Interdisciplinarity Research in Archaeology: Proceedings of the First Arheoinvest Congress, 10-11 June 2011, Iaşi, Romania 9781407310329, 9781407340111

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EDITORS’ NOTE
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES
IDENTITY IN DIVERSITY: PHOTOGRAMMETRY, 3D LASER SCANNING AND MAGNETOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF GUMELNIŢA TELLS FROM MUNTENIA (ROMANIA)
MICROMORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF ANTHROPIC SEQUENCES FROM TELL SETTLEMENTS IN MUNTENIA AND DOBROGEA (SOUTHERN ROMANIA)
TIMBER HARVESTING FOR CONSTRUCTION PURPOSES AND THE HUMAN IMPACT ON THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT IN THE PRECUCUTENI–CUCUTENI–TRIPOLYE CULTURAL COMPLEX
LITHIC SOURCES AVAILABLE TO PREHISTORIC POPULATIONS IN THE BANAT REGION, ROMANIA
THE KOMARIV COMMUNITY FROM ADÂNCATA, SUCEAVA COUNTY. THE EVALUATION OF THE HABITATION CONDITIONS
MAGNETOMETRIC PROSPECTIONS IN THE THRACO-GETAE FORTRESS FROM SAHARNA MARE, REZINA DISTRICT, REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
TOPOGRAPHY IN SUPPORT OF ARCHAEOLOGY, AT ROMULA
REMARKS ON SOME NEO-AENEOLITHIC ADORNMENTS MADE OF OSSEOUS MATERIALS FROM TRANSYLVANIA, ROMANIA
ECONOMIC ROLE OF PIG (SUS SCROFA DOMESTICUS) IN SETTLEMENTS OF EASTERN AND SOUTH-EASTERN ROMANIA DURING THE PAST TWO MILLENNIA
THE OSTEO-BIOGRAPHY OF A SKELETAL SERIES FROM THE MEDIEVAL NECROPOLIS DISCOVERED IN BRĂILA, 2 ROSETTI ST (14TH–18TH CENTURIES)
DATA ON THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE AND LONGEVITY OF THE MEDIEVAL POPULATION OF IAȘI (THE NECROPOLIS FROM THE EASTERN PART OF THE PRINCELY COURT, 17TH CENTURY)
CERAMIC ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY: CONCEPTS, POSSIBILITIES, LIMITS
THE EXPLOITATION OF ROCK SALT WITH USING WOODEN "TROUGHS". AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPERIMENT CONDUCTED AT BECLEAN–BĂILE FIGA (BISTRIŢA-NĂSĂUD COUNTY, ROMANIA) IN 2010
THE CUCUTENIAN PAINTED POTTERY. AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPERIMENT AT CUCUTENI (IAŞI COUNTY, ROMANIA)
EXPERIMENTAL STUDY ON THE USE OF PERISHABLE FIBRE STRUCTURES IN NEOLITHIC AND ENEOLITHIC POTTERY
NEEDLE LOOPED TEXTILES—ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY
STONE TOOLS OF PRESENT-DAY HUNTER-GATHERERS COMMUNITIES AND THE PALEOLITHIC LITHIC TECHNOLOGY: CHRONICLE OF AN ENDLESS VARIABILITY?
DEVELOPMENT OF TRADITIONAL HOUSE-BUILDING TECHNIQUES: ANCIENT ORGAME AND MODERN JURILOVCA
TRACEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF LITHIC CHIPPED TOOLS FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT, ADÂNCATA COMMUNE, SUCEAVA COUNTY, ROMANIA
THE USE-WEAR ANALYSIS OF SOME KNAPPED STONE TOOLS FROM THE PRECUCUTENI SETTLEMENT OF ISAIIA–BALTA POPII, IAȘI COUNTY, ROMANIA
ATYPICAL LOCAL ACCUMULATION OF CALCIUM CARBONATE DEPOSITS IN PREHISTORIC CERAMICS DURING UNDERGROUND LYING
COMBINING MULTI-SPECTRAL IMAGING AND PORTABLE X-RAY FLUORESCENCE FOR A NON-INVASIVE CHARACTERIZATION OF CUCUTENI DECORATIVE CERAMICS. IMPLICATIONS FOR AUTHENTICATION STUDIES
CHEMOMETRIC SOFTWARE DESIGNED FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF CUCUTENI CERAMICS BY RAMAN SPECTROSCOPY
CERAMOGRAPHIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF PAINTED, INCISED, UNDECORATED AND CUCUTENI "C" POTTERY FROM THE CUCUTENIAN SITE OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT, ADÂNCATA COMMUNE, SUCEAVA COUNTY, ROMANIA

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BAR S2433 2012 COTIUGĂ & CALINIUC INTERDISCIPLINARITY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY

B A R

Interdisciplinarity Research in Archaeology Proceedings of the First Arheoinvest Congress, 10-11 June 2011, Iaşi, Romania Edited by

Vasile Cotiugă Ștefan Caliniuc

BAR International Series 2433 2012

Interdisciplinarity Research in Archaeology Proceedings of the First Arheoinvest Congress, 10-11 June 2011, Iaşi, Romania Edited by

Vasile Cotiugă Ștefan Caliniuc

BAR International Series 2433 2012

ISBN 9781407310329 paperback ISBN 9781407340111 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407310329 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editor’s note / ix List of contributors / x

GEOARCHAEOLOGY Robin BRIGAND, Olivier WELLER / Natural resources and settlements dynamics during Later Prehistory in Central Moldavia (Romania). An integrated GIS for spatial archaeological studies / 1 Cătălin BEM, Andrei ASĂNDULESEI, Carmen BEM, Felix-Adrian TENCARIU, Vasile COTIUGĂ, Ștefan CALINIUC / Identity in diversity: photogrammetry, 3D laser scanning and magnetometric analysis of Gumelniţa tells from Muntenia (Romania) / 19 Constantin HAITĂ / Micromorphological analysis in Muntenia and Dobrogea (Southern Romania) / 37

of

anthropic

sequences

from

tell

settlements

Constantin PREOTEASA / Timber harvesting for construction purposes and the human impact on the natural environment in the Precucuteni–Cucuteni–Tripolye cultural complex / 45 Otis CRANDELL / Lithic sources available to prehistoric populations in the Banat region, Romania / 69 Vasile BUDUI, Bogdan Petru NICULICĂ / The Komariv community from Adâncata, Suceava County. The evaluation of the habitation conditions / 79 Ion NICULIŢĂ, Vasile COTIUGĂ, Aurel ZANOCI, Andrei ASĂNDULESEI, Mihail BĂȚ, Gheorghe ROMANESCU, Felix-Adrian TENCARIU, Radu BALAUR, Cristi NICU, Ștefan CALINIUC / Magnetometric prospections in the Thraco-Getae fortress from Saharna Mare, Rezina district, Republic of Moldova / 87 Lucian AMON / Topography in support of archaeology, at Romula / 93

BIOARCHAEOLOGY Corneliu BELDIMAN, Diana-Maria SZTANCS / Remarks made of osseous materials from Transylvania, Romania / 99

on

some

Neo-Aeneolithic

adornments

Simina STANC, Luminiţa BEJENARU / Economic role of pig (Sus scrofa domesticus) in settlements of Eastern and South-Eastern Romania during the past two millennia / 107 Angela SIMALCSIK, Vasilica-Monica GROZA, Georgeta MIU, Robert-Daniel SIMALCSIK / The osteo-biography of a skeletal series from the medieval necropolis discovered in Brăila, 2 Rosetti St (14th–18th centuries) / 111 Vasilica-Monica GROZA, Georgeta MIU, Angela SIMALCSIK / Data on the demographic structure and longevity of the medieval population of Iași (the necropolis from the eastern part of the Princely Court, 17th century) / 123

vii

ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY Felix-Adrian TENCARIU / Ceramic ethnoarchaeology: concepts, possibilities, limits / 133 Dan BUZEA / The exploitation of rock salt with using wooden "troughs". An archaeological experiment conducted at Beclean–Băile Figa (Bistriţa-Năsăud County, Romania) in 2010 / 139 Ovidiu COTOI / The Cucutenian (Iaşi County, Romania) / 151

painted

pottery.

An

archaeological

experiment

at

Cucuteni

Paula MAZĂRE, Ștefan LIPOT, Alin CĂDAN / Experimental study on the use of perishable fibre structures in Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery / 159 Carmen MARIAN / Needle looped textiles—archaeology and ethnography / 169 Loredana NIŢĂ-BĂLĂŞESCU, Mircea ANGHELINU, Monica MĂRGĂRIT / Stone tools of present-day hunter-gatherers communities and the Paleolithic lithic technology: chronicle of an endless variability? / 173 Carmen Olguța ROGOBETE / Development of traditional house-building techniques: ancient Orgame and modern Jurilovca / 181

PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL INVESTIGATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL ARTEFACTS Dumitru BOGHIAN, Gheorghe FRUNZĂ, Cornel SUCIU, Sorin IGNĂTESCU / Traceological analysis of a series of lithic chipped tools from the settlement of Fetești–La Schit, Adâncata Commune, Suceava County, Romania / 187 Diana-Măriuca VORNICU / The use-wear analysis of some knapped stone tools from the Precucuteni settlement of Isaiia–Balta Popii, Iași County, Romania / 201 Vasile COTIUGĂ, Ion SANDU, Viorica VASILACHE, Nicolae URSULESCU / Atypical local accumulation of calcium carbonate deposits in prehistoric ceramics during underground lying / 209 Daniela-Afrodita BOLDEA, Marta QUARANTA, Rocco MAZZEO, Mirela PRAISLER / Combining multi-spectral imaging and portable X-ray fluorescence for a non-invasive characterization of Cucuteni decorative ceramics. Implications for authentication studies / 215 Daniela DOMNIȘORU, Mirela PRAISLER, Nicolae BUZGAR, Vasile COTIUGĂ / Chemometric software designed for the identification of Cucuteni ceramics by Raman spectroscopy / 221 Mihai GRĂMĂTICU, Dumitru BOGHIAN, Traian Lucian SEVERIN, Silviu Gabriel STROE, Sorin IGNĂTESCU / Ceramographic comparative analysis of a series of painted, incised, undecorated and Cucuteni "C" pottery from the Cucutenian site of Fetești–La Schit, Adâncata Commune, Suceava County, Romania / 229

viii

EDITORS’ NOTE

In 2006, following a national contest for financing interdisciplinary research programs, the “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iași (Romania) (a university that has been conducting archaeological research for over a century, and with a strong tradition in interdisciplinary archaeological research) founded ARHEOINVEST – the Interdisciplinary Training and Research Platform in the Field of Archaeology, which was to become one of the most representative research units in Romanian archaeology. Bringing together over 100 established and emerging specialists in various associated fields of research, ARHEOINVEST comprises five interdisciplinary laboratories—Theoretical and Applied Archaeology; Geoarchaeology; Bioarchaeology; Archaeophysics; and Scientific Investigation and Preservation of Cultural Heritage Goods—focusing on a varied collection of research topics: prehistoric archaeology; classical archaeology; Christian archaeology; social archaeology; funerary archaeology; computerized archaeology; experimental archaeology and living history; underwater archaeology; ethnoarchaeology; paleogeomorphology; paleoclimatology; paleohidrology; paleopedology; geochemistry; archaezooology; archaeobotany; archaeogenetics; ethnoarchaeology, paleoanthropology; geophysics; absolute dating (radiocarbon and termoluminiscence); authentication expertise and cultural heritage assessments; conservation works; etc. (http://arheoinvest.uaic.ro). The consistent findings and results obtained have been disseminated into the scientific world by way of, inter alia, the numerous publications and participations to, and organising of, international research conferences. In 2011, five years after ARHEOINVEST was born, the time was ripe for organising the first edition of a gathering, envisioned to take place on an annual basis, where specialists from throughout the world, particularly those from Central and Eastern Europe, would present the results of their interdisciplinary research in archaeology. The First Arheoinvest Congress was the largest archaeological conference that has taken place in Romania so far, gathering 149 specialists from Romania, France, the Republic of Moldova, Italy, Great Britain, Canada, and the United States of America, who delivered 59 papers and presented 7 posters (http://arheoinvestcongress.uaic.ro/2011). From among these, a number of 25 papers have been collected for publication in this volume of the prestigious BAR series.

Vasile Cotiugă, Ștefan Caliniuc

ix

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Lucian AMON / [email protected] / 93

Paula MAZĂRE / [email protected] / 159

Mircea ANGHELINU / [email protected] / 173

Rocco MAZZEO / [email protected] / 215

Andrei ASĂNDULESEI / [email protected] / 19, 87

Monica MĂRGĂRIT / [email protected] / 173

Radu BALAUR / [email protected] / 87

Georgeta MIU / [email protected] / 111, 123

Mihail BĂȚ / [email protected] / 87

Cristi NICU / [email protected] / 87

Luminița BEJENARU / [email protected] / 107

Bogdan Petru NICULICĂ / [email protected] / 79

Corneliu BELDIMAN / [email protected] / 99

Ion NICULIȚĂ / [email protected] / 87

Carmen BEM / [email protected] / 19

Loredana NIȚĂ-BĂLĂȘESCU / [email protected] / 173

Cătălin BEM / [email protected] / 19

Mirela PRAISLER / [email protected] / 215, 221

Dumitru BOGHIAN / [email protected] / 187, 229

Constantin PREOTEASA / [email protected] / 45

Daniela-Afrodita BOLDEA / [email protected] / 215

Marta QUARANTA / [email protected] / 215

Robin BRIGAND / [email protected] / 1

Carmen Olguța ROGOBETE / [email protected] / 181

Vasile BUDUI / [email protected] / 79

Gheorghe ROMANESCU / [email protected] / 87

Dan BUZEA / [email protected] / 139

Ion SANDU / [email protected] / 209

Nicolae BUZGAR / [email protected] / 221

Traian Lucian SEVERIN / [email protected] / 229

Ștefan CALINIUC / [email protected] / 19, 87

Angela SIMALCSIK / [email protected] / 111, 123

Alin CĂDAN / [email protected] / 159

Robert-Daniel SIMALCSIK / [email protected] / 111

Otis CRANDELL / [email protected] / 69

Simina STANC / [email protected] / 107

Vasile COTIUGĂ / [email protected] / 19, 87, 209, 221

Silviu Gabriel STROE / [email protected] / 229

Ovidiu COTOI / [email protected] / 151

Cornel SUCIU / [email protected] / 187

Daniela DOMNIȘORU / [email protected] / 221

Diana-Maria SZTANCS / [email protected] / 99

Gheorghe FRUNZĂ / [email protected] / 187

Felix-Adrian TENCARIU / [email protected] / 19, 87, 133

Mihai GRĂMĂTICU / [email protected] / 229

Nicolae URSULESCU / [email protected] / 209

Vasilica-Monica GROZA / [email protected] / 111, 123

Viorica VASILACHE / [email protected] / 209

Constantin HAITĂ / [email protected] / 37

Diana-Măriuca VORNICU / [email protected] / 201

Sorin IGNĂTESCU / [email protected] / 187, 229

Olivier WELLER / [email protected] / 1

Ștefan LIPOT / [email protected] / 159

Aurel ZANOCI / [email protected] / 87

Carmen MARIAN / [email protected] / 169

x

NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES Robin BRIGAND1, Olivier WELLER2 1 2

"Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iaşi (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform CNRS, Laboratoire de Protohistoire Européenne, UMR 7041–ArScAn Maison de l'Archéologie et de l'Ethnologie, Paris (France)

Abstract. This study aims to present the first results of a GIS integrated approach focused on the evolution of settlements patterns from the Early Neolithic to the Late Chalcolithic (6000–3500 BC), in the central part of the Moldavia region in Romania. The main goal is to characterize how the natural resources (salt and soil) constituted the driving factors for the first farming groups from Eastern Romania. Field survey, statistical analysis, spatial analysis and remote sensing were carried out in order to describe natural and anthropogenic factors that could organize and affect settlements patterns. Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Moldavia, GIS, settlement patterns, soil, salt spring.

archaeology, towards the end of the 1990's, was due to both the heritage management and the research sectors, in order to study human-environment relationships.

1. Introduction This work applies an integrated approach using Geographical Information System (GIS) to the analysis of natural, economic and social phenomena involved in territorial trajectory during Later Prehistory, by exploring several themes and scales: settlement pattern and population density; present and past landscape; environmental variables involved in settlements evolution, as salt ecosystems, agronomic resources or watershed, stream and confluence.

The experience of European programs like Archeomedes and, soon after, ArchaeDyn provided subsequent methodologies and applications specific to archaeology (van der Leeuw 1998; van der Leeuw et al., 2003; Nuninger et al., 2008). These programs marked the beginning and the developments of French spatial archaeology, from a theoretical and practical point of view (Barge et al., 2004; Berger et al., 2005).

1.1. GIS and archaeology

1.2. A Moldavian spatial archaeology

A GIS is a system designed for data acquisition and storage, spatial data and database management, data visualisation and spatial analysis. Several recent handbooks present concepts and methods for the study of the spatial organisation of landscapes through GIS (Wheatley and Gillings 2002; Conolly and Lake 2006). A GIS system is an organised set of instruments, persons and data, precisely located in space, in order to extract and analyse the geographic information (Collet 1992).

A collective research based on extensive spatial analyses by GIS is initiated in the framework of French-Romanian projects. The object of these successive programmes, directed by O. Weller, dealing with archaeology, ethnology, paleoenvironment and geomatics, was to characterize the way in which salt resources were controlled and how they structured the Eastern Carpathian piedmont settlements, more precisely its central part—Neamţ County (Weller and Nuninger 2005; Weller et al., 2007a; 2007b; 2011). The salt springs distribution—over 200 in the area from stretching from the boundary with Ukraine in the north to the external sector of the Carpathian elbow in the south—were investigated through field survey and GPS mapping, starting with the Suceava, Neamț, Bacău and Vrancea counties (Weller et al., 2007c; 2010a). Nevertheless, a full inventory is only available for Neamţ County (Figure 1).

The first archaeological examples, published in the United States in the 1980's, used predictive models to locate areas likely to contain archaeological sites (Kvamme 1983; Allen et al., 1990). GIS appeared in European archaeology during the 1990's, firstly in Great Britain. In this context, the pioneering study of the Dalmatian island of Hvar (Croatia) is particularly notable for its application of GIS to the interpretation of field walking data (Gaffney and Stančič 1991). The introduction of GIS in French 1

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 1. Study areas and database (Moldavia, Romania).

Although salt is an undeniable parameter structuring settlement pattern, it should not be considered the only factor. Territorial and viewshed control, agricultural potential and hydrographical networks, are also involved in a better perception of relationships between natural and anthropogenic phenomena.

This work encompasses a wider thematic scope than previous research. Due to archaeological evidence showing salt springs exploitation from the Early Neolithic to the 4th millennia BC (Monah 1990; Alexianu et al., 1992; Ursulescu 2000), research was especially focused on salt as a major driving factor to settlement pattern. Some discoveries in the Neamţ County are well known: Poiana Slatinei at Lunca on the one hand (Dumitroaia 1987; 1994; Weller and Dumitroaia 2005; Weller et al., 2010b) and Hălăbutoaia at Ţolici (Weller et al., 2007c; Dumitroaia et al., 2008) on the other hand. These archaeological evidences underlie the fundamental role of salt in the socio-economic understanding of Later Prehistory farming communities.

2. Study area and archaeological data A multiscalar approach is used to investigate environmental and human variables related to Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements. Being strictly dependent on quality and quantity of archaeological information draw up in spatial data bases, several studies area might be distinguished. 2

R. BRIGAND, O. WELLER: NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

2.1. From regional to micro-regional scale

iv) settlement classification by types: undetermined occupation, simple settlement, hilltop or fortified hilltop, salt exploitation site; v) chronology and temporal extension. A chronological frameworks corresponding to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods (6000–3500 BC) is circumscribed according to the main archaeological culture: Starčevo-Criş, Linear Pottery; Precucuteni; Cucuteni (A, A-B, and B phases); vi) socio-environmental parameters derived from remote sensing and topographic analysis (soil, altitude and viewshed area); vii) site weighting in accordance to typologies and duration.

In a first area, of approximately 37,000km² and covering Romanian north-east territories (Figure 1), we plan to map archaeological sites in order to model habitation networks and settlement pattern, population density and diachronic evolution. Full inventory and spatial data are available for the counties of Suceava, Neamț and Bacău (Subcarpathian Depression and Suceava Plateau). Processing of published repertories for the Counties of Botoşani, Iaşi and Vaslui (Moldavian plain and Central Moldavian Plateau) is still in progress. Regarding salt resources, GPS mapping and toponym inventories are almost achieved for subCarpathians counties. In the east, inventory of salt soils, marshes and springs are in progress and only available for Botoşani County.

3. Environmental data Several sets of spatial data are computed to investigate environmental variables. As for natural resources, some research objects might need to be defined: salt ecosystems, hydrographic basin, agronomic potential and land classification.

A second area, roughly the central part of Moldavia (14 500km²), is covered by our high resolution Digital Elevation Model (DEM). In this study window, all of the archaeological database will be computed using topographic analysis tools (viewshed and hydrologic analysis) and remote sensing (Figure 2). Here, the main goal is to apprehend spatial pattern and territorial control based on archaeological data precisely checked on the field. At this step, only a reduced archaeological data set covering Neamţ County (the third area, approximately 6000km²) might be analysed.

3.1. Salt resources Salt resource database includes the inventory of all mineral springs recorded within the Suceava, Neamț and Bacău counties. At the regional scale (area 1), salt soils, salt marshes and every salt spring will be surveyed and integrated. After eight years of field walking and GPS mapping around the Subcarpathians mineral springs (Weller et al., 2007b; 2010a), about 280 springs are recorded. Today, a complete and accurate mineral salt springs database is available for Neamț County (Figure 2). Using geological maps, earlier or recent topographic maps, geographical dictionaries from the 19th century, and creating salt toponyms inventories, this salt database will be further increased.

2.2. Archaeological database (Neamţ County) An archaeological database was built, mapped and analysed for Neamț County (Figure 3/A). This exhaustive database uses an important set of earlier and most recent published repertories and local inventories, but also exchanges with local researchers and field prospectors—among others, Gh. Dumitroaia (History and Archaeology Museum, Piatra-Neamț) and D. Monah (Iași Institute of Archaeology).

For each spring, the following criteria were documented: access, rate of flow, pH, known uses, geographic coordinates and chemical composition of the water, spring type (according to salinity), mean of collection, depth of the well, rate of flow and current use. Traditional exploitation of salt springs was documented by ethnographical research (Alexianu et al., 2008; 2011).

All sites are georeferenced and several were later assessed in the field. The construction of a detailed archaeological database in a SQL environment needs the following points to be documented: i) quality of the archaeological information: confirmed or uncertain settlement; ii) spatial precision: topographic mapping through Global Positioning System (GPS), topographic location at 1:25 000 scale, imprecise or undetermined location; iii) investigation intensity: isolated discoveries, field survey, exploratory trench or excavation;

3.2. Land reconstruction To reconstruct several environmental variables regarding the current landscape—more precisely topography, streams, and soil—some aspects can be considered: 3

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 2. Land cover, salt springs and fortified settlements. Top: land classification, stream reconstruction and salt springs (area 2). Bottom: A – Hălăbutoaia salt spring of Ţolici (Petricani Commune, Neamț County) and archaeological deposit in the background; B – fortified settlement of Valea Seacă–Ferma de Vaci (Bălţăteşti Commune, Neamț County); C – fortified settlement of Văleni–Vatra Satului-Şcoala (Boteşti Commune, Neamț County); D – Bistriţa valley (southern part of Piatra-Neamţ) (photo: O. Weller). 4

R. BRIGAND, O. WELLER: NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

According to the Geography Department from the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iaşi, and soils literature (Băcăuanu et al., 1980, 158-174; Lupaşcu 1996), the classification of soils might be structured as follows: i) class 1 = land not suited to agriculture (hydromorphic, salted, eroded or undeveloped soils); ii) class 2 = suitable for agriculture but with a limited crop production (podzolic soil); iii) class 3 = suitable for agriculture, covered by forest (acid brown soil), limited for crop production but suitable for rough grazing; iv) class 4 = suitable for agriculture, on hilltop covered with silvostepic forest (brown soils); v) most suitable for agriculture (rendsina, chernozems, several grey soils).

3.2.1. Stream modelling Delineation of drainage areas and construction of stream networks is carried out using a model of land surface terrain. The DEM used for hydrologic modelling has a 25m pixel size, and is provided by ERS radar images and processed by our colleagues from the Anthropological and Spatial Studies Institute (ZRC-SAZU, Ljubljana, Slovenia). The 90m pixel sized DEM from the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM), available for all studies areas, has an insufficient resolution for hydrological modelling (Figures 1 and 3/C). We use ArcMap hydrologic analysis tools to shape the stream network of the second study area (Figure 2). Before calculating the drainage network, a grid must be created that contains a code for the direction of flow in each cell. This step, the creation of a flow direction grid, is essential because the flow characteristics of each individual cell can be analysed together to provide drainage information at the landscape level.

In a next step, it will be necessary to apprehend the soil frameworks at a larger scale which allows for the spatial observation of any archaeological pattern. 3.2.3. Satellite remote sensing

The flow accumulation grid determines the ultimate flow path of every cell on the landscape grid and is used to generate a drainage network based on the direction of flow direction grid. Selecting cells with a determined accumulated flow, we are able to create a network of high-flow cells (the grid contains a value for each cell that represent the number of cells upstream from that cell), like strengthen on the associated map (Figure 2). Compared to the hydrologic network provided by the 1: 25 000 scale topographic map, we consider that these high-flow cells don’t lie, or in an insignificant way, on stream channels. In fact, the DEM-generated drainage network looks somewhat like the vector stream drawn on topographical map. In areas of extremely low slope, such as the Siret valley, some errors and interrupted flows could occur.

Satellite remote sensing is well-known to archaeologists involved in cultural heritage recognition of the landscape. Applications of remote sensing for archaeological research might be divided into two main orientations, as underlined in older publications and earlier handbooks (Barisano 1988; Campana and Forte 2006; Parcak 2009). Firstly, visual satellite datasets are a valuable tool for archaeological features detection, requiring middle and high pixel size images (Alexakis et al., 2011, 93-95). Secondly, mapping environmental constraints and land categorisation linked with archaeological features is an important issue (Marcolongo and Barisano 2000). For example, remote sensing is employed to investigate the capability of Landsat sensor in the detection of soil pattern and land classification. Several RGB band combinations were used to distinguish soil pattern and current land use. For the Landsat 7 ETM+ with acquisition date 13.05.2003, a RGB → 5-4-3 bands combination appear the most successful for the visual detection of vegetation types, soil moisture and water bodies. The 15 m pixel size panchromatic image was used to enhance the multispectral spatial resolution, through the principal components transformation.

3.2.2. Soil classification According to classical methodologies for spatial archaeological studies (Gaffney and Stančič 1991, 37), we used the digitized 1: 200 000 scale pedological map to propose a first classification of qualitative variables (Figure 3/B). Soil maps have been ranked into numerical categories. In this case, 25 soil groups, classified using factors such as physical characteristics, depth and chemical characteristics, are distributed into 5 classes of agricultural potential, from the most (5) to the least (1) suitable soils.

The enhanced multispectral images, the air-photo mosaic, and the 1: 25 000 topographic map provide us land-use and land-cover information used for 5

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 3. Neamț County (area 3): distribution of Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements (A), land use capability (B), and DEM (C). 6

R. BRIGAND, O. WELLER: NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

4.1.1. Methodological background

imagery classification (Figure 2). We used a supervised classification to organize information in several classes determined by the spectral signature. To create polygons (subset areas), we defined specific areas based on field knowledge (deciduous forest, evergreen forest, uncovered land, herbaceous land, shrubland), with a specific signature class. Then, every pixel from the image was assigned to an information class. This image processing appears like an initial stage aimed to shape land cover for the second study area.

The KDE method can be cursorily presented hereby. This method provides an estimation of the site density, defined by a moving window. The density value obtained takes into account the size of the neighbourhood. The weight assigned decreases proportionally with the distance from the centre of the window, following functions defined in the kernel density model. This method is well known since the 1980s (Silverman 1986), and has been used for archaeological applications, for intra-site or inter-sites analyses (Saligny et al., 2008, 35–38). The density estimation obtained using KDE depends on two parameters: k, the kernel function chosen; h, the radius chosen.

At a larger scale, Landsat sensor will be also used to enhance soil map, since the provided band combination (RGB → 5-4-3) allows a good discrimination of soil pattern (Figure 4). Generally, the Landsat imagery gives information about soil moisture and the different soil classes might be defined with the help of the 1990 published soil map: i) alluvial valley and current floodplain (braided or meander stream), more or less well developed with adjacent river terraces. ii) brown and grey forest soils, characterize the uplands and the midlands. The first have a light tone on Landsat imagery, the second a shaded tone; iii) chernozems, currently wet and phreatic chernozems, are hardly distinguished from alluvial soils; iv) finally, in moderately steep or gentle valley, lowlands are occupied by wet area, closed to the water table.

ArcGIS uses a quadratic kernel function, with no alternative choice. In archaeological analyses, the choice of the radius (h) is the most important parameter, because it determines the degree of smoothing. Generally speaking, using a too-small radius will produce an irregular surface, similar to a point distribution. On the contrary, a too-large radius will result in a loss of precision, favouring general trends. For this project, based on the ArchaeDyn experience, a simple graphical approach was used to define the optimal value of h (Weller et al., 2011, 73), closed at 1600m. 4.1.2. Data classification Two main problems occur using the KDE method. First, when we calculate settlements densities by period, sites with uncertain and poorly calibrated dating are not processed; second, all sites have a similar status and weight. For example, the smallest salt exploitation site has an equal weight than a large fortified settlement. The size and strategic importance of archaeological sites should be taken into account when performing the density calculation.

In an interpretative final step, we will propose results obtained by these environmental and archaeological data processing. 4. Archaeological spatial analysis In this particular part, an extensive spatial analysis of settlement pattern is proposed through density estimation on one hand, and viewshed analysis on the other. Both are analytic tools provided by GIS software, based on an abundant specialized literature and on a European spatial analysis experience (ArchaeDyn project).

In order to overcome the first bias, sites with uncertain dating have been distributed over each period. In the database, a site definitely belonging to a period has a value of 1, and a site definitely not belonging to a period has a value of 0. For example, for a random site with an uncertain date, we have decided to give a weighting to the site in accordance with the duration of each cultural period, which gives the following breakdown: i) for an uncertain Neolithic site: Starčevo-Criş (6000–5300 BC) = 0.7, and Linear Pottery (5300– 5000 BC = 0.3;

4.1. GIS density estimations The archaeological point distribution cannot provide a good understanding of settlements organisation. Therefore, we also used kernel density estimation (KDE) analyses, beginning in 2007 for the central part of the Neamţ County (Weller et al., 2008; 2011), which take into account the whole county and various environment variables. 7

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Figure 4. Remote sensing analysis for soil identification (Neamţ County). A: between the Moldova and Siret rivers; B: along the Siret; C: Valea Mare watershed (flowing into the Siret River). Soil identification and settlements overlapping. Legend: 1 – Cucuteni fortified hilltop (imprecise and accurate localisation); 2 – alluvial valley, well-developed floodplain adjacent river terraces (Siret); 3 – brown soils; 4 – clay-illuvial chernozems; 5 – phreatic-wet chernozems; 6 – grey soil; 7 – wetlands and marshland; 8 – alluvial soils; 9 – contour lines (10 m). 8

R. BRIGAND, O. WELLER: NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

In the case of the well-known Traian–Dealul Fântânilor settlement, acknowledged from the Linear Pottery to the Precucuteni and Cucuteni A-B periods (Bem 2007), but with an uncertain classification during the Starčevo-Criş period, shows a weak positive dynamic between StarčevoCriş and Linear Pottery, being evaluated at 1 for the Starčevo-Criş period, and 2 for Linear Pottery. However, despite this shortcoming inherent to the model, the settlement's dynamic can generally be observed. Negative values correspond to decreasing sites; conversely, positive values correspond to increasing sites (new site or rise of site's status); medium values emphasise the overall stability in a given locality.

ii) for an uncertain Chalcolithic site: Precucuteni (5000–4600 BC) = 0.3; Cucuteni A (4600– 4100 BC) = 0.35; Cucuteni A-B and Cucuteni B (4100–3500 BC) = 0.35; iii) for an uncertain Cucuteni site: Cucuteni A (4600–4100 BC) = 0.45; Cucuteni A-B and Cucuteni B = 0.55. The main advantage of this method is that it takes into account sites that were previously excluded from the analyses by focusing upon precise chronological periods. The attribution of a lesser weight for these sites makes the density vary, giving a more realistic image, whilst avoiding, as much as possible, the spatial gaps caused by dating issues.

4.2. Viewshed analysis

In order to refine the result, we included a second weighting to attenuate the second bias. The weighting given to each site has been redefined by taking into account the nature of the archaeological site. The small settlements—for the most part identified by fieldwalking surveys—and the salt springs exploitation structures have been attributed a reduced value of 0.5, whilst settlements and fortified sites have a standard value of 1, progressing to 2 or 3. Figure 5 shows the sites density maps with weightings according to their nature and chronological frameworks, for each Neolithic and Chalcolithic period.

Density maps and viewshed analysis are classical tools for spatial studies in archaeology (Wheathley and Gillings 2000; Conolly and Lake 2006). These very popular uses of GIS—see the exhaustive synthesis of GIS applications about Neolithic settlement dynamic in Thessaly (Alexakis et al., 2011)—allow an examination of the archaeological data from different perspectives. The density maps (Figure 5) show the density of settlements for each given period, while visibility analysis highlights territorial control and areas of strategic interest (Figures 6 and 7).

4.1.3. Transition maps

4.2.1. Issues and shortcomings

The instability index, whether it is negative (abandonment) or positive (creation or development) is obtained by subtraction of the site density, weighted by the nature and chronology, and finally confronted to environmental variables: salt springs distribution and optimal agronomic conditions (Figure 5). This cartographic model depends on the weighting given according to the nature of the site and to the chronological frameworks; so any minor variability between two periods is mapped like a positive or negative dynamic, even if the same archaeological settlement is known for both periods.

The viewshed calculation determines which area can be seen from a theoretical observing point. Practically, further works asses the implantation of monuments in the landscape. For example, Gaffney and Stančič used GIS tools to highlight the fact that Roman towers on the Adriatic Island of Hvar are inter-visible. They then proposed that the need for inter-visibility was an essential factor for the location of these towers (Gaffney and Stančič 1991, 78). In middle Pomerania, Zaplata and Tschan explored viewshed analysis from the Wrześnica medieval stronghold to show that visibility and inter-visibility played strategic and symbolic roles in this area (Zaplata and Tschan 2001). Numerous studies conducted in southern England areas provide us with a solid methodological background (Wheathley and Gillings 2000, 201–206), pointing several shortcomings inherent to the viewshed analysis.

For example, a settlement with an uncertain Cucuteni dating, takes a different weighting for the Cucuteni A (0.90 to 500 years) and the Cucuteni B (1.10 to 600 years). It means that the transition map shows obviously a positive dynamic, even if extremely weak. To avoid this bias, all values close to 0 were excluded. In spite of this, few artefacts might be observed, particularly where the difference between the chronological frameworks is important.

The first shortcomings concern the DEM. The calculated viewshed results depend on its accuracy and precision. In our case study, the small pixel 9

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Figure 5. Settlement densities between 6000 and 3500 BC in relation to salt springs, exploited salt springs, and optimal agronomic potential. 10

R. BRIGAND, O. WELLER: NATURAL RESOURCES AND SETTLEMENTS DYNAMICS DURING LATER PREHISTORY IN CENTRAL MOLDAVIA (ROMANIA). AN INTEGRATED GIS FOR SPATIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

Figure 6. Multiple viewshed from Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai (A) and Ţolici–Şipot Mohorâtu (B).

density—we chose to ignore it because of the difficulty of reconstructing the paleo-vegetation on large areas. Others factors like the viewpoint distance and the height of the observed points might be integrated into the viewshed analysis. In this paper, a few visibility calculations are presented.

value (25 m), ensures confident results regarding the SRTM visibility calculation. The second one depends on how visibility analysis is programmed in each particular GIS software package. The software we used—ArcMap and Erdas Imagine—don't allow any choice in the way in which the visibility analysis is computed. From the same set of data, different algorithms produced different results. Several tests dealing with terrain observations gave us a good confidence for one of them: the Leica software package (Erdas Imagine). In a next step, others algorithms from open-source GIS need to be tested.

4.2.2. Visibility calculation Only archaeological sites with a good topographic localisation were taken into account for these analyses. The simplest method for visibility calculation is a binary map showing visible or notvisible target cells from a specified viewpoint. The visibility map using a centrally situated viewpoint for an archaeological site might be associated to one or more viewshed maps. The result is a multiple viewshed map in which the values are either 1 (visible) or 0 (not visible). For example, the merging of the viewsheds of each of the nine locations identified in the Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai archaeological site (eight for the site enclosure and one for its central part) is a multiple viewshed (Figure 6/A). Each map cells is marked 1 if it is

The third one is due to the penury of environmental data such as vegetation on the one hand, and the assumption that the topography has not changed on the other. GIS handbooks and several publications underline the fact that the main problem of viewshed analysis, applied to barren landscape, is the omission of the tree coverage. Even if this factor can have a significant effect on the field of vision— also depending on the time of year and vegetation 11

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Figure 7. Cumulative viewshed of the Precucuteni and Cucuteni settlements (accurate localisation). 12

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Figure. 8. Cumulative viewshed of the Cucuteni A and Cucuteni A-B / B settlements (accurate localisation). 13

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at the mouth of the Oglinzi salted valley, the sites are located on soils suitable for agriculture. One of them is strictly connected to stream confluence (Grumăzeşti–Deleni and probably Traian–Dealul Fântânilor).

visible from at least one viewpoint. On the other hand, the map algebraic sum of two or more binary single viewshed maps creates a cumulative viewshed (Figures 7 and 8). Then, the cell values are integers ranging from zero to the theoretical maximum of the number of viewpoints, although this will only occur if at least one cell is visible from all viewpoints. Field of view being defined, the maximum value generally can't be equal to the number of archaeological sites.

Between the Starčevo-Criş and Linear Pottery periods (6000–5000 BC), a marked general decrease in the number of sites (Figures 5/B and 5/AB) is observed, including for those close to salt springs. This is in a large part due to the scarcity of sites identified for the Middle Neolithic (5300–5000 BC). Nevertheless, as Marinescu-Bîlcu (1981; 1993, 199) points out, important settlements are documented in strategic situations: on hilltops and locations close to stream confluences (Traian–Dealul Fântânilor and Traian–Dealul Viei for the Cracău–Bistriţa area; Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai for the Topliţa–Ţolici area). Compared to the Starčevo-Criş period, the end of 6th millennium shows a strengthening of the territorial control of natural resources, and first among them the salt resources, over the long term. For example, the early occupation of the Târpeşti– Râpa lui Bodai village (Figure 6/A), at the confluence of two rivers, must be related to the contemporary and continuous salt spring exploitation from Hălăbutoaia at Ţolici, 6km to the south. Similarly, where the Cracău and the Bistriţa rivers merge, Traian–Dealul Viei and Traian–Dealul Fântânilor might be strictly connected to this confluence on the one hand, and the proximity of Negriteşti–Slatina Mare and Hoiseşti–Slatina Mică on the other.

In this analysis, the viewer's height is defined to 1.7m above ground according to a standard offset. The choice of observer height is an important factor. It could significantly modify the calculated viewshed and it might be important to take into account the archaeological ground level and eventually a raised ground level. The field of view is defined to 12km, according to terrain observations and ethnologic information. This value approaches general setting used in archaeological analysis. For example, Zaplata and Tschan (2001, 200) use a value of 8.6km. Grau Mira (2002, 192) uses for the Iberian oppida a value of 10km. These values are obviously depending of the size of the target. In this paper, we consider that a village—or a small group of domestic unities— situated in a barren landscape is clearly visible at 12km. 5. Results and discussion Analysis and main results are discussed here to emphasise the population trends during the entire studied period (6000–3500 BC). Generally speaking, we observe a greater occupation density near the Carpathian piedmont, between 300m and 500m above sea level, strictly linked to the presence of salt springs, to availability of soil resources, and to issues of territorial control.

During the Precucuteni period (5000–4600 BC), an intensification of previous dynamics can be observed (Figures 5/C, 5/BC and 7/A). Regarding the control over salt springs, the hilltop settlement named Ţolici–Şipot Mohorâtu was installed upstream of the confluence between the small salted valley—which is almost visible 2km upstream—and the Ţolici valley, which is located 4km downstream, at Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai (Figure 6). This hilltop settlement appears to have functioned as a relay station between the exploited salt spring and the village of Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai. Other examples underline that salt springs are not necessarily clearly visible from viewpoint settlements, but the accessibility and the main valley are strictly controlled. Also in the north-eastern part of PiatraNeamţ, the middle Topoliţa valley—and several archaeological occupations near the river—is totally controlled by the Târpeşti–Râpa lui Bodai and the Săcăluseşti–Dealul Valea Seacă sites (Figure 7/A), both in mutual inter-visibility. This settlement model is not only in relation to the control of the salt

During the Early Neolithic (6000–5300 BC), several salt-spring sites, with a higher or lower degree of salinity of the water, are occupied (Figure 5/A), although they do not enjoy the same destiny. Only two areas have proven to be almost continuously occupied, both close to salt springs with a high degree of salinity, which have yielded clear evidence of exploitation: the region of Lunca in the north (Oglinzi–Oglinzi-Băi, Lunca–Poiana Slatinei) and, to a lesser extent, the area north of PiatraNeamţ, particularly Ţolici–Hălăbutoaia, and probably several salt springs between the Cracău and the Bistriţa rivers. Except for settlements from the Bistriţa valley, and for Oglinzi–Cetăţuia, located 14

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confluence with the Bistriţa–Cracău Depression, highly controlled during Precucuteni and Cucuteni periods (Figures 7 and 8). The Cucutenian hilltop settlements, whether fortified or not, are generally established on the edges of river terraces, above marshlands and flooding plains (Figure 4/B), for an optimal control of the communication corridors, as seen firstly by the high visibility control of the Bistriţa valley, and secondly by the Moldova and Siret valley (Figures 7 and 8). With respect to the soil classification, the Cucuteni A expansion shows a clear occupation of lands particularly suitable for agriculture (Figures 5/D and 5/CD), specifically of chernozems or grey soils close to river valleys. The Valea Mare example (Figure 4/C) demonstrates that the demographic growth favoured settlements on low terraces close to mixed areas with particular resources: brown soil probably covered by forest on hilltops, grey soil and chernozems on slopes, river and wetland near the thalwegs.

springs exploited upstream in the secondary valley, but also related to the important circulation corridors—for example the intense occupation of the hilltop settlements in the lower Bistriţa–Cracău valley. During the Precucuteni period, hilltop settlements are in many instances tied to the control of the valley giving access to salt springs, often located at the exit of the valleys that provide access to salt resources and, more generally, along the main river corridor. Between the Precucuteni and Cucuteni A periods (5000–4100 BC), whilst some sites are abandoned in secondary valley sectors, many new sites are created, covering almost the entire area, be it near salt springs (Bălţăteşti, Piatra-Neamţ, Tazlău) or along important river systems (such as the Bistriţa and Cracău) and their direct tributaries (Figures 5/D and 5/CD). Areas located near salt springs, also occupied from the Early Neolithic onwards, experience a growing density of occupation throughout the Chalcolithic period. The group of salt springs located at the south-east of the area studied, with nearby sites situated between 3km and 8km, constitutes an interesting case. Despite their high degree of salinity, they remained isolated regardless of the period. The question arises as to why these salt springs remained so isolated in relation to the settlements. This is of particular interest since this region (area 3) has been well surveyed, so it is unlikely that the apparent vacuum is due to a lack of research. The salt spring of Negriteşti–Slatina Mare has only yielded Dacian evidence of exploitation, unearthing material dating from the 4th–3th centuries BC (Dumitroaia 1992). However, one of us (O.W.) re-examined the archaeological material from the Cucuteni hilltop settlement of Negriteşti–Movila Flocoasă (located 3km to the south of the Slatina Mare salt spring), and discovered a fragment of briquetage, or salt mould from the Cucuteni period. It is thus highly probable that the salt spring of Slatina Mare, or the one near Hoiseşti–Slatina Mică, was exploited during the Cucuteni period, even if archaeological proofs have yet to be discovered in their vicinity. The previous example of Ţolici–Hălăbutoaia (Figure 6) helps us to explain their relative isolation during this period. We assume that, at least for Cucuteni, establishing settlements near the exploited salt springs was not as essential as controlling the access to these springs, with the settlements being rather positioned downstream, at the mouth of the valleys and often near confluences. Thus, in the case of the Negriteşti–Hoiseşti salt springs, there are several Cucutenian hilltop settlements which control, downstream, the Verdele valley before its

Between the Cucuteni A and the Cucuteni A-B– Cucuteni B phases (4600–3500 BC), numerous sites are abandoned, particularly in a number of microregions, rich in salt springs—the Bălţăteşti, PiatraNeamţ and Tazlău areas (Figure 5/DE)—or not—the Valea Mare sector (Figure 4/C)—, but there are also many new settlements, often in adjacent sectors, as if we were witnessing the displacement and resettlement of the population. We should also mention that these population's dynamics during the Cucuteni A-B and B phases concern essentially the occupations and half of the confirmed settlements or hilltop settlements. For example, the Târgu Neamţ– Pometea fortified hilltop settlement appeared during the Cucuteni B period, probably in relation with the salt exploitation from Oglinzi (Dumitroaia 2004). At the same time, the majority of salt spring exploitations from the Cucuteni A period continued into the Cucuteni B period, like at Lunca–Poiana Slatinei, Ţolici–Hălăbutoaia, or Gârcina–Slatina Cozla. In the Valea Mare valley, new Cucuteni B hilltop settlements close to valley spring—Borniş– Mileşti and Dragomireşti–Dealul Cornea (Figure 4/C)—strengthen the hypothesis of a resettlement and a recentralisation of the population according to specific choices concerning territorial control and land resources. 6. Conclusion These pioneering approaches to spatial analysis help us to characterise the population dynamics during Neolithic and Chalcolithic times (6000–3500 BC), according to land resources. Using cartographic analysis, we assessed the role of salt springs, river 15

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References

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This project, supported since 2003 by the CNRS and the French Foreign Office (DGMPD), is developed in association with the History and Archaeology Museum in Piatra-Neamţ (International Centre of Research on the Cucuteni Culture), the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iaşi, and the Iași Institute of Archaeology.

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van der Leeuw, S., Favory, F. and Fiches, J.-L. (eds.) 2003. Archéologie et systèmes socio-environnementaux: etudes multiscalaires sur la vallée du Rhône dans le programme ARCHAEOMEDES. Paris, Ed. CNRS.

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Lupaşcu, Gh. 1996. Depresiunea Cracău-Bistriţa. Studiu pedogeografic. Iaşi, Editura Corson. Marcolongo, B. and Barisano, E. 2000. Télédétection et archéologie: concepts fondamentaux, état de l’art et examples. In M. Pasquinucci and F. Trément (eds.), Nondestructive techniques applied to landscape archaeology, 15–30. Oxford, Oxbow. Marinescu-Bîlcu, S. 1981. Tîrpeşti. From prehistory to history in Eastern Romania. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

Weller, O. and Nuninger, L. 2005. Les eaux salées de Moldavie roumaine: étude interdisciplinaire autour d’une ressource structurante du territoire. In J.-F. Berger, F. Bertoncello, F. Braemer, G. Davtian, and M. Gazenbeek (eds.), Temps et espaces de l’homme en société. Analyses et modèles spatiaux en archéologie, 511–516. Antibes, APDCA.

Marinescu-Bîlcu, S. 1993. Les Carpates orientales et la Moldavie. In J. Kozlowski (ed.), Atlas du Néolithique Européen. L’Europe orientale, 191–241. Liège, ERAUL, Université de Liège.

Weller, O., Dumitroaia, Gh., Monah, D., and Nuninger, L. 2007a. L’exploitation des sources salées en Moldavie: un exemple de ressource structurante du territoire depuis le Néolithique. In D. Monah, Gh. Dumitroaia, O. Weller, 17

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and J. Chapman (eds.), L’exploitation du sel à travers le temps, 99–113. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura Constantin Matasă.

Weller, O., Dumitroaia, Gh., Sordoillet, D., Dufraisse, A., Gauthier, E. and Munteanu, R. 2010b. Lunca–Poiana Slatinei (jud. Neamţ): Cel mai vechi sit de exploatare a sării din preistoria europeană. Cercetări interdisciplinare. Arheologia Moldovei 32, 21–39.

Weller, O., Brigand, R., Nuninger, L., Dumitroaia, Gh., and Monah, D. 2007b. Analyses et dynamiques spatiales autour des sources salées de Moldavie sous-carpatique durant la Préhistoire roumaine. In N. Morère Molinero (ed.), Las salinas y la sal de interior en la historia: economia, medioambiente y sociedad, 165–185. Madrid, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos-Dykinson.

Weller, O., Brigand, R., Nuninger, L., and Dumitroaia, Gh. 2011. Spatial analysis of prehistoric salt exploitation in Eastern Carpathians (Romania). In M. Alexianu, O. Weller and R. Curcă (eds.), Archaeology and Anthropology of salt. A diachronic approach, 69–80. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

Weller, O., Brigand, R. and Alexianu, M. 2007c. Cercetări sistematice asupra izvoarelor de apă sărătă din Moldova. Bilanţul explorărilor din anii 2004-2007 efectuate în special în judeţul Neamţ. Memoria Antiquitatis 24, 121–190.

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IDENTITY IN DIVERSITY: PHOTOGRAMMETRY, 3D LASER SCANNING AND MAGNETOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF GUMELNIŢA TELLS FROM MUNTENIA (ROMANIA) Cătălin BEM1, Andrei ASĂNDULESEI2, Carmen BEM3, Felix-Adrian TENCARIU2, Vasile COTIUGĂ2, Ștefan CALINIUC2 1

National Museum of Romanian History, Bucharest. "Alexandru Ioan Cuza University" of Iaşi (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform 3 Institute for Cultural Memory, Bucharest (Romania) 2

Abstract. The primary goal of the study was to establish the criteria and dimensional categories in which anthropic mound can be assigned. A graphic of the heights (deposit thickness) as a function of the tell diameters, allowed us to outline several intervals, generally operable: small (H≤2 m, D≤40 m), medium (2 m75 m). The last category also includes the tell from Stoenești–Măgura Tangâru, the case study for this paper. A conjugated analysis of the results obtained from aerophotogrammetry, 3D laser scanning, and magnetometric and georadar surveying, bears out that the tell from Stoeneşti developed on an extension of the terrace of the Câlniștea brook; the difference revealed by the topographic survey performed using the 3D scanner, between the upper portion of the terrace and, respectively, of the tell, correspond to the maximum amplitude revealed by previous archaeological investigations—ca. 4.60/4.70m. Similarly, the aerial identification of a demarcation ditch dug at the base of the terrace onto which the larger tell developed, as well as of a smaller ditch surrounding a smaller tell (ca. 10m to the south), was confirmed by the magnetometric and GPR surveys. The fact that the delineation ditch of the main tell was dug at approximately 6m below the base of the anthropic levels, on the foot of the terrace's natural slope, precludes any defensive behaviour. The scenario from Tangâru seems to occur in the case of all large-scale tells developed on terraces or terrace extensions—all the similar sites investigated in the Chronos project, as well the sites previously researched, were enclosed by ditches dug at the base of the geomorphologic understructure onto which they developed. Keywords: Chalcolithic, Gumelniţa culture, tell settlement, aerial photography, 3D laser scanning, magnetometric survey, GPR survey, demarcation ditch.

unquantified. Consequently, considered these elements.

1. Introduction The first objective of our study 1 was to outline a model of non-invasive investigation of the tells belonging to the Chalcolithic Gumelniţa culture, for use in Romanian archaeology. Because of its destructive character, archaeology inherently affects the sites (including the tells) during the actual carrying out of the investigation, as well as during the period after the excavation finished. The latter can generally be blamed on natural and anthropic causes.

our

study

also

The second objective was to identify some very probable models of internal organisation of the tells, but also of the habitational nucleuses for each Gumelnița community. We will limit discussion to a series of features common to large-scale sites. 2. Background and sites description The determining of dimensional intervals is, generally speaking, an arbitrary process, regardless of the fact that it is often accompanied by scientifically valid arguments. In the case of the tells of the Gumelnița culture, the dimensional classes must take into consideration both the surface of the anthropic mound (routinely measured from its current base, which, in most cases, does not correspond the area actually inhabited), as well as its height (which, likewise, does not always correspond to the height of anthropic deposits). A mention should be made of the fact that in most cases these two dimensions are only estimated, and not the result of any topographic survey, however rudimentary. Moreover, the failure to identify the natural foundation and to take into consideration the

Without a coherent strategy for investigating the Gumelniţa phenomenon, the research has often been limited and directed towards discovering burnt habitation remains—very conspicuous in the archaeological inventory. The internal structure, the landscape, and the immediate link between the tell and its geomorphological understructure were often 1

The present study is part of the Chronos research project (no. 92101/1.10.2008) financed through the PNCDI II Parteneriate program. Three of its main objectives were (1) to plot the spatial and temporal setting of all Gumelnița sites, (2) to explain the evolution processes for several specific tells (case studies), and (3) to build and test possible habitation models.

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characterisation from this point of view. It represents, practically, the expression of the largest extension both in the case of the tells created on levees, in floodplains, as well as in the case of those adjoining medium or high terraces, eventually capping and covering, from a stratigraphic point of view, the landforms in question. Similarly, the horizontal projection of the maximum spatialtopographic limits 2 for the tells founded on terrace extensions or erosion outliers is easily done as with the tells founded on levees. An essential point that must be considered if we select this dimensional type is that the natural understructure and the topographic features of the surroundings must be determined with precision.

geomorphological transformations in the sites' immediate vicinities leads to errors in calculating the two dimensions (surface area and height). 2.1. The surface of the tells In order to warrant an adequate comparison, the criterion must be the same for all the cases taken into consideration. Consequently, a selection must be made from the following three types: (1) the area actually inhabited — an area that is, arguably, firmly delimited from an anthropic (and not natural!) point of view, and which concentrates the remains of dwellings and external habitation areas. It is impossible to establish unless the archaeological site is not investigated amply, hard to establish if the tell suffered from (natural or anthropic) destructive actions, or if the archaeological investigation was limited to a test pit (albeit a transversal section). We will refrain from going into details about our older discussion about the distinction between the tells with continued habitation and the contemporary pluristratified settlements that do not present stratigraphic continuity (Bem et al., 2002, 135). In the first case, the tell is founded and occupied by the same community (whether or not it grew through inputs of incoming population), while in the case of the latter, the tell was founded and then inhabited by two or more different human communities (more striking when the corresponding chronological differences are in the order of centuries). The definition of what constitutes an actually-inhabited area is therefore directly influenced by the amplitude of the archaeological interventions (and degree of preservation), by the type of anthropic delineation, and by the number of communities and the period of stratigraphic accumulation.

2.2. The height of the tells This is the second essential element necessary for performing a dimensional classification. As it is the case with the surface area, to which it is intrinsically linked, the height of the tells can be translated through two expressions: (1) the actual height of the anthropic mound; and (2) the maximum thickness of the archaeological deposits. A topographical survey can distinguish between these two elements that often coincide, in the sense that it can discern the altimetric difference that corresponds to the anthropic layers of the mounds. 2.3. Theoretical sum-up To summarise the points outlined above, we took into consideration a diameter of the horizontal projection of the maximum topographic limits, and the anthropic height of the tells. With respect to the cases in which the horizontal projection is an ovoid, hence with two diameters (longitudinal and transversal), we considered their arithmetic means; the surface area of an ovoid can be calculated using the formula π[(D1+D2)/2]2/4. We could identify a number of 60 tells whose essential dimensions were known or were corrected/completed using topographic surveys (Figure 1).

(2) the total surface area of the anthropic mound — is the total sum of the surfaces of the truncated cone (frustum) formed by the slopes of the tell, and of the surface area of a more-or-less circular shape formed by the upper plateau of the tell (the smaller floor of the frustum). Although this type of dimension can also be quantified without an archaeological intervention, it is specifically the lack of it, particularly in the case of the tells developed on outliers or terrace extensions, that can lead to dangerous errors.

