Islam and modernism in Egypt 9780415757867, 041575786X

Table of contents :
1. Al-Sayyid Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani 2. Muhammad 'Abduh: Biography 1849-77: Preparation 3. Muhammad 'Abduh: Biography 1877-88: Beginnings of Public Life 4. Muhammad 'Abduh: Biography 1888-1905: Culmination Of Career 5. Muhammad 'Abduh: Doctrines Principles and Tendencies 6. Muhammad 'Abduh: Doctrines Attitude Regarding Reason and Science 7. Muhammad 'Abduh: Doctrines Exposition of Doctrines 8. Muhammad Rashid Rida and Al-Manar 9. The 'Manar' Party 10. The Younger Egyptian Modernists

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A STUDY OF THE MODERN REFORM MOVEMENT INAUGURATED BY MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH

By

CHARLES C. AD AlVIS B.A., PH.D., D.D. American Mission, Egypt Member cif Administrative Faculty School of Oriental Studies Cairo

NEW YORK / RUSSELL & RUSSELL

REPRODUCED FROM A COpy IN THE COLLECT THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY

FIRST PUBLISHED IN REISSUED,

1968, BY

1933

RUSSELL & RUSSEL

A DIVISION OF ATHENEUM PUBLISHERS, I

L. C. CATALOG CARD NO: 68~2 506 I

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMER

the University of Chicago (U.S.A.), Department of Old T ment, in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philos Its publication has been made possible by the decision o Faculty of the School of Oriental Studies of the Ame University, Cairo, Egypt, with which the author of this has for some years been associated, to include the wo a monograph in its series of Oriental Studies. The second part of the dissertation, which is not published at the present time, for various reasons, co of a translation into English of a work on the Islamic phate by 'Ali 'Abd al-RaziJ.-:, one of the younger and liberal school of Egyptian writers of to-day. This work, lished in 1925 under the title Al-Islam wa U§ul al-l ('Islam and the Fundamentals of Authority'; sub-tit Study qf the Oaliphate and Government in Islam), aro a furor of opposition in Egyptlt the time of its public by reason of its liberal views. What is the origin of revolutionary views ? In particular, do they bear any rela as might naturally be conjectured, to the modern re movement in Egypt, inaugurated by Mubammad 'Ab the late Grand Mufti of Egypt, who died in 1905? Or do connect, rather, with the works of European scholars? consideration of these and similar questions which natu arise in connexion with a work like that of 'Ali'Abd al-R led to the preparation of an introductory st"!1dy to accom the translation, in which an effort is made to set forth origin and development of the modern reform movemen estimate the extent of its influence, and to discover wh any relation exists between the ideas of Mubammad 'A and those of the author whose work was translated and o writers who, like him, belong to the modern Egyptian Sc The form and contents of the introductory study are ciently general, however, and of such general connexion

European scholars as Goldziher, Horten, others, and such Egyptian scholars as Pro 'Abd al-Razi~, in collaboration with M. Berna preceded with studies in European languages work of Muhammad 'Abduh. It is not claime that it presents anything new, not heretofore d reference to the life and teachings of Mu1,J. although it may be said, with some show of sets these forth with greater fullness than has tofore, and, in particular, that it gives some later developments of the movement. In any c seem to be room for a work in English on th author cherishes the hope, also, that a somew of those who wish to follow the developments place in modern Islam and in the thought countries may find the work not without int The work is published practically as pres tation form; such changes only have been necessary to take account of publications subject that have appeared since the wor Particular mention should be made of the adm Studies in Contemporary Arabic Literature H. A. R. Gibb, reprinted from the Bulletin Oriental Studies, London; and the valuab sketches in Leaders in Contemporary Arabic Tahir Khemiri and Professor Dr. G. Kampffm 1930, from Die Welt des Islams. The present gratified to find his own views confirmed a points by these studies, and, in other instanc help from them which he gladly acknowledg publication of greatest concern, however, to with Mu1,J.ammad 'Abduh, is volume i of 'Biography of Muhammad 'Abduh', by Muh Rida, which appeared in the latter months of 1

ing biographical and eulogistic accounts which appeare the time of his death, were already available. But, unti appearance of the recent volume, the only biography of siderable length concerning him was that from the pe Muh.ammad Rashid Riqa which was printed in vol. viii (1 of Al-Manar, the monthly journal of the 'Abduh party. volume which has just now appeared contains a wealt incident and detail concerning events and persons; th most interesting and valuable sidelights on modern Egyp history; reveals inner details of the various intrigues, poli or otherwise, in which 'Abduh was involved, sometime author but more frequently as victim-which is the prin reason why publication of the biography in its present has been possible only in recent years; and, in short, w be considered, with its more than one thousand pages, a last and fullest source-book for a biography of Muham 'Abduh, were not the publication of a supplemen volume promised, containing additional documentary terial. But a comparison of the recent volume with the ea and briefer biography reveals that the main outlines o 'Life', even down to the more important details, remain same; so that little rewriting of the present study has necessitated by the appearance of the larger biography. references to the new volume have been added in the notes for the most important facts and statements; b many instances references to the earlier biography have considered sufficient. The footnotes, citing supporting authorities or ma explanatory comments, have been retained for the sak those who may wish to verify statements or views expre The general reader who is not concerned about author and to whom a system of footnotes is distracting, will that these footnotes can, for the most part, be safely regarded.

Islam, ~ur'an, &c., that may be regarded as h a common, anglicized form; omitting, howe to indicate that the two English letters kh, g words as khalifah, al-Ghazzali, &c., represe letter, in order to avoid multiplying signs whe the letters will be sufficiently evident to those w with Arabic. In fact, all the diacritical m meaning only for those who know the Arabic c to them the system of transliteration used w without further explanation. For those who the Arabic characters, the diacritical marks wi anq, it is hoped, on the other hand, that they w inconvenience the reader. The author makes respectful and gratefu ment of the debt which he owes to his hon Martin Sprengling, Ph,D., Professor of Sem and Literatures at the University of Chicago tuition and direction this work was prepar acquaintance with the field of Arabic and Islam standing of the critical questions which arise with such a study, his sympathetic guidance a assistance over a long period of study, made him counsellor and gave weight to his suggestion The writer therefore gladly acknowledges his g ness to him, at the same time insisting tha which, it is feared, will be only too evident in be due only to the student and not to the te colleagues in the School of Oriental Studies, t Elder, Ph.D., D.D., and the Rev. A. Jeffery, M author also expresses his hearty thanks for tim in numerous ways during the preparation of thi encouragement and advice in connexion with i CArno,

April,1932.

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I. AL-SAYYID JAMAL AL-DIN AL-AFGHANI II. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: BIOGRAPHY. 1849-77: PREPARATION III. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: BIOGRAPHY (Continued) 1877-88: BEGINNINGS OF PUBLIC LIFE. IV. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: BIOGRAPHY (Continued) 1888-1905: CULMINATION OF CAREER. V. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: DOCTRINES PRINCIPLES AND TENDENCIES

1

VI. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: DOCTRINES (Continued) ATTITUDE REGARDING REASON AND SCIENCE

1

VII. MUI;IAMMAD 'ABDUH: DOCTRINES (Continued) EXPOSITION OF DOCTRINES

1

VIII. MUI;IAMMAD RASHID RI:J!A AND AL-MANAR 1 IX. THE 'MANAR'PARTY X. THE YOUNGER EGYPTIAN MODERNISTS APPENDIX: BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

2

2

3

IN EGYPT

late Grand Mufti of Egypt, Shaikh Mu4ammad 'Abduh died in 1905. It constitutes an attempt to free the relig Islam from the shackles of a too rigid orthodoxy, a accomplish reforms which will render it adaptable t complex demands of modern life. Its prevailing charac that of religious reform; it is inspired and dominated c by theological considerations. It differs in this respect the reforms instituted by the Indian group of ratio reformers, who aim primarily at a cultural movement the adjustment of Islam to the conditions of modern pean civilization.! The fundamental assumption, how that Islam is a world religion, suitable for all people times, and all cultural conditions, is common to both m ments. 2 The initial impulse to the reform movement in E originated, not within Egypt itself, but from the teachin influence of that noted exponent of Pan-Islamism and cate of a thorough-going reform in Islam, the Sayyid J aI-Din aI-Afghani, who spent the years 1871 to 1879 in E Mul;l.ammad 'Abduh was one of the many young Egy students who were profoundly influenced by the ideas magnetic Afghan savant; but it was Mul;l.ammad 'A who, more than any of the others, was to prove his spi and intellectual kinship to the great teacher. By his participation in the political, social, and religious life country, by his writings, and most of all by his ene practical reforms, he perpetuated the spirit and ideals master. He thus became the prophet of a new day for E and for Islam. Not unjustly has he been called by a r

1 Cf. Goldziher, Die Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung, In the chapter entitled' Der islamische Modernismus und seine Ko legung', pp.3lo-70, he discusses and compares the Indian and Eg schools of reform, and then at greater length deals with the movem Egypt. For abbreviations of works rE'ferred to in coming pag Appendix on Bibliography. 2 Ibid., p.

The reform impulse thus developed in Egy mad 'Abduh has persisted until the present itself felt in many directions. A considera sympathetic spirits had associated themselve his reform activities and continued to advocat after his death. It does not appear that his av was ever so numerous, or so assimilated and o constitute a school or party of reform in the str word. Yet his ideas have received a wide an hearing among the educated people of Eg Muslim countries. They have been potent in m have exerted a moulding influence, even wher to him has been admitted. His views have be and his spirit contagious. During the past qu tury or more, a genuine awakening has been Egypt, an awakening which has expressed its lectual and literary renaissance, in movements reform and in political developments which h dence of a growing spirit of nationalism. This is true, has not all been of Muhammad 'Ab other influences than his have contributed cannot be fully explained nor understood ap and his share in it, alike in its origin and in t its development, must be acknowledged to hopes of a general reform of the religion of I been realized to the extent which he desired an yet, at the same time, the reform impulses a tendencies which he set in motion have operate which he also visualized, and are accomplish may fairly be considered as part of his objec much reason, therefore, for examining the pos advanced views and sympathies in Egypt to-d

1 B. Michel et Ie Cheikh Moustapha 'Abdel Razik: O 'Abdou: Rissalat al Tawhid, Paris, 1925, Introd., p. xlii.

Muhammad 'Abduh cannot be fully and correctly under apart from his personality and his activities; for his act are the best commentary on his views. But these, in can only be explained by a knowledge of the man who in them, the Sayyid Jamal aI-Din. A brief account of the of these two men, master and pupil, has therefore been followed by a summary of the more important ideas latter as constituting the fundamental principles of Egy modernism. It has then seemed in place to pass in revie work of the principal associates and successors of Muha 'Abduh, and thereafter, that of certain other adv Egyptian thinkers who may possibly owe the incept their views to him, in order to attempt to evaluate contribution to modern Islamic thought. Of these writers, the work of 'Ali 'Abd al-Razi~ on the Muslim phate, published in 1925 under the title Al-Isliim wa U Hukm ('Islam and the Fundamentals of Authority') has given somewhat particular attention, with a view to n the significance of the author's principal contentions. works of other Egyptian writers and thinkers of t deserve to be considered, were it the intention to revie whole field of modern Arabic literary activity; but it is festly not possible, within the limits of a work like the pr to give such an extensive review, nor to include all that reasonably be considered under the head of moderni Egypt. It has, therefore, been thought sufficient, fo purpose in hand, to present what may be regarded as ty of a much wider field, and thus indicate, in summary the trend of Islamic thought in Egypt to-day.

T

of the modern movement in Egypt,was b

1839 at As'ad-Abad, near Kabul in Afghanist

was AI-Sayyid ~afdar,2 who, though himself p ate, claimed descent from the noted scholar an of Islam, AI-Sayyid 'Ali AI-Tirmidhi,3 and tr connexion back to AI-J:Iusain (ibn 'Ali ibn A grandson of Mul;l.ammad the Prophet. From tenth year, Jamal studied in the local school. year onward he pursued his studies in different and Afghanistan. By the time he was eighteen practically the whole range of Muslim science a remarkable familiarity with all: Arabic gram and rhetoric in all branches, Muslim history, M in all its branches, ~ufism, logic, philosophy, physics, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, various other subjects. When eighteen years to India, where he stayed for about a year and

1 This is according to his own account. According to th he was born in a village of the same name near I;Iamada he should have chosen to represent himself as an Afghan born in Persia, can only be a matter of conjecture, since cerning his early life is scanty, being confined chiefly to t self has furnished. Fortunately there is sufficient materia his later life, beginning with the time of his sojourn in E Browne, his chief biographer, conjectures (Per8'ian Revolu he wished to be known as an Afghan, rather than a Persi might the more readily pass as an orthodox SunnI Muslim he might withdraw himself from the dubious 'protectio Government, which he regarded as a poor guarantee of the truth in regard to his birth-place, he became known as is to say, 'the Afghan'. W. S. Blunt in his Diary" date 1883 (quoted Per8. Rev., p. 402, note), states that Jamal's and 'they have always preserved in it the tradition of th which he speaks with great perfection'. Somewhat ag statement of Mul,1ammad Rashid Riqa (Al-Maniir, viii Jamal, with all his eloquence, never entirely got rid of tra extraction in his use of Arabic. 2 Or l;laftar, as given in the Arabic accounts. Cf. Tiirikh 3 Died A.H. 279, A.D. 892.

pilgrimage to Mecca, arriving there in 1857. After completing the pilgrimage, Jamal returne Afghanistan, and entered the service of the ruling A Dust Mul).ammad Khan, whom he accompanied in the and capture of Harat, which was occupied by the A cousin and son-in-law, Sultan Al).mad Shah. In 1864 Mu mad Khan died and was succeeded by Shir 'Ali. In the war between him and his three brothers which followe accession, Jamal attached himself to Mul).ammad A'~am of the three brothers, who after varying fortunes in prolonged civil war eventually became Amir and adva Jamal to the position of Prime Minister. Jamal at that was twenty-seven years of age. The civil war was soo newed and the rival Amir, Shir 'Ali, supported by the En and English money, finally succeeded in vanquishing brother Mul).ammad A'~am and causing him to flee country. A short time thereafter Mul).ammad A'~am die The new Amir did not take action openly against J aI-Din because of the combined circumstance of the la being a Sayyid and having influence with the people, secretly he sought to harm him. Jamal accordingly, dee it wise to leave the country, asked and secured permissi make another pilgrimage to Mecca, and left Afghanist the year 1869. Proceeding by way of India, he was rece with honour by the Indian Government but was not mitted to engage in any political activity nor to hold ferences with the Muslim leaders. After a month, there he proceeded on his way, being conveyed in one of the Gov ment's ships to Suez. From there he went to Cairo for a visit of forty days' duration. During this time he freque the Azhar University, holding converse with many teac and students, and delivered lectures in his lodgings to t who came to him. Meantime, he had changed his intention of continuin Mecca on pilgrimage and went instead to Constantino

ence. But in so doing he aroused the distrust of the Shaikh aI-Islam. Towards the close of year, 1870, he was invited by the Director o Funun, or the Turkish University, to address th the importance of the crafts and trades.! Al had taken the precaution of having his lect beforehand by a number of high officials, the Sh seized upon some of the expressions which accused him of employing terms derogatory t of Islam. The public Press took up the matter, and such a furor was created that, for the sake Turkish Government ordered Jamal to leave th accordinglyreturnedto Egypt, arriving in Cairo, M It was his intention to stay but a short time i through the influence of Riaq. Pasha, then P the Egyptian Government conferred upon h allowance of ten Egyptian pounds as a mark recognition. 2 He therefore decided to settle in present. When the news of his arrival became besieged in his lodgings by eager students to pounded some of the most advanced text-book philosophy, jurisprudence, astronomy, and my

1 Cf. J. Zaidan, Mashiihir al-sharJ.c ('Eastern Celebrit Browne, Pers. Rev., p. 6, for summary of address. He co politic to a living organism of which the limbs were the d professions. The soul of this body is either the prophe faculty. Seizing upon these words, the Shaikh aI-Islam calling the prophetic office an art or craft and the prophe idea which, he charged, detracted from the unique dignity the divinely inspired messenger of God. The real animus w charges, however liberal the views of Jamal may have se servative shaikhs, was doubtless jealousy of Jamal's influ cit.) says that proposals made by Jamal concerning me education more general gained the ill will of the Shaikh aI touched upon his ihcome. 2 Mashiihir, ii. 56: 'not for any specific services but to illustrious visitor'.

