. A., A Stake la the land. Hew York aod london, 1921. Stonequist, E. V., The Marginal Map; A Study In Personality apd Culture Conflict. Hew York, 1937. Sulsberger, D., "Growth of the Jewish Population in the United States," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society. Ho. VI (1897), pp. 141-149. Tcherikower, A. (ed.), Geehlchte fun der YIddisher Arbelter Bevegung; In dl Farelnlgte Shtatn (Hlotory of the Jewish labor Movement In the United States). 2 vols., Hew York, 1943, 1945. Thompson, P. V., Schooling of the Immigrant. Hew York, 1920. Hard, L. D., The House on Henry Street. Hew York, 1915. Weinberg, S.. Yiddishe Instltutsles un Anshtaltn In Detroit (Jewish Institutions and Organizations In Detroit). Detroit, 1940. Welnryb, B. D*, "The Adaptation of Jewish Labor Groups to American Life," Jewish Social Studies, vol. VIII, no. 4 (October, 1946) pp. 219-244. * Weinstein. B., Yiddishe Unions in America (Jewish Unions In America) Hew York, 1929. ' Wheatley, H., "The Jew in Hew York," Century, vol. XLIII (1892) pp. 323-342. Wlernik, P., History of the Jews In America. Hew York, 1912. Hlrth, L., The Ghetto. Chicago, 1928,

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Wlttke, C., We Who Built America. Sew York, 1939* Wolfe, 0. S. D., A Study of Immigrant Attitudes and Problems. 2 vole* (Master's Thesis), New York, 1929, Woods, R. A., Americans Ip Process. Cambridge, 1902. Works Progress Administration (Federal Writers' Project), PI Yiddishe Landsmannschaftn fun Sew York (The Jewish Landsmannschaftn of New York).' Sew York. 1938. . The Italians of New York. New York, 1933. Young, P., American Minority Peoples. New York, 1932. Zarets, C. S., The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America; A study in Progressive Trade-Unionism. Sew York, 1934.

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Beard, C. A,, The Pevll Theory of War. New York, 1936. Bernstorff, J. von, My Three Years In AmerlcaT Sew York, 1920,

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Bevan, S., German Social Democracy Daring the Tar. London, 1918. Bird, G. L. and Merwin, F, 1. (editor?), The Newspaper and Society. New York, 1942. Bfthm, A., Die alonlstische Beweatmg Bie Zvm Ende dee Wojtkrlege.f. 2 vols•, Berlin, 1935. Borchard, E. and Lage, W. P., Neutrality for the United States. New' Haven, 1937. Bowers, C. G., Beveridge and the Progressive Bra. Cambridge, 1932. Brle8enden, P. F«, The I. W. V ». New York, 1919. Brunt*, G. G., Allied Propaganda and the Collapse of the German Empire In 1918. Stanford (Ceillfornla). 1938. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law, Official German Document a Relating to the World Warr 2 vols., New York, 1925. Chafee, Z., Freedom of Sneech. New York, 1920. Chambers, F. P., The War Behind the War. 1914-1918, London, 1939. Child, C. J., The German-Amerlcans in Politics: 1914-1917. Madison, Wise., 1939. Cohen, I., The Zionist Movement; Edited and Bevised with Supplementary Chanter on Zionism in the United States, by Bernard G. Richards. New York, 1946. Cole, A. C., "Illinois and the Great War," In Bogart, E. L. and Mathews, J. V., "The Modern Commonwealth, 1893-1918," (vol. V), Centen­ nial History of Illinois. Springfield, 1920. Coleman, M., Eugene V. Debs. New York, 1930. Creel, G., How We Advertised America. New York and London, 1920. Cri^iton, J. C., Missouri and the World War. 1914-1917? A Study in Public Opinion. University of Missouri Studies, vol. XXI, no. 3, Columbia, Mo., 1947. Cummins, C. C., Indiana Public Opinion and the World War. 1914-1917, Indiana Historical Collections, XXVIII, Indianapolis, 1945.’