The distribution of the diameter/height ratio (Figure 2), as well as that of the height/diameter ratio (Figure 3), indicates the existence of a compact group of sites within the 13.3–25 range for the first,

(3) the surface of a firm tell contour — is the area of a horizontal topographic projection of the anthropic mound. Even though this includes colluvium, it remains the only applicable procedure for

2

In other words, the maximum diameter. We were often surprised to see that, in some cases, a known diameter did not lead to a correct determination of the surface area. We do not exclude the possibility that for some among us the formula for a circle surface (πD2/4 or πR2) is still a deep mystery…

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C. BEM, A. ASĂNDULESEI, C. BEM, F.-A. TENCARIU, V. COTIUGĂ, Ș. CALINIUC: IDENTITY IN DIVERSITY: PHOTOGRAMMETRY, 3D LASER SCANNING AND MAGNETOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF GUMELNIŢA TELLS FROM MUNTENIA (ROMANIA)

Gumelnița tells in Muntenia and Dobrudja 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

Albeni–Gropării, Scurtu Mare Commune, Teleorman County (Moscalu 1979, 396) Balaci–Măgura de la Hodorog, Balaci Commune, Teleorman County (Petrescu-Dîmboviţa 1953, 525; Spiru 1959, 703) Balaci–Măgura din Baltă, Balaci Commune, Teleorman County (Petrescu-Dîmboviţa 1953, 525; Spiru 1959, 702) Beuca–Măgura Jidovului, Beuca Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1959, 703; Pătraşcu 2002) Borduşani–Popina/Popina Mare, Borduşani Commune, Ialomiţa County (Marinescu-Bîlcu 1997; Marinescu-Bilcu et al., 1997) Brebina (formerly Papa)–Măgura din Vale, Scrioaştea Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1959, 698) Bucşani–Pădure, Bucşani Commune, Giurgiu County (Bem 2001; 2007; Bem et al., 2002) Bucşani–Pepinieră, Bucşani Commune, Giurgiu County (Bem 2001; 2007; Bem et al., 2002) Bucşani–Pod, Bucşani Commune, Giurgiu County (Marinescu-Bîlcu et al., 1998; Bem 2001; Bem et al., 2002; Haită 2002a) Bucşani–Zgârci, Bucşani Commune, Giurgiu County (Bem 2001; 2007; Bem et al., 2002) Burdeni–Măgura din Sat (La Măgură), Balaci Commune, Teleorman County (PetrescuDîmboviţa 1953; Pătraşcu 2002, 21) Burdeni–Măgura lui Protopopescu, Balaci Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1959, 702; Pătraşcu 2002, 21) Căscioarele–Ostrovel, Căscioarele Commune, Călăraşi County (Ştefan 1925; Dumitrescu 1965; 1986) Chirnogi, Chirnogi Commune, Călăraşi County (Morintz and Ionescu 1968) Colceag–La Movila de la Parapet, Colceag Commune, Prahova County (Frînculeasa 2004) Constanța–La trei Movile (cartierul Anadalchioi), Constanţa County (Schuchhardt and Träger 1919) Corbeanca–Momâia, Vânătorii Mici Commune, Giurgiu County (Trohani and Oancea 1976) Crâmpoia–Renţea, Crâmpoia Commune, Olt County (Nania 1967, 8) Fierbinţi–Măgura, Şelaru Commune, Dâmboviţa County (Olteanu et al., 2003, 60) Geangoeşti–La Hulă, Dragomireşti Commune, Dâmboviţa County (Morintz 1962, 280; Mihăiescu and Ilie 2003–2004) Gresia–Măgura lui Maiaş Purcăraş, Stejaru Commune, Teleorman County (Lahovari et al., 1898, 306) Grozăveşti, Corbii Mari Commune, Dâmboviţa County (Ilie 2005) Gura Ialomiţei–Popina, Gura Ialomiţei Commune, Ialomiţa County (Barnea 1966, 160) Hârşova–Tell, Constanţa County (Galbenu 1962; Morintz and Şerbănescu 1974; Popovici et al., 1992; Haşotti 1997) Ioneşti–Ioneasca-Palade, Petreşti Commune, Dâmboviţa County (Berciu 1935, 29; 1937a, 25; 1937b, 50 et seq.; Olteanu et al., 2003, 22 et seq.) Izvoarele (formerly Bivoliţa and Copăceanca)–Măgura lui Teacă, Călineşti Commune, Teleorman County (Andreescu et al., 2001b; Pătraşcu 2002, 22) Izvoru–Burta Vacii, Vânătorii Mici Commune, Giurgiu County (Trohani and Oancea 1976) Licuriciu–Măgura Cimitirului/Măgura Morţilor, Călineşti Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1996, 41, 80; Pătraşcu 2002, 23) Lunca–Pensiune, Ceamurlia de Jos Commune, Tulcea County (Haşotti 1997, 85; Micu et al., 2009, 18 et seq.) Luncaviţa–Cetăţuia, Luncaviţa Commune, Tulcea County (Comşa 1962; Micu and Maille 2002; Micu 2005) Măgura–Bran/Măgura la Biserică, Măgura Commune, Teleorman County (Andreescu et al., 2001a, 29; 2001b; 2002, 34; Haită 2002b) Măriuţa–La Movilă, Belciugatele Commune, Călăraşi County (Şerbănescu and Trohani 1978, 37; Parnic et al., 2002, 195 et seq.; Haită 2007a) Mârşa–Pădurea Neagră/Pădurea Ţandăra, Mârşa Commune, Giurgiu County (Bem 2007, 16) Moara din Groapă–Măgura (din Cornet), Corbii Mari Commune, Dâmboviţa County (Olteanu 2002, 90; Ilie 2005, 64 et seq.) 21

D H (in metres) 50 3.50 60

4.50

70

3

60

3

100

6

52

3

56

2.40

35

1.40

64

3.20

74

4.60

60

3

60

3.50

88

5

80 55

6 2.50

30

1

58

3.70

60 54

4 3

50

2.20

40

3

78 40

3.5 2

200

12

48

1

40

3

75

3.80

125

5

59

3.10

90

4

58

2.80

80

4.20

98

5.20

67

2

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35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

Nanov Izvoru Rece/Măgura de la Podul Nanovului, Nanov Commune, Teleorman County (Andreescu et al. 2001b; Mirea 2005, 18–20) Negreni–Măgura Clăniţei, Tătărăştii de Jos Commune, Teleorman County (Moscalu 1979, 396; Andreescu et al., 2001b; Pătraşcu 2002, 24) Nenciuleşti–Măgura (din Vale), Mavrodin Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1979, 454; Andreescu et al., 2001b) Ostrov–Cetatea Baltina/Valea Hogii, Ostrov Commune, Tulcea County (Paraschiv and Iacob 2003, 27; Paraschiv and Micu 2003) Perii Broşteni–Măgura din Vale, Olteni Commune, Teleorman County (Moscalu 1979, 396; Andreescu et al., 2001b) Petru Rareş (formerly Albele), Izvoarele Commune, Giurgiu County (Berciu 1935b, 29 et seq.; 1937a; 1937b; 1959b, 145) Pietrele–Măgura Gorgana, Băneasa Commune, Giurgiu County (Berciu 1956, 503–544; Hansen et al., 2005) Popeşti–Vârful Măgura/La Măgură, Popeşti Commune, Argeş County (Cioflan and Rotaru 1988; Cioflan 1995; Andreescu et al., 2001b) Sarichioi–Dealul Bursuci, Sarichioi Commune, Tulcea County (Oberländer-Târnoveanu and Oberländer-Târnoveanu 1979; Ailincăi and Micu 2006, 65 et seq.) Schitu–Măgura lui Boboc (a Bobocului), Schitu Commune, Giurgiu County (Berciu 1956, 501; Schuster and Popa 2009, 35) Seciu–La Pompieri, Boldeşti-Scăeni Commune, Prahova County (Frînculeasa and Negrea 2010) Slăveşti–Măgura din Valea Măgurii, Tătărăştii de Jos Commune, Teleorman County (Andreescu et al., 2001b; Pătraşcu 2002, 25 et seq.) Stoenești–Măgura Tangâru, Stoenești Commune, Giurgiu County (Berciu 1935a; 1937b; 1959a; 1959b) Stoenești–Izlazu Tangâru (tell-ul mic), Stoenești Commune, Giurgiu County Sultana–Măgura Sultanei/Malu Roşu, Mănăstirea Commune, Călăraşi County (Andrieşescu 1927; Isăcescu 1984a; 1984b; Andreescu 2001b; Haită 2007b) Şeinoiu–Movila din Cimitir, Tămădău Mare Commune, Călăraşi County (Şimon and Parnic 2001; Parnic et al., 2002, 198 et seq.) Tecuci–Măgura lui Mieluş, Balaci Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1959, 699; Andreescu et al., 2001b) Teiu–Silişte-Măgura (I), Teiu Commune, Argeş County (Morintz 1962; Nania 1967) Teiu II, Teiu Commune, Argeş County (Morintz 1962, 279 et seq.) Trivalea-Moşteni–(La) Blidaru, Trivalea-Moşteni Commune, Teleorman County (Andreescu et al., 2001b) Udupu–Măgura, Tătărăştii de Sus Commune, Teleorman County Uzunu, Călugăreni Commune, Giurgiu County (Berciu 1956, 500 et seq.) Vităneşti–Măgurice, Vităneşti Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1979, 454; Andreescu et al., 1999; 2000; 2003) Vlădiceasca–Ghergălăul Mare, Valea Argovei Commune, Călăraşi County (Şerbănescu and Trohani 1978, 31 et seq.; Parnic et al., 2002, 200 et seq.) Zâmbreasca–Vâlceaua Grama/Valea Grama/Măgură, Zâmbreasca Commune, Teleorman County (Spiru 1959, 705; Dumitrescu 2006) Ziduri–Măgura (de sub Cetate), Mozăceni Commune, Argeş County (Cristocea and Măndescu 2001; 2002; Măndescu 2002)

23

2

60

3

25

2

75

4.20

65

4

45

2.50

95

6.25

40

3.20

35

1.40

85

6

60

2.60 3

90

5

90

4.60

30

1.70

100

4

56

2.50

50

4

40 37

1.70 1.70

75

4.30

68 90

3.50 6

92

6

55

2.20

60

3.30

45

2.80

Figure 1. The Gumelnița tells (on Romanian territory) with known dimensions (a series of data has been corrected following the topographical surveys and the 3D scans conducted as part of the PNCDI II Parteneriate research project—Chronos). The references cited are not exhaustive; we only mentioned those works which brought additional information about the issue at hand. We also operated several changes by updating the administrative status of a number of sites in accord with the current reality.

3 Dimension determined by mathematical computations using published data (interpreting the tell as an isosceles trapezoid with the large base measuring 60 m, the angles of the large base measuring 10°, and by considering the fact that the diameter of the area of maximum elevation for a tell is generally half than that of the diameter of the base)—sin10°(i.e., 0.17365)=x/(√x2+225), where x is the height of the trapezoid (i.e., the tell).

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Figure 2. The distribution of the diameter/height ratio for the tells with known size (the ID numbers are found in Figure 1). The mutual exclusion between two sets, in the upper and, respectively, the lower part of the graph, is observable.

Figure 3. The distribution of the height/diameter ratio for the tells with known size (the ID numbers are found in Figure 1). The same mutual exclusion between the two sets is observable.

anthropic intervention quarries, etc.).

and within the 0.04–0.075 range for the second ratio. Concurrently, another two groups are positioned eccentrically in relation to this core group; they comprise three (16, 25, and 34) and, respectively, four tells (35, 37, 42, and 51) (the ID numbers are available in Figure 1). The first group also includes the tells previously probed, which were destroyed or their initial shape was severely altered, while the second group contains sites whose dimensional integrity suffered from modern

(building

works,

clay

The dimensional classes from the point of view of the diameter (Figure 4) and the height (Figure 5) of the tells, produce a distribution in which the height is a function of the diameter (Figure 6). We will not insist on what is comprehensible from a visual point of view. We only mention the fact that 23

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Figure 4. Dimensional classes in terms of diameter for tells with known size (ID numbers in Figure 1).

Figure 5. Dimensional classes in terms of height (thickness of deposits) for tell sites with known dimensions (ID numbers in Figure 1). 24

C. BEM, A. ASĂNDULESEI, C. BEM, F.-A. TENCARIU, V. COTIUGĂ, Ș. CALINIUC: IDENTITY IN DIVERSITY: PHOTOGRAMMETRY, 3D LASER SCANNING AND MAGNETOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF GUMELNIŢA TELLS FROM MUNTENIA (ROMANIA)

Figure 6. The distribution of the diameters (X axis) by height (Y) for tells with known size (the circular mark represents the large tell from Stoeneşti–Măgura Tangâru).

obviously via topographic surveying, can be expected to improve this categorisation schema.

the graph puts forward three mathematically quantifiable categories: tells with reduced dimensions—f(x)≤2, where x belongs to the 0–40 range; tells with medium dimensions— 2 250

< 3.3 3.3–8.3 8.3–16.7 16.7–33.3 33.3–83.3 > 83.3

(ha)

FOREST CLEARED

(m3)

TIMBER

(m2)

AREA

TYPE OF BUILDING

Figure 14. The anthropic impact on the natural environment as reflected by the wood requirements of the different types of Precucuteni–Cucuteni–Tripolye settlements, according to the number of buildings in them.

Each individual building, with respect to the quantity of wood necessary for its erection, had an insignificant impact on the environment.

< 0.01 0.01–0.03 0.03–0.06 0.06–0.11 0.11–0.28 > 0.28

However, in those areas where the human occupation was intense and lasted for a significant period of time, the settlements from the first three categories, as well as the homologous buildings, because of their increased number and density (corresponding to a more numerous population with a high demand for resources), had, co-jointly, an important impact on the natural environment.

Figure 15. The anthropic impact on the natural environment reflected by the timber requirements for the different types of Precucuteni–Cucuteni–Tripolye buildings, according to their area.

Practically, the long evolution time-span of this civilization and its high degree of development are the consequences of a good adaptation to the environmental conditions, and of an efficient use of the various natural resources available, wood included.

The last estimation refers to ideal average requirement of timber, according to the typology of buildings we propose (according to their area). 5. Conclusions

To conclude, we express our hope that the future research – which should be conducted meticulously and on a large scale, supplemented by modern interdisciplinary investigations, including by those from the field of experimental archaeology – will bring new important information regarding the relation between humans and the environment in the area and during the period of evolution of the Precucuteni–Cucuteni–Tripolye cultural complex.

The clearing of forests, followed or not by complete deforestation, was the main human activity that had an impact on the natural environment during prehistoric times. These activities had the purpose of providing the necessary timber for construction and fuel (for cooking, heating the houses, firing the pottery, crystallising salt, metal smelting and casting, and, in the case of the Precucuteni– Cucuteni–Tripolye cultural complex, for burning down the houses from within the settlements or for the cremation of deceased), but also for converting the forestland into land for cultivation and pasture.

Furthermore, we believe that future experimental archaeology could confirm or disprove, as the case might be, the putative values advanced in this paper, which express the requirements of construction timber, framed as ideal averages, and not necessarily the real consumption, which may have been different.

Unlike the wood used as fuel, which could have 65

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LITHIC SOURCES AVAILABLE TO PREHISTORIC POPULATIONS IN THE BANAT REGION, ROMANIA Otis CRANDELL "Babeș-Bolyai" University of Cluj-Napoca (Romania), Geology Department Abstract. In order to help determine the possible sources of knapped lithic artefacts, it is necessary to know what medium quality materials were available in the immediate surroundings and what high quality materials were available in the larger region. Once it is known what materials were available, it is necessary to know how to distinguish them from each other and compare them to artefacts. In this paper the main sources of lithic materials available to prehistoric populations in the Banat region are described and differentiated. Rock samples were collected from sources in Caraș-Severin and Mehedinți counties. Samples from other adjacent areas were taken from the Lithotheque of the "Babeș-Bolyai" University of Cluj-Napoca (Romania). The purpose of this work is to provide a reference for lithic provenance studies within the region. Keywords: Prehistory, Romania, Banat, sourcing, lithics, chert, jasper, flint.

samples. A Nikon Eclipse E200 Pol microscope was used and images were captured with a Nikon D3100 DSLR camera. Macroscopic and microscopic observations for each geological sample were stored in a database (Crandell 2005; 2006).

Introduction The objective of this study was to provide a reference to help researchers determine the provenance of lithic artefacts. The provenance of artefacts is an important part of studying archaeological sites as it gives us information on general directions of trade and contact during in prehistory. It may even tell us about inter-settlement and inter-cultural contact via trade and regional economics. Chipped stone has by far the longest history of usage as a raw material for making tools that is preserved in the archaeological record.

Sourcing For populations in the Banat region, the nearest abundant lithic raw materials are the chert of the Anina Mts, and quartzous sandstone of the Almaj Mts to the south and the biogenic jaspers of the Metaliferi Mts., the quartzous sandstones of the Poiana Ruscă Mts and the Strei valley and siliceous sinter from the area near Brad (Hunedoara County) (Figures 1 and 2).

Due to the limited variations in visual characteristics of most knappable rocks, visual analysis along may lead to some misinterpretations regarding the actual provenance of artefacts. For this reason, it is often necessary to characterise rock sources by other means of analysis. One of the cheapest and more readily available methods is petrographic analysis of thin sections.

Anina chert can be found in the form of lenses in banded early Cretaceous limestone in the Anina Mts (Caransebeș County, Romania) (Codarcea 1940; Răileanu et al., 1957; 1961a; 1961b; Răileanu 1959; Răileanu and Năstăseanu 1960). It is a subtranslucent to translucent, light brown, with medium to medium-fine grained surfaces, dull lustre. The colour varies but is frequently around 2.5–7.5YR 5–4/2 on the Munsell colour chart (Munsell Color, 2009). In situ, some many lenses contain fracture infilled with calcite. The samples infilled with calcite are inappropriate for knapping. In petrographic thin section, this material is composed primarily of quartz. Most of the quartz is microcrystalline, but also occurs in a microfibrous form (chalcedony) and as large individual or clusters of crystals. There is a slight variation in quartz grain size up to about 10 to 25μm. This material also contains Fe oxides and hydroxides and calcite.

In this study, both macroscopic and petrographic analyses of geological samples were used to help distinguish between available sources of lithic materials. Geographically, this paper focuses on lithic materials that may have been used by prehistoric populations of the Banat region. In particular, regular quality materials from central and south-western Romania (See the map of sites & sources in Figure 1), and high quality materials from adjacent regions. The macroscopic observations were followed by optical microscopy (OM) in plan polarized light, carried out on thin sections cut from the rock 69

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Figure 1. Map of knappable lithic resources mentioned in this article. Based on sources registered by the Romanian Lithotheque Project in Cluj-Napoca (based partially on Codarcea et al. 1968; Crandell 2008; 2009).

Figure 2. Rock samples: (a) Anina chert from Carașova (Caransebeș County); (b) Almaj sandstone from Sichevița (Mehedinți County); (c) West Metaliferi jasper from Gurasada (Hunedoara County); (d) Poieni sandstone from Poieni (Timiș County). 70

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material has only been found on a single hill next to the village of Poieni (Timiș County). It is generally of lower quality for tool making than the other materials mentioned above. This material is of Cretaceous (Albian) age (Mureşan and Orăşanu 1972). The samples present a mixture of various colours, such as light brown to whitish yellow to orange. Some show frequent dendritic black inclusions. The material is brecciated. Microscopic thin sections show that it contains small grains of quartz, some clay minerals, and a hematitic pigment (Figure 3/d). In archaeological literature, this material is often referred to as "Banat Chert" (Comșa 1971; 1976). Strictly speaking though, it is not chert (Crandell 2008).

This material contains a large amount of calcite which is spread throughout, as well as occurring in spots of higher quantity (Figure 3/a). Almaj sandstone can be found in the Almas Mts (Mehedinți County) near the Danube, in the area between Sichevița and Sasca. They come from a siliceous conglomerate of late Miocene (Badenian) age (Codarcea et al., 1968). At the source, there is a wide variety of appearance to the materials. Colours include shades of light and dark grey, yellow, orange and brown. Microscopically, they consist of a fine grained quartzitic sandstone, with some Fe and Mn oxides, clay minerals, and calcite. Some samples show a calcitic cement in-between the quartz grains (Figure 3/b).

The knappable materials from the Strei valley and in the vicinity of Brad (Hunedoara County) do not appear to have been used much beyond nearby settlements. These materials have also been described by the author in previous publications, so they will only briefly be mentioned in this article. In the upper part of the Cerna valley, in particular along the Strei River, a siliceous sandstone of Badenian age occurs as outcrops and river rocks (Gherasi et al., 1965; Crandell 2008; 2009). It tends to be medium to coarse grained (Crandell 2008). The sinter from near Brad is associated with Neogene volcanism in the area (Ghiţulescu et al., 1968; Ghergari and Ionescu 1999; Ghergari et al., 1999; Crandell 2008; 2009). It notably contains plant fossils and opal. Similar materials (varying in colour) can be found along the valley of the Crișul Alb River.

The Metaliferi Mts contain two types of jasper—a biogenic microcrystalline quartz with a high iron content. Jasper from the western and eastern part of the Metaliferi Mts is hard to distinguish with macroscopic or microscopic methods are associated with different parent rocks. Both occur in varieties and combinations of yellows, reds and greys. According to the Munsell chart (Munsell Color, 2009), the yellow and red varieties are often intensely coloured (often with chroma beyond 8) and tend to have medium values (around 4 or 5), although some with lower chroma around 6 have lower values around 3. Grey varieties tend to have very low values below 3 and when polished may have a metallic shine. Jasper from the western part of the Metaliferi Mts is geologically related to Miocene (Badenian-Sarmatian) pyroclastic andesite formations (Gherasi et al., 1965). In the eastern part of the Metaliferi Mts and in the Trascău Mts, the jasper sources are related to late Jurassic island arc volcanics (Ilie 1952; Lupu et al., 1966; 1986; 1991; Russo-Săndulescu et al., 1976; Borcoş et al., 1981; Gandrabura 1981; Savu 1990; Ghiurcă 1997a; 1997b; Nicolae and Saccani 2003). Most of the jasper samples used in this study was sampled from small veinlets in basalt, basaltic andesite and andesite outcrops. There is a large variation in the microscopic composition of this material. Most samples were composed of microcrystalline and microfibrous quartz (chalcedony) with Fe oxides and hydroxides and opal. Later veins with fibrous quartz crosscut most of the rocks samples (Figure 3/c.). These materials have been further described by Constantina (2008) and Crandell (2008; 2009).

Long Distance Sources In the surrounding areas, at a larger distance there are three main high quality materials that may have been imported into the Banat region. In particular, those materials are flint from the Moldavian Plateau, flint from the Dobruja region near the Black Sea, and obsidian from the Western Carpathians. These materials seem to be very good quality for making stone tools. Research conducted in adjacent regions indicates that these were transported over long distances (Comșa 1975; 1976; 1982; Crandell 2008) (Figure 4). Moldavian flint consists of both chert (flint) nodules in Upper Cretaceous limestones (chalky marl) cropping out along the Upper Prut and Dniester Rivers, and chert/flint pebbles and cobbles in the alluvial sediments of the same rivers (Simionescu 1897; Văscăuţanu 1923; 1925; Saulea et al., 1966).

In the Poiana Ruscă Mts (Southern Carpathians) there are small outcrops of a quartzous sandstone. The source area is relatively small. To date, this

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Figure 3. Microphotos (polarized light) of rock samples: (a) chert from Carașova; (b) sandstone from Sichevița; (c) jasper from Gurasada; (d) sandstone from Poieni. Left side, crossed polarizer (+P). Right side, the same with one polarizer (1P). 72

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Figure 4. Map of long-distance materials mentioned in this article.

Moldavian flint is often either a sub-opaque, light grey, sub-translucent light brownish-grey, or a highly translucent dark brown (coffee-coloured). By the Munsell colour system, the range of colours vary from 2.5Y 8.5/1 (white) to N 3/0 (very dark grey). Its colour is generally a light to dark grey, and often brownish, particularly when viewed with a light source behind it. Typical colours of this material include 5Y 6/2 (light olive grey), 5Y 4/1 (dark grey) and 10YR 3/3 (dark brown) (Munsell Color 2009). Translucent samples often have whitish spots and speckles. All types have a matt (non-shiny) surface. It breaks with a perfect conchoidal fracture, has a very smooth surface, and is relatively sharp (Alba et al., 1960; Crandell 2008). Based on the samples of this material, there did not appear to be any macroscopic or microscopic differences between flint from the Prut or the Dniester.

Outcrops of the same material can also be found at various locations between the two rivers, such as along the Răut River (Macovei and Atanasiu 1934; Chetraru 1995a; 1995b; Chirica et al., 1996). Geologists often refer to this material as Miorcani type flint—after the village of Miorcani (Botoșani County, Romania) situated on the bank of the Prut, where even today a modern flint mine still exists (Simionescu 1897; Văscăuţanu 1923; Alba et al., 1960; Chelărescu et al., 1961; Ionesi and Costea 1993) In archaeological literature, it is referred to as "Prut flint", "Dniester flint", "Moldavian flint", and "Volhynian flint" (Barfield 2004; Połtowicz-Bobak 2005; Ryzhov et al., 2005; Biagi and Voytek 2006; Sytnyk et al., 2007; Boghian 2009; Szakmány et al., 2011). Although this material has been referred to by all of these names, it should be noted that these names may have also been used to refer to other materials as well. To be clear, in this study all flint samples from the Moldavian Plateau came from the Cenomanian limestone layer. In this paper it is referred to in general as Moldavian flint.

In the Dobrudja region of Romania and Bulgaria, and along the lower part of the Danube River, there are abundant sources of good quality flint, the so called "Balkan flint" (Jolkičev 2007; Nachev 2009; Biagi and Starnini 2010; 2011). Also known as 73

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Williams Thorpe et al., 1984). Since the distance and direction would only be slightly different, this problem will not be addressed in this article. It is possible that obsidian from other areas (e.g., the Aegean) might have arrived in Banat. The sources of workable obsidian in the Aegean that have been reported and studied so far are located on the Cycladic islands of Melos, Antiparos and Yali. The relevant sources in Anatolia are at Acigöl and Ciftlik. Chemical analyses of artefacts are able to distinguish between various sources of obsidian (Oddone et al., 1999; Ryzhov et al., 2005; Biró 2006; Kasztovszky and Biró 2006; Biagi et al., 2007; Rosania et al., 2008), but macroscopically it is very difficult. Since those sources are significantly further away and previous obsidian studies in this region have indicated that all or a vast majority of pieces come from Carpathian sources [see for example: Cârciumaru et al. (1985); Salagean et al. (1988); Constantinescu et al. (2002); Biagi et al. (2007)], it is presumed that most obsidian artefacts found in Banat are from the Carpathian source areas. All obsidian (regardless of whether it came from the Western Carpathians or elsewhere) can be considered a long distance imported material.

"Balkanic flint" and "Honey flint", the primary sources of Balkan flint are found throughout the Dobrudja region of Romania and Bulgaria, and along the lower course of the Danube. Current research in Bulgaria indicates that several different materials from that region are referred to as "Balkan flint" (Gurova 2008; Nachev 2009; Biagi and Starnini 2010; Bonsall et al., 2010). The closest of these is the Murfatlar type flint (aka "Dobrudja flint", "Moesian flint"), which comes from the Late Cretaceous chalk formations between the Danube and the Black Sea. The type locality is the town of Murfatlar in Constanța County, Romania (Macovei and Atanasiu 1934; Ciocârdel 1953; Ciocârdel and Popovici 1954; Chiriac 1957; 1964; 1981; Macovei 1958; Ianovici et al., 1961; Brana 1967; Mutihac and Ionesi 1974; Chiriac et al., 1977; Ionesi 1988). Sources in Dobruja have been noted as well by archaeologists (Comșa 1975, 1976; Gurova 2003; Bonsall et al., 2010). Balkan flint from Dobruja can be clearly distinguished from Moldavian flint by microscopic analysis. Both flints are almost completely composed of very fine, equigranular quartz. Other than where the quartz is mixed with calcite, Fe oxide or Fe hydroxide, both are relatively devoid of other minerals. Occasional larger quartz crystals or opals appear. The difference between them is that Balkan flint samples showed a noticeably higher amount of Fe oxides and hydroxides, viz. goethite and hematite, which causes the yellow, orange and red colours of this type of flint. Macroscopically, this material ranges from greys to yellows and orange. Common colours include 2.5YR 5/1 (reddish grey) to 2.5YR 5/8 (red) and 2.5Y 7/2 (light grey) to 2.5Y 7/8 (yellow) and 2.5Y 5/4 (light olive brown) (Munsell Color 2009). There also appear to be slightly more spots with high calcite content. Although Fe oxides and hydroxides were found in the Moldavian flint samples as well, such pieces were very uncommon and were smaller and more scattered than those found in the Balkan flint samples.

Application to artefacts Although visual and petrographic analyses (as with most analyses) cannot always predict where a material came from, they can narrow down the possibilities. In the absence of known cultural influences, practical or functional influences were used to decide on the most likely sources. In other words, if there was no reason to think otherwise, the nearest possible source was assigned. For example, chert from the Trascău Mts, Perșani Mts, and Ceahlău Massif look very similar, both visually and petrographically, to chert from the Anina Mts, but the Anina Mts would be much closer to archaeological sites in the Banat region than any of the other possible sources. It is recommended that in large quantities, artefacts be given a prediction of their source based on similarity to visual characteristics of similar and probably raw materials. Afterward, a part of the predictions should be verified or refuted by petrographic or other analyses.

The nearest and most likely source of obsidian is in the Western Carpathians. This is a black, highly translucent to transparent, variety of obsidian found in the Western Carpathian Mountains (Hungary and Slovakia) and the adjacent area of the Eastern Carpathians (Ukraine) (Ryzhov et al., 2005; Biagi et al., 2007; Rosania et al., 2008). Some researchers have suggested the possibility of a source of obsidian in Romania in the Maramureş area [e.g., Chirica et al. (1998) and Păunescu (2001)], but no useable sources have yet been found (Nandriș 1975;

Acknowledgements This study was financially supported by funds from the CNCS-UEFISCDI, PNII–IDEI project Nr. 2241/2008 (Romanian Ministry of Education and Research). The following individuals contributed advice or information 74

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to this study: Prof. Corina Ionescu, PhD (Babeș-Bolyai University, Geology Department); and Octavian Popescu, PhD (Caraș-Severin County Museum).

Brana, V. 1967. Zăcăminte nemetalifere din România. București, Editura Tehnică. Cârciumaru, M., Muraru, A., Cârciumaru, E., and Otea, A. 1985. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea surselor de obsidian ca materie primă pentru confecţionarea uneltelor paleolitice de pe teritoriul României. Memoria Antiquitatis 9-11 (1977-1979), 561–603.

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78

THE KOMARIV COMMUNITY FROM ADÂNCATA, SUCEAVA COUNTY. THE EVALUATION OF THE HABITATION CONDITIONS Vasile BUDUI1, Bogdan Petru NICULICĂ2 1 2

"Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava (Romania), Faculty of History and Geography Bukovina Museum, Suceava (Romania)

Abstract. Between 2000 and 2005, systematic archaeological investigations were carried out at the tumulus necropolis from Adâncata, Suceava County, Romania, so far the only Komariv necropolis from this country that has been thoroughly investigated. The interdisciplinary research conducted here has revealed the features of the surrounding natural environment with high potential for human habitation. The spatial geographical analysis of the area was performed using the ArcGIS 9.2 software program and relied on various sources of information: topographical maps and plans, air photographs, field-walking. Further information was gathered from laboratory analyses of the soil material and of the underlying bedrock. The investigated area has a plateau-like character, and it presents optimal conditions for human habitation, as the settlement is delimited by the confluent creeks, the Porcul and the Grigoreşti. The forest spread across the entire area now occupied by the common grazing ground, as evinced by the results of the pedological analyses that revealed a silvan morphology of the soil, specifically the presence of the Bt (argic) horizon. The quasi-horizontal terrain, with a slight southward dip, as well as the access to water, food and wood supplies have favoured the human habitation of the area. Keywords: Bronze Age, Komariv culture, Romania, necropolis, tumulus, GIS, habitat.

1. Introduction 1.1. The location of the archaeological site from Adâncata, Suceava County, Romania The archaeological site from Adâncata contains two distinct components that must be, nonetheless, analysed conjointly with each other: the tumulus necropolis and the modern-day settlement. The site is situated at approximately 12 kilometres from the Romanian city of Suceava, in the central part of the Suceava Plateau, in the Dragomirna Plateau sub-unit (Băcăuanu et al., 1980, 246) (Figure 1). This area has witnessed intense human habitation for millennia (Andronic et al., 2004, 144–185); during prehistory, the area under scrutiny was under the direct influence of one of the most important communication routes in Europe, the Siret couloir, in a sector which opens directly towards the valley of the Suceava River (Budui and Niculică 2003, 78– 80; Niculică et al., 2005, 69; Niculică 2006, 80).

Figure 1. The location of the Adâncata archaeological site within Romania and Suceava County.

with non-permanent water courses that drain into the Grigoreşti Creek, while the upper sectors have a water influx only during rainfall periods and from the melting of the snow (the Porcul and Boul creeks). The plateau’s absolute elevations range between 350 and 400 meters (Budui and Niculică 2003, 79–81).

From a geographical point of view, the archaeological site is located on a cuesta dip slope with a horizontal or slightly-tilted plateau-like appearance. The area is characterised by the presence in the bedrock of a consistent horizon of Volhynian calcareous sandstones, over which lies a Quaternary clay horizon (Ionesi 1994; Grasu et al., 2002).

1.2. The history and main results of the research endeavour The archaeological diggings at Adâncata commenced

The plateau is dissected by a hydrographic network 79

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in 2001. They continued without interruption until 2005, and focused on the investigation of the tumulus necropolis (Niculică 2006, 80–100). Subsequently, during the 2006 campaign, the nearby settlement was probed (Ignat et al., 2007, 31–32). The excavations unearthed various archaeological remains (weapons, tools, adornments, ceramics). Concurrently, several aspects concerning the funerary practices of the human communities that built the necropolis were analysed (Niculică et al., 2005, 69–86; Niculică 2006, 101–107).

three main lines: field investigations, laboratory analyses, and computerised spatial analysis. The spatial analysis of the environmental components specific to the studied area was performed using a dedicated GIS software program, ArcGIS v. 9.2, which digitised a number of landscape features (road network, identified and investigated tumuli, water courses, landscape units) and produced the terrain's numerical Digital Elevation Model (DEM) according to a specific methodology (Scollar et al., 1990; Wilson and Gallant 2000; Smith et al., 2007).

In total, a number of 11 mounds, from the 16 identified on the surface of the plateau, have been investigated (Niculică 2006, 80). With respect to area investigated within the perimeter of the settlement, its surface was of 255 sq. meters (Ignat et al., 2007, 32).

The following data sources were used: - field-walking, surveys and systematic archaeological excavations; - analyses of the archaeological material; - GPS topographical measurements; - topographical plans (1:5000 scale); - orthophoto planning; - pedological maps; - geological and pedological assessments; - pedological laboratory analyses;

The analyses of the remains allowed the specialists to recognise similarities with the archaeological material specific to the Komariv culture that marked the Middle Bronze Age in northern Moldavia (Niculică 2006, 244) and in considerable areas of north-western Ukraine and south-eastern Poland (Swiesznikow 1967, 39–107; Berezanskaja 1971, 354–363; 1985, 428–437; Krušelnicka 1976, 12–18; Smirnova 1976, 118–135; 1982, 54–59; Munteanu 2010, 52–55, 93–94, 143–146, 209–213; Makarowicz 2010). Currently, since the carbon–14 analysis has not yet been completed, the dating has been based only on the typological-comparative analysis of the ceramic ware; a preliminary date for the necropolis from Adâncata can be put forward, between 2000 and 1600/1500 BC (Niculică 2006, 233–237, 244), therefore largely corresponding to the datings from Poland and Romania (Kośko 1998; Munteanu 2010, 181–183; Makarowicz 2010, 15–54).

Some of the primary post-processing of the data was performed using the Global Mapper v. 10 software program, particularly file conversions and map projection corrections for the points collected using a Garmin EtrexVista Cx GPS. During the first stage of digitisation, the printed (classical) topographical plans pertaining to the investigated area, at a scale of 1:5000, passed through a scanning – importing – geo-referencing – digitising process. The contour lines, with 1 m intervals, were thus extracted and the corresponding elevations were set. The result was a .shp vector file which was used to generate the DEM (Figure 2).

2. Geographical aspects Besides the proper archaeological research conducted here, a series of observations and measurements were taken which sought to highlight the features of the natural environment that favoured the settling and developing of this prehistoric community. Thus, the research team focused not only on the proper archaeological artefacts, but also on understanding the lifestyle and the habitat in which the Komariv community form Adâncata evolved. 2.1. Work method Figure 2. The Digital Elevation Model for the Adâncata archaeological site area.

The geographical research was carried out along

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V. BUDUI, B. P. NICULICĂ: THE KOMARIV COMMUNITY FROM ADÂNCATA, SUCEAVA COUNTY. THE EVALUATION OF THE HABITATION CONDITIONS

This important process was the basis for the geomorphological analysis which will discuss below. Over the last years GIS methodology has become increasingly popular for archaeological research (Hodder and Oder 1976; Hunt 1992; Wheatley and Gillings 2002).

the mound no. 2 used local Volhynian sandstone for erecting the central tomb and the surrounding circular ring which delimited the central sacred area (Niculică et al., 2005, 71, 73, 75–76). The use of sandstone slabs identical to those found in the bedrock attests to the fact that sandstone quarrying took place during Komarivan times.

2.2. The geographical research and results

The plateau-like relief form is grafted onto a generally mono-clinal structure, typical for the whole of the Moldavian Plateau (Ionesi 1994, 48– 50; Ioniţă 2000, 18–19), composed of alternating friable unconsolidated rock (sand, clay) layers and sandstone or limestone layers of various thicknesses. This fact testifies for the affiliation of the Suceava Plateau, of which our study area is a part of, to the forebulge depozone of the foreland basis system (Grasu et al., 2002). Consequently, the relief form with a plateau-like general appearance is bounded to the north by the steep slope of the Moara şi Valea Mare valley, corresponding to a cuesta scarp which culminates in altitude at Pleşei Hill (Hănţeşti, 435m). The thalwegs of the creeks that run the plateau (Porcul to the east and Boul to the west) have deepened by several meters, and thus the prehistorical settlement is more clearly marked from a spatial point of view (Budui and Niculică 2003, 80). The main geomorphological features are shown in Figures 4–6.

Previous investigations were carried out on the stratigraphy of the eastern region of Romania (Macarovici 1964; Ionesi 1968; Bâgu and Mocanu 1984; Ionesi et al., 1993, Grasu et al., 2002), on the mono-clinal geological structure's influence on the relief (Ioniţă 2000), or on the currently active geomorphological processes (Seceleanu 2000). Our research addressed issues of geomorphological, geomorphometrical and petrographical features, and the relations between these components and prehistoric human habitation. The data obtained from the archaeological diggings and the archaeological interpretations has revealed the presence of a highly active local community partaking in daily activities such as ceramic, leather and plant fibres production, the manufacturing of various weapons and tools from stone and flint (battle axes, arrow heads, knives and blades). To these purposes, the people made use of rocks from both local (e.g. sandstone, marl, menilite) and imported (e.g. flint, magmatic rocks) sources (Niculică 2006, 108–109). These Volhynian sandstones, called the "oolithic sandstone level from Burdujeni" (Macarovici 1964), can be found at few meters below the surface, and are exploited on a wide scale throughout the plateau, in circular excavations that continue with shallow galleries (Efros et al., 2004, 17–24; Niculică and Budui 2005, 305) (Figure 3). It is noteworthy that the builders of

The median elevation is 396m, with most of the areas found within a 35m elevation span (380– 415m). The weak fragmentation is also reflected in the slopes' layout (Figure 5), most of the surfaces having a reduced incline or being quasi-horizontal. Steep dips are only typical for cuesta fronts or the modest versants of the Porcul and Boul creeks. Because of the influence of the mono-clinal structure with a bedrock that is slowly falling towards the south-southeast, the surfaces are also exposed predominantly towards the south-east, south, and south-west (Figure 6). Therefore, the geomorphometrical parameters present values that favour human habitation: moderate altitudes, broad access to the neighbouring land units, reduced slopes, and surface exposure predominantly on directions of maximum insolation (SE, E, and SW). Furthermore, the analysis of the hypsometrical maps, corroborated by field observations, reveals the fact that the settlement from Adâncata was founded by the prehistoric people at the most suitable location, on an outcrop (a triangular-shaped spur) that was naturally defended on the sides.

Figure 3. Exploitation of sandstone deposits in the Adâncata Plateau by local inhabitants. 81

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 4. Hypsometric map of the Adâncata archaeological site area.

Figure 5. Slope map of the Adâncata archaeological site area.

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V. BUDUI, B. P. NICULICĂ: THE KOMARIV COMMUNITY FROM ADÂNCATA, SUCEAVA COUNTY. THE EVALUATION OF THE HABITATION CONDITIONS

Figure 6. Aspect map of the Adâncata archaeological site area.

Figure 7. Aspect map of the Adâncata archaeological site area.

Figure 8. Soil profile in tumulus no. 2.

where the deceased was inhumed (Figures 7 and 8).

Tumulus no. 2 was the target of detailed pedological investigations meant to clarify the evolutionary history of the soil on which the tomb was raised, and to underline several architectural features. The profile analysed has a central position within the tumulus, corresponding to place

One of the most obvious features of the tumuli is the presence of two overlapping profiles, in most cases undisturbed, which present the opportunity to make a comparison between a prehistoric underlying 83

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Furthermore, we found that the filling material (the mantle) was deliberately compacted, as to increase the hardness and protection factor of the outer casing, and to better preserve the funerary space within.

profile, relatively well "preserved", and an overlying one that gradually developed subsequent to the raising of the tumulus. This feature allows for a highly accurate dating of the soil profiles, with reference to the archaeological criteria. The morphological description of the soil profile, and the chemical and physical analyses (Figures 9 and 10) of soil samples have shown that in the tumulus there are two types of overlapping soils. The two soil tiers are relatively alike, but each presents distinct particularities conferred by the constructive features of tumuli: - the slope is altered, and this increases the superficial drainage of water at the expense of infiltration; - the concentration of decayed organic matter increases from the surface towards the interior level where the deceased was deposited; - the material with which the deceased was covered was brought from nearby, collected from the upper pedogenetic horizon relatively rich in humus.

Horiz.

Coarse Fine Depth Silt Clay sand sand (cm) (%) (%) (%) (%)

Am

Texture

0÷22

1.10

41.47 36.47 20.96 Sandy-silty loam

Ame 22÷50

0.82

44.25 35.85 19.08 Sandy-silty loam

A/B

50÷63

0.76

36.00 32.91 30.33

Loam

Bt

63÷12

0.68

33.69 38.01 27.62

Silty loam

Ao

120÷1

0.60

35.34 37.08 26.98

Silty loam

Ea

140÷1

0.48

35.61 43.11 20.80 Sandy-silty loam

Btw

160÷2

1.10

27.43 28.87 42.60

Clay loam

Cca

>208

2.83

21.59 46.00 29.58

Silty loam

Figure 9. Soil texture variation in tumulus no. 2. Horiz.

The investigations, the analyses and the interpretations of the results were made in accordance to the S.R.T.S. 2003 (Florea and Munteanu 2003) and the established methods, procedures and recommendations (I.C.P.A. 1987). The important differences of textures which were noticed suggested an advanced evolution of the soil, while the relatively high levels of humus recorded point to an input of foreign humic material during the construction of the tumulus. The pedological analyses carried out inside the tumulus (Figures 9 and 10) have suggested properties similar to the Greyic Phaeozem and the Stagnic-Albic Luvisol, with the pedological profile being composed of two sequences. The lower sequence is inherited and belongs to a Stagnic-Albic Luvisol typical for the whole plateau region, partially fossilised and only slightly affected by the pedogenesis that followed the tumulus' erection. The upper sequence evolved, from a pedogenetic point of view, on the basis of the material deposited in the tumulus and probably once collected from the surface of the humus-rich prehistoric soil. The presence of carbonates in the lower tiers is an indicator of insufficient eluviation caused by the tumuli's modified slopes and the shorter evolution time span when compared with the adjoining landmass.

Depth (cm)

pH % Humus SB (H2O) CaCO3 % (ppm)

V (%)

Am

0÷22

5.45

–

4.48

10.85

72.62

Ame

22÷50

5.6

–

2.67

7.33

67.30

A/B

50÷63

5.62

–

2.06

16.34

82.48

Bt

63÷12

6.27

–

0.97

18.77

90.85

Ao

120÷1

6.46

–

1.45

19.2

95.16

Ea

140÷1

6.84

–

0.73

19.99

93.80

Btw

160÷2

7.84

7.29

0.97

–

–

Cca

>208

8.27

14.14

0.38

–

–

Figure 10. Chemical properties of the soil profile in tumulus no. 2.

3. Conclusions The archaeological diggings from Adâncata have established the chronological placement of the discoveries within the Komarivan timespan (2000– 1600/1500 BC). This was the first time ever when an archaeological campaign has exhaustively investigated a Komariv necropolis in Romania. At the same time, the identification and probing of the contemporary Komariv settlement nearby is a first in Romanian archaeology, given the rarity of such discoveries on Romanian soil (Niculică 2006, 101– 107).

The results attest to the fact that these tumuli were built from humus-rich material collected from their vicinity (Budui and Niculică 2003, 85; 2004, 184), and that some of them had an initial height of 2–3 meters that gradually shrank as the soil compacted.

The tumulus necropolis from Adâncata–Imaş and the settlement are situated on a quasi-horizontal plateau with a SE–S–SW exposure. The computergenerated graphical outputs show that the access between the necropolis and the settlement was 84

V. BUDUI, B. P. NICULICĂ: THE KOMARIV COMMUNITY FROM ADÂNCATA, SUCEAVA COUNTY. THE EVALUATION OF THE HABITATION CONDITIONS

References

facile, and that several mounds could have been easily guarded from the settlement (e.g., mounds nos 8 and 9).

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The availability of surface (wood) and underground (stone, construction loam) resources constituted an advantage for the development of the Komariv community from Adâncata. Completing the picture are several water springs identified by field observations at the base of the ness onto which the settlement lied. We believe that this picture is similar to the one from during the Bronze Age when, most probably, the prehistoric people collected water from such sources.

Băcăuanu, V., Barbu, N., Pantazică, M., Ungureanu, Al. and Chiriac, D. 1980. Podişul Moldovei. Natură, om, economie. Bucureşti, Editura Științifică şi Enciclopedică. Bâgu, Gh. and Mocanu, Al. 1984. Geologia Moldovei. Stratigrafie şi consideraţii economice. Bucureşti, Editura Tehnică. Berezanskaja, S. S. 1971. Komariv’ska Arheologija Ukrajn’skoj RSR, 354–363.

The pedological analyses revealed the tumuli's construction method, while the stratigraphic observations gave credit to the hypothesis previously held by the archaeologists according to which the circular stone ring from tumulus no. 2 was visible, being built after the erection of the funerary mound (Niculică et al., 2005, 76). At the same time, the forest spread across the entire area now occupied by the common grazing ground, as evinced by the results of the pedological analyses that revealed a sylvan morphology of the soil, specifically the presence of the Bt (argic) horizon.

ku’ltura.

Berezanskaja, S. S. 1985. Komarivskaja kul’tura. Arheologija Ukrainskoj SSR, 428–437. Budui, V. and Niculică, B. P. 2003. Situl arheologic Adâncata–Imaş (judeţul Suceava). Caracteristici fizicogeografice şi relaţii pedo-arheologice. Analele Universităţii „Ştefan cel Mare” Suceava. Secţiunea Geografie XII, 79–86. Budui, V. and Niculică, B. P. 2004. Consideraţii pedogeografice privind tumulul nr. 2 din necropola tumulară de tip Komarow – Costișa – Bialy-Potik, de la Adâncata (jud. Suceava). Codrul Cosminului 8-9 (18-19), 177–186.

The data presented in this study (obtained from the GIS spatial analysis) suggests an increased favourability of the natural conditions, of the environment in which the human habitation around the Adâncata plateau evolved.

Efros, V., Popescu, D. A. and Popescu, L. Gh. 2004. Geologia, exploatarea şi valorificarea nivelelor de gresii din zona Adâncata şi implicaţiile asupra utilizării terenurilor. Analele Universităţii „Ştefan cel Mare” Suceava. Secţiunea Geografie XIII, 17–24.

This data is the first from a longer series that seeks to highlight, understand and capture the impact of the environmental conditions in which the Komariv community from Adâncata evolved. All of these results will be presented in a soon-to-be-published monograph devoted to the archaeological site.

Florea, N. and Munteanu, I. (coord.). 2003. Sistemul român de taxonomie a solurilor. Bucureşti, Editura Estfalia. Grasu, C., Miclăuş, C., Brânzilă, M., Boboş, I. 2002. Sarmaţianul din sistemul bazinelor de foreland ale Carpaţilor Orientali. Bucureşti, Editura Tehnică.

The archaeological and geographical investigations from around Adâncata, Suceava County, Romania will be augmented by further complex interdisciplinary research: new pedological analyses, palynological analyses, magnetometric surveying, ceramic spectrography, carbon-14 analyses. They will make possible to reconstruct as accurately as possible the local prehistorical environment. Likewise, emphasis was placed on identifying, observing, and recording the site's erosion factors, as well as on identifying and indexing the local resources (clay, sandstone, and other stones suitable for tool or weapon production).

Hodder, I. and Orton, C. 1976. Spatial Analysis in Archaeology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Hunt, E.D. 1992. Upgrading Site-Catchment Analysis with the use of GIS. World Archaeology 24 (2), 283–309.

I.C.P.A. 1987. Metodologia elaborării studiilor pedologice. București, Institutul de Cercetări pentru Pedologie și Agrochimie.

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com. Adâncata, jud. Suceava, „Sub Pădure”. Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România. Campania 2006, 31–32.

Niculică, B. and Budui, V. 2005. Câteva observaţii privind analizele pedologice din tumulul nr. 2, aparţinând culturii Komariv, de la Adâncata-Imaş, jud. Suceava. Arheologia Moldovei XXVIII, 303–311.

Ionesi, B. 1968. Stratigrafia depozitelor miocene de platformă dintre Valea Siretului şi Valea Moldovei. Bucureşti, Editura Academiei.

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Ionesi, L. 1994. Geologia unităţilor de platformă şi a orogenului nord-dobrogean. Bucureşti, Editura Tehnică. Ionesi, L., Barbu, N. and Ionesi, B. 1993. Consideraţii asupra evoluţiei post-badeniene a Platformei Moldoveneşti. Analele Universităţii „Ştefan cel Mare” Suceava. Secţiunea Geografie–Geologie III, 3–9.

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Kośko, Al. (ed.). 1998. The Trzciniec area of the Early Bronze Age civilisation: 1950–1200 BC. Poznań, Adam Mickiewicz University, Institute of Prehistory.

Smith, M.J., Goodchild, M.F. and Logley, P.A. 2007. Geospatial Analysis. A comprehensive guide to principles, techniques and software tool. Matador, Troubadour Publishing Ltd.

Krušelnicka, L. 1976. Pivnične Prikarpatja i zahidna Volin’ za dobi rann’ogo zaliza. Kijv, Vyd. Naukova dumka.

Swiesznikow, I. 1967. Kultura Komarowska (Na podstawie materialów z płn. Podkarpacia i zach. Wolynia). Archaeologia Polski XII (1), 39–107.

Macarovici, N. 1964. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea Sarmaţianului de pe dreapta Siretului (dintre Rădăuţi şi Bacău). Analele Științifice ale Universității „Al. I. Cuza” Iaşi, s.II b, Geologie–Geografie X, 13–43.

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Makarowicz, P. 2010. Trzciniecki krąg kulturowy – wspólnota pogranicza Wschodu I Zachodu Europy. Poznań, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie. Munteanu, R. 2010. Începutul bronzului mijlociu în depresiunile marginale ale Carpaţilor Orientali. PiatraNeamţ, Editura Constantin Matasă.

Wheatley, D. and Gilings, M. 2002. Spatial technology and Archaeology: the archaeological applications of GIS. New York, Taylor & Francis.

Niculică, B. P., Mareş, I., Boghian, D., Ignătescu, S. 2005. Considérations préliminaires sur les pratiques funéraires de la nécropole de type Komariv – Bilyj Potik – Costişa, d’Adâncata –„Imaş” (dép. de Suceava). Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica X-XI, 69–86.

Wilson, J.P. and Gallant, J.C. (eds.) 2000. Terrain Analysis. Principles and Applications. New York, John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Niculică, B. P. 2006. Epoca mijlocie şi târzie a bronzului în Podişul Sucevei. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Iaşi.

86

MAGNETOMETRIC PROSPECTIONS IN THE THRACO-GETAE FORTRESS FROM SAHARNA MARE, REZINA DISTRICT, REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Ion NICULIŢĂ1, Vasile COTIUGĂ2, Aurel ZANOCI1, Andrei ASĂNDULESEI2, Mihail BĂȚ1, Gheorghe ROMANESCU2, Felix-Adrian TENCARIU2, Radu BALAUR2, Cristi NICU2, Ștefan CALINIUC2 1

State University of Moldova, Chișinău (Republic of Moldova) Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform

2"

Abstract. The rocky hill from Saharna Mare, situated at 1 km south-west of the present day village of Saharna, constitutes the high terrace of the Dniester's right bank, with lofty and steep flanks on its northern, eastern, and south-eastern sides. With a surface area of ca. 12ha, the hill has witnessed human habitation since the end of the 2nd millennium BC. A semi-oval "stronghold", measuring 60×64 m and dated to the 10th–8th century BC, has been archaeologically attested at this location. The fortification's southern boundary is marked by the interfluve's steep hillslope, while the eastern, northern, and western ones by a man-made defensive work composed of a palisade (a "wall" of two rows of timber, with the gap between them filled with clay and rocks) and a ditch adjoining to the front. Towards the 8th–6th century BC, the inhabited area from Saharna Mare witnessed a considerable expansion to the central and north-eastern parts of the promontory, forcing the erection of a newer, more complex and sturdy fortification system, which was again rebuild during the 5th–4th century. The defensive system was composed of a "wall", stretching for ca. 385m and with a width of ca. 5.6m, which was built from a wooden case with a core (emplecton) made from a mixture of dirt, sand, gravel, and rocks. To the exterior of the south-western side, a ditch, 15m wide at the top and 6m at the bottom, was dug parallel to the "wall". The defensive potential of the fortress was augmented by three bastion positioned in front of the defensive line, in the central area and on the flanks. During the 2010 campaign the entire area in question was magnetometrically surveyed, as to trace the path of the fortification works that were archaeologically attested, and to identify new archaeological complexes. The resulting magnetometric map highlights the paths of the archaeologically identified fortifications, as well as the existence of other magnetometric anomalies which may represent other various archaeological complexes. Keywords: Thraco-Getae, Saharna Mare, Dniester, fortress, magnetometric prospections.

accommodated an open settlement of the Sihleanu– Râmnicele–Saharna Mică cultural facies of the Hallstatt era, chronologically placed between the end of the 12th century BC and the beginning of the 11th century BC, archaeologically manifested as closed complexes containing pottery decorated principally with incisions (Niculiță et al. 2008, 13– 50).

1. Introduction 1.1. Physical-geographical setting The Thraco-Getae fortress from Saharna Mare (Rezina Rayon, Republic of Moldova) is placed on the intefluvial promontory where the Saharna brook (right hand tributary of the Dniester) meets the Stohnaia brook, at 1 km south-west of the presentday village of Saharna, which is located on the major bed of the Dniester River, on the deltaic alluvial fan formed by valley of the Saharna brook as it discharges into the Dniester (Figure 1). The plateau on which the ancient settlement is located has a surface area of ca. 12ha, with lofty and steep flanks on its northern, eastern, and south-eastern sides (the average elevation is approximately 40m) (Figures 2 and 3) (Niculiță et al. 2003; 2008, 69– 72). It is a fragmented carstic plateau (as a result of an obvious landform energy) onto which several karstic ouvals (sinkholes) developed in "Toltry" reefy deposits, some of which were incorporated into the fortification system at various moments in time (Figure 4).

During the following centuries (from the 10th century BC to the first half of the 8th century BC) the occupation area extends towards the southwestern portion of the interfluve, where a civilian settlement, which produced countless finds typical of the Cozia-Saharna Hallstattian culture, has been archaeologically attested. This time interval also witnessed the erection on the promontory's southeastern edge of a semi-oval "fortress" measuring 60×64 metres. The fortification's southern boundary coincides with the interfluve's steep hillslope, while the eastern, northern, and western ones by manmade defensive works perching on a sinkhole. The archaeological investigation revealed that the defensive system comprised a "wall" doubled to the exterior by a ditch. The crumbling remains of the "wall" contain a mixture of clayish-sandy soil, stones, ash, and fragments of carbonised wood. The removal of the debris revealed an underlying series

1.2. The evolution of the Thraco-Getae habitation Initially, the east-central part of the interfluve 87

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

of pittholes deployed on two approximately parallel lines at a distance of 0.6–0.8m from each other. On the basis of the stratigraphical analysis and the location of the pits, we can presume that the "wall" consisted of two fences (stakewalls) made from wooden stakes that were vertically anchored into the soil, and with the space in-between filled with clayish-sandy soil and rock of various sizes. The ditch was dug at ca. 10m in front of the "wall". Its width in the upper portion was ca. 4.2m, and at the base 1.5m; the depth was ca. 1.2m.

Figure 1. The location of the Saharna Mare fortress on the right bank of the Dniester River.

During the second half of the 8th century BC–the 7th century BC, conspicuous changes occur in the material culture, which can be archaeologically tracked through the substantial shift in terms of ceramic morphology and decoration. This phenomenon reflects the slow transition from the Cozia-Saharna culture to the Basarabi-Şoldăneşti facies, a process that did not involve flagrant ethnocultural changes. Towards the 7th–6th centuries BC, the occupied area from Saharna Mare greatly increased to a size of approximately 10ha, engulfing the central and north-eastern portion of the promontory. Also during this time, the vulnerable south-western side of the settlement was fortified by a simple wooden palisade, whose remains are limited to the ditch into which the wooden stakes were once implanted. Later on, as the palisade deteriorated and the settlement continued to expand, this defensive line was abandoned, and sometimes during the 5th–4th century BC the task of defending the south-western flank was taken instead by a new defensive system, much more complex and sturdy, positioned slightly more to the east of the former palisade.

Figure 2. Aerial photograph of the fortress.

The new defensive system comprised a "wall" with a length of 385m that cut the interfluve from one edge to another. The archaeological research showed that the "wall" had a width of ca. 5.6m, and that it was built using a wooden case with a rammed core (emplecton) made from wall, sand, gravel, and stones. To protect the wooden outer casing from potential fires caused by attackers, a "carapace" from clay and/or limestone slabs was built over it.

Figure 3. The physical setting of the fortress.

Towards the south-west, to the exterior of and parallel to the wall, a ditch with a width of 6m at the bottom and 15m at the top was dug to increase the system's defensive capabilities. The original depth of the ditch did not exceed 3.2 meters. From a bird's eye view, the "wall" and the

Figure 4. Karstic ouvals (sinkholes) on the Saharna Mare plateau. 88

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resolution (10 readings per metre). The magnetometer can be set-up in various configurations (a single sensor, horizontal or vertical gradiometer) on a portable harness or on a mobile platform, a feature which greatly facilitates the raw data collecting facet of the research.

ditch were curved towards the south-western exterior. The defensive potential of the fortress was augmented by three bastions positioned in front of the defensive line, in the central sector, and on the flanks. The bastions were raised using the same construction technique used for the enclosure "wall": a wooden casing with a composite mixture core. The bastions were likewise confined by external ditches. The analysis of the archaeological material demonstrated that the fortified settlement from the Saharna Mare interfluve reached its greatest level of demographical, economic, cultural, and military development in the 4th–3rd centuries BC. From this era come the remains of two dwellings, an oven, nine hearths, and over 60 storage and refuse pits. Similarly, most of the findings from within the enclosure—work tools, weapons, adornments, clothing items, cult objects, local and imported ceramic, etc.—were also dated to the 4th–3rd century BC.

Figure 5. The Geometrics G858 system. The primary methodology employed during the surveying of the Saharna Mare settlement consisted of using the two sensors in the horizontal gradient configuration, on the mobile platform, at a distance of 1 m between them, and at 0.3m above ground. With careful consideration to the topography of the terrain (Figures 6 and 7), a grid was laid out dividing the area into 19 grid squares, each measuring 50×50 metres. The large area surveyed (approximately 5 hectares) and the shortage of time forced us to select a 1m breadth between the lines. Where it was possible, the survey followed a northto-south pattern.

2. Magnetometric surveys During the 2010 campaign, following collaboration between the Moldova State University from Chișinău and the Arheoinvest Platform from the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași, the settlement's interior was magnetometrically surveyed in order to identify the anthropic structures and the fortification works from the north-eastern side, towards the Dniester. 2.1. Methods

The integration, management, and processing of the data, and the dissemination of the results, was done through a GIS platform (ArcGis 9.3). For the primary applications consisting of data filtering and exporting into a compatible GIS format, we made use of the dedicated software packages provided by manufactures of the equipment (MagMap and MagPick). Bearing in mind the risk of losing viable information, the data were not filtered excessively during the processing stage.

The method of choice was caesium magnetometry, because, as it is well-known by scientific community, this method is one of the fastest and most productive methods applied in archaeological research. The technical principles behind this noninvasive research method are not the subject of this article, particularly since there is a rich bibliography available on this topic (Clark 1990; Scollar et al. 1990; Gaffney and Gater 2003; Kvamme 2006; Schmidt 2007). The combination of extremely fast data acquisition rate, in relatively short time periods, and the high spatial resolution of the data, made this method the most suitable to be employed at Saharna Mare.

2.2. Results Faithful to the primary objectives laid out at the beginning of the project, we focused our work on identifying the main habitation structures, but particularly on identifying any elements of the defensive works of the fortress and of the entire archaeological site. Despite a strong background noise caused by various metallic fragments scattered throughout the entire surface of the site and by

The equipment used in this case was a Geometrics G858 caesium magnetometer (Figure 5), which can be considered an adequate choice for identifying the magnetic anomalies corresponding to areas of archaeological value, due to its excellent spatial 89

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Figure 6. Saharna Mare – topographic contour map.

Figure 7. Saharna Mare – three-dimensional model. 90

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Figure 8. Saharna Mare. – the magnetometric map with the main anomalies identified by the survey.

Figure 9. Saharna Mare – images captured during the excavation of the settlement's defensive wall. 91

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archaeology: an explicitly North American perspective, 205–233. Tuscaloosa, University of Alabama Press.

countless recent anthropic activities, we managed to chart on the magnetometric map the defensive ditch enclosing the fortress (Figure 8, anomaly no. 1).

Niculiță, I., Zanoci, A., Matveev, S. and Nicic, A. 2003. Les monuments thraco-gètes de la zone de Saharna. Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica IX, 241–252.

Similarly, a sizeable anomaly was detected in the north-eastern sector of the site (Figure 8, anomaly no. 3), which seems to outline, at least in this area, the ancient settlement. On the basis of its shape, size, and path we concluded that it was part of the defensive wall. This interpretation was confirmed by the diggings conducted during the 2011 campaign, when a perpendicular trench sectioned through the anomaly (Figure 9).

Niculiță, I., Zanoci A., and Arnăut, T. 2007. Sistemul defensive al cetății din epoca fierului – Saharna Mare. Tyrageția s.n. 1 (XVII), 51–78. Niculiță, I., Zanoci A., and Arnăut, T. 2008. Habitatul din mileniul I a.Chr. în regiunea Nistrului mijlociu (siturile din zona Saharna). Chișinău, Muzeul Național de Arheologie și Istorie a Moldovei.

Another category of anomalies detected by the magnetometric survey comprises recent anthropic interventions (Figure 8, anomalies nos. 2 and 6). The anomalies were caused by previous archaeological excavations that were not charted into the site plan (Figure 8, anomaly no. 2) and by the presence of a monument with a reinforced-steel frame (Figure 8, anomaly no. 6).