the dangers of foreign intervention and control, and his wr for the press did not conceal his anti-English sympathie These •.ctivities continued for the space of about years. It was inevitable that he should arouse opposi The conservative theologians distrusted his advanced v of learning, particularly his revival of the study of p sophy, which in conservative circles has always been rega as the enemy of true religion.! His political activities aro the suspicions of the Government, and, especially, of British officials in Egypt. During the years of Jamal's soj in Egypt the financial affairs of the country had been rap sinking into that condition of hopeless bankruptcy whic to European intervention, and, finally, to the depositio Isma'il Pasha, the Khedive, whose ill-considered and extr gant efforts to Europeanize the country had ende disastrously. He was succeeded on June 25, 1879, by Ta Pasha, son of Isma'il, who came into power as a youn former of whom great things were expected by the li element which, by this time, under the inspiring leadersh Jamal, had acquired an influence to be reckoned with. Ta Pasha, it seems, had given assurances to Jamal and his g before he came to the throne that, when he had attain power, he would aid their efforts at reform. But he scarcely taken his seat as Khedive when, in September, he expelled Jamal aI-Din from Egypt along with his fai Persian disciple, Abii Turab. 2

1 Mu~ammad Rashid RiQ.a has pointed out (Al.Maniir, ii. (1899) that three principal charges were directed against Jamal in Egypt b conservative Shaikh class: his knowledge of philosophy, his refusal bound by certain religious customs which had become, in the eyes people, a part of religion, and the fact that many of his followers p attention to religion. To this latter accusation Rashid RiQ.a replies, th is the fault of their previous training and not of their association Jamal al·Din. 2 Two explanations have been advanced for this unexpected act Tawfi~ Pasha. The one proposed by Mu~ammad Rashid RiQ.a (Al.M

attacks. In the year 1882, the 'Young Egypti with which Jamal had been so prominently id nated in the 'Arabi Rebellion and the subsequ of Egypt by Great Britain. During the progre Jamal was detained by the Indian Governm under surveillance, but on the collapse of Nationalist movement he was permitted to le went to London, remained a few days, and Paris, where he stayed three years. 2 Upon his arrival in Paris, he entered of active international propaganda. His p

viii. 404) is that as soon as Tawfil!: Pasha succeeded to t his father, Jamal and his party began to press for th earlier promises, especially for the formation of a repres which was the keystone of all the reforms which they h But promises are notoriously easier to make before office than to fulfil afterward. Tawfil!: Pasha apparently, more convenient to get rid of the troublesome reforme promises. The other view, that of E. G. Browne (Pers. the British Government, suspicious of the political a brought pressure to bear upon the young Khedive in th in which he found himself, and induced him to rid the c gerous agitator. The two views may well supplement each p. xxix; Secret History oj Egypt (1922), pp. 95, 96. Mul)a in Tarikh, i. 76, writing with greater freedom than wa confirms the second view. He states that France and G in their representations to the Khedive against any cha popular form of government. 1 S. G. Wilson, Modern Movements among Moslems, s book by Jamal on the 9aliphate was suppressed. 2 It has been stated, e.g. by Wilson, Modern Movement aI-Din at this time made a journey to America with the p a naturalized citizen, but did not remain. He does seem intention, but it is doubtful if he ever fulfilled it. Prof. friend of Jamal, makes no allusion in his biographical ac America. W. S. Blunt, also a personal friend of Jamal, s oj Egypt, p. 120: 'I had also vainly tried to discover Jam America where, after wandering two years in India, h Michel, Risiilah, Introd., p. xxii, says: 'His unedited cor we have had occasion to examine shows us that he could voyage.'

Renan in the columns of Le Journal des Debats on the su 'Islam and Science', the discussion centring about the ab of Islam to reform and adapt itself to modern civ tion. In 1884 he was joined, at his own invitation, b friend and former pupil, Mul).ammad 'Abduh, who had exiled from Egypt for complicity in the 'Arabi upri Together they began the publication of an Arabic we newspaper called Al-' Urwah al- TVuthl;ah (called in Frenc Lien Indissoluble), 'The Indissoluble Bond', with the o of arousing the Muslim peoples to the need of uniting forces against Western aggression and exploitation. Ja as political director of the paper, determined its aggre and strongly anti-English tone, but Mul).ammad 'Abdu literary editor, wrote all the articles which appeared i The first number appeared on the fifth of Jamadi I, which corresponds to March 13, 1884.2 Only eighteen num were issued, the last number appearing October 16, 1 Great Britain excluded the paper from India and Egypt two countries chiefly to be influenced by its publication took repressive measures also against those who rece copies of it. 4 But, in spite of its brief existence, the p exerted a very great influence throughout the Muslim w in stirring into consciousness the national spirit of deca Muslim nations. 5

Tiir'ikh, ii. 229; also AI.Maniir, viii. 455; Michel, Introd., p. xxxv. Tiir'ikh, ii. 229. 3 Al-Maniir, viii. 462; Tiir'ikh, i. • AI·Maniir, viii. 462; Mashiih'ir, ii. 57. 5 Mul).ammad Rashid Ri~a is of the opinion (Al-Maniir, viii. 455) 1

2

had the paper been continued, it would have occasioned a general M uprising. This paper was the organ of a secret organization bearin same name, founded by Jamal, composed of Muslims of India, E North Africa, and Syria, the purpose of which was 'to unite Muslim arouse them from their sleep and acquaint them with the dangers thr ing them and guide them to the way of meeting these dangers'. (AI.M viii. 455; Tiir'ikh, i. 283, 306.) The immediate aim of the organization free Egypt and the Sudan from the British occupation. Jamal also o ated in Mecca a Pan-Islamic society called 'Umm al-J5=urah', with the

paper articles on the political affairs of Afgha Turkey, and England created a deep impress circles. His stay in Russia extended over four In 1889 while in Munich on a confidential m Shah of Persia, he met the Shah, Nasir aI-Din, to Europe. The Shah persuaded him to acco Persia and become Prime Minister. According this was the second time that Jamal had acte in the Shah's Cabinet. In 1886, this account invited by cable from the Shah to come to Persi to the summons and been accorded an honour

of creating one Caliph over the whole Muslim world. This was suppressed by the Sultan 'Abd al-I;Iamid within a founded. Pers. Rev., p. 15; Modern Movements, p. 72. As authority of Al·'Urwah continues, even to the present da Ene. Isliim) cites the fact that a new edition of the arti tained was published in 1910. A still later edition has 1928. As further evidence, it is related in Al-Maniir, xxi that, when an article was published in one of the daily ne signature of one of the leading 'Dlama of Egypt, it was re bers of the people, even in the villages, as one of Mu articles which originally appeared in Al·'Urwah. 1 This was in 1885. Cf. Pers. Rev., pp. 402, 403; Ma Maniir, viii. 457. In the latter, the decision of the Britis to abandon the idea of the reconquest of the Sudan was d tations of Jamal and Mu!:J.ammad 'Abduh. According (queted Pers. Rev., p. 403), Jamal came to England to dis of coming to terms with the Mahdi. According to the sam one time arranged that Jamal should accompany a spec to Constantinople that he might exert his influence with al-I;Iamid in favour of a settlement which should include tion of Egypt and an English alliance against Russia wi and Afghanistan. But at the last moment it was decided go, although his tickets had already been secured. Jama left in a dudgeon for Moscow and threw himself in with tho a Russo-Turkish alliance against England. 2 But see next paragraph. If two visits to Persia are in Russia will be separated inte two periods by the fi which intervened. 3 Mashiihir, ii. 57. It is to be noted that the account 54, makes no mention of a second visit to Persia.

employ this influence to undermine the Shah's posi Jamal, becoming aware of this change of attitude in Shah, asked permission to take a 'change of air' out o country, and went to Russia. When, in 1889, he return second time to Persia by the Shah's urgent invitation, he again received by the people as their leader and spokes in their hopes for the betterment of the deplorable condi of Persia. For some time all went well between the Shah his Prime Minister. But the former's suspicions again go better of him. Jamal again asked permission to leave country but was refused with discourtesy. He then refuge in the shrine of the Mosque of Shah 'Abd al-' where he remained for about seven months. He now broke the Shah, openly denouncing him and advocating his de tion. His influence with all classes of the people grew. Am his disciples were twelve who were later prominent in conne with the Persian' Risorgimento' or nationalist revolution. of these disciples assassinated the Shah on May 1,1896. 1 The Shah finally violated the sanctuary of the mosque had Jamal arrested, although on a sick-bed at the time, conveyed to the Turkish frontier. The date of this expu is uncertain, but it was about the close of 1890 or the b ning of 189l,2 Jamal remained in Basra until his health

1 The assassin, Mirza Riza of Kirman, on cross-examination con that only Jamal was privy to his plan'to kill the Shah, cf. Pers. Rev., Jamal, while in London and also while in Constantinople, had sav attacked the Shah in print and in public addresses. When the Sha shot, the Persian Government demanded the extradition of Jamal with three others who were suspected of complicity in the plot, bu Sultan refused to give up Jamal. The other three were returned and se put to death in Tabriz (Pers. Rev., p. 11). 2 Pers. Rev., p. 11: Jamal states, quoted Tar'ikh, i. 55, that the p taking refuge in the shrine was a 'stratagem' on his part, since anyon took refuge in the sanctuary was regarded as free from molestation further states that, after seven months, he 'went out' from the s apparently of his own will, although the expression is not decisiv allows the fuller statement as given above.

His death occurred on March 9, 1897, as a re the jaw which soon spread to the neck. 2 He great public acclaim in the 'Shaikhs' Cem stantinople. The activities of this remarkable man th practically all of the lands of Islam and also countries the governments of which are invol of Mul,lammadan peoples. Afghanistan, Egypt, India, all, at one time or another, potent contact and were affected by it. The tion, which had its beginnings in the agita Tobacco Monopoly in 1891 and culminated w tion of the Constitution on August 5, 1906, w sustained in its earlier stages by his advice ment. 3 The successful Young Turk movem being prepared for by his agitation during th in Constantinople. In the Egyptian Nation which, in its earlier phase, terminated so ing failure of the 'Arabi uprising, he was the prim

Risii/rJ,h, p. xxii. More than a suspicion was entertained by the Pers that the disease which caused his death, although supe cancer, was in reality the result of inoculation of the poisoned tooth-pick. This is denied by most Turks (Per Also a biographical note in the introduction to AI-1[.arfii treatise on the Divine Decrees and Predestination by charge of foul dealing is definitely made. 3 !twas a letter of Jamal's which stirred I;Iajji Mirza I of the chief Mujtahids of Persia, to issue his fatwii. de cultivation of tobacco unlawful so long as the Concess people followed his leadership by boycotting tobacc Government, aroused by the resentment of the people, Concession. The ultimate results of this alliance betwee people were secn in the assassination of the Shah and t and finally in the granting of a constitution. Cf. transla the Mujtahid, and of two articles by Jamal on the condi the Arabic period\cal Ziya al-Khafiqayn, in Per. Rev.~ pp. book is a full and admirable account of the revolutiOn f Cf. also summary of events in Modern Movements, pp. 2 1

2

movements of national emancipation, of reaction aga European enterprise, which we have been witnessing in Orient for a score of years, have their origin directly in propaganda. '1 The chief aim of Jamal aI-Din in all his untiring efforts ceaseless agitation, was the accomplishment of the unifica of all Muslim peoples under one Islamic government, which the one Supreme Caliph should bear undisputed r as in the glorious days of Islam before its power had b dissipated in endless dissensions and divisions, and the Mu lands had lapsed into ignorance and helplessness, to bec the prey of Western aggression. 2 The present decadent dition of Muslim countries weighed heavily upon him. believed that if these countries were once freed from incubus of foreign domination or interference, and Is itself reformed and adapted to the demands of presentconditions, the Muslim peoples would be able to work ou themselves a new and glorious order of affairs, with dependence on, or imitation of, European nations. 3 To h the religion of Islam was, in all essentials, a world religion thoroughly capable, by reason of its inner spiritual force adaptation to the changing conditions of every age. It was characteristic of the man's temperament that means which he chose for the realization of his aims shoul that of political revolution. This seemed to him the qu and sure way of securing for Islamic peoples the freed

Risulah, p. xxiii. Mashuhir, ii. 61; Modern Movements, p. 72; Pers. Rev., pp. 14 Muhammad Rashid Rida, in Turikh, i. 73, takes occasion to correc stat~ment of Mashahir that Jamal was supremely devoted to the Otto Caliphate. His objective was to raise up some Muslim power that w become a rallying point for all Muslim nations. He began with Egypt; w his plans failed there, he pinned his hopes on the Mahdi uprising in Sudan; then he tried Persia, and finally, the Ottoman Empire. See Muhammad 'Abduh's account of Jamal's aims, TUrikh, i. 34. 3 °Cf. Koranauslegung, p. 321; Risulah, pp. xxiii, xxx. 1

2

rulers who, by encouraging or acquiescin encroachment, hindered them from working salvation in their own way, was a legitimat desired end. 2 But with all his radical aims and methods structive phase to his activities which shou looked. He was animated by a genuine de generation of Islam and an ardent faith in th its regeneration which was contagious. 3 His union of 8unnis and 8h1'ahs by mutual concess ments,4 while primarily political in significanc of the spirit of religious tolerance which he necessary for the healing of age-long division world. His prodigious learning in all fields of M for him the respect and homage of learned Mul;lammadan lands in which he sojourned a him groups of eager disciples to whom he impar of reconciling the historic theological and phi tions of Islam with the attainments of m thought. It was because of the intransigent attitud class in Egypt, as Mul;lammad Rashid Riqa

Cf. Al-Maniir, viii. 400, Risiilah, p. xxiii. Jamal once said, in an interview with Prof. Brown be hoped for till six or seven heads are cut off', and he the Shah of Persia and his Prime Minister, both of who assassinated (Pers. Rev., p. 45, cr. also p. 28). W. S. History of Egypt, p. 95, also p. 101, says that in the sp much discussed, among the group of reformers influen and by what means the Khedive Isma'il might be depos no other way, even assassinated. And again, p. 489, quo Egypt, ii. 181, footnote, he mentions a statement of M that a more definite plan of assassination had been talke mature for lack of a suitable person to take the lead in i 3 Cf. Pers. Rev., p. 29; Michel, Risiilah, Introd., p. xxi 4 Cf. Pers. Rev., p. 30; Modern .Movements, p. 72. • AI·Maniir, ii. (1899), 246. 1

2

inspired by him to attempt to bring about such reforms w few. It can be readily understood that the radical poli appeal of Jamal should find a ready response among yo patriots to whom the field of political agitation offered only an apparently quick and easy method of attain national independence, but also provided opportunity for expression of vociferous, if not always deeply ponde nationalistic sentiments; while the more sober and fun mental reforms which he also advocated should find champions. That the more constructive ideas were fundamental in his teaching is demonstrated in the life work of Mul;tammad 'Abduh, the one of his disciples most deeply imbibed of his spirit. An example of the more constructive side of his teachin given at the close of his book, Refutation of the Materialist a section entitled, 'The means by which the happines nations may be attained.'1 This brief statement cont many of his fundamental ideas, all of which may be fo reproduced in the teaching of Mul).ammad 'Abduh. Beca it is of some importance in this double connexion, it is gi here in summary. It is necessary, he says, in order that happiness of nations may be attained:

1. That the minds of the people should be purified of belie superstitions and foolish notions. Islam requires this, especially because the doctrine of the U of God requires the clarifying of the mind and forbids such foo and extravagant notions as idolatry, or incarnations and suffe of the deity. 2. That the people should feel themselves capable of attain the highest levels of nobility of character and should be desir of doing so. The only thing which cannot be reached by him w desires it is prophecy, which God confers on whomsoever He w

1 Al-radd 'ala al-dahriyyin, translated from the Persian into the Arabi Shaikh MuJ:1ammad 'Abduh, Al-RaJ:1maniyyah Press, Cairo, 1925, pp. 82

and instituted within itself the priesthood as God, without the mediation of which no one cou to God. 3. That the articles of belief of the religion of be the first subject taught to the people, and th by teaching also the proper reasons and argum these beliefs, that the religious beliefs of the peo upon mere acceptance of authoritative teaching in his work on 'Civilization', shows that the m in the modern progress and civilization of Eu pearance of a religious party that claimed the rig the sources of religious belief for themselves, an for these beliefs. Islam is almost alone among the religions of th ing itself to man's reason, and demanding tha religious belief only upon the grounds of convin not of mere claim and supposition. Contrast other religions, such as those which require the be more than one and the many can be one, professors justify on the ground that it is above be grasped by reason. 4. That in every nation there should be a s function would be the education of the rest another class whose function would be the tra in morals. One class would combat natural need of instruction, the other would combat th and the need of discipline. These two provisio perform the work of instruction, and the disc mand that which is good and to prohibit tha avoided, are among the most important provis Islam is thus the only religion by which the h can be attained. If it be objected, 'Why then are the Muslims which we find them?', the answer may be giv the :&-ur'an:' Verily God will not change the until they change their own state' (I):.ur'an, 13.

activity, dauntless courage, extraordinary eloquence bo speech and in writing, and an appearance equally stri and majestic. He was at once philosopher, writer, or and journalist, but above all, politician, and was regarde his admirers as a great patriot and by his antagonists dangerous agitator' .1 The other estimate is by Jirji Zaidan, his Syrian biograp in his biographical accounts of Eastern Celebrities. M saying that the goal of all Jamal's efforts was the unific of Islam, he continues: 'In this endeavour he expended a powers and for the sake of it he cut himself off from the w for he never took a wife nor did he seek any gain. But fo that, he did not attain what he desired and laboured for; he left no record of his ideas except the treatise agains materialists, and various treatises on different subjects alr mentioned. Yet he instilled into the souls of his fFiends disciples a living spirit which aroused their energies sharpened their pens, and the East has profited and profit by their deeds.'2 1

Pers. Rev., pp. 2, 3.