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Curti, M. E., The American Peace Crusade. Durham, 1929* ,. Bryan and World Peace. Borthampton (Mass.), 1931. . Peace or War: The American Struggle (1636-1936), Hew York, 1936. ,, t The Roots of American loyalty. Rew York, 1946. Dahlin, E., French and German Public Opinion on Declared ffar Alma: 1914-1918. Palo Alto, 1933. Davidson, P., Propaganda and the American Revolution? 1763-1783 Chapel Hill, 1941. Doob, L. W., Propaganda. Bevr York, 1935. Dugdale, B. C. C., Arthur Jaroea Balfourf 3 vole., London, 1926. Duker, A. 9., "Jews In the World War: A Brief Historical Sketch," Contemporary Jewish Record, vol.'ll, no. 5 (September-October, 1939), pp. 6—29. Dumba, C., Memoirs of a Diplomat. Boston, 1932. Engelman. A.. Four Years of Relief and War Work by the Jews of America 1914-1918. Hew York. 1918* ~ ’ ESCO Foundation for Palestine, Palestine; A Study of Jewish. Arab, and British Policies. 2 vols., Bew Haven, 1947. Falnsod, M,, International Socialism and the World Warr Cambria/^ 1935 , Falcke, H. P., Vor den Elntrltt Aaerikas In den Weltkrleg* Deutsche Propaganda In den Verelnlgten Staaten von Amerlka. 1914-1915 Dresden, 1928. *“* Fay, S. B., The Origins of the World War. 2 vols., Bew York, 1930. Fink, R. (ed.), America and Palestine,. Bew York, 1944. Friedman, J. 0 , and Falk, L. A*, Jews In American WarsT Bew York, 1943, Gambs, J. S., The Decline of the I, W. W .. Bew York, 1932. Gelber, L. K,, The Rise of Anglo-American Friendship: A Study in ----Politics. 1898-1906. London, 1938.

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Goldstein, H. S., forty Yeara of Struggle for a Principle:The Biography of Harry Flschel. Hew York, 1928* Goodman, P. (ed.), The Jewish Rational Home. London, 1943* Graeher, J., Syllabus on the History of Zionism. Hew York, n. d* Grattan, C. H., Why We Fought. Hew York, 1929. Gwynn,S. (ed.), The Letters and friendships of 2 vols., Hew York, 1929.

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Jones, J. P. and Hollister, P. I?., The German Secret Service In America. 1914-1918. Boston, 1918, Fallen, H, M., Zionism and World Politics. Hew York, 1921. Helm, J,, Forty Years of Qerman-Amerlcan Political Relations. Philadel­ phia, 1919. Kessler, L», “American Jews and the Paris Peace Conference (The Movement for an American Jewish Congress),- YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, vols. II-III, Hew York, 1948, pp, 222-234. Laidler, H. W., Socialism In Thought and Action. Hew York, 1930. Lambert, B. S., Propaganda. London, 1938. Landis, J. M., "Freedom of Speech and of the Press,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. VI, Hew York, 1942, pp. 455-458. Lansing, R., ffar Memoirs. Indianapolis, 1935. Lasswell, H.

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Lippmann, W., Public Opinion. Hew York, 1932. Lorwin, L. L., The American Federation of Labor. Washington, 1933. . Labor and Inte nationalism. Hew York, 1929. Lowell, A. L., Public Opinion In War and Peace. Cambridge, 1926, Lumley, F. E., The Propaganda Menace. Hew York, 1933. Lutz, B. H., Causes of the Collapse of the german Empire In 1918. Stanford (Calif.) and London, 1934. _______ The Fall of the German Empire. Stanford (Calif.), 1933. Manuel, F. E., The Realities of Amerlcan-Palestine Relations,Washington D. C., 1949^ ' * Mason, A, T., Brandels. A Free Man's Life. Hew York, 1946.

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1*6

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