Schmidt, A. 2007. Archaeology, magnetic methods. In D. Gubbins and E. Herrero-Bervera (eds.), Encyclopedia of Geomagnetism and Paleomagnetism, 23–31. New York, Springer. Scollar, I., Tabbagh, A., Hesse A., and Herzog I. 1990. Archaeological prospecting and remote sensing. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Alongside these delimited areas, interpreted and classified or not as archaeological features, other anomalies were identified (Figure 8, anomalies nos. 4 and 5), some of which have notable sizes and are dominated by strong magnetic signals that are probably caused by the presence of burnt remains, therefore attributable to putative cultural anomalies pending archaeological confirmation. 3. Conclusions We conclude by arguing that out project, which sought to investigate in a non-invasive manner a large surface of the Saharna Mare archaeological site, was successful in producing information that was later confirmed by archaeological diggings. Future prospects include surveying a series of specific locations in the settlement in order to obtain detailed information that could allow for a more accurate interpretation from a planimetrical point of view. References Clark, A. 1990. Seeing beneath the soil. Prospecting methods in archaeology, London, Batsford. Gaffney, C. and Gater, J. 2003. Revealing the buried past. Geophysics for archaeologists. Gloucestershire, Tempus. Kvamme, K. L. 2006. Magnetometry: nature’s gift to archaeology. In J. K. Johnson, Remote sensing in 92

TOPOGRAPHY IN SUPPORT OF ARCHAEOLOGY, AT ROMULA Lucian AMON University of Craiova (Romania), Faculty of Theology, History and Educational Sciences Abstract. Romula was an important urban centre of the Roman province of Dacia. A controversial issue concerns the location of the two Roman camps—reported and outlined at the end of the 17th century by L.F. Marsigli as existing in the eastern part of the town— but which have not yet been identified by archaeological means. Since such an investigation is, currently, very difficult to be carried out, since the area is almost entirely superposed by modern constructions, the use of a little-known topographic plan turns out to be, for the moment, the only workable solution: the plan of the Reşca estate, developed in 1840 by cadastral engineer Ghiţă Mănăstiriceanu. Based on it, we put forward an original location in the south-eastern part of the village for one of the fortifications, in an area which has not been sufficiently researched from an archaeological point of view. The Roman camp seems to be of a rectangular, almost square shape, with its sides measuring 161.40×144.30m, and is located at a distance of about 407 m from the so-called city centre's fortress. This fortification was the only one identified and investigated through archaeological excavation. Further investigations are needed in order to confirm this hypothesis. Keywords: Romula, Limes Alutanus, roman fortification, castellum, topographic plan.

Roman military detachments during the Dacian Wars. After the establishment of the province, the first colonists settle in the area of the old rammed-earth castrum. The enclosure, which now surrounded a civilian area, was eventually (probably after AD 168–169) replaced by a brick structure.

1. General considerations Romula (today Reşca village, Dobrosloveni Commune, Olt County, Romania) was one of the most important Roman settlements in the province of Dacia. Located on the Limes Alutanus, the city played complex economic, political, and strategicmilitary functions. The first traces of Roman presence date from the beginning of 2nd century AD. Around this time, the settlement acquired the status of municipium, and later, at the beginning of the next century, it received the title of colonia. Besides some detachments of legions and auxiliary troops with a transient presence, the city was home for a long stretch of time of the Cohors I Flavia Commagenorum and to a Numerus Syrorum sagittariorum (Petolescu 2002, 95, 144). An issue much debated in Romanian and foreign historiography concerns the identity between Romula and Malva, the capital of Dacia Malvensis (Petolescu 1987, 23–32). After the Aurelian withdrawal, the settlement maintained constant contact with the Empire; monetary circulation is attested until the end of 6th century. Because of the many ruins, which in the mid-19th century were still visible, A. T. Laurian designated Romula as a true "Romanian Pompeii" (Laurian 1846, 96).

B-C. Two hypothetical castra, situated to the south (B) and north (C) of the Teslui River. Their existences have not been archaeologically attested, but rely on information provided by Count Luigi Fernando de Marsigli, a military engineer of the Austrian Army. After having visited the ruins from Antina (Romula, A/N) at the end of the 17th century, he would remark that "worthy of mention are, foremost, several rectangular forts built entirely out of bricks impressed with designs" (Marsigli 1744, 69, fig. XL). In the illustrations accompanying his writings (Figure 1), the Austrian officer also provides information regarding the location of these structures, alongside that of the central enclosure. We cannot know whether Marsigli's drawing was based on rigorous measurements, or whether it is merely a rough draft created for orientation purposes. We are inclined towards the latter assumption, at least if we take into consideration the shape of the A fortification as it is depicted in Marsigli's work, with the lengths of the longer sides rather exaggerated when compared to the lengths of the shorter ones, an element that does not correlate with the archaeological evidence (Vlădescu 1896, 35).

2. Romula's fortifications Romula's defensive system is constituted by four main elements: A. The earliest is a rectangular central enclosure. Initially bounded only by a rammed-earth wall and a ditch, it was probably the encampment for some

D. A polygonal peripheral defensive belt comprising a ditch and a rammed-earth wall. Under the order of 93

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Figure 1. Romula’s fortifications outlined by L.F. Marsigli. Figure 2. Plan of Romula drawn by P. Polonic.

Figure 3. Plan of Romula drawn by D. Tudor.

Figure 4. Plan of Romula drawn by C.M. Tătulea.

not see fit to include in his drawings the multitude of walls and building remains that could be seen scattered throughout this area (Marsigli 1774, 69).

Philip the Arab, the wall was replaced by a brick wall. Inside, another median wall, running in an E–W direction, divided the city into two compartments, on the northern and, respectfully, southern bank of the Teslui River. In Marsigli's plan, the Phillipian wall is not depicted. Since at that moment the wall was most certainly still visible, we can only infer that it did not elicit special attention on part of the military officer who, in fact, specified that he did

3. Objectives The paper attempts to pinpoint the position of the B fortification (castellum) found south of the Teslui River, by relying on cartographic evidence. 94

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placed very close to the southern shore of the Teslui River (Tudor 1978, fig. 42). Subsequently, C. M. Tătulea, the author of the last monograph of Romula (published posthumously), fixed the position of the castellum much southerly (Figure 4) (Tătulea 1994, 74, fig. 8).

4. Historiographical premises Besides the information coming from Marsigli's writings, we have knowledge of the fact that in the middle of the 19th century, the engineer Al. Popovici prepared a plan of the ruins from Romula, that is now unfortunately lost (Tudor 1978, 180).

5. Argumentation

On the occasion of the first systematic archaeological investigations undertaken at Romula in 1900 (Tocilescu 1900, 70–78), P. Polonic created a plan of the ancient city (Figure 2) in which only the polygonal belt is rendered, the rest of the fortifications being omitted from the representation. Nonetheless, his records make mention of a castellum to the south of the Teslui: "a squareshaped fortress, on the south-eastern part of the Roman city, towards the southern boundary of the former Reşcuţa village" (Tocilescu 1900, 71).

In 1911, Al. T. Dumitrescu published an article which contained a drawing (Figure 5) with the following marginal note: "the plan of the Reşca estate (Romanaţi County), with the Roman ruins and roads. Elaborated after the original made in 1840 by Ghiţă Mănăstiriceanu under the direction of Gr. Otetelişanu. The Archives of the Ministry of Domains, file 1638/1036" (Dumitrescu 1911, 392). We do not have knowledge of the reasons why contemporary researchers who tackled the problem at hand do not make direct reference to this cartographic source.

Eleven years after this moment, Al. T. Dumitrescu conducted new archaeological diggings, and attempted a new assessment of the still-visible vestiges.

The plan, created after a topographic survey, mentions the scale used for making the measurements: "one thousand Şerban Vodă feet", a unit of length employed before the adoption of the metric system, and equal to 1.966500 m (Săineanu 1896, 773; Năstase 1983, 396). A graphic unit was equal to 100 feet, thus equal to 196.6 meters.

The systematic research was resumed in 1965 under the supervision of D. Tudor. He would make a new plan of the city (Figure 3), in which all four defensive works are depicted. The B fortification is

Figure 5. Plan of Romula drawn by G. Mănăstiriceanu, 1840. 95

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With respect to depiction of the B fortification, it is of an almost square shape in the plan. Three of the sides measure 161.40m in length, while the eastern side is 170m. In this case, we do not exclude the possibility that the drawing is erroneous, caused by a defective copying of the original document. In terms of the position, the B fortification is located at 407.15 metres from the A fortified enclosure, a distance measured between the north-western and, respectfully, the south-eastern corners of the two structures. In the plan of the settlement as published

Besides a series of physical-geographical elements, the drawing contains the ancient roads and two large enclosures that correspond to the A and B fortifications. To test the accuracy of Mănăstiriceanu's plan, we compared the dimensions of the A fortification that has been archaeologically documented (216 x 182 m) (Vlădescu 1986, 35) to those depicted in the drawing (224.9 x 182.4), and concluded that the numbers are very similar.

Figure 6. Location of fortification B proposed by D. Tudor (B1) and C.M. Tătulea (B2), compared with the location suggested by us (B3).

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D. Tudor and C. M. Tătulea. The information supplied by this source is important because it alleviates the penury of data made available through archaeological research.

by D. Tudor, the two fortifications are separated by approximately 315 metres. In his turn, C. M. Tătulea places the B castellum much southerly, between "Trajan's road" and the modern road towards Hotărani, at approximately 600 metres from the A fortification. Given these pieces of information, we can presume that in 1840 the traces of the B castellum were still relatively well preserved. Assuming that the topographic plan is precise, it follows that the correct position of the B castellum is between the two locations advanced by D. Tudor and C. M. Tătulea, within the 90° angle created by the wall erected under Phillip the Arab (Figure 6).

The hypothesis formulated in this paper will be confirmed through field investigation. References Amon, L. 2006. Une hypothèse au sujet de l’emplacement d’une des fortifications de la ville Romula. In D. Bondoc (ed.), In honorem Gheorghe Popilian, 38–48. Craiova, Editura Aius.

The archaeological investigations conducted in this sector by the National Military Museum in 1986– 1988 (Vlădescu 1991, 10–12; Amon 2006, 41–42) were not very conclusive, since they generally avoided the area in question as it is almost entirely superposed by modern buildings and farmyards. The only clues suggesting a military presence are several lorica squamata bronze plates (Amon 1994, 245) discovered near the foundation of a wall found at a few metres to the west of the Phillipian belt. The foundation work, aligned on a N–S direction, was 1.10m wide and built from mortarless bricks on a bed of sand and gravel. To the east of it, traces of a berm and a defensive ditch that were cleared when the Phillipian wall was built.

Amon, L. 2004. Armamentul şi echipamentul armatei romane din Dacia sud-carpatică. Craiova, Editura Universitaria. Dumitrescu, Al. T. 1911. Ler împărat. Revista pentru istorie, arheologie şi filologie XII, 1, 357–395. Laurian, A. T. 1846. Istriana sau Descrierea antichităţiloru din prejurul Dunării, descoperite într-o călătorie din vara anului 1845. Magazin istoric pentru Dacia 2, 65–127. Marsigli, L. F. 1744. Description du Danube, depuis la montagne de Kalenberg en Autriche, jusqu’au confluent de la rivière Jantra dans la Bulgarie. Traduit du Latin. II. Hague.

As for the C fortification, we only mention the fact that D. Tudor suggested a location on the plateau found immediately to the north of the Teslui (Tudor 1978, 297). The investigations conducted here in 1968–1969 by Cr. M. Vladescu did not validate Tudor's assumption (Vladescu 1986, 35). For this reason, C. M. Tătulea (1994, 74) argued that the enclosure depicted by Marsigli on the northern bank of the Teslui River is not in fact a fortification but the remains of a temple, after an idea first expressed by P. Polonic (Tocilescu 1900, 72). We also do not exclude the possibility that the ruins belonged to the suburban villa discovered in the north-eastern part of the city by Gh. Popilian (1992, 231–234).

Năstase, A. 1983. Cartografie – Topografie. Bucureşti, Editura Didactică şi Pedagogică. Petolescu, C. C. 1987. Colonia Malvensis. Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche şi arheologie 38 (1), 23–32. Petolescu, C. C. 2002. Auxilia Daciae. Bucureşti, Editura Ars Docendi. Popilian, Gh., Chiţu Şt. and Vasilescu, M. 1992. Villa suburbana de la Romula, jud. Olt. Materiale şi cercetări arheologice XVII (1), 231–234. Săineanu, L. 1896. Dicţionar universal al limbii române. Craiova. Tătulea, C. M. 1994. Romula-Malva. Bucureşti, Editura Museion.

6. Conclusions The cartographic document dating from 1840 provides a series of clues that allows us to advance a new location for one of the fortifications of the Ancient Roman city of Romula, specifically of the castellum situated to the south of the Teslui River.

Tocilescu, Gr. G. 1900. Manuscrise Academia Română, vol. 5133. Tudor, D. 1978. Oltenia Romană. Bucureşti, Editura Academiei. Vlădescu, Cr. M. 1986. Fortificaţiile romane din Dacia Inferior. Craiova, Editura Scrisul Românesc.

We believe that this fortification was positioned between the two locations previously suggested by 97

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Vlădescu, Cr. M. and Amon, L. 1991. Date noi privind sistemul de fortificaţii din cartierul de sud-est al oraşului Romula-Malva. Revista Muzeului Militar Naţional 1, 10– 12.

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REMARKS ON SOME NEO-AENEOLITHIC ADORNMENTS MADE OF OSSEOUS MATERIALS FROM TRANSYLVANIA, ROMANIA Corneliu BELDIMAN1, Diana-Maria SZTANCS2 1

"Dimitrie Cantemir" Christian University of Bucharest (Romania), Faculty of History "Lucian Blaga" University of Sibiu (Romania), Faculty of Social Humanistic Sciences, Department of History, Heritage, and Protestant Theology

2

Abstract. Made of bone, antler, shells, stone or clay, the adornments represent an important part of the socio-symbolic human behaviour in Prehistory. In this paper, we present some osseous adornments coming from the Neo-Aeneolithic of Transylvania, dated from the Early Neolithic (Starčevo-Criş culture) to the Final Aeneolithic (Coţofeni culture). The artefacts were analyzed according to the Beldiman 2007 methodology and were included in the Database of the Transylvanian Neo-Aeneolithic osseous materials industry. Our approach takes into account all the characteristics of the pieces: typology, raw materials (skeletal elements and species), morphology and morphometry, manufacturing chain, use wear traces. Statistical data offered important clues regarding the cultural distribution of certain types of adornments, the preference of human communities for raw materials, the evolution of technologies. The artefacts presented could have been used as symbolic elements or as ornaments sewed on cloths or other textile/leather objects. The assemblage is made of various types of adornments such as: pendants, perforated teeth, perforated shells, discs, rings, bracelets. The registration of these pieces in the database offered the possibility of identifying and including new types of artefacts in the Typological List elaborated for Romania, such as the perforated plates. Keywords: adornments, Neo-Aeneolithic, osseous materials industry, prehistoric technology, Romania, Transylvania, typology.

1. Introduction

2. Objectives

Among others, economic human behaviour includes subsistence strategies, the species selection and human feeding. By studying the bone and antler industry in these contexts, we can establish the characteristics of the human behaviour in a precise cultural/chronological sequence, and define the innovations that appear at a certain moment.

Starting from the idea that osseous materials artefacts are the result of the interaction between several elements like the species, skeletal elements, anatomic morphology and morphometry, the specific choice of the raw material, technical procedures applied during the manufacturing chain (adapted according to the way of using it) and functionality, our approach was focused on (1) establishing a typological code for each studied artefact according to the Beldiman 2007 Typological List, (2) identifying the species and the skeletal element used in order to obtain each artefact, (3) examining the morphology of the piece, (4) taking the specific morphometrical parameters for each artefact, (5) studying the artefacts’ surfaces in order to define the main technical procedures applied during the "manufacturing chain", (6) studying the artefacts’ surfaces in order to identify the main use-wear traces, and (7) applying a statistical analysis for each of the aspects revealed through the direct examination of the artefacts.

The osseous materials industry is an important research domain of the Neo-Aeneolithic archaeology. The systematic study of this type of artefacts represents an important approach both in the analysis of prehistoric economy and technology as well as spiritual manifestations. This particular kind of industry is remarkably illustrated in Romania by the content of the inventories dating from the Upper Paleolithic to the Bronze Age. The osseous materials industry represents the preconceived artefacts obtained after the application of well-defined operative schemes (these include the process of raw material acquisition, debitage and shaping stages, finishing) and the specific use-wear traces.

3. Materials and methods Our approach aims to present some data issued from the analysis of the adornments made from osseous materials taking into account the coordinates of the recent methodology in the field. The methodology applied in order to study the Transylvanian NeoAeneolithic adornments is the one proposed by the

The adornments are a component of the symbolic manifestations and they offer important clues about the spiritual life of the communities that possessed these objects, specific for a certain culture or period. 99

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the creation of a catalogue which lays out the dataset regarding the code of the piece, the discovery context, the raw material, the conservation status, the type and subtype, and the complete description), morphometry, and manufacturing chain. In addition to this, there is an important part in our study regarding the digitization of information (pictures and database).

main author in his PhD thesis published in 2007 that also offers the Typological List for the osseous materials industry from our region. According to it, the studied artefacts are included in the 3rd typological category, entitled "Adornments" (Beldiman 2007). Type III B11 III C2 III C3 III E1 b1 III F1 III G1 III G3 g III B3 III B3 III A1 b III A2 c III B1 b10 III B3 III D3 III E4 III J1a III J1b III J2 III E4 III A2 e III A2 h III A2 III B3 III C1 III A2 e

Number of pieces 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 7 5 31 6 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1

Culture Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Starčevo-Criş Vinča Turdaş Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Cucuteni-Ariuşd Decea Mureşului Coţofeni Coţofeni Coţofeni Coţofeni Coţofeni Coţofeni

The methodological aspects regarding the complex study of osseous materials industry are: criteria and typology structure (categories, groups, types, subtypes, variants and subvariants); the structure of the repertoire and individual form; coordinates of the analysis which follow the stages of the manufacturing chain; the catalogue and the interpretation of the manufacturing procedures and the use-wear traces. The stages of the analysis are: the examination of the artefacts using macro- and microscopic instruments; setting the typological code; the identification of the morphometrical parameters; of the database with the catalogue and images; the completion of the descriptive repertoire. An important part of our study is constituted by the computerised analysis: the input of data, the application of the queries, and the preparation of the reports (with structured data, charts and pictures). The statistical approach, performed using an MS Access database, is the main part of our conclusions regarding the specificity of the investigated osseous materials industry. This allows us to establish the important aspects of a culture or of a cultural phase.

Figure 1. The quantitative and cultural distribution of the types.

In order to explore the information exhaustively, the methodology was adapted according to the rules proposed by the Commission de Nomenclature sur l’industrie préhistorique de l’os de l’U.I.S.P.P., France (Camps-Fabrer 1974). We also have to mention here the first synthesis on prehistoric osseous artefacts from Transylvania written by the co-author of this paper (Sztancs 2011).

We may also distinguish the main characteristics for each culture; to identify the "chrono-cultural markers", to observe the diffusion of influences (Beldiman 2007).

The objective of our analysis is represented by an assemblage including 73 Neo-Aeneolithic adornments discovered in the intra-Carpathian sites which were entered into the database of Transylvanian Neo-Aeneolithic osseous materials industry (Sztancs et al., 2010). Their distribution across the Neo-Aeneolithic cultures is represented in Figure 2/1.

4. Typological catalogue According to the Beldiman 2007 Typological List, the adornments made from osseous materials are included in the 3rd typological category (Adornments). This is subdivided into ten typological groups, from which seven are present in our assemblage (Figure 2/2). The most frequent typological groups are the perforated plates, followed by pendants, perforated shell discs, beads, perforated teeth and their bone imitations, and by perforated shells and bracelets.

The study is focused on the registration and the analysis of all the essential data regarding: the artefacts’ identification using a code for each item, 100

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Figure 2. Distribution of Neo-Aeneolithic adornments across cultures (1); distribution of Neo-Aeneolithic adornments by types (2); distribution of Neo-Aeneolithic adornments by skeletal raw materials (3); distribution of Neo-Aeneolithic adornments by origin of raw materials – species (4); Neo-Aeneolithic adornments – manufacturing techniques (debitage) (5); Neo-Aeneolithic adornments – manufacturing techniques (shaping) (6); Neo-Aeneolithic adornments – use-wear traces (7). 101

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red-deer tine (III B6—Figure 5/2); a pendant made from a sheep/goat astragal (III B12—Figure 5/5); a pendant made from a bovid phalanx (III B10— Figure 5/6); seven bone beads (III D3—six of them illustrated in Figure 5/7); perforated shell discs (III made from Spondylus shells (III J1 a—Figure 7) and 6 are made from Unio shells (III J1 b—Figure 7); E4—Figure 9); 37 shell plates with perforated extremities (III J1—Figure 7–8), from which 31 are and two plates with perforated extremities made from wild-boar tusk (III J2—Figure 8). A necklace made from 256 Unio shell discs was also discovered at Ariuşd–Dealul Tyiszk in a ritual pit.

From a cultural point of view (Figure 2/1), most of the analysed artefacts belong to the Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture, followed by the ones dating from the Starčevo-Criş and Coţofeni cultures. The adornments dating from the Vinča, Turdaş and Decea Mureşului cultures are represented only by one artefact for each of the mentioned culture. For Vinča there is a III B3 type pendant made from wild-boar tusk. The same situation was observed in the case of the Turdaş culture. From the Decea Mureşului cultural group there is only a finished object (III E4 type—perforated Unio shell disc— Figure 10), but there are also raw materials (Unio shells—Figure 10) that have traces of manufacturing, and which were included in the 5th typological category (Varia), as raw materials or debris from perforated shell discs. The Starčevo-Criş assemblage contains the following types: a hook-pendant made of antler (type III B11), a perforated wolf canine (III A2 a)— Figure 3; two perforated shells (III C1, III C2); a disc made from a bone fragment (III E1 b1); a bone ring (III F1); a bone bracelet (III G1); a shell bracelet (III G3 g).

Figure 4. Cerişor–Peştera de la Cauce, Hunedoara County. Perforated dog canines. Coţofeni culture (after Sztancs 2011, 824, pl. 591).

The Coţofeni assemblage contains two perforated canines (III A2), a perforated wild-boar tusk (III A2 e), a perforated dog canine (III A2 h—Figure 5), two pendants made from a wild-boar tusk fragment (III B3), and a perforated fossil of an entire Gastropoda shell (III C1) (for all see also Figure 2/2).

Figure 3. Sighiştel–Peştera nr. I din Dâmbul Colibii, Bihor County. Perforated wolf canine. Starčevo-Criş culture (after Sztancs 2011, 789, pl. 56).

5. Manufacturing chain. Utilisation

The Cucuteni-Ariuşd assemblage comprises a perforated red deer canine (III A2 c—Figure 6) and two imitations of perforated red-deer canines (III A2 c1—Figure 5/2–3); two pendants made from fragments of wild-boar tusk (III B3—one of them illustrated in Figure 5/1); a pendant made from a

The process of raw material acquisition and the technical procedures applied in order to obtain the artefacts constitute what is called the "manufacturing chain" (Camps-Fabrer 1974; Beldiman 2007). 102

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Figure 6. Ariuşd (Erősd), Covasna County. Perforated red deer canines discovered in 1910 in a deposit of prestige goods. Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (after Sztancs 2011, 877, pl. 144).

and (2) the shaping, which includes the planning and the execution of various morpho-functional details. With respect to the acquisition segment, we should note the fact that it is less complex when dealing with antler. In this case, the acquisition only refers to the gathering of the antlers in the period of shedding (bois de chute), or to the hunting of stags and the detachment of the antlers from the skull of the animal (bois de massacre) (Beldiman 2007; Beldiman et al., 2005). In the case of the acquisition of shells, there are several patterns that can be followed, according to the origin of the raw material. For example, the freshwater shells were much readily available for the human communities, and therefore their acquisition process consist of their gathering, followed by their use as food, and the eventual recovery of the shells, the actual raw material. In the case of the Mediterranean shells, the most suitable method of acquisition involves trade with communities from around the Mediterranean basin, while for the fossil snails’ shells, the acquisition refers to their simple harvesting from fossil deposits.

Figure 5. Păuleni-Ciuc–Dâmbul Cetăţii, Harghita County: pendant made from a fragment of wild boar tusk (1); pendant made from a red deer antler tine (2); pendants made of bone—imitations of perforated red deer canines (3–4); pendant made from a sheep/goat astragal (5); pendant made from a bovid phalanx (6); bone beads (7) (various scales). Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (after Sztancs 2011, 880, pl. 147).

The first segment of the manufacturing chain refers to the process of raw material acquisition that consists of a series of specific stages that succeed each other in a short period of time: (1) hunting a wild animals or slaughtering a domestic one from the livestock, (2) processing the carcass, (3) consuming/storing the meat, processing the hide, etc., and (4) recovering the skeletal material.

The manufacturing chain is followed by another very important part – the utilisation of the artefact. It can develop according to two schemes. The first one consists of using of the artefact until it is broken and discarded. The second one supposes the use of the artefact, followed by its reshaping and, after a new cycle of use, it's discarding.

The second segment refers to the order in which the techniques were applied with the purpose of transforming the raw materials into artefacts. The stages of the technical scheme are (1) the debitage

For the investigated assemblage, the repartition of the osseous materials used as raw materials is represented in Figure 2/2–3. This takes into account both the species and the skeletal elements. 103

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Figure 7. Ariuşd (Erősd), Covasna County. Perforated plates made of fragments of wild-boar tusks and Spondylus shells discovered in 1910 in a deposit of prestige goods. Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (various scales) (after Sztancs 2011, 875, pl. 142).

Figure 8. Ariuşd (Erősd), Covasna County. Perforated plates made from wild-boar tusk fragments and Spondylus shells discovered in 1910 in a deposit of prestige goods. Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (after Sztancs 2011, 876, pl. 143).

Regarding the species, we observed that the raw materials obtained from Spondylus shells are predominant, followed by those obtained from Unio shells. Mammalian bones constituted a high percentage of the total raw material used for creating the analysed artefacts. A large number of artefacts were made from bone (12% unidentified mammals, probably large herbivores, and 12% wild boar). The bovines and red deer are also present in our statistics, with 3% of the total raw material. The osseous material from dogs represent 4% of the total, and 1% is represented by a fossil Conus shell.

splinter technique, percussion or chopping. The latter technique was detected in 15 cases. Traces of transversal cutting and abrasion are found in a small number of cases, on 3 and 2 artefacts, respectively. The quantitative distribution of the traces of identified shaping technical procedures is presented in Figure 2/6. It reveals that the abrasion procedure was the most employed for shaping the adornments. The multi-directional one was used in most of the cases (52). In some cases it appears in combination with transversal cutting, but most of the time it was the sole procedure used for shaping the artefacts. Transversal, axial and blique abrasions are the other variants of the abrasion technique attested in this assemblage of adornments. Transversal cutting was present in 10 cases. The percussion technique is present only in two cases where it was used in order to perforate the shells. The scraping operation was observed only on the surface of an imitation of a red-deer canine made of antler, discovered at Păuleni-Ciuc–Dâmbul Cetăţii (belonging to the Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture). The grooving technique is also rarely used (2 artefacts). In order to perforate the adornments made of antler, the operation of carving was used.

The technical operations that were applied during the "manufacturing chain" were analysed for each stage (debitage, shaping). In order to identify precisely the traces of the operations, microscopic analyses were performed on the artefacts. The data obtained was introduced into the database and then analysed from a statistical point of view. The quantitative distribution of the traces of manufacturing identified for the debitage stage, are presented in Figure 2/5. According to it, most of the artefacts preserve traces of grooving procedure 38 artefacts). This is followed by percussion and fracture which were used in combination with groove and 104

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Figure 10. Şeuşa–Gorgan, Alba County. Perforated Unio shell discs and raw material. Decea Mureşului cultural group (after Sztancs 2011, 895, pl. 163).

Figure 9. Ariuşd (Erősd), Covasna County. Perforated Unio shell discs (from a necklace or a belt) discovered in 1971 in a ritual pit. Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (after Sztancs 2011, 873, pl. 140).

The newly identified types are: pendant made from an astragal (III B11); perforated shell discs used as beads (III E4); shell plates (III J1 a, b); and wildboar tusk plates (III J2).

The quantitative distribution of the use-wear traces identified in the investigated assemblage is presented in Figure 2/7. Firstly, the use-wear analysis revealed the fact that an important part of the artefacts does not display traces of use (17%). On the other hand, 37% of the analysed artefacts have traces of use-wear polish. The bluntness is present on the surfaces of 33% of the artefacts. Usewear fractures were identified on 13% of adornments; in most of the cases we have identified them at the suspension wholes.

In what concerns the osseous materials used in order to obtain the adornments, we can conclude that during the Neo-Aeneolithic period Spondylus shells were used as raw material for beads, bracelets and plates that were probably sewed on garments or on other textile/leather articles; that red-deer canines and their imitations were used as pendants or as ornaments probably sewed on garments or on other textile/leather articles; that the plates made of Spondylus and Unio shells and from wild-boar tusks, with perforated extremities, were probably used as adornments sewed on the cloths of the Cucuteni-Ariuşd people; and that in the Coţofeni culture (Final Aeneolithic), fossil shells of Gastropoda were used as pendants.

6. Conclusion The studied assemblage is composed of 73 adornments. The typological distribution across the different archaeological cultures is illustrated in Figure 1. The large number of artefacts belonging to the Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (Transylvanian variant) offered us the opportunity to perform the first analysis of this particular type of artefacts.

The perforated Unio shell discs were used as elements of more complex adornments, such as necklaces, bracelets or belts. A large number of them were discovered in the necropolis from Decea Mureşului (about 1817 pieces). In our assemblage, the perforated discs made from Unio shells come from pits (Şeuşa–Gorgan and Ariuşd–Dealul Tyiszk).

The systematic study of the adornments assemblage that we presented in this paper lead us to identify some new types of artefacts made from osseous materials. They were included in the Beldiman 2007 Typological List. 105

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Beldiman, C. 2007. Industria materiilor dure animale în preistoria României. Resurse naturale, comunităţi umane şi tehnologie din paleoliticul superior până în neoliticul timpuriu. Bucureşti, Editura Pro Universitaria.

Their surfaces present traces of burning. Raw materials and debris were likewise discovered at Şeuşa–Gorgan. They were very important for the study, since they helped us to reconstruct the manufacturing chain (Sztancs and Beldiman 2011a; 2011b). Several hypotheses regarding the technological aspects and the succession of operations have been formulated. Experimental archaeology offered important answers in this respect. Percussion was the main operation used in order to extract a fragment of the shell. The shaping stage had two or three sequences. The first sequence is focused on the perforation of the shells, starting from the concave surfaces of the blank, using a bow drill and finishing it on the other surface. During the second sequence the edges were shaped using direct or indirect percussion in order to obtain the slightly circular or oval outline of the bead. In the third sequence the edges were abraded in order to make them smooth. The last phase of the shaping stage has not been observed in any of the studied pieces. The identified use-wear traces consist of intense functional abrasion irregularly distributed on the surfaces of the objects. This could indicate a long period of wearing the necklaces (perhaps for more than one generation, thus suggesting the possibility that these objects were inherited).

Beldiman, C. and Sztancs, D.-M. 2009. Industria materiilor dure animale aparţinând culturii Starčevo-Criş descoperită în aşezarea de la Măgura-"Buduiasca-Boldul lui Moş Ivănuş", jud. Teleorman. Buletinul Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman. Seria Arheologie 1, 31–53. Beldiman, C., Ciută, M.-M. and Sztancs, D.-M. 2005. Industria materiilor dure animale în preistoria Transilvaniei: descoperirile aparţinând culturilor Decea Mureşului şi Coţofeni din aşezarea de la Şeuşa – "Gorgan", com. Ciugud, jud. Alba. Apulum 42, 27–52. Camps-Fabrer, H. (ed.) 1974. Premier Colloque international sur l’industrie de l’os dans la Préhistoire. Aix-en-Provence. Éd. de l'Université de Provence. Choyke, A. and Bartosiewicz, L. 2000. Bronze Age animal exploitation on the Central Great Hungarian Plain. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 51, 43–70. Kotova, N. 2010. Burial clothing in Neolithic cemeteries of the Ukrainian steppe. Documenta Praehistorica XXXVII, 167–177. Sümegi, P. 2010. The archaeozoological analysis of the beads and molluscs from the Late Copper Age Baden cemetery at Budakalász. In M. Bondár and P. Raczky (eds.), The Copper Age cemetery of Budakalász, 409–436. Budapest, Pytheas.

The technical procedures applied during the "manufacturing chain" are adapted to the parameters of the raw materials, and they illustrate a good knowledge of the physical and morphological characteristics of the osseous materials.

Sztancs, D.-M. 2011. Industria materiilor dure animale în neoeneoliticul din Transilvania. Repertoriu, tipologie, studiu paleotehnologic, date privind paleoeconomia. Baze de date. Unpublished PhD thesis, "Lucian Blaga" University of Sibiu.

The Unio shell discs were identified in a large number of Neo-Aeneolithic funerary contexts. The pieces were used as elements of necklaces, bracelets or belts. As analogies for this type of artefacts, we can mention: Măgura – Romania (Starčevo-Criş culture) (Beldiman and Sztancs 2009); Dispilio, Late Neolithic – Greece (Veropoulidou and Ifantidis 2005, 171, fig. 7); necropolises from the Lower Don and Azov-Dniepr cultures (Kotova 2010, 168, 171); Polgár, Budakálasz – Hungary (Choyke and Bartosiewicz 2000, fig. 4/22; Sümegi 2010, pl. CXLVII; Bánffy and BognárKutzián 2007, fig. 130/5).

Sztancs, D.-M. and Beldiman, C. 2011a. Prehistoric adornments from Romania. Aeneolithic necklace made of shell beads discovered at Ariuşd, Covasna County. Paper presented at the 8th Meeting of the Worked Bone Research Group, August 29 to September 3, 2011 in Salzburg, Austria. Sztancs, D.-M. and Beldiman, C. 2011b. Date asupra industriei materiilor dure animale aparţinând culturii Cucuteni-Ariuşd descoperită în aşezarea de la Păuleni-Ciuc – "Dâmbul Cetăţii", jud. Harghita. Angustia 14, 141–164. Sztancs, D.-M., Luca, S. A. and Beldiman, C. 2010. The database of prehistoric bone and antler industry from Transylvania, Romania: some remarks about the Miercurea Sibiului - "Petriş" site. Annales d'Université "Valahia" Târgovişte. Section d'Archéologie et d'Histoire 12 (2), 39–55.

English version by Diana-Maria Sztancs and Andreea Ioana Tătăruş.

References

Veropoulidou, R. and Ifantidis, F. 2005. Shell assemblage analysis of the Neolithic lakeside settlement of Dispilio, Kastoria. The Western Sector. Thessaloniki, Institute for Aegean Prehistory Research Grant Report.

Bánffy, E. and Bognár-Kutzián, I. 2007. The Late Neolithic tell settlement at Polgár–Csőszhalom, Hungary. The 1957 excavation. Oxford, BAR Publishing. 106

ECONOMIC ROLE OF PIG (SUS SCROFA DOMESTICUS) IN SETTLEMENTS OF EASTERN AND SOUTH-EASTERN ROMANIA DURING THE PAST TWO MILLENNIA Simina STANC, Luminiţa BEJENARU "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iaşi (Romania), Faculty of Biology Abstract. Pig skeletal remains of the first and second millennia AD, in eastern and south-eastern Romania are described in terms of their frequencies based on the minimal number of individuals (MNI). A summary of previous studies in the area shows that regional variation characterizes the assemblages. The analysis of the samples was performed considering the historical evaluation of the sites, and these were chronologically grouped. Animal husbandry was an important subsistence practice in the economy of settlements over the past two millennia. Most farmers were raising cattle (Bos taurus), pig (Sus scrofa domesticus), sheep (Ovis aries) and goat (Capra hircus), their ratios varying according to local geographic factors. In point of food-related preferences, the pig generally comes on the second place, after cattle and before sheep/goat, as indicates the minimal number of individuals (MNI). Keywords: pig, husbandry, Romania, archaeozoology, first and second millennia AD.

natural potential of the territory and in analysing the circumstances that most probably influenced the ancient human populations in the areas, we took into account first of all the distribution of this territory into physical-geographical units. The multi-tiered terrain of the eastern and south-eastern territory of Romania (consisting of the Eastern Carpathians and the Subcarpathians, and the Moldavian and Dobrudjan lowlands) strongly correlates with the climate, the soil, the vegetation and the fauna, and, implicitly, with the pattern of human settlement.

1. Introduction Previous archaeozoological studies in Romania have addressed questions mainly related to subsistence practices such as animals used as food in each site, proportions of identified species in the samples. This archaeozoological synthesis examines the issue of the importance played by pig husbandry during the past two millennia in the territory of Eastern and South-eastern Romania. During Late Antiquity, as the grip of the Romans over this territory loosened, several migratory populations passed through the eastern and southeastern areas of Romania (Goths, Huns, Slavs). Later, during the Early Middle Ages, spanning the second half of the first millennium and the first two centuries of the second millennium AD, the territories were successively under the sway of the migratory Bulgars, Petchenegs, Cumans, and Mongols (Spinei 1996). Starting with the 13th century, the main historical reference points coincide with the founding of the medieval Romanian polities. The founding of the Romanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia were followed by a short period of stability, until the invasions, the wars, and the internal clashes began anew. During the 15th–16th centuries, Wallachia and Moldavia were subdued by the Ottoman Empire. Over the next 300 years, the two principalities would remain under the sovereignty of the Ottomans, with Dobrudja stripped entirely from Wallachia.

2. Material and Methods The archaeozoological data used in the present paper proceed from previous studies (Figure 1), and are mainly based on specimen identification and quantification. The identification of the archaeozoological remains aimed to establish the anatomical and taxonomical origin of the specimens according to their morphology. The separation of the domestic pig (Sus scrofa domesticus) from its wild ancestor (Sus scrofa ferus) was achieved by identifying several osteometric differences, as the morphological criteria were absent in this case. The archaeozoological quantification aimed at evaluating the relative frequencies of pig in the samples. The quantification method used in this work was based on estimating the number of identified specimens (NISP) and the minimum number of individuals (MNI) (Figure 1). The estimation of the MNI represented in the assemblages was calculated starting in the majority of cases from the most frequently encountered

The archaeozoological data were arranged into groups according to region, while in evaluating the 107

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Region

Samples

Dating (centuries)

NISP mammals

Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Moldavia Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja Dobrudja

Cârligi–Filipeşti Podeni Gara Banca Nicolina Todireşti Davideni Ştefan cel Mare Udeşti Lozna Străteni Izvoare Bahna Mâleşti Vărărie Poiana Ghilăneşti Bârlâleşti Gara Banca Baia Siret Nicolina Hlincea Vaslui Bârlad Negreşti-Neamţ Borniş-Mâleşti Borniş-Obârşia Borniş-Silişte Târgu Trotuş Teliţa–Amza Horia Niculiţel Isaccea Teliţa Amza Jurilovca Capidava Slava Rusă Adamclisi Dinogetia Oltina Capidava Isaccea Hârsova Piatra Frecăţei

3–5 4 3–5 4–5 4–6 5–7 5–7 7 7–8 6–9 6–8 7–8 8–9 8–10 10–11 9–10 14–17 14–15 12–13 14–15 15 13–14 17 14–15 14–18 14–18 14–17 2–3 2–3 2–3 2–3 4 6 4–6 4–6 5–7 4–6 10–11 10–11 11–13 11–13 11–12

81 1023 1769 945 277 183 95 718 721 53 165 81 867 217 928 870 7064 5113 41 152 1470 652 305 370 663 745 258 341 241 189 232 406 38 161 4001 199 106 940 1028 6890 698 1947

NISP Sus scrofa domesticus 15 214 215 80 46 28 20 308 184 14 59 35 243 26 66 92 1031 991 4 38 298 49 166 117 223 259 38 41 32 13 38 40 3 16 670 25 24 268 172 634 192 214

MNI Sus scrofa domesticus 6 42 20 13 9 9 10 56 35 5 13 11 16 6 13 21 73 57 2 7 23 9 17 11 28 39 7 6 7 4 4 8 1 4 56 6 11 20 20 62 9 27

Figure 1. Remains quantification (after Stanc 2006; Stanc 2009; Bejenaru 2006).

(Sus scrofa domesticus), sheep (Ovis aries), and goat (Capra hircus), with their ratios varying according to local geographic factors. In terms of food-related preferences, the pig generally comes on the second place, after cattle and before sheep/goat, as indicates the minimal number of individuals (MNI).

anatomic element, after performing a separation in accordance to the laterality (left/right), but without excluding other estimation criteria, such as age or size (Udrescu et al., 1999). 3. Results and Discussion Animal husbandry was an important subsistence practice in the economy of the settlements from the aforementioned area over the past two millennia. Most farmers were raising cattle (Bos taurus), pig

During the first millennium AD, in some samples cattle represent half of the live-stock. In the settlements from the lower parts of Moldavia 108

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Figure 2. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in eastern Moldavia (Moldavian Plain and Bârlad Plateau), 3th–10th centuries.

Figure 6. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in the Bârlad Plateau, 10th–15th centuries.

Figure 3. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in the Subcarpathians of Moldavia (Suceava Plateau and Moldova–Siret couloir), 3th–10th centuries.

Figure 7. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in the Subcarpathians of Moldavia, 14th–18th centuries.

Figure 4. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in the Suceava Plateau, 14th–17th centuries.

Figure 8. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species for the samples coming from Dobrudja, 2th–6th centuries.

Figure 5. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species in the Moldavian Plain, 12th–15th centuries.

Figure 9. Proportions (MNI) of the main domestic species for the samples coming from Dobrudja, 9th–13th c.

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household had focused on breeding cattle, pigs and sheep/goats; the relative representation of the pig varies according to geographical factors. Pig occurs constantly in all the investigated settlements. In the regions with stretches of woodland, the intensity of pig breeding was higher.

(Moldavian Plain and Bârlad Plateau), sheep/goats are on the second place (28.01% MNI), and pig on the third (24.27% MNI), the quite small difference being only of 4% (Figure 2). In the Suceava Plateau and the Moldova–Siret couloir, pig is on the second place (38.03%), quite close to cattle (43.1% MNI) and almost double the percentage of sheep/goat (18.87% MNI); this is an evidence for another type of animal breeding (Figure 3) in which cattle and pig predominate (Stanc 2006). In Dobrudja, the percentage of pig is higher, averaging 30.96% (Figure 8).

Acknowledgments This study was supported by the Romanian research programs CNCS – UEFISCDI PN-II-RU-TE-2011-30146.

During the second millennium AD, a specialized breeding of cattle, as borne out by over half of the domestic animal group, was practiced in the Suceava Plateau (Figure 4) and in the Moldavian Plain (Figure 5). In these areas, the second place was occupied by pig, with averages of about 26% MNI and 36% MNI, respectively; conversely, sheep/goat played a minor role (Bejenaru 2006). This animal-breeding pattern is similar to the one recorded in other areas from Central and Northern Europe (Audoin-Rouzeau 1997).

References Audoin-Rouzeau, Fr. 1997. Les ossements du cheptel medieval. L’elevage medieval – Ethnozootechnie 59, 69– 70. Bejenaru, L. 2003. Arheozoologia spaţiului românesc medieval. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”. Bejenaru, L. 2006. Arheozologia Moldovei medievale. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”.

For the second millennium, in the Subcarpathian area (i.e., the Carpathian piedmont) of Moldavia, a region with high levels of humidity and large surfaces of land covered by forest, the husbandry of pig was predominant. Sheep and goat remains have higher frequencies, although they do not predominate, in settlements situated in the more arid lowland areas characterized by xerophile vegetation, such as the Bârlad Plateau (Figure 6). For other regions (Suceava Plateau, Moldavian Plain) (Figures 4 and 5), the medieval livestock was dominated by cattle (Bejenaru 2006).

Spinei, V. 1996. Ultimele valuri migratoare de la nordul Mării Negre şi al Dunării de Jos. Iaşi, Editura Institutului European. Stanc, S. 2006. Relaţiile omului cu lumea animală. Arheozoologia secolelor IV–X pentru zonele extracarpatice de est şi de sud ale României. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”. Stanc, S. 2009. Arheozoologia primului mileniu d.Hr. pentru teritoriul cuprins între Dunăre şi Marea Neagră. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”. Udrescu, M., Bejenaru, L. and Hriscu, C. 1999. Introducere în arheozoologie. Iaşi, Editura Corson.

In Dobrudja, cattle are the predominant part of the livestock, while sheep/goats and pig have almost the same percentage during the 2–6th centuries (Figure 8). During the 9–13th centuries (Figure 9), cattle has a higher proportion (57.9%), sheep/goat is on the second place (26.55%), while pig is on the third (15.5%) (Stanc 2009; Bejenaru 2003). 4. Conclusions The present work is an archaeozoological synthesis developed on the basis of the samples found in archaeological sites from eastern and south-eastern Romania that have been dated to the last two millennia. Animal breeding played a major role in the economy of the analysed settlements, and most 110

THE OSTEO-BIOGRAPHY OF A SKELETAL SERIES FROM THE MEDIEVAL NECROPOLIS DISCOVERED IN BRĂILA, 2 ROSETTI ST (14TH–18TH CENTURIES) Angela SIMALCSIK, Vasilica-Monica GROZA, Georgeta MIU, Robert-Daniel SIMALCSIK Romanian Academy – Iași Branch, Department of Anthropological Research Abstract. This paper presents the results of the anthropological analysis of a series of 16 skeletons found in 14 inhumation tombs discovered in the city of Braila, 2 Rosetti St, in a necropolis dating from the 14th–18th centuries. The median age at death for the investigated population is of 39.2 for the 0–X segment, while for the 20–X segment it is of 39.2 in the case of females and 40.5 for males. The assignment of the skeletons by sex and age category criteria has revealed a significantly higher proportion of males than females, with a 12/4 masculinity index. We call attention to a predominance of deaths in the maturus category (62.5%), followed by the adultus (18.75%), senilis, juvenis, and infans II categories. The most frequent pathologies are dental cavity and osteoarthritis, the latter manifested by the development of osteophytes, Schmorl's nodules, and bone corrosion. Slightly lower yet significant prevalences were found for dental calculus, cribra orbitalia, xiphisternal junction, and sacrococcygeal junction; we also mention the relatively high frequency of wormian bones and the supratrochlear humeral perforation, both epigenetic traits. Other pathologies, anomalies, or non-metrical traits—such as cribra cranii externa, cribra cranii interna, hypodontia, microdontia, edentation, sternal non-fusion, supplementary articulation, and traumatisms (one sternal and one cranial)—have sporadic appearances. Keywords: Brăila, necropolis, 14th –18th centuries, anomalies, pathologies, epigenetic traits.

The methods, criteria and techniques recommended by Ubelaker (1980), Brothwall (1981), Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), Mays (1998), Bruzek (2002), Walrath et al. (2004), White and Folkens (2005), and Schmitt (2005) were employed for determining the sex and age at death.

1. Introduction The archaeological excavations conducted between May and June 2010 in Brăila, at 2 C. A. Rosetti St, by archaeologists Ionel Cândea, PhD, and Costin Croitoru, PhD, from the Museum of Brăila, have unearthed notable historical remains, including a group of 16 human skeletons from 14 inhumation graves, a series that represents a small segment of the population of medieval Brăila, and which presents an opportunity to add data to the anthropological image of the population from this historical Danubian city.

Establishing the age at death for the sub-adults was based on the analysis of the deciduous and/or permanent dental eruption, and of the degree of development of the dental buds in accordance with the methodology advanced by Moorrees et al. (1963), Ubelaker (1979), Scheuer and Black (2000), Schaefer et al. (2009), as well as on the analysis of the degree of ossification of the epiphyses, and of the size of the appendicular skeleton, and ascribing the results to the corresponding age groups, as endorsed by Maresh (1955; 1970), Trotter and Peterson (1969), Fazekas and Kosa (1978), Jeanty (1983), and Scheuer and Black (2000).

The anthropological investigation involved determining the sex, age at death, morphoscopic and typological analysis, analysis of the absolute and relative metrical data, determination of pathologies, anomalies, and epigenetic (non-metric) traits found in each of the 16 specimens, calculating the median age at death by sex and for the entire population, and establishing the population structure by sex and age group.

The stature was computed using the dimension scales proposed by Manouvrier (1982), Bach (1965), Breitinger (1938), and Trotter and Gleser (1951; 1952; 1958). The absolute and relative values obtained from the direct measurements and the computation of the conformitive indices were ascribed to the scales proposed by Olivier (1969; 1978).

2. The material and work methods Unfortunately, the degree of preservation of some of the specimens is not outstanding, particularly as some osseous pieces and fragments are missing; this has somewhat hindered the anthropological analysis. The restored and marked osseous remains were examined morphoscopically, after which the anthropometrical measurements were conducted.

Particular attention was paid to the cranial and postcranial anomalies, pathologies and epigenetic (nonmetrical) traits. Their identification was based on 111

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3.3. Tomb 3

the methods, criteria and techniques recommended by Berry and Berry (1967), Finnegan and Faust (1974), Mays (1998), Slootweg (2007), Kimmerle and Baraybar (2008), Waldron (2009), Ortner (2003), Katzenberg and Saunders (2008), Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin (1998), Barnes (1994), and Brickley and Ives (2008). Subsequently, the osseous pieces were photographed and described, after which the proper counting of the osteopathies was performed, for each sex alone and for the entire population.

Female, ca. 25–30 Y.O. (adultus), incomplete and fragmented skeleton, particularly the cranial area. The skeleton exhibits cribra cranii externa, bone hypoplasia and sacrococcygeal junction. Extra-cranial porosity, also called porotic hyperostosis or cribra cranii externa, is present on the occipital; for the moment, the final diagnosis is uncertain, pending a detailed microscopic analysis. Hypoplasia was observed on the left coxal bone; the causes of this condition have yet to be ascertained.

3. Individual description 3.1. Tomb 1

The sacrococcygeal junction, also known as the sacralisation of the first coccygeal vertebra (Figure 2), is considered an anomalous condition when encountered on young individuals. In this instance, the sacralisation is incomplete and only central, without the development of the supplementary sacral foramen.

Female, ca. 16–18 years old (Y.O.) (juvenis), bad preservation of the cranial segment and relatively good preservation of the post-cranial segment. The skeleton displays hypodontia and bilateral supratrochlear humeral perforation. Hypodontia is an anomaly consisting of the absence of a small number of teeth from the primary or secondary dentition, due to the failure of dental bud formation. In this case, hypodontia affects the superior lateral incisor from the left side of the superior maxillary bone.

Figure 2. M 3, ♀, 25–30 Y.O., sacrococcygeal junction.

3.4. Tomb 4 Male, ca. 40–45 Y.O. (maturus), precariously and incompletely preserved skeleton (the cranial part is missing), no pathologies, anomalies or morphoscopically-visible epigenetic traits.

Figure 1. M 1, ♀, juvenis, supratrochlear humeral perforation.

The humeral supratrochlear perforation (Figure 1), also called humeral foramen or humeral septal diaphragm, is a hypostotic non-metrical trait.

3.5. Tomb 5 Tomb 5 contains the osseous remains of two persons, M 5 (individual A) and M 5 (individual B).

3.2. Tomb 2 Female, ca. 25–30 Y.O. (adultus), with an incomplete and fragmented skeleton, a missing cranial section, and only few bones of the postcranial skeleton present. The few osseous pieces available from this specimen do not display morphoscopically visible pathologies, anomalies, or epigenetic traits.

3.5.1. M 5 (individual A) Female, ca. 60–65 Y.O. (senilis), precarious preservation. The skeleton displays total bimaxillary edentation (Figure 3), that is to say, the complete loss of the teeth erupted in the oral cavity, 112

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supragingival calculus, cribra orbitalia, Schmorl's nodules, horizontal sternal fracture, and sternal nonfusion.

a process accompanied by modifications of the facial skeletal segment, i.e., the diminution of the osseous mass through resorption and atrophy, leading both to the collapse of the inferior portion of the face due to the reduction of the height of the superior maxillary, and to the decrease in the height and thickness of the mandible.

The wormian bones, also called intrasutural bones, are present on the lambdoid suture, two on the left side and three on the right. The supragingival dental calculus (tartar) is present on both of the dental arches; the thickness of the hardened plaque is small, the colour whiteyellowish, and none of the 25 teeth anchored in the alveoli are affected by cavities. The 2nd degree cribra orbitalia (Figure 4) is the exocranial porosity present on the superior orbital wall. The presence of the cribra orbitalia can be an indirect marker for living conditions and presence of chronic diseases, as well as for possible nutritional deficiency (anaemia, scurvy, rickets) or inflammatory processes around the superior facial structure.

Figure 4. M 6, ♂, 20–25 Y.O., 2nd degree cribra orbitalia.

Figure 3. M 5 (A), ♀, 60–65 Y.O., total edentation.

3.5.2. M 5 (individual B)

The Schmorl's nodules, also called vertical intervertebral spongious hernia, are present in the T5–T12 thoracic segment, and are incipiently developed. According to Schmorl and Jungnanns (1971), the Schmorl's nodules are defined as the result of the bulging of the spongious body of the vertebral structure.

Male, ca. 30–35 Y.O. (young maturus), pronounced skeletal gracility, precarious preservation. The skeleton presents supratrochlear humeral perforation and cribra orbitalia. The supratrochlear humeral perforation, nonmetrical hypostatic character, is bilateral and very pronounced. Cribra orbitalia is the porosity present in the orbital plates of the frontal bone; in this instance, cribra orbitalia is bilateral, incipient (1st–2nd degree), slightly more pronounced on the left orbit. Cribra orbitalia can be an indicator of quality of life and difficult living conditions.

The investigated mesosternum displays horizontal sternal fracture and sternal non-fusion of the 3rd sternebra along the median line (Figure 5). This was determined to be of the type II according to Ashley, widened in its caudal extremity because of a delay in the fusion of the sternal segments from the caudal portion (Ashley 1956). A fracture possibly also occurred along the transversal line, the edges of which do not suggest osseous regeneration.

3.6. Tomb 6

3.7. Tomb 7

Male, ca. 20–25 Y.O. (adultus), well preserved, entirely restored skeleton and complete postcranial skeleton. The skeleton displays wormian bones,

Male, ca. 55–60 Y.O. (late adultus), satisfactory preservation. The skeleton presents a complete xiphisternal junction, osteoarthritis, dental losses, 113

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and supplementary articulatory facets on the distal epiphyses of the tibia.

Porosity/corrosion (Figure 7) is present on the surface of the lower right articular process of a cervical vertebra, while vertebral osteophytes developed on the lumbar vertebrae; both conditions are direct results of osteoarthritis.

The complete xiphisternal junction (Figure 6) is a normal phenomenon for late maturus specimens.

Some osseous segments display pronounced muscular insertions, viz., the manubrium, the clavicles, the humeri, the femora, and the tibiae. As the age of the individual increased and because of the osteoarthritis, the ligaments of the muscles ossified and favoured the development of osteophytes in the areas of the muscular insertions.

Figure 5. M 6, ♂, 20–25 Y.O., median fracture and non-fusion of the 3rd sternebra.

Figure 7. M 7, ♂, 55–60 Y.O., corrosion.

The supplementary articular facets are present on the distal epiphyses of both of the tibiae (Figure 8). The main cause of this condition is repetitive squatting. In this instance, the facets are present on the anterior median part of the distal tibial epiphysis, indicating that during daily activities the body weight of this individual fell centrally. It is probable that during his fifty years of life the man performed heavy physical work that eventually lead to the remodelling of the articular surfaces.

Figure 8. M 7, ♂, 55–60 Y.O., supplementary articular facets.

Figure 6. M 7, ♂, 55–60 Y.O., type 2 complete xiphisternal junction. 114

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Seven in vivum dental losses have been ascertained, out of which five had masticatory purposes. At the level of the lost teeth, the alveoli are completely closed and the edges resorbed up to the level of the mandibular ramus.

ossification of ligaments in the areas of muscular insertion. Osteophytes also developed on the auricular surface and the ischial tuberosity of the coxal bone, again suggesting the presence of degenerative osteoarthritis — a condition associated with advanced age and heavy work that constantly stresses the muscles, and which leaves very distinctive marks on the bones.

Among this specimen's osseous pieces, we draw attention to the presence of the ossified thyroid cartilage, an item seldom encountered in osteological collections.

The L5 lumbar vertebra displays marginal osteophytes and a large Schmorl's nodule on the anterior portion of the vertebral disk (Figure 9). Vertebral osteophytes are osseous excrescences which have formed as a consequence of pressure exerted for long periods of time on the surface of the vertebral disk, a process correlating with the increasing age of the patient and, implicitly, with the onset of arthritis (Bogduk 2005; Duthie and Bentley 1983).

3.8. Tomb 8 Child, ca. 9–10 Y.O. (infans II), relatively well preserved. We note the presence of a 2nd degree dental cavity on the 1st left definitive lower molar. 3.9. Tomb 9 Male, ca. 50–55 Y.O. (maturus), the cranial segment is missing, while the postcranial portion is incomplete. The skeleton displays osteoarthritis, evidenced by osteophytes and Schmorl's nodules.

3.10. Tomb 10 Male, ca. 30–35 Y.O. (young maturus), very well preserved. The skeleton display dental loss and osteoarthritis.

Pronounced muscular insertions are present on the femora — the linea aspera is conspicuous and protuberant. The femoral ridge indicates the area of insertion of the vast lateral, vast medial, and adductor muscles of the femoral biceps and of the gluteus maximus, into the proximal sector of the linea aspera; the muscles were over-exerted, as evinced by the conspicuous and prominent impressions left by the muscles on the posterior femoral condyle.

The 1st upper left molar was lost in vivum, since its alveolus is fully healed and resorbed. Osteophytes (Figure 10) are present on the trochanteric line of the femora — the origin of the vast medial and vast lateral muscles, both working to flex/extend the lower limb. The presence of the osteophytes on a specimen with an age of just 30–35 years at the time of death is a definite indicator of secondary osteoarthritis.

Osteophytes are present on the posterior side of the femora, in an incipient stage of development; indicating the onset of arthritis, they are due to the

Figure 10. M 10, ♂, 30–35 Y.O., left femur with osteophytes.

Figure 9. M 9, ♂, 50–55 Y.O., L5 with Schmorl's nodule and marginal osteophytes. 115

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2nd lower right premolars have 1st degree cavity; the 2nd lower right molar has a 2nd degree cavity, while in the alveolus of the left mandibular canine there are traces of granuloma.

The Schmorl's modules are another indicator of osteoarthritis affecting this individual; these osseous lumps are the result of the herniation of the intervertebral disk. In this instance, the nodules are located on the T7–T12 thoracic segment (the inferior portion of the thorax), and they penetrated superficially the vertebral units from the T7–T9 thoracic segment, and profoundly those from the T7–T12 segment.

We should mention a possible cranial traumatism, of the right parietal bone, near the temporal ridge (along the maximum curvature line), where a deformation of the bone tissue is visible, accompanied by a decrease in the thickness of the bone wall. The severity of the trauma was most likely minor, and it did not constitute the cause of death. This conclusion is borne out by the following facts: the endocranium does not display any abnormal structural change, and there are no signs of haemorrhage, abnormal osseous porosity, or newly-formed osseous tissue.

The porosity from the semilunar articular surface of the left coxal bone gives the impression of a network of small orifices (hollows in the osseous wall); these hollow cavities formed as a result of the coxo-femoral arthritis. The same phenomenon is also encountered on both of the proximal femoral epiphyses, being more pronounced on the left femur than on the right.

Osteophytes and osseous porosity (corrosion) are present on the proximal humeral epiphyses (Figure 12) of this specimen; both phenomena are direct consequences of the osteoarthritis of the glenohumeral articulation — a degenerative condition characterised by the loss of the cartilage that protects the articular surfaces.

Osteoarthritis of the sternoclavicular articulation (Figure 11) manifests itself through progressive changes of the articular surfaces. It is possible that in the case of the right clavicle, an infection, or even a cystic mass, developed on the articular surface. In this instance, the osteoarthritis is bilateral, though asymmetrical, much more evolved on the right articulation than on the left.

Figure 12. M 11, ♂, 45–50 Y.O., osteoarthritis, humerus with osteophytes and porosity (corrosion).

Schmorl's nodules and marginal vertebral osteophytes are present on 3 thoracic and 3 lumbar segments, as well as on 3 other vertebrae from the cervical sector, alongside porosity of the vertebral tissue (a phenomenon caused by osseous corrosion); all of these conditions are indicative of degenerative osteoarthritis.

Figure 11. M 10, ♂, 30–35 Y.O., sternoclavicular osteoarthritis.