2

MashCihir, ii.

'l X THEN Jamal aI-Din was bidding farew

V V Egyptian friends and followers at Su was leaving Egypt for the last time, he is said to them: 'I leave you Shaikh Mul:J.amma is sufficient for Egypt as a scholar. '1 Mul:J.am at this time about thirty years of age. For a he had been under the influence of Jamal already entered upon his work of teaching, h first two works, and was a frequent contribu papers on subjects of public interest. He marked degree both capacity and inclinati scholarship but also for the work of public Jamal's ablest pupil and the one closest t sympathetic towards his views. It was only n that when Jamal had to relinquish, by force o the work which he had begun in Egypt, h Mul:J.ammad 'Abduh to carry it on to com leaving such a successor, he bequeathed t Islam a legacy, the full 'sufficiency' of whic not have foreseen. Thus the stream of Egyptian reformation its rise, like the Nile, from a source beyond th country, was destined to attain its full flood t channels. For Mul:J.ammad 'Abduh was a pu came from a family belonging to the 'fallal:J. of the Egyptian Delta. 2 True, his father 'A Khair Allah, came from a family of Turkish settled in the village of Mal:J.allat Na!?r i Province at some remote time in the past;3 came from a village near 'l'anta in the Gharb of a large family related originally to the fam that of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab the second C 1 3

Mashiih'ir, i. 28l. Al.Manar, viii. 379; Tar'ikh. i. 13.

2

Birth and Early Years. 1849-65. The exact birthplace of Mul;tammad 'Abduh is unkno nor is the year of his birth entirely certain. The year 1 (A.H. 1266) is the date most commonly accepted: 2 he him gives this date in his writings, although he also mentio year earlier;3 but other dates are given by others, eve early as 1842. 4 Towards the close of the reign of Mul;tam 'Ali Pasha (1805-49) the father of Mul;tammad 'Abduh ha flee from his village in order to escape the oppressio officials of his own province. He came to the Gharbiy Province and during the next few years made his home number of villages in succession. It was during this unset period that he married the mother of Mul;lammad and Mul;tammad was born. Some few years later, while Mul; mad was still a child, he returned, with his family, to Mal;t Na~r, where he had acquired some land. Here 'Abduh grew up, after the manner of life commo lads in the small villages of Egypt. He developed a sturdy stitution and became proficient in swimming, horsemans

Al-Maniir, viii (1905), 379. Cf. Risiilah, p. ix; Koranauslegung, p 321; M. Horten, 'Mul;1.a Abduh, sein Leben und seine theologisch-philosophische Gedankenwe Beitrage zur Kenntniss des Orients, xiii (1915), 85. 3 Al.Maniir, viii. 390. 'Abduh's own account in Tiir'ikh, i. 16 gives 1265. • Great confusion on this point appears in the accounts of newspaper magazines of the date of Mul;1ammad 'Abduh's death which are reprod in Tarikh, vol. iii. His age is variously given as 60 (p. 41), 62 (p. 38 (p. 80). The date of his birth is given as A.H. 1258 (A.D. 1842) by magazine Al.l)iyii, edited by Shaikh Ibrahim al-Yaziji, and by Al.H edited by Jurji Zaidan (cf. same account in Mashiih'ir, i. 281-7), Tiir'ikh, iii. 95, 110. The same date also is given, pp. 100, 136, 191. O dates are 1843, p. 148, and 1845, pp. 19, 131. The date given by Al·M (cf. above), 1266-1849, is given also by I,Iasan Pasha 'Alilim, a friend supporter of Mul;1ammad 'Abduh, in the biographical account re at the memorial service, Tiir'ikh, iii. 237. Cf. also pp. 33, 124. Th evidently the date accepted by the friends and followers of Mul;1am 'Abduh. 1

2

while his sympathetic understanding of the n mass of the people and his passionate desire the whole nation, are the outgrowth of his e when he listened to the frequent tales of the mad 'Ali: Pasha, then still recent in the mem For, as has always been the case in Egyp memorial, however brilliant the outward asp of the ruling sovereign may have been, a bu hardship fell upon the common people. 3 His parents seem to have been persons of w although entirely uneducated, as are the g the middle and lower classes of Egypt even day. Mul).ammad 'Abduh, in his autobi unfortunately, he never completed, speaks terms of much respect, and indicates that he esteem in his own village. 4 The father seem have acquired enough ease of circumstances teacher to come to the house to teach readin the youngest of his sons, for whom he was des opportunities of education that had been de children. But his position was probably lit the villager who possesses a little land. 5 When ten years of ttge, the young Mul).amm learned reading and writing, was sent to the h or professional reciter of the J>.ur'an, that h recite the J>.ur'an from memory. This task in two years, which was regarded as an unus and much to the credit of the teacher. This

Al-Maniir, viii. 396. Mul,lammad 'Abduh's father, as noted above, hims oppression of those daylil. 4 Cf. Risiilah, pp. x 6 Cf. the biographical sketch reproduced in Tiirikh, i poverty of the parents is said to have been so extreme no door. This is represented as the result of their great statements may be extreme, since generosity is a much 1

3

a man trained in the interpretation and application o multitudinous and perplexing details of the Shari' a Divine Law of Islam. The few schools conducted by Government at this time, which were modelled along E pean lines, were open only to sons of officials. The foundation of his education having been thus laid youthful Mul;lammad, then about thirteen years of age in 1862, sent to the school of the Al;lmadi Mosque! in 'r that he might perfect the memorizing of the :f5:.ur'an particularly learn to recite or intone it according to the st determined rules of the art, which is an important par theological education. An older stepbrother of Mul;lam was a teacher in this schooi, with some reputation fo excellence of his :f5:.ur'an intonation. 2 After about two spent in this study, he was initiated into the mysteri Arabic grammar. But it was an unfortunate beginning w the young would-be neophyte made in his first attem master the science of the Arabic language. He was requ according to the regular methods of instruction, to lea memory the text of an Arabic grammar, together wit comment on this text of some reputed master of the sub 'I spent a year and a half', he says in his autobiogra referring to this period of study, 'without understand

1 The larger schools of religious foundation conducted in the precin or in connexion with, the larger mosques, were at this time, besid celebrated 'University' of AI·Azhar in Cairo, which enjoyed undo primacy not only in Egypt but also throughout the Muslim world, th 'fanta, Alexandria, Dassiil!:, Damiatta, and, of later foundation, Assiut. The methods of instruction and courses of study were esse similar in all of these. In his later reforms, Mul;iammad 'Abduh atte to affiliate the schools outside of Cairo more closely with AI·Azhar a ordinate their courses of study. The tremendous strides in public edu in Egypt in recent years have been made in schools conducted b Government (aside from private schools), of a type approximating m less closely European standards. ~ Al-Maniir, viii. 3 The text was that of 'Sharl;i al-KafrawI 'ala al-Ajurriimiyyah .Maniir, viii. 381.

in his studies, he ran away from school a months with some of his uncles; but his step upon him and took him back to 'ranta. B persuaded was Mul).ammad that he would learning that he took his belongings and village, intending to follow agriculture as mo were doing, and never return to his studie intention he married, in the year 1865, at th 'This is the first effect which I experience in his autobiography, 'from the method 'ranta, and it is the very same method whi Azhar; and this is the effect experienced by a hundred of those whom fate does not perm some one who does not follow this mann namely, wherein the teacher throws out wh what he does not know, without paying re and his capacity for understanding. But th students who do not understand, deceive supposing that they do understand someth continue their studies until they have re manhood, and all the while they are dream children; and thereafter they are inflicted and become a calamity upon the public.'3 In he delivered in 1884 to a gathering of learn upon the subject of education, and in which

Al-Maniir, viii. 381. Ibid., p. 381. M. Horten, in Beitriige, xiii (1915), in 1871, on the basis of a statement in Tarikh, iii. 124 throughout the article from which the statement is t duced from a Tunisian newspaper, are manifestly unr e.g., from a comparison of the date in question, 1288/18 'Abduh ran away from ranta and was married, and t ginning of his studies with Jamal, viz. 1287/1870. appear also in the same article in the matter of date facts of the article are evidently reproduced from t Maniir. 3 1

2

some purpose that God willed',2 compelled him to retur 'J'anta to school. But on the way he escaped and hid him among relatives in the village of Kanayyisat Adrin. ' there', he says in the address already referred to, 'I chan upon one who taught me how to seek learning from its nea point of approach, so that 1 tasted its attractiveness persevered in the search for it. '3 The person thus referre who became the mentor who woke within the young tru a love for studies and a zeal for the religious life, and changed the whole tenor of his life, was an uncle of Mu1 mad's father, named Shaikh Darwish Khadr. This wo man had travelled to some extent in the Libyan desert, had even gone as far west as Tripoli. There he had take studies with a certain Sayyid Mu1).ammad al-Madani,4 gained some acquaintance with the Muslim sciences, and been inducted by his master into the Shadhali order of ~iifi, or mystic, brotherhoods. 5 He had memorized l portions of works on canon-law and the traditions, and especially proficient in reciting the l):ur'an and also in un standing it. After completing his studies, he had returne his village and engaged in agriculture.

1 Tafsir surat al- 'a~r, wa Khitiib 'iimm fi al.tarbiyah wa al.ta'lim, C Al-Manar Press, 2nd ed. (1330/1911), pp. 67, 68. 2 Ibid., p. 68. 3 Ibid. • AI.Manar, viii. 3 • The word' order', as applied to these fraternities, is the English, n Arabic designation. The latter is 'tarili:ah', plural 'turuli:', i.e. 'W 'Path', referring to the method of instruction, initiation, and reli exercises, the object of which is, by moral purification and inducemen state of ecstasy, to attain to mystical union with God. The ritual, ac ingly, lays stress upon the emotional religious life. These orders are numerous in the Muslim world, and it would be difficult to over.emph their importance to the common religious life of Islam. The Shadhall is one of the most important and is very widely extended. It is str represented in Egypt, being much favoured by the Azhar University; was under the shadow of the Azhar that Abu l,Iasan 'Ali al-Shadhall (d 1258) first organized the order. Vide Rinn, Marabouts et Khouan (Al 1884), pp. 220 sqq.; Depont and Cappolani, Les Gonfreries religieuses m manes (Algiers, 1897), pp. 443 sqq.

quested Mul).ammad to read a portion of it a with a rebellious dislike for books and all anything to do with them, Mul).ammad cas him. With quiet courtesy, the shaikh persist until, for shame, the young man took the boo lines, which the shaikh explained as they we to overcome Mul).ammad's prejudice and lac ing. Soon, however, the village youths ca Mul).ammad to join in their accustomed sport at once flung down the book and went with afternoon the process was repeated, and on th The third day a much longer time was spen Mul).ammad became so interested that he be book of his own volition and mark passages remark. By the fifth day he had become everything that kept him from reading as been of all study. The shaikh instructed him and practices and gave him his first lessons in standing the l}.ur'an. The shaikh, moreover, him a truth which came home to him almos of a revelation, namely, that Muslims of unju fullife are, in reality, not true Muslims. Fifteen days were spent in this manner of s end of that time Mul).ammad returned to ranta. But how different now his spirit an life. In this brief time he had been thoroug the ~iifi ideals of the religious life. From th his stay, he had begun to practise the re recommended by Shaikh Darwish. 'But a passed (from the beginning of these practi 'when, lo! you saw me soaring in spirit in a from that which I had known. The way whic me straitened had widened out before me. world which had appeared great to me, had

Moreover, I had found no leader to guide me in that tow which my soul was inclined, except that shaikh who had few days delivered me from the prison of ignorance int open spaces of knowledge, and from the bonds of acceptance of authoritative belief (ta[clid) into the liber the mystic union with God. . . . He is the key of my fortune, if I have any in this life; he restored to me the na gift which had left me, and revealed to me the na capacities with which I had been endowed, which had hidden from me.' Thus with this experience there began a new period i life of Mul;J.ammad 'Abduh. His interest in f;liifism, aro by Shaikh Darwish, gradually increased until it becam dominant influence in his life. During this second period shaikh retained his position as guide and mentor to the y student. But it remained for Mu1;l.ammad's second and gr teacher, Jamal aI-Din, to finally deliver him from his abs tion in the world of mysticism and induct him into w fields of scholarship and practical activities. 2

1 The tenus are those in use among the mystics. 'Knowledg ma'rifah) is the 'Gnosis', the divine inner light; the 'discipline of the (adab al-nafs) is the course of ascetic and religious practices to whic 'murid', or initiate, is subjected by his shaikh, or superior, with the pu of leading him step by step from the lowest state of the soul to the hi that of the 'Perfect Soul' (al-nafs al-kamilah). Vide two articles by W. Gairdner, in Moslem World, vol. ii, on 'The Way of a Mohammedan M 2 The striking account of Mul,1ammad 'Abduh in regard to the sp crisis through which he had passed, recalls the fact that many of the mystics of Islam are said to have passed through similar spiritual cri some time in their lives, which led them to adopt the mystical religiou The case of AI-GhazziUi is an outstanding example in point. It migh be suggested that Mul,1ammad 'Abduh, writing his memoirs at a time he had become a figure of some importance in the religious life of E and, indeed, of the world of Islam, was influenced, consciously or u sciously, in interpreting his early experiences, by his familiarity with th of the great mystics and also his own later experiences of mysticism thus crystallized into one definite crisis that which in reality was the of a process extending over a considerable period of time. The sugg

courses of lectures and found to his joy that aroused from his former mental lethargy and he could understand what he read and heard. students learned of his good fortune in bein stand the lessons they flocked about him to of his help in study. But, after a few month

might perhaps seem gratuitous and uncalled for, were it biographical accounts written by those outside of M circle, while rc~ognizing the decisive change which too about this time with reference to his studies, give a explanation of it, and a somewhat different arrangem the daily newspaper AZ.SharJ", in its issue of July 12, 1 says that at the age of seven Mul)ammad 'Abduh wa school (kuttiib) and attended for three years much ag wanted to be a farmer (jaZlaM as his brothers were learned nothing. His father then sent him to the Al)m 'l'anva for three years and later to the Azhar in Cairo fo better results. Three reasons for this are given by Mul) AZ.Shar{c: his desire to be a 'fallal)' and the absence of in the faulty methods of instruction, and the custom of the sweetmeats and unwholesome food at all hours, a pract affected their ability to study. But, continues this acc mad 'Abduh realized that his father was bent on his se he took counsel with himself and pulled himself toge learning was easy for him. No less responsible a write in his biography of Mul)ammad 'Abduh in Mashah'ir, i to the fruitless periods of study in the kuttiib, at Tanv and the fact that 'Abduh attributed this result largely instruction, says that when the latter saw no escape fr himself and discovered for himself a method of study work in understanding what he read, and as a result fo ing, and applied himself diligently in the pursuit of it. Mul:mmmad 'Abduh's course of action seems reasona he himself supplied a more intimate view of his motiv the true one, the other is at fault in dating his intellec he had spent two years in the Azhar instead of during Moreover, the other explanation does not account for h to mysticism during his later student days, which is accounted for by his own statement. On the whole, t good reason for rejecting, as at least substantially trus the character and conduct of Mul)ammad 'Abduh w supplied in this revealing bit of autobiography.

