Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada : Principles and Practices of Alternation Education and Training [1 ed.] 9780773570689, 9780773524538

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada Principles and Practices of Alternation Education and Training

Rapid economic change has raised public concern that the educational system is not preparing its graduates for work in the new economy. Many employers complain that the knowledge and skills of post-secondary graduates are inadequate or irrelevant to the needs of the workplace. Vocational and workplace training programs are, however, criticized as being too narrowly focused. Approaches to learning that combine experiential and cognitive learning represent a promising response to the need to acquire relevant skills and develop the intellectual capabilities that allow individuals to address and solve complex problems encountered in the workplace. Such hybrid forms of learning are termed “alternation.” They not only involve a curricular balance between the theoretical and the practical but also use two distinct venues for learning – the classroom and the workplace. Regular periods of classroom learning are complemented by workplace learning in apprenticeships, co-op education, or work-experience programs. Various facets of alternation are discussed in this volume, including its basis in cognitive and social learning, its implementation in a variety of settings, its role in smoothing the school-work transition process, and its potential to contribute to the knowledge and skills needed by the workforce. The authors bring a wide range of disciplinary perspectives to bear in their analyses of the principles and practices of alternation in Canada, providing historical, theoretical, and practical insights. Their analyses contribute to and extend the current debate and discussion surrounding necessary changes in Canada’s educational and training policies. hans g. schuetze is a professor in the Adult and Higher Education Program at the University of British Columbia. robert sweet is a professor in the Faculty of Education at Lakeland University.

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada Principles and Practices of Alternation Education and Training Edited by hans g. schuetze and robert sweet

McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca

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© McGill-Queen’s University Press 2003 isbn 0-7735-2453-3 Legal deposit first quarter 2003 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Funding has also been received from the Work and Society Centre at York University. McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (bpidp) for its publishing activities. We also acknowledge the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program.

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Main entry under title: Integrating school and workplace learning in Canada: principles and practices of alternation education and training/edited by Hans G. Schuetze and Robert Sweet. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-7735-2453-3 1. School-t0-work transition – Canada. 2. Education, Cooperative – Canada. 3. Occupational training – Canada. I. Schuetze, Hans G. (Hans Georg), 1939 – II. Sweet, Robert, 1943– lc1049.8.c3i58 2003 370.11′3 c2002-902566-4

This book was typeset by Dynagram Inc. in 10/12 Baskerville. Portions of the article “Bridging the Gap between Liberal and Applied Education” first appeared in the Canadian Journal of Higher Education 31, no. 2 (2001).

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Contents

Tables and Figures Contributors

vii

ix

Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada: An Introduction to Alternation Education Concepts and Issues 3 Hans G. Schuetze and Robert Sweet pa rt o n e a c o m pa r is o n o f a lt e r nat i on models and jurisdictions 1 The Restructuring of Work and the Modernization of Vocational Training in Germany 25 Walter R. Heinz 2 Toward a Regional Approach to Alternation Education and Training: The Case of Quebec 44 Christian Payeur, Nancy Émond, and Laurier Caron 3 Alternation Education and Training in Canada Hans G. Schuetze

66

pa rt t wo a l t e r n at io n i n c a na da : s c h o ol , c o l l e g e , u n i v e r s i t y, a n d w o r k p l a c e school

4 Vocational Education in Ontario Secondary Schools: Past, Present – and Future? 95 Harry Smaller

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vi

Contents

5 More than Sorcery Required: The Challenge of Matching Education and Skills for Life and Work 113 Lesley Andres 6 School-Workplace Collaboration, An Uneasy Partnership: Experiences from Two Alternation Programs in Quebec 135 Marcelle Hardy and Carmen Parent college

7 Canada’s Community Colleges and Alternation Paul Gallagher and Ann Kitching

156

university

8 Alternating Education and Training: Students’ Conceptions of Learning in Co-op 175 Garnet Grosjean 9 Alternation Career Paths for Teachers: Reconceptualizing Alliances 197 Tom Puk 10 Bridging the Gap between Liberal and Applied Education 217 Paul Axelrod, Paul Anisef, and Zeng Lin workplace

11 Apprenticeship in Canada: A Training System under Siege? 243 Andrew Sharpe 12 Women and Apprenticeships: The Role of Personal Agency in Transition Success 260 Robert Sweet 13 New Policy and Research Directions Robert Sweet and Hans G. Schuetze Index 287

276

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Tables and Figures

tables i.1 Main types and functions of alternation training models 2.1 Student numbers in professional and technical education, 1991–1992 to 1997–1998 55 2.2 Number of alternation projects identified, 1994–2000 59 2.3 Number of students in vocational and technical training compared to number of students in work-study alternation 59 3.1 Models of alternation training in Canada