3.11. Tomb 11 Male, ca. 45–50 Y.O. (maturus), well preserved. The skeleton exhibits dental loss, dental cavities, osteoarthritis and a possible healed cranial traumatism.

3.12. Tomb 12

The 1st right upper molar was lost in vivum, probably early in life, given the aspect of the alveolus (entirely resorbed and closed up); the left upper canine has a 1st degree incipient cavity; the left lower 1st and 2nd molars were lost in vivum, probably during juvenescence (the alveoli are completely healed and resorbed); the 3rd lower left molar has a 2nd degree cavity; each of the 1st and

Male, ca. 50–55 Y.O. (advanced maturus), almost complete skeleton, with dental loss, dental cavities, supragingival dental calculus, wormian bones, osteoarthritis, xiphisternal junction, and sacrococcygeal junction. Three teeth from the superior arch were lost in vivum, viz. the 2nd right molar and the 2nd and 3rd 116

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left molars; the alveoli are either completely closed and resorbed, or suggest an early stage of healing and an osteoporotic character. We also mention the presence of two relatively advanced dental carries: of the 1st upper left molar, only a radicular fragment is still present (5th degree cavity), alongside the signs of an infectious process that caused the destruction of the external alveolar wall; the second is a 3rd degree cavity of the 1st lower right molar.

The xiphisternal junction (Figure 14) is almost complete—a normal condition given the age of the individual.

Two small wormian bones are seen on the right segment of the lambdoid suture. The first intrasutural bone is found at the middle of the distance between the lambda and the asterion, while the second is right on the asterion.

The sacrococcygeal junction, also called sacralisation of the first coccygeal vertebra (Figure 15), is a normal phenomenon considering the advanced age of the individual. In this instance, the fusion is nearly complete, central and bilateral, with the development of the supplementary sacral foramen on both sides of the median line.

The osteophytes observed on the vertebral column, direct effects of the osteoarthritis, are of considerable size on three lumbar vertebrae (L3, L4 and L5) and weakly developed on eight thoracic vertebrae (T5–T12).

Supragingival dental calculus (Figure 13) is present on the left mandibular arch, on the supragingival surface of the three masticatory pillars (the 1st, 2nd and 3rd molars). The tartar is an organic-mineral deposit attached to the surface of the teeth, and caused by the mineralisation of the decaying bacterial plaque. In this instance, the deposit is yellowish-grey, with brown overtones, asperous texture, consistent and strongly attached to the surface of the masticators.

Figure 13. M 12, ♂, 50–55 Y.O., dental calculus.

Figure 15. M 12, ♂, 50–55 Y.O., sacrococcygeal junction.

3.13. Tomb 13 Male, ca. 30–35 Y.O. (young maturus), precarious preservation. The skeleton displays dental cavities and calculus. The 1st upper right molar has a 3rd degree cavity; the 1st upper left molar, a 5th degree cavity (radicular fragment with traces of granuloma); the 1st lower left molar, a 2nd degree cavity.

Figure 14. M 12, ♂, 50–55 Y.O., xiphisternal junction.

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The supragingival dental calculus is not very developed, though present on the entire surface of the teeth still fixed in the alveoli; the tartar is brownyellowish in colour, and firmly adherent to the surfaces, quite atypical for such a young individual, that perhaps had vicious propensities which contributed to the shift in colour from yellowishwhite to brown.

individuals, M 14 (individual A) and M 14 (individual B).

3.14. Tomb 14

The skeleton displays dental loss, dental cavities and wormian bones. Thus, the 2nd lower right molar was lost in vivum (sealed and completely resorbed

3.14.1. M 14 (individual A) Male, ca. 40–45 Y.O. (maturus), possesses the most complete cranium of all of the specimens from the investigated skeletal series (Figure 16).

Tomb 14 contains the osteological remains of two

a

b

c

d

Figure 16. M 14 (individual A), ♂, 40–45 Y.O.: a) frontal plane; b) lateral plane; c) vertical plane; d) occipital plane. 118

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newly-developed tissue, capillary pores or osseous remodelling. All of these elements lead us to the idea that at the moment of death the healing process had not yet begun, therefore alluding to a possible cause of death by blunt force trauma.

alveolus); 1st and 2nd degree cavities are present on the 1st and, respectively, 2nd lower left molars; 1st– 2nd degree cavities affect the 1st lower right molar and the 2nd upper right premolar; a major cavity consumed the entire crown of the 2nd upper right molar, leaving only a radicular fragment which caused an infection that lead to the development of granuloma. The wormian bones (Figure 16/d), also called inca or intrasutural bones, are found on the left side (1 supplementary bone) and the right side of the lambdoid suture (3 supplementary bones), all of reduced dimensions and elongated shape. Furthermore, the lambda point presents a triangular inca bone, of ca. 1cm in width. We reiterate that wormian bones are anomalies of the normal fusion pattern, and that the lamba point coincides with the posterior parieto-occipital fontanel. 3.14.2. M 14 (individual B) Male, ca. 30–35 Y.O. (young maturus), in poor preservation. The skeleton displays microdontia, dental loss, dental cavities, and cribra cranii interna.

Figure 17. M 14 (B), ♂, 30–35 Y.O., endocranial porosity (cribra cranii interna).

4. The general population table with anomalies and pathologies

Microdontia is a dental anomaly characterised by a marked reduction in the size (root length, crown diameter and length) of one or several of the teeth. In this instance, microdontia is signalled for the 2nd and 3rd upper molars of the two mandibular hemiarches (right and left).

Out of a total of 16 human skeletons recovered from the 14 inhumation tombs, 9 skeletons display anomalies, pathologies or epigenetic traits at the level of the cranial segment, namely cribra cranii externa, cribra cranii interna, cribra orbitalia, and wormian bones, to which we also add hypodontia, microdontia, supragingival dental calculus, and total edentation (both of the maxilla and the mandible). As far as dental cavities are concerned, they were found on 6 subjects, all males. A number of 8 skeletons present anomalies, pathologies or epigenetic changes at the level of the postcranial segment: 7 individuals at the level of the vertebral column; 4 individuals at the level of the lower limbs; 4 individuals at the level of the scapular girdle; and 3 individuals at the level of the pelvic girdle.

The 1st and 2nd upper right premolars and the 1st upper right molar, initially aligned in sequence on the superior right mandibular hemi-arch, were all lost early in vivum, as suggested by the appearance of the alveoli (completely closed and resorbed). Concerning the upper left hemi-arch, of particular interest is the radicular remain from the 2nd premolar, suggestive of a very advanced dental cavity (5th degree) that almost destroyed the entire structure of the teeth. The endocranial porosity, also called cribra cranii interna (Figure 17) is a pathology which manifests itself as an extremely corrosive area, with numerous orifices arranged asymmetrically on the bone surface. In our example, the porosity is found in the immediately sub-lambdic area of the occipital bone (in other words, on the nape); it exhibits an extremely porous surface which might have been hyper-vascularised or even inflamed. The exocranial wall of the occipital bone is not affected in any way. In this case, the lesion is of the type 1 (after Lewis 2004), with a porous aspect, and without traces of

The incidence of anomalies, pathologies or epigenetic traits (Figure 18) was computed by sex for the entire skeletal series. In the case of the cranial segment of the entire series, the highest incidence is of dental cavities (37.50%), followed by supragingival dental calculus (18.75%), wormian bones (18.75%), and cribra orbitalia (12.50%). The other pathologies, anomalies or epigenetic features, such as cribra cranii externa, cribra cranii interna, hypodontia, microdontia, total edentation, and 119

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(each 12.50%). The rest of the pathologies, anomalies or epigenetic traits, such as sternal nonfusions, supplementary articular facets, postcranial traumatisms, and the presence of ossified thyroid cartilage constitute sporadic events (6.25%). Of particular significance is the following: the female sex is much less afflicted by pathologies in comparison with the males, regardless of the investigated skeletal segment (cranial or postcranial). Nonetheless, we should not overlook the fact that the series is composed of 16 specimens out of which 12 are males and only 4 are females.

cranial traumatism only make sporadic appearances (6.25% for each condition). A pronounced sexual dimorphism worthy of note concerns the dental cavities and calculus, and also the wormian bones which only affect the males. For the postcranial segment, the highest incidence is of osteoarthritis (37.50%), which is identifiable through the presence of Schmorl's nodules, osteophytes, bone corrosion and/or porosity, and conspicuous muscular impressions. Of the 16 male individuals, 6 were affected by osteoarthritis; thus, there is clear sexual dimorphism in the case of this condition, similar to what we see for dental calculus. Lower, but statistically significant values were registered for xiphisternal junction, sacrococcygeal junction, and supratrochlear humeral perforation

5. The demographic population table The following demographic parameters were described: the structure according to sex and age,

Postcranial segment

Cranial segment

Anomalies/pathologies/epigenetic traits cribra cranii externa cribra cranii interna cribra orbitalia hypodontia microdontia total edentation dental cavities Supragingival dental calculus cranial traumatism wormian bones osteoarthritis (Schmorl's nodules, osteophytes, osseous corrosion/porosity, pronounced muscular insertions) xiphisternal junction sacrococcygeal junction sternal traumatism (fracture) sternal non-fusion supratrochlear humeral perforation supplementary articular surfaces ossified thyroid cartilage

Males presence no. % 0/12 0 1/12 8.3 2/12 16.7 0/12 0 1/12 8.3 0/12 0 6/12 50 3/12 25 1/12 8.3 3/12 25

Females presence no. % 1/4 25 0/4 0 0/4 0 1/4 25 0/4 0 1/4 25 0/4 0 0/4 0 0/4 0 0/4 0

Total presence no. % 1/16 6.25 1/16 6.25 2/16 12.50 1/16 6.25 1/16 6.25 1/16 6.25 6/16 37.50 3/16 18.75 1/16 6.25 3/16 18.75

6/12

50

0/4

0

6/16

37.50

2/12 1/12 1/12 1/12 1/12 1/12 1/12

16.7 8.3 8.3 8.3 8.3 8.3 8.3

0/4 1/4 0/4 0/4 1/4 0/4 0/4

0 25 0 0 25 0 0

2/16 2/16 1/16 1/16 2/16 1/16 1/16

12.50 12.50 6.25 6.25 12.50 6.25 6.25

Figure 18. The incidence of anomalies, pathologies and epigenetic (non-metrical) traits in the skeletal series from Brăila, 2 Rosetti St (14th–18th centuries). Sex/age

Males

Females

Infans I (0–7 Y.O.)

N -

% -

N -

Total % -

N -

% -

Infans II (7–14 Y.O.)

1

6.25

-

-

1

6.25

Juvenis (14–20 Y.O.)

-

-

1

6.25

1

6.25

Adultus (20–30 Y.O.)

1

6.25

2

12.50

3

18.75

Maturus (30–60 Y.O.)

10

62.50

-

-

10

62.50

Senilis (60–X Y.O.)

-

-

1

6.25

1

6.25

Total

12

75.00

4

25.00

16

100.00

Figure 19. The repartition according to age and sex of the specimens constituting the skeletal series from Brăila, 2 Rosetti St (14th–18th centuries). 120

A. SIMALCSIK, V.-M. GROZA, G. MIU, R.-D. SIMALCSIK: THE OSTEO-BIOGRAPHY OF A SKELETAL SERIES FROM THE MEDIEVAL NECROPOLIS DISCOVERED IN BRĂILA, 2 ROSETTI ST (14TH–18TH CENTURIES)

the median age at death, and the masculinity index. The median age at death, computed for the entire series is 36.8 years. The life expectancy at 20 years for the male series is 40.5 years, while for the female series it is 39.2 years. Figure 19 depicts the assignment by sex and age groups of the investigated osteological series, from which we conclude that the mortality among children of all ages (infans I and infans II) is very low (6.25%). In fact, no death was recorded for the 0–7 Y.O. (infans I) segment. For juveniles (14–20 Y.O. — a period during which it is assumed that the body has successfully solved the issue of biological adaptability) the mortality is 6.25%. The mortality of the adult segment (20–30 Y.O.) is 18.75%, while in the case of the mature individuals (30–60 Y.O.) this number triples, reaching 62.50%. Only 6.25% of the deceased passed the age of 60 (senilis).

Bach, H. 1965. Zur Berenchnung der Körperhöhe aus den langen Gliedmassenknochen weiblicher Skelette. Anthropologhischer Anzeiger 29, 12–21. Barnes, E. 1994. Developmental defects of the axial skeleton in paleopathology. Niwot, Colo, University Press of Colorado. Berry, A. C. and Berry, R.J. 1967. Epigenetic variation in the human cranium. Journal of Anatomy 101, 2, 361–379. Bogduk, N. 2005. Clinical Anatomy of the lumbar spine and sacrum. New York, Elsevier Limited. Breitinger, E. 1938. Zur Berenchnung der Korperhohe aus den langen Gliedmassenknochen. Anthropologhischer Anzeiger 14, 249–274. Brickley, M. and Ives, R. 2008. The bioarchaeology of metabolic bone disease. Oxford, Elsevier Academic Press.

A very important point should be made, that for the 30–60 Y.O. segment (maturus) of the investigated series, the male to female ratio is 10/0, suggesting that the females did not pass the adult stage. This conclusion is also borne out by the numbers obtained from the adult segment (20–30 Y.O.): the mortality among females is two times higher than that among males (12.50% compared to 6.25%). The phenomenon can be explained by the increased risk factor for the females reaching their maximum fertility period; the pregnancy attrition rates were much higher, either during or post-delivery. The percentage of females which passed the age of 60 years is 6.25%; only a single woman passed this age, while none of the males reached this ripe age.

Brothwell, D. R. 1981. Digging up bones. London, British Museum of Natural History. Bruzek, J. 2002. A method for visual determination of sex, using the human hip bone. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 117, 157–168. Buikstra, J. E. and Ubelaker, D. H. 1994. Standards for data collection from human skeletal remains. Fayetteville, Arkansas Archaeological Survey. Duthie, R. B. and Bentley, G. 1983. Mercer's orthopedic surgery. London, Edward Arnold. Fazekas, I. Gy. and Kosa, F. 1978. Forensic fetal osteology. Budapest, Budapest Akademiai Kiado.

The masculinity index (the ration between the number of males and the number of females), for the entire population, is very high (12/4), evidencing an imbalance disfavouring the females. We can infer, based on the very high value of the masculinity index, that the medieval population from Brăila, 2 Rosetti St, enjoyed a peaceful existence, without suffering from or engaging in warfare. The results of the paleo-pathological analysis support this claim (Figure 18), showing a low incidence of traumatisms.

Finnegan, M. and Faust, M. A. 1974. Bibliography of human and non-human, non-metric variation. Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press. Jeanty, P. 1983. Fetal limb biometry. Radiology 147, 601–602. Katzenberg, M. A. and Saunders, R. S. 2008. Biological anthropology of the human skeleton. Hoboken, WileyLiss. Kimmerle, E. H. and Baraybar, J. P. 2008. Skeletal trauma. Identification of injuries resulting from human rights abuse and armed conflict. Boca Raton, CRC Press.

References

Lewis, M. 2004. Endocranial lesions in non-adult skeletons: understanding their aetiology. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 14, 82–97.

Ashley, G. T. 1956. The relationship between the pattern of ossification and the definitive shape of the mesosternum in man. Journal of Anatomy 90, 87-105.

Manouvrier, L. 1892. Determination de la taille d’après les grands os des members. Revue Ecole Anthopologie 2, 227–233.

Aufderheide, A. C. and Rodriguez-Martin, C. 1998. The Cambridge encyclopedia of human paleopathology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 121

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Schmorl, G. and Jungnanns, H. 1971. The human spine in health and disease. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Maresh, M. M. 1955. Linear growth of long bones of extremities from infancy through adolescence. American Journal of Diseases of Children 89, 725–742.

Slootweg, P. J. 2007. Dental pathology. A practical introduction. Berlin–Heidelberg, Springer-Verlag.

Maresh, M. M. 1970. Measurements from roentgenograms. In R. W. McCammon (ed.), Human growth and development, 157–200. Springfield, IL, C. C. Thomas.

Trotter, M. and Gleser, G. 1951. The effect of ageing on stature. Journal of Physical Anthropology 9, 311–324.

Mays, S. 1998. The archaeology of human bones. London, Routledge.

Trotter, M. and Gleser, G. 1952. Estimation of stature from long bones of American whites and Negroes. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 10, 469–514.

Moorrees, C. F. A., Fanning, E. A. and Hunt, E. E. 1963. Age variation of formation stages for ten permanent teeth. Journal of Dental Research 42, 1490–1502.

Trotter, M. and Gleser, G. C. 1958. A re-evaluation of estimation of stature based on measurements of stature taken during life and of long bones after death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 16, 79–123.

Olivier, G. 1969. Practical anthropology. Springfield, IL, C.C. Thomas.

Trotter, M. and Peterson, R. R. 1969. Weight of bones during the fetal period. Growth 33, 167–184.

Olivier G., Aaron, C., Fully, G. and Tissier, G. 1978. New estimation of stature and cranial capacity in modern men. Journal of Human Evolution 7, 513–518.

Ubelaker, D. H. 1980. Human skeletal remains: excavation, analysis and interpretation. Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institute Press.

Ortner, D.J. 2003. Identification of pathological conditions in human skeletal remains. Oxford, Elsevier Academic Press.

Waldron, T. 2009. Palaeopathology. Cambridge University Press.

Schaefer, M., Black, S. and Scheuer, L. 2009. Juvenile osteology. Oxford, Elsevier Academic Press.

Cambridge,

Walrath, D. E., Turner, P. and Bruzek, J. 2004. Reliability test of the visual assessment of cranial traits for sex determination. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 125, 132–137.

Scheuer, L., Black, S. 2000. Developmental juvenile osteology. San Diego, CA, Elsevier Academic Press.

White, T. D. and Folkens, P. A. 2005. Human bone manual. Oxford, Elsevier Academic Press.

Schmitt, A. 2005. Une nouvelle methode pour estimer l’age au deces des adultes a partir de la surface sacropelvienne iliaque. Bulletine et Mémoire de la Societe d’Anthropologie de Paris 17 (1–2), 1–13.

122

DATA ON THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE AND LONGEVITY OF THE MEDIEVAL POPULATION OF IAȘI (THE NECROPOLIS FROM THE EASTERN PART OF THE PRINCELY COURT, 17TH CENTURY) Vasilica-Monica GROZA1,2, Georgeta MIU2, Angela SIMALCSIK2 1 2

"Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (Romania), Faculty of Biology Romanian Academy – Iași Branch, Department of Anthropological Research

Abstract. The article reports on a demographic study of a series of 111 human skeletons exhumed in 2008 in the central area of Iași, in the eastern part of the former Princely Court (Rmn. Curtea Domnească). According to the information provided by the authors of the excavations, the necropolis dates from the 17th century. The general mortality was analysed according to the sex and age of the deceased, as well as the average lifespan by calculating the median age at death. No deaths were recorded for the 0 to 14 years-old interval. The death rate for the adolescent segment (14–20 years old) reveals that 13.51% of the population sample died before reaching adulthood. As for the 20–x years-old segment, the number of deaths among young adults (20–30 years-old), as well as among the elderly (over 60 years old), is obviously lower (18.92% and 1.80% respectively) when compared to the mortality among middle adults (30–60 years old; about 66%). For the entire studied series, the average lifespan was approximately 36 (higher when compared to other synchronous series from the Moldavian area), and by gender (for those 20–x years old), it was approximately 40 for males, and approximately 36 for women. Keywords: mortality, lifespan, anthropological remains, demographic study, 17th century, skeleton.

paleo-pathological features, and implicit socioeconomic conditions) are of interest for anthropologists, archaeologists, demographers, and historians of medicine.

1. Introduction The archaeological investigations conducted in 2008 by the Centre for European History and Civilization (lead by archaeologist Stela Cheptea) of the central area of Iași (the eastern part of the former Princely Court [Rmn. Curtea Domnească]—the area of the future Palas residential complex) have revealed a necropolis with 111 human skeletons found in 60 inhumation tombs (Figure 1 and 2). From a total of 60 tombs, 37 were individual, 7 double, 6 with 3 skeletons each, 8 with 4 skeletons each, and 2 with 5 skeletons each.

In its current form, the anthropological study comprises an analysis of the demographic features of the osteological series meant to reconstruct demographic indicators such as the mortality rate for age and sex categories, the life expectancy computed by taking into account the average lifespan of the entire segment of population inhumed in the necropolis as well for gender segments and specific age segment (20–x years old).

According to the information provided by the authors of the excavations, the necropolis dates to the 17th century, a period when Iași was well established as an administrative, economic and cultural centre. Situated in the central area of Moldavia, at equal distances from the Eastern Carpathians and the Dniester River, the historical evolution of Iași witnessed quasi-permanent calamities, often suffering from repeated Ottoman, Crimean Tatar and Polish invasions (Cloșcă 2008). The lack of hygiene and of effective sanitary measures meant that the probability and incidence of plague occurrences was very high (Cihodaru et al., 1980, 1). Therefore, the investigation of the necropolis, specifically of the disinterred remains, is very important since the results of the analyses (demographical and ethnic-biological structure,

Figure 1. The 17th century necropolis situated in the east of the former Princely Court of Iaşi (general view). 123

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

For the 20–x segment, the ascertaining of the ages of the subjects was based on an evaluation of the degree of obliteration of cranial sutures, the degree of mastication surfaces and overall dental attrition, the modifications of the facies of the symphysis pubis bone, the modifications of the cancellous bone tissue from the epiphyses of long bones, some phenomena of skeletal involution, as well as on the presence of certain pathological processes more or less age-related. The ascertaining of the gender (for the 20–x segment) relied predominantly on the inspection of the coxal (hip) bone, which presents the highest accuracy in terms of sex identification. The following methods of visual evaluation of the coxal bone were used: - the Phenice method uses three morphological features of the pubic bone (Phenice 1969); - the Iscan and Derrick method uses the posterior half of the pelvis (Iscan and Derrick 1984); - the Ferembach method consists of evaluating 11 specific morphological traits of the pelvis (Ferembach et al., 1980).

Figure 2. A tomb with five skeletons from the necropolis.

Such demographic studies are necessary for delimiting former areas of human habitation, calculating the size of the social groups, and for use in population ethnogenesis research.

Likewise, after the pelvis, of particular importance in sex determination is the skull. Specifically, the shape and inclination of the forehead, the degree of frontal (supraorbital arch) and occipital (the nuchal lines, the external occipital protuberance) bone development, the robusticity of the jawbone, the height of the vertical ramus, the shape and prominence of the mental protuberance, the degree of malar bones development, as well as the shape of the teeth, are all taken into consideration.

The present study is of particular importance because up until this moment, few medieval and early-modern anthropologic remains have been unearthed in Iași, and this latest discovery allows us to further expand our knowledge concerning the anthropological aspects of the population that lived on Romanian territory during the above-mentioned timespans: "On Romanian land, the demographical information is entirely sporadic or questionable, particularly for the southern areas or for those east of the Carpathians" (Botezatu and Cantemir 1997).

Although the precision of sex determining is higher when it is based on the analysis of the pelvis and of other post-cranial features, the skull is frequently used to determine the sex since it preserves better.

2. The material and work methods

In the case of the post-cranial skeleton, the focus was on the general shape of the pelvis, the degree of ischium indentation, the degree of bending of the sacrum, the degree of robustness of the long bones (particularly of the articular epiphyses), of the calcaneus, of the sternum and rib bones, as well as on the overall degree of bone surface development.

The investigation was carried out on a number of 111 human skeletons belonging to adolescents, young adults, middle adults, and seniors. The bone remains were catalogued, restored and subjected to a detailed bio-morphological analysis that sought to determine the sex and age of each of the skeletons, to identity the pathologies and other rarer conditions.

With respect to the ascertaining the age of the deceased, in the case of the sub-adults (0–18 years old), this was based on the degree of development of the deciduous and permanent teeth (Ubelaker 1979; Schaefer et al., 2009), as well as on the analysis of the degree of ossification between the epiphyses and diaphyses of the long bones, and the implicit classifying into corresponding age categories

The determining of the sex and age of the dead was performed in accord to the methods and techniques recommended by the Bruzek (2002), Mays (1998), Brothwell (1981), White and Folkens (2005), Schmitt (2005), and Walrath et al. (2004). 124

V.-M. GROZA, G. MIU, A. SIMALCSIK: DATA ON THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE AND LONGEVITY OF THE MEDIEVAL POPULATION OF IAȘI (THE NECROPOLIS FROM THE EASTERN PART OF THE PRINCELY COURT, 17TH CENTURY)

The mortality tables contain several mathematical indices for deaths, classified on certain age phases (semi-decades), based on which we determined in the end the life expectancy both for the entire population (0–x years) and for the adult population (20–x years): - %dx = the number of deceased subjects by age groups and the percentage; - lx = survivors; - qx = death probability; - Lx, Tx = mathematical counts based on the previous indices; - e0x = life expectancy.

(Fazekas and Kosa 1978; Maresh 1955; Scheuer and Black 2000). Based on the specification of sex and genders by skeletons, we performed a demographic analysis for the studied population, represented by 111 skeletons, tracing the mortality rates by ages and genders, as well as the average age, determined by calculating the life expectancy at birth (0–x years) and at 20 years (20–x years). The life expectancy at birth or the average lifespan was determined based on the mortality tables (Acsádi and Nemeskeri 1970), which represent important demographical models, where the main place is occupied by the death probability (qx) and the survival probability (lx), pursuant to the mortality by age and by gender.

3. Results and discussion Because of the acceptable degree of preservation, the determination of the sex and age of death of all of the 111 skeletons was possible. Thus, the investigated skeletal series was suitable for a detailed demographical study, with sex and age categorising (Figure 3 and 4).

The mortality table is a history of life for a specific population, which usually begins when the first representative is born and ends when the last representative dies (Brothwell 1981). Sex

Males

Age (years) Infans I (0–7) Infans II (7–14) Juvenis (14–20) Adultus (20–30) Maturus (30–60) Senilis (60–x) Total

N 10 12 56 2 80

% 9.01 10.81 50.45 1.80 72.07

Females N 5 9 17 31

Indeterminable

% 4.50 8.11 15.32 27.93

N -

% -

Total N 15 21 76 2 111

% 13.51 18.92 65.77 1.80 100

Figure 3. The assignment of the skeletons by sex and age criteria.

60

%

50.45

50

40 30

Males Females

20

10 0

15.32 9.01 4.50

10.81 8.11 1.80

Juvenis (14-20) Adultus (20-30) Maturus (30-60)

0

Senilis (60-x)

Figure 4. The mortality rate for sex and age groups in the investigated series. 125

years

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

(20–30 years old — 18.92%). For the 60–x segment, the frequency of deaths is very low, with only two recorded deaths (1.80%), both males and, considering the age they lived, long-lived. With respect to the 30–x segment, we can observe that the highest mortality rate is found among the 35–50 years-old age segment, with 55 recorded deaths which represent 49.55% of the total (Figure 6).

By analysing the numbers from Figure 3, we can observe that no deaths were recorded in the 0–14 segment, and that 13.51% of the subjects died during adolescence; the frequencies were higher for males than for females (Figures 3 and 5). For the 20–x years segment, the highest mortality is found among middle adults (30–60 years old — 65.77%), considerably higher than that of the young adults

%

80 65.77

70 60 50

Series studied

40 30 18.92

20

13.51

10

1.80

0

0

Inf ans I (0-7)

Inf ans II (7-14)

0

Juvenis (14-20)

Adultus (20-30)

Maturus (30-60)

years

Senilis (60-x)

Figure 5. The percentage repartition of the mortality by age groups for the investigated series.

Age span

N(Dx)

%(dx)

Survivors

0–4

-

-

100.00

-

Life expectancy (e0x) 35.92

5–9

-

-

100.00

-

30.92

10–14

-

-

100.00

-

25.92

15–19

15

13.51

100.00

0.1351

20.92

20–24

14

12.61

86.49

0.1458

18.80

25–29

7

6.31

73.87

0.0854

16.59

30–34

10

9.01

67.57

0.1333

12.90

35–39

20

18.02

58.56

0.3077

9.50

40–44

15

13.51

40.54

0.3333

7.61

45–49

20

18.02

27.03

0.6667

5.17

50–54

6

5.41

9.01

0.6000

5.50

55–59

2

1.80

3.60

0.5000

5.00

60–64

2

1.80

1.80

1.0000

2.50

65–69

-

-

-

-

-

(1x)

Death probability (qx)

Figure 6. The mortality and life expectancy for the population from the investigated series. 126

V.-M. GROZA, G. MIU, A. SIMALCSIK: DATA ON THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE AND LONGEVITY OF THE MEDIEVAL POPULATION OF IAȘI (THE NECROPOLIS FROM THE EASTERN PART OF THE PRINCELY COURT, 17TH CENTURY)

Age span

N(Dx)

%(dx)

Survivors

Lx

Tx

(1x)

Death probability (qx)

Life expectancy (e0x)

20–24

6

8.57

100.00

0.0857

478.57

1985.71

19.86

25–29

6

8.57

91.43

0.0938

435.71

1507.14

16.48

30–34

9

12.86

82.86

0.1552

382.14

1071.43

12.93

35–39

14

20.00

70.00

0.2857

300.00

689.29

9.85

40–44

11

15.71

50.00

0.3143

210.71

389.29

7.79

45–49

17

24.29

34.29

0.7083

110.71

178.57

5.21

50–54

3

4.29

10.00

0.4286

39.29

67.86

6.79

55–59

2

2.86

5.71

0.5000

21.43

28.57

5.00

60–64

2

2.86

2.86

1.0000

7.14

7.14

2.50

65–69

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Figure 7. The mortality and life expectancy for the males from the investigated series.

Age span

N(Dx)

%(dx)

Survivors (1x)

Death probability (qx)

Lx

Tx

Life expectancy (e0x)

20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69

8 1 1 6 4 3 3 -

30.77 3.85 3.85 23.08 15.38 11.54 11.54 -

100.00 69.23 65.38 61.54 38.46 23.08 11.54 -

0.3077 0.0556 0.0588 0.3750 0.4000 0.5000 1.0000 -

423.08 336.54 317.31 250.00 153.85 86.54 28.85 -

1596.15 1173.08 836.54 519.23 269.23 115.38 28.85 -

15.96 16.94 12.79 8.44 7.00 5.00 2.50 -

Figure 8. The mortality and life expectancy for the females from the investigated series.

skeletons (80/31), and this phenomenon is encountered in all age segments (middle adults, young adults, adolescents). This peculiarity is hard to explain, and we have to stress out the fact that such a noticeable disproportion has never been encountered in other osteological series that underwent demographical investigations.

By the 'sex' criterion (for the 35–50 years old age segment), we can notice that most of the deaths are found among males (76.36%); women represent only 23.64% of the deceased (Figures 7 and 8). In the case of the 20–x years old segment, represented by 96 individuals, we observe the fact that the number of male skeletons is considerably larger than that of the female skeletons—70, respectively 26 (Figure 9)—a phenomenon observable both among the young adults—12 males and 9 females—, and the middle adults—56, respectively 17 (Figure 3).

On account of the distribution on the subjects according to their ages at death, the life expectancy was calculated, overall and for each sex separately, for the entire investigated series (0–x years), as well as for the subjects past the age of 20. The obtained data can reveal the overall longevity of this historical population.

The masculinity index (the ratio between the number of deceased males and the number of deceased females) for the entire population sample is very large (2.58). Thus, the number of male skeletons surpasses by far the number of female

Thus, in the case of the 0–x segment the life expectancy at birth is 35.92 years for the entire sample, 39.86 for males, and 35.96 for females (20– x years). 127

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

27.08% Males Females 72.92% Figure 9. The percentage repartition of the mortality according to the sex of the specimens in the 20–x years old age segment.

Compared to other contemporary necropolis from the Moldavian area (Iași–Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi; Răchiteni; Siret; Brad), where a significantly large number of deceased children under the age of 14 (particularly in the 0–7 years old segment) was recorded, no such deceases were observed for this segment in the necropolis investigated by us (Figures 10 and 11).

As for the average lifespan, it was calculated based either on the life expectancy at birth for the statistically representative series, either on the average age of death for the smaller series. Thus, in the case of the population investigated by us, the life expectancy at birth, which corresponds to the average lifespan, is 35.92 years, meaning a very higher longevity.

After the age of 14, hence during adolescence, the frequency of deaths decreases dramatically, with the percentages varying from 0.55% at Răchiteni, to 13.51% in the case of the series under scrutiny. For the specimens past 20, we observe a predominance of deaths among middle adults (30–60 years old); the minimum percentage, 35.90%, is found at Brad, and the maximum, 65.77%, in our necropolis. With respect to the mortality among the elderly (or senior adults; 60–x years old), we can state that is generally very low, with the frequencies never exceeding 11%.

The average lifespan is lower at Iași–Sf. NicolaeCiurchi (34.12 years), followed by Răchiteni (32.40 years), Siret (25.80 years) and Brad—22.80 (Figure 12).

Necropolis

Răchiteni

Siret

Brad

(16th–17th centuries) N=181 28.73

(17th century) N=106

-

Sf. Nicolae Ciurchi (16th–18th centuries) N=496 12.30

23.60

(17th–18th centuries) N=212 27.40

Infans II (7–14)

-

8.47

6.63

18.90

16.50

Juvenis (14–20)

13.51

5.44

0.55

6.60

7.60

Adultus (20–30)

18.92

9.68

7.18

9.40

11.30

Maturus (30–60)

65.77

56.85

43.65

38.60

35.90

Senilis (60–x)

1.80

7.26

10.50

2.80

1.40

32.40 51.90 44.00

25.80 48.20 38.20

22.80 37.50 36.40

Age Groups Infans I (0–7)

Investigated series (17th century) N=111

If we consider the average lifespan of the subjects over the age of 20, for each sex separately, we can notice that it is higher for the men: with c. 1 year at Brad, 2 years at Iași–Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi, c. 4 years in our series, c. 8 years at Răchiteni, and 10 years at Siret (Figure 13).

Average lifespan 0–x years Males 20–x Females

35.92 39.86 35.96

34.12 43.89 42.33

Figure 10. The structure of the investigated series, according to age, sex, and average lifespan, compared to other synchronous series from the Moldavian area.

128

V.-M. GROZA, G. MIU, A. SIMALCSIK: DATA ON THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE AND LONGEVITY OF THE MEDIEVAL POPULATION OF IAȘI (THE NECROPOLIS FROM THE EASTERN PART OF THE PRINCELY COURT, 17TH CENTURY)

65.77 56.85

80 70

43.65 38.60 35.90

60

Infans I (0-7)

7.26 10.50 2.80 1.40

1.8

0

0

0

10

18.92 9.68 7.18 9.40 11.30

8.47 6.63

20

12.30

30

18.90 16.50

28.73 23.60 27.40

40

13.51 5.44 0.55 6.60 7.60

50

Infans II (7-14) Juvenis (14-20) Adultus (20-30) Maturus (30-60) Series studied

Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi

Răchiteni

Siret

Senilis (60-x)

Brad

Figure 11. The mortality percentages per age category, for the investigated series and compared synchronous series (16th–17th centuries).

40

35.92

34.12

32.40

30

25.80

years

22.80 20

10

0 Series studied

Sf. NicolaeCiurchi

Răchiteni

Siret

Brad

Figure 12. The average lifespan for the investigated series compared to other synchronous series (0–x years). 129

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Figure 13. The average lifespan, by sex, compared to other synchronous series (20–x years).

In the series we studied, the frequency of deaths in the age interval 30–60 years is much higher in relation to the comparison series (with approximately 10% in comparison with the series at Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi, about 22% in relation with Răchiteni, about 27% in relation with Siret and about 30% compared to the series from Brad).

Compared with the synchronous series, the population interred in this medieval necropolis from Iași (the investigated series) seems to have been the least long-lived, with the differences being particularly significant for the male series—c. 40 years compared to a minimum of 37.50 years at Brad (Botezatu and Cantemir 1997), 43.89 years at Iași–Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi (Groza et al., 2011), 48.20 years at Siret (Botezatu et al., 2004), and a maximum of c. 52 years at Răchiteni (Miu et al., 2002).

This high mortality of adults encountered in our series, amassed in a more limited age interval (35– 50 years) states the question of membership for the group of population inhumed in this area; the high number of deceased (adult) men, as well as the lack of children in the necropolis could suggest that this is an alien population.

The differences are less significant in the case of the women; the average lifespan in the studied series is slightly lower (Iași–Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi, Răchiteni) or almost equal (Siret and Brad) to that of the other series (Figures 10 and 13).

The frequency of deaths among those over 60 years is relatively low for all of the series considered in this study.

4. Conclusions

The average lifespan for the population from the series analysed by us is much higher than that of the population from the synchronous series. For the segments of population over 20, the average lifespan is, on average, higher for males than for female, for all of the series considered.

The paleo-demographical study of the skeletons discovered in the eastern part of the former Princely Court (Rmn. Curtea Domnească) revealed several noteworthy facts. The mortality among the younger groups (0–14 years) is absent, compared to other synchronous necropolises where a high mortality was observed among children.

The absence of mortality among the younger segment (0–14years), the lower frequency of deaths among women and the high rate of mortality among men in the case of the 35–50 years old segment (c. 60%), suggest that at least a part of the population

For the subjects over the age of 20, the frequency maximum is reached during adulthood. 130

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inhumed in the investigated necropolis comprised incoming (non-local) individuals.

sex, using the human hip bone. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 117, 157–168.

The good preservation of the skeletons and the reduced frequency of macroscopically-observable features (which are the topic of a future fullydedicated study) suggest that the mortality was more likely due to infectious-contagious diseases (possibly even epidemics) gripping the population.

Cihodaru, C., Cristian, V., Dinu, M., Neamţu, V., Petrescu-Dîmboviţa, M., Platon, Gh., Rusu, D. and Timofte, M. 1980. Istoria oraşului Iaşi. Iaşi, Editura Junimea. Cloşcă, C. 2008. Iaşul. Iaşi, Editura Stef. Fazekas, I. Gy. and Kosa, F. 1978. Forensic Fetal Osteology. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó.

The collective tombs, which contain between 3 and 5 individuals, require special interpretation. The deaths and burials probably occurred in specific historical contexts, i.e., they were executed for political reasons by "beheading or hanging", as the contemporary chronicles suggest.

Ferembach, D., Schwidetzky, I. and Stloukal, M. 1980. Recommendation for age and sex diagnoses of skeletons. Journal Human Evolution 9, 517–549. Groza, V.M., Miu , G., Simalcsik. A. and Simalcsik, R. 2011. Preliminary data concerning the demographical structure of the medieval population of the Iaşi city (Necropolis of the "Sf. Nicolae-Ciurchi" Church, 16th– 18th centuries). Analelele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii ,,Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iaşi. Secţiunea I, Biologie animală LVII, 125–130.

The complex anthropological analysis, particularly the identification of the biological structure of the "anthropological facies", the elaborate examination of the bone pathologies, and the corroboration with the data provided by the archaeological investigation, will allow for pertinent conclusions regarding the population inhumed in this medieval necropolis.

Iscan, M.Y. and Derrick, K. 1984. Determination of sex from the sacroiliac joint: a visual assessment technique. Florida Science 47, 94–98.

Acknowledgements

Maresh, M. M. 1955. Linear growth of long bones of extremities from infancy through adolescence. American Journal of Diseases of Children 89, 725–742.

We thank Stela Cheptea, PhD (C.S.I archaeologist at the Centre for European History and Civilization, Iaşi, Romania) for making available the osteological material necessary for the anthropological study.

Mays, S. 1998. The archaeology of human bones. London, Routledge.

This work was supported by the European Social Fund in Romania, under the responsibility of the Managing Authority for the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development 2007–2013 [grant POSDRU/107/1.5/S/78342].

Miu, G., Simalcsik, A. and Simalcsik, R. D. 2002. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea structurii antropologice a populatiilor medievale în lumina săpăturilor de la Răchiteni. Buletin Istoric 3, 194–208. Phenice, T.W. 1969. A newly developed visual methods of sexing the os pubis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 30, 297–301.

References Acsádi, G. and Nemeskeri, J. 1970. History of human life span and mortality. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó.

Schaefer, M., Black, S. and Scheuer, L. 2009. Juvenile osteology: a laboratory and field manual. London, Elsevier.

Botezatu, D., Cantemir, P. and Simalcsik, R. D. 2004. Cimitirul medieval de la Siret – jud. Suceava. Studiul antropologic. Suceava XXIX-XXX, 399–409.

Scheuer, L. and Black, S. 2000. Developmental juvenile osteology. San Diego, Elsevier.

Botezatu, D. and Cantemir, P. 1997. Structura paleodemografică a populaţiei din Moldova în perioada feudală târzie. In C. Guja (ed.), Antropologia în actualitate şi perspectivă, 125–129. Bucureşti, Editura Prospect Anthropos.

Schmitt, A. 2005. Une nouvelle methode pour estimer l’age au deces des adultes a partir de la surface sacropelvienne iliaque. Bulletine et Memoire de la Societe d’Anthropologie de Paris 17 (1-2), 1–13.

Brothwell, D.R. 1981. Digging up bones. New York, Cornell University Press.

Ubelaker, D.H., 1979. Human skeletal remains: excavation, analysis and interpretation. Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press.

Bruzek, J. 2002. A method for visual determination of

Walrath, D. E., Turner, P. and Bruzek, J. 2004. 131

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White, T. D. and Folkens, P.A. 2005. Human bone manual. Amsterdam, Boston, Elsevier.

Reliability test of the visual assessment of cranial traits for sex determination. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 125, 132–137.

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CERAMIC ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY: CONCEPTS, POSSIBILITIES, LIMITS Felix-Adrian TENCARIU "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform

Abstract. This article seeks to highlight the necessity of a change in the rather rigid approach of the prehistoric pottery research in Romania, presenting the basic principles and the potential benefits of ethnoarchaeology. The author believes that the ethnoarchaeological data are not, and must not be used as a direct source of answers to the unsolved problems in archaeological research, but rather as a necessary background for possible analogies, for a more nuanced understanding of the technological processes, of the past social organisation and context. Also, the author insists upon the ceramic ethnoarchaeology as a strategy of archaeological research undertaken by the archaeologist for the benefit of archaeology, in partial disagreement with some recent trends that tend to understand ethnoarchaeology as a self-contained discipline, independent of the "mud archaeology". Keywords: ceramic ethnoarchaeology, analogy, prehistoric technology, potter’s craft, archaeological theory.

Pottery was the first artificial material created by humans, the "artificial rock" that combined the four primordial elements that constitute matter, as envisioned by the ancient Greeks and Indians: earth, water, fire and air (Rice 1987, 3). By exploiting the plasticity acquired by the soaked earth, and the almost miraculous transformation suffered by any object moulded out of this mixture when exposed to fire, man created a technology that accompanied him throughout his civilization's evolution, from the prehistoric statuettes and pottery to the medical and space industry of the 20th–21st centuries.

with the second half of the 19th century) the significance held by pottery is regarded, especially, as a way of locating, from a spatial and chronologically point of view, certain archaeological cultures. During this phase, the pottery studies were predominantly descriptive and statistical, the emphasis being placed upon defining, classifying, and typecasting the shapes and decoration. It can be argued that in the case of the currently Romanian archaeological literature, the study of prehistoric pottery (at least) is still guided by the principles of this research phase.

The archaeological pottery was, and still is, for over two centuries now, an essential tool in exploring the past. The interest for ancient pottery, discovered using different methods and in different contexts dates well before the emergence of the first principles of archaeological science. There are three important stages in the history of pottery study (reflected in a vast literature, mirroring the diverse visions and interests of different explorers, colonial administrators, pottery researchers, art historians, archaeologists, social researchers, anthropologists and many others): the artistic-historic phase, the typology-chronological phase, and the contextual phase (Orton et al., 1993, 13–18).

After 1960, in the Western European and American dedicated literature, a shift towards the "contextual phase" of pottery studies occurred, concerned more with understanding the cultural context in which the pottery was produced and used. The burned vessels are considered an ecological and social-cultural product per se, facilitating answers to problems regarding the social organization and the behaviour of people producing it. In other words, studying pottery aims not to answer only the "when and where?" question, as in the previous phases, but also the "how and why?" question (van der Leeuw and Pritchard 1984, 6). A contextual analysis of the pottery implies integrating the ethnographical, archaeometrical, technological and experimental studies in researching these important relicts of bygone cultures. The simple shard is not regarded anymore merely as an archaeological object, but as a final product of complex interactions between raw materials, culture and technology.

The artistic-historic phase (15th–19th centuries) documents the acceptance of the view stating that the discovered pottery belonged to people from the past, rather than being magical relics or the work of gnomes living in mines; it is a period when the interest is placed on the artistic and technical qualities of the pottery, a time of collections and collectors.

The archaeologists usually use pottery to construct typologies, to identify stylistic areas and boundaries, to establish regional and inter-regional interactions. Sometimes, pottery has been used to reconstruct the

In the typological-chronological phase (beginning 133

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inter-relation archaeology–ethnology–ethnography– historical interpretation of the past. Even from the beginning, the focus was placed on the American, African and Australian continents, and the main subject was represented by the study of artefacts (tools, pottery and jewellery). A tradition took roots to consider ethnoarchaeology yet another separate branch of anthropology, just like archaeology and linguistics, especially by the American school.

size and complexity of households, to elucidate economical differentiation, to determine the relations between craftsmen and the rest of the community, as well as other aspects of the past (Kramer 1985, 78). Pottery arguably represents the most important artefact from the pre- and proto-historical communities, still being used by different communities worldwide; this fact holds a huge potential for applied etnoarchaeological studies. The analysis of ancient pottery, using different methods, can shed light on the manufacturing aspects, but it can't bring light to all of its use-life stages. In contrast with producing tools from stone, which is an "extractive" technology, the pottery technology is an "additive" one, implying different treatments, mixings, and actions performed on the clay, that are very difficult to be discerned only through the study of the final product. A potential method in overcoming these difficulties might be the employment of analogies with documented examples from the present.

The European ethnoarchaeological research, focused especially on Africa and Asia, tends to avoid the neo-evolutionist approach, in favour of a historical one. Relying on logic, the European ethnoarchaeology concentrates on the relations between the technological sequences and the social identities (Stark 2003, 200–201). The American school's approach embraces the evolutionist perspective that puts emphasis on the connexions between human behaviour and material culture. To this respect, the definition proposed by W. Longacre for ethnoarchaeology proves to be suggestive: "The study of the variability of the material culture and its relation with human behaviour and social organization, made by archaeologists on present communities, to be used in archaeological interpretation" (Longacre 1991, 1). Similar is the inclusion, in the '70s, of ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology in one of the behavioural archaeology strategies (where archaeology is being defined as the study of the relations between human behaviour and material culture) (Reid et al., 1975, 865).

As early as the 19th century, prehistoric researchers focused their attention to the uncivilised societies in order to ascertain the functionality of the different tools discovered in archaeological excavations, to explain certain peculiarities of the Neolithic architecture, or to decipher the meanings of the cave art (Petrequin 2007, 77). Even from the last years of the 19th century, Jesse Fewkes, uses, in his work on the migration of the Amerindian populations— Tusayan migration traditions—the term "ethnoarchaeologist" in the sense of an archaeologist that applies his knowledge of the people living in the present, to learn about the people that used to live during prehistorical times (David and Kramer 2001, 6). The author of the first modern ethnoarchaeological work was Donald Thomson, whose book The seasonal factor in human culture, published between the two world wars, tackles one of the biggest problems of archaeology—defining the material culture and its connexion to the ethnicity of its bearers. Thomson shows that the tools, settlement types and other cultural characteristics specific for adapting to the wet or dry season of the Wik Monkan aboriginal tribe from Australia differ so much that archaeologists could interpret them as material relicts belonging to different cultures altogether (David and Kramer 2001, 6). Ethnoarchaeology becomes acknowledged and popular in the '50s, especially by the American school. The main themes that emerged were the role of analogy in archaeological interpretation and the

Beyond the different visions and approaches, ethnoarchaeology wishes to be more than an ethnographical database and hypothesis that needs to be tested. For this desiderate to hold value, explicit analogical mechanisms between models and behaviours from the past and present are needed. Ethnoarchaeologists should detail the relevance and applicability of their discourses on studying the past, for the evaluation of the archaeological data. Extended, comparative studies, focused on a diversity of cases and general patterns are needed, in order to launch useful, inquiring possibilities for archaeology. In any case, the ethnoarchaeological literature proved to be successful in preventing the archaeologist to think and elaborate in a schematic framework; he has to use it as a source for analogy, a necessary reservoir for a better understanding of the technological processes, and organization and social context from the past. The final goal of the ethnoarchaeological studies is a 134

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diverse forms of rituals connected to pottery production.

better understanding of the relations between the human behaviour and the elements of the material culture, "preserved" by the archaeological discoveries. Pottery is important for archaeologists because it can be found in abundance, is diverse and holds an important place in many economic, social, ritualistic contexts.

Starting with the 1950s, the ceramic ethnoarchaeology experienced a notable momentum, a fact reflected by the hundreds of field inquiries (performed on short and medium term, but also throughout many years), the multitude of publications (articles, collective volumes, monographs), as well as by the numerous patterns, discussions and theoretical controversies.

By observing the present pottery production, acting as an "analogy" for the archaeological discoveries, one can gestate new ideas about the technological process of the past. In order to construct patterns that can be applied to prehistoric communities, to collect and convert the ethnographical data needed to interpret the archaeological material, a series of abilities and specific actions have to be made by the actor.

In this respect, it is maybe useful to review some of the noteworthy achievements of the discipline, dating mostly from the second half of the 20th century. The researches focused, in some cases, on small communities with tribal hierarchical organization, featuring economies relying of household industries. From the hundreds of inquiries on the present craft of pottery on the two American continents, we consider particularly worthy of mentioning the contributions made by Michael Stanislawski following his time spent within the Hopi-Tewa communities (Stanislawski 1976, 47–65), those of Margaret Hardin who spent time in the Tarascan and Zuni communities from Mexico (Hardin 1991, 40–47), Dean Arnold's work in the Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico and the Peruvian Andes (Arnold 1985; 2003), as well as the researches made by Michael Deal in Chiapas, Mexico, and Guatemala, in contemporary Mayan communities (Deal 1998). An important number of researches were made in Africa: Olivier Gosselain and Alexandre Livingstone-Smith in Cameroon (Gosselain and Livingstone-Smith 2005, 33–47), Nicholas David in the Mandara Mountains (Cameroon, Nigeria and Ghana) (David and Sterner 1989, 5–9), Alain Gallay and his collaborators in the inferior delta of Niger River (Gallay et al., 1998), etc. Although not as numerous, important researches were also made in Asia: by Carol Kramer among the pottery craftsmen from Rajasthan, India (Kramer 1997), or William Longacre and Miriam Stark with the long term research in the Philippines, within the Kalinga communities (Longacre and Skibo 1994).

A carefully elaborated project (in which the goals and means should be very clear) require, among others, choosing a proper community for investigation, dedicating a long period of time to be spent within that community, the knowledge of the language (or at least the existence of a good interpreter), excellent observer abilities, as well as a solid knowledge of the material culture. The archaeologist appears to be the most adequate to lead this ethnoarchaeological research. An ideal ethnoarchaeological inquiry based on the potter's craft should take into consideration both the manufacturing of pottery (a complex technological process, implying a chain of specific actions) and the production of pottery, an adaptable process with multiple economic, social and spiritual-artistic implications. When we discuss the technological aspect, we consider the elements connected to the chain of preparing the pottery production: obtaining the raw material, preparing the clay, the manufacturing process, shapes, decorations, drying, firing, postfiring treatments, ways of using it, longevity, even the disposal of the used and destroyed pottery. Regarding the pottery production, the issues concerning the traditions, the methods to pass the knowledge to the next generations, the degree of innovation, the division of work (by sex or age criteria), the social organization of the production (the degree of professionalism at the individual, family, or community level), the spatial and quantitative aspects of the production (location, the size and the dependencies of the workshop, the number of produced items, the distance to resources and markets), the spending and the financial resources of the pottery craftsmen, and, last but not least, the beliefs, interdictions, superstitions, or

The above-mentioned examples are long term projects, made by teams of archaeologists and anthropologists, with the results published in monographs and dozens of articles. Generally, a preference of the European ethnoarchaeologists can be observed towards the technological aspects of the pottery craft as well as a tendency of the American researchers (due, probably, to their culturalanthropological formation) to observation and extensively theorisation of the production 135

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out for himself if and how to use the ethnoarchaeological information, if he or she decides to. We believe that to be a fair approach, but keeping the label of "ethnoarchaeology", when archaeology is dropped from the equation, has no reason at all.

mechanisms, consumption, distribution and social organization. A question that arises obsessively in the theoretical approaches connected to pottery ethnoarchaeology (without any apparent viable answer) is to what degree the observations made in the present day pottery craftsmen communities hold a significant importance for the field archaeology; in other words, are there clear analogies between the present and the past? And if so, how and in which conditions do these analogies apply, in order to avoid the trap and the ridicule of overlapping spectacular and tempting information from the present on our lack of knowledge about the prehistorical pottery craft? If not, then what is the role of ethnoarchaeology, taking into account the fact that precise recordings of information regarding contemporary pottery craftsmen can be made just as accurately by ethnographers? Recently, a possible answer was sought through the counting of citations of ethnoarchaeological articles in the American Antiquity journal, in the last 35 years (Skibo 2009, 30–33). Although the ratio was quite high (30 quotations of ethnoarchaeological articles per year), the author also observes that the majority appeared in ethnoarchaeological or archaeological theory articles, and just a few in articles dealing with "mud archaeology"; in this case, there is an obvious dysfunctional relation between ethnoarchaeology and field archaeology. Browsing through the scientific literature, one can observe a tendency towards considering ethnoarchaeology as an independent discipline, whose goal is not necessarily the elucidation of some aspects from the past with the help of documented information from the present; rather, the ethnoarchaeologists (especially the American ones) seem to have transformed the exhaustive and "socialanthropological" analysis of certain aspects from the life of some contemporary communities into a goal in itself, neglecting, somehow, their initial objective. It is, in our opinion, an almost unavoidable pitfall, if we consider the complexity of observable relations today, between people and their artefacts, compared with the scarcity of information provided by an archaeological excavation. An archaeologist with a cultural-anthropological background faces a goldmine hard to resist. There are opinions stating that if ethnoarchaeology becomes an independent, well-represented discipline, then there would be no need for solutions to serve the "mud archaeology", since the ethnoarchaeologists' mission is much "nobler", serving the goals of the technological and social anthropology (David 1992, 351; Skibo 2009, 33); in this scenario, the archaeologist has to figure

In the same vein, we believe that the way in which ethnoarchaeology is nowadays understood on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean is, maybe, a tad pretentious, rigid, and overly theoretical. Ethnoarchaeology means collecting and using, as archaeologist, diverse ethnographical data, in order to elucidate problems raised by, for example, ceramic ware or special contexts discovered during the archaeological research. This process can be put into practice at different levels. In its simplest form, this can refer to when an archaeologist observes certain ethnographic situations, without direct connection with his archaeological research, at the level possible for any experimented and inquisitive tourist. These data can be useful, evolving into a data base that can be used at any time when an archaeological situation resembles observed realities at a certain point. Thus, informally, the majority of archaeologists are susceptible of "making ethnoarchaeology" (Thompson 1991, 232). A second, much more formal method to make ceramic ethnoarchaeology implies the deliberate study of a technological aspect from the operating chain of manufacturing pottery or of the craft as a whole, within a modern-day community, in order to explain, through possible analogies, some unknown or difficult to interpret archaeological problems. The third method of making ethnoarchaeology is the in-depth comparative study applied to multiple communities (with a similar or, more adequate, a different level of socio-economic development) that practice this craft, in all of its technological, economic, social, artistic and spiritual aspects, and with the aim of building general and viable patterns that can be potentially applicable to distant places and times (Thompson 1991, 233). In our opinion, pottery ethnoarchaeology also requires the archaeologist to use written sources regarding the pottery craft, such as ancient writings, travelling literature, ethnographical and ethnoarchaeological writings, etc. The direct access to the ethnographical source is obviously preferable, as the archaeologist can follow exactly those issues that directly interest him, and which were not recorded, out of subjective reasons, in different bibliographical sources. 136

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ethnographical and ethno-archaeological studies contribute, if we consider the broader picture, to an "anthropological" understanding of culture and mankind (Hegmon 2000, 135). On such a basis, the archaeologist can climb the inference "pyramid" and interpret archaeological situations that not necessarily present analogies (Roux 2007, 174).

A controversial problem is also the adequacy of a certain community as a subject of an ethnoarchaeological inquiry regarding the pottery craft. Generally, the ethnoarchaeologists "hunted" the smaller traditional communities, which had a more or less "tribal" organization, and which were considered to have been more in accord to the prehistorical "reality" (General Comparative Approach) (Gould and Watson 1982, 358). Therefore, the interest peaks were and still are located in the African continent, the two American continents, Australia, Oceania, Asia to a smaller degree, and are almost inexistent in the case of Europe. The study of pottery production in those communities (similar also between them and with the accepted image about prehistorical communities, from the point of view of the social organization) reveals an impressive variety of technologies and behaviours, making difficult some clear and precise analogies. Some researchers support an adequacy of ethnoarchaeological studies only for the communities that displayed a similar evolution in the same place and from the same population with the community that was archaeologically investigated (Direct Historical Approach) (Ascher 1961, 317–325; Gould and Watson 1982, 357–359), in other words, only where a cultural continuity is documented over long periods of time.

In our opinion, no matter how tempting and easier it might seem sometimes, the ethnoarchaeological enterprise should not attempt to make the past look like the present. By doing an ethnoarchaeological inquiry, the archaeologist has the opportunity to observe, document and understand situations that he might find to be frustrating during the field archaeological research. By being familiar with ethnographical situations and experimenting firsthand the technology of pottery manufacturing, one can avoid superficial conclusions or "inherited", preconceived ideas. Instead of a bitter ending, we unfortunately have to end with the distressing observation that in the last two decades the ethnoarchaeological studies, at least ones connected to pottery, have been scarce, not because the discipline fell out of fashion, but because of the rapid extinction of communities that produce pottery, a reality that can also be easily observed in Romania. In this respect, a renewed call towards an archaeology of action, after the appeals launched by Kleindeinst and Watson in 1956 and by W. Longacre in 1991, is more than necessary. We believe that in these circumstances, the recording of as many data as possible is of uttermost priority; only after this the debate over their usefulness can start.

Personally, we believe that any community that produces pottery is adequate for an ethnoarchaeological study, especially when no definite truths about the past are targeted, but it is sought only to understand certain relations between the pottery objects and the people that produce and use them.

"Ethnoarchaeology’s primary service mission is still the revising of the analogical consciousness of archaeologists, many of whom prefer their culture dead, sensitizing them to dimensions of variability and the richness of the relationship between humans and their artifacts…" (David 1992, 352).

As a conclusion, we can notice that the majority of the pottery ethnoarchaeological works are admirably documented and drawn, that they are pleasant and fascinating to read, since they reflect an impressive diversity of data regarding both the technology of pottery, as well as the diverse social-economical and spiritual-artistic aspects connected to the pottery craft, as illustrated by different populations from different regions of the world. In a certain sense, ethnoarchaeology faces difficulties in reaching its initial goal — offering clear transcultural analogy mechanisms, shortcuts between the present and the past. Few ethnoarchaeological studies are focused on elaborating theories or constructing general interpretative patterns (Stark 2003, 195).

Acknowledgments This paper was prepared with the financial support of OIPOSDRU, through the project Dezvoltarea capacităţii de inovare şi creşterea impactului cercetării prin programe post-doctorale POSDRU/89/1.5/S/49944.

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THE EXPLOITATION OF ROCK SALT WITH USING WOODEN "TROUGHS". AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPERIMENT CONDUCTED AT BECLEAN–BĂILE FIGA (BISTRIŢA-NĂSĂUD COUNTY, ROMANIA) IN 2010 Dan BUZEA National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians, Sfântu Gheorghe (Romania) Abstract. Since immemorial times, salt was considered a particularly valuable natural resource, but we know very little about salt exploitation during prehistorical eras. The National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians from Sfântu Gheorghe, Covasna County, Romania, tried to shed light on this issue by resorting to experimental archaeology, taking into consideration one of the most important archaeological discoveries from Transylvania, Romania: four wooden “troughs" found in the stream of the Sărat brook from Beclean–Băile Figa (Bistriţa-Năsăud County) and dating from the Bronze Age. Though various theories were advanced, no convincing evidence was brought so far in relation to the way these implements were used in exploiting rock salt during the Bronze Age. The archaeological experiment from Băile Figa consisted of testing various hypotheses regarding their possible usage scenarios. The results support the theory according to which the troughs were appliances used to direct fresh water jets towards the rock salt bed in order to drill it, and that they were one element of an elaborate installation for salt production. The prehistoric processes of salt exploitation that took place at Băile Figa appear to have been strikingly complex, sophisticated and efficient, in terms of the production process and productivity. Keywords: experimental archaeology, Transylvania, Bronze Age, salt, exploitation, mine, salt works. .