The mosque of AI-Azhar was founded in the year A.D by Jawhar, the general of the Fatimid Sultan Abu Ta Ma'add (otherwise known as AI-Mu'izz li Din Allah, A.D. 75), the year following his occupation of Egypt and mediately after the building of the new capital city I>:ah,irah (Cairo), where his troops were quartered, the mo being intended for the use of the troops. Two years la was opened for services. The mosque was enlarged time to time by the Fa-timid sultans after the transfer of capital to Cairo, it was liberally endowed, and a flouris school was developed within its precincts. During the turies which followed, many rulers added to the building endowment, and the reputation both of the sanctity o mosque and the excellence of the school came to be w acknowledged throughout the world of Islam. As the g of many of the older institutions, once famous centre learning, began to fade as a result of the ravages wrough the Mongol invasion in the East and of the decline of I in the West, the school of AI-Azhar rose to a position o first importance; and thus for centuries it has maintaine place as the leading Muslim educational institution and attracted students from all Muslim lands. The school of AI-Azhar is known as the Azhar Unive because all, or the greater part, of the Muslim sciences taught there; but it is not a university in the we acceptation of the word. l The education imparted is relig or theological; those who have studied within its w qualify, according to their scholastic attainments, as c lawyers or judges in the various Muslim courts, as teac

1 The school is referred to in Arabic as 'al-jami' al-azhar' i.e. 'the Mosque', or more simply as 'al-Azhar'. The title 'al-Azhar' signifie Splendid' or 'the Flourishing'; but Vollers, in Leyden Ene. oj I sliirn , AI-Azhar', thinks the name is to be rightly interpreted as an allus , AI-Zahra', a title of Fa~imah, since the mosque was founded by the Fa rulers.

sciences are valued for their relation to the pr tion of the I):ur'an and a correct knowledge and practices of Islam. The spirit which instruction in the university for centuries ha traditional. The chief object of the educ imparts is not research and investigation for improving the state of the sciences taught, transmission of these sciences as they were h the early fathers of the faith, without chang The doors of independent investigation of th faith, and the formulation of independent opi them, were closed in Islam by the middle of th of the Hijrah, and consequently the authoritat of religion are those of the dim and distant pa remained, therefore, for subsequent generatio and explain what the forefathers have laid d This traditional spirit is evident in the estim the various sciences. The most important b 'transmitted' or 'traditional' sciences (al- 'ulU These are: dogmatic theology ('ilm al-kaliim, interpretation of the I):ur'an (tafsir), the Tra jurisprudence (fi~h), and its principles (u§ul al all based upon Divine revelation, and cons sources are not subject to investigation or cr to be accepted as handed down by the fathe the addition of one or two other sciences, suc (ta§awwuf), and ethics Cilm al-alchla~), are primary sciences, or those that are studied fo Culum al-ma~a§id). Next come the 'ration 'a~liyyah), which are grammar and syntax language (na!tw, §arf), prosody Cilm al-'arur baliighah) in its three branches (al-ma'ani, allogic (al-man!iM, technical terms used in th Traditions (mu§tala!t al-!tadith), and astrono

geography, the physical sciences, mathematics, &c., since the Middle Ages, fallen into negleet, or if taught have been taught in a very inadequate way.1 The teachers usually gave lectures to a circle of stu who gathered about them, based upon the text of some a who was regarded as an authority upon the subject in but rarely was this text in the hands of the students. R the student set himself to memorize by rote the comme (shad}) of some later writer upon the original text, o glosses (ly,ashiyah) of a still later writer upon the comme or still further superglosses and notes (ta'lilfat, talfarir) this, and the lesson consisted in discussion and explan of the terms used by the writer. If a student succeed memorizing the text of one of these commentaries or g he considered that he understood the subject. 2 Various attempts have been made from time to ti reform both the curriculum and methods of study o Azhar, but always with indifferent success. Mul}.a 'Ali Pasha, though himself unlettered, had a great r for European learning and desired to introduce it into E so he sent his first Educational Mission to Paris in 1828 the intention of introducing European sciences int Azhar by means of the teachers who had studied in F Various European works, mostly French, were also tran into Arabic. But these attempts to introduce a new into the Azhar only aroused contempt and opposition w that ancient institution. However, about this time ( Shaikh AI-'rantawi, who afterwards went to St. Peter as a teacher of Arabic literature, began to give lectures the Malfamat of AI-J:Iariri, a highly esteemed composit rhymed prose of the twelfth century A.D., remarkable

1 On the various sciences taught in the Azhar, vide Ene. Islam, a Azhar' ; Risiilah, p. xviii; Beitrage, xiii. 109; Tiirikh, iii. 254. 2 Cf. Al-Maniir, viii. 393, 399.

tempts to reform the Azhar. He was supp Shaikh Mul;Lammad al-'Abbasi al-Mahdi, an getic scholar who was at that time Shaikh (o called, Rector) of Al-Azhar. 2 Various imp introduced into the curriculum and mana school, among them a schedule of examinat of six examiners. Examinations had not required. But strong opposition had been Shaikh 'Ulaish, an able scholar but a violen that when Mul;Lammad 'Abduh entered the u in 1866, the reform movement was on the lectures were still being given by Shaikh I.Ia logic and philosophy. When Mul:).ammad 'Abduh entered Al-A probably little in his personal appearance to in the eyes of the Azhar shaikhs, from hu young men of his age who had come in from But his natural energy, his intellectual acu for learning, and his independent thought so as different from the majority of the students he followed the studies prescribed by the attended lectures with more or less regulari the patience to continue to sit under teache not understand or from whose lectures he w

1 The date given above for Shaikh al-,!,an~awi's lectu Vollers in Ene. Islam, art. 'AI-Azhar'. Michel, Introd. but it would seem by mistake. If AI'Tan~awi had bee this latter date, it would have been possible for Mui:Iam attended them, and it would seem natural for him, wit for something new, to have done so. But he makes n although he does name two other teachers who benefite 2 Shaikh Al-'Abbasi was Shaikh al-Azhar from 1870 was replaced by Mui:Iammad al-Anbabi; but he soon rec and held it until 1887, when he was finally replaced by opposed to reform. AI- 'Abbasi was thus in office d 'Abduh's student days. Cf. Ene. Islam, art. 'Al-Az 186-9.

he continued to visit at intervals, encouraged him to such subjects as logic, mathematics, and geometry, though he had to search for them outside of the unive One teacher from whom he received help during this was Shaikh Mu1).ammad al-Basyiini. Somewhat late attended the lectures of Shaikh I:!asan aI-Tawil, al referred to, on logic and philosophy. But even Shaikh I did not satisfy the desire that was in the heart of Mu1).a 'Abduh for something-he did not himself know exactly -which he was not receiving. He felt that Shaikh I:! teaching was not definite and decisive in statement, bu sisted of suppositions and conjectures. 1 Mu1).ammad 'A himself was never content to leave a subject until he u stood it; and finally he came to the place where, h understood a subject, he would not accept the teaching satisfied with the proofs by which it was supported. 2 he used to say that the study of Arabic books accordi the Azhar method had done injury to his intellect an reason, and that for a number of years he had tried to s his mind clean of the influence of such methods but had entirely succeeded. 3 Meanwhile, from the time that he began his studies i university, he was under the influence of ~iifism and himself up more and more to the practice of it. 4 Durin daytime he fasted, while still carrying on his studies spent the night in prayer, in reading the ~ur'an, an the performance of zikrs. 5 He even subjected himself t wearing of a rough garment next to his body, and to ascetic practices. 6 He walked about with downcast eye spoke to no one except when it was necessary in his co with teachers and fellow students. 7 So absorbed di 1

4 7

Al-Mandr, viii. 388. Ibid., p. 386. Ibid., pp. 386, 396.

2 5

Ibid., p. 400. Ibid., p. 396.

3 6

Ibid., p. Ibid., p. 3

worldliness and aversion to association wit Shaikh Darwish, who had introduced him mysticism, felt it necessary, during a visit whi made to him about the year 1871, to win him natural and normal life. This the shaikh did b to him that his learning was of no value un some light of guidance for himself and others wished to be of benefit to his fellow religion with them what he had learned and guidin knowledge of real religion, he must ming Accordingly the shaikh took him to gath neighbours where Mul,J.ammad would be drawn tion on various subjects, and thus little by back to the world of reality.2 But it was Jamal aI-Din aI-Afghani who Mul,J.ammad 'Abduh of his extreme devot although the first book of the latter, whic 1874 under the title RisCilat al-wCiridat ('Mystic shows clearly the influence of his studies and mysticism, as well as of his studies in ph Jamal; and he retained his sympathy for f;luf his life. In the introduction to the work just tells of the great love of learning which pos his eager but vain pursuit of it before the co aI-Din. In the course of his search he had some traces of what he calls' the true science find no one to guide him, and whenever he was told that to busy oneself with such subjec or that the doctors of theology had proscribe I meditated upon the reason for this,' he sa when one is ignorant of a thing he hates it.' was in thi~ state of perplexity that there 'ar 1 3

Al-Manilr, viii. 396. Printed in Tiir'ikh, ii. 9 -25.

2

Ibi

travelled far along the mystic 'path' and was even conversant with those things experienced by ~iifiS 'wh is unlawful to speak of' than was Mul).ammad 'Abduh self, that he was able to convince his young pupil attainments in this respect as well as in the field of sc ship, and thus deliver him from the toils of an attraction which few escape who have once been involved. l ~iifis the subject of conversation between them at their meeting. Mul).ammad 'Abduh, in company with S J:Iasan aI-Tawil, called upon Jamal aI-Din soon afte arrival in Cairo for his first brief visit in 1869, and foun at his evening meal. In the conversation which foll Jamal drew out his visitors on the subject of I):ur'an pretation, discussing with them what the orthodox int ters have to say on certain passages, and what the interpretation of the same passages is. Ta$awwu tajsir!-mysticism and I):ur'an interpretation-the two jects at that time most dear to the heart of Mul).a 'Abduh. As though with the insight and sympathy of a teacher, Jamal discerned the inclinations and interests young student and sought to draw him to himself. When Jamal aI-Din returned to Cairo from Constanti about a year and a half later (March 22, 1871),2 Mul).a

Al.Maniir, viii. 397. In regard to this date, as in the case of many dates in the life of M mad 'Abduh, there is lack of agreement among the various account dates given above are those given by E. G'. Browne and Mashiihir for J arrival in Egypt on the two separate occasions, between which ther vened the stay in Constantinople. He arrived first in Egypt 128 The address in Constantinople which led to his expulsion was g Ramac;l.an 1287( close of 1870. He arrived in Egypt the second ti first of Mul,1arram, 1288( March 22, 1871. These dates agree best wi vious events in Jamal's life. But Mul,1ammad 'Abduh says (Al.M viii. 387) that he associated with Jamal, beginning with the first of M ram, 1287. In the Introd. to •Al-waridat' (Tiirikh, ii. 9), he refers arrival of Jamal and the beginning of his studies with him as in 129 but he may there refer to some particular study, e.g. philosophy. 1

2

scholars which were then much neglected, bu all who attended these gatherings with his o engaging conversation and comment on a var He was always lavish, and even undiscrimina ing his treasures of wisdom to all who came were 'devotees of wisdom' or not. 2 His me the ancient Arabic works was very different f Azhar. 'He would often explain the meaning discussion until it became clear to the underst would read the statement of the book and point in question; if it was applicable, well; i point out what was lacking in it. Or he would ment of the book and examine into its pro establish it, or disprove it and establish a diffe In this way he would proceed until he had decision in matters discussed; and he was no a mere understanding of the book and assent of the writer.'3 After he had read the ancient Arabic aut way and imparted new life to them, he introd to a number of modern works on various scien been translated into Arabic. Thus, still ano opened before the gaze of Mub.ammad 'A Western scientific thought and achievement. scarcely a less decisive influence in his life independent attitude of thought towards the a ties which Jamal exemplified in his teachin trained his pupils in writing articles for the Pr

Introd., p. xxiv, dates Jamal's arrival 1872. The conf arise from the necessity of using two systems of dating, th Muslim. 1 Al.Manar, viii. 389. 8 Ibid., pp. 399, 400. A list of the works studied philosophy, jurisprudence, astronomy, ancient and mod pp. 388, 389. Among the works on philosophy, the best ners is Theses and Explanation8 (' Al.isharat') of Avicen 980-1037).

'Abduh had been and never entirely lost traces which cated this fact. 1 Mul,lammad 'Abduh has preserved the substance of t Jamal al-Din's lectures, in a digest of them which h tributed to the Press at the time of their delivery.2

The first is on 'The Philosophy of Education '. In this l he compares health of morals to health of the physical org in plant and animal life ; just as in the physical organism depends upon the preservation of the proper balance be conflicting elements and tendencies, so that no one of two op tendencies becomes stronger than the other, so in moral h it is necessary for a proper balance to be preserved betwee of opposing tendencies, one a virtue and one a vice, as, for ex between courage and fear, or generosity and niggardliness. overpowers or outbalances the other, the moral health is imp The sciences of education and discipline have been develo preserve to the soul its virtues, or to restore them if weake lost. Those who are entrusted with the education of a peop the training of its morals are' physicians of souls and spirit should be familiar with the principles of moral health as phys with those of physical health. They should know the hist their own nation and of other nations, their periods of ad ment or decline, the causes of the moral weaknesses which appeared among them and the proper remedy to be appli their cure. Ignorance in these spiritual doctors will inev reflect itself in the moral health of the nation. Ignorant d are worse than none at all. These spiritual doctors wh responsible for moral guidance may be divided into two c oratorsandpreachers, andwriters and authors, including journ In the second lecture, on 'The Arts', after speaking various stages of man's intellectual and social developmen showing how the various useful arts have been evolved process of man's development, and their value to society, h ceeds to demonstrate the necessity of co-operation betwe various arts and between the various individuals for the b 1

Ibid., p. 389; of. above, p. 4, n. 1.

2

Tarikh, ii. 2

others. Thus, human society will become like a b members, wherein each member works for the ben If the individual realizes this mutual interdepen endeavour to take his place as a true member of th for the benefit of the whole. 'The principle of t whole body is what we call" the arts", so that i real work to do which will benefit human socie assistance to the order of the whole organizatio paralytic member which is of no value to the b burden.' But Jamal aI-Din imparted to his pupils m mere instruction, however learned and valu itself. 'It was as though the man', says JirjI Z to the literary revival which was occasion teaching, 'had breathed into them his own s opened their eyes, and behold, they had been the light had come to them. So they caug addition to learning and philosophy, a liv caused them to see their state as it really w the veil of false ideas had been rent from the therefore roused themselves to activity in w forth articles on literary, philosophical and reli The time in which Jamal's activity in favourable, indeed, for such attempts as he arouse the young men of Egypt. The Khed been introducing European ideas into the rapidly than they could be assimilated. But the superficial result that many of the educate pated that the country was about to enter era of national advancement, and felt that t were fully prepared to take their proper par other hand, the extravagances of lsma:Il leading to that foreign intervention against w 1

Mashiihir, i. 281.

article written by Mul).ammad 'Abduh, which is one o articles preserved in the Biography by Mul).ammad Ra Ri.ur'an to the com people of his village he had emphasized its threats and w ings, and the doctrines that inspire fear and inculcate as cism in this life. His chief concern had been orthodox belief and practice; if he had any thought of reform, it of a purely local character. But the reading of Al-'Ur al-Wuth{cah changed all this. Its appeals for the reform Islam as a whole, and the regeneration of all Muslim nat and the restoration of the early glory of Islam, placed a ideal before him and inspired within him new desires. first teacher, he says, had been the llJ,ya of Al-Ghazzali, w was the first book to take possession of his mind and he His second teacher was Al-' Urwah al-Wuth[cah, which chan the course of his life. As a result of his reading of these papers, he conceived desire to join himself to Jamal aI-Din aI-Afghani, who but lately arrived in Constantinople. He wrote to Jama Din to this effect. But since Jamal continued to resid Constantinople until the end of his days, this desire was n accomplished. After Jamal's death, Rashid Riga wishe go to Egypt to become associated with Mul;1ammad 'Abd and, as opportunity to do so was offered at the close o studies in Tripoli, he left Syria for Egypt in the mont Rajab, A.H. 1315 (A.D. 1897). On the morning following arrival in Cairo, he sought out Mul).ammad 'Abduh attached himself to him as his pupil. The association t begun continued, in increasing intimacy, until 'Abd death in 1905. Shaikh 'Abduh, on his part, loved and tru his pupil; and the latter regarded his master with unboun admiration and respect, and celebrated his praises as greatest teacher of Islam in modem times.1

1 Autobiographical references are given briefly in Al-Mandr, viii. and at greater length, in ·xxviii. 650 sqq.; also Tdrikh, i. 84, 85.

works of his master and in his notes and same he shows his grasp of the subjects in in which he has shown particular proficie the Traditions. The emphasis which the'A places upon the' genuine' Sunnah only, as o sources of the revised Islam, has made this ability to test the genuineness of the various developed, in Goldziher's opinion, 'a grea reminds one at times of the ancient cl criticism'.! His writings give evidence, al with a number of modern sciences, which to accouut in his interpretation and defenc

'Al-Maniir'. Soon after his arrival in Cairo, Rashid R his venture in journalism. Al-Maniir appea second of Shawwal, A.H. 1315 (March 17, 1 journal of eight pages, containing telegram news items, some of which were of only te or value, in addition to the special articles the second year, the form was changed to periodical. The reception accorded to the at first discouraging. The copies sent to were intercepted by the Turkish Gover majority of the copies sent to prospecti Egypt were returned. By the end of th number of subscribers did not exceed three The fifth year, however, marked a beginn of circulation. By the twelfth year (1909), of Volume I were selling for four times th 1 2

Koranauslegung, p. 335. Al-Manar, i. 1. The date of the first issue is the

from the end of Shawwiil, A. H. 1315/ A.D. 1897. But th on the first issue of the magazine is as given above. by that of the closing number of the year, which is M

with respect to its political policy which was no longer c for. 2 The general purpose of reform was the same as for which the earlier publication had laboured. Some o items included within this general purpose are the follow to promote social, religious, and economic reforms; to p the suitability of Islam as a religious system under pr conditions, and the practicability of the Divine Law a instrument of government; to remove superstitions beliefs that do not belong to Islam, and to counteract teachings and interpretations of Muslim beliefs, suc prevalent ideas of predestination, the bigotry of the diff Schools, or Rites, of Canon law, the abuses connected the cult of saints and the practices of the ~iifi order encourage tolerance and unity among the different sect promote general education, together with the refor text-books and methods of education, and to encou progress in the sciences and arts; and to arouse the M nations to competition with other nations in all ma which are essential to national progress. 3 To this ambitious programme, Al-Maniir has been cated from the first. The editor himself has been the prolific contributor to its columns; his articles have cont trenchant criticisms of the existing order of things in E and elsewhere in the Muslim world, and zealous advoca the principles of Mu:Q.ammad 'Abduh. Many articles the pen of the latter have also appeared in its columns contributions from the more zealous of his disciples, and friends of reform in other Muslim countries. In additio articles dealing with reform in its various aspects, as indi above, a section has been devoted, beginning with the year and continuing until the present, to the publicati Mu:Q.ammad 'Abduh's Commentary on the Kur'an; a sec conducted by the editor, devoted to 'fatwas' or decisio 1

AI-Manar, i. 3, 4.