National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians organised, with the support of its partners (the "Cucuteni for the 3rd Millennium" Foundation from Bucharest, the "Carpaţii Răsăriteni" Cultural and Scientific Association, and Exeter University, United Kingdom) and the financial support of the National Cultural Fund Administration of the Romanian Ministry of Culture, the Experimental Archaeology Camp from Beclean–Băile Figa, Bistriţa-Năsăud County, as part of the "People of the Salt" Project.

1. Introduction Since ancient times salt was considered a particularly valuable natural resource. Today we take advantage of its special properties, regardless of where we find it: on the surface or deep underground or in brines (salt water springs). We use salt to cook and preserve food, for therapeutic purpose, in industry and research, etc. Even though we now know how to exploit salt and to benefit from its properties, we cannot avoid wondering what the situation thousands of years ago was like. How was salt exploited and used in prehistoric times?

All the archaeological evidence related to rock salt exploitations (rock salt mining) in the Bronze Age were revealed so far only in Transylvania and Maramureş: at Beclean–Baile Figa, Săsarm–Valea Sărată and Caila (Bistriţa-Năsăud County), Ocna Dej, Valea Florilor (Cluj County), Ocna Mureş (Alba County), and at Solotvino and the "Valley of the Kings" (Ukraine) (Cavruc et al., 2006, 41–49; Cavruc and Harding 2008, 151; 2011, 111–122; Cavruc 2008, 79–90; 2009, 21–36; Harding and Cavruc 2006, 56–59).

The National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians from Sfântu Gheorghe, Covasna County (Romania) tried to find an answer for this question by resorting to experimental archaeology, and taking into consideration one of the most important archaeological discoveries of the Subcarpathian area of Moldavia (Romania), dated in the 6th–5th millenniums B.C. (Lunca–Poiana Slatinei, Neamţ County is the site where the world's oldest saltwork has been found, dated to ca. 6050–5500 cal. BC, from during the Starčevo-Criş period) (Weller and Dumitroaia 2005, 13; Monah 2008, 14), and from Beclean–Băile Figa, Bistriţa-Năsăud County, where one of Europe’s oldest salt mines, dated to the 3rd millenniums B.C., was discovered.

The most important results revealed so far by the archaeological investigations are four wooden "troughs" discovered in the stream of the Sărat brook (Rmn. Pârâul Sărat, "the salty creek") from Beclean–Băile Figa (Bistriţa-Năsăud County). One of these troughs was excavated in 2005 by geologist Ioan Chintăuan. The other three were discovered in 2007 and 2008, during the archaeological research campaigns conducted by the National Museum

Thus, between the 10th and 20th of August 2010, the National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians the 139

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of the Eastern Carpathians (Figure 1/5–8).

2. The first experiments

According to Valerii Kavruk, the leader of the archaeological team from Băile Figa, the salt massif found here is particularly hard. During the archaeological excavations, the workers attempting to dislodge pieces of salt often failed as the tools they were working with, iron axes and pickaxes, broke when they stroke the rock (Cavruc 2010, 22).

The first, experimental, "trough" was made in 2007 according to the model provided by those discovered during the excavations at Băile Figa, in S.I. The trough had the following dimensions: length = 120cm, width = 26cm, base width = 17cm, length of indentation = 100cm, width of indentation = 13cm, depth of indentation = 18cm; the piece was cut from a single spruce log that had a diameter of ca. 30cm (Figure 2/2–5).

During the archaeological salvage excavations performed in 2008, several attempts to collect the salt using an excavator's scoop were made in the area mitigated (Figure 1/1). Despite the excavator's power and superior performance, only superficial "scratches" were made to the salt massif (Figure 1/2).

On the bottom of the trough, along a median longitudinal line, 6 rectangular perforations (with sides measuring ca. 2.5cm) were made at equal distances (ca. 10–15cm) from each other. A wooden spigot and a hemp cord were introduced into each of the perforations (Figure 2/2–5); prior to their insertion, the spigots were drilled along their longitudinal axis.

In the articles published during the last years on the topic of older or newer archaeological discoveries that concern salt exploitation during the Bronze Age in the regions of Transylvania and Maramureş, the discoveries were treated solely with respect to "archaeological issues" (Cavruc 2010, 17).

The hewing was performed using an iron adze, an iron hammer and a set of iron chisels. The trough was fashioned in ca. 16 hours, by Gheorghe Puşcărău, an amateur carpenter and wood carver.

E. Preissing's 1887 interpretation of the "troughs" as appliances for directing water jets towards the rock salt bed in order to drill it—upheld by V. Wollman, rejected by I. Chintăuan, and accepted with scepticism by A. Harding—has recently received support from Valerii Kavruk, the author of the discoveries from Beclean–Băile Figa (Cavruc 2010, 22).

The trough was meant to be used in the archaeological experiments concerning the exploitation of the rock salt from Băile Figa, which were scheduled for the 2008 season. Because during the 2008 season no sources of raw salt were discovered on the surface of the site, the experiments were postponed until the next season. The through was deposited in unsuitable conditions and during the summer of 2009, its bottom cracked.

Until recently, few plausible and convincing arguments were brought for the various hypotheses on the functionality of the wooden "troughs" from the salt mines, specifically to the manner in which these appliances were used for salt production during the Bronze Age.

2.1. The experiments of 2009 In 2009, at the initiative of archaeologists from the National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians from Sfântu Gheorghe, Valerii Kavruk (director) and Radu Zăgreanu, we were able to commission a new trough from Marian Marius, a wood carver and ardent amateur archaeologist.

From the very moment the troughs were discovered at Băile Figa, Valerii Kavruk advocated among the fellow team members for the necessity of advancing plausible theories regarding the issue of the troughs' use for prehistoric salt mining and production.

For making the trough, the following materials were used: - trough: made from a spruce log with a diameter of 40cm; - spigots: oak wood; - cord: twisted hemp yarns.

The optimal conditions for conducting the through (Rmn. troacă) experiment were reached only in 2010, when alongside the systematic archaeological campaign that took place, the Experimental Archaeology Camp from Beclean–Băile Figa, Bistriţa-Năsăud County ran as part of the "People of the Salt" project financed by NCFA and headed by Dan Buzea (Buzea and Cîrlănescu 2010, 122–126; 2010a, 79–89; 2010b, 511–522).

The trough thus resulted had the following measurements: length = 180cm, width: 55cm, length of indentation = 160cm, width of indentation = 20cm, depth of indentation = 20cm (Figure 3/1–2). 140

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Figure 1. Beclean–Băile Figa, Bistriţa-Năsăud County. 1: archaeological survey from 2008; 2: "scratches" made by the excavating device in the rock salt; 3: the "trough" discovered by I. Chintăuan in 2005; 4: the "trough" excavated from the ground by I. Chintăuan in 2005; 5: the "troughs" discovered by the Romanian British team in 2007; 6: the "trough" discovered in trench S.I–2007; 7–8: the "trough" discovered and preserved in situ in 2008 (photo — 1–2: D. Buzea; 3–4: I. Chintăuan; 5–6: V. Kavruk; 7–8: B. Briewig). 141

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Figure 2. The "trough" made by Gh. Puşcărău in 2007. 1: view from above; 2: view from below; 3: interior detail; 4: detail of the base; 5: general view (photo: M. Domboşi). 142

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Figure 3. The "trough" experiment. 1–2: the "trough" made by Marian Mihai in 2009 (front and side-view); 3: vertical cross section; 4: horizontal cross section; 5: the "trough" running on fresh water; 6: the piercing of the rock salt by the water jets; 7: the perforations in the salt bedrock; 8: wedges inserted by hammering; 9: lateral hammering of the wedges; 10: how to dislocate salt rocks; 11: the method of salt extraction (according to Harding 2009, p. 19, fig. 3); Legend — a: string; b: peg; c: salt rock; d: wedge; e: fresh water; f: sledge hammer; g: water jet; h: the hammering direction. 143

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The camp was designed as to provide answers concerning the methods of prehistoric salt exploitation, by employing several archaeological experiments. To this purpose, two methods were investigated: - the production of salt by briquetage, that is, by boiling brine in coarse ceramic vessels until the evaporation of water occurs and the salt is left behind (Cavruc and Dumitroaia 2006, 37–40); - the 'trough' method was tested by building wooden installations used for exploiting rock salt by means of water jets.

The trough's indentation had a rectangular section (Figure 3/3). Seven rectangular (with sides of ca. 4cm) perforations were placed on the bottom of the trough, along a medial axis, at equal distances from each other (ca. 10cm). A wooden spigot was inserted into each of the perforations (Figure 3/4). The spigots were carved from oak wood, and were of similar size and shape; they were carved in a rectangular shape and their lengths varied between 18 and 20 cm. At the top the spigots were tapered, while at their upper part they were rectangular in shape (4×4cm) and they had a much wider rebate than the rectangular perforation from the bottom of the trough. The spigots were drilled along their longitudinal axis (0.5–cm in diameter) using a gimlet (borer).

The present paper is concerned with the second putative method of prehistoric exploitation of rock salt, specifically with the 'trough experiment' conducted at Băile Figa in parallel with the archaeological investigations that took place there during the 2010 season (Buzea 2010, 245– 256).

A three-twist hemp cord was introduced into each spigot. The cords were of ca. 30–40 cm in length, and at the upper end of the spigot they were knotted.

The archaeological context from Băile Figa, as captured on the 10th of August, 2010, provided the optimal conditions for setting-up and performing the experiment, as this was the first time since the diggings had commenced in 2007 when a large enough surface of the salt bedrock was uncovered. This surface, exhausted from an archaeological point of view in 2010, was located in the Section III (systematically investigated between 2007 and 2010), in the northern part of the site, on both banks of the Sărat brook.

The 2009 experiment consisted in filling the trough with water and testing the manner in which the orifices of the spigots can be opened or closed using the hemp cord. When the knot was detached from the superior orifice of the spigot, the water from the trough trickled along the hemp cord, forming thin water streams. Unfortunately, in 2009 the experiment was halted because a proper surface, containing sufficient exposed rock salt, where the trough could have been installed, was not available. Likewise, because the archaeological season came to an end, it did not left sufficient time for experimenting with the installation. The trough was deposited in a cellar from nearby the Băile Figa archaeological site, in a slightly moist environment, to be used during the 2010 season.

Gheorghe Puşcărău, an amateur carpenter, was coopted into the project team, thus ensuring the production of the wooden materials and tools necessary for assembling and using the trough for the purpose in mind. During a day's work, he fashioned the trough's legs from oak wood posts. An adjustable system for fixing the trough was implemented at both ends; at each end, the legs of the trough were inserted, each consisting of three wooden posts secured with hornbeam sprigs (Figure 4/1–5). To direct and feed with water the trough, a 7m-long and 10cm-wide gutter was carved from oak wood.

2.2. The experiments of 2010 Between the 10th and 20th of August, 2010, The National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians, with the support of its partners (the "Cucuteni for the 3rd Millennium" Foundation from Bucharest, the "Carpaţii Răsăriteni" Cultural and Scientific Association, and Exeter University, United Kingdom) and the financial support of the National Cultural Fund Administration of the Romanian Ministry of Culture, organised, as part of the "People of the Salt" Project, the Experimental Archaeology Camp from Beclean–Băile Figa, Bistriţa-Năsăud County.

During the days preceding the deployment of the trough, other wooden tools necessary for the experiment were produced: a wooden sledgehammer (maul) and several wooden wedges (chocks) sharpened at one end. The experiment itself lasted two days, between the 18th and the 19th of August, 2010.

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Figure 4. The 2010 "trough" experiment. 1–2, 4: fashioning the "trough" and adding the wooden legs to it; 3: securing the pegs with rope; 5: detail of a "trough" leg; 6: setting up the "trough" on the salt rock from Trench S. III–2010 (photo: D. Buzea). 145

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easily feed it with water, a gutter with a length of 7m was fitted to the trough; the gutter carried fresh water (rainwater) that was carried in plastic recipients by members of the archaeological team, from a source near Section III (Figure 6/1–3).

Day 1: 18.08.2010 — During the first day of the experiment, the trough was suspended on the adjustable legs system, at a height of 80cm, over the rock salt deposit. In this area, the salt bedrock was flat. After the trough was installed in place, the salt rock layer was washed thoroughly to remove mud and mire.

By 11.00 a.m., the trough was in place, and starting from 12.00 a.m. it started to receive a constant supply of fresh water (approximately 300 litres) via the gutter which was positioned as to ensure a steady flow of the water straight into the trough.

The trough was aligned along an east-west direction, at 8.00 a.m., and the feeding with water from the Sărat brook was initiated, using 10 litres plastic recipients (Figure 4/6; 5/1–4). The trough received a constant supply of water for 8 work hours, and the total water fed to it amounted to ca. 300 litres.

This time, we decided to open only 5 (1, 2, 4, 5 and 6) out of the trough's 7 spigots (numbered 1–7 from left to right). After approximately two hours after the start of the experiment which used fresh water to bore through the rock-salt, the results were beginning to be visible to the naked eye (Figure 6/4). The water flowed smoothly along the inside of the spigots, guided by the hemp cords, forming thin water jets which started to quickly perforate the rock salt (Figure 3/5). After two hours of functioning, the dimensions of the perforations were impressive: a diameter of 4–8cm and a depth of 5–8cm (Figure 3/5, Figure 6/5). The fresh water easily bored the salt rock, while at the same time the running water created narrow cracks and channels as it dribbled on the surface of the salt bedrock, cutting it.

During this first day, all 7 spigots were opened, and the water leaked via the cords, forming thin streams trickling constantly on the surface of the salt rock. Even though the installation functioned properly, seldomly requiring intervention to unclog the spigots from water impurities, the expected results failed to materialise. Thus, after several hours of continuous operation, only very shallow circular perforations could be noticed where the water stream impacted the salt rock (Figure 5/5). At the end of the regular work program, after 8 hours during which the trough received a constant supply of water, 6 perforations (from the 7 spigots) were produced, of which the largest had a diameter of ca. 2cm and a depth of 1cm (Figure 5/6–7). Given this unsatisfactory result, it was clear that such a method of salt extraction was grossly inefficient.

One problem that occurred during this experiment, somewhat disrupting the operation of the trough, was the clogging of the upper parts of the trough's spigots with impurities (vegetal remains, loose mineral particles, insects, etc.) from the fresh water. This was rectified by simply jolting the hemp cord, dislodging the occlusion and achieving the full restoration of the water flow.

The same day, a second attempt was made to use the trough for exploiting rock salt using salt water, and consisted of removing the hemp cords from the spigots as to produce a more powerful stream able to perforate the salt rock. This attempt was also a failure, because the water flowed disorderly, scattering over the surface and failing to impact in a single place the rock. At the same time, the trough required a much larger and constant supply of water.

After ca. 8 hours from the start of the second day of the trough experiment, 5 circular perforations were created on the surface of the salt rock; they had the following dimensions: Spigot 1: diameter = 8cm; depth = -13cm; Spigot 2: diameter = 6cm; depth = 15cm; Spigot 4: diameter = 8cm; depth = -15cm; Spigot 5: diameter = 6cm; depth = -12cm; Spigot 6: diameter = 8cm; depth = -17cm. The 3rd and 7th spigots were plugged.

After the first day of the experiment, the results were far from encouraging, and the hypothesis according to which such wooden implements were used to extract rock salt during prehistorical ages was beginning to lose our favour.

Without any intervention from our part, the dribbling water running out of the holes created by the water jets created two cracks (channels) in the salt rock. The first channel was formed from the 1st and 2nd spigot and was ca. 1.5m in length and 15– 20cm in depth. The second channel formed between the 4th, 5th and 6th spigots, and had a length of ca. 1.5m and a depth of ca. 10–25cm.

Day 2: 19.08.2010 — This time the trough was installed where the salt bedrock presented a slight inclination, on the archaeological section's southeast–north-west direction. The trough was once again suspended at ca. 80cm above ground. To 146

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Figure 5. The 2010 "trough" experiment. 1–2: general views of the "trough" set up on the salt rock ; 3–4: "trough" details; 5: the "trough" experiment with brine; 6–7: little perforations in the salt bedrock using brine (photo: D. Buzea). 147

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Figure 6. The 2010 "trough" experiment. 1: setting up the wood channel to direct the water into the "trough"; 2: fresh water running through the "trough"; 5: detail of the perforations in the salt boulder; 6–7: setting the wedges in the salt boulder cracks; 8–9: cutting the salt boulders with the axe (photo — 1–3: A. Cîrlănescu; 4–6: D. Buzea; 7: V. Kavruk; 8–9: A. Kovács). 148

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To advance to the next stage of the experiment, the trough was dismantled.

proved to be efficient, but it required an intensive effort (Deák (Chiricescu) 2008, 237–239, pl. 2–10).

Several wooden wedges (chocks), of ca. 10 cm in width and sharpened at the top, were inserted into the orifices and channels from the surface of the rock salt (Figure 3/7–8). The wedges were driven into place using the wooden sledgehammer (maul) (Figure 6/6–7).

2. Conclusions The experiment was successful when fresh water was fed to the trough, and the water jet impacted the salt bedrock. The fresh water trickled along the hemp cords within the spigots, and after 8 hours of continuous running several perforations and deep channels were produced in the salt rock.

Where the distance between the cracks and perforations was ca. 5–10cm, the sledgehammer strike broke off large hunks of salt rock, of approximately 30×15×5cm in size (Figure 3/9–10).

By modulating the diameters of the orifices, using the hemp cords, the water jets produced perforations (kerfs) and the running water produced furrows (ruts) in the salt rock. In the next stage, a wooden sledgehammer and several wooden wedges (chocks) were used to detach lumps of salt rock.

Another attempt to extract the raw salt involved the insertion of wooden wedges into the two channels (cracks) formed in the salt rock, more precisely of several wedges (chocks) in each channel (of 1.5m in length, 2–4cm in width and 25–30cm in depth) and hitting them in force with the sledgehammer in an attempt to dislodge large blocks of salt rock (60×30×30cm); the attempt was however unsuccessful, despite the best efforts of the project's team members to dislodge these massive blocks of raw. After one hour of repeated attempts to extract the blocks, the experiment was halted, and its conclusion was postponed to the near future.

The organisers of the experiments were able to observe the fact that the raw salt (extremely hard and difficult to exploit without a proper technique) could be easily collected using wooden implements relying on fresh water as active agent. Most probably, such tools were employed during prehistoric times as parts of a system of installations designed to cut salt blocks using water jets. Through a system of gullies and gutters, fresh water was brought into the former mine and delivered to the troughs.

2.3. The experiments of September 2010 Between the 15th and the 19th of September 2010, a part of the research team composed of members of the National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians took part in the works for preserving the archaeological excavation from Băile Figa. During the four weeks after the experiments using the trough were conducted, the archaeological surface was covered by the waters of the Sărat brook, and the salt rock was submerged throughout this entire period. After the water was removed using discharge pumps and the salt rock was cleaned, the experiments were resumed by Marius Domboși, who attempted to obtain massive lumps of raw salt by using the wedges driven into the channels which were well preserved under water. On this occasion, Domboși used the longitudinal parallel channels, carved several transversal grooves (at 30cm intervals), and used a modern iron axe to cut large lumps of raw salt (Figure 6/8–9). The pieces of salt rock thus extracted had a dimension of ca. 30×30×30cm. This method of raw salt extraction, using metal axes,

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Given the fact that several such "troughs" were discovered along the course of the Sărat brook, at relatively short distances from each other, we can assert that these too were part of a hydrotechnical installation designed to transport water from the point of collecting to the point of utilisation, such that the fresh water (or slightly mixed with salt) could be saved and re-used as it passed from trough to trough. For 2011 we have decided to continue the experiments on the functionality of the wooden troughs by testing the other possible methods for exploiting raw salt: - through the evaporation of the salted water in wooden troughs; - by crystallising the salt on the hemp cord during the summer months with warmer temperatures (Chintăuan 2005, 75–78); - fretting the salt rock with freshwater (pluvial water accumulated in the pits from around the site), using the trough and the perforated spigots with cords running through them (Harding 2009, 199, fig. 3) (Figure 3/11).

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Still, the first results obtained during the 2010 experiments from Beclean–Băile Figa, presented herein, have confirmed the unexpected high efficiency of the trough as an implement for boring the salt rock with the use of fresh water. Even though we are still far from completely elucidating the processes of salt exploitation that took place at Băile Figa, we can state that it would appear to have been strikingly complex, sophisticated and efficient, in terms of the production process and productivity. If we were also to take into account the waterdisposal facilities, as well as those for storing the extracted salt, we should consider the entire salt extraction activity taking place at Beclean–Băile Figa during prehistorical times as highly complex (Cavruc 2010, 22).

Cavruc, V. and Dumitroaia, Gh. 2006. Vestigii arheologice privind exploatarea sării pe teritoriul României în perioada neo-eneolitică. In V. Cavruc and A. Chiricescu (eds.), Sarea, timpul şi omul, 37–40. Sfântu Gheorghe, Editura Angustia. Cavruc, V. and Harding, A. F. 2008. Noi cercetări arheologice privind exploatarea sării în nord-estul Transilvaniei. Raport preliminar. In D. Monah, Gh. Dumitroia and D. Garvăn (eds.), Sarea, de la prezent la trecut, 149–178. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura Constantin Mătasă. Cavruc, V. and Harding, A. F. 2011. New archaeological researches concerning saltworking in Transylvania. Preliminary Report. In M. Alexianu, O. Weller, R.-G. Curcă (eds), Archaeology and anthropology of salt. Diachronic approach. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, 1–5 October, 2008, Al. I. Cuza University (Iaşi, Romania), 111–122. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

References

Chintăuan, I. 2005. Pan used for salt extraction from brines. Studii şi cercetări. Geologie-Geografie 10, 75–78.

Buzea, D. 2010. Experimentul „Troaca”. Angustia 14, 245–256.

Deák (Chiricescu) A. 2008. Mineritul tradiţional al sării – o ocupaţie demult dispărută? Angustia 12, 237–350.

Buzea, D. and Cîrlănescu, A. 2010. The People of Salt. Revista Muzelor. The Romanian Journal of Museums, 122–126.

Harding, A. F. 2009. Producing salt in wooden troughs: the technology of Bronze Age salt production in Transylvania. In G. Bodi (ed.), In medias respraehistoriae. Miscellanea in honorem annos LXV peragentis Professoris Dan Monah oblata, 195–204. Iaşi, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași.

Buzea, D. and Cîrlănescu, A. 2010a. Oamenii Sării. In O. Baron and E. Penciu (eds.), Marketingul şi educaţia în muzee, 79–89. Sibiu, Editura „ASTRA Museum”. Buzea, D. and Cîrlănescu, A. 2010b. Oamenii Sării — Tabăra de arheologie experimentală de la Beclean–Băile Figa, jud. Bistriţa-Năsăud. Angustia 14, 511–522.

Harding, A. F. and Cavruc, V. 2006. Băile Figa (or. Beclean, jud. Bistriţa-Năsăud). In V. Cavruc and A. Chiricescu (eds.), Sarea, timpul şi omul, 56–59. Sfântu Gheorghe, Editura Angustia.

Cavruc, V. 2008. The Present Stage of the Researches regarding Prehistoric Salt Production in the CarpathoDanubian Region. Angustia 12, 79–90.

Monah, D. 2008. Arheologia preistorică a sării în România. Scurt istoric. In D. Monah, Gh. Dumitroia and D. Garvăn (eds.), Sarea, de la prezent la trecut, 13–39. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura Constantin Mătasă.

Cavruc, V. 2009. Stadiul actual al cercetărilor privind exploatarea preistorică a sării în spaţiul carpato-dunărean. In Zanoci A., Arnăut T. and Băţ M. (eds.) Studia archeologiae et historiae antiquae: Doctissimo viro Scientiarum Archeologiae et Historiae Ion Niculiţă, anno septuagesimo aetatis suae, dedicator, 21–36. Chişinău, Bons Offices.

Weller, O. and Dumitroaia, Gh. 2005. The earliest salt production in the world: an early Neolithic exploatation in Poiana Slatinii–Lunca, Romania. Antiquity 79 (306), 11–18.

Cavruc, V. 2010. Consideraţii privind schimbul cu sare în mileniile VI–II î.Hr. în spaţiul carpato-dunărean. Tyrageţia 1, vol. IV (XIX), 7–34. Cavruc, V., Ciugudean, H. and Harding, A. F. 2006. Vestigiile arheologice privind exploatarea sării pe teritoriul României. In V. Cavruc and A. Chiricescu (eds.), Sarea, timpul şi omul, 41–49. Sfântu Gheorghe, Editura Angustia.

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THE CUCUTENIAN PAINTED POTTERY. AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPERIMENT AT CUCUTENI (IAŞI COUNTY, ROMANIA) Ovidiu COTOI "Dunărea de Jos" University of Galaţi (Romania), Faculty of History, Philosophy, and Theology Abstract. The experiment carried out at Cucuteni (Iaşi County, Romania) in July–August 2007 aimed at improving some techniques of paste preparation in order to get a pottery qualitatively similar to the Cucutenian one. The second part of the experiment was dedicated to painting the vessels using the pigments present in the clays discovered in the neighbourhood of the Cucuteni-Cetăţuie settlement. The present study shows the stages of the experiment, the techniques that were used as well as the conclusions drawn based on the information revealed. The experiment was generally successful, although some questions could still not be answered, such as the technology of producing the paste and the painting pigments. These unsolved problems led to the question if the Cucutenian craftsmen did not use some other techniques, apart from the ones described in the experiment, for preparing the paste and the pigments. These aspects are to be clarified by future research. Keywords: interdisciplinary experimental archaeology, pottery, paste, pigments, clays.

(Dumitrescu et al., 1954, 598) and 1000–1100°C in the settlements from Tg. Bereşti and Ghelăieşti (Ellis 1984, 157–158).

The Cucuteni pottery, through its remarkable technological and aesthetic features, became the main topic of interest in a great number of studies and investigations meant to bring light in some issues regarding the raw materials that were used, the physical-chemical characteristics, the paste preparation techniques, the firing installations and procedures. Other research focused on the minerals used as painting pigments.

The greater number of studies on the painting pigments used by the Cucuteni people revealed important information about the raw materials and their main sources. The first studies of this type were carried out by I.P. Krasnikov on materials coming from the eponymous site at Tripolye, and the results were published in 1931 (Krasnikov 1931, 10–12; Mantu et al., 2002, 9). The author specified the raw materials that had been used: kaolin for white, "iron ochre" for red, and bog iron ore for black/brown. He also identified their source areas in the Tripolye space.

The first physical-chemical analyses of the Cucuteni pottery regarding the composition of the raw materials, the homogenization of the paste, the firing temperature, and the resulting quality, were carried out by St. Cantuniari on some fragments coming from Hăbăşeşti settlement (Iaşi County, Romania) and published in 1954 (Dumitrescu et al., 1954, 277, 595–600).

In 1981, Zofia Stos Gale and Eva Rook analyzed a series of 15 pottery fragments found in the Tripolye B2/Cucuteni B site from Bileze Zlote. The analyses showed the use of hematite and manganese for black, and kaolinite and calcite for white (Stos Gale and Rook 1981, 155–161).

In 1984, Linda Ellis described the Cucuteni pottery from a technological point of view. The microscopic analyses and the X-ray diffraction offered information on the mineralogical and structural composition of the pottery coming from several more Cucutenian settlements such as Poduri, Văleni, Tg. Bereşti, Ghelăieşti, Tg. Ocna, etc. Similar investigations were done by Paula Chiribuţă (Chiribuţă 1985, 709–717) on the materials from Ghelăieşti or more recently by Gh. Gâţă (Gâţă 2000, 111–130) on the Drăguşeni pottery. All these researches showed that the Cucuteni craftsmen prepared the paste using local raw materials that could be found in the proximity of the settlements, that the porosity was low, exceeding 16% only in some settlements as Hăbăşeşti (Dumitrescu et al., 1954, 599), and that the firing was made at temperatures between 400–900°C at Hăbăşeşti

With regard to the Cucutenian area, the first research of this kind was done on materials found in the Cucuteni A settlements from Hăbăşeşti (Iaşi County, Romania). The analyses revealed the use of mineral colours based on iron and manganese (Fe and Mn) (Dumitrescu et al., 1954, 600). Paula Chiribuţă went further, and analyzed more pottery fragments discovered at Ghelăieşti–Nedeia. The analyzed materials showed that the craftsmen in this settlement had been extracting their colours from the following raw materials: hematite, goethite and limonite for red, manganese oxides, pyrolusite 151

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Based on the information revealed by the researches on the painting pigments, up to this moment the following raw materials were identified: white was most frequently made of calcium carbonate which changes to calcium silicates through firing, kaolin was also used (mainly in the Tripolye area), and rarely metakaolinite (Bileze Zlote) and protoenstatite. The analyses also indicate the use of magnesite.

and hausmannite for black (Chiribuţă 1985, 710). The American researcher Linda Ellis carried out the most extensive research on the technology behind Cucutenian pottery and on the painting techniques and pigments. She started with the analyses of the pottery fragments found at Cucuteni (A and B) and Truşeşti (Ellis 1980, 211–230) and she later extended the investigation to materials coming from other Cucuteni sites: Tg. Bereşti, Ghelăieşti, Poduri, Văleni, Tg. Ocna–Podei (Ellis 1984, 83–108, 119– 129). The X-ray diffraction and the X-ray fluorescence analyses showed the following: the red and brown pigments contained hematite and the black one jacobsite and magnetite or hausmannite and magnetite (Ellis 1984, 122–129). The white colour could have been obtained in three ways: particles of calcium carbonate were added to the paint slip which, through firing, changed to calcium silicate; the use of kaolin in the base slip, as it is the case with Tripolye and Bileze Zlote (Ellis 1984, 120); the white slip had been made of very lightcoloured clays, as in the settlements from Poduri, Văleni (Piatra-Neamţ County) and Tg. Bereşti (Ellis 1984, 120). Linda Ellis also showed that the manganese used for black appears under the form of a variety of minerals such as bixbyite, jacobsite, hausmannite and magnetite. The author also identified the source areas of the minerals used for painting.

Red was made of hematite in most cases and sometimes also of limonite, goethite (Ghelăieşti) and maghemite (Scânteia). The presence of hematite in the composition of the red pigment in most cases can also be explained by the fact that limonite and goethite convert to hematite through firing (Mantu et al., 2002, 23). This detail is important because limonitic clays are widespread in the Cucuteni area. The black or dark brown pigment was almost exclusively made from manganese present under the form of a great variety of oxides, and also from iron oxides (in exceptional cases) such as pyrolusite, hausmannite, manganese iron oxide/jacobsite. Only at Tg. Bereşti the hematite was exceptionally used (Ellis 1984, 121). The experimental research of the prehistoric pottery has recently started in Romania and it mainly focused on the pyrotechnological and modeling issues. The first researches of this type were carried out at Şeuşa (Alba County, Romania) in 1999, by a group of archaeologists from the "1 Decembrie" University of Alba Iulia and the National Museum of Unification from the same city. The experiment aimed at the reconstruction of the prehistoric firing installations and different firing techniques (Angel 1999, 167–173; 2003, 523–534).

Several analyses for identifying the painting pigments were carried out on pottery fragments found at Poduri (Bacău County) by Gh. Niculescu, C. Colţaş and D. Popovici. They found that manganese under the form of jacobsite (manganese iron oxide) had been used for the black/dark brown paint, hematite for the red paint, and calcium silicate for white paint (Niculescu et al., 1982, 205–206). The discovery of a painting kit at Dumeşti, which consisted of a painted vessel filled with brush handles, a stone object used for grinding, and mineral fragments under the form of blackish granules, was used by C. Pântea as an opportunity to carry out some X-ray diffraction analyses. The results revealed that the spherical granules and the brown pigment on the vessel was manganese iron oxide (jacobsite) and the red pigment (the prismatic fragments and the red pigment on the vessel) was hematite (Pântea 1984, 413; Mantu et al., 2002, 16).

Another experiment, more extensive this time, was carried out at Vădastra (Olt County, Romania) in 2000 by a team coordinated by Dragoş Gheorghiu (Gheorghiu 2000). Its main purpose was to reconstruct the archaic methods of modeling, decoration, firing and intentional fragmentation of the vessels. The experiment mooted for the first time the question of identifying the raw materials used by the prehistoric communities and also focused on the reconstruction of the technological phases in the process of pottery-making and firing in order to produce objects similar to the original ones.

Hematite fragments could be found, among other items, at Scânteia, where they were used for the red colour (Mantu and Ţurcanu 1999, 16; Mantu et al., 2002, 19–20, fig. 3).

The experimental research of the Cucuteni pottery technologies started in 2002 at the pottery workshop as part of the activities organized within the Cucuteni Archaeological Park. The activity of this 152

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homogenous pottery, with high porosity, different from the Cucutenian one.

workshop was mainly directed towards the identification of some raw material sources, the modeling procedures and the firing technologies (Tencariu 2009, 181–187), focusing less on the technologies for making a superior-quality paste comparable to the Cucutenian one. The unconvincing results of the vessel firing using several different methods determined Felix Tencariu to resume the experiment in 2003 at Isaiia (Iaşi County, Romania), with promising results coming from testing different firing installations, and also in 2004 and 2006 (Tencariu 2009, 187–198).

The next stage was the thorough cleaning of the clay. The procedure was carried out in dry conditions, where the organic and mineral foreign parts were carefully removed through crumbling in order to obtain a homogenous paste (Figure 1).

If the former experiments brought important contributions, especially to the testing of the firing technologies and to the vessels modeling techniques, the problem of improving the procedures of paste preparation still remains open in what concerns the preparation of a paste similar to the Cucutenian one, as well as that of the vessel painting. The experimental activities in 2007 focused on these main issues. The experiment took place at Cucuteni (Iaşi County, Romania) between July 26th and August 13th, 2007, and involved a group of students coordinated by the author of this study in cooperation with Ms Ionela Mihuleac, a pottery artist. The experiment focused on two main directions: improving the procedures of paste preparation in order to make vessels of a paste similar in quality to Cucutenian vessels in the category of fine and very fine painted pottery from the eponymous site; painting the vessels using some pigments obtained from local clays. Also, during the experiment attention was paid to the modeling techniques.

Figure 1. The dry cleaning of the clay.

The clay thus prepared was then mixed with water for treading. This operation was carefully treated during the experiment because it plays a major role in the final quality of the pottery, mainly with regard to its porosity. Two aspects were carefully watched during this stage: the perfect homogenization of the paste through the uniform spreading of the better-aged raw material and the crushing of the clay balls present in the paste in order to remove the trapped air and to render it compact; the regulation of water content to an optimum quantity for modeling. No less than seven treading operations and successive folding were necessary to do this (Figures 2 and 3).

1. The description of the experiment The vessels were made of fine yellowish clay from the clay pit on the Tinosului Hill in the western side of the modern-day Cucuteni village. The clay was left to age for almost two years before starting the experiment, passing though more stages of freezing and thawing in order to ease the mechanical breaking-up of the particles and the homogenization. This stage, often neglected by contemporary potters, is very important because of the biochemical processes that take place in the clay mass (Slătineanu et al., 1958, 41), which render the clay a special plasticity required for adequate modeling. In the experiment from the Cucuteni Archaeological Park in 2002, less attention was paid to this technological facet, because of the time shortage. Therefore, the result was a less

Figure 2. The repeated treading of the clay. 153

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Figure 3. Each treading was followed by folding the clay cake and another treading in order to make it perfectly homogenous and to remove the air.

Figure 4. The technique of vessel modeling using rings of clay (en colombin). The rings of clay were previously flattened to get the closest thickness to the wall thickness.

The vessels were made using the coiling method without a rotation device. It started with modeling the base of the vessel from a single lump of clay followed by building the walls through the successive addition of rings of clay slightly flattened previously in order to get the desired wall thickness (Figure 4). In order to facilitate the adherence and the homogenization of the paste in the wall of the vessel its edge was watered before adding another ring (Figure 5). The vessel had to be built in a short time because the paste was losing its plasticity quite fast because of the evaporation of the content water, and this could have resulted in cracking during modelling. Figure 5. Ring sticking and the homogenization of the vessel walls.

When applied to make large vessels, the same technique consisted of more stages to allow the partial drying of the vessel in order to avoid the risk of deformation under its own weight. In this case, the superior edge was well moistened and covered, and when the modeling was resumed it was spread with a clay suspension (Figure 6); otherwise, it would not have allowed the correct adherence of the next ring of clay. The students at the Faculty of History who took part in the experiment had no experience in modeling techniques; therefore they started with small, simple shaped vessels like bowls and tureens and passed to larger vessels with more complex shapes: vessels in the shape of a truncated cone, vessel supports, kraters, etc. Although the work in this stage of the experiment was done very carefully, some asymmetries appeared in the shape of the vessels; this was caused not only by the lack of experience of the ones involved in the experiment, but also by the absence of a rotation device.

Figure 6. When the vessel was modelled in more stages, it was necessary to smear the edge with a water-clay suspension in order to facilitate the proper adherence of the next ring. 154

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Figure 7. Vessels during drying.

Figure 8. Vessel painting. We tried to reproduce the Cucuteni motifs as accurately as possible.

The drying of the vessels consisted of two stages: the first drying was made in a closed space with constant temperature and humidity (Figure 7).

clays in water to get a suspension that was used to paint the surface of the vessels (Figure 8). The decoration was based on Cucutenian styles and motifs. Their exact replication was almost impossible because the participants had limited painting knowledge, but they nonetheless tried to accurately reproduce the motifs found in Cucuteni culture (Figures 8 and 9). The difficulty in painting the decorations on the curvilinear surface of the vessels was obvious, leading to asymmetries, which proves once again the artistry of the Cucuteni craftsmen.

This drying stage had to be very slow because a fast drying could have led to cracking as a result of past shrinkage and uneven drying of the interior and the exterior walls of vessel. In the second stage, the vessels were taken out and left to dry in a shadowy place. During drying the vessels were also polished with some textile materials. Although well-polished, we could not achieve the polish specific to genuine Cucutenian pottery. This detail raises the question of the nature of the materials used by the Chalcolithic craftsmen to do this operation. They must have used slabs or animal bones. At Isaiia, bovine astragals with polishing marks that could be related to the polishing of the vessels before decoration were discovered during the archaeological diggings (Tencariu 2009, 184–185).

The firing was made in a kiln with two chambers placed vertically, separated by a perforated grid. The kiln was built by Ionela Mihuleac, who followed the description of the kilns in the Cucuteni B stage from Glăvăneştii Vechi (Comşa 1976, 24–25) and Valea Lupului (Dinu 1957, 164–165; Tencariu 2010, 124), but by using modern bricks (Figure 10).

The second stage of the experiment, the painting of the vessels, started only after the drying was completed. The raw materials for pigments were local clays that could be found in the proximity of the Cucuteni–Cetăţuie site. Thus, white was made from white kaolin clay found in the sand quarry in front of the Gosanu Hill on which lies a ThracoGetae tumular necropolis. Red was obtained from very fine brick-coloured limonitic clay, in the form of lenticular bodies interspersed with Sarmatian clay layers, in an outcrop at about 500 m to the northwest of the Museum of History in Cucuteni, on the Gosanu Plateau. The black pigment (the manganese oxide) was bought from a shop since no local source was identified in the area. Red was the background colour of the vessel, white was used to paint the decoration, and black was used as a contour colour. The pigments were prepared by dissolving the two

The kiln allowed very high temperatures that ensured an oxygenated, complete, high quality firing, but because of the improper charging it was not uniform on the entire surface of the vessels. Unfortunately, we did not have any instrument to measure the maximum temperature in the kiln, but it was very high, a fact shown by the very good firing, in the depth of the walls and the low porosity. The firing took almost 12 hours, after which the kiln was left to cool down until the next day. When opened, the vessels made during the experiment were intact (Figure 11). The exception was two vessels previously fired which were decorated by the students who took part in the experiment and fired for the second time. Because of the intensity and duration of the firing, they broke and caved in. 155

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Figure 11. Vessels produced during the archaeological experiment at Cucuteni (Iaşi County) in 2007.

2. Conclusions The general outcome of our experiment was positive. The pottery we made was of good quality, so much that it can be classified in the category of fine pottery. The vessels we produced after firing were perfectly functional, resonant, with low porosity and the painting perfectly adhered to their surface. Therefore, we can conclude that the procedures to improve the preparation of the paste were successful. Particularly, the long aging and also the prolonged and repeated treading led to a very homogenous paste that could be seen in the very good quality of the pottery. Also, the experiment proved that the coloured clays used for pigments yielded very good results, suggesting the possibility of being the ones used by the Cucutenian craftsmen.

Figure 9. Experimental trichromatic decorated vessel.

In spite of these good results, the experiment also had its limits that generated new questions regarding the technologies used by the Cucuteni craftsmen. Thus, despite its low porosity, it is still not comparable with the one of the very fine pottery specific to the Cucuteni B phase, famous for its exceptional fineness. The comparative macroscopic analyses between the pots we made and shards from the Cucuteni–Cetăţuie settlement were later confirmed by the SEM analyses (Moraru et al., 2011, 104–106). These observations bring back the question whether the Cucuteni craftsmen used other procedures of refining the paste, such as levigation, in order to eliminate coarse particles from the clay. This hypothesis is also supported by the petrographical analyses on thin sections made by Linda Ellis, which showed a decrease of the coarse fraction, naturally present in the mass of the clay, from the later stages of the Precucuteni cultures to the Cucuteni ones. The Cucuteni B pottery from Tg. Ocna–Podei is an example for the small quantity of quartz and feldspars inclusions (Ellis 1984, 114).

Figure 10. The opening of the kiln after firing. 156

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la Ghelăieşti–Nedeia, jud. Neamţ. Memoria Antiqvitatis IX-XI, 709–717.

On the other hand, the firing was not uniform, despite the fact that it was oxidative, complete and of very good overall quality. Thus, firing differences appeared between vessels and even on the surface of the same vessel, which could be seen in the different tints the pigments got during firing. This was due to the improper charge of the kiln so that the inside firing conditions and temperatures were not uniform.

Comşa, E. 1976. Caracteristicile şi însemnătatea cuptoarelor de ars oale din aria culturii Cucuteni-Ariuşd. Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche şi arheologie 21, 1, 23–34. Cucoş, Şt. 1999. Faza Cucuteni B în zona subcarpatică a Moldovei. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura Constantin Matasă.

The modeling of the vessels also allowed us to make some observations. As stated above, the vessels were not shaped using a rotation device. In these conditions, we could not avoid asymmetries in the morphology of the vessels, especially visible in the case of vessels with more complex forms and greater dimensions. This is another argument that reinforce the ones offered by the researches from Varvarovka VIII and XV (Republic of Moldova) (Markevič 1981, 127, 129–130), and Ghelăieşti– Nedeia (Neamţ County, Romania) (Cucoş 1999, 73), where items that were theorised to have belonged to rotation devices were discovered, as well as the microscopic analyses made by Linda Ellis on thin sections, which showed the strong alignment of the particles in the mass of the paste, especially the micaceous inclusions due to the rotary motion during the shaping of the vessels (Ellis 1984, 115–117).

Dinu, M. 1957. Şantierul arheologic Valea Lupului. Materiale şi cercetări arheologice 3, 161–176. Dumitrescu, Vl., Dumitrescu, H., Petrescu-Dîmboviţa, M. and Gostar, N. 1954. Hăbăşeşti. Monografie arheologică. Bucureşti, Editura Academiei. Ellis, L. 1980. Analysis of Cucuteni-Tripolye and Kurgan pottery and the implications for ceramic technology, Journal of Indo-European Studies 8 (1-2), 211–230. Ellis, L. 1984. The Cucuteni-Tripolye culture. a study in technology and the origins of complex society. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Gâţă, Gh. 2000. A technological survey of the pottery. In S. Marinescu-Bîlcu and Al. Bolomey (eds.), Drăguşeni. A Cucutenian community, 111–130. Bucureşti/Tübingen, Editura Enciclopedică/Wasmuth Verlag. Gheorghiu, D. 2000. Vădastra 2000. Revitalizarea tradiţiei ceramice româneşti (online: www.cimec.ro/ arheologie/vadastra).

The last aspect we would like to emphasize is that the painted surface of the vessels did not get the polish specific to painted Cucutenian ware. This fact must have probably been caused by the insufficient polishing of the surfaces that were subsequently painted, and also by the way in which the pigments were prepared.

Krasnikov, I. P. 1931. Tripol’skaja keramica. Tekhnologičeskij etjud. Soobščenija G.A.I.M.K. 3, 10–12. Mantu, C. M. and Ţurcanu, S. 1999. Scânteia, cercetare arheologică şi restaurare. Iaşi, Editura Helios. Mantu, C.-M., Vlad, A.-M. and Niculescu, Gh. 2002. Pigmenţii de pictură în complexul cultural CucuteniTripolie. Cercetări istorice XVIII-XX, 9–31.

We believe that the solvents used by the Cucutenian craftsmen were different from water, but this hypothesis should be tested and confirmed or rejected by future research.

Markevič, V. I. 1981. Pozdne-Tripol’skie plemena severnoj Moldavii. Kišinev, Štiinca. Moraru, L., Cotoi, O. and Szendrei, F. 2011. The Euler number: a method for statistical analysis of porosity of ancient pottery. European Journal of Science and Theology 7 (3), 99–108.

References Anghel, D. 1999. Experiment privind realizarea unei arderi reducătoare. Buletinul Cercurilor Ştiintifice Studenţeşti. Arheologie, Istorie, Muzeologie 5, 167–173.

Niculescu, Gh., Colţos, C. and Popovici, D. 1982. Determinarea pigmenţilor utilizaţi la decorarea ceramicii cucuteniene. Cercetări de conservare şi restaurare 2, 204–206.

Anghel, D. 2003. Contribuţii experimentale cu privire la metodele de utilizare a diferitelor tipuri de instalaţii neoeneolitice pentru arderea ceramicii. Apulum XL, 523– 534.

Pântea, C. 1984. Noi date privind tehnica picturală în cultura Cucuteni. Acta Moldaviae Meridionalis V-VI, 413–428.

Chiribuţă, P. 1985. Observaţii preliminare asupra tehnologiei prelucrării ceramicii din faza Cucuteni B de 157

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Slătineanu, B., Stahl, P. and Petrescu, P. 1958. Arta populară în Republica Populară Romînă. Ceramica. Bucureşti, Editura de Stat pentru Literatură si Artă.

Tencariu, F. A. 2010. Some thoughts concerning the pottery pyritechnology in Neolithic and Chalcolithic. In N. Bolohan, F. Măţău and F. A. Tencariu (eds.), Signa Praehistorica. Studia in honorem magistri Attila László septuagesimo anno, 119–140. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”.

Stos-Gale, Z. A. and Rook, E. 1981. Analysis of pigments used for decoration of Neolithic pottery from Bilcze Zlote, Ucraine, British Museum Occasional Paper 19, 155–161. Tencariu, F. A. 2009. Instalaţii de ardere a ceramicii în civilizaţiile pre- şi protoistorice de pe teritoriul României, Unpublished PhD thesis, "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iaşi.

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EXPERIMENTAL STUDY ON THE USE OF PERISHABLE FIBRE STRUCTURES IN NEOLITHIC AND ENEOLITHIC POTTERY Paula MAZĂRE, Ştefan LIPOT, Alin CĂDAN "1 Decembrie 1918" University of Alba Iulia (Romania), "Iuliu Paul" Systemic Archaeology Institute Abstract. The numerous textile and mat imprints discovered on Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery in South-Eastern Europe can be connected with the process of making pottery. From this perspective, the study of textile imprints is very important and can bring out more data about textile function and also about pottery technology. Although most imprints have been identified on the bottom of vessels, there are also imprints placed on the walls, inside the walls, or at the junction between the bases and walls of pots. According to their location on a vessel, imprints can receive different interpretations regarding the way they were produced, the intentionality of their production and the actual functionality of the structures that have created these imprints. The present experimental study aims to verify four theoretical fibre structures usage models in pottery manufacturing, but also to record the notable differences in the way imprints were produced. Keywords: Neolithic pottery, textile imprints, perishable fibre structures, pottery manufacturing, experimental archaeology.

Chmilewski 2009, 228–229, fig. 126; Kaczanowska 2006, 108; Kostelníková 1985, 197, fig. 1; Lüning 2005, 219, fig. 374; Richter 2005, 143, fig. 8; 2009, 212, fig. 34/1). According to their location, imprints can be interpreted differently with respect to the way of production, the intentionality of their implementation, as well as the functional role of the structure itself which left those imprints. Thus, from the archaeologists' interpretations, corresponding to the experimental data and to the ethnographic analogies, four theoretical models can be formulated regarding the more or less deliberate use of perishable fibre structures in the process of pottery manufacturing: (1) they were used to place vessels to dry after they were made; (2) they were used as support structures where vessels were built (a primitive variant of turning devices); (3) they served to create imprints/areas of adhesion for bonding parts of vessels; (4) they represented parts of vessels, serving to strengthen the walls or bottoms (in this case they were fired with the actual vessels).

1. Introduction The importance and diverse functional role that perishable fibre products have had in prehistoric times remains largely unknown because of the scarcity of these products whose preservation requires special conditions. The use of perishable fibre is known since the Upper Paleolithic (Adovasio et al. 1996; 1997; Kvavadze et al., 2009; Soffer et al., 1998; 2000a; 2000b), and some archaeological finds, such as those from PPNB at Nahal Hemar (ca. 7000 B.C.) and Ali Kosh (7th–6th millennium B.C.) show that fibre structures served to manufacture containers before the invention and production of pottery (Schick 1988, pl. XIV/1, 3; Barber 1991, 131–132). Ethnographic examples prove that perishable fibre structures such as mats or baskets are frequently used in the manufacture of pottery by populations that do not have knowledge of the pivoted wheel (Bedaux and Lange 1983, 25– 26, fig. 6–7; Leeuw 1993, 245, pl. 9/1.d–f; Pradines 2001, 168, 171, 177, fig. 2/9, 19; Shepard 1985, 55, 57; Soefing 1988; Traore 1994, 538). At the same time, experimental studies have shown that the mats could be used successfully in the construction of prehistoric ceramic vessels (Vitelli 1987, 119). These observations are confirmed by numerous textile imprints found on Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery, which is evidence of the frequent use of perishable fibre products in the process of making pottery.

Another use of perishable fibre structures is that of decorating pottery, ornamental textile impressions being found on ceramic pottery from prehistoric times to the present. We will not focus on this aspect however, because it does not strictly concern the technological process of manufacturing pottery, but rather the treatment of the surface of the already shaped product. This study has as purpose the experimental verification of the four theoretical models of use of fibre structures in the production of pottery. It also aims to define possible criteria for differentiation of textile imprints, experimentally produced through

Although most of the Neolithic and Eneolithic imprints were found on the bottoms of pots, there are also some placed on walls and within vessels' walls (Carrington Smith 1977, 116, pl. 90/167, 201; 159

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different methods, so they can be applied in the study of archaeological textile imprints. 2. Imprints on the bottom of pottery vessels: a result of passive or active use of perishable fibre artefacts? Most imprints on the flat bottom of Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery come from mats, but were also created by other two-dimensional 1 textile structures (sheets of fabric) made by linking, knotting, knotless netting, twining, weaving, etc. (Adovasio and Illingworth 2003; Adovasio and Maslowski 1988; Bagolini et al., 1973; Carington Smith 1977; Chmielewski 2009; Kaczanowska 2006; Ljaško et al., 2004; Lüning 2005; Makkay 2001; Marian 2009; Mazăre 2008; Petkov 1965; Richter 2005, 2009; Tringham and Stevanović 1990; Văleanu and Marian 2004). As we have shown, two views are widely accepted regarding how the imprints on the bottoms of pottery vessels were made: (1) they are a passive result of setting vessels to dry, or (2) they are a consequence of active use of textile structures in pottery making (Yiouni 1996, 61). According to J. Carrington Smith (2000, 240), the faint, partial and blurred imprints were produced after the vessels were set to dry. By contrast, the deep, clear imprints would suggest that the clay was still soft; therefore they were made during the shaping of the vessels. It is unlikely that the mere observation of the quality and fidelity of the imprints could point to the method in which they were produced. A number of factors, such as the weight of the object or the degree of plasticity of the clay, can be decisive in the production of different imprints. On the other hand, certain features of textile imprints can certainly be an indication of their occurrence during the vessel’s building, and not during drying. For example, it can be observed that on some bottoms of vessels a new layer of clay was applied as a bond over the existing textile imprint. Such imprints have been discovered in Ukraine and Romania in the area of the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture (Ljaško et al., 2004, 94; Marian 2009, 74, fig. 54), but bottoms of vessels with partially covered imprints were also discovered in Transylvania in the Turdaş site, Hunedoara County (Turdaş culture) (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Two joined fragments of a vessel base with partially covered textile imprint discovered in the Turdaş site, Hunedoara County (Turdaş culture), deposit of the National Museum of Transylvanian History, ClujNapoca. As it can be seen, the rows of the twining structure imprinted on both pottery fragments have different orientations. This suggests that the vessels' base was made out of two pieces glued afterwards. This could explain the clay layer applied as a bond over the textile imprint at the junction of the two parts.

(Vinča B1–B2 culture) (Mazăre 2008, 317, fig. 1/b) (Figure 2). These observations, along with the discovery of imprints inside walls of ceramic vessels, suggest the active, deliberate use of textile structures in the construction of vessels, rather than passive, by mere contact, during drying. Hence, to check the two theoretical models, two experimental approaches were followed: (1) assess the quality and evaluate the differences between imprints made by passive contact, simulating the action of setting dishes to dry; and (2) test the functional efficiency of twodimensional textile structures in supporting the

On other imprints it can be seen that the soft clay around the base was folded over the textile imprint during the finishing process; one such example is the fragment discovered at Limba, Alba County 1

Three-dimensional objects, such as baskets, also could have been used in the process of making pottery, but archaeological evidence is not sufficiently clear in this regard.

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and 20kg were placed on top of them. Some samples were left free to act with their own weight on the textile surface. This was all done in an attempt to reproduce the mass of potential clay vessels. For more control, exercising any pressure on the clay samples during their settlement on the textile supports was avoided. Each clay sample was kept in contact with the textile surface at least 5 minutes; - The samples were dried and fired at a temperature of 800° C; - In the end, the imprints obtained were visually evaluated and their quality was defined in terms of fidelity and percentage of imprinted surface area relative to total imprint area. Thus, five levels of quality of the textile imprints (QTI) were conventionally established: 0 – impossible to visually identify imprint; 1 – very poor imprint; imprinted surface generally ranged between 5–25%; 2 – poor imprint, imprinted surface in general ranged between 25–50%; 3 – good imprint, imprinted surface of between 50–75%; 4 – very good imprint, imprinted area 75–100%; 5 – extremely good imprint, imprinted surface is generally 100% (Figure 4). As expected, the test confirmed that the quality of imprints is influenced by the weight applied, and the texture, thickness and degree of stiffness of the fibre structure being used.

Figure 2. Fragment of a vessel base with partially covered textile imprint, discovered at the site of Limba– Vărărie, Alba County (Vinča B1–B2 culture).

process of making clay vessels. In both cases the resulting imprints were compared with those from archaeological ceramic artefacts. 2.1. Testing the quality of textile imprints made on finished clay products

In addition, we found that variations in the quality of imprints are caused by the smoothness of the clay surface that comes in contact with the textile structure, the tilting of the clay sample and the total area subject to imprinting, the thickness of the clay sample (the thicker samples better oppose the weight applied), the force with which the clay samples were placed on the textile structure (some samples were intentionally placed forcefully on the textile structure and the resulting imprints were more pronounced than those produced by placing them more delicately).

As mentioned above, we assumed that the quality of imprints can be influenced by several variable factors, such as the structure and properties of textile objects that came in contact with the clay surface, plasticity and moisture content of the clay, weight of the clay object, and the pressure exerted on the textile structure. Based on these considerations, we used the following methodology: - Several mat-like structures were made following the model of those prehistoric ones, using different raw materials (bulrush – Typha latifolia; common rush – Juncus efussus; and tree bast fibre). At the same time, several industrial fabrics were selected, made of natural, coarse looking fibres (flax and hemp), much alike Neolithic and Eneolithic plain weave fabrics (Figure 3); - Over 50 round clay tablets of different sizes and thicknesses were made, representing substitutes for potential ceramic vessels. Two types of clay were used: (1) red clay with an average moisture content of 19%, and (2) yellow clay, more plastic, with an average moisture content of 29%. Moisture content was measured for each individual tablet; - The clay samples were placed on textile support structures, and weights measuring between 0.15kg

From an archaeological stand point, these factors are difficult to control and estimate during the process of analysing the textile imprints on prehistoric vessels. One of the most important observations is that there were no notable differences between the two types of clay, relative to the quality of the imprints. At the same time, a correlation could be established between the quality of imprints and the weight applied. Thus, generally good imprints (QTI 4–5) are produced by a minimum weight of 10– 15kg; less than 5 kg, the imprints are of poor quality (QTI 1–2). Exceptions to the rule are due just due to the variability of the factors listed above (Figure 5). 161

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Figure 3. Perishable fibre structures employed during the experiment. a: mat-like structure made from Bulrush (Typha latifolia); b: mat-like structure made from Common rush (Juncus effuses); c: twined structure made from tree bast fibres; d–g: diverse industrial plain weave structures made from hemp and flax.

Figure 4. Examples of textile imprints of different quality created during the experiment. a: imprint of a rush mat (exerted weight (EW) -20kg; QTI – 5); b–c: imprint of a tree-bast twined structure (b. EW -15kg, QTI – 4; c. EW -1.5kg, QTI – 1); d–f: plain weave fabrics of different quality (d. EW -5.6kg, QTI – 2; e: EW -5.1kg, QTI – 3; f. EW -10.2, QTI – 4). 162

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2.2. Testing of textile products as support structures for shaping ceramic vessels Several clay pots with simple shapes were built using small sized two-dimensional textile objects as support structures (Figure 6). The same types of clay were used as for the tablets in the previous test, with the same average moisture content. Following the test, we found that imprints obtained during the shaping process were very clear and of good quality, regardless of clay quality and the textiles' and fibres' properties. To obtain such imprints, it is sufficient to apply a minimum amount of manual pressure onto the clay; due to its own plastic properties, it accurately records the specifics of the object it was placed upon. In the absence of pivoted wheels or other turning devices, mats and coarse fabrics are ideal for use as rotating support structures in the building of clay vessels. The base of the vessel securely attaches to the textile surface due to its structure, allowing for easy rotation of the object, as it is shaped. In this manner, symmetrical and well balanced vessels can be quickly constructed. The finishing of the vessel vase after lifting it from the textile surface led to the formation of features similar to those seen on some textile imprints, such as the one from Limba (Figures 2 and 6/c–d).

Figure 5. Quantitative distribution of experimental imprints in terms of the weight applied and the quality of the imprinting.

Figure 6. The shaping process of a clay vessel making use of a twined mat for supporting and rotating the vessel. 163

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with the base of the pedestal foot (Figure 8). The body of the vessel was shaped on a textile backing, and so the bottom automatically displays, not necessarily intentionally, an embossed surface to be later used to bond the pedestal foot (Figure 8/a–b). The foot was constructed and attached after the vessel was partially dried the next day. In its lower part, an imprint was produced intentionally by pressing a textile into the soft clay, so as to ensure good connection to the base of the foot (Figure 8/c). Finally, the base was shaped and attached after the pedestal foot hardened (Figure 8/d). The base of the foot broke away during the drying process, so we could not do the oven firing in order to complete the entire technological process (Figure 8/e). It was noticed, however, that the positive imprint obtained from the inside of the foot base is identical to the Neolithic one found in Turdaş, which confirms our assumptions on the manufacturing steps and the use of textile structures in the technological process. The separation of the base indicates a flaw related to the pedestal being dried and hardened excessively. Such a defect may have affected the Neolithic vessel from Turdaş, but it manifested itself only during the firing process.

3. Testing the functional role of textile structures in assembling the component parts of complex vessels. Reconstruction of the stages used to build a pedestal foot vessel According to studies dedicated to pottery technology, large or complex forms are made by combining several parts, built in sequential steps (Balfet 1984, 185; Shepard 1985, 55–56; McCurdy 2004). Furthermore, ethnographic examples show that in some cases, shaping of the bases or feet of vessels is a final stage, the feet being added to the top of the vessel, previously shaped and partially dried (Balfet 1984, 181; Leeuw 1993, 245–246). Merging different parts requires special attention, because bonding a moist, still soft, clay surface to a hard, partially dried surface, is problematic, as the different parts could separate during drying or firing. A technical solution to this inconvenience is to intentionally create grooved surfaces for better adhesion, intended to allow for perfect bonding of the different parts (McCurdy 2004, 27, fig. 1). Some textile imprints found on the inside of ceramic fragments, in the area where various different parts combine, can be indicative of the fact that this process was known to the Neolithic potters. Examples of such pottery fragments with textile imprints are those from Luleč, Czech Republic (Linear Pottery culture) (Kostelníková 1985, 197, fig. 1); Hesserode, Germany (Linear Pottery culture) (Lüning 2005, 219, fig. 374), Kraków–Nowa Huta– Cło, site 65, Poland (Modlnica group) (Kaczanowska 2006, 108) and Zimne, Poland (Funnel Beaker Culture) (Chmielewski 2009, 228– 229, fig. 126).

4. Textile structures as components of ceramic vessels. Testing the visibility of presumptive textile imprints placed within pottery walls Some textile imprints found in vessels' walls, such as those from Hódmezővásárhely–Kökénydomb (Late Neolithic, Tizsa culture) (Richter 2005, 143, fig. 8; Richter 2009, 212, fig. 34/1), Kraków–Nowa Huta–Clo, site 65, Poland (Modlnica group) (Kaczanowska 2006, 108), Kephala, Crete (Carington Smith 1977, 115–116, pl. 90/167, 201, 213), may be an indication that textile structures were part of the actual vessels and were fired along with them. The imprints of fabrics from Kephala, published by J. Carington Smith, are indicative of that fact. They were enclosed within the shreds, and one of them could be seen as "sandwiched between two layers of clay" (Carington Smith 1977, 116, pl. 90/201). The author noted that "the fine cloths were built into the walls of coarse pots, presumably as a form of temper to strengthen the vessels" (Carington Smith 1977, 115).

Recently, the study of textile imprints located inside of two vessel's feet discovered in Romania at Turdaş (Turdaş culture) and Sebeş–Valea Janului, Alba county (Petreşti culture) has shown that textiles were used deliberately to produce the adhesive surface necessary to bond the feet to the body of the vessel. The find from Turdaş is even more interesting as it shows a positive textile imprint inside the base of the foot of the vessel (Figure 7). Based on it, was possible to reconstruct the hypothetical stages of producing this type of vessel (Mazăre 2011). This experimental study aimed at retracing the stages involved in constructing a pedestal foot vessel and verifying the functional role of textile imprints in the creation of adhesive surfaces.

Although strange, this process of incorporating perishable fibre structures into ceramic vessel walls appears to be an older tradition whose roots go back into the Pre-Pottery Neolithic, or even earlier. Thus, findings from Nahal Hemar (ca. 7000 BC), consisting of containers made from rope, glued with asphalt (Shick 1988, pl. XIV/1, 3) or those from Ali

The vessel was built from three different parts, beginning with the proper vessel itself and ending 164

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The experiment has shown that the use of textile products resulted in only good quality imprints, deep and clear, covering the entire surface of the vessel's bottom. These imprints retain their characteristics if not intentionally or unintentionally distorted and smoothed during the finishing process. Good quality imprints can also be produced by placing heavy enough pots to dry. According to our experiment, these should be over 10kg in weight, at an average moisture content of 19–29%. 2 The inversely proportional relationship, between the clay’s moisture content and the weight of the vessel, decisively affects the quality of imprints, when they are produced passively by placing the vessels to dry.

Kosh (7th–6th millennium B.C.), where fragments of mats covered with asphalt were identified (Barber 1991, 131) demonstrate, as shown by E. Barber (1991, 132), that worked fibres were used for caulked containers before the invention of pottery. This raises the question about how widespread the incorporation of textile structures into the walls of vessels was during the Neolithic. Presumably, many vessels and Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery fragments could hide textile imprints inside them. If so, what would be the chance that they should be uncovered by breaking the vessels? Based on these questions, the last section was devoted to testing the visibility of textile imprints presumably embedded in ceramic vessel walls.

As the vessel is drier, it must be heavier in order to produce very accurate imprints. It should be noted that the clay used in the experimental samples was at the optimal moisture content for modelling (on average 19% to 29%), but moisture is lost during the shaping process, so we can assume that a finished vessel set to dry had a moisture content of less than 19%. As we have seen, the plasticity of clay has no visible effect on the imprints, but a number of other variable factors, such as the force with which the vessel is placed on the textile surface, or the type of textile structure and its rigidity, affect the production of high quality imprints. Thus, it is difficult to reproduce the conditions in which the imprints occurred.

The test consisted of preparing several clay "sandwiches", made of two layers of clay with a piece of plain weave fabric in between (Figure 9/a– b). The "sandwiches" were dried and fired at a temperature of 800° C. Finally, they were broken. It took repeated action to break off the two sheets of the "sandwich" along the natural separation line. This suggests that the possibility of unveiling textile imprints presumably embedded in prehistoric ceramic fragments, by breaking them, is small. An interesting observation is that the textile pieces inside the clay "sandwich" were not completely destroyed by the firing process (Figure 9/d). Although possible, the chance of finding charred textile structures inside prehistoric pottery fragments appears to be minimal or nil.

Weak imprints, on the other hand, can be explained as being a result of passive actions, such as the setting of light vessels to dry. The accidental contact of large vessels with a textile surface, at an advanced stage of drying, may be another possible explanation for weak imprints.

5. Discussion The experimental study performed by testing the four theoretical models mentioned above, confirmed that two-dimensional textile objects could be employed to perform specific functions in the process of making pottery. The imprints identified on ceramic vessels could be created through more or less deliberate actions. The criteria for distinguishing different imprints produced using several methods and influenced by many variable factors could not be strictly deduced from the analysis and comparison of experimentally produced textile imprints. However, important observations could be made, that allow for formulation of more general considerations.

The deliberate use of textiles in the production of grooved surfaces for adhesive purposes, to later bond various parts of the vessel, as it was proved by several archaeological discoveries was also confirmed by our experiment. The experiment also allowed the reconstruction of the stages of constructing pedestal foot vessels, stages mentioned thus far only as theory. Although technical details regarding the shaping of vessels are not known, it can be said that they were made in at least two stages, starting with the foot and ending with the actual vessel. We do not know how spread the three-stage vessel construction technique was.

We tend to believe that many of the imprints on the bottoms of prehistoric ceramic vessels were produced during the shaping phase, using mats or coarse textiles as supports for rotating and easier building of the vessels.

2

For this range of moisture content, there were no visible differences in the quality of imprints.

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Figure 7. Positive textile imprint inside the pedestal foot base of a vessel found at Turdaş (Hunedoara county).

Figure 8. Reconstruction of manufacturing stages of a pedestal foot vessel.

Figure 9. Clay "sandwich" with a plain weave fabric enclosed between two layers of clay. a–b: before firing; c: after firing and repeated action of breaking; d: detail of the charred fabric inside the "sandwich". 166

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The separation of the base foot may be an indication that the practice of separately shaping the pedestal and the base of the foot, and subsequent joining of the two, was not very effective and could be subject to failure. More careful studies of Neolithic pedestal foot vessels could provide further clues in that regard.

Bagolini, B., Barfield, L. H. and Broglio, A. 1973. Notizie preliminari delle richerche sull'insediamento neolitico di Fimon-Molino Casarotto (Vicenza) (1969–1972). Rivista di scienze preistoriche 28(1), 161– 213. Balfet, H. 1984. Methods of formation and the shape of pottery. In S. van der Leeuw and A. C. Pritchard (eds.), The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology, 171–199. Amsterdam, Universiteit van Amsterdam.

Regarding the practice of incorporating textiles in ceramic vessels, our test showed that there is a high probability that some ceramic fragments contain within them textile imprints, but the chance that they could be revealed through braking is quite small. The two pieces of clay pressed on each side of the textile fragment could be stuck together so well, due to the physical pressure applied and the firing process, that they cannot be separated other than through repeated braking action. Therefore, only a close examination of the ceramic fragments containing textile imprints, even when very small, can reveal some clues in that regard.

Barber, E. J. W. 1991. Prehistoric textiles. The development of cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Age with special reference to the Aegean. Princeton, Princeton University Press. Bedaux, R. M. A. and Lange, A.G. 1983. Tellem, reconnaissance archéologique d'une culture de l'ouest africain au Moyen-Age: la poterie. Journal des africanistes 53(1-2), 5–59. Carington Smith, J. 1977. Cloth and mat impressions. In J. E. Coleman (ed.) Kephala. A Late Neolithic settlement and cemetery (Keos, results of excavations conducted by the University of Cincinnati under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens; v. 1), 114–127. Princeton, American School of Classical Studies.

Moreover, we believe that the study of textile imprints, often ignored or dealt with without too much interest in general (except those investigations undertaken in terms of textile production) is of great importance, and has a real potential in characterizing the functional and technological relationship between two different categories of artefacts: textiles and pottery.

Carington Smith, J. 2000. The small finds: the spinning and weaving implements. In C. Ridley, K. A. Wardle and C. A. Mould, Servia I. Anglo-Hellenic rescue excavation 1971–73 directed by Katerina Rhomiopoulou and Cressida Ridley, 207–263. Oxford and Northampton, Alden Press Limited.

Translated by Teodor Niţu

Chmilewski, T. J. 2009. Po nitce do kłębka… O przędzalnictwie i tkactwie młodszej epoki kamienia w Europie Środkowej. Warszawa, Semper.

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Petkov, N. 1965. Praitoricheski pletki i tukani ot Sofijskoto pole i blizkite mu okolnosti. Arheologija 7, 45–57. Pradines, S. 2001. Les céramiques sénégalaises des collections du département d'Afrique subsaharienne du Musée de l'Homme. Journal des africanistes 71(2), 165– 188.

Văleanu, M.-C. and Marian, C. 2004. Amprente umane, vegetale şi de textile pe ceramica eneolitică de la Cucuteni–Cetăţuie. In M. Petrescu-Dîmboviţa and C.-M. Văleanu (eds.), Cucuteni–Cetăţuie. Săpăturile din anii 1961–1966. Monografie arheologică, 318–327. PiatraNeamţ, Editura Constantin Matasă.

Richter, É. 2005. Textil- és négyzetrendszeres fonatlenyomatok az Alföld neolitikumából. In G. Lőrinczy and L. Bende (eds.), Hétköznapok Vénuszai, 123–144. Hódmezõvásárhely, Móra Ferenc MúzeumCsongrád Megyei Önkormányzat Múzeuma.

Vitelli, K. D. 1987. Greek Neolithic pottery by experiment. In P.M. Rice (ed.), Pots and potters. Current approaches in ceramic archaeology, 113–131. Los Angeles, Institute of Archaeology, University of California.

Richter, É. 2009. Our thread to the past: plaited motifs as predecessors of woven binding structures. In E. B. Andersson Strand, M. Gleba, U. Mannering, C. Munkholt, and M. Ringgard (eds.), North European Symposium for Archaeological Textiles X, 189–216. Oxford, Oxbow Books.

Yiouni, P. 1996, The Early Neolithic pottery: technology. In R. J. Rodden (ed.), Nea Nikomedeia I: The excavations of an Early Neolithic village in Northern Greece 1961– 1964, 55–78. Oxford and Northampton, Alden Press Limited.

Schick, T. 1988. Cordage, basketry and fabrics. In O. Bar-Yosef and D. Alon (eds.), Nahal Hemar Cave, 31– 43. Jerusalem, Atiqot.

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NEEDLE LOOPED TEXTILES—ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY Carmen MARIAN "Moldova" National Museum Complex, Iaşi (Romania) Abstract. Research has highlighted the similarities that exist between the modality of creating a prehistoric textile structure, and the textile techniques used nowadays for the creation of various ethnographic objects, thus testifying for the survival of very old textile crafts. The research of archaeological potsherds preserving impressions of textiles provided important data regarding the evolution of textile technologies, in time and space. This is the case of a potsherd from the History and Archaeology Museum of Piatra-Neamţ, Romania, assigned to the Cucuteni A2 culture. It preserves the impression of a textile material which looks very similar to a tricot. However, the subsequent investigation of the ceramic fragment revealed a needle-looped textile created in the nalbinding technique. Although the appearance of the textiles made from nalbinding and true knitting are similar, their structures are quite different. Nalbinding technique is an ancient textile technique, still in use in some parts of the world, for the creation of various items by plaiting threads and other flexible materials. In this regard, the researches conduced identified several ethnographic items, still in use nowadays, originating from Transylvania, Romania, which were obtained by plaiting vegetal materials, applying the same technique. Keywords: textiles, prehistory, archeology, plaiting, knitting, nalbinding, eyed needle, ethnography.

tailored and assembled together by sewing or stitching; the technological means available to humans did not allow for the manufacturing of garments that would fit perfectly the human body. For this reason, in time, there appeared the necessity of creating textile items that would better adapt to the shape of these anatomic parts of the human body. This eventually lead to the invention by prehistoric men of various techniques of plaiting threads so as to create more versatile textile structures—plaited fabrics, superior to the woven ones in terms of elasticity and versatility, among other features. These fabrics were designed for fashioning gloves, socks, caps, and other articles that would better fit the shape of various anatomic parts of the human body, successfully replacing the woven articles previously used with the same purpose. Thus, new procedures of creating textile items appeared in the technical inventory, characterized by different modalities of plaiting the threads: the nalbinding procedure, knitting, crocheting, etc.

1. General considerations regarding the prehistoric textiles made by plaiting threads Making textiles is a craft whose evolution spreads over thousands of years. Ever since his first appearance on earth, man has lived under the threat of dangers existing in the surrounding world. Creating textile technologies was a manner to solve some of his vital problems, using for this purpose materials available in the surrounding environment. The first material used for making clothes was the skin of hunted animals. In cold climates, furs and skins were sources of materials at hand, being already available to wear as such. In a later phase, the creation of textile items made from various raw materials was the result of the same incessant quest to address the same requirements of major importance: providing food, shelter, and clothes. The use of raw materials that are available in nature, for the manufacturing of textile products, involved their processing, by various methods, to produce long and flexible yarns. In this regard, the first textile products produced through the application of textile technologies were ropes and cords, made by plaiting or twisting various textile raw materials and, later, the threads obtained by spinning of vegetal or animal fibres. Starting from the moment when people learned to twist and spin fibres and then create, with the threads thus obtained, plaited or woven structures, the possibilities of creating textile items became very wide.

Textile products created in the nalbinding technique have plaited structures, consisting of closed loops that are horizontally inter-chained, deployed in successive rows of loops (R1…..R5) (Figure 1). The loops are made with a single-eyed needle, by passing the whole thread over the linking segments between the consecutive loops of the previously created row.

In prehistory, during the first phase of its evolution, the process of making clothing items for covering certain parts of the human body (head and limbs) involved weaving textile materials that where then

In the case of tricots, the structure also consists of horizontal rows of loops (R1…..R5) obtained by successively curling a thread, and using at least two tricot needles ("knitting needles") (Figure 2). 169

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a

b

Figure 1. a: making a textile in nalbinding technique; b: the thread path in a nalbinding structure.

also called "single needle knitting" or "pseudoknitting". On the surface of the textile materials, the loops and the linking segments, in the shape of halfcircles, are pointing out (Figure 3) (Marian 2008b, 95–105).

The loops of a row are formed by inserting, in the loops of the previously created row, a certain length of thread whose size depends on the dimension of the loop which is to be achieved. The appearance of the textile materials created by the nalbinding procedure is similar to the one of the tricots. For this reason, the nalbinding technique is

The nalbinding procedure represents an ancient plaiting technique used even nowadays in certain parts of the world, for creating fabrics for clothing (gloves, socks, etc.) or decorative purposes. Among the oldest examples of textiles made in the nalbinding technique, a special mention should be made of those discovered in archaeological contexts in Northern Europe, for example at Bolkilde, Denmark (dated to 3400 BC), or at Tybrind Vig (dated to 4200 BC) (Olsen and Svanberg 2004, 190– 191; Bender Jørgensen 1990, 1–10). The oldest textile fragments made in the knitting technique itself were discovered in Egypt (dated to the 12th–14th centuries AD) and in Europe, at Burgos (dated to the 13th century AD) (Dubuisson 1969, 39–35).

a

b

Figure 3. Graphical representation of the loops and linked segments visible on the surface of a fabric made in nalbinding technique.

Figure 2. a: knitting a fabric; b: the threading path in a knitted structure. 170

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fabric constitute essential sources for those interested in prehistoric textile art. One such case is represented by a potsherd from the collection of the History and Archaeology Museum of Piatra-Neamţ, Romania, assigned to the A2 phase of the Cucuteni culture. It preserves, on one of the surfaces, the impression of a textile material similar to a tricot (Marian 2008a, 327–334) (Figure 4).

A comparative study of the nalbinding and knitting techniques was carried out within the Conservation– Restoration Research Centre from the "Moldova" National Museum Complex of Iaşi, Romania. The investigation highlighted the superficial structural elements that are specific to the materials fabricated using the two plaiting techniques. These elements can be employed as instruments for identifying which of the two textile technology was used for creating the fabric, and which can be used by archaeologists and specialists from the field of textile science and technology (Marian and Anăstăsoaei 2007, 4–12). Archaeological researches undertaken throughout the world led to the discovery of numerous textile materials which, because of their similar appearance to tricot items, were mistakenly classified as tricots. Later investigations, carried out by specialists from the field of textile science, demonstrated that they actually represented fibre structures that were obtained via the nalbinding technique. Some examples in this regard are textile fragments with the appearance of tricot discovered at Doura Europos, Syria, and dated to the 3th century AD (Grass 1995, 184–190), or the socks discovered in Egypt, and dated to the 5th–6th centuries AD (Burnham 1972, 116–124; Rutt 2003). These fragments were created in the nalbinding technique, although they were initially considered, erroneously, as being tricots.

Figure 4. Impression of a nalbinding textile on a potsherd.

For the investigation of this impression, a cast was made of the surface of the ceramic fragment, thus obtaining the positive mould of the impressed material (Figure 5). The mould was analyzed with a Zeiss Yena SM XX stereomicroscope, in direct light, under various angles. Because of the low degree of compactness of the impressed textile material, it was also possible to analyse the path of the threads inside the impression, therefore virtually recreating the procedure used to create material now impressed on the shard, specifically nalbinding (Figure 6).

The term nalbinding is of Norwegian origin (nålebinding: nål – ‘needle’, binding – ‘sewing’, ‘joining’). It was introduced in scientific circulation in 1972 by textile technologist Marta Broden, and, since no equivalent was found in other languages, it spread to international use. 2. The investigation of a prehistoric textile structure created in the nalbinding technique For prehistoric times, the only evidence brought forward for the existence of textile materials are usually either the tools associated to the technologies for producing textiles, or the impressions of textile materials on ceramic vessels discovered during archaeological researches. The tools specific to textile technologies, made from tough materials that guaranteed the preservation of the artefacts to this day, constitute undeniable proofs for the practice of these crafts. Nonetheless, they provide scanty information about the actual features (structure, quality, etc.) of the textile materials themselves. For this reason, the vessels and other particular clay items that preserve impressions of

Figure 5. The cast of the potsherd. 171

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4. Conclusions

a

We successfully revealed the similarities existing between the prehistoric Cucuteni textile structures and contemporary ethnographic articles created using plaiting techniques, thus demonstrating the preservation of very old crafts with roots in prehistorical times.

b

The comparative study of the data provided by archaeology and ethnography reveals once more that the achievements in a certain field of activity, including the textile one, are the result of long successive attempts, discoveries and accumulations. In what concerns the textile sciences, compared ethnography, as well as ethno-archaeology, could eventually allow the full reconstruction of the coordinates of prehistoric textile industry.

Figure 6. a: graphic representation of the nalbinding structure impressed on the potsherd (detail); b: a piece of fabric made using the nalbinding technique (detail).

3. Ethnographic items created in the nalbinding technique Researches undertaken within the Conservation– Restoration Research Centre from the "Moldova" National Museum Complex of Iaşi, Romania, led to the identification of several ethnographic articles, still used nowadays, in the region of Transylvania, Romania. The items have decorative/functional roles, and were created by plaiting maize husks using the nalbinding technique (Figure 7).

References Bender Jørgensen, L. 1990. Stone-Age textiles in North Europe. In J. P. Wild and P. Walton (eds.) Textiles in Northern Archaeology: Symposium Proceedings (North European Symposium for Archaeological Textiles monograph 3), 1–10. London, Archetype Publications.

The plaiting of various vegetal materials (straws, rush, husk) is a traditional craft in Romania, and it is practiced throughout the country. Among the materials used, maize husks (i.e., the leafy outer layers covering the cob) are used for plaiting decorative or domestic items, using various plaiting methods. In the case of the aforementioned ethnographic items, the plaiting is achieved by joining and then twisting the maize husks.

Burnham, D. 1972. Coptic knitting: an ancient technique. Textile History 3, 116–124. Dubuisson, M., 1969. La Bonnererie au Moyen Age, The Buletin of the Needle and Bobbin Club 52, 34–35. Grass M., 1995. The Origin of the Art of Knitting. Archaeology 8 (3), 184–190.

By applying the nalbinding technique for creating various ethnographic items (purses, bags, baskets, decorative supports for vessels, etc.), traditional craftsmen diversified the plaiting technique, creating varied forms and motifs that testify for their talent, originality, and artistic flair which draw their roots from immemorial times.

Marian, C. 2008a. Archaeological Arguments concerning the textile technologies of Cucuteni Civilization. Nalbinding techniques. In V. Chirica and M.-C. Văleanu Etablissements et habitations prehistoriques. Structure, organisation, symbole, 327–334. Iași, Editura PIM. Marian C., 2008b. Meșteșuguri textile în cultura Cucuteni. Iași, Editura Trinitas. Marian, C. and Anăstăsoaei, D. 2007. Tricotarea şi procedeul nalbinding. Studiu comparative. Buletinul Centrului de Conservare Restaurare a Patrimoniului Cultural Naţional 1, 4–12.

a

Olsen O. and Svanberg I., 2004. Nalbinding in the Faroe Islands? Annales Societatis Scientiarum Faeroensis 51, 190–191.

b

Rutt R., 2003. A history of hand knitting. Colorado, Interweave Press.

Figure 7. a: ethnographic item made by plaiting vegetable materials using the nalbinding technique. b: detail.

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STONE TOOLS OF PRESENT-DAY HUNTER-GATHERERS COMMUNITIES AND THE PALEOLITHIC LITHIC TECHNOLOGY: CHRONICLE OF AN ENDLESS VARIABILITY? Loredana NIŢĂ-BĂLĂŞESCU, Mircea ANGHELINU, Monica MĂRGĂRIT "Valahia" University of Târgoviște (Romania) Abstract. The paper proposes a brief evaluation of the utility of ethnoarchaeological models in the evaluation of Paleolithic lithic technology. Several ethnographical examples are invoked, which emphasize the socially complex and culturally variable meanings and functions attached to lithic tools. While this seemingly endless variability appears discouraging for Paleolithic research, several examples of successful ethnoarchaeological modeling coming from French Magdalenian contexts are also discussed. The efficacy of ethnographical analogies in assessing older Paleolithic (e.g. Mousterian) contexts is briefly considered. As a final point, an ethnographically informed but empirically grounded archeology is defended. Keywords: lithic variability, hunter-gatherers, ethnoarchaeology, Magdalenian, Mousterian.

studies centred on lithic technology, viewed as one defining element of prehistory, and particularly of Paleolithic times. During the last decades, this interest moved further from the economist processual perspective. Lithics are currently used to estimate cognition, language abilities, social structures, selective cultural transmission mechanisms, etc.

1. Introduction Initiated first by the nineteenth century's evolutionary syntheses, the use of ethnographical analogies, at least in a piecemeal, speculative manner, has a long history in Paleolithic research (Trigger 1989). However, the first systematic and theoretically grounded use of ethnographical data has been promoted much later, by the advocates of American processual school. While the New Archeology retained a propensity for socialevolutionary typologies, it also moved towards more empirically grounded applications, in the form of Middle Range Theory, specifically designed to help translating the static archaeological realities into ethnographic-like, dynamic realities (Binford 1972). The same theoretical environment left behind some classical examples of ethnoarchaeological studies, many still inspiring for Paleolithic archaeology (Binford 1978).

Yet, some scholars (Adovasio et al., 2007) straightforwardly portray the concern for lithic technology as a bias-generating one: "The discrepancy between the ethnographic reality, the archaeological record from well preserved sites, and our Upper Paleolithic inventories, warns us that we are envisioning Paleolithic life in highly biased ways, ones based on considerably less than 10% of what was actually made and used. […] Simply put, then, by looking only at stone tools we focus on male technologies— especially on those used by prime-aged male—and ignore tools and implements used by the rest of the people, those making up the invisible majority during the Paleolithic" (Soffer and Adovasio 2010, 236).

In the last decades, ethnoarchaeology delivered a rich body of information, shaping an extremely resourceful and valuable array of interpretative possibilities for various archaeological contexts (Roux 2007; Costamagno and David 2009; Grøn 2011). An increasing amount of ethnoarchaeological data show a growing applicability to Paleolithic case studies, in spite of the scepticism generated by the remarkable technological, economic, demographic, and social variability of the traditional societies under study (Kusimba 2005).

This extreme view allows us to locate some disturbing aspects of Paleolithic social reconstruction, particularly when done through ethnographical lenses. Undoubtedly, in most cases Paleolithic archaeological remains indeed authorize only observations drawn from non-perishable materials, leading to a distressing preference for one segment of the past socio-technical systems, whose economic importance at least (including a male-bias) was most likely exaggerated (Anghelinu and Niţă 2009; Shea 2011).

The long-lasting understanding of hunter-gatherers mainly as a subsistence-based socio-type (Bettinger 1991) also encouraged an insistent focus on their technology. Consequently, an ample corpus of 173

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technology included, not only different evolutionary tempos, but certainly other social rationales were likely involved in the manufacture of the Paleolithic lithic assemblages.

However, we simply don't know who was making what in many Paleolithic contexts. Assuming that men did all the flint knapping and women worked the perishable materials is obviously a culturally biased perspective, perhaps supported by several ethnographic examples, but plainly contradicted by many others (see below). In fact, even when one’s focus is limited strictly to lithic technology, the Paleolithic social space already appears populated by more than prime-aged males. Archaeological evidence for the presence of lithic technology in the life of all members of the community are actually abundant today, as is the case for Middle and Upper Paleolithic assemblages in which lithic analysis have identified different levels of knapping competence (Shea 2006; Stapert 2007). At least three such levels seem to be recognizable in Pincevent unit IVO: bladelet production of very skilled knappers, possibly the hunters; weapon implements and domestic tools of average quality technique possibly made by men and women alike; finally, low quality knapping technique, involving children and teenagers as apprentices (Julien 2006).

It is also highly unlikely that a suitable sample of the past seasonally-based settlement networks was preserved in order to allow sound comparisons with the present-day hunter-gatherers' settlements. Thus, a crucial parameter embedded in lithic toolkits (i.e., the functional variability), will always stay elusive. In effect, involving various sex- and age-based categories, lithic technology appears highly versatile within each socio-economic system; an observation which, amongst others, severely limits lithic-based social generalizations and also diffuses the sheer optimism for ethnographical passe-partouts. After all, replacing Western cultural prejudices with ethnographically-inspired biases do not automatically lead to better inferences, as long has been noticed (Wobst 1978). As the present paper will attempt to show, precisely because of the diverse possibilities supported ethnographically, and given the severely fragmented nature of archaeological data, prudence is highly recommended. In fact, we would suggest that, at least for preservation reasons, an effective use of ethnoarchaeology is rather limited to the last stages of the Paleolithic period.

According to another view, the social bias resulting from focusing on lithic technology is totally negligible, since morphological and technological categories involved in lithic analysis are deprived of social significance altogether; the latter would be nevertheless available through ethnoarchaeological observation of the social space (Briz et al., 2005).

2. "…ni tout à fait la même, Ni tout à fait une autre…"

However, while the descriptive language of lithic studies certainly does not aim explicitly at social inferences, it may often imply them (e.g., stone points equals hunters equals men). Moreover, even when aware of their own cultural biases, archaeologists meet serious difficulties in reconstructing the Pleistocene social spaces.

As many ethnographic contexts suggest, lithic production (Weedman-Arthur 2010), and occasionally hunting and processing prey (Pasda and Odgaard 2011; Jarvenpa and Brumbach 2006) are not exclusively restricted to one (male) segment of the society. Even among the Inuit where the most rigid division of tasks can be observed (Keith 2006), there is a strong value on autonomy, which encourages both men and women of various ages to observe and practice tool-making and foodprocuring. Among the Aboriginal Australians, knapping silcrete and quartzite was encountered among both craftsmen and craftswomen with various degrees of skills (Akerman 2007). Likewise, the technological know-how involved in processing perishable materials often implies male recipients (Fortier 2009; Gonzales-Ruibal et al., 2011).

Paleolithic humans inhabited a natural, cultural and social world lacking any modern analogy, Holocene hunter-gatherers included (Bettinger 2001). Reviving this picture by the simple means of lithic scatters and ethnographical analogies is a delicate endeavour. The Pleistocene demographical parameters provide a preliminary cautionary note. An estimated figure of 25 individuals per 2500km² proposed for the Magdalenian in southern Germany or roughly 3000 individuals for the entire French Badegoulian (Banks et al., 2011) are way below any ethnographical comparative figure (Pennington 2001; Boone 2002). Similar or considerably smaller numbers can be envisioned for earlier periods. Given the vital importance of demographical networks in all aspects of social evolution,

In traditional societies of Papua New Guinea, different sets of rules govern the domain of lithic technology, according to different contingencies. 174

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Daily base economic activities carried out by Wola communities use expedient, informal lithic tools (flakes), widely accessible, always replaceable with tools made from other raw materials, capable of providing a cutting edge (bamboo or shells) (Sillitoe and Hardy 2003). On the other hand, among the routinely practiced activities, cutting wood is done with elaborated lithic tools (polished axe blades), usually made by aged men, from random raw materials gathered in the settlement's vicinity; the tools are subsequently accessible to all social categories. Finally, formal lithic tools for which the major technological investment is at play (polished battle axe blades), involve selective use of raw materials gathered during purpose-oriented mountain expeditions. The know-how recipients and the designated users are only men, and the social value of the objects is given by their use as bride prices or as payment of the blood price. Occasionally, they are given anthropomorphic forms, and their transfer covers as much as 500 kilometres (Petrequin et al., 2006). Skin processing is an activity in which the use of lithic tools follows a general pattern independent from the environmental setting. Evenki/Koriak women in Siberia and Gamo men from Ethiopia exhibit the same general manner of using lithic tools in working skins (Weedman 2002; WeedmanArthur 2008; Klokkernes 2007). Although the routine of the hideworker and the position of their bodies are different, in both cases flexibility outdoes formality: there is little or no use of formal tools, the latter being obtained through minor technological investment, in which raw material selection is guided by availability. The shape of the tools is not strictly related to their functionality; one particularly significant element which distinguishes the tools of the Gamo hideworkers is the shape of their hafts; the latter are often passed from one generation to the next, also serving to express social identity. In the case of Ethiopian Konso hideworkers, the learning process is the responsibility of women, including lithic raw material selection and knapping, even when men apprentices are involved: "L'integralité des apprentissages, qu'il s'agisse de choix de matière premiere, de la taille de la pierre, du grattage des peaux ou de la couture est au mains des femmes. Ce sont elles qui apprennent aux hommes ou jeunes hommes comment effectuer toutes ces tâches" (Beyries and Weedman 2003/2004, 117).

Australian Yir Yoront men manufacture, use and own stone adzes, which the women can only use as a loan, but never manufacture or own such implements (MacKay 2008); again, among the Tanami Aboriginal, a knife with a lithic blade is preferred to a metal one, because when cutting an opponent, 'the knife talks to you' (Akerman 2007, 27). In the Kodiak archipelago, any contact with the Alutiiq whale hunters or their equipment is forbidden during the hunt season for women, children, and the rest of men (Fitzhugh 2003). Aside from being technologically adapted to specific kinds of prey, Indonesian Dani' types of arrows can serve both as an identity marker, related to the owner's age, and as an indicator of a specific activity—hunting, competing, warfare (Philibert 2002). This random selection of examples suggests that finding universal patterns of technological and social behaviour is difficult, even in the face of the 'humble' lithic tools. While most typologies of hunter-gatherer societies rely heavily on the ecological settings inhabited (Binford 1980), the actual design and use of their lithic inventory appears rather sensitive to their social frameworks of reference. The better access to actual motivations and contexts of use allowed through ethnographic observations does not automatically simplify the archaeologists' mission. Quite the contrary seems true: the richer the contextual details available the less trustful becomes the uniformitarian principle. Regardless of their importance in the daily life of any given traditional society, or their prevalence in the inventories, lithic technologies and tools can be as versatile and mutable as the organic ones. None of the considerations above could be easily inferred from Paleolithic archaeological contexts. This is not to say, however, that ethnoarchaeological observations cannot provide some insightful clues for Pleistocene archeology. 3. Prehistory at its deepest: ethnoarchaeology and Paleolithic archaeology 3.1. Where analogies speak…

Lithic and complex composite tools often form a category of objects subjected to various socially mediated imperatives, in which the ecology or the economy again play no significant part. For instance, 175

For various reasons, paradigmatic or rather opportunistic (i.e., site density, preservation state), the Upper Paleolithic period acted as the favourite training ground for ethnoarchaeological observations. For instance, a partial analysis of Evenki Siberian settlements emphasized recurrent patterns issued from similar economic activities carried out the same settings; these patterns are susceptible of being identified in Siberian Late Paleolithic sites (Kuznetsov 2007).

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same ethnoarchaeological lenses, and which the excavators (Bodu et al., 2006) hesitated to define as camps. Going even further, ethnoarchaeological observations on the relation between the spatial patterning and the social structure of a given population (Nunamiut) shaped a model partially contradicted by several Magdalenian living floors in the Parisian Basin (Audouze 1987).

Additionally, the nomadic Siberian communities that rely heavily on reindeer herding incited a moreor-less close connection to Magdalenian French sites at Pincevent or Verberie (David and Karlin 2003). For the first one, a series of about 20 stages of autumn and winter occupation (Julien and Karlin 2007) was favoured by an exceptional conservation context, which allowed not only massive recovery of different kinds of lithic and organic artefacts, but also detailed observations on artefacts spatial patterning. The archaeological context being so generous in details, comparisons with the Koriak, Dolgan and Evenki populations' cycles of life and settlement patterning became almost vital in understanding Magdalenian human groups.

Considering the multitude of cultural models existing in contemporary Siberian contexts (RobertLamblin 2007), much methodological precaution is needed in comparing present-day nomadic communities engaged in reindeer herding and Upper Paleolithic reindeer hunters. Moreover, present-day economic reliance of the Siberian populations on reindeer cannot be extended as a general comparison framework, along with all the consequences it entails, to some other western and central Magdalenian groups, in which the socio-economic system is centred on exploiting horses (Bignon 2007). They appear even less relevant for the previous Gravettian or Aurignacian technocomplexes, in which a wider range of game was regularly hunted, and for which the integrality of archaeological contexts is usually worse.

As a rule, functional and technological analysis of knapped stone did not benefit much from ethnoarchaeological studies. Yet, they brought into focus some significant details, as, for example, how completing different manufacturing stages in different settings contributes to the assemblage variability (David and Kramer 2001). When applied to large and also comparable lithic archaeological and ethnological assemblages, use-wear analysis provides answers to questions about different manners of obtaining and using lithic tools. Ethnoarchaeological models (Audouze and Beyries 2007) could also shape a socially, gender-biased related spatial patterning of lithic tools and specific activities: endscrapers' spatial distribution equals the preferential spot where skins were processed and women's activities were carried out, while backed bladelets distribution equals rejuvenation of the hunting equipment done by men. In the first case, endscrapers should be located as far from the hearth as necessary, so that the skin would not be affected by sparks; in the second case, fragmented backed bladelets and other lithic armatures should be discovered close to the fireplace which is needed for melting the adhesive used. While this might be the case for a number of archaeological and ethnological situations encountered, others defy it completely, like the spatial patterning of flint implements from T125 unit in Pincevent (Debout and Bodu 2006), where it seems that most of activities had a fireplace as the central point, as shown by the distribution of endscrapers, blades, backed implements, borers, and so on.

The issue of settlements’ preservation becomes gradually more important as we consider more and more remote periods of Paleolithic, to the point where ethnoarchaeological modeling appears as a rather futile endeavour. The Middle Paleolithic provides a paradigmatic example. 3.2. …and where they stop telling the story The Middle Paleolithic lithic technology in Eurasia provides a most visible example of the limited use of ethnoarchaeological observations for remoter Paleolithic contexts. Scattered across a wide array of environmental settings and crossing multiple climatic episodes as well, the Mousterian adaptation proved inherently successful, at least when viewed at a macro-population level. Although the reconstruction of the Middle Paleolithic subsistence base is likely biased because of the differential preservation affecting other vital components of their diet (e.g., vegetal, aquatic), both bone chemistry (Bocherens 2009) and recovered faunal contexts (Pathou-Mathis 2000) suggest that the Neanderthal population relied heavily on animal protein, provisioned through the systematic hunting of medium and large ungulates. Yet, although occasionally using complex reduction strategies (e.g., Levallois), the Mousterian lithic technology had rarely led to implements which took more than

Hence, an important question arises: are the ethnoarchaeological models applicable to all Late Upper Paleolithic sites, or at least of all Magdalenian sites? Actually, even in the Pincevent cultural sequence at least two occupation episodes seem to exist, which cannot be read through the 176

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A more balanced position, however, would suggest that given the great caloric intake needed and the systematic hunting of medium to large herbivores documented, Neanderthal groups might have often been in the situation to process considerable quantities of skin, bone, and antler for equipment and clothing (Gilligan 2010), apart from sporadically processing vegetable resources (Henry et al., 2011). This might explain the 'domestic' structure of most Mousterian toolkits, particularly if the known settlements are the result of highly mobile residential groups, including all social categories, but with restricted in situ activities. The general absence of the hunting equipment can be further explained through a heavy reliance on rarely preserved wooden javelins or through losses taken out of the site perimeter, which is often the case of lithic hunting implements. Fast and simple retooling and re-hafting, which apparently represented the rule of Middle Paleolithic hunting gear, could have also taken place outside the habitation area.

a few minutes to manufacture. Mousterian lithic assemblages are habitually composed of simple cutting edges (flakes, blades, bifacial knives) and various shapes of points for hand-used javelins; although hafting was clearly practiced, no complex projectile technology was apparently used (Shea and Sisk 2010). No link could be established between, for instance, colder environmental settings and the complexity, structure and diversity of their lithic toolkits (Boquet-Appel and Tuffreau 2009); a fact which plainly contradicts most ethnographical expectations correlating increasing technological complexity to harsher environments (Torrence 2001; Kuhn and Stiner 2001). The Mousterian settlement pattern, ranging from semi-sedentary habitations (Lieberman 1993) to short stops leaving behind a few dozens of lithics and suggesting higher levels of mobility, is still poorly understood. Furthermore, no clear division of labour (on the base of lithic implements or other criteria) could be established (Kuhn and Stiner 2006).

However, our current inability to further support or reject this scenario owes a lot to the poor quality of the Middle Paleolithic archaeological sample. There are anyway enough grounds to consider a straight gender-tool association, as sometimes documented ethnographically, as plainly inaccurate in this archaeological case.

The numerous explanations capable to account for this unusual patterning (e.g., cognitive limits, low demography, or simply the lack of better preserved contexts or accurate chronological control) are less relevant for our argument here. The point is that the Middle Paleolithic original adaptive niche as acknowledged today defies not only most generalization based on Holocene hunter-gatherers' adaptation, but also the piecemeal comparison between their lithic tools and the morphological equivalents in ethnographical contexts. For instance, if we were to rely on the ethnographically welldocumented hunter-gatherers’ division of labour (Marlowe 2007), and also to consider Mousterian sidescrapers as being not so different functionally from Upper Paleolithic endscrapers, one might include the former into the women's gear, along with flakes and other more or less secondary modified lithic items. Consequently, the more restricted presence of bifacial knives, points, and the occasional production of blades and bladelets would be mostly due to men's activities. The problem is that sidescrapers, notches, and the rest of little formalized lithic products make up for most of the Middle Paleolithic material, which would put the Neanderthal population across Eurasia in the position of being mainly involved in domestic activities. Stretching the argument far enough will lead to the equally unexpected conclusion that Mousterian societies were mostly composed of (processing) women than of (hunting) men!

Needless to say, the Lower Paleolithic contexts are far more frustrating and they are also missing the comfortable 'sapient unity', which in turn threatens the very base of uniformitarian principle. A proper understanding of these older Pleistocene social worlds requires imaginative theoretical models and methodologies, for which ethnographical clues are at best insufficient. 4. Conclusions Because of their geological resilience, lithic tools hold a central position in the reconstruction of prehistoric lifeways. Inferring their role in the original, living contexts is nevertheless challenging, particularly when lithics are the only category of documentation preserved, which is often the case of Paleolithic contexts. The risk of circular arguments is always present when additional, contextual information is missing (i.e., assessing the importance and function of lithics in past social contexts, themselves reconstructed only by the means of lithic analysis). While ethnoarchaeology may provide a useful support in expanding methodological imagination and limiting straightforward interpretations, it also delivers 177

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innumerable cautionary tales. In many cases, inherent behavioural variability, various social imperatives and different mobility ranges might turn the general framework built through ethnographic data into an archaeologically unrecognizable one. The most important lesson to learn is that the very position of lithic technology in each socio-technic system is variable enough to allow only for casebased, careful assessments.

résultats récents. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 84, 343–352. Audouze, F. and Beyries, S. 2007. Chasseurs de renne d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. In S. Beyries and V. Vaté (eds.), Les civilisations du renne d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. Approches ethnohistoriques, archéologiques et anthropologiques, 185–208. Antibes, Éditions APDCA.

The main mission remaining for archaeological inquiry is therefore the accurate reconstruction of the context of production and use of lithic tools in archaeological contexts, which in turn asks for a wider understanding of demography, mobility patterns and subsistence base, before assessing the social landscapes themselves. Obviously, these aspects are only indirectly accessible through lithic studies and ask for more integrated approaches focused on environmental carrying capacity, raw material transfer, intra and inter-site spatial analyses, faunal investigations, etc. At every level, ethnographically educated observations might prove useful, but archaeologist should be aware that the originality of Paleolithic societies may begin precisely where the ethnographically familiar models stop. Acknowledgments

Banks, W. E., Aubry, T., d’Errico, F., Zilhão, J., LiraNoriega, A., and Townsend Peterson, A., 2011. Ecocultural niches of the Badegoulian: Unravelling links between cultural adaptation and ecology during the Last Glacial Maximum in France. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 30, 359–374. Bettinger, R. L. 1991. Hunter-Gatherers. Archaeological and evolutionary theory. New York, Plenum Press. Bettinger, R. L. 2001. Holocene hunter-gatherers. In G. M. Feinman and T. Douglas Price (eds.), Archaeology at the Millennium: A Sourcebook, 137–195. New York, Springer. Beyries, S. and Weedman, K. 2003/2004. Spécialisation des tâches et organisation sociale. L’exemple du travail des matières animales chez le Tchoutches (Sibérie), les Konso et les Gamo (Éthiopie). In Cahiers des thèmes transversaux ArScAn (V. Table ronde: Spécialisation des tâches et sociétés), 116–118. Paris. Bignon, O. 2007. L’autre «civilisation du Renne»… pour une réinterprétation des stratégies cynégétiques au Magdalénien dans le Bassin parisien. In S. Beyries and V. Vaté (eds.), Les civilisations du renne d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. Approches ethnohistoriques, archéologiques et anthropologiques, 223–241. Antibes, Éditions APDCA.

The authors wish to thank the organizers of the First Arheoinvest Congress for their invitation to join the meeting and to contribute to this volume. Our work benefited from the financial and logistical support of the CNCSIS PN II grant ID_628 (O abordare integrată a comunităţilor de vânători-culegători preistorici: economie, societate şi simbol în paleolitic şi mezolitic).

Binford, L. R., 1972. An archeological perspective. New York, Seminar Press.

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DEVELOPMENT OF TRADITIONAL HOUSE-BUILDING TECHNIQUES: ANCIENT ORGAME AND MODERN JURILOVCA Carmen Olguţa ROGOBETE "Babeş-Bolyai" University of Cluj-Napoca (Romania), Faculty of History and Philosophy Abstract. This paper presents the evidence for the development of traditional house building-techniques used both in the ancient Greek colony Orgame and in the modern village of Jurilovca, located in modern Romania on the western shore of Lake Razim. Both communities used cheap materials widely available in the region for building their houses. House walls were built out of mud-bricks, using clay and straw, or of wattle and reed and plastered afterwards with clay or lime. Foundations were made of stone slabs in an earth binding, while floors were made of earth and coated with clay. Roofs were usually double sloped and made of reed. Not only are such materials ecological, but also they ensure good thermal insulation during warm and cold seasons. In addition, walls made of mud-bricks can last up to 70 years if they are properly maintained. This paper aims to emphasize the importance of ethnoarchaeological studies in the process of reconstructing ancient house-building techniques. Keywords: Jurilovca, Orgame, ethnography, ethnoarchaeology, house-building techniques.

This paper discusses the ethno-archaeological aspects of the development of traditional housebuilding techniques first used in the ancient Greek colony Orgame and later in the modern village of Jurilovca. Both settlements are located in modern Romania, on the western shore of Lake Razim, which is separated from the Black Sea by offshore bars.

slabs were mainly used for building foundations and socles, while clay, sometimes mixed with organic materials, represented the primary material for house walls and floors. Reed was preferred for building roofs, especially in the area of the Danube Delta (Popoiu 2001, 129–131, 137). These natural building materials are still in use in present day Dobrudjan villages.

The study is based on personal observations recorded during the excavations carried out within the ancient site Orgame and on ethnographical and anthropological research conducted on the building traditions belonging to the modern communities inhabiting this area. This investigation focused on some of the main factors which have determined the architectural development of these settlements, such as the physical and geographical environment, the available resources and construction materials, and the technical knowledge of the builders.

House walls were usually constructed of mud bricks, also called adobe. These were made of clay mixed with water and straw, which the builders shaped into bricks using wooden frames. They were afterwards left to dry in the sun for two or three weeks. The sizes of such bricks varied between 10×20×40cm and 20×20×40cm. The mud brick walls were then erected using a mixture of clay and water as binding material. In addition, clay mixed with water and manure was also used for plastering the interior and exterior walls, and for building the floors. Wall foundations were built using stone slabs in an earth binding (Avram 2004, 41; Popoiu 2001, 130–133). Other materials used for building walls included packed earth and wattle (Avram 2004, 44– 46). In some cases, walls could be constructed entirely out of stone blocks bound with clay mortar. Such materials are widely available throughout this region and they represent an environmentally safe way to insulate a house. Mud brick walls also provided a good thermal insulation to the house during warm and cold seasons. Therefore, mud bricks and reed constitute the typical building materials used within the settlements located on the shore of Lake Razim. Architectural details regarding the houses from ancient Orgame and modern Jurilovca, as well as the employed building

The ancient settlement and the modern village are situated in the northern region of Dobrudja and they are part of the Danube Delta Biosphere Reservation. Ethnographical studies revealed that similar raw materials have been used for construction within this area. The choice of building materials as well as the orientation, sizes and constructive details of the houses have also been determined by geographical conditions. The climate here is warm and dry for most of the year. Traditional materials employed in building households include clay, limestone and vegetable remains (straw, reed). Such materials are free and easily obtainable in this region. For example, limestone can be found at the ground level, and the soil is abundant in clay. Limestone 181

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were found on the floor. There were also traces of burning on the surface of the floor (MănucuAdameşteanu 2001, 152).

techniques will be discussed further below. The ancient city of Orgame was founded by Milesian settlers at the end of the 7th century BC on Cape Dolojman (Figure 1), eight kilometers east of Jurilovca. Five houses corresponding to the preRoman layers have been identified in the eastern side of the ancient settlement, within sector F.E. (Figure 2). The earliest traces of habitation date to the last three decades of the 7th century BC and include two Archaic layers. A single-unit, aboveground structure has been identified within the earliest layer, corresponding to the second quarter of the 6th century BC. It covered an area of 8.5m2 and its walls were built out of wattle and plastered with clay. The house floor with a rectangular shape consisted of packed clay and had a rectangular hearth in its northwest corner. The second Archaic layer corresponds to the second half of the 6th century BC. Another single-unit, above-ground structure has been discovered within this layer. The only partially preserved element was the house floor made out of clay, which covered an area of about 3.75m2. The Archaic stratum seems to be documented in this region of the ancient city only by these two structures (Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2001, 147–148). Two stratigraphic layers, dated between the middle of the 5th century and the second half of the 4th century BC, documented the Classical period. Within the first layer, traces of a room, which possibly had a basement, could be outlined. Only its floor with a rectangular shape was preserved. The clay floor was covered by a thick layer of ashes, which also contained fragments of stone and mudbrick, lying over a large pit full of ashes, debris, pottery fragments and coins. This may have been a basement, into which the remains and inventory of the upper room fell when the floor collapsed. Most likely, the room was destroyed in a fire (Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2001, 150). Apparently, its foundations were built of stone slabs, while the elevation consisted of mud bricks. The basement walls were built out of packed earth. Within the second Classical layer, an above-ground structure was identified. Its walls were partially hewn in the bedrock and were probably built entirely of limestone slabs in an earth binding. The clay floor had a rectangular layout and was covered by a layer of ashes, containing fragments of pottery, especially of amphorae. The remains of another house, poorly preserved, were detected on the same Classical layer. Three courses of its north and west walls were preserved as well as the clay floor. The walls were built using limestone slabs. A few pottery fragments

Figure 1. Plan of the ancient site Orgame (after Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2008, 177).

The Hellenistic stratum has also been identified in sector F.E. It corresponds to the period between 300 and the middle of the 3rd century BC. An aboveground house and a hearth have been identified within this layer. The house was a single-unit structure with a rectangular layout. Its walls were built of small limestone slabs bound with clay mortar, having between two and five courses preserved to a height of 0.30–0.70m. Outside the chamber and running parallel to the south wall there was a pavement made of seven irregular limestone slabs still in situ, with a preserved length of 1.83m. Also, to its south there was a street and a pit used for stone extraction (Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2001, 153–155). Limited investigations have been carried out within this area of the ancient city. Overall, the houses discovered in sector F.E. had a modest appearance and were poorly preserved because of the less durable materials used in their construction and because of later construction projects. 182

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Figure 2. Plan of sector F.E. (after Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2001, 151).

house foundations usually consisted of two rows of limestone blocks bound with soil. The upper walls were most likely built from perishable materials such as mud brick, wood or wattle and daub (Reinders and Prummel 2003, 40). Mud bricks were still being made in recent times in the Almiros area, where the ancient city was situated (Figure 3). The method used to produce mud bricks in antiquity was similar to that employed nowadays. The soil used for making the mud bricks was usually obtained from an area very close to the site where the new building was to be erected. It was mixed with organic temper such as hay to improve its mouldability and was then placed in rectangular wooden moulds. When the soil had dried sufficiently, the bricks were removed from the moulds and left to dry in the sun. The finished walls were presumably plastered on both sides. Plaster prevented insects and other animals from nesting in the bricks and mortar At New Halos, the most

The appearance of the houses discovered in Orgame is not unusual for the periods discussed above. Modest single-unit structures are common dwellings in many settlements across continental Greece and in the Greek colonies situated on the shores of the Black Sea. Similar houses, built using the same techniques and materials, were discovered at Histria, another Greek colony established by Milesian settlers on the Romanian shore of the Black Sea, 40 kilometers south of Orgame (Avram 2003, 323; Dumitriu 1966, 21–41). Most houses were singleunit structures which had their walls made of wattle or mud bricks on limestone socles or entirely of limestone blocks. Similar techniques and raw materials used in house construction can also be observed at New Halos, a small town founded in the late 4th or early 3rd century BC in Thessaly in Greece. The remains of several blocks of houses were investigated here. The 183

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bricks on a stone socle. In the first case, a layer of reed, 15 to 20 cm thick, was placed between the wooden pillars and bound by a mixture of clay and straw. The technique using mud bricks for building walls has already been discussed above. The walls were afterwards plastered with clay and painted in shades of white and blue. In most cases, the floor consisted of packed earth and clay. Several factors favoured the use of such materials: they were widely available in the region and offered a good thermal insulation, making the constructions very light. Buildings constructed using these materials could last between 50 to 60 years, and even longer if properly maintained. The roof was traditionally double sloped and made of reed. Often the roofs were constructed using a large amount of reed arranged in three successive layers, a technique that would allow the roofs to last up to 50 years (Iaptiov 2001, 176–178). In Jurilovca in particular, houses built of reed and mud bricks can be seen today alongside modern houses which no longer comply with the local traditions. This paper focuses on the construction techniques employed by two communities living in two different periods of time. Some of the materials used for building houses in both settlements are widely available in this region. These include clay, limestone, reed and straw. In this regard, an ethnographical study has pointed out the fact that it is not the affiliation to a certain ethnic group that imposes a certain type of settlement or architecture, but the morphology of the environment where they have developed (Ipatiov 2001, 158).

Figure 3. House wall made of mud bricks in the Almiros area (after Reinders and Prummel 2003, 42).

probable form of plaster will have consisted of a mixture of powdered limestone and water (Reinders and Prummel 2003, 41–42). Therefore, materials and techniques employed in house building at New Halos are very similar to those typical in other Greek settlements, including Orgame. In the case of New Halos, it is worth emphasizing the contribution made by ethno-archaeological observations recorded in the Almiros area.

In conclusion, houses discovered at the ancient site of Orgame within the pre-Roman layers consist of modest single-unit, above-ground structures built of perishable material. They were usually constructed of mud bricks on stone socles or entirely of limestone blocks. Most likely their roofs were made of reed, and there is no concrete evidence to suggest the use of tiles. Although rare, households composed of only one chamber and built using the same raw materials can still be found today in the region of Dobrudja (Popoiu 2001, 124). In this case, the single chamber probably had a multifunctional character. In Jurilovca, houses which have up to four rooms are still being built today using similar techniques and materials. Most of the traditional Lipovenian households had their walls erected using mud bricks on limestone socles, while their roofs were made of reed. The only attempt to reconstruct traditional buildings using available raw materials was done within a project called Adobe 2006, which was undertaken by a group of artists and architects.

Similar construction techniques and raw materials are used in modern Jurilovca, located west of Orgame. The village was founded by Lipovenians, Russians by ethnicity, at the end of the 18th century and was first attested in 1826. The exact historical origin of the Russian-Lipovenian community will not be discussed in the present study. The Lipovenian houses have a rectangular layout with one of the short sides (8–12 m) facing the street and usually consist of three to four rooms, aligned one after the other (Iaptiov 2001, 219). The raw materials customarily used by Lipovenians for building their houses include clay, reed and straw (Figure 4). Walls were built either of wattle and reed arranged between wooden pillars or of mud 184

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Figure 4. House in modern Jurilovca with walls made of mud bricks on a stone socle (© http://bibliotecajurilovca.ro).

residential quarters in Orgame remains unknown, an investigation into the traditional techniques used for building houses in Jurilovca can provide researchers with relevant information concerning ancient practices as well. The aim of this paper has been to emphasize the need for ethno-archaeological studies in the process of reconstructing ancient housebuilding techniques.

Three houses were manually erected using mud bricks and clay for building the walls, and reed set on a wooden framework for arranging the roof. The aim of the project was not only to encourage the construction of ecological buildings, but also to test their durability. These houses can still be seen today on Cape Dolojman, not far from the entrance to the ancient city of Orgame. No ethno-archaeological investigations concerning ancient Greek housing have so far been carried out within the northern region of Dobrudja. This includes the area of Cape Dolojman and that of the modern village of Jurilovca. As in the case of New Halos, the need for such research is essential in identifying ancient building techniques and the way raw materials were used for the construction of walls and roofs. In particular, the methods employed for building the roofs of dwellings in antiquity are poorly known.

References Avram, A. 2003. Histria. In D. V. Grammenos and E. K. Petropoulos (eds.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea I, 279–340. Thessaloniki, Archaeological Institute of Northern Greece. Avram, S. 2004. Locuinţa rurală românească: moşteniri şi factori de schimbare. Sibiu, Editura Techno Media. Dimitriu, S. 1966. Cartierul de locuinţe din zona de vest a cetăţii, în epoca arhaică. In E. Condurachi (ed.), Histria II, 21–41. Bucureşti, Editura Academiei.

Despite the fact that much about the ancient 185

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Iaptiov, F. 2001. Ruşii-Lipoveni din România. ClujNapoca, Presa Universitară Clujeană.

Popoiu, P. 2001. Antropolgia habitatului în Dobrogea. Bucureşti, Oscar Print.

Mănucu-Adameşteanu, M. 2001. Sectorul faleza de est (F.E.). Materiale şi cercetări arheologice (Serie nouă) 1 (1999), 145–1164. M. Mănucu-Adameşteanu 2008. Orgame/Argamum. II. Ceramica arhaică. Bucureşti, Editura Agir.

Reinders, H. R. and Prummel, W. 2003. Housing in New Halos. A Hellenistic Town in Thessaly, Greece. Lisse, A. A. Balkema Publishers.

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TRACEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF LITHIC CHIPPED TOOLS FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT, ADÂNCATA COMMUNE, SUCEAVA COUNTY, ROMANIA Dumitru BOGHIAN1, Gheorghe FRUNZĂ2, Cornel SUCIU2, Sorin IGNĂTESCU1 1 2

"Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava (Romania), Faculty of History and Geography "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management

Abstract. In this paper, the authors present the traceological analysis carried out on a series of 10 lithic artefacts (tools and weapons) made from Pruth flint, found in the multi-layered archaeological Cucuteni B site of Fetești–La Schit, Adâncata Commune, Suceava County, Romania. Traceological investigations were carried out in the Laboratory of Contact Mechanics from the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management at the "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, using the UBM14 3D laser scanning profilometer and an optical microscope with digital image capture (low power approach ≤ 100× and high power approach ≥ 100×). The results indicated the functions of these artefacts: saw blades, drills for perforating wood, bone and horn or small artefacts: knives for processing animal carcasses, cutting/carving wood, for raw and processed dry skin/hide, scrapers for treating wood/bone and skin/hide, sickle inserts or hunting/war weapons. Often the artefacts were poly-functional, being used for two or three operations, one being predominant. The proximal portions (heads) of the lithic tools show traces of wear due to their trapping in handles of wood, bone, horn, etc., speaking of the interdependencies between the different types of complementary artefacts. Keywords: traceology, Pruth flint, lithic tools, use wear, 3D scanning, microscopy, Cucuteni B phase.

archaeological collection of the "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Romania. The tools and weapons were discovered in the multi-layered archaeological site of Fetești–La Schit 1, investigated between 2000 and 2006 (Figure 1).

1. Introduction The archaeometrical research of archaeological remains has a particular importance in reconstructing the complexity of the mental, technological and functional operations carried out by prehistorical people, within complex societies. Traceology, as an extension of tribology, along with experimental archaeology, reveal more and more clearer evidence on specific functionalities of the pre- and proto-historical lithic tools (Semenov 1964; 1965; Korobkova 1965; Tudose 1994) giving us the possibility of an even closer technological and social-historical reconstruction of the past realities.

The excavated area measures about 400 square metres and the most important habitation level belongs to the Cucuteni B phase, specifically to the B1 and B2 stages. Important housing complexes have been identified and studied, namely seven surface dwellings (Figure 2) with many internal and external archaeological complexes: advanced fireplaces, simple and complex furnaces, silos and grinding installations, storage and waste pits, a significant amount of painted and domestic pottery, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic plastic representations, artefacts made from polished and perforated stone, flint, bone and horn, etc. (Boghian et al., 2004a; 2004b; 2005; Boghian and Ignătescu 2007; 2009).

Given the experience gained so far in the traceological analysis, in this paper we present the results obtained by archaeometrical investigations (3D laser scanning and low and high power approach microscopy) on a batch of 10 flint tools and weapons, dating from the Cucuteni B phase (3900–3600 BC), discovered in the settlement of Fetești–La Schit, Adâncata Commune, Suceava County, Romania.