2

Ibid., ii. 340.

8

Ibid., i. 11

and criticizing the laborious casuistry of t tems of canon law;1 and sections containing different Muslim countries, and reviews of publications. The editor seems to have had a genera which he intended to pursue over a course paratory period, covering the first year or given to a review of the general state of Mus the need of reform, and an attempt to aro this condition. Supposing this preparator been successful, the following period was proposals of Al-Manar, in accordance with reforms could be accomplished, and to dir the Muslim Community in effecting them. T which Al-Manar followed. The editor, rev of it in 1905, after a period of eight year efforts had met with much general appro papers, imitating Al-Manar, took up the cr it became the fashion to point out needs sometimes by those who knew little of th thought of the practical efforts for reform t Al-Manar, therefore, returned again for a t of preparatory agitation. 2 This was the re RiQ.a made to those who accused him of g the hostile opinions and criticisms that ass number of sources. There are evidences similar reversals of policy which may, po similar reasons. As late as the year 1926-7, t it fitting to publish an article on the g prevailing in Muslim countries, which had long ago as 1905 but had not then been p

1 Cf. Goldziher, Koranaualegung, pp. 332, 333, fo questions submitted, and the 'fatwii.' in reply. 2 Al.Manur, viii. 234.

formation of an Islamic Society (Al-jam'iyyah al-Isli yah) under the patronage of the Caliph, the central br to be at Mecca, with subsidiary branches in all Muslim tries. 2 The principle which lay at the base of the organiz was the belief that the brotherhood of Islam obliterates r and national boundaries, and constitutes a bond which u all Muslims as one community, and that the Shari'ah Divine Law of Islam, can unite all nationalities in equal government, both Muslim and non-Muslim, even thoug latter do not accept the faith of Islam. 3 The object o society was to unite all Muslims in submission to a com code of doctrines and morals, a common code of laws, a common language, the Arabic, to suppress harmful teac and practices, and to propagate Islam.' The Ottoman S was to be recognized as the actual leader, as being the powerful Muslim ruler. But the separate Muslim go ments were to be regarded as component states in a federation resembling that of the United States of Ame each ruler to govern with the assistance of a represent assembly, and to enjoy independence in the internal adm tration of his realm, while all the states together w present a united front to their foes. 5 This was to be the of Muslim unity. The society, however, was to be ent dissociated from all political designs; for, although Churc State are essentially united in Islam, on the purely reli side, Rashid Riq.a contends, no connexion with politi required, and those who engage in defence of Islam, teaching or in propagating, should not engage in politics This scheme, which has evident points of similarity t society founded by Jamal aI-Din and Muhammad 'Ab although without its political significance, seems to more or less into the background with the passing o 1

4

Al.Maniir, xxviii. 765. Ibid., i. 767 sqq.

5

~ Ibid., i. 766. Ibid" i. 792, 793.

Ibid., ii. 32 e Ibid., xiv.

8

da'wah wa al-irshad), of which more hereaft Influences were coming to the fore in the ever, with which Al-Manar was destined to c in its advocacy of a common Islamic brother national lines. In the early years of the tw the Nationalist Party of Egypt was rejuve leadership of MUfiltafa Kamil Pasha and his Liwa. This party had no interest in reli reform, but stood for an exclusive nationalis distinctions, although, according to Al-Mana also all Egyptians who were not Muslims. l was unfavourable to this idea, it was critic Mul).ammad Bey Farid, who came into the party when MUfiltafa Kamil died in 1908 policy of opposition through his party-orga editor of which was 'Abd al-'Aziz Shawish turer in Arabic in Oxford University.2 The leaders attributed political designs to Al-M mation of its society.3 In more recent year drawn the fire of Al-Manar, because the for nationalism in which religion and language mining factors, 'so that they count a Mus (who holds a foremost. place in the world foreigner, if he does not belong to the same selves. Thus the Sharif (descendant of the I.Iijaz or of Syria is no better to them than China. 4

1 Al.Maniir, viii. 478. It should be noted, however, nationalism did not exclude Pan·Islamic ideals. Cf. Th pp. 28 sqq.; also Mashiih'ir, i. 289-301, where, in the of him, it is stated that on more than one occasion h of Pan·Islamic purport to Constantinople and elsewh MilJriyyah wa Gharbiyyah, by Dr. I;IusainHaikal, p.15 these efforts would eventually bring support to Egypt 2 The Truth about Egypt, by J. R. Alexander (Lond 3 Al.Maniir, xiv (1911), 36. • Ibid., x

I;Iamid because of the greater liberty which it would for reform activities. 1 But the subsequent rejuvenatio Turkey under MUfiltafa Pasha Kamal has defeated expectations, for the case of this noted leader is one of ' unbelief and apostasy from Islam, of which there is no certainty'.2 However, a new star of hope has appeared the rise of the Wahhabi dynasty of Ibn Sa'ad in Arabia. Government of Ibn Sa'ad is the greatest Muslim power i world to-day, says Al-Maniir, since the fall of the Otto dynasty and the transformation of the Government o Turks into a government without religion, and it is the government that will give aid to the Sunnah and repu harmful innovations and anti-religionism. 3 Advances of Muslim thought in other directions, also proving as little to Rashid Riq.a's liking, and are tendin throw him more and more on the side of the Conserva rather than of the Liberal and progressive element. He been accustomed to characterize his party as the 'Mod Party', who mediate between the severely orthodox, on one hand, whose strength lies in the blind devotio the common people, and the ultra-progressive element on other, who favour complete freedom of thought and the a tion of modem civilization and modem forms of govern and man-made laws. As contrasted with these, the 'Mod reformers' affirm that Islam, if interpreted according to principles, will be found to provide the only adequate tion for modem social, political, and religious proble While the claim to be a mediating party is, in some resp justifiable, the logic of events sometimes proves the e of Al-Maniir to be a Conservative of the Conservat Unyielding adherence, in the most orthodox sense, to

Ibid., xiv. 43. ~ Ibid., xxviii (1927-8), 5 Ibid., xxvii. 638, also pp. 1-19. In regard to the caliphat below, Chapter X, under' 'Ali 'Abd al-Riizi~'. ~ Ibid., vii. 52; xxi 1

3

system. Hence, in any question of choice b servative or the Liberal attitude, the posit amounts, practically, to that of the orthodo The case of the Nationalists of Egypt already been cited: these Al-Maniir charact and infidels, because religion is not fundame of nationality. It applies the same designat younger scholars and writers of Egypt, whos towards Islamic literature and Islamic receive notice in the concluding chapter. anticipated here to give point to the fact t of Al-M aniir towards these writers is not less nor its 'anathemas less fervent than those orthodox. In the furor which arose about one of which reference has just been made, Rash casion to give expression to his opinion o which grew out of the wide discussion of opinion reveals the limitations which h scientific scholarship when it affects matters ally belief in the J$:.ur'an. One of these que Muslim, as a result of his studies, comes historical or critical belief that is contrary t the J$:.ur'an, such as denial of the histor Abraham, does he thereby cease to be cons even though he himself continues to consid respect to all moral and religious matter Al-Maniir to this is: 'If anyone holds a b the text of the J$:.ur'an which affords decisi which is a matter of knowledge and not of that he believes that the statement of the J$ then, without doubt, he is not to be counted Muslim Community. For if anyone denies Adam or Abraham or Ishmael, he is an un

variance with the apparent sense of the inspired text; in that case, the expression of the text is to be interpret a metaphorical or figurative use, or an accommodatio common usage, such as the setting of the sun in a fou or in the sea. 1 The second question grows out of the first: May it n that, in the near future, educated Muslims will come to tinguish between religious and moral questions in the I5'on the one hand, and historical and scientific questions, o other, regarding the I5'-ur'an as infallible with respect to first but not so with respect to the second? To this Ra Riga replies that he considers that' that contingency is remote '.2

Reforms. The general character of the reforms to which the pag Al-Manar have been devoted for the past thirty years already been indicated, first, in the life and teachin Mul;lammad 'Abduh, and, second, in the statement o purpose for which Al-Manar was founded. The fundam character of these reforms has been described as relig that is'to say, a thorough reform of the religion of Isla at once, the central motive which inspires them, the o for which they are undertaken, and the means by which are to be accomplished. While it is true that the p religious interest has been given a central place throug the history of the movement, at the same time it shou remembered that the religion of Islam embraces all de ments of the life of its adherents, the civil, social, and pol as well as the religious; hence the inclusive character o reforms attempted. To begin with, the very conception of the nature and v of the religion of Islam which is commonly held by Mu 1

Al-Maruir, xxviii. 581, 582.

2

Ibid., p. 582.

consist in mysterious powers and gifts, but i secures happiness for men in this life as we come, by directing to a knowledge of the law which govern human progress, both for individuals; men must learn these laws an with decision, knowing that God does not affairs from those who seek for them by the whether they be believers or infidels.! The responsibility for the backward stat longs principally to their rulers and their Their rulers have been ignorant of Islam a have permitted entire freedom in the case unbelief and limited it in the case of learn and have substituted laws of human origi Law. The 'Ulama have neglected the J}:ur'a and the moral teachings of their religion, magnified differences of sects, and made m law and theology, and have neglected the people. The shaikhs of the I;'iifi orders, w be the spiritual guides of the people, have sport and a means of entertainment; the per zikrs, which are only a confused mumblin taken the place of the public prayers, an chanting of some of their special forms o portions of the J}:ur'an, on the occasion festival (mawlid) of some saint enlists mor the part of the people than do the true relig the hearts of the people have gone astray af miraculous powers are attributed to them, a sidered to be a means of blessing, living or their death, their tombs become objects of their intercession with God is sought for, ev plishment of requests that are logically im 1

Al.Manar, i. 586 sqq.

harmful innovations; sing. bid'ah), and the consider which Al-Manar has urged against them in its endeavo uproot them, it will not be possible to speak, except to tion a few of the most characteristic ones. These pra have been allowed to creep into Islam and gradually g hold over the people, it is claimed, either because the le men and the religious leaders have been too negligen easy going, or because they have themselves introduced to strengthen the hold of religion upon the common pe Many abuses are outgrowths of the cult of saints, su ascribing to the more noted saints, as 'Abd al-~ad Jilani, names and honours that belong only to God offering of prayers and sacrifices at their tombs, ari immoralities and irregularities which characterize the bration of the annual mawlids, or festivals, of certain o saints, as that of Abmad al-Badawi at l'anta. 3 Othe connected with the $Ufi orders: the veneration of the p for the shaikhs or heads of these orders, and the blind mission of the initiate to the will of the shaikh, are sidered particularly harmful, and the noisy and diso performance of the zikrs are deplored. 4 Others ar result of excessive veneration for the ~ur'an and objects that are held in sacred regard: of this sort, ar use of portions of the ~ur'an as charms and amulet stroking of pillars, stones, and the like, that are pop believed to possess special powers. Rashid Riq.a himsel narrowly escaped a near riot of the worshippers i

1 Al.Manar, i, series of six articles, beginning p. 606, on 'Our Lead Chief Men have led us Astray'; On the :;lufis, the last article, pp. 7 also Tafiiir, ii. 98, 99; also two articles in Al.Manar, i. 404 sqq., a sqq., on 'Spiritual Authority of the Shaikhs of the :;lufi Orders'. 2 Tafsir, ii. 99. 8 Al-Manar, i. 729; also pp. 77 sqq.; viii. 191, 192; six articles in ii ning p. 401, on 'Miracles of the Saints'; on the "fanta Mawlid', iv. 5 • Cf. references under footnote 1, above. The topic is recurred quently in both Al-Manar and the, Commentary.

harmful in themselves, but are objected to not a part of Islam. For this reason, the d 'Kiswah', the covering which is sent to Mecc Egypt for the Ka'bah, and the Procession o at which the official ceremonies of its depa are held to be bid'ah. 2 The fundamental fault, however, whic present degeneracy is that Islam has been away from its early simplicity. This Al-M taL."'1ed from its earliest numbers to its latest mad 'Abduh also. So simple was the religion that it was easy for other peoples to learn Arabs, and thus the rapid spread of Islam Then came the centuries of bid'ah. The prudence was developed on the ground th quired a wider system of legislation than tha practical regulations of the :£$:ur'an and the S with the thought of other nations led to the the science of theology in defence of the a and to the introduction of the speculation Thus there was introduced into Islam what to it, and it ceased to be easy and simple and and involved. Whereas it was possible for time of the Prophet to learn enough of the re in 'one sitting', to become a Muslim, in th Muslim, who has grown up among Muslims, c learn the requirements of the rite to whic reason of having inherited adherence to it, years. 'Thus the decisive characteristics of it its most perfect form and itfl most perfect books at all were written, have disappeared.

1 Al.Manar, ii. 735; TafBir, ii. 191. The story of the found in Al.Manar, vi. 793; Go1dziher, Koranauslegung 2 Al.Manar, viii. 839, 840. 3 Ibid., x

Further, the moral principles that were to underlie all and governmental regulations were also affirmed, suc justice, equality of rights, prohibition of crimes, prescri of punishment for certain offences, government byrepres tion, and the like. In all other matters, the Divine Lawdelegated detailed legislation to those entrusted with au ity, that is, the learned men and the rulers, who are req by the Divine Law to be men of learning and justice, they may take counsel together and prescribe what is of advantage to the Community, according to the requirem of the time. The Companions so understood the matter out an express deliverance from the Prophet, as se traditions show. In fact, it is related of them that decided according to the general welfare even though decisions were contrary to the Sunnah which was follo as though they believed that regard for the general we was the fundamental consideration, rather than observ of the details of the Law. 1 Muslims should, therefore, re to the practice 'of the early days of the first four cal whose Sunnah, together with his own Sunnah, the Pro commanded Muslims to hold fast to, and they shoul aside everything that has been introduced into Islam th contrary to that practice '.2 The details of that practice are to be determined by petent scholars. The articles of belief are to be those w are contained in the J>:ur'an; these are to be accepted 'w out dealing with them in a philosophical manner', alth proofs are to be sought for them. Likewise, the mora ethical teachings of the J>:ur'an and the Sunnah are suff because of their moderation. The excesses of the ~iif spiritual matters, in asceticism, and in some other resp will thus be avoided. 3 The further suggestion is made, a book be compiled containing all doctrines and moral 1

Ibid., iv. 210.

2

Ibid., p. 215.