The lithic artefacts submitted to traceological analysis were found in houses, within the layer or in the areas between complexes, and in pits.

2. The lot of lithic artefacts 2.1. Conditions of discovery The lot of lithic artefacts (unretouched and retouched blades of knife, polished blades, combined scrapers, drills/awls and an arrowhead) lies in the

Several habitation levels were discovered here: Cucuteni A3, Cucuteni B, Horodiștea-Erbiceni-Gordinești II, Early Getian Latène (5th–3rd century BC), Late Middle Ages (17th–18th century), modern and contemporary ages.

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1990; 2000; Boghian 2008, 43–45; 2009, 120–122). 2.2.2. Chipping and retouching The debitage of prefabs (blades and flakes), from which these artefacts were made of, was specialized (by indirect chipping and by pressure chipping). Medium-sized nuclei were used (ca. 20cm) denoting precise technological gestures and a very good control of flint chipping (Boghian 2008, 47–49; 2009, 123–124). The retouch of surfaces and cutting edges was very accurate. Depending on the circumstances, the artisan produced sharp, steep and quasi-steep, parallel and quasi-parallel retouches, and scale-like covering retouches; therefore the artefacts acquired functional and elaborated shapes, suitable for specialized operations.

Figure 1. Aerial view of the Fetești–La Schit settlement.

2.2.3. Typological description of the artefacts For easy operationalization, the lithic artefacts are described below: – blade/sickle-saw with sickle gloss (code Sv01S, inv. no. Fet 108; L = 108mm, W = 18mm, T = 7mm) was processed with steep retouches on both long sides of the dorsal surface, slightly denticulated cutting edges; it has visible macroscopic lustre, on both longitudinal sides, wider on the right side; the ridges and "teeth" are rounded, indicating a high degree of wear; the distal portion is prepared to be fixed in the handle/frame of the saw (Figure 3/1). – knife blade (code Sv02S, inv. no. Fet 11, L = 102mm, W = 17mm, T = 6mm) has the long sides retouched on the dorsal surface, most obvious on the right side. These retouches are steep and quasisteep; the left side has intentional retouches only at the top and retouches of wear on the rest of the surface; wear retouches are visible on the ventral surface only; the proximal section has wear indicators, due to trapping in the handle, and the distal head presents vestiges of cortex (Figure 3/2). – knife blade (code Sv03S, inv. no. Fet 14, L = 70mm, W = 24mm, T = 10mm) was processed from a triangular blade, with vestiges of the cortex at the top, without any intentional retouches; has wear retouches and damage from the moment of discovery; the proximal portion keeps the traces of the chipping surface and has a visible bulb (Figure 3/7). – double drill (code Sv04S, no inv. no., L = 60mm, W = 24mm, T = 7 mm) was crafted from a medium size blade, with steep and quasi-steep retouches on the dorsal surface of the longitudinal sides and top;

Figure 2. Fetești–La Schit. View of dwelling no. 8, Cucuteni B.

The flint tools and weapons were washed with water and marked with black ink, writing being applied directly on the artefacts or on a white surface painted with zinc oxide. Some artefacts still preserve traces of unwashed sediment as cleaning those would mean employing acid or alkali corrosive substances which might impact on surfaces. 2.2. Archaeological description of lithic artefacts 2.2.1. Raw materials All lithic artefacts archaeometrically analysed were made of high quality flint, originating from the Mesozoic (Cretacic–Cenomanian) and Miocen (Buglovian) deposits of the middle sectors of the Pruth and Dniester river basins. Macroscopically, the artefacts present different shades, ranging from white-dirty to black-brown, translucent in thin section or deep and uniform black (Muraru 1987; 188

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Figure 3. Lithic artefacts traseological investigated (Cucuteni B).

prepared as racloirs; the right side presents on the dorsal surface oblique quasi-parallel retouches and a slightly denticulated cutting edge; traces of wear polish are visible on the ventral surface, left side (Figure 3/4). – bladelet knife (code Sv09S, no inv. no., L = 41mm, W = 9mm, T = 3mm) was crafted from a small-medium size blade; only the proximal portion presents intentional retouches, to bring down the bulb of percussion and suit the handle; has wear retouches on long sides (Figure 3/3). – arrowhead (code Sv10S, no inv. no., L= 22mm, W = 13mm, T = 3mm) was made from a short blade; presents "scale" like covering retouches on both surfaces; it seems that the tip was broken during use (Figure 3/5).

it presents retouches in the form of false encoches on the upper third of the ventral surface; the proximal portion was truncated and is slightly rounded because of the backlash in the handle/rod; the head is worn, showing rounding and retouches from wear; the long edges are worn (Figure 3/6). – drill/awl (code Sv05S, inv. no. Fet. 18), L = 65mm, W = 14mm, T = 10mm) was processed on a medium size blade, with steep and quasi-steep retouches on the longitudinal sides, slightly denticulated; the top was thinned and presents rounding from wear; the proximal portion was prepared to be attached to a handle/rod (Figure 3/9). – knife blade (code Sv06S, inv. no. Fet. 106, L = 58mm, W = 25mm, T = 8mm) was made from a medium size triangular blade; no intentional retouches are present, only wear indicators; the proximal portion (head) is thick and the bulb of percussion is clearly visible (Figure 3/8). – double robust scraper (code Sv07S, no inv. no.), L = 47mm, W = 32mm, T = 15mm) was crafted from a robust flake (from an exhausted core); the active edge is semi-circular and was rounded out by steep retouches on the dorsal surface; it has a "bumpy" relief and traces of the cortex on the dorsal surface; the ventral surface is smooth and shows use wear on the edges (Figure 3/10). – combined scraper/sickle insertion (code Sv08S, no inv. no., L = 39mm, W = 19mm, T = 5mm) was made from medium size truncated and retouched blade; distal portion was processed by quasi-steep retouches as a grattoir, while the long sides were

3. Methods and investigation

devices

in

traceological

The archaeometrical investigation of the lithic artefacts was carried out in the Laboratory of Contact Mechanics from the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management, "Ştefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Romania. 3.1. 3D scanning of the samples’ surface This method has been recently used in archaeology by W. James Stemp, Michael Stemp and other scientists in an attempt to reduce the subjectivity of the research of lithic artefacts. The goal was to find 189

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The corroboration of the two methods enabled us to reduce the amount of errors in interpretation. In this study the interpretive error margin is lower than 30% (≤ 30%).

and introduce in archaeometrical practice new methods for quantitative recognition and recording of micro-topographical patterns of wear indicators on stone tools (Stemp and Stemp 2001; 2003; Stemp et al., 2010). 3D analysis and mapping of the sample surfaces was performed using a μScan laser profilometer UBM14, produced by NanoFocus, equipped with a confocal sensor, offering a resolution up to 1000 steps/mm and with a measuring range on the z level of 1300μm.

The investigations were carried out using an Olympus microscope with a DSLR camera attached, assisted by computer, which allowed us to observe the artefacts at different scales of magnification (≤100× and ≥100×), even if the accurate focus on large-scale (200–400×) is affected by surface irregularities.

This device is an optical system capable of detecting and measuring the heights and depths of the surface’s roughness with sizes ranging from 0.01μm to 1mm. It can measure a surface’s roughness and reflection, allowing the detection of defects and wear indicators (Prodan 2005, 70–71).

The digital images were captured in uncompressed format (TIFF) and allowed a detailed analysis of the results and an adequate post-processing. These images can be operationalized with the help of dedicated software that can quantify accurately different wear indicators.

The samples intended for scanning have preferably plane surfaces and sizes of up to 250×350mm and heights of up to 80mm.

By combining the data obtained by these methods (low and high power approach) with those offered by 3D scanning, we have enabled a more precise identification of the wear indicators on the sample artefacts. Therefore, it allows for an accurate understanding of the functionality of chipped and retouched lithic equipment and weapons,in the complex technological process/operational chain/ chaîne operatoire of use, discarding and post-depositional processes (raw materials procurement → chipping, retouching, catching in the handle → functioning use-wear indicators → reuse, abandonment → postdepositional processes), with economic, social and cultural connotations.

At this stage of research, the surface scanning analysis of samples was limited to performing twodimensional and three-dimensional measurements of the micro-topography of surfaces, without any physical contact. We obtained high-resolution two and three-dimensional digital images, which were interpreted in traceological terms, without obtaining and interpreting any mathematical models or fractals. Through this type of analysis we can observe and interpret the surface roughness and polish of lithic artefacts affected by different kinds of wear.

4. Presentation of results

3.2. Optical Microscopy. Low and high power approach methods

We present the overall results and the specific partial conclusions for each sample.

Known for quite some time now, the low power and high power approach allowed us to perform traceological observations in detail (Semenov 1964; 1965; Frison 1968; Wilmsen 1968; Tringham et al., 1974; Odell 1975; 2001; Odell and Odell-Vereecken 1981; Prost 1993; Keeley 1978; 1980; 1981; Brink 1978; Newcomer and Keeley 1979; Plew and Woods 1985; Newcomer et al., 1986; Cook and Dumont 1987; Holley and Del Bene 1981; Grace 1989; 1993; 1996; Grace et al., 1987; Unger-Hamilton 1989; Hurcombe 1988; Jensen 1988; Kay 1996; Vaughan 1985; Gonzalez-Urquijo and Ibanez-Estevez 2003; Bamforth et al., 1990; Yamada and Sawada 1993).

4.1. Blade/sickle-saw with sickle-gloss (Sv01S) This flint blade has obvious macroscopic vitreous gloss, straight on both surfaces of the longitudinal sides and on their full length: 10mm width on the right side, with massive penetration in retouch depressions on the dorsal surface, and 3mm on the left side, with moderate penetration in the retouch depressions of the same areas) (Figure 3/1). The 3D scanning revealed intense wear of the sides, evidenced by microscopic gloss, and by rounded retouch ridges and cutting edges’ "teeth" (Figure 4/1–4). 190

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Figure 4. 3D image of the blade/sickle-saw with sickle gloss.

The microscopic observation using the high power approach method (200×) confirmed the existence of intense wear areas, more precisely the presence of strongly smoothed microstructures combined with longitudinal striations, parallel to the cutting edge, especially on the right side of the ventral surface (Figure 5/1–3). The left side presents smoothed microstructures, microscopic gloss and the cutting edge is rounded (Figure 5/4–6). Often, the longitudinal striations were strongly smoothed. These longitudinal striae, parallel to the cutting edges, are different from the "comet" shaped striations considered specific only for sickle blades used in crop harvesting (Korobkova 1993, 373, Figure 2.2; Skakun 2006, 41–42, fig. 41–42, 50–51; Bodi 2010, 99, pl. 29). The mentioned indicators of wear show a very high degree of usage of the artefact, more on the right side. This tool was employed in a bi-directional cutting move, back and forth, perpendicular to the sectioned material. We are therefore quite certain that it constituted a saw blade which was attached to a handle support and used in various operations of cutting/sawing wood and plants

Figure 5. Microscopic images (200×) of longitudinal sides of the blade/sickle-saw with sickle gloss. 191

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Figure 6. 3D images of knife blade.

moderately smoothed microstructures (Figure 7/2– 4). We observed various striations: longitudinal, parallel to cutting edges, angular and perpendicular to cutting edges (Figure 7/4, 6).

(reeds, grasses, cereals, etc.). We do not exclude the possibility that it was used for cutting bone and antler. 4.2. Knife blade (Sv02S)

In functional terms, the cutting edges of the long sides were mostly used on the top half area. Although the proximal half has been retouched too, the cutting edges are less used, due to fixing the blade in a handle.

This curved knife blade is categorised in the category of retouched tools (Figure 3/2). Its cuttingedges present medium wear, evidence of the relatively intense use.

As shown, this artefact has a medium wear degree, and was used for cutting and slicing meat, raw skin, bones from carcasses of animals, and for other domestic crafts and activities (cutting and cleaning/shaping objects of wood, skin, bone, horn maybe).

The 3D scanning revealed the existence of fractures on the cutting edges, both on the ventral surface, unretouched, and on the dorsal surface, different from intentional retouches (Figure 6/1–4). Although not visible macroscopically, the threedimensional image analysis showed the presence of polish (gloss) on the cutting edges (Figures 6/3–4; 7/ 1–2, 6). Moreover, this polish was visible through the high-power–approach microscope method too (Figure 7/1, 6), being slightly invasive in the retouches and wear fractures.

4.3. Scraper knife blade (Sv03S) This triangular knife blade (Figure 3/7) has a thick proximal half and is slightly asymmetrical. Unfortunately, we haven’t performed 3D scanning of this artefact.

The high-power–approach microscopic analysis (100–200×) revealed rounded cutting edges elements (Figure 7/4–6) and the existence of

However, the microscopic images show evidence of a slight polish (gloss) on the head and the cutting 192

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Figure 7. Microscopic images (100×, 200×) of the knife blade

Figure 8. Microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the scraper knife blade

edges (Figure 8/1, 3–6), more clearly on the right side. We observed a medium smoothing of the microstructures, a rounding of cutting edges and that the striae are missing (Figure 8/2–3, 7).

sides are slightly rounded (Figure 9/1–2, 6), especially on the top third, while the proximal portion of the tool was intentionally truncated, showing traces of polishing, rounding off and fracturing, which did not occurred only because of the hafting (Figure 9/3).

The association of wear indicators suggests a medium degree of use and that this artefact is a combined tool: knife, on the right side, which is sharp, and side-scraper/racloir on the left side, where we have also noticed fractures of use. This tool was used for cutting and scraping by longitudinal movements (the edge of the knife) and transversal moves (side-scraper/racloir) on medium hardness materials: skin, fresh wood. We do not exclude the possibility of using the artefact's tip for piercing. 4.4. Double drill (Sv04S) This drill (Figure 3/6) was crafted from a truncated blade by careful retouching; it is a tool whose very shape speaks about its functionality. 3D scanning analysis of the tip shows a strong rounding and a slight microscopic polish (Figure 9/4). The drilling operation involved the loss of material from the drill’s body, leaving fractures visible both macro- and microscopically (Figure 9/5–6).

Figure 9. The 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the double drill

The retouched cutting edges on the longitudinal 193

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There is no doubt that this artefact was used as a double drill, to make perforations of different diameters (5, 15, 20, and 25 millimetres) and depths (up to 50mm). First a perforation of smaller diameter was made and then the hole was broadened according to needs, with the same tool.

rounded ridges of the retouches and slight polish (Figure 10/1–2, 4). On the longitudinal sides, ventrally and dorsally retouched, we observed fractures (Figure 10/3), a slight polish (Figure 10/3, 6) and traces of resin (betulin) on the central part of the blade (Figure 10/5). On some surfaces (Figure 10/3) we noticed irregular short striae (curvo-linear, angular) perpendicular to the cutting edges.

According to the above use/wear indicators this artefact was used for a long time, as hand drill, for piercing materials of medium hardness (wood, bone, horn) or even higher hardness (bituminous shale, silt, etc.), by short, repeated rotation movements (Calley and Grace 1988; Grace 1989).

This tool represents a drill/awl used in drilling/piercing of fine artefacts made of bone and horn (beads, pendants, etc.). It was employed in combined operations of preparation (cutting, scraping) of raw materials and in finishing manufactured objects.

4.5. Drill/awl (Sv05S) This unbroken drill/awl (Figure 3/9), made from a medium size blade, shows many typological and functional similarities to the previous artefact, with respect to which it differs only in terms of its dimensions.

4.6. Knife blade (Sv06S) Crafted on a triangular unretouched blade, the knife (Figure 3/8) shows only traces of wear: miniature fractures on the cutting edges, microscopic slight polish on the cutting edges and the tip, angular striae on the edges, longitudinal scratches, parallel to the long axis and perpendicular to it (Figure 11).

The artefact shows a medium degree of wear and the wear indicators are different depending on the tool’s parts. Therefore, the tip is 1.5mm thick and presents

The knife has a low degree of use, probably in domestic operations: cutting meat, skins and related light operations (scraping of small and mediumhardness materials).

Figure 10. 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the drill/awl.

Figure 11. 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the knife blade. 194

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4.7. Double robust scraper (Sv07S)

on the longitudinal right cutting edge, with its slightly denticulated parallel quasi-steep retouches (Figures 13/1–2, and 4–5).

It is the only artefact in the analysed series that was crafted from a massive flake, in fact a piece of exhausted core/nucleus (Figure 3/10). The active margins were prepared at both ends, in the form of semi-circular cutting edges. The longitudinal profile is curved, resulting in an acute angle of "attack” when processing materials.

The tool had acquired during the functional stage a microscopic polish on the cutting edges, macro- and microscopic fractures and some irregular striations (Figure 13/1–4). Subsequently, this implement was reused as a "tooth" (insertion) of a composed sickle; on the left side we observed, quite difficultly, a macroscopic gloss angularly placed, which microscopically appears as smoothed microstructures (Figure 13/7) and linear striations, parallels to the cutting-edges (Figure 13/6).

The 3D scanning and high power approach microscopy showed the following signs of wear on the cutting edges: microscopic polish (Figure 12/2, 4, 6), perpendicular striations and scratches (Figure 12/4,6), fractures and rounded micro-structures (Figure 12/2–6).

Figure 13. 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the scraper/sickle insertion. Figure 12. 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the double scraper.

This combined scraper/sickle insertion has a medium degree of wear and was employed, according to operational stages, in scraping/cleaning and sectioning wood and tough animal materials (bone and horn), and subsequently for harvesting plants, mainly cereals.

The wear degree of this double scraper is reduced, the tool being used for scraping/cleaning materials of medium hardness (hide), without excluding episodes of processing of hard animal prefabs (bone, horn) and wood.

Under these circumstances, in typological terms, it is possible that the Chalcolithic people from Fetești–La Schit used two types of sickles during the Cucuteni B phase: (1) a nearly straight handle with one long flint blade, and (2) a curved handle with the cutting edge made of several blades and other tools, new or reused.

4.8. Combined scraper/sickle insertion (Sv08S) This tool (Figure 3/4) was prepared from an intentionally-truncated blade, initially a combined scraper (grattoir/racloir), as we can observe on the distal edge, which is linear and slightly curved, and 195

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Regardless of how it was attached to the shaft, the arrowhead was employed as a weapon for hunting and/or war. 5. Conclusions Summing up the results of traceological analysis carried out on the lot of flint tools and weapons from Fetești–La Schit helps us substantially in certifying the functionality of these implements and in the reconstitution, however partial, of some features of the economic life of the Cucuteni B communities. The tools and weapons of the analysed series were crafted from high-quality flint, by the specialized techniques of debitage and retouching, similar to other contemporary civilizations (Manolakakis 1996; 2000/2001; 2005; Skakun 2006). These artefacts proved to be poly-functional in most cases, denoting a special care in managing labour tools, even in the proximity of lithic raw materials sources. Figure 14. 3D and microscopic images (100× and 200×) of the knife bladelet

These lithic artefacts were designed and manufactured according to an established purpose, but during their use-life the tools and weapons were reused according to different necessities. Therefore, many use/wear traces are associated, when the new ones didn’t remove the older ones, in successive or more intense and difficult operations. Clearly, the efficiency and the productivity of a tool or weapon depended not only on its physical-mechanical and typological characteristics, but also on the knowledge and skills of the user.

4.9. Knife bladelet (Sv09S) This small artefact (Figure 3/3) doesn’t look like other tools from Fetești–La Schit, which have medium and large dimensions. This denotes that the inhabitants of this settlement have used all products of debitage (blades and flakes) that looked likely to be functional. This bladelet is unretouched but the longitudinal cutting-edges and top are finely denticulated, as a result of fractures of wear (Figure 14/1, 3–4). The cutting edges have slightly rounded microstructures (Figure 14/3–4) indicating a moderate degree of wear.

The standardization and the advanced specialization of the lithic artefacts developed by the Cucuteni communities speak about the great precision of technological gestures and the particular skills of the craftsmen, the existence of workshops and craft centres, the exchanges at various distances, including the communities of the neighbouring civilizations, with important economic and social meanings.

It was used for cutting meat and other foodstuff and non-food products, animal and non-animal. 4.10. Arrowhead (Sv10S) The only item from the analysed series which is undoubtedly a weapon is this small arrowhead (Figure 3/5) which doesn’t have any wear indicators.

The analysed series of flint tools and weapons is part of the typological-functional series already known for the cultural complex Ariuşd–Cucuteni– Tripolye (Korobkova 1974; 1987; Sorochin 1991a; 1991b; 2002, 67–84; Bodi 2010, 96–113).

Nonetheless, we observed a slight gloss on both of the surfaces, microscopically visible, which may be due to friction of the artefact with the leather quiver.

Unfortunately, not all of the results are fully satisfactory, requiring resumption and verification by other methods. 196

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Figure 15. 3D and microscopic images (40×) of the arrowhead.

We will certainly carry on the traceological analysis on the entire collection of lithic and non-lithic artefacts from this site, in order to get an overview on the Chalcolithic economy from Fetești–La Schit in conjunction with the initiation and development of a dedicated database containing the results of the experimental methods.

39–70. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Al. I. Cuza”, Accademia di Romania – Roma. Boghian, D. 2009. Din nou despre unele surse de materie primă pentru confecţionarea utilajului litic al comunităţilor complexului cultural Precucuteni-Cucuteni. Suceava. XXXIV–XXXVI, 117–146. Boghian, D., Ignătescu, S., Mareş I. and Niculică, B. 2004a. O locuinţă Cucuteni B de la Feteşti–La Schit, jud. Suceava. Memoria Antiqvitatis XXIII, 223–239.

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THE USE-WEAR ANALYSIS OF SOME KNAPPED STONE TOOLS FROM THE PRECUCUTENI SETTLEMENT OF ISAIIA–BALTA POPII, IAȘI COUNTY, ROMANIA Diana-Măriuca VORNICU "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (Romania), Faculty of History Abstract. The lithic tools were analysed by combining the high power and the low power. The use wear analysis revealed some activities like harvesting cereals and hide working. There were also discovered some use traces made by some material(s) on the nature of which we cannot pronounce yet. Keywords: Precucuteni culture, use-wear analysis, stone tools, lithic assemblage, hide processing.

made, leading to a more mature and balanced form of the method (Jensen 1988, 59). In addition to the classic optical microscopy (stereo and reflected light microscopy) other types of microscopy—scanning electron microscopy, atomic force microscopy, laser p r o filometry, laser scanning confocal microscopy—and different methods of quantifying polish with image analysis were proposed by different studies (Beyries et al., 1988; E va n s a n d D o n a h u e 2 0 0 8 ; González-Urquijo and IbáñEstévez 2003; Grace 1989; Knutsson 1988; Kimball et al., 1995; Stemp and Stemp 2001). But no matter what was the technical choice of the analyst, the base of the method still remains experimentation, and a large collection of experiments allows the quantification of all use-wear variables for establishing patterns of traces, as van den Dries and van Gijn have demonstrated (van den Dries and van Gijn 1997).

1. Introduction Use-wear analysis is a relatively new field in Romanian archaeology, and we consider necessary a brief history of the method. In the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, interpretations of the possible use of the prehistoric tools were mainly based on ethnographical comparisons. Also, in the same period Spurell made observations on what is now called sickle gloss (Spurell 1892, 53–59). The work that made the difference was Semenov's Pervobitnaya tekhnika (1957), later translated into English as Prehistoric Technology (Semenov 1964). Through his work, Semenov became the precursor of the modern use-wear analysis of stone and bone tools. Based on his own experiments, on ethnographic analogies, and on microscopic analysis, Semenov approached most of the aspects of a complete study of lithic analysis. Semenov's work was the impulse that the study of lithics needed to overcome the positivist phase that was bogging down the discipline. Developed because of the Marxist interest for the study of production techniques in ancient societies (Plisson 1988, 148), Semenov's traceological method had a great impact on world archaeology, especially in the United States and Europe, where the method later developed in other cultural and scientific contexts. The '70s and the '80s were the periods that brought the development of the method and also the (nowadays almost forgotten) fake dichotomy of low power approach vs. high power approach. Odell's (1977), Keely's (1980), Vaughan's (1985), and Anderson-Gerfaud's (1980) work also fed the growing optimism on the possibility of use-wear analysis to interpret the real use of the tools discovered in archaeological excavations. After the failure of the blind tests from London and Tübingen, the analysts became aware of the mistakes they

At the time Semenov made his method well known, Romanian archaeology already proclaimed its tributariness to the Marxist ideology (and the interest for tools of production was axiomatic in the new embraced ideology). But the method developed by the Russian school had no followers in our country (for the failure of Marxism in Romanian archaeology see Anghelinu 2003). Unfortunately, even after 1989, an interest for use-wear analysis did not appear. The first archaeologists who tried to make some use-wear observations on a lithic assemblage were Bodi (2005, 2010), and later Boghian and his research team (2011). 2. Methods Our use-wear analysis was done in the Laboratory for Artefact Studies from the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden, Netherlands. We want to 201

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thank to Annelou van Gijn, Annemieke Verbaas, and Virginia Garcia Diaz for helping us interpret the use-wear from the tools. All the photographs presenting the microscopic use-wear from the tools were made in the Laboratory for Artefact Studies.

After their discovery, the lithic pieces were cleaned with citric acid, labelled with a white paste (from zinc oxide, water and polyvinyl acetate) on which it was written with a pen, measured with a metallic beam compass, and finally drawn. Because of the post-excavation treatment, some traces could be observed on the pieces. Although we tried to clean the white mark-paste (which obstructed the surface of the tools) with acetone, not the entire surface of the pieces was entirely cleaned, some paste still adhering to the surface (Figure 1/a); also the scratches from the metallic beam compass are visible on the edges (Figure 1/b). Also affecting the surface and the edges is the graphite from the pencil used for drawing the tools (Figure 1/c).

The use-wear features we considered are those described by Keely (1980), Vaughan (1985) and van Gijn (1989): edge removal, edge rounding, polish and striations. Thus, we combined the low power with high power using a stereomicroscope and a reflected light microscope. Our discourse might seem useless, because of the low number of the pieces subjected to analysis (ca. 3% of the lithic assemblage), and because the pieces were randomly selected, without any real criteria. But these are the results of the first analysed pieces of the whole assemblage from the Precucutenian site of Isaiia, Iași County, Romania, and the paper hereby is just a preliminary analysis.

From the first Precucutenian level from Isaiia we analysed an endscraper (inv. no. ID419—Figure 2/e) and a scraper (ID500—Figure 2/c) from dwelling L8A, as well as an unretouched blade discovered near the dwelling (ID497), a scraper from pit 48 (ID753), and from the cultural layer, without belonging to an archaeological complex, a mesial fragment of a blade with visible sickle gloss (ID690—Figure 3/a), an endscraper (ID755—Figure 2/a), and a microlithic trapeze (ID657).

The early Chalcolithic (Precucuteni culture) settlement from Isaiia–Balta Popii is situated on the first non-floodable terrace of the Jijia River, near its confluence with the Prut River. The site is very well known in the archaeological literature for some of its spectacular finds (for more information on the site see Ursulescu and Tencariu 2006). Because the site is multi-layered we would like to state from the beginning that only the Precucutenian lithic assemblage was the target of the analysis. The Precucutenian lithic assemblage excavated from the site comprises 829 pieces. The raw material used for tools was the so called Prut flint (a very fine grained flint), which could have been collected, as nodules, from the banks of the Prut River. The nodules were gathered from the banks (the distance from the settlement to the raw material being somewhere from 5km to 15km) and brought in the settlement where they were knapped. As a result, the lithic assemblage discovered at Isaiia comprises cores, cortical flakes (entame flakes and flakes with different percentages of cortex on their surface), flakes of different morphology, nodules brought in the settlement but never worked, and, of course, plein débitage blades.

3. Results The microlithic trapeze (ID657) is one of the three such items discovered in the settlement (as a side note, we mention that the total number of microliths discovered in the contemporaneous settlements belonging to the same culture is low). The examined trapeze displays only fatigue wear, but no abrasive wear (as defined by Dockall 1997). So, for the moment, we abstain from advancing any interpretation of the use of the trapeze. The microscopic analysis of the scrapers and endscrapers from the first level of habitation suggests a possible interpretation of their use as hide scrapers. The use wear from these tools has the same characteristics as the experimental ones used for hide scraping. One of the scrapers (ID755— Figure 2/a) has a visible polish, macroscopically resembling sickle gloss; when seen at the microscope, the polish is of the same kind as the one developed from scraping hide with mineral additives.

Our analysis had the purpose of determining the kinetics of the tools, the material on which they were used, and the hafting (if it was the case). The analysed sample is composed of seven endscrapers, seven unretouched blades and a retouched one, three scrapers, a trapeze, and a borer. The pieces come from all three of the site's Precucutenian levels.

The mesial fragment from an unretouched blade (ID690—Figure 3/a) with sickle gloss on both edges, was indeed used for harvesting cereals. The palynological analysis for the Isaiia site showed that domestic cereals were cultivated in the hinterland of 202

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the settlement (Bodi et al., 2011). As we stated before, the use traces can be found on both of the tool's edges. They indicate a prolonged use of the tool, probably until it became ineffective, judging from the heavy edge removal and rounding. The fragment was inserted into a sickle, probably a Karanovo type sickle (as experimentally reconstructed by Skakun 1993, fig. 3).

The other unretouched blade from the first level (ID497) is a fragmentary one, without its distal end. The analysis of the microscopic wear indicates a use on longitudinal movements (cutting, sawing) on a material on the origin of which we cannot pronounce yet. As these kinds of traces appear on other blades from the settlement, we think that a short presentation is necessary: the edge removals are mainly hinge, bifacial, the edge rounding is not so well developed, and the polish (which has the same appearance on both of the surfaces of the cutting edge) is animal and also plant like. All the blades that have these kind of use-wear (we called this unknown wear trace 1-UT1) have a very sharp edge. Because we haven't managed to reproduce all the traits of use-wear described above, we prefer to refrain from any other interpretation. From the second level of the Precucutenian settlement we chose, for the microscopic analysis, an endscraper (ID650—Figure 2/d) and an unretouched blade (ID697—Figure 3/c) discovered in dwelling L7, an unretouched blade fragment (ID276—Figure 3/b) and a borer (ID725—Figure 2/g) related to dwelling L8, a retouched blade (ID727—Figure 3/d), and an endscraper (ID831) (with no use traces) from the cultural layer. The endscrapers from this level were used (except for the one with no traces) for hide scraping. The unretouched blade fragment from dwelling L8 (ID276) has use traces on both edges. The sickle gloss from one of the edges, seen at the metallurgical microscope, resembles the polish developed from harvesting cereals. But the other edge of the blade has the characteristics of hide working (the directionality being both transversal and longitudinal). This edge was broke, probably for a better insertion in the sickle. The borer (ID725) was probably used for boring hides, as the use-wear suggests; also its right edge has microscopic wear resembling with that from the experimental hide scraping. The other blades from the second level have the same unknown traces, on both edges. From the last Precucutenian level from Isaiia we analysed three unretouched blades, three endscrapers, and one scraper. Two of the blades (ID158—Figure 3/g, ID291— Figure 3/f) were found in dwelling L6, are both unretouched, and have the same UT1, pretty heavily developed. One blade (ID158—Figure 3/g) was used with only one edge, while both of the edges of the other (ID291—Figure 3/f) were used. The third blade (ID600—Figure 3/e), also presenting UT1

Figure 1. Post-excavation wear on lithic tools from Isaiia. Arrows point at: a. white paste residues; b. metal scratches; c. graphite residues from drawing pencil. 203

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Figure 2. Hide processing tools from the site of Isaiia–Balta Popii: a. ID755 (200×); b. ID210 (200×); c. ID500 (200×); d. ID650 (200×); e. ID419; f. ID737; g. ID725; h. ID450.

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Figure 3. Blades from the site of Isaiia–Balta Popii used for cereal harvesting: a. ID690 (200×) cereal harvesting and hide processing; b. (ID276) (200×) unknown material; c. ID697 (200×); d. ID727; e. ID600 (200×) (incision on the blade seen at a metallurgical microscope -200×); f. ID291; g. ID158. 205

their surface made uniform with the help of additives such as animal fat, fish oil (Butură 1978), animal brain or liver (van Gijn 2010). We can also presume that the skin was waterproofed and treated with different agents against rotting.

discovered in the cultural layer, has on both sides two incisions (also macroscopically visible) that go over the tool in a transversal–oblique direction. The same kind of incisions, having the same disposal on the tool, was also identified on another blade with a visible sickle gloss on one of the edges. The nature of these incisions is unknown; they are clearly not excavation accidents, nor caused by metal tools.

The existence in the lithic assemblage from Isaiia of an endscraper used in hide processing with mineral additives must not surprise us, because mineral additives can be used in defleshing and cleaning the skins (being abrasive), or could be used in colouring the skins. The analysis of just one endscraper used for hide scraping with mineral additives does not necessarily mean that cleaning skins with mineral additives was a common technique in the Precucutenian site. Only the analysis of the whole lithic assemblage from the site will show us what the real importance of hide processing in the economic life of the settlement was. Also, we must not forget that in hide processing not only flint tools were involved, but also bone, antler, or wood tools.

The scraper (ID210—Figure 2/b) and endscrapers (ID450—Figure 2/h, ID737—Figure 2/f, ID839) from the last level were all used for hide scraping, and some of them, as seen in the figures, had more than one active part. 4. Interpretation The use-wear analysis of the twenty tools from the Precucutenian levels of the Isaiia–Balta Popii site revealed some of the economic and subsistence activities that the people which lived in this settlement engaged in.

The estimated number of domestic animals from the settlement is pretty high, to which we add the hunted animals (Haimovici 2004). Having only a preliminary analysis on such a small assemblage, we cannot talk yet about the importance of hide processing in the settlement and whether the hides were also traded.

We now know for sure that the people from this settlement used not only the meat of the hunted or domesticated animals, but also their hides. Since hide is a perishable material, is very unlikely to ever find it through archaeological excavation in Precucutenian or Cucutenian sites. But having the testimony, on stone tools, that skins were indeed processed, we now can talk about hide processing in the Precucutenian site from Isaiia. Nine of the ten scrapers (including endscrapers) analysed were used for hide processing, alongside a borer and a blade from the same assemblage. Because we cannot reconstitute all the stages of hide processing only by analysing the archaeological material, ethnographic and experimental data could provide the rest of the necessary information. We know that the skin can be processed while still fresh or dried, after skinning the animal, or after a period in which the skin stayed in water (Butură 1978). Depending on the requested final product, the skins will be, or not, dehaired. After skinning the animal, defleshing of the skin is necessary, as is the removal of the subcuticus (van Gijn 1989). Dehairing is ussuualy done after defleshing and after the skin undergone bacterial processes or was kept in an alkaline agent which will ease the pulling away/epilation of the hair: urine (Clemente-Conte 2005, 43), ash (van Gijn 2010, 80), calcium lime (Butură 1978, 402). After dehairing, the skin is dried or put in some vegetal substances that react with the collagen (van Gijn 2010); in Romanian ethnography, the use of juices made from alder, oak or holm bark is cited (Butură 1978). After drying, the skins must be thinned and

Another aspect of the life of the Precucutenian inhabitants from Isaiia, documented by the use-wear traces, is agriculture. We want to draw attention on the problem of blades interpreted as sickle insertions. Although the two blades with sickle gloss were indeed used for harvesting cereals, this does not necessary mean that all the tools with visible sickle gloss from the site were used in the same way. A macroscopically visible polish can also be the result of using a tool on other siliceous plants, ceramics, sods, jet, or hide with mineral additives as was the case earlier. We posit that both of the blade fragments believed to have been employed in harvesting cereals were used as sickle insertion, most probably of the Karanovo type. Although the sample under scrutiny is small, it nonetheless brought to our attention some problems, which have never occurred before, concerning the settlement from Isaiia. Firstly, a question is what was the extent of the hide processing activity that took place here? Were they processing hide only for their own use, or even for trade? Secondly, was the use of mineral additives in hide processing a frequent occurrence, and if it was, in what stage of the hide manufacturing process did it take place, and 206

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what minerals were used? The presence of red mineral spots on a core from the same site could give us a clue, but until further investigation is conducted, we prefer to refrain from any conclusions. Because the analysed sample is small, we could not establish whether other materials were used by the Precucutenian community from Isaiia. For example, we did not analyse any tool that can be put into connexion with wood, bone, antler, or plant processing (except cereals). A lot of the objects that prehistoric people had in their houses or used in different moment of their existence were probably made from perishable materials. These artefacts did not resist the passing of time, but we might find out about their processing from the analysis of lithic tools. The world of the prehistoric man was more complex than we can see it through the archaeological finds; unfortunately, we will never know if the beautiful Cucutenian statuettes made from clay had wooden correspondents, or if they were surpassed in terms of the importance placed on them, by the wooden objects that have not survived to this day. But if time and fire destroyed the objects fashioned from wood, bark, fibres, or hide, the traces of their processing are still present on the lithic tools their creators used.

Beyries, S., Delamare, F. and Quantin, J-C. 1988. Tracéologie et rugosimétrie tridimesionnelle. In S. Beyries (ed.) Industrie Lithique. Tracéologie et technologie, vol. 2: Aspects méthodologique (ii), 115–132. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Bodi, G. 2005. Studiul traseologic al utilajului litic cioplit din aşezarea cucuteniană de fază A de la Hoiseşti. Consideraţii preliminare. Carpica XXXIV, 373–384. Bodi, G. 2010. Hoiseşti–La Pod. O aşezare cucuteniană pe Valea Bahluiului. Iaşi, Editura PIM. Bodi, G., Cavaleriu, R., Danu, M., and Pârnău, R. 2011. The integrated analysis of archaeological, pedological, palynological and archaeozoological data from NeoEneolithic sites from Eastern Romania, Research grant report. (online: te172.blogspot.com; accessed: 18 February 2012). Boghian, D., Frunză, Gh., Suciu C., and Ignătescu S., Traceological analysis on a number of Cucutenian lithic tools of the Feteşti – La Schit site (Adâncata commune, Suceava county). In V. Cotiugă and Șt. Caliniuc (eds.), First Arheoinvest Congress – Interdisciplinary Research in Archaeology. June 10th-11th, 2011, Iaşi, Romania (programme and abstracts), 69. Iași, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”. Butură, V. 1978. Etnografia poporului român. Cultura materială. Cluj–Napoca, Editura Dacia.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank to Professor Nicolae Ursulescu (Faculty of History, "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași) for allowing us to study the tools from the archaeological site of Isaiia. We would also like to thank Professor Annelou van Gijn, Annemieke Verbaas, and Virginia Garcia-Diaz (Laboratory for Artefacts Studies, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University) for helping us interpret the use-wear analysis, and for the logistic support. We also thank Eric Mulder, from the same laboratory.

Clemente-Conte, I. 2005. The manufacture and use of leather consumption goods by the Yamana of Tunel VII, northern coast of Beagle Channel (Argentina): an ethnographic evaluation and its archaeological comparison. In X. Terradas (ed.), L’outilage lithique en contexts etnoarchéologique. Lithic Toolkits in Ethnoarchaeological Contexts, 41–46. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Dockall, J. E. 1997. Wear traces and projectile impact: a review of the experimental and archaeological evidence. Journal of Field Archaeology 24, 3, 321–331.

This work was supported by the European Social Fund in Romania, under the responsibility of the Managing Authority for the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development 2007–2013 [grant POSDRU/88/1.5/S/47646]

van den Dries, M., van Gijn, A. 1997. The representativity of experimental usewear traces. In A. Ramos-Millan and A. Bustillo (eds.), Siliceous Rocks and culture, 499-513. Granada, Universidad de Granada.

References Anderson, P. 1980. A testimony of prehistoric tasks: diagnostic residues on stone tool working edges. World Archaeology 12, 181–194.

Evans, A.A. and Donahue, R.E. 2008. Laser scanning confocal microscopy: a potential technique for the study of lithic microwear. Journal of Archaeological Science 35, 2223–2230.

Anghelinu, M. 2003. Evoluţia gândirii teoretice în arheologia românească. Concepte şi modele aplicate în preistorie. Târgovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun.

van Gijn, A. 1989. The wear and tear of flint. Principles of functional analysis applied to Dutch Neolithic assemblages. Leiden, University of Leiden.

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Grace, R. 1989. Interpreting the function of stone tools: the quantification and computerisation of microwear analysis. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

Plisson, H. 1988. Aperu sur la tracéologie soviétique contemporaine. In S. Beyries (ed.), Industrie Lithique. Tracéologie et technologie, vol. 2: Aspects méthodologique (ii), 147–167. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

Gonzlez-Urquijo, J. E. and Ib-Estévez, J. J. 2003. The quantification of use-wear polish using image analysis. First results. Journal of Archaeological Science 30, 481489.

Semenov, S. 1964. Prehistoric Technology: experimental study of the oldest tools and artefacts from an traces of manufacture and wear. London, Cory, Adams & Mackay.

Haimovici, S. 2004. Archaeozoological study: Eneolithical site from Isaiia. In L. Bejenaru (ed.), Archaeozoology and palaeozoology summercourses, 97– 112. Iaşi, Editura Universităţii „Al. I. Cuza”.

Skakun, N. 1993. Agricultural implements in the Neolithic and Eneolithic cultures of Bulgaria. In P. Anderson, S. Beyries, M. Otte, and H. Plisson (eds.), Traces et function: les gestes retrouvés. Actes du colloque international de Liège, 8-9-10 décembre 1990, vol. 2, 361–368. Liège, ERAUL 50.

Jensen, H. J. 1988. Functional analysis of prehistoric tools by high-power microscopy: a review of west European research. Journal of World Prehistory 2 (1), 53–88.

Spurrell, F. 1892. Notes on early sickles. Archaeological Journal 49, 53–59.

Keely, L. 1980. Experimental determination of stone tool uses. Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press. Kimball, L.R., Kimball, J.F. and Allen, P.E. 1995. Microwear polishes as viewed through the atomic force microscope. Lithic Technology 20, 6–28.

Stemp, W.J. and Stemp, M. 2001. UBM laser profilometry and lithic use-wear analysis: a variable length scale investigation of surface topography. Journal of Archaeological Science 28, 81–88.

Knutsson, K. 1988. Patterns of tool use. Scanning electron microscopy of experimental quartz tools. Upsala, Uplasa University Press.

Ursulescu, N. and Tencariu, F.-A. 2006. Religie şi magie la est de Carpaţi acum 7000 de ani, Tezaurul cu obiecte de cult de la Isaiia. Iaşi, Casa Editorială Demiurg.

Odell, G. 1977. The application of micro-wear analysis to the lithic component of an entire prehistoric settlement: methods, problems, and functional reconstructions. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Toronto.

Vaughan, P. 1985. Use-wear analysis of flaked stone tools. Tucson, University of Arizona Press

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ATYPICAL LOCAL ACCUMULATION OF CALCIUM CARBONATE DEPOSITS IN PREHISTORIC CERAMICS DURING UNDERGROUND LYING Vasile COTIUGĂ, Ion SANDU, Viorica VASILACHE, Nicolae URSULESCU "Alexandru Ioan Cuza University" of Iaşi (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform Abstract. The study focused on an anthropomorphic female statuette from a ritual complex discovered in the L1 dwelling from the Precucutenian settlement of Isaiia, Iaşi County (Romania). Statuette no. 6 was broken in two along a line running across the pelvis, and the resulting sectional profile is bilobed. The interior of the pelvis presented macroporous grezous cavities filled with crystallized calcium carbonate, of immaculate white colour and hardness greater than that of gypsum. The investigation (SEM-EDX and micro-FTIR) revealed the presence of aragonite (an allotropic form of calcium carbonate) originating from active calcium carbonate (calcite) that maturated and coalesced as the aluminosilicate structures dissoluted. The deposit presents a peculiar arrangement resulting from an atypical sequential process of chronological concentration through ion exchange chemical reactions, and through processes of direct osmosis via the semi-membrane system of the slip clogged with phosphate, silicate, and aluminate anions during lying in the presence of chlorine, phosphate and sulphate anions, as well as potassium, magnesium and iron cations from the soil. The experimental data explain the chemical processes behind the formation of this mineral deposit, stable and sparingly soluble, resulting from natural rather than anthropic causes. Keywords: Chalcolithic, Precucuteni culture, aragonite, anthropomorphic female statuette, SEM-EDX, micro-FTIR.

(Figure 2), of a white-coloured deposit in the central area of the two buttocks (Figure 3). Even if it was obvious that any organic material in the paste would have not been preserved to this day, we nonetheless pursued the question of what is the cause of this deposit, by subjecting it to a co-joint SEM-EDX– micro-FTIR analysis.

1. Introduction It happened many times that an archaeologist would find in the breaks or cracks of some prehistorical ceramic item (especially in anthropomorphic statuettes), localised deposits of a monolithic white substance, with a hardness greater than that of gypsum, beautifully crystallised at the nanostructural level. Not knowing the chemistry behind the manufacturing process (Goffer 2007) archaeologists believed these substances present in the paste of the ceramic had anthropic origins, ascribing to them a cultic character.

2. Experimental part To investigate the deposit of crystallised and aggregated salts we employed two modern methods based on the system of technique co-assistance, SEM-EDX and micro-FTIR.

This interpretation would seem to have been not far from the truth if we consider the fact that in the paste of several Precucuteni (Trypillia A) and Cucuteni (Trypillia B) anthropomorphic female statuettes archaeologists have identified impressions of cereal caryopses, either whole or crushed, which were confirmed through X-ray radiography (Monah 1997, 52–53). Moreover, the paste of a statuette belonging to the Linear Pottery culture displayed traces of cereal flour (Höckmann 1987, 90–91, fig. 1/1–2). This deliberate mix has been interpreted as a ritual gesture through which the body of the goddess (the statuette), standing in for Terra Mater, was inseminated (Monah 1997, 54).

We used a scanning electron microscope, SEM VEGA II LSH model, produced by TESCAN, coupled with an EDX detector QX2 QUANTAX type, manufactured by Bruker/ROENTEC Germany. The microscope, fully controlled via computer, has an electron gun with a tungsten filament that can achieve a resolution of 3nm to 30kVA, with a magnification of 30×, a 1.000.000× operating mode "resolution" of acceleration voltage between 200V to 30kV, and a scanning speed of 200ns and 10ms per pixel. The pressure is less than 1×10-2Pa. The resulting image can be formed by secondary electrons (SE) and backscatter electron (BSE).

The recent attempt to preserve and the well-known cultic complex from Isaiia, Iași County, Romania (Ursulescu and Tencariu 2006), belonging to the 2nd phase of the Precucuteni culture (Figure 1), lead to the identification in the transversal break along the pelvis of the anthropomorphic statuette no. 6

The Quantax QX2 EDX detector was used for qualitative and quantitative micro-analysis. The EDX detector is of the third generation (X-Flash), which does not require liquid nitrogen cooling and is about 10 times faster than conventional Si (Li) detectors. 209

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Figure 1. The cultic complex from Isaiia, Iași County, Romania; phase II of the Precucuteni culture (apud Ursulescu and Tencariu 2006, pl. III).

Figure 2. Statuette no. 6. Drawing (ap. Ursulescu and Tencariu 2006, fig.22/6).

Figure 3. The broken statuette no. 6 with white mineral deposits in the central area of the buttocks.

The analysis technique, alongside the inspection of the microphotograph, allows the rendering of the image with the map (layout) of the atoms on the investigated surface. On the basis of the X-ray spectrum, we can also establish the elemental composition (in gravimetric or molar percentages) of a microstructure or of a selected area, and also to assess the compositional variation along a vector running along the surface or section of the investigated structure.

The FT-IR spectrophotometer is a TENSOR 27 type, which is adequate particularly for measuring in the Near-IR spectrum. The standard detector is a DLaTGS that covers the spectral domain between 7500 and 350cm-1. The TENSOR 27 is equipped with a He–NE laser that emits at 633 nm and at a power of 1mW, and with a ROCKSOLID alignment of the interferometer. The signal-to-noise ratio is very high. The device is fully controllable through the dedicated OPUS software package.

2.2. The micro-FTIR Analysis

The HYPERION 1000 microscope is an accessory that can be coupled with almost any Bruker FT-IR spectrometer. For measurements that are completely non-destructive, the TENSOR 27 spectrophotometer is coupled to the HYPERION 1000 microscope; the

The spectra were recorded using a FT-IR spectrometer coupled by a HYPERION 1000 microscope, both manufactured by Brucker Optic. 210

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temperature. Because of these conditions, the crystallisation and aggregation occurred in several stages, during a long time span, apparently simultaneously with the processes that lead to the formation of the cavities through the dissolution and segregation of the aluminosilicates. Such stable deposits form through an acidic-basic mechanism of ion exchange in which Ca2+ ions in the lying environment react in slightly alkaline mediums generated in situ, with HCO3-hydrous carbonate anions. The acicular (puffy) nanostructures, which are very rigid at the macro level, bear witness to a long crystallisation and maturation-aggregation period.

solid samples are generally handled in reflection mode. The OPUS/VIDEO software allows for interactive video data acquisition, in two working configurations (in transmission and in reflexion). The detector is a MCT type, cooled with liquid nitrogen (-196° C). The spectral domain is 600–7500cm-1, and the measured are is optimised at a diameter of 250μm, with the possibility of reaching a minimum of 20μm. The microscope is equipped with a 15× lens.

The directed concentration of aragonite is explained by the osmotic potential generated by the difference in concentration, with two processes taking place concurrently and in opposite directions: (1) the penetration through diffusion and osmosis of the two reactant species (Ca2+ and HCO3-) from the surface towards the two cavities inside the buttocks, and (2) the formation of the two cavities through the dissolution and segregation of the ceramic structures. The propensity for dissolution of these internal structures is due to the difference in porosity and hardness between the surface and the core of the artefact during the manufacturing stage, and the diffusion of the reactant species from the lying environment towards the internal structures is due to the osmotic pressure generated by the engobe, which acts as a semi-permeable and selective membrane. Figure 4. The SEM microphotography of the aragonite acicular crystallites from the central area of the deposit.

The EDX spectrum in Figure 8, created on the basis of the microstratigraphic structures in Figure 7, reveals a series of ionic components (Figure 9) that originated from the lying environment and the solubilisation of the artefact's central internal ceramic structures.

3. Results and discussion Figure 4 depicts the microphotography of the crystallites at 5000× magnification, collected from the central area of the deposit, in the central portion of the cavities formed during lying inside the buttocks, in which the presence of acicular nanostructures clustering together in immaculatelywhite, puffy clumps is clearly visible.

The forming of the nanostructured aragonite deposit was due to specific conditions created by the fine, microporous ceramic from the core of the statuette's buttocks, and the presence of HO- and Ca2+ ions and of several other ionic species with alkaline reactivity (K+, Mg2+, Fe2+, HPO42-, etc.), with the aluminosilicate crystallites (acting as crystallisation stems for the calcite) suffering from processes of dissolution and segregation towards the surface of the artefact. Their role as crystallisation agents favoured, following the dissolution processes, the conversion of the calcium carbonate structure, from calcite to aragonite. In these conditions, the Ca2+ ions, in the presence of the alkaline precursors, interacts with

The EDX spectrum (Figure 5), on the basis of which the gravimetric and atomic percentage composition was assessed (Figure 1), clearly shows that the deposit is composed of calcium carbonate (in the aragonite allotropic form), which accumulated during underground lying under the influence of pedological factors. The lying stratigraphic level is characterised by a chemical loading that varied throughout time in terms of concentration, pH, and 211

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When the statuette was discovered, the deposit inside was well consolidated, with a hardness between that of gypsum and of fluorite.

the hydrous carbonate anion, which then converts, through decomposition, first to calcite. The substitution of the aluminosilicate crystallisation stems with calcium carbonate drives the densification of the calcite, which then, through maturation, converts to acicularly crystallised aragonite. During the lying period, the osmotic processes for the Ca2+ and HCO3- ions directed from the surface of the ceramic item towards the deposit in the cavities, concurrently with the solubilised silicate and aluminate ions going from the core to the surface of the artefact, lead to a gradual maturation of the crystallites, followed by the monolithisation of the aragonite.

Figure 10 presents the FTIR spectre, which confirms the chemical nature of the aragonite deposit, unpurified by precursors and aluminosilicates from the ceramic, as attested by the representative peaks of the specific group vibrations for the species carbonate (697cm-1, 730cm-1, 1306cm-1), silicates (620cm-1 and 1162cm-1), aluminates (813cm-1), water from crystal hydrates (1617cm-1), and those physically bound by hydrogen, aqua-, and hydrocomplexes bonds (3403cm-1).

Figure 5. The EDX spectrum of a sample collected from the core of the deposit. Element Calcium Carbon Silicon Aluminium Iron Potassium Magnesium Oxygen -

[norm. wt.-%] 17.38394 6.072849 4.044039 2.021104 0.915657 0.758237 0.316153 68.48802 100

[norm. at.-%] 7.904066 9.213439 2.623865 1.364993 0.298773 0.353391 0.237034 78.00444 100

Error in % 0.656452 2.441248 0.253939 0.159749 0.064532 0.05959 0.058058 11.00388 -

Figure 6. The elemental composition of the deposit in gravimetric and molar percentages. 212

V. COTIUGĂ, I. SANDU, V. VASILACHE, N. URSULESCU: ATYPICAL LOCAL ACCUMULATION OF CALCIUM CARBONATE DEPOSITS IN PREHISTORIC CERAMICS DURING UNDERGROUND LYING

Figure 7. The SEM microphotograph of the structure inside the statuette.

Figure 8. The EDX spectrum for the mineral structure inside the statuette. Element Silicon Aluminium Iron Titanium Calcium Carbon Phosphorus Magnesium Potassium Sodium Chlorine Sulphur Oxygen -

[norm. wt.-%] 22.28747 11.60182 4.128861 0.52068 3.761646 6.22557 0.306343 1.648245 1.931946 1.114372 0.313876 0.205783 45.95339 100

[norm. at.-%] 15.92341 8.628138 1.483501 0.21821 1.883343 10.40058 0.198459 1.360767 0.991505 0.972643 0.17765 0.128772 57.63302 100

Error in % 1.039876 0.633296 0.161587 0.057164 0.159733 2.681186 0.054398 0.151271 0.105144 0.142394 0.049965 0.045435 44.70424 -

Figure 9. The elemental composition of the statuette's internal structure. 213

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Figure 10. The FTIR spectrum of the aragonite deposit.

two concurrent osmotic processes caused the maturation of the calcite crystallites, followed by the monolithisation of the aragonite; when the statuette was discovered, the deposit was well cemented, and possessed a hardness between that of gypsum and of fluorite.

4. Conclusions The data provided by the SEM-EDX and microFTIR experimental investigation revealed that the mineral deposit from the cavities within the buttocks of a female anthropomorphic Precucuteni statuette is aragonite. The deposit has an immaculate-white colour, and was formed during the time the artefact lay buried, when two simultaneous processes took place in opposite directions: (1) the diffusion and osmosis from the surface towards the two internal cavities of the Ca2+, HCO3- , and HPO42- ions; and (2) the dissolution and segregation of the ceramic aluminosilicate structures from within the buttocks, and the formation of the two cavities.

Acknowledgments For Vasile Cotiugă, this work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE2011-3-0885 — Religion and Art in the CucuteniTripolye Civilization (V–IV Millennia CAL B.C.).

References

The high solubility of these internal structures was an effect of the difference in porosity and hardness between the surface and the core of the item, features which are the direct results of the manufacturing technique employed by the craftsman; similarly, the difference in the osmotic pressure was due to the engobe, which acted as a membrane at the surface of the statuette.

Goffer, Z. 2007. Archaeological Chemistry. New Jersey, Wiley-Interscience John Wiley & Sons. Höckmann, O. 1987. Gemeinsamkeiten in der Plastik der Linearkeramik und der Cucuteni-Kultur. In M. PetrescuDîmbovița, N. Ursulescu, D. Monah, and V. Chirica (eds.), La civilisation de Cucuteni en context européen, 89–97. Iași, Universitatea „Al. I. Cuza”.

The monolithic aragonite deposit formed through the aggregation of active calcium carbonate is attributable to the processes of densification and maturation involving aluminosilicate crystallisation stems that were gradually solubilised and replaced with carbonate anions. Therefore, during lying, the

Monah, D. 1997. Plastica antropomorfă a culturii Cucuteni-Tripolie. Piatra-Neamț, Muzeul de Istorie. Ursulescu N. and Tencariu F. A. 2006. Religie și magie la est de Carpați acum 7000 de ani. Tezaurul cu obiecte de cult de la Isaiia. Iași, Casa Editorială „Demiurg”. 214

COMBINING MULTI-SPECTRAL IMAGING AND PORTABLE X-RAY FLUORESCENCE FOR A NON-INVASIVE CHARACTERIZATION OF CUCUTENI DECORATIVE CERAMICS. IMPLICATIONS FOR AUTHENTICATION STUDIES Daniela-Afrodita BOLDEA1, Marta QUARANTA2, Rocco MAZZEO2, Mirela PRAISLER1 1 2

"Dunărea de Jos" University of Galaţi (Romania), Department of Chemistry, Physics and Environment, University of Bologna, Microchemistry and Microscopy Art Diagnostic Laboratory, Ravenna (Italy)

Abstract. Several samples of Cucuteni ceramic shards originating from settlements in Iaşi County (Romania), and fake ceramic shards obtained by experimental archaeology have been investigated. The aim of the study was to propose an objective and noninvasive criteria, based on adequate physico-chemical methods that can be employed for distinguishing original items from false ceramic samples which might be encountered on the black market of historical artefacts. All the ceramic samples have been analyzed by means of a multispectral imaging system and a portable energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectrometer. The comparative study focused on the characterization of pigments applied as decorative motifs. The integrated analytical approach provided an effective method for authentication studies. The possibility to distinguish between fakes and original specimens on the basis of the composition of the pigments is demonstrated, even for the cases when no differences could be found for the nature of the ceramic bodies. For instance, it was found that phosphorous can be considered a marker for the discrimination of original black pigments. It is worth underlining that the analytical equipment used in this study has also the major advantage of portability, thus allowing insitu or at border check-points identification of genuine or fake Cucuteni ceramic ware. The limitations of the analytical procedure are also discussed. Keywords: Chalcolithic, Cucuteni culture, ceramics, ED-XRF, multi-spectral imaging.

In this paper, 12 samples of decorated (red and black) ceramic shards belonging to the Cucuteni Chalcolithic culture (A and B phases), originating from Cucutenian settlements in Iaşi County (Romania), and 5 fake ceramic shards obtained by experimental archaeology have been investigated with non-invasive portable analytical techniques, such as digital multi spectral scanner imaging system, and energy dispersive X-Ray Fluorescence (EDXRF). EDXRF was employed for the analysis of the black and red pigmented areas from the decorated ceramic shards.

1. Introduction The aim of this work has been to find objective and non-invasive analytical criteria that can be used to distinguish original pieces of Cucutenian pottery, belonging to the Romanian cultural heritage, from fake ceramic samples that might be encountered on the black market of historical artefacts. The study of ancient ceramics is very complex because of the heterogeneity of the materials and to the presence of both amorphous and crystalline phases in the ceramic bodies, as well as in the outer decorations (e.g., pigments). Therefore, the components of the decorative ceramics require an in-depth characterization of both the pigments and the ceramic body.

2. Experimental set-up The original and fake ceramic samples were analyzed by means of an Artist digital multi-spectral scanner imaging system, and an ARTAX 400 (Bruker AXS, Germany) portable energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectrometer. The measurements were performed for the original samples that received the following ID codes: GA02, GA03, GA13, GA19, GA20, GA33, GA34, GA35, GA41, GA42, and GA56, and for the fake samples with the codes GF58, GF61, GF65, GF66, and GF67.

X-ray fluorescence analysis is widely used in archaeometry to investigate the composition of pigments in ancient ceramics. Bugoi and Constantinescu (2008) have performed an XRF study of Cucuteni Neolithic ceramics, showing that the major elements in the black-colour regions of the shards are Fe and sometimes Mn and Fe. Ca was detected in the white-colour areas, while relatively high amounts of Fe were found in the red areas. Also, Constantinescu et al. (2007) found Fe and Ti in the red areas, concluding that the pigment is an iron-rich, clay-based one, with Ti used for reinforcing it.