3

Ibid., p.

mitted, so long as these differences do not that have been declared by common consen and all who profess this common body of recognized as Muslims.! The religious practices which are to be Muslims in common, that is, the prayers, f and similar duties prescribed by the religio are to be those which are plainly set forth (Usage) of the Prophet and which have bee the uniform practice of succeeding generati to Islam. Matters in which the early genera in regard to certain details of the prayer ritu are to be left to each Muslim to decide for hi of the ways practised by the early fathers h Thus, in all essential practices, all Muslims requirements of a single rite, or school of cano instead of being divided, as at present, by and often inconsequential details of the fou would be many details, of course, which are by the law books of the four rites, but whi included within the common body of practi rite. In regard to these details, each Musli to consult the regulations of all the four rite them, and to follow that method of the four instead of being bound, as at present, to th the one rite to which he belongs; just as a consults the physician whom he prefers. Th would be exercising independent investiga choosing the method which he prefers; at th would be practising acceptance on authori he adopts the method of one of the four rites be anticipated from uniformity in essentials 1 2

Al-Maniir, i. 767; iv. 216; xxii. 184. Ibid., iv. 216. 3 Ibid., iv. 287, 3

civil and commercial transactions, these should be sepa entirely from religion and should not be inextricably b up as part of a code that is regarded as sacrosanct and nally unchangeable, as is the case with the law books o four rites. While these laws should be based upon I>:-ur'an and the Sunnah, they should be subject to ch from age to age, according to the requirements of each The rigid and unchangeable character of the enactmen the four rites is one of the principal reasons for the backw ness of Muslim nations to-day; and because of this Divine Law of Islam has been rejected by many M governments as unsuitable for present conditions. T claimed by Al-Maniir in many places, and innumerabl amples are given showing the necessity of adapting laws to present conditions. An example or two may be ch however, from Rashid RiQ.a's book on The Galiphate. 3 caliph whom the Turks chose, when the Caliphate separated from the State, was a man who was profici painting and in playing musical instruments, both of w accomplishments are forbidden by all four Islamic rites most strictly of all by the I,Ianifite rite to which the T belong. So strictly are they forbidden, that in one o courts of Cairo recently, says Rashid RiQ.a, the witness teacher of music was not accepted by the court, as illegal. Yet a way out of the difficulty could be foun applying the principle of independent investigation (ijti The same difficulty was encountered when it was propos erect a statue to Kamal Pasha in Angora. Kamal P solved the difficulty by declaring that the making of st is not forbidden to-day as it was in the days when Mu were just out of idolatry, and that it is necessar 1 2 3

Ibid., iv. 293; xxii. 185. Ibid., iv. 859, and frequently. Al.khiliifah aw al·imamah al"u~mah, Cairo, 1341/1922, pp. 81,

in both the religious and secular sciences. In that a body of laws, suitable for Muslim natio day, might be drawn up, it is necessary that competent men from different Muslim land together. They should compare the enactm schools of canon law with the ~ur'an and draw up a book of laws, based, first of all, up of the Divine Law, but based also, in the se the principle of regard for the common weal ments of the present time. The caliph woul laws into effect by giving instructions to Muslim lands to proceed in accordance wi caliph refuses to accept this responsibility, the 'Ulama to see that he undertakes it. If people themselves must take steps to secure r more, in order to secure officials who are com such laws, all officials, including the caliph training in schools established for this purpo The manner in which the foregoing p operate and some of the questions which w the process, received recent illustration (192 sion of a motion which was presented i Chamber of Deputies, providing for the ab religious foundations known as 'private' o (al-aw~af al-ahliyyah), on the ground of among other reasons. Rashid RiQ.a admits in many cases, and adds that many foundat objects that are contrary to the true Islam, s ing and decorating the tombs of saints. Y 1 Mu!;J.ammad 'Abduh expressed a similar opinion pictures and statues. They are not forbidden so long of their being devoted to improper religious uses. Al-Maniir speaks to the same effect, iv. 56. 2 Al-Maniir, iv. 860, 866; Koranauslegung, pp. 334, 3 Ibid., xxvii. 142.

by the incident is that of allowing the legislative body government, established by constitution, to have the to pass legislation which will supersede that which i doubtedly a part of the Divine Law. Rashid Riqa main that the fundamental law of the land should not gran right to Parliament, so long as the law recognizes Isl the official religion of the government. Other matte legislation, however, that do not involve decisive tex consecutive practice, are to be dealt with as the p indicate or COPlmon welfare requires.!

Society for Propaganda and Guidance. It is one of the fundamental principles of the 'Abduh m ment that every Muslim should consider himself respon not only for strengthening the bonds of Islam amon fellow religionists and encouraging the performance duties and the fulfilment of its ethical requirements, bu for actively engaging in the spread of Islam among Muslims, inasmuch as it is a universal religion. 2 This prin and, in fact, the entire attitude of the movement on secular and religious matters, presupposes the general s of education among the people. Rashid Riqa, in all his ings and public addresses, as did Mul).ammad 'Abduh b him, urges Muslims to devote their means to that mo cellent of all good works, namely, the founding of sc The founding of schools, he says, is better than the fou of mosques, for the prayer of an ignorant man in a mos valueless, whereas, through the founding of schools, igno will be removed and thus both secular and religious work

1 Ibid., xxix. 75-7. The question has come up before, it i further stated, in legislation concerning marriage and divorce. A p was also made in Parliament to abolish the office of Grand Muf Mandr repeats its suggestion that a commission of leading 'Ulama st such questions and report what the regulations of the true Islam regard to them. 2 Cf. above, pp. 172

vide adequate religious training, even where to religion. Al-Maniir places particular em necessity of all schools providing instruction doctrines of Islam. 3 It was for the purpose of promoting the a objectives and, at the same time, of countera ties of Christian missions in Muslim lands tha Propaganda and Guidance' (Jmn'iyyat a irshad) was formed. The idea of such a socie itself to the mind of Rashid RiQ.a when he Tripoli. He used to frequent the bookshop missionaries in that city, where he read th vided and engaged in argument, he informs to wish that the Muslims had a society like th like theirs. When he removed to Cairo, the id hold upon him and he began, as early as 1900 subject of replying to Christian propaganda b takings on the part of Muslims. On the Japanese 'Parliament of Religions', in 190 sending to the Japanese a summons to em was then that he set to work to found a soc of propaganda, the first work of which should of a school for the preparation of missionarie project was received with general approval progress was delayed for a number of year events. 4

Al.Manar, vi. 152; ]{oranauslegung, p. 342. Ibid., i. 46. 3 Ibid., i. 56-74, for example, where a programme of Cf. similar criticisms and suggestion by MuJ:rammad 'A for Education in Egypt', Tarikh, ii. 364--81; also in Al.M 4 Al.Manar, xiv. 42, 43. MuJ:rammad 'Abduh, as a the Capuchin monastery and school in Palermo, asked i to Muslims to found a training-school that would b paganda. 'Parikh, ii. 426. Later he began plans fo 1

2

spent a whole year in Constantinople, working on beh the project among the educated men and the members o Government. Government approval for the founding o society and its school was finally secured, after conside modification of the original plan, but the fall of the min at this critical juncture necessitated the renewal of neg tions. When permission was again secured, it was upon ditions which Rashid Riq.a was unwilling to accept. 2 I therefore decided to found the society and school in Cair due time, the society was organized, with Mal).miid Salim as President and Rashid Riq.a as Vice-Presiden Principal of the school. All Muslims, who made a substa contribution to the funds of the society or paid a certain as annual dues, were eligible for membership.3 A very contribution was made by one of the Arab merchant pr of Bombay.4 The formal opening of the school, which situated on the island of Rodah at Cairo, took place o eve of the birthday festival of the Prophet, and classes begun the following day, 13 Rabi' al-Awwal, A.H. 1330 (M 3,1912).5

The school, which is called, indifferently, 'The Insti or The School, of Propaganda and Guidance' (Dar al-da wa al-irshiid, or Madrasah, &c.), is described as a colle which instruction is given in the subjects usually tau with additional emphasis upon religious training, 6 an primary object is said to be: 'Improvement of the meth Islamic teaching, together with religious training.'7

AI.Maniir, viii. 895. But Rashid Ric;la denies that he received the idea school from Mul.J.ammad 'Abduh or that the latter ever mentioned fou a society and school for purposes of propaganda (xiv. 58); 1 AI-Maniir, xiv. 37, 42; xv. 925, 926. They charged secret designs f overthrow of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of an al empire under British protection. 2 AI-Maniir, xiv. 35-7, 43 S Ibid., pp. 116, 117. 4 Ibid., p. 5 Ibid., xv. 226, 227. Goldziher, Koranauslegung, p. 343, gives a earlier. 8 Ibid., xiv. 786. 7 Ibid., p.

distant Muslim landA where the need of Mus as China, India, Malaysia, &c. Students ha from East Africa, North Africa, Turkey, T Java, and Malaysia. 2 Tuition and board and and financial help is also provided for tho Those who complete satisfactorily a three training are given the diploma of 'murshid' are competent to preach or teach in school among Muslims. Those who complete an years qualify as 'da'in', or 'summoner', th to non-Muslims. All students are required to will go to whatever country they may be se was discontinued on the outbreak of the Grea and has not, up to the present, been reopened

The 'Maniir' Commentary. This is the name which is given to the Co l{.ur'an which was begun by Mul)ammad ' tinued, since his death, by Rashid Riq.a. Si has first appeared in the columns of Al-Mana publication, and its preparation has been du extent, to the labours of the editor of Al-M that the title of the Commentary as a whole the connexion. In fact, the initiation of the work was due, to the earnest representations of Rashid Ri his own account. 4 When he first came to Mnl,lammad 'Abduh to begin the preparation on the whole ~ur'an in the spirit, and a method, of his interpretation of certain pa appeared in Al-'Urwah al-Wuth~ah. 'Abduh persuaded that another commentary was n 1 S

Al.Manar, xiv. 785 sqq., SOl sqq., 114 sqq. Ibid., xiv. 786-8. 4 Al·Mana

'Abduh who approved, or corrected as necessary. lectures began to appear in Al-Manar, volume iii (A.D. as the commentary of Mu~ammad 'Abduh; since the e thought it proper, so long as 'Abduh had read what had written, to ascribe them to him. Publication of these lectures in separate form was b during 'Abduh's lifetime. The commentary on 'Siirat al(Siirah ciii) first was printed, followed by the final sect the ~ur'an, Siirahs lxxviii-cxiv, beginning with the w 'Of what ask they of one another l' ('amma yas'alun), an opening Siirah, 'AI-Fati~ah'.l Publication of the main of the Oommentary was begun with the second section of the ~ur'an, since the comment on the first sectio briefer and did not agree completely in method with sections. Volumes ii to x were published during the 1908 to 1931, in which the comment was carried as f 'Siirat al-Taubah' (ix. 91). The first section has now be vised to conform in method with later sections and app in November 1927, as volume i. 2 After the death of Mu~ammad 'Abduh, Rashid Riq that he should continue the Oommentary in a manner would be that of his master, as closely as possible. during 'Abduh's lifetime, much of what was written had directly Rashid Riq.a's own, although it had all been buted to' Abduh. After the latter's death, Rashid distingu between what he had preserved of 'Abduh's words and is his own work. 'I believe, however', he says, 'that h lived and read it, he would have approved all of it.' H changed his method somewhat, also, to include a quotation from the correct Traditions which relate to verse, attention to critical questions of grammar and logy, digressions on matters of particular interest or nec 1 2

For dates of publication, see Appendix on Bibliography. AZ-Maniir, xxviii. 641.

extended criticism of the various methods pretation, particularly in regard to the u interpretations handed down from the Com immediate successors (Tabi'un'). The ma commentaries, he says, are chiefly occupied of technical terms, or with theological disp interpretations, or matters in regard to w sects differ. Fakhr al-Razi has added still in the introduction of the scientific views o which he has been followed by at least one tator who makes extensive use of modern astronomy, botany, and zoology, in connex calls 'the interpretation of the verse '.2 To things are necessary to an understanding contribute to it; but to multiply them to s has been generally done only distracts the true intent of the Divine text. 3 As for the traditional interpretations, s necessary; for nothing will take preceden tradition that is traced back to the Prophet t Companions. Next to this is a genuine tr scholars among the Companions, on subjec the linguistic sense or the practice of their d traditions of these two classes are few. M tional interpretations are traceable to nar Jewish or Persian heretics, or converts from and Christians. All of them consist of anecdo and their people, their books and their mirac of other individuals, like the Men of the C or places like' Iram adorned with pillars' (Sii

Al.Maniir, xxviii. 641. The reference is probably to Shaikh 'fantawi Chapter IX, under 'Apologetics'. 3 Al 1

2

and Wahb ibn Munabbah, although the older comment says Rashid Riqa, were deceived by them in spite of the which have become apparent to us. The conclusion is none of the traditional interpretations are to be acc unless supported as a genuine tradition reported by a panion as from the Prophet.! The suggestion is made such of these interpretations as may be beneficial be col separately, like the books of traditions, and the valid their authorities be made clear; from these choice cou made for use in commentaries, without reproducing the of the authorities. 2 Numerous illustrations have already been given o manner in which Mu1:).ammad 'Abduh's principles are, possible occasions, deduced from and illustrated by :f$:ur'an, or more correctly, in many cases at least, read the :f$:ur'an. The character of the book as Divine revel infallibly inspired in every particular, is always insisted Even the order and arrangement of the words and the nexion of thought are held to be inspired. The older mentaries, as that of AI-Jalalain, which 'Abduh mad basis of his :f$:ur'an lectures,3 allowed that the necessi t!le occurrence, at the end of a verse, of a word which w rhyme with adjacent verses, sometimes determined wh two practically synonymous words should precede and w should follow, as 'ra'i.if' and 'ra1:).im'; but the 'Manar' mentary declares that the :f$:ur'an is no piece of poetry a therefore not subject to requirements of rhyme, but word is in the proper place to which God assigned it. 4 I manner, where former commentators found separate sions of revelation (asbab al-nuzul) for separate portion verses, and even parts of verses, the 'Manar' Comme Al.Manar, xxviii. 650. 2 Ibid., p. 648. 8 Ibid., p. Tafsir, ii. 11, 12 (the same in Al.Maniir, vii. 91), on Siirah ii. KoranaUBlegung, pp. 345-7. 1

4

matters deal with two different classes of ways of spending money; it was appropria mention after them a question about a clas is most deserving of all classes to have mo their behalf, namely, orphans. 1

Formative Influences. In concluding the survey of the principle of the movement which has been discussed preceding chapters, the factors which have a formative influence upon the movemen noted. These factors, as has been shown by work which has been frequently referred number: first, the ethico-religious conception second, the ultra-conservative tendency of clasts of the thirteenth century A.D., Ibn Ta pupil, Ibn al-~ayyim al-Jawziyyah; and th of adaptation to the demands of modern pro The part which the teachings of AI-Gha 1111) have played in determining one of the characteristics of this movement furnishes a illustration of the strangely vitalizing influ teachings have continued to exert in Islam. individuals who are chiefly responsible for thi deeply affected by AI-Ghazzali's writings: Afghani, who, despite the brevity of his wo to us, gives evidence of the importance whic those writings; Mul,lammad 'Abduh, in w influence is unmistakable; and Mul,lamm who acknowledges him as the first great tea days. The influence of AI-Ghazzali is discer in direct appeal to his writings, which is, i but, more considerably, in the reproduct 1

Tafsir, ii. 350.

2

Koranauslegun

and contributory. Particular illustration of this ma found in what is said above of the teachings of Mul;1am 'Abduh regarding faith, prayer, and the performance of o religious duties.! What is there evident may be taken characteristic indication of the spirit which the 'Abduh m ment endeavours to introduce into the religious practices beliefs of Muslims of to-day. Furthermore, in the emp placed upon the direct study and exegesis of the ~u rather than the ponderous tomes of theology, in order faith might be derived from its proper source,2 and in attempt to bring the dogmas of theology within the com hension of the common people, it may be said that 'A and his school are also influenced by AI-GhazzalL3 The second influence is that of Ibn Taimiyyah (d. 1328) and Ibn al-~ayyim al-Jawziyyah (d. A.D. 1355), conducted a bitter fight against the 'bid'ah' and corru of their own day, claimed for themselves the right of inde dent investigation (ijtihad) , and went back to first so and principles in everything. They bitterly opposed ~iifis and condemned unsparingly the visitation of the to of prophets and saints. They were the revivers of the t tion of Al;1mad ibn l:.Ianbal, the strictest and most lite minded of the four great Imams of canon law, and their t tion was, in turn, perpetuated by the Wahhabis, the se puritan reformers that came to political supremacy in A in the early years of the nineteenth century, and whose w of political fortunes has again come full circle in the r successes of Ibn Sa'ud. It will be apparent that the Egy reformers have derived inspiration for a number of activities from these earlier reformers, and it is not en surprising that the editor of Al-Maniir should have sion to complain that, because of his opposition to ce 1 8

Cf. above, pp. 168 sqq. 2 Cf. above, p. 116, also p. Cf. Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, pp. 238, 239.

Ibn Taimiyyah is depended upon, because 'h best informed of Muslim scholars, if not sources whence" bid'ah" arose, and most abl they are contrary to the true Islam'. 3 Copio the works of these two scholars are given in Maniir, and new editions of their works ha some of them by the press of Al-Manar a under its auspices. It is of advantage to the be pointed out, to be able to parry the ob orthodox opponents by showing that, throu with the two earlier reformers, and thro I;Ianbalite teaching, they are in direct line w school of Muslim interpretation. Of the influence of the demands of mode the character of the 'Abduh movement, it speak at length. It is, in a sense, the rais existence of the movement, for it is only as I to agree with modern conditions, it is belie character as a world religion will be apparen 1

Al-Maniir, i. 425.

2

Ibid., vi. 891.

3

Ibid

T

tion to include those who have been influenced by teachings of Mul).ammad 'Abduh and have identified th selves more or less openly with the movement whic inaugurated. Since Al-Manar has been the organ thro which his views have been given their largest publicity has formed a rallying point for those whose sympathies been enlisted in the cause of reform, the designation ma applied with some fitness.! The word 'party', howeve applied to them should not be taken to indicate tha avowed followers have at any time constituted a conside body, or that they have represented a well-defined orga tion or other such well-defined body. It is true that 'Abd teachings have exerted a wide influence in Egypt and where in the Muslim world, and have won the approv many individuals, especially among the educated cla indications of this have received mention in an ea section. Many individuals who have been animated b principles, to a greater or lesser degree, have identified th selves with literary, benevolent, religious, and even pol organizations. Yet the fact remains, that those who acth:ely and openly joined in agitation for the reform vocated by Al-Manar, the 'Moderate Party' as Rashid prefers to call them, have always been few in number; remain to this day, he says, in the minority, 'a little g of the first reformers and a few of the later generation' It is possible to collect from the Biography of M ulj,am 'Abduh or from the pages of Al-Manar, from referenc various publications or from occasional articles in the p the names of a considerable number of persons who associated more or less closely with either Jamal aI-Di Afghani or with Mul).ammad 'Abduh. Of some of these

1 The term is suggested by Goldziher, KoranaU8legung, as on p. 32 elsewhere. He also uses the expressions "Abduh Party', and "A Manar Party'. 2 Al.Maniir, xxix (1928),

by the reform principles or to have been tu by more potent interests. Still others hav animated by the reform principles; many of men of prominence in public life, who suppo reform when it was not always popular to d a list of the names that are known, with facts that are available concerning the fe little of interest to those not familiar with E ments during the last half century; but it value, at ltast, that it represents a fair cro educated classes as affected by the 'Abduh affords some indication of the extent to w classes have been influenced. For the indiv be named represent larger groups, the num impossible to conjecture. Moreover, it sh gotten, all of these were of varying shade sympathies, as Al-Manur points out; som inclined towards the orthodox and Conser towards the Liberal, Europeanizing gro apparent, however, from the list of nam assembled, that the call of Mu1).ammad 'A response from many quarters and affecte country in many directions.

The Azhar Group. It is a fact to be noted, first of all, th 'Shaikh' class was not so much attracted b ciples as was the 'Effendi' or Europeaniz population. The greater number of his actu drawn from the higher ranks of the legal teachers in the higher Government schoo heads of Government departments. 2 Some Azhar-trained but the majority belonged to 1

AI.Manar, xi. 205.

2

Tarik

servative character of this class is recalled and the st influence which the Azhar has always exerted in the direc of maintaining the traditions of the past unbroken. unnecessary to repeat here what has been said in an ea section regarding the opposition which 'Abduh encount on the part of this conservative element of the Azhar. notwithstanding this general unyielding attitude, a cons able number of the students were attracted to his lec and not a few became his disciples. A few, like'Abduh him had been pupils of Jamal aI-Din and continued to sup the reform movement when 'Abduh became its leader. Prominent among the Azhar men who were close fri and associates of 'Abduh was Shaikh Abmad Abu Khat (d. 1906). He was a judge in the Shari'ah courts and a tea in the Azhar and had been a pupil of Jamal aI-Din. supported 'Abduh in his reforms in the Azhar and in courts.! He was also one of the representatives of the schools of canon law who published a d:-ara'ah. 'Abduh 'the youngest of his brethren and the old but if he has identified himself with the c has not been in any prominent way. Ano monly recognized by the press of to-day as pupils of Mul).ammad 'Abduh' is Sha MUf?tafa al-Maraghi, recently Rector of the

Blunt mentions the same shaikh, who was his teache 'Abduh's pupils. Secret History oj Egypt, p. 75. 1 Tdr'ikh, i. 1017. 2 See ab 3 Address at Memorial Gathering, July 11, 1922, a Chairman of the Organizing Committee. Cf. Al-Mand Printed Report (Al-ilJitiJdl bi-ilJyd dhikrd al-ustijdh al4 Ifa[c'i[cat al-Islam wa UlJul al-lJukm ('The Truth Fundamentals of Authority'), Salafiyyah Press, Cair On 'Ali 'Abd al-Razi~, see below, Chapter X. fi Report oj Memorial Gathering, p. 42.

encountered, Shaikh MUf?vafa resigned from the rectors In 1929, during his period in office, a proposal was mad the daily press, which at once met with general appro that 'Abduh's house in 'Ain Shams be preserved as a manent memorial, or some other appropriate form of nati recognition be provided; and it was generally agreed Shaikh MUf?vafa al-Maraghi was the most suitable perso take the matter in hand, both because of his position an his former relation to 'Abduh. 2 Since his resignation f the rectorship of the Azhar, however, nothing further been heard of the matter. Shaikh MUf?vafa was form Supreme Shari'ah Judge for the Sudan, having been pointed to the office on the recommendation of 'Abduh number of others of 'Abduh's disciples have served in Sudan as judges and as teachers in Gordon Memorial Coll Shaikh AI-Sayyid 'Abd al-Ral).im al-Damardash P (1853-1930), hereditary head of the Damardashi ~iifi or was also a disciple and a member of the group that was m intimate with 'Abduh. 4 In politics, he was a member of People's party (I:Iizb al-Ummah)5 and served as a mem of the Legislative Council and, later, of the revised Assem When he succeeded to the headship of the Damardashi O in 1877, he introduced many changes for the better into administration of the Order; and he was one of the firs Egypt to advocate reforms in the administration of Religious Endowments (Walef) of the country. A short t before his death, he donated a large sum of money for erection and endowment of a hospital, now known by name, in Cairo; and on the occasion of the' Abduh Mem Gathering in 1922, he offered to endow a chair in the Egyp

Al-Hiliil, November 1931, pp. 60 sqq. See Al-Ahram, January 12,1929; Al-SiYMah, February 7, 8, 1929 8 Tarikh, i. 876. • Ibid., p. 2; biographical account in Al·Ahram, February 6, 1930 1

2

above items.

G

See below, p. 2

agitation carried on the tradition of Jamal a that of 'Abduh. The name of Shaikh 'A kaliini, one of the leading 'Ulama of the Az also be included among those who were f and associated with him to some extent. 3

Professional and Literary Group. Among the group that identified· themse were a number who had received a part or a in the Azhar, but whose subsequent careers the range of interests and activities comm circle. One of these was Ibrahim Bey al a well-known lawyer and literary man, wh leading spirits of the earlier revival that cen and one of its ablest writers and orators. he ranked second only to Mu1;lammad 'Ab the estimate of Rashid Riqa, in correctnes cision of phrase. Following the 'Arabi R banished from Egypt under the same senten 'Abduh and went with him to Bairiit, where permitted to return to Egypt. During his prevented by illness from taking an active p so did not reach the prominence which ot have attained. 4 Another is Ibrahim Bey of the legal profession to-day in Egypt an orator. Because of the ability which he had of Jamal, he was one of those chosen by him in the editorship of the Journal Offici Zaghliil, then also a young Azhar shaikh associate editor. Later he participated ac

1 Kashkul, March 15, 1929; the article recalls that of •Abduh a committee of his friends undertook to p nothing ever came of it. ~ Tiirikh, i. 773 3 Report of Memorial Gathering, p. 39. 4 Tiirikh, i. 137, 234, &c.; Al-Miinar, xi. 227; xxv

change in public opinion on this subject take place. 2 A number of others of the earliest disciples may be veniently grouped as persons in Government office or tions of public trust. Among these was Ibrahim Bey Muwailil}.i (1846-1906), who was a pupil of Jamal and a him in the publication of Al-'Urwah al-Wuthlj;ah. 3 He also a friend of 'Abduh, but on at least one occasion, nam in the matter of the 'Transvaal Fatwa', he wrote bit against him, having been one of the writers retained for purpose by the Khedive 'Abbas II and his sympathize the orthodox party.4 He was a member of a wealthy fam but lost his fortune through speculation. He came into fa with the Khedive Isma'il Pasha, served in various capac in the Government, and, when the Khedive was depo followed him to Italy as his private secretary. Later he s some years in Constantinople where he enjoyed the fa of the Sultan. During all this time he contributed freque to the newspapers and made frequent attempts to fo newspapers of his own, with varying success. About 186 founded a society, called 'AI-Ma'arif', to promote the culation of works in classical Arabic, and founded al printing press, under the same name, for the issue of works. Among the works published was the Arabic tionary, Taj al-'Aru8. Among the students of Jamal, Rashid RiQ.a, he stood alone as newspaper contributor as a master of invective. 5 His book, Ma Huniilik, w embodies the results of his observations during his sojou Constantinople, has been described as 'the best that has

Tarikh, i. 138, 742, 748; Al-Manar, xxviii. 710; see above, pp. 46 Al-Hilal, November 1931. In this, the '40th Anniversary Num prominent men review the developments of forty years in Egypt, fro viewpoints with which their names have become particularly assoc AI-Hilbii.wi writes on 'Woman'. 3 Sarkis, Al-MatbU'at, cols. 1819-20; a fuller biographical acco found in Maahahir, ii. 101-5. 4 Tarikh, i. 668. 5 Al-Manar, xxviii. 7 1 2

friends and supporters of 'Abduh, aiding the Muslim Benevolent Society, of which organizers and most active officials, and i literary revival, and working with him for Shari'ah Court. 3 His death followed so 'Abduh. I.Iifni Bey Naf?if (1856-1919) was also a p of the group, having studied with both Ja In speaking of the effect of these lectures others of the group of students, he said: 'W that anyone of us was capable of reformi kingdom.'5 He was secretary of the deleg scholars who attended the Oriental Cong 1886, and presented a paper before the Co in a number of important positions, a Inspector in the Ministry of Education Native Tribunals. He was also teacher o School of Law, and lecturer in Arabic Lite founded Egyptian University (1909-10). of a number of books on grammar, rhetoric which have been used as text-books in the His lectures in the Egyptian University o Arabic Literature' have also been publish one of the forerunners of the modern lite interesting to note that the Egyptian poe of women's rights who wrote under the pen al-Badiyah' was his daughter. 7

Sarkis, op. cit. TUl'ikh, i. 497, 602. From the latter position he in 1904 by the Khedive because of his support of administration of the Wa~fs in which the Khedi terested. 3 Al.Manul', xi. 227; se 4 Turikh, i. 135, 137. 6 Al.Man 6 Mu'jam al.Matbu'ut al· 'Arabiyyah wa al·Mu'a Arabic and Translated Works-up to 1919'), by Yi 782, 783. 1

2

Education to Europe, where he studied law. After his ret he rose in his profession to become President of the Na Tribunals and finally Assistant Minister of Justice. The fluence which he exerted through his writings was siderable, particularly through his numerous translat from European languages into Arabic. His original w consist of treatises on law and a collection of articles questions of the day which first appeared in the daily pre Among his translations from English were The Secret o Advancement of the Anglo-Saxons 3 and Bentham's Princi of Legislation. His translations from French include w by Count di Castri, Desmoulins, and Ie Bon. 4 The w translated were those which, in the opinion of the transla were capable of application to conditions in Egypt or w needed as an incentive to reform; and an introduction to e translation pointed the application. Thus in his introduc to di Castri's work, translated under the title Al-Isl khawiitir wa sawiinily, (' Islam: Ideas and Impressions ' contrasts the former glory of Islam with its present decad state and, by way of emphasizing the responsibility Muslims themselves for this state, quotes the opinion Al-Manar, the first number of which had appeared sho before this time. In the opinion of Rashid Riga, the ed of Al-Maniir, it was this public approval from the pe Fatl,li Pasha which secured a favourable reception for journal, particularly among members of the legal profess such as otherwise it might not have had. 5

Tarikh, i. 775, 996; Al-Manar, xi. 528 sqq., esp. 532. Published under the title Al athar al-Fatl,:asim Amin, and that she was following his even though she declared in one of her poems that she d belong to his way of thinking, meaning probably that sh not go the length to which he did. Miss 'Mayy', i discerning comparison of the two,2 says in regard t denial: 'It is a denial that shows that she was not givin his dues-I dare not say that she did not understand For how could I dare to say that when I believe, in sp myself, that his influence over her was great, and tha took up the pen with courage only because his pen ins her, preparing a path for her in the hearts of the peopl creating a receptiveness and readiness in their thoughts. like him, sought definite objectives and went about her r almost in the same way in which he did. She was his dau in thought and daring and his pupil in advocating refo women's affairs. It is no contradiction of this that there slight differences between the two. 3 At the same time, she was more conservative tha 'She walked warily', says Miss 'Mayy', 'in the midst varieties of new thoughts and modern opinions. For forward step that she took she looked backward, in ord be assured that she was following the path which con the past with the future.' She sought to follow a m course, preserving as much as possible of current cus 'When you hear her raise her voice, you frequently im 1 2

Al.NiBii'iyyat, pp. 117, 118. al·Badiyah, p. 112.

Ba~ithat

3

Ibid., p. 113.

out without fear. 1 Her greater conservat example, in regard to discarding the use of did not advocate discarding it at once; he that a period of education is necessary first in greater freedom of social intercourse be than was then thought permissible. She, on did not approve of discarding the veil, no economic grounds but on social grounds; it s freedom between the sexes and this is no 'When we study the different classes of so 'and compare the degree to which the wom the men in each class, we learn for a certain that mingles most freely is the most corru believed in the desirability of acquaintance and the woman before marriage; but while free opportunities of intercourse that acquai come about naturally, she thought that two are sufficient to discover whether the two tracted and to reveal essential traits of ch information can be obtained by discreet qu part of the two families concerned. 3 In 1911, 'Ba:Qithat al-Badiyah ' presented Assembly ten claims for women, based on Points', requesting access for women to th pulsory education for boys and girls, equal women in education in professional schools, r marriage and divorce, &c. 4 These proposals rejected, but the author of them continued these and similar reforms, although, for som death, her pen was silent because, as she co discouraged regarding the possibility of acc thing and uncertain as to the best course 1 4

Bal,tithat al-Biidiyah, p. 125. 2 Al-Nisa'iyyat, p Moslem World, xxi (1926), 277 sqq. 5 Bal,tithatal-

Khedive Isma,'il Pasha in 1873. But general recogniti the rights of women can only be the result of a long pr of growth. To this process, ~asim and' Bal,tithat al-Bad contributed each in characteristic way. If it is difficu estimate the extent of their influence, it is still more dif to imagine conditions if they had not written, as Miss 'M suggests.! But there can be no question that the pr feminist movement in Egypt, which acknowledges it debtedness to the leadership of ~asim, is an accelerati this process. There are now three leading feminist ass tions in Egypt, each with its own organ of publicity. ' nion Feministe Egyptienne', a woman's suffrage orga tion which was formed on March 26, 1923, with Ma Huda Sha'arawi as president, has published a programm social, political, and educational reform, including equa portunities for women, reforms of the marriage laws, ra the age of consent for girls to sixteen years, public hyg and child welfare. 2

A pologetic8. Since it was a fundamental postulate of the' Abduh sc that the true, in other words, the reformed, Islam is sui in all respects to be considered the most reasonable mo faith, it followed as a corollary to this that they shoul willing to demonstrate this suitability on all occasions. T have revealed great aptness and ingenuity in doing so difficulties of literal statement, in the ~ur'an itself or in of the other sources which they recognize as fundament

Biily,ithat al.Biidiyah, p. 144. Egypt, p. 287. In addition to this reference and the article in the M World previously mentioned, the following may be consulted: 'The Wo Movement in the Near and Middle East', art. in A8iatic Review, April pp. 188 sqq.; 'Madame Hoda Charaoui-a Modern Woman of Eg art. in The Woman Citizen, September 1927; on the Women's Movem Turkey, Memoirs of Halide Edib, London, 1926. 1

2

scholarship in Europe and America and of Western atheistic and rationalistic attacks doctrines, and practices of Christianity. Som already been given of the apologetic writing of Rashid Riqa in Al-Manar. Mention mus one who was most active in this field until 1920, Dr. Mul)ammad Tawfi~ ~i~i (1881 in the Government Department of Prisons Cairo. It was during his days as a medical stude began his special studies which led to his d of his attention to apologetic writings. H polemic writings of Christian missionaries had raised many doubts in his mind; his rea had suggested certain lines of study which hope of escape from these difficulties. As a upon a course of reading and study, unde Rashid Riqa, which issued eventually in acceptance of the new Islam as expounde 'Abduh. 1 He summarizes his creed as 'th established by logical proof, and which con and uprightness and in personal and soci results of this study appeared as a series Manar under the caption, 'Religion from t Sound Reason' (A l-din Ii na?ar al- 'akl al-~a1 since been published in book form. 3 Most theology, prophecy, and the l}:ur'an, says R derived from the writings of Mul)ammad 'A of Muslim writings and of Western books Rashid Riqa. In these articles Islam appea and final religion.