2.1. Energy Dispersive X-Ray Fluorescence The portable spectrometer includes an X-ray tube, an X-ray detector, electronic modules, and a base 215

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In this study we have used the VIS reflection, IR1 reflection, VIS fluorescence, and false-colour IR modes. Mazzeo et al. (2007) describe the falsecolour IR technique as a computer-based technique that combines the colour image and the reflectogram (IR image) to create a "pseudo-colour" image where each pigment is represented by a specific falsecolour that depends on its type of interaction with infrared light.

tripod. X-rays from the compact X-ray tube are collimated and directed on the investigated area, causing the excitation of the target atoms from the sample. The characteristic X-rays are measured with a semiconductor silicon detector, which is used because of its high resolution and efficiency at low energies. A chain of electronics (preamplifier, amplifier, and analog-to-digital converter) connects the X-ray detector to a multi-channel analyzer (MCA), commonly installed on a computer which permits the analysis and classification of pulses from the detector. It is important to stress that the ARTAX system used in this study combines the advantages of the non-invasive and sensitive multielemental analysis at sub-mm resolution with the possibility of working outside the laboratory.

3. Results and discussion

The EDXRF analysis was carried out by operating the low-power metal-ceramic-type X-ray tube, and a Molybdenum anode as excitation source, with a maximum power of 50W, at a potential of 17kV (for the light elements with Z < 20), and 50kV (for the heavy elements with Z > 20). The current intensity was 0.8mA and 0.6mA, and the life-time 300s. The ceramic samples were placed at the front of the measurement head with a 0° angle between the incident beam and the sample-detector, located at a distance of about 1cm. The XRF spectra were collected from three sampling points in colour areas and two-three sampling points in non-colour areas. For the light elements the spectra were obtained using a Helium gas flow directed onto the point of interest. The spectra were recorded on the MCA and analysed to determine the most characteristic elements of each pigment and the body (no pigment) of the ceramic. The data collection, peak fitting, and background and peak net area calculation were performed by using the ArtTAX software application. 2.2. Multi spectral scanner imaging The Artist system is based on a digital camera including a CCD progressive scan image sensor, which is capable to capture images in wavelengths within the ultraviolet (UV), visible (VIS) and infrared (IR) regions. Every radiation band reflected from the colour zone is selected by optical embedded in the body of the camera. The six imaging modes (VIS reflection: 400–700nm; IR reflection—2 bands: IR1 700–950nm and IR2 950– 1100nm; UV reflection: 320–400nm; VIS fluorescence: 400–700nm; false–colour IR mode) that can be obtained with the Artist system has been presented by Mazzeo et al. (2009).

The photographs of the six ceramic shards analysed are presented as examples in Figures 1/a and 2/a. Imaging techniques have allowed the identification of a specific yellow fluorescence (Figure 1/c) on the original Cucuteni ceramics, due to the natural patina formed during laying, while fake ceramics do not present any fluorescence (Figure 2/c). This fluorescence would be difficult to create artificially, as only aged samples present it. However, for a complete characterization, it is necessary to apply the imaging technique to the whole body of the ceramic object. The XRF results obtained with the X-ray tube operating at 17kV and 50kV are summarized in Figure 3. The experimental XRF spectra for nine points are showed as examples in Figures 4, 5 and 6. The penetration depth of the X-ray source during the analysis is approximately a few microns, the XRF response from colour area reflecting the contribution from the ceramic body. The major elements, calcium and iron, were found present in both original and fake ceramic samples. The composition analysis indicated the same minor and trace elements for both of the types of ceramic artefacts. This proves that the same local raw material, from the Cucuteni region (Iaşi County, Romania), was used for the body preparation of the original Neolithic and the fake ceramic samples. As for the black and red pigments, iron and manganese were detected on the original, as well as on the fake samples, findings that are in accordance with the literature available on Cucuteni samples (Bugoi and Constantinescu 2008; Buzgar et al., 2010). However, cobalt, chromium and lead have been detected in the case of sample GF66, indicating that another pigment was employed in this case. The use of different black pigments to obtain the decoration could also be related to a different production technique.

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a b c Figure 1. Images of the original samples: a) VIS (400–700nm); b) False-colour IR; c) VIS fluorescence (400–700nm, with a UV lamp).

a b c Figure 2. Images of the fake samples: a) VIS (400–700nm); b) False-colour IR; c) VIS fluorescence (400–700nm, with a UV lamp). 217

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Investigated Ceramic Detected area type elements (17 kV setting) Body (not pigmented)

Pigments – black

Pigments – red

Origina l Fake Origina l Fake Origina l Fake

Si, K Mg, Al, P Si, K Mg, Al Si, K Mg, Al, P Si, K Mg, Al Si, K Mg, Al, P Si, K Mg, Al

4. Conclusions and further investigations

Detected elements (50 kV setting)

Several analytical criteria, based on the elemental composition of the pigments and of the raw material used for the manufacturing of the Cucuteni ceramic artefacts, have been derived by using the presented spectroscopic methods. Our results suggest that a fast, easy, and preliminary way to discriminate between original and fake Cucuteni ceramic samples is to employ a UV lamp, and to observe the yellow fluorescence of the ceramic objects. The falsecolour IR mode shows that black becomes reddish for the original samples, while a completely different red tonality is obtained for the fake samples.

Ca, Fe K, Ti, Mn, Rb, Sr Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr Ca, Fe K, Ti, Mn, Rb, Sr Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr Ca, Mn, Fe K, Ti, Rb, Sr Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr Ca, Mn, Fe, Co**, Pb** K, Ti, Rb, Sr, Cr** Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr Ca, Fe, (Mn) K, Ti, Mn, Rb, Sr Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr Ca, Fe, (Mn) K, Ti, Mn, Rb, Sr Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Y, Zr

*cps - counts per second; **only for sample GF66

Figure 3. The elemental composition of the ceramic samples, obtained through the EDXRF analysis. Major elements have cps* > 500; minor elements have cps = 100–500; traces elements have cps < 100.

The ED-XRF analysis has indicated that the element phosphorous can be detected only on original samples (Figure 5), the element being found on the earth incrustation on the archaeological samples. In conclusion, it seems that the presence of this element can be used as an objective analytical criterion to distinguish between fake and genuine Cucuteni ceramic samples.

Then, a more in-depth analysis may be performed by recording the XRF spectra. In the case of the studied Cucuteni samples, the XRF spectra showed that the presence of phosphorus in the pigments may be an objective analytical criterion to distinguish original pieces from false ceramic samples. The systematic presence of relatively high amounts of iron, manganese, and calcium can also be considered as an elemental characteristic of the black and red areas. The presence of calcium on these areas from the original samples may be due to the presence of calcium carbonate resulting from the deposition processes occurring over time. Iron and calcium are found in the ceramic pastes of the samples. However, the complexity and the heterogeneity of samples indicate that a final selection of the

Figure 4. X-ray fluorescence spectra of original and fake samples for the ceramic body (not pigmented) measured with the X-ray tube operating at 50kV. 218

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Figure 5. XRF spectra of original and fake samples for the red pigment measured with the X-ray tube operating at 17kV

Figure 6. XRF spectra of original and fake samples for the black pigment measured with the X-ray tube operating at 50kV.

analytical criteria to be used for the identification of original and of fake Cucuteni samples can be done only after a more extensive study. A further analysis, performed on a larger selection of ceramic samples, is needed in order to provide a comprehensive and statistically relevant list of the specific and discriminating elemental components. 219

Acknowledgement The work of Daniela-Afrodita Boldea et al. was partly supported by Project SOP HRD-EFICIENT 61445/2009. We thank Giorgia Sciutto, Irene Bonacini, and Silvia Bersani from the Microchemistry and Microscopy Art Diagnostic Laboratory (M2ADL), Ravenna (Italy), for their help and useful comments.

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References

Mazzeo, R., Sciutto, G., Prati, S., and Amadori, M. L., 2009. Scientific examination of Mantegna's paintings in Sant’Andrea, Mantua: The Families of Christ and St John the Baptist and the Baptism of Christ. Technè. Hors-serié 29, 46–66.

Bugoi, R. and Constantinescu, B., 2008. Powder Diffraction 23 (3), 195–199.

Mazzeo, R., Palazzi, C.E., Roccetti, M., and Sciutto, G., 2007. Computer-assisted pigment identification in artworks. In M. Roccetti (ed.), Proceedings of the European Conference on Internet and Multimedia Systems and Applications (EuroIMSA 2007), 266–271. Calgary, Acta Press.

Buzgar, N., Bodi, G., Astefanei D., and Buzatu, A., 2010. Scientific Annals of the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași, Tome LVI, no. 1, 5–14. Buzgar N., Bodi G., Buzatu A., Apopei A. I., and Astefanei D., 2010. Raman and XRD studies of black pigment from Cucuteni ceramics. The Scientific Annals of the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași, Tome LVI, no. 2, 95–108. Constantinescu, B., Bugoi, R., Pantos, E. and Popovici, D., 2007. Phase and chemical composition analysis of pigments used in Cucuteni Neolithic painted ceramics, Documenta Praehistorica XXXIV, 281–288.

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CHEMOMETRIC SOFTWARE DESIGNED FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF CUCUTENI CERAMICS BY RAMAN SPECTROSCOPY Daniela DOMNIȘORU1, Mirela PRAISLER1, Nicolae BUZGAR2, Vasile COTIUGĂ2 1"

Dunărea de Jos" University of Galați (Romania), Faculty of Sciences and Environment, Department of Chemistry, Physics and Environment 2" Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (Romania), Arheoinvest Platform Abstract. In this paper, we are presenting an experimental method for the analysis of ceramic samples based on Raman VIS radiation spectroscopy. The samples include ancient ceramics, discovered in archaeological sites located in the region of Moldavia (North-Eastern Romania), as well as fake samples obtained by experimental archaeometry. In order to determine the optimum classification criteria for the ceramic samples, we have developed a software application, called P_Raman, using the Pascal programming language. By extension, this method may also be applied to trace the origin of industrially-manufactured ceramics. Keywords: chemometry, Raman spectroscopy technique, software tools, Cucuteni ceramics, cultural heritage protection.

(Romania), one of the most important region where the famous Cucuteni culture flourished, and which includes its eponymous settlement.

1. Introduction Ceramic artefacts are the most valuable objects found in archaeological sites, as this material degrades extremely slowly. During the last decades, physicists and chemists have contributed to develop refined research methods and provide objective tools of sample evaluation. These interdisciplinary studies have provided and validated an important number of hypothesis concerning historical facts, as well as human development trends in given areas or ages (Weiner 2010). Another valuable contribution was the development of forensic analytical procedures that can help to distinguish between original artefacts and fake archaeological artefacts (Palanivel 2011).

2. Experimental procedure The Raman spectroscopy analysis has been performed with a Horiba Raman Spectrograph HE 532, its visible NdYag laser operating at the wavelength of 532nm. The radiation is measured with a CCD scattered radiation detector. The Raman system includes a "Superhead" optic fibre for noncontact measurements, with a 50× LWD-visible Olympus lens. The spectral data is processed with a software application dedicated to the file generation of Raman spectra. The spectral resolution was 3cm-1. All the spectra were recorded in the 200–3400cm-1 domain.

The objective of this study is to present efficient criteria to classify ceramic materials based on their Raman spectra, in order to distinguish between Cucuteni ceramic artefacts (Figure 1) and ordinary ceramic materials, for forensic purposes (Figure 2). In other words, the aim is to provide an objective analytical tool that can be used to identify ceramic samples that are faking original Cucuteni ceramic ware, and which can be found on the black market of historical artefacts. In this way, we are hoping to contribute to the national and international efforts to protect and secure the cultural heritage.

The electromagnetic waves irradiated the ceramic samples in a normal way. The collection of the scattered radiation was made in the 180 degrees mode, by using the optical system. Then the radiation was transferred via an optic-fibre cable to the CCD Olympus sensing head. The data was acquired through an exposure 10–60 seconds. A number of 40–100 spectral acquisitions were performed at a laser magnification of 90–100%, in order to improve the signal-to-noise ratio. The Raman spectrum was generated with the LabSpec software, which generates the spectrum as intensity of the Raman radiation vs. the wavenumbers characteristic for the detected component element. The interaction between the laser radiation in the visible region (400 to 700nm) and the ceramic sample took place in a normal atmospheric environment, at room temperature. Therefore, the Raman scattering represents a Stokes Raman

Raman spectroscopy was chosen because it is a nondestructive analysis method, which allows an accurate material characterisation, as well as the quantitative determination of the chemical composition (Amer 2010; Smith and Dent 2005; Hollas 2004). The ancient ceramic artefacts which were subjected to this study were discovered in archaeological sites located in Iași County 221

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spectral collection was incorporated in the spectral library search module of the multivariate in-house made software system. This module was made operational by allocating to each component a code number from 1 to 173, each corresponding to a Raman peak or shift number (Figure 4).

scattering process (Gauglitz and Vo-Dinh 2003). A set of 50 Chalcolithic Cucuteni ceramic samples and 20 fake samples were analysed. The fake samples were obtained by experimental archaeology in the laboratory. As the experimental technique is completely non-destructive, no pre-processing of the samples was needed.

Figure 1. Cucuteni ceramic samples discovered in the region of Moldavia (North-Eastern Romania).

Figure 2. Imitations of Cucutenian ware.

3. Results and discussion In order to facilitate the chemometric analysis of the obtained Raman spectra, we have developed in the Pascal programming language a software program we named P_Raman. The statistical analysis of the data was based on the probability density function and the Gauss normal distribution. The main result is the classification of the ceramic samples according to the presence of a given chemical component and its associated maximum intensity found in the Raman spectrum.

Figure 3. Main flow chart of the P_RAMAN software program.

Figure 3 illustrates the main logical flow chart of the P_Raman software program that we have developed for spectra processing. It is structured on four modules and it allows reading, comparing, classifying and displaying the spectral data.

The spectral data processing also implied the elimination of the fluorescence of the ceramic samples. The numerical approaches used for this purpose are based on curve spline functions. The maximum Raman spectrum intensity was selected by identifying the local minimum of the second order derivate d2I/dν2. This numerical procedure also filtered the noise in the spectra. Figures 5, 6, and 7 present the initial form of the Raman spectra and its derivate spectra for an authentic Cucuteni ceramic sample. The same types of spectra recorded for a fake ceramic sample are displayed in Figures 8, 9 and 10.

The database used as input for the chemometric analysis includes the peak positions, namely the Raman shift numbers, together with the associated peak intensities (Buzgar et al., 2009). We have then created a database of 52 Raman spectra of relevant inorganic elements or compounds, based on an extensive and up-to-date literature research. This 222

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Figure 4. Reference component wavenumbers (after Buzgar et al., 2009).

Figure 5. Raman spectrum of an authentic Cucuteni ceramic sample. 223

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Figure 6. Raman spectrum of an authentic Cucuteni ceramic sample, with fluorescence base line correction.

Figure 7. First and second order derivate d2I/dν2 of the Raman spectrum of an authentic Cucuteni ceramic sample.

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Figure 8. Raman spectrum of a fake ceramic sample.

Figure 9. Raman spectrum of a fake ceramic sample with fluorescence base line correction.

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Figure 10. Second order derivate d2I/dν2 of the Raman spectrum of a fake ceramic sample.

that the authentic and fake Cucuteni ceramic samples can be distinguished without any doubt.

The peaks identified in each Raman spectrum correspond to the minimum of the second derivate. The main difference between the spectrum of an authentic Cucuteni sample and the spectrum of a fake one was found to be related to the intensity of the relevant peaks. For example, the positions of the significant peaks of the authentic Cucuteni ceramic sample displayed in Figure 6 indicate the presence of quartz, which is characterized by over 3500 relative units of intensity. On the other hand, the significant peaks characteristic to quartz found in the spectrum of the fake ceramic sample presented in Figure 9 have an intensity of less than 700 relative units.

4. Conclusions The challenge in deciding whether a ceramic sample is indeed a genuine Cucuteni artefact is due to the fact that at in prehistorical times the parameters of the manufacturing processes were very poorly controlled. As a result, the authentic prehistorical samples show important variations in the chemical composition and structure of the ceramic material. Another factor with an important contribution to the variability of the composition is the environment in which the ceramic sample laid buried until its archaeological discovery. For example, the variations in soil humidity and composition are responsible for the different ways in which the sample is affected.

Two major Raman shift domains were found to be characteristic for all the studied samples, viz. 280– 670cm-1 and 1100–1800cm-1. For a number of 24 genuine Cucuteni artefacts and 14 fake ceramic samples, the strongest Raman shift spectral band was found at 465cm-1, a wavenumber that is associated to the symmetric stretching vibration of the Si–O–Si bond. The significant spectral bands displayed by other samples are those characteristic to black-carbon C (1600cm-1), rutile (610cm-1), anatase (390cm-1), hematite (1367cm-1), and/or pyrolusite (287cm-1). Figure 11 and Figure 12 show the diagrams of the Raman peaks of maximum intensity distributed according to the component number and Raman shift wavenumber. We can see

The experimental results have helped us to define objective criteria that can be used to distinguish between authentic and fake Cucuteni ceramic samples. The authentic samples can be distinguished without doubt, as the maximum intensity in their Raman spectra is significantly higher (I=7931.4 [u.a]) when compared with the maximum intensity recorded in the Raman spectra for the fake ceramic samples (I=4651.9 [u.a]) (Figures 11 and 12). The 226

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Figure 11. Raman maximum intensity for authentic Cucuteni ceramic samples, by components.

Figure 12. Raman maximum intensity for fake ceramic samples, by components.

combined with chemometric analysis, based on the analytical differences found between authentic and fake Cucuteni ceramic samples. These criteria can be used successfully to assign the class identity of unknown samples. We intend to enlarge the database by including spectra of ceramic samples belonging to different cultures and ages, originating from different archaeological sites. We expect that the extension of

maximum intensity ratios of the components are 2 times higher for authentic Cucuteni ceramics in the ν=200÷1800 cm-1 domain and 1.2 times higher in the ν=1800÷ 3400 cm-1 spectral region, the first domain being characterized by a better sensitivity. In conclusion, practical and objective archaeometric criteria were established through Raman spectroscopy 227

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the number of class identities that can be automatically attributed to an unknown sample will also enhance the sensitivity and selectivity of the spectral criteria.

References Amer, M. S. 2010. Raman spectroscopy, fullerenes and nanotechnology. Cambridge, RSC Publishing.

It is worth stressing that the proposed combination of methods can also be applied for customer protection purposes, quality assurance tests, and detection of the origin of industrially-produced ceramic materials. The software program that we have presented is also suitable for automated testing and fast identification of ceramic samples that do not meet previously-set quality criteria.

Buzgar, N., Apopei, A. I. and Buzatu, A. 2009. Romanian Database of Raman Spectroscopy (online: rdrs.uaic.ro). Gauglitz, G. and Vo-Dinh, T. 2003. Handbook of spectroscopy. Weinheim, Wiley. Hollas, J. M. 2004. Modern spectroscopy. New Jersey, John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Smith, E. and Dent, G. 2005. Modern Raman spectroscopy. A practical approach. Chichester, John Wiley & Sons.

Acknowledgements This study has been performed within the research project no. 81041/2007–2010 entitled Archaeometric expert system for the intelligent fight against the trafficking of cultural and historical heritage, financed by the PARTNERSHIP Program of the 2nd National Plan for Research, Development and Innovation of the Romanian Government.

Palanivel, R. and Rajesh Kumar, U. 2011. Romanian Journal Physics 56 (1-2), 195–208. Weiner, S. 2010. Micro-archaeology. Beyond the visible archaeological record. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

For Vasile Cotiugă, this work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE2011-3-0885 — Religion and Art in the CucuteniTripolye Civilization (V–IV Millennia CAL B.C.).

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CERAMOGRAPHIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF PAINTED, INCISED, UNDECORATED AND CUCUTENI "C" POTTERY FROM THE CUCUTENIAN SITE OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT, ADÂNCATA COMMUNE, SUCEAVA COUNTY, ROMANIA Mihai GRĂMĂTICU1, Dumitru BOGHIAN2, Traian Lucian SEVERIN1, Silviu Gabriel STROE3, Sorin IGNĂTESCU2 1

"Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Faculty of History and Geography 3 "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, Faculty of Food Engineering 2

Abstract. We present the comparative results obtained from the archaeometrical analyses carried out on samples of painted, incised, undecorated and Cucuteni "C" pottery found in the site of Fetești–La Schit (Cucuteni A and B). The ceramographic analyses were carried out in the Instrumental Analysis Laboratory (Faculty of Food Engineering) and Science and Technology Laboratory (Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management). For this purpose, we used a series of devices: the Shimadzu EDX 900 HS spectrometer to investigate the chemical composition, and the Shimadzu HMV micro hardness tester for a Vickers test. Samples were compared using an OPTIKA stereomicroscope and a PC-connected QIMAGING Go 3 digital camera, as well as a metallographic microscope for the analysis of the images (100×) by means of dedicated software. The corroboration of the results highlights the similarities between the chemical compositions of painted and incised ceramics from the two phases, made from local clay. The Cucuteni "C" pottery has a different composition, especially the sample SV80, indicating that it was produced elsewhere, and according to the specification of another "recipe". The physical-mechanical and microscopic image analysis reveals a large technological resemblance between the painted and incised pottery of the A phase, and differences between the aforementioned and the ceramics of the B phase, especially the category Cucuteni "C". Keywords: Cucuteni, ceramography, spectral analysis, micro hardness, stereo-microscopy.

archaeological site will be completely destroyed in the near future.

1. Introduction 1.1. Geographical Description and Discoveries

The archaeological research was carried out systematically over the span of seven campaigns (2000–2006), according to a rigorous scientific methodology and specifically aimed at the salvage of the material preserved from all periods of occupancy of this perimeter, and the exhaustive recording of all the available data.

The archaeological site of Fetești–La Schit is located on a structural plateau (Dragomirna Plateau), northeast of Feteşti village (Adâncata Commune, Suceava County, Romania), on the grounds of a former small monastic settlement that existed between the end of 18th century and the early decades of the 19th century (Stoicescu 1974, 293, 305, note 19). The site is found on the right bank of the Grigoreşti brook, an affluent of the Siret, in the area of the Grigoreşti village, Siminicea Commune (Figure 1).

We identified several layers of habitation: Cucuteni A3 phase (Hăbăşeşti regional aspect), Cucuteni B1 and B2 phase, Horodiștea–Erbiceni–Gordinești II, Early Getic Latène (5th–3rd centuries BC), Late Middle Ages, modern and contemporary eras.

The most important part of the site lies in the yard of the St. Nicholas' Church, which acts as the parish church for the Feteşti community, while the rest of the site is covered by forest and a walnut grove.

Because of the abundance of archaeological material and the endangered status of the site, Fetești–La Schit was designated as an archaeological school camp for the students from the Faculty of History and Geography of the "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava (Boghian et al., 2004a; 2004b; 2005; Boghian and Ignătescu 2007, 2009).

Nowadays, only 30% of the original site is still in place, the rest having been destroyed by landslides (the ground is now partially stabilized after a forest of young deciduous trees was planted), by modern and contemporary buildings, and by the increasing number of burials that take place in the cemetery of the parochial church. Therefore, we expect that the

In the rich archaeological inventory, characteristic to all layers, the Cucuteni ceramics (painted, incised, with combined ornamentation, domestic pottery, 229

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We structured the samples on phases and categories as follows: 6 samples of Cucuteni A pottery (group A: 2 painted, 2 incised and 2 undecorated/ domestic); 5 fragments from Cucuteni B (group B: 3 painted and 2 undecorated); 5 samples from the Cucuteni B phase, or the so-called Cucuteni "C" type ceramics that feature inclusions of crushed shells in the argil (group C). The archaeological analysis and chronological framing of the pottery fragments from the study group was carried out based on a typological comparative and stratigraphic approach. 2. Materials and analysis methods 2.1. Description of samples The samples are presented macroscopically in Figure 2. Each fragment used for our study was recorded according to Figure 3. A first macroscopic inspection attempted to determine the shape of the vessels, the types of clay mixtures and other argil compounds, the ceramic species, and how the processes of modelling, decorating and firing took place. We present below a brief description of the archaeological samples.

Figure 1. The archaeological site of Fetești–La Schit. A: Geographic location; B: View from the west.

2.1.1. Group A (Cucuteni A)

and the so-called Cucuteni "C" type) feature most prominently. The Cucutenian pottery was discovered in habitation complexes (houses, pits, some installations) and in layers; they had numerous and complex functions: domestic/household, social, aesthetic/artistic, and, last but not least, ritualistic.

SV61. This ceramic fragment comes from the wall of a vessel whose shape could not be determined. It belongs to the category of high-quality ceramic ware and it is made of a homogeneous clay mixture with inclusions of finely crushed shards ("chamotte"). The inner surface has a coarse finish, but the exterior has been carefully smoothed. The hue is light brick-brown, indicating a high-temperature firing in an oxidative atmosphere. The decoration was done by incising geometric motifs in combination with grooves on the wall of the vessel.

1.2. Research Objectives Given the importance of cross-field study of Cucuteni ceramics, and for a more comprehensive understanding of the technologies behind and the functionalities of these artefacts, we set in this paper, as a follow-up to our previous research 1, to analyse and interpret by comparison the data provided by the ceramographic analyses of a batch of pottery fragments from the site of Fetești.

SV65. This fragment comes from the wall of a vessel whose form could not be determined. We assume it was a medium-sized container. It is made from a homogeneous consistent mixture that contains finely crushed shards, quite evenly distributed in the vessel’s wall, specific to fine ceramics. The inner surface was carefully finished and the outside surface was very well smoothed and prepared to receive the painted decoration. The firing was oxidative, at high temperatures, resulting in a light brick-brown colour. The decoration was made by painting red and black spiral-meander

1 Archaeometrical research carried out within Project 81– 041/2007, Director Professor Mirela Praisler, PhD ("Lower Danube" University of Galați), in partnership with the "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași, the "Ștefan cel Mare" University of Suceava, and the "Vasile Alecsandri" University of Bacău (Grămăticu et al., 2009 a; 2009b; 2009c; 2010).

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painted decoration. The firing was oxidative, at high temperatures; therefore, the vessel acquired a reddish colour. The painting is black on the natural background of the vessel, with geometric motifs.

motifs on a white background, previously applied to the vessel. SV67. This sample comes from the wall of a widemouthed vessel, probably a domestic crater-shaped bowl. The clay mixture is homogeneous and consistent, with inclusions of crushed shards with a medium grain uniformly distributed in the vessel wall. Both the interior and the exterior surfaces were relatively carefully finished. The firing was oxidative, at high temperatures, resulting in a light brick-brown shade. It was painted in the manner of fine ceramics and was covered with a thin film of red paint.

SV77. This fragment belongs to an undecorated vessel used for household chores and cooking, made from a homogeneous and consistent clay mixture, with coarse crushed ceramic inclusions, quite evenly distributed. The surfaces were covered with barbotine, and the traces of tools indicate a rough finishing. The firing was semi-reducing at medium temperatures, resulting in brown-grey shades.

SV68. This fragment comes from the top of a household vessel. The mixture is consistent and homogeneous, containing relatively coarse crushed pottery fragments. The surfaces were covered with a thin barbotine, very carefully smoothed, but with faulty finishing traces. It has no decorations. The firing was oxidative, probably at average temperatures, producing brick-brown shades.

SV121. The sample comes from an undecorated household vessel, made from a homogeneous and consistent clay paste, with inclusions of coarse crushed shards evenly distributed. The surfaces were covered barbotine, and the finishing was more carefully done compared to the previous fragment. The outer surface shows traces of "organized" barbotine: it has a lighter shade than the "core" of the wall. The firing was oxidative at relatively high temperatures, the vessel acquiring a reddish colour.

SV69. This sample comes from the top of a high quality vessel. The mixture is consistent and uniform, and contains very finely crushed shards. The surfaces were relatively carefully finished, with the exterior being more cared for. The decoration was done by incision of geometric motifs on the vessel’s walls. The firing was oxidative, probably at average temperatures, producing brick-brown shades. It is possible it suffered a secondary firing.

SV122. This fragment belongs to a medium sized amphora made from a consistent and homogeneous clay mixture, with finely crushed shards inclusions, uniformly distributed in the vessel wall, peculiar to high-quality painted pottery. The inner surface was finished with moderate attention, preserving traces of the process. The outer surface was covered with varnish/engobe, carefully smoothed and prepared to receive the painted decoration. The firing was oxidative at high temperatures; the ceramic acquired a light reddish colour. The decoration was done by painting with black on the natural background of the vessel, employing geometric motifs.

SV70. This fragment belongs to the top of an undecorated domestic vessel. The paste is consistent and contains rather coarse crushed ceramic fragments. Surfaces were relatively carefully finished, with thin, well-smoothed barbotine. The firing was probably semi-reducing, at average temperatures, producing grey and brown shades.

SV123. This sample comes from a medium-sized amphora, made from the same uniform and consistent clay paste with inclusions of finely crushed ceramic shards, uniformly distributed, typical to the painted pottery category. The inner surface was finished with attention. The outer surface was covered with engobe, carefully smoothed and prepared to receive painting. The firing was oxidative, at very high temperatures, resulting in a light reddish colour. The painting was done with black on the natural background of the vessel, using geometric motifs.

2.1.2. Group B (painted and undecorated Cucuteni B ceramics) SV74. This ceramic wall fragment comes from a vessel of undetermined shape, probably a mediumsized pot. It has a homogeneous and consistent clay mixture, with finely crushed ceramic shards inclusions, uniformly distributed in the vessel wall, typical for the fine ware category. The inner surface was finished with moderate attention, preserving traces of the process. The outer surface was carefully smoothed and prepared to receive 231

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Figure 2. Feteşti–La Schit. Samples of Cucuteni A and B pottery. Group A (Cucuteni A) SV61 Incised decoration SV69 SV65 Painted SV67 SV68 Undecorated SV70

Group B (Cucuteni B) SV74 SV122 Painted SV123 SV77 Undecorated SV121

Group C (Cucuteni B) SV80 SV124 SV125 Ceramics with grinded shell SV126 SV127

Figure 3. Notations used in research.

SV124. This fragment comes from a Cucuteni "C" pot whose shape is difficult to ascertain. The paste has in composition a large amount of grinded shell; "sparkles" are visible on both the surface and on the break. The inner surface was finished less carefully, while the outer surface is smoothed. The firing was semi-reducing, at medium temperatures, resulting in brown-grey shades, on both surfaces and on the break. It doesn’t have any decorations.

2.1.3. Group C (ceramics with grinded shell, Cucuteni B phase) SV80. This ceramic fragment comes from a cratershaped vessel, specific to the Cucuteni "C" pottery. The clay paste contains crushed shells. The obvious roughness of both of the surfaces shows very poor attention in finishing. The firing was semi-reducing, probably at medium temperatures, as the vessel acquired brown-grey shades. The decoration is very simple: notches on the vessel’s rim. 232

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SV125. This artefact belongs to a Cucuteni "C" type vessel with undeterminable shape. The clay paste contains an amount of grinded shell that makes the "sparkles" visible only in the breaks. The inner surface was finished less carefully, but the outer surface looks more smoothed out. The firing was semi-reducing, at medium temperatures, the vessel acquiring brown-grey and black-grey shades, both on the surfaces and in the break. Decorations are missing.

The analysis of the microstructure, assessed at 0.1...100μm, involves microscopic and stereomicroscopic investigations, while levels over 100 mm represent the macrostructure, which involves examination with the naked eye, the magnifying glass, or by stereomicroscopes. Macroscopic analysis, in addition to assessing the shape and geometric dimensions, includes observation of colour, paint coatings, decorations, potential external or internal faults and even the possible degradation under the action of environmental factors.

SV126. The fragment belongs to a Cucuteni "C" recipient whose shape was not established. Like the previous artefacts, the mixture contains a large amount of crushed shells and has visible "sparkles". The finishing was done less carefully, although the outer surface received better attention. Firing was also semi-reducing, at medium temperatures, resulting in the same brown-grey and black-grey shades. Decorations are not present.

Stereomicroscopic observations are more insightful, being able to present details of the appearance of the rupture (or break), the thickness of paint or coating, the external and internal porosity, the size of the inclusions or fragments embedded in the material, on their internal distribution, etc.

SV127. The fragment shows important compositional and technological similarities with the previous artefacts, and is typical of the Cucuteni "C" category.

There are two ways to perform a stereoscopic analysis: (1) on natural-sized samples or on collected samples, when the object under scrutiny has a relatively large size, without any special preparation of surfaces, except cleaning, washing and drying; and (2) on collected samples that were specially prepared by grinding and polishing.

From the scientific conclusions we can draw at this stage of research, we underline the resemblance observed between the painted and incised Cucuteni A pottery, and the relative similarity of the aforementioned ceramics to the Cucuteni B painted ware. We also noticed differences between the painted and incised Cucuteni A ceramics, and the household pottery from the same phase. However, there are some similarities between domestic Cucuteni A and Cucuteni B pottery. All ceramic species discussed so far differ from the Cucuteni "C" ceramics, both from the compositional and the technical point of view.

Optical microscopic analysis is a finer investigation with magnifying factors between ×100 and ×1500, and therefore is able to highlight the grain strands, the distances between them, the pores, the microcracks, the secondary phases, their shape, distribution, quantity and size. A large number of the mechanical, optical, thermal and electrical properties of ceramics are significantly influenced by their microstructure. Research into ceramics often tends to correlate properties and to observe the behaviour of experimental materials according to the microstructural characteristics. The production methods and processing conditions are usually reflected in the microstructure.

2.2 Analysis methods and investigations The study of these samples was performed by appealing to the modern knowledge and know-how in ceramography, viz. the preparation, examination and evaluation of the chemical composition, microstructure and properties of ceramics, and the correlation between all of these components. Ceramography has an area of interference with materialography, which includes all the techniques of microscopic analysis of materials: metallography, petrography and plastography (Chin 2002; Lee and Rainforth 1994; Geels et al., 2007). Ceramography is less mentioned despite the fact that it plays a significant role in ceramics technology, just like metallography plays in metallurgy.

The electronic microscopy we employed to investigate in detail the crystalline networks has the advantage of a much higher magnification compared to optical microscopes, reaching factors of ×300.000 or even ×2.000.000 (Hitachi S-5500). This level of detail offers the possibility of obtaining a range of very fine information from the images of the surfaces scanned by the electron beam. We can evaluate the distances between grain strands, the interfaces of separation between phases, the 233

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digital analysis of the images was performed using dedicated software.

crystallographic orientation of the grain, the network failures, etc. (Gutt et al., 2001; Chin 2002; Lee and Rainforth 1994; Geels et al., 2007).

The investigations carried out on the samples consisted of: - presentation of the geographical position and geomorphological features of the area where the archaeological excavations took place and where the pottery fragments were collected; - dating the artefacts; - macroscopic analysis of the ceramic samples after the removal of soil and sediments, and cleaning by washing; the analysis was carried out with the naked eye or by using a magnifying glass, and by optical spectroscopy; - micro-hardness assessment.

This paper presents only the results acquired through the methods and applications of ceramography in the structural study of ceramics. The techniques of ceramographic preparation consist of the following steps: sampling, planning, grinding, polishing, and the attack: chemical, electrochemical, thermal or ion bombardment. The sample thus prepared is then subjected to a microscopic investigation with optical or electronic microscopes. Modern methods used in the study of archaeological ceramics may grant a more accurate comparison of various artefacts, this time on a scientific and objective base, along with a more accurate dating. The archaeometric research undertaken lately, especially the ceramographic research, also focused on all of the Cucutenian ceramic categories, both in terms of raw material, inclusions, preparation techniques, modelling, decoration and firing—some of them reconstructed experimentally, and their proto-historical functions: domestic, social, and ritual (Ellis 1980; 1984; 2005; Gâță 2000; Cotoi 2007; Gramaticu et al., 2009a; 2009b; 2009c; 2010; Bodi 2010a, 127-147; 2010b, 199-210).

Prior to performing the tests and analyses, we collected samples by diamond-cutting from each ceramic fragment. The sample size was approximately 20×20mm. The samples were subjected to polishing in order to obtain two parallel flat surfaces, which were needed particularly for determining the micro-hardness. The samples were polished with suitable devices, to make them suitable for analysis by electron microscopy, chemical analysis and hardness control. 2.2.1. Analysis by optical stereomicroscopy Polished samples were analyzed using a trinocular stereomicroscope equipped with an OptiKam3 optical digital camera, adaptable to mono-/bi/trinocular compound and stereo microscopes. The images acquired and processed by the camera’s software are presented in Figures 4–6.

Ceramographic studies of Cucutenian samples (painted pottery, with deepened decoration, household and Cucuteni "C" type from the A and B phases) were performed in the Instrumental Analysis Laboratory (Faculty of Food Engineering) and in the Science and Engineering Laboratory (Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Mechatronics and Management) from the "Ştefan cel Mare" University of Suceava.

The incised samples (SV61 and SV69) preserve traces of the incisions, have a reduced internal porosity, and thus a fairly compact amorphous mass, but the paste contains a small amount of fragments of grinded pottery (Figure 4/1–2). The hue, a light brick-red, indicates a probable high-temperature firing in an oxidizing atmosphere.

An Energy Dispersive X-ray Fluorescence (EDX) spectrometer with high sensitivity and resolution was used to reveal the chemical composition of these artefacts. Subsequently, the samples were analyzed with a Vickers micro hardness tester, Shimadzu HMV type. The digital images of samples were acquired with the use of a Scanning Electron Microscope SEM VEGA II LMU – Tescan 2, a SZR Series stereomicroscope (≥ 100×), and from the IMM-1 metallographic microscope; these two microscopes are equipped with a QIMAGING Go PTIK 3 digital camera, and are PC-connected. The

A compact mass and a low porosity was observed in sample SV65 (Figure 4/3), substantial internal blisters in SV67 (Figure 4/4), due to either organic or inorganic burned remains or to a hard consistency and viscosity of the clay mixture, which could have been too difficult to shape and therefore retained air pockets. The undecorated pottery samples (SV68 and SV70) display a compact, homogenous, mass with low porosity. These samples have a low density of

2

The results of the SEM analysis on the batch of ceramic samples will be the subject of a separate paper.

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Figure 4. Microscopic images (100×) of the ceramic samples in group A (Cucuteni A). 1–2. Incised pottery, 3–4. Painted pottery, 5–6. Undecorated pottery.

Figure 5. Microscopic images (100×) of the ceramic samples in group B (Cucuteni B). 1–3. Painted pottery, 4–5. Undecorated pottery.

Figure 6. Microscopic images (100×) of the ceramic samples in group C (Cucuteni B). 1–5. Household ceramic with shell in the paste mixture. 235

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produce an ionization of the semiconductor, and the pairs of free electrons under the effect of the polarized electric field generate an electric pulse whose magnitude is proportional to the photon energy.

blisters and few inclusions composed of fragments of broken pottery. The reddish-brown hue indicates an oxidation firing at medium temperatures (Figure 4/5–6). On the fragments of painted ceramic from Cucuteni B group (SV74, SV122, SV123) we observed the mass was homogeneous and compact, containing evenly distributed crushed shards, with low porosity and air blisters in small quantities. The light redlight colour denotes oxidizing firing at high temperatures (Figure 5/1–3).

In the process of energy dispersive spectroscopy, X photons of different wavelengths reach the detector. The silicon drift detector converts each photon into an electrically charged pulse proportional to the energy of the photon. If all photons have the same energy, the radiation should be represented on the spectrum with lines. However, they appear as peaks shaped like a bell (Gaussian profile), for reasons of precision faults of the device.

The samples from the undecorated ceramic batch (SV77, SV121) have a light brown- reddish shade, indicating an oxidizing firing at medium temperatures and a more intense secondary firing during usage. The paste contains coarsely crushed fragments, a large amount of blisters and has high porosity (Figure 5/4–5).

The X-ray spectrum emitted by the sample's surface is indicative of the sample's composition. The spectrum analysis can determine the elemental composition, i.e. the mass concentrations of elements.

The ceramic fragments in group C, with crushed shells in the clay mixture, are somehow differentiated from each other: the sample SV80's light-reddish colour resulted from an oxidation firing at high temperatures, and the piece has inclusions, both crushed pottery fragments, like sample SV127, as well as visible fragments of what seems to be grinded nacre (Figure 6/1).

The spectral analysis of the samples was conducted on a Shimadzu EDX-900HS spectrometer, which detects elements ranging from sodium to uranium (Gutt et al., 2001). This method allows a good separation of the structural components (chemical combinations) from of substance mixtures, and thus a precise identification of the existing ceramic categories (Figure 7/1–4). The test results are shown in Figures 8–11, in two presentations: based on the chemical elements (Figures 8 and 10) and based on the oxide formations (Figures 9 and 11).

Other samples (SV124, SV125, SV126, and SV127) are brown-grey as a result of semi-reducing firing at average temperatures and contain crushed white shell inclusions with lamellar elongated shapes (Figure 6/2–5). In sections we observed that the paste is compact, with a low porosity, is relatively homogenous, with a few air blisters and microcracks caused by the firing process.

With respect to the chemical elements present in the composition of the clay paste, the descending series for the three study groups look as follows:

2.2.2. Chemical spectroscopy investigations

- Group A - Si, Al, Ca, Fe, K, Ba, Mn, Cr, Sr, Zr ...; samples SV61, SV65, SV69, and SV7 – no phosphorus.

The X-ray emission spectroscopy analysis represents an advanced method for the qualitative and quantitative study of ceramics. It is used to characterize solid, powder or liquid samples from the chemical point of view. The method is based on the fundamental principle which states that each chemical element has a unique atomic structure.

- Group B - sample SV74: Si, Al, Ca, Fe, K, Ti, Ba, Mn ... – no P and Cr; sample SV77: Si, Al, Fe, K, Ti, Ba, Mn ... – no Ca, P and Cr; - samples SV121, SV122 and SV123: Si, Al, Ca, Fe, K, Ti, Ba, Mn ...; no P.

A beam of electrons or protons charged with energy is directed onto the surface of the samples to be analyzed. The photons emitted by the samples are captured by a detector—a silicon semiconductor detector doped with lithium or SDD (silicon drift detector)—cooled by liquid nitrogen or through the Peltier effect in special devices. The X photons

- Group C - sample SV80: Si, Al, Fe, K, P, Ti, Ba, Mn ...; no Ca and Zr; contains more K and P; 236

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-

- Group C: SiO2; Al2O3; CaO; Fe2O3; K2O; TiO2; BaO; MnO …; no P2O5; - sample SV80: SiO2; Al2O3; Fe2O3; P2O5; K2O; TiO2; BaO; MnO …; no CaO.

samples SV127 and SV124: Si, Al, Fe, K, P, Ba, Mn, Zr ...; no P.

The oxide concentration varies naturally from one sample to another depending on the type of the materials present the mixture. Sample SV80 differs from the rest by the large amount of Fe2O3, TiO2, and K2O, P2O5, and the low concentration of Al2O3. This makes it possible that this fragment has a different origin than the regular pottery which was manufactured in situ.

The obvious differences regarding the nature and quantitative proportion of oxide compounds can be explained by the use of clay and inclusions from different sources: inside the site, its surroundings, and the geological strata of different ages. 2.2.3. Micro hardness test

After analysing the oxide compounds, we observed that silicon dioxide has the highest proportion of all the compounds. This is absolutely normal, since the argil used to produce the pottery contains a considerable quantity of fine or coarse sand grains, often as a natural addition to the clay, acting as the binder. The samples have high concentrations of Al2O3, Fe2O3, CaO, and K2O, while other oxides occur in small quantities, as traces, but not negligible because they can influence the colour.

The same grinded and polished samples were submitted to a Vickers hardness test employing micro-loads of pressure (Smith and Sandland 1922, 623–641). The measurement with the hardness tester has the advantage that it uses loads of pressure in the 98.07mN–19.61N range, and the device has the option to employ nine types of loads in this interval. Also, a great advantage is that of using small loads which means there is no risk of destroying the sample, not even on the spot of indentation. Therefore, the method can be successfully applied to determine the hardness of thin films (Figure 12). These advantages add high precision to the measurements.

Surprisingly, sample SV80 has no content of calcium oxide, not even traces, although the fragment was included in Group C (mixture with crushed shells), which indicates that these inclusions have a different chemical structure. Given the high concentration of P and P2O5 we believe that these inclusions actually represent crushed bones. However, this detail remains to be clarified by further investigations. As a chemical element, calcium is still present in amounts of about 22%, which shows that it is chemically bonded in a different form.

The hardness tests were performed on a Shimadzu HMV micro-hardness tester (HMV-2 Series, Shimadzu Micro Hardness). The loads of the microindenter (diamond prism with a peak angle of 136°) were in the range of 98.07mN–19.61N. The loading and unloading is done automatically, and the measurement accuracy is very high. A 980mN load with a loading time of 15s was selected (Meyers and Chawla 2009, 214–228).

Other samples in group C have high concentrations of calcium oxide (CaO), giving clear information on the presence of finely-crushed shell inclusions in the paste. We observed a notably high calcium oxide content in the samples from group B, but at a level that is roughly at half compared to the samples from group C, which suggests that the clay material belongs to the same area, probably to a common workshop or production centre.

The results of the hardness measurements on the specially prepared samples (washed flattened and polished) are presented in Figure 13. The Vickers micro-hardness measurement settings were: F=245.2 mN, t=15s, and three measurements were performed for each sample (HV1, HV2, and HV3), with the purpose of producing an adjusted average (HV).

With respect to the oxide compounds, the descending series are: - Group A: SiO2; Al2O3; CaO; Fe2O3; K2O; TiO2; BaO; MnO …; no P2O5;

Some samples show structural formations which represent deviations from the overall hardness of the material; the hardness of these formations is presented in Figure 14.

- Group B: SiO2; Al2O3; CaO; Fe2O3; K2O; TiO2; BaO; MnO …; no P2O5; 237

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Figure 7. Spectrograms. 1. Ti-U spectrogram for sample SV61; 2. Ti-U spectrogram for sample SV125; 3. Na-Sc spectrogram for sample SV61; 4. Na-Sc spectrogram for sample SV125. Sample Si Al Ca Fe K P Ti Ba Mn Cr Sr Zr Sn Rb Zn Y

SV61 [%] 53.727 16.906 10.575 9.933 6.631 1.013 0.412 0.300 0.061 0.098 0.107 0.123 0.068 0.031 0.017

SV65 [%] 49.027 18.100 13.202 11.005 6.451 0.931 0.324 0.442 0.108 0.090 0.114 0.072 0.022 0.016

SV67 [%] 50.999 17.512 10.164 11.014 6.531 1.728 0.984 0.352 0.239 0.055 0.096 0.093 0.118 0.068 0.033 0.015

SV68 [%] 52.760 17.603 8.185 10.991 7.201 1.192 1.027 0.439 0.218 0.078 0.083 0.091 0.079 0.036 0.016

SV69 [%] 51.057 16.002 12.634 10.655 7.506 1.057 0.376 0.200 0.064 0.101 0.113 0.076 0.027 0.017

SV70 [%] 60.103 15.767 7.100 9.280 5.878 1.011 0.407 0.160 0.064 0.052 0.085 0.049 0.021 0.011

Figure 8. Chemical elements found in the examined ceramics. 238

SV74 [%] 51.429 14.982 14.548 10.215 6.759 1.096 0.224 0.177 0.120 0.115 0.128 0.079 0.032 0.018

SV77 [%] 58.160 16.230 10.510 6.710 1.056 0.374 0.156 0.070 0.141 0.122 0.070 0.018 0.018

SV80 [%] 46.151 22.095 13.054 9.911 6.301 1.103 0.306 0.576 0.054 0.141 0.124 0.057 0.050 0.017

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Sample SiO2 Al2O3 CaO Fe2O3 K2O P2O5 TiO2 BaO MnO Cr2O3 SrO ZrO2 SnO2 Rb2O ZnO Y2O3

SV61 [%] 63.875 22.476 4.732 4.801 3.139 0.582 0.161 0.123 0.029 0.019 0.019 0.013 0.011 0.003

SV65 [%] 59.737 24.393 6.557 5.140 3.193 0.548 0.130 0.186 0.029 0.022 0.016 0.018 0.015 0.008 0.003

SV67 [%] 61.207 23.428 4.902 5.064 3.126 1.354 0.572 0.139 0.099 0.026 0.019 0.017 0.018 0.014 0.012 0.003

SV68 [%] 62.483 23.382 3.872 5.008 3.385 0.914 0.593 0.172 0.090 0.037 0.016 0.016 0.016 0.012 0.003

SV69 [%] 62.549 21.616 6.215 4.953 3.696 0.618 0.150 0.084 0.031 0.021 0.018 0.016 0.010 0.003

SV70 [%] 68.764 20.609 3.179 4.015 2.593 0.554 0.152 0.062 0.029 0.014 0.009 0.007 0.002

SV74 [%] 63.427 20.321 7.199 4.738 3.384 0.638 0.088 0.074 0.032 0.024 0.021 0.020 0.016 0.012 0.003

SV77 [%] 67.268 21.268 2.863 4.654 3.030 0.594 0.143 0.062 0.031 0.013 0.024 0.018 0.013 0.015 0.003

SV80 [%] 66.765 12.785 7.102 5.789 6.254 0.745 0.141 0.282 0.030 0.034 0.023 0.014 0.004

Figure 9. EDX analysis — the oxides

Sample Si Al Fe Ca K Ti Ba Mn Zr Rb Cr Zn

SV121 [%] 52.357 16.857 11.506 10.675 6.451 1.033 0.494 0.251 0.145 0.080 0.065 0.032

SV124 [%] 43.226 14.330 10.486 24.876 14.566 0.980 0.437 0.293 0.143 0.057 0.071 0.029

SV122 [%] 48.447 16.668 11.013 15.743 6.160 0.990 0.373 0.187 0.115 0.077 0.070 0.028

SV125 [%] 50.575 15.971 9.471 14.317 5.245 0.926 0.377 0.271 0.087 0.046 0.044 0.024

SV126 [%] 39.412 13.426 8.856 28.914 5.296 0.978 0.406 0.167 0.130 0.056 0.068 0.029

SV127 [%] 43.684 27.695 12.590 28.438 4.851 1.145 0.510 0.306 0.129 0.081 0.075 0.057

SV123 [%] 48.170 16.653 11.096 11.096 6.029 1.004 0.352 0.209 0.102 0.078 0.070 0.030

Figure 10. Chemical elements found in the examined ceramics.

Sample SiO2 Al2O3 Fe2O3 CaO K2O TiO2 BaO MnO ZrO2 Rb2O Cr2O3 ZnO

SV121 [%] 62.893 22.475 5.317 5.196 3.116 0.605 0.134 0.104 0.026 0.016 0.031 0.011

SV124 [%] 57.163 20.188 5.233 13.680 2.671 0.608 0.184 0.131 0.029 0.013 0.036 0.011

SV122 [%] 60.114 22.668 5.202 7.976 3.113 0.587 0.150 0.079 0.021 0.016 0.034 0.010

Figure 11. EDX analysis — the oxides.

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SV125 61.649 21.600 4.324 6.974 2.632 0.530 0.147 0.111 0.017 0.009 0.020 0.008

SV126 [%] 53.893 19.393 4.507 16.261 3.002 0.614 0.173 0.076 0.027 0.013 0.030 0.012

SV127 [%] 57.704 19.728 6.886 13.880 2.862 0.766 0.229 0.148 0.028 0.020 0.042 0.019

SV123 [%] 59.897 22.671 5.255 8.181 3.058 0.597 0.143 0.089 0.019 0.016 0.034 0.011

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Group

A

B

C

No.

Sample

HV1

HV2

HV3

HV

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

SV65 SV67 SV61 SV69 SV68 SV70 SV77 SV123 SV122 SV121 SV74 SV127 SV126 SV80 SV124 SV125

26 35 38 90 92 296 50 55 58 79 133 24 33 42 62 74

22 33 36 91 94 310 51 52 55 77 129 21 31 41 60 71

23 35 39 92,5 97 299 54 56 59 74 134 27 33 44 66 75

24 34 38 91 94 302 52 54 57 77 132 24 32 42 63 73

Figure 13. The hardness of the ceramic samples. Sample

HV1

HV2

HV3

HV inclusions

SV127 SV126 SV124 SV125

39.8 83.5 416 1024

40.6 61.8 430 1240

39.7 76 389 1043

40 74 412 1102

Figure 14. The hardness of structural formations in some samples.

3. Comparative analysis of the composition, structure and micro hardness of the samples The comparison of chemical composition of the samples is shown in Figures 15–18. The comparison charts show the same descending series of elements present in the chemical composition of the ceramics as those revealed by the energy dispersive spectroscopy and the scanning electron microscopy. Cucuteni "C" pottery has a small and medium hardness, while for all other categories, regardless of stage, medium and large hardness values are predominant (Figures 19–20). 4. Conclusions

Figure 12. Traces left by the indenter on samples: SV126 (1) SV70 (2), SV121 (3). 240

By corroborating the results acquired from the tests we referred to in this paper, we can clearly notice the great similarity between the chemical composition of the painted, incised and undecorated ceramic fragments from the Cucuteni A stage (Group A). Another revealed fact is the obvious resemblance between the aforementioned ceramics and the Cucuteni B pottery (Group B), suggesting

M. GRĂMĂTICU, D. BOGHIAN, T. L. SEVERIN, S. G. STROE, S. IGNĂTESCU: CERAMOGRAPHIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF PAINTED, INCISED, UNDECORATED AND CUCUTENI "C" POTTERY FROM THE CUCUTENIAN SITE OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT

Figure 15. Comparative graphs of the chemical compositions by ceramic groups. 241

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 16. Comparative graphs between Cucuteni A and B ceramic groups.

Figure 17. Comparative graphs between Cucuteni B ceramic groups (groups B and C).

Figure 18. Comparative graphs between Cucuteni A and Cucuteni "C" ceramic groups. 242

M. GRĂMĂTICU, D. BOGHIAN, T. L. SEVERIN, S. G. STROE, S. IGNĂTESCU: CERAMOGRAPHIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF PAINTED, INCISED, UNDECORATED AND CUCUTENI "C" POTTERY FROM THE CUCUTENIAN SITE OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT

Figure 19. Micro-hardness tests graph by ceramic groups. 243

INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST ARHEOINVEST CONGRESS, IAȘI, 10–11 JUNE 2011

Figure 20. General graph of micro-hardness.

the use of local clay for manufacturing, though obviously from different sources, from within the settlement and from its vicinity, within the framework of an in situ production.

and incised pottery, an average/satisfactory sorting and sometimes poor for the undecorated domestic ware, and a rather poor sorting for the so-called Cucuteni "C" type ceramics.

The chemical and structural composition of the Cucuteni "C" ware is different, attesting to the fact that the vessels were produced elsewhere or according to other "recipes". We do not exclude the possibility that some of the differences in the chemical composition are due to specific processes of mixing and the interaction between different inclusions. The chemical differences can also be a result of chemical processes sparked by the presence of the products stored in these containers, particularly if we consider that the high porosity and low hardness of these vessels facilitates the absorption of foreign compounds. The action of micro-environmental factors, post-depositional processes, and the archaeological fossilization could have also influenced the chemical structure.

Depending on the degree of rounding, the inclusions (small and very small fragments of crushed ceramic) range from angular, quasi-rounded and quasiangular in the case of the painted and incised ceramics, and between angular and quasi-angular, of medium and large sizes, in the case of the household ceramics. The Cucuteni "C" ceramics show inclusions (shells from freshwater sources) with angular profiles, seldomly quasi-angular. In terms of density, the natural inclusions (sand, mica, feldspar, quartzite, etc.) and the artificial inclusions (ceramic fragments) occur frequently in the domestic and Cucuteni "C" pottery, and less frequently in the fine and semi-fine ware. The considerable differences in composition and structure lead us to the assumption that some vessels (SV80) were manufactured in a different pottery centres or in a different geographic area. Our

The inclusions (Barraclough 1992, 15–18; Bodi 2010a, 127–147; 2010b, 199–210) show a good and very good sorting process in the case of the painted 244

M. GRĂMĂTICU, D. BOGHIAN, T. L. SEVERIN, S. G. STROE, S. IGNĂTESCU: CERAMOGRAPHIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF A SERIES OF PAINTED, INCISED, UNDECORATED AND CUCUTENI "C" POTTERY FROM THE CUCUTENIAN SITE OF FETEȘTI–LA SCHIT

forthcoming extended scientific should clarify this detail.

investigations

Bodi, G. 2010b. An analytical framework from the selection and classification of archaeological pottery in order to create an integrated characteristics record. I. Preliminary field analysis of the Cucuteni pottery from Hoisești (Iași County). International Journal of Conservation Science I (4), 199–210.

The particular physical and mechanical features, as well as the digital image analysis reveal a great technological similarity between the painted and incised pottery of the Cucuteni A phase, but also some differences between them and the painted Cucuteni B ceramics. The phase B Cucuteni "C" ware is totally different from the painted one, from the technological point of view.

Boghian, D., Ignătescu, S., Mareş, I. and Niculică, B. 2004a. O locuinţă Cucuteni B de la Feteşti–La Schit, jud. Suceava. Memoria Antiquitatis XXIII, 223–239. Boghian, D., Ignătescu, S., Mareş, I. and Niculică, B. 2004b. Principalele rezultate ale cercetărilor arheologice efectuate în situl de la Feteşti–La Schit (com. Adâncata, jud. Suceava). Codrul Cosminului 8-9 (18-19), 161–176.

Moreover, each stage of execution (choice of clay, ingredients, shaping, firing, painting or exterior decoration, etc.) leaves its mark on the vessel's chemical and physical-mechanical characteristics.

Boghian, D., Ignătescu, S., Mareş, I. and Niculică, B. 2005. Les découvertes de Feteşti–La Schit parmi les stations cucuténiennes du nord de la Moldavie. In Gh. Dumitroaia, J. Chapman, O. Weller, C. Preoteasa, R. Munteanu, D. Nicola, and D. Monah (eds.), Cucuteni: 120 ans des recherches. Le temps du bilan, 333–352. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura Constantin Matasă.

The hardness of ceramics is determined by the chemical and structural composition (the nature of structural compounds, shape, size, quantity and their distribution) and determines the quality of these products.

Boghian, D. and Ignătescu, S. 2007. Quelques considérations sur un vase Cucuteni B aux représentations anthropomorphes peintes, découvert à Feteşti–La Schit (Dép. de Suceava). Codrul Cosminului 13 (23), 3–12.

The study of the structural and chemical composition of the clay sources (inside the archaeological site and the adjacent areas) might prove useful for comparing experimental data. It remains a target for further investigations.

Boghian, D. and Ignătescu, S. 2009. Rites and rituals of founding the Cucuteni dwellings and domestic installations in Feteşti–La Schit (Adâncata Commune), Suceava County. In G. Bodi (ed.), In Media Res Praehistoriae. Miscellanea In Honorem Dan Monah, 1–20. Iaşi, Editura Trinitas.

The detailed study of the characteristics of archaeological ceramics creates the premises for a database for the use of specialists. The database would be helpful in improving the knowledge of technological details of pottery, accurate dating, establishing the area of origin, identifying historical fakes, etc. Obviously, this effort should be accomplished jointly and collectively, in order to develop this modern tool of investigating pre- and proto-historic artefacts.

Chin, R. E. 2002. Ceramography. Preparation and analysis of ceramic microstructures. The American Ceramic Society, ASM International Society. Cotoi, O. 2007. Comments regarding the techniques and materials used in the preparation of ceramic paste of the ceramic category "Cucuteni C". Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica 11 (I), 153–160.

Although they don't provide spectacular data, the findings of the ceramographic investigations offer a trustworthy foundation for a series of objective conclusions regarding the Cucuteni ceramics discovered in the settlement of Fetești–La Schit.

Ellis, L. 1980. Analysis of Cucuteni-Tripolye and Kurgan pottery and the implications for ceramic technology. Journal of Indo-European Studies 8, 1–2. Ellis, L. 1984. A Study in Technology and Origins of Complex Society. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Ellis, L. 2005. Analysis of Precucuteni ceramics from Târgu Frumos, Romania. In V. Spinei, C.-M. Lazarovici and D. Monah (eds.), Scripta Praehistorica. Miscellanea in honorem nonagenarii magistri Mircea Petrescu Dîmbovița oblata, 261–270. Iași, Editura Trinitas.

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Gramaticu, M., Boghian, D., Băncescu, N, Severin, T., Stroe, S. and Ignătescu, S. 2010. Some archeometrical determinations on a lot of Cucutenian Ceramic materials of site Fetești–La Schit (Adâncata Commune, Suceava County). Codrul Cosminului 16/2, 5–20.

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Smith, R. L. and Sandland, G. E. 1922. An accurate method of determining the hardness of metals, with particular reference to those of a high degree of hardness. In Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers 102, Vol. I (Jan.), 623–641.

Gramaticu, M, Boghian, D., Stroe, S., and Ignătescu, S. 2009c. Spectral analysis on copper age ceramics of the site Feteşti–La Schit, Suceava County. The Annals of the “Dunărea de Jos” University of Galaţi. Fascicle II – Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Informatics III (XXIII), 441–445.

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