Al-Maniir, xxi. 483 sqq., account of his life and w Ibid., p. 494. 3 They appeared first in Al-Maniir, viii. 1905. Fir during his lifetime, 2nd ed., 1346/1927-8, Al·Manar P 1

2

anticipates and agrees with the modern scientific explana It recognizes that there are systems of stars, bound toge by the force of gravitation, a fact which Europeans clai have discovered but which is thus anticipated by the I):.u This is one of the evidentiary miracles of the I):.ur'an scientific nature. 2 At the end of the world the powe attraction which holds the systems together will be lo and the stars scattered, as the I):.ur'an says (Siirah lxxxi Ixxxiv.l).3 The 'seven heavens' which are frequently m tioned in the I):.ur'an are the seven planets, for, etymologic the heavens are anything that is above man or overhead; these are represented as being in layers or planes, that is above the other, because the orbit of each is above the of the other. 4 Since our solar system revolves around a tain star, the identity of which is not exactly known, clear that the other systems also are in motion around a f star. It is not a remote possibility, then, that all t systems revolve around one centre common to all, w attracts and controls and regulates all, the throne or se the universe. The most probable view is that this com centre of the universe is what the I):.ur'an means by 'Throne of God'. This star is fixed in its place by mea special forces which God has established, the nature of w we do not know, but which are spoken of in the I):.ur'a the eight angels which bear the throne of God (as in S lix. 15, and elsewhere).5 There are many other intere and ingenious cases of interpretation and harmonization the foregoing illustrations must suffice. A third field in which Dr. i?id~i employed his pen was of polemics against Christianity. Numbers of his art appeared in volumes xv and xvi of Al-Maniir, some of w have since been published separately. Some of these art 1 3

Al-Manar, xiv. 577-600. Ibid., p. 580.

2 4

Ibid., p. 585.

5

Ibid., p. 5 Ibid., p. 5

deals with the crucifixion of Christ and his common Muslim view is given, that Ju crucified instead of Jesus. This is suppor from the supposed Gospel of Barnabas certain early heretical Christian sects, as t the Carpocratians. The evidence of the G in detail and discredited. Another wor A View Concerning the Books of the New Doctrines of Christianity. 2 A detailed disc the external testimony for the books of th as well as bf the internal evidence. Mu differences between the Gospel of John Gospels. The greater part of the New Testa is the work of Paul, who was at enmity with and many of whose statements are contra gerated. Paul himself was subject to epilep ground his supposed conversion and his explained. Many objections to the New Te on doctrinal grounds; intimations in the Go in the knowledge of Jesus, for example, a ments against the doctrine of his Divine acter of Jesus himself is not immune from derogatory nature. Evidences also of text found, as in the different statements rega which the crucifixion took place. In such m going, at great length and in great detail, th to show the mistaken and unreasonable cha beliefs and the corrupt and uncertain nat the Scriptures upon which they are based.

1 'My View concerning the Crucifbcion of Christ from the Dead', pp. 87 sqq. of work entitled The D and Redemption ("Alpdat al-~alb wa al-fida ') by Mu AI·Manar Press, 1331/1913. 2 Na;arahfi kutub al-'ahd al-jadid wa 'aka'id al-n Press, 1331/1913, 264 pp.

and writing for not less than thirty years, remarks th may be considered as almost alone in his knowledg Egyptian life from the sociological point of view. 1 His cipal apologetic work, Islam and Oivilization, appeare 1899, to which Rashid Riga accords the highest praise sible for him to give, as he says, when he places it second to 'Abduh's Risalat al-taw1}id as a modern statement o principles of Islam, and he points out a number of respec which Wajdi has followed 'Abduh, not only in his style also in his method of approach to the topics treated. 2 Muhiddin, in his history of Turkish modernism, refe Farid Wajdi as one of the Egyptians who have pointed the connexion of Turkish reform with the religious awake in Egypt under the leadership of Mu~ammad 'Abduh. 3 he inclines toward the conservative side, however, ma judged from the fact that he wrote a reply to :£5:-asim Am He has written and compiled, apparently unaided, Twentieth-century Encyclopedia of Knowledge and Lang ('Da'irat Ma'arif al-~arn al-'ishrin'), of which ten vol have thus far appeared. The list of his works contai number of others on scientifiy and philosophical subjects 1921 he began the issue of a bi-monthly journal, ent Al- Wajdiyyat, containing moral essays in the form of dialo of birds personified, &c., and also brief articles, of a po nature, on religious, philosophical, and scientific subj

1 Al.Hiliil, November 1931. Wajdi reviews the development of years from the point of view of 'Civilization and Society'. 2 Al-Maniir, ii. 110, 111. A selection from his book is printed 'Abduh's Al·Isliim wa al-radd 'alii munta[cidihi, 1343/1924, 1925 131 sqq. • Die Kulturbewegung im modernen Turkentum, Dr. Phil. A Muhiddin, Leipzig, 1921, p. 64. He also mentions 'Abd al·'Aziz Shawish and 'Abd aI-Malik I,Iamzah Bey in the same connexion. 4 Sarkis, Matbu'iit, cols. 1451-2, 'al-Mar'ah al-Muslimah " rep 'AI-Mar'ah al-Jadidah'. 5 Ibid.

it assures to man the acquisition of the two and Hereafter), and secures for him ease i (p.5). This is necessary because Westerner ruling power in the greater part of the Mus remain ignorant of the essential and true it only as a burden to the intellect, which th by modern learning. They are excusable ideas of Islam, so long as they see befor innovations devised by light-minded peopl the masses-innovations such as funeral zikrs, and many other things (p. 5). 'I things and educated Muslims make no effor what blame can attach to Westerners if Islam?' (p. 6). Therefore, the author hop twofold purpose, namely, advocate reform true Islam. The spirit of the work may be indicated quotations, the sense of which is repeated m is no principle that has been discovered by theory that has been established by the senses, which have had an influence in th and in uplifting civilization, but are an ec the ~ur'an or of a tradition of the Prophe server imagines that all effort and energy scholars of the world towards the uplift of other purpose than to bring practical pro the principles of Islam' (p. 40). In this regulations regarding slavery are held to b of humanitarian arrangement (pp. 118 sqq. of the Islamic state towards subject races

Majmu'at al- Wajdiyyat. First number February Al-Madaniyyah wa al-Islam-aw taWi!c al-diya al-nawamis al-Masi!liyyah-2nd ed., 1322/1904, 162 1 2

namely, that of the occult and the spiritual. In his Wajd he concerns himself with replies to the materialistic sophy, advancing results of spiritualistic investigation occult experiences as indications of the immortality o spirit. Its pages contain also translations of selections Camille Flammarion, under the title, 'Death and its teries', the purpose of which is, Wajdi says, to esta sensible proofs of life after death. The same spiritualistic occur in his Encyclopedia where he deals with the 'J He says, after remarking that many shaikhs, who a be trusted, have related that they saw and conversed ,Jinn ': 'This is not unreasonable nor is it opposed t laws of creation that God should create some spirits cl with matter and other spirits free from matter. Can an raise objection to such a belief, after the fact has established in Europe that spirits freed from matter appeared and have communicated with people, in se for the calling up of spirits.'l The name of another follower of Mubammad 'Abduh put forth apologetic works on behalf of the reformed should be added, on the authority of Professor Martin mann. 2 • This writer is Shaikh Tantawi Jawhari, for Professor of Arabic Literature in the' Dar al- 'Ulum' in C Three works by this author are reviewed by Dr. Hartm The first is The Crown Bedecked with the Jewels of the K and the Sciences. 3 The book is divided into fifty-two se or 'Jewels', in which the attempt is made to arrang J5:.ur'an verses in six sections according to subject-matte plan of the work being to present in brief form the prin

Da'irat al.Ma'arif, iii. 188, 189. Beitriige zur Kenntniss des Orients, xiii, 1916, pp. 54-82, article e 'Schaich 'fan~awi Dschauhari-Ein rnoderner agyptischer Theolo Naturfreund'. 3 Al.taj al-mura~~a' bi-jawahir al-~ur'an wa al· 'ulUm, Cairo, Talj; Press, 1324/1906. 1

2

the WorllJ.2 All three works, the second i characterized by a marked love of nature, fluence of the works of John Lubbock, th lover, are noticeable, especially his The Plea The Beauties oj Nature and the Wonders oj t The first of the authur's works was written for the religion of Islam and a summons to embrace it. The author had Japan principa he wrote it, and therefore dedicated it to sent it to be presented before the Japane Religions in 1906. 4 Through the instrumenta Mal).miid Bey Salim, the book was also tran languages for circulation in Turkey, Persia, work is, to a certain extent, autobiographic studies in the Azhar University, and his ef Greek philosophy and modern science with work reveals also the important influence wh of AI-Ghazzali exerted upon his thought. Dr. Hartmann states directly that Shaik pupil of Mul.1ammad 'Abduh. 5 The stateme confirmed by a comparison of the doctrines c works with those of 'Abduh. The chief J$ which the author gives a detailed explan work was Siirah ii. 159, on the signs of G passage which had led him to the study of this is one of the main passages upon which a summons to the study of God in natur dialectic speculation. 6 All the familiar formu teaching are present: Islam is a religion of un thought, not of ta~lid; the study of the s

Jamal al-'iilam, 2nd ed., Cairo, Hidiiyah Press, 1 Al-ni¥im wa al- 'iilam, no date given. 3 Sir John Lubbock, first baron Avebury, 1834-191 • Cf. above, p. 196. 8 Cf. Goldziher, Koranauslegung, p. 352. 1

2

may be taken as characteristic of his attitude throug which is likewise the fundamental attitude of the 'A school, namely, that it represents the ~ur'an as cont all that is essential for the solution of all problems. 2 The present list may be completed by the additio final name on the authority of Dr. Philip K. Hitti, of P ton University. He says of Shaikh 'Abduh al-~ad Maghribi, that his writings 'breathe the same critica liberal spirit as the two luminaries of modern Islam, Mu mad 'Abduh and Jamal aI-Din aI-Afghani, whose pup author was '.3 A two-volume collection of essays b author, on religious, social, literary, and historical su are reviewed by Dr. Hitti. These articles first appeared Egyptian press between the years 1906 and 1914. A nu of illustrative passages from this work are cited, which lish the affinity of the author's doctrines with those 'Abduh school. It will be sufficient to quote what is given as the author's main thesis: 'There is something w with Islam; it should be reformed; the reform shoul begin as a religious movement; this consists in a return precepts of the ~ur'an, the following of the sound la thinking and the rejection of many usages and trad which have hitherto passed as Islamic, but have in r nothing to do with Islam. '4 1 3

4

Hartmallll, op. cit., pp. 60-2, 73-4. 2 Ibid., p Jour. Amer. Orient. Soc., vol. xlvii, March 1927, pp. 78, 79. Ibid" p. 78.

I

~id~i is the only Egyptian writer of tho considered as belonging to the younger gener Farid Wajdi who is somewhat older, of who with considerable certainty that they belong Mul).ammad 'Abdllh. ~i~i is definitely claim as one of its group, and rightly so, as a writings. But there is a group of moder scholars in Egypt at present, somewhat you who are displaying a marked literary activity in some cases extremely liberal, tendency, whose work has been reserved for the prese natural to inquire to what extent the ideas o modern Egyptian thought may have been in of Mul).ammad 'Abduh. One thing which bearing upon the subject, to begin with, is th 'Abduh died in 1905, most of these men were s the early stages of their education; they co opportunity for personal contact with him for nor have come under his personal influence t Rashid RiQ.a, who, as nominally his succes place of leadership, has shown himself more servative in his ideas and less tolerant in his 'Abduh, and has, apparently, not been able ascendency of influence over the younge thinkers which the latter might have exert Another factor which enters into the questio difficulty of determining the extent of 'Abd the fact that these men have experienced im and cultural contacts with the West, either t periods of residence in European universities study of the works of Western scholars, som instruction of European scholars who were te Nevertheless, notwithstanding these consi remains certain that some, if not all, of thes

Obviously, it will not be possible, within the limits present study, to pass in review the work of all the w of the present day who deserve consideration, and w names should be included were a general survey of m Egyptian literature intended. It has seemed advisable, fore, in view of the definite and limited aim in view, to c three writers who are among the most important o modernist group, and are, at the same time, suffic representative. These three are: Mu~tafa 'Abd al- Raz~, fessor of Philosophy in the Egyptian University; +aha J:I until recently Professor of Arabic Literature in the university; and'Ali 'Abd al-Razi\r, brother of the first-n and formerly a judge in the Shari'ah Courts. Among those whose names should be included in a study is Mul,lammad J:Iusain Haikal (1888), edi Al-Siyasah, who took his doctor's degree in political eco at Paris University.1 His connexion with Al-Jaridah, al noted as indicating a certain amount of sympathy wit new ideas which were being promulgated by Lutfi al-S and his group, was predominantly literary and nationa interest, rather than religious, as it has continued to be later connexion with Al-Sufur, the successor of Al-Jar and with his own paper, Al-Siyasah. His views do not b in the direct line of succession from' Abduh, as represent Al-Maniir, yet he is not entirely out of sympathy with aspects of the movement, especially that represente ~asim Amin, for whom Haikal expresses great admira Thus, for example, in explaining how he came to wri biographical sketches, after studying the leading chara of modern Egyptian history, he says that, from the time he was a law student, he has given particular attention that ~asim wrote and all that has been written about

1 Leaders in Oontemporary Arabic Literature, by Tahir Khemiri a G. Kampffmeyer, 1930, pp. 20 sqq.

even more remote than in the case of Haika of personal relations or connexions with 'Abduh circle. AI-'A!.-:!.-:ad was a friend Zaghliil, but during the later years when the had become uppermost in the career of the relates that he saw.Mul;tammad 'Abduh on t first of which was when, as a boy of ten, he c of 'Abduh, at the instance of an older b 'Abduh's help on behalf of the brother. 'A boy kindly, although he was at the time s portantvisitors, and th~oughhisfriend,Shai granted the favour that was asked. 2 In th 'A!.-:!.-:ad and AI-Mazini, the predominant in their literary ideals has been that of Englis both belong to that group of Egyptian wr that it is possible for the East to borrow the literary and scientific treasures of t abandoning the essential Arabic-Islamic ch culture and civilization. 4 In this respect, P lieves that both of them 'stand apprecia conservative position than either Dr. Hay J.Iusayn'. 5 Dr. Man~iir Fahmi (1886), lecturer the Egyptian University, is perhaps ne Mul;iammad 'Abduh than any of the prece spent five years in France, specializing in Sorboillle, receiving his doctor's degree a period. His doctor's dissertation on The Oo

Tariijim, p. 10. Al-Siyiisah, Supplement to No. 2733, February Mul,lammad 'Abduh', being a review of Tiir'ikh, i. 3 Khemiri, Leaders, pp. 13, 28; Gibb, iii. 460 sqq. 4 Al-Hiliil, November 1931. Manlllllr Fahmi, The the Culture of the West; Khemiri, pp. 15, 29; Gibb, ii 6 Gibb, iii. 461. 1 2

1922, he pays tribute to 'Abduh's greatness of characte independence of thought and his ideals of education recalls the only occasion on which he had seen 'A namely, when he, as a schoolboy, saw the great man of w he had heard so much pass by.2 A collection of his e published in 1930 with the title, Thoughts (' Khatarat n reveals a moral idealism, a regard for religion, a sco unyielding conservatism, a respect for free thought an the right of every individual to exercise his powers of re that recall much that was best in the writings of 'Abduh self, more in a certain kinship of outlook than in an tinctive phrase or turn of thought. At the same time, is much that scarcely accords with 'Abduh's though when he considers that the sentiments of artistic apprec which are stirred by the contemplation of the beautiful human form (p. 29), or in the movements of Pavlova ( are near akin to the spiritual and lead to feelings of wo and reverence for the Great Artist. His conservatism an progressiveness are alike illustrated in his charge to the Edupational Mission as they were about to leave for abroad: 'These (the parting prayers and advice of parents) will cry out in your ears that you belong to a p who have a past and traditions, and that the past lays you this charge, that while you may change it, you mu despise it' (p. 134). M~tafa

'Abd al-Razilf (1885). After this cursory glance at a few of the leading lit men of to-day, it is necessary to turn to the considerat the three names that have been proposed for somewhat study. MUl?tafa 'Abd al-Razi\r's connexion is more de than anything that has met us in the case of the prec names. He and his brother