73

4.1 Province of Ontario secondary school course enrolment by major subject area 102 5.1 Post-secondary educational activity within five years of leaving high school, 1988–1993 117 5.2 Institution of graduation in 1993 by institution first attended in 1989 118 5.3 Credentials earned by 1993

118

5.4 Type of apprenticeship program attended, by sex

120

8

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viii

Tables and Figures

5.5 Educational aspirations and expectations in 1989 and 1993, by 1993 post-secondary participation status 122 5.6 Beliefs about education, work, and general well-being in 1989 and 1993, by 1993 post-secondary participation status 123 5.7 “If I could choose again, would I make the same educational choices?” by 1993 post-secondary participation status 125 8.1 Conceptions of learning

180

8.2 Conceptions of learning, by work term

184

10.1 Unemployment by field of study, 1996

221

10.2 Proportion in professional/managerial occupations by field of study, 1996 223 10.3 Income by field of study, 1996 224 11.1 Trends in apprenticeship in Canada

245

11.2 Apprenticeship registration by province, 1999

248

11.3 Registration in apprenticeship programs, by major trade group 249 12.1 Employment outcomes by pathway for women former apprentices 268 12.2 Annual incomes by pathway for women former apprentices 269 12.3 Job satisfaction by pathway for women former apprentices 269

figures i.1 Transition routes from school to work

11

3.1 Transition routes from school to work in Canada according to their quantitative importance 69 9.1 Alternation career path for teachers

211

11.1 Female enrolment in apprenticeship programs by province, 1997–1998 (as percentage of total enrolment) 251 11.2 Apprenticeship completion rate by province, 1999 (as percentage of total registration) 253

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Contributors

lesley andres is an associate professor in the Department of Educational Studies at the University of British Columbia. Her research and teaching interests include the sociology of education, foundations of higher education, issues of inequality and access, and quantitative and qualitative research methods. She is the principal investigator of several research projects on the transition of youth to adulthood, including the Paths on Life’s Way Project of bc young adults in a changing society. paul anisef is a professor in sociology at York University in Toronto. For well over a decade, he has conducted extensive research on the topics of accessibility to Canadian higher education, the transition from school to work at the secondary and post-secondary levels of education, and careers for Canadian youth. This research has resulted in numerous publications. He is currently an associate director of ceris, a federally funded centre of excellence for research on immigration and settlement. paul axelrod is a professor and dean of education at York University. His research interests include the history of schooling and higher education, the political economy of higher education, the history of youth, and the transitions from schooling to employment. He is the author of many publications and has received a number of prizes for his scholarly work, including the Research Award (1992) from the Canadian Society for the Study of Higher Education.

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Contributors

laurier caron has been a research counsellor at the headquarters of the Centrale des syndicats du Québec for twelve years, responsible for professional and adult education. A member of several research groups on training, work, and employment, he coordinates research on developments in alternation education and training. nancy émond holds a master’s degree in counselling and orientation from Université Laval. She has been a research officer for the Research Centre for Education and School Success (crires) and for the Group for Policy Analysis, and she currently works as a counsellor in an employment agency. paul gallagher is a former community college president and has served on many federal and provincial government post-secondary policy committees and boards. He has written extensively on the Canadian college system and on government post-secondary education and training policies. garnet grosjean is a research associate with the Centre for Higher Education and Training at the University of British Columbia. Current research interests include the vocationalizing of the university curriculum and policy issues surrounding learning and training outcomes. marcelle hardy is a professor in the Department of Educational Sciences at the Université du Québec à Montréal. She is network leader of the Inter-university Research Group on Education, Training, and Employment (girfe). She also heads a research group on high school–workplace and high school–college partnership in aerospace. Her research interests include school-work transition, school-work cooperation, vocational education and training, and the appropriation of vocational knowledge. walter r. heinz is a professor of sociology and psychology and director of the new international Graduate School of Social Sciences at the University of Bremen, Germany. He was director of the Life Course Research Centre on status passages and social risks in Bremen and visiting chair of European and German studies at the University of Toronto. His research concerns life-course transitions and sequences in the fields of education, training, and employment in a cross-national perspective. ann kitching was formerly a senior college administrator in Quebec and British Columbia. She maintains her long-standing interest in vocational education and in co-op education. She currently acts as a consultant on post-secondary education policy issues.

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Contributors

zeng lin teaches educational sociology at Illinois State University. He has extensive experience working with large-scale surveys in the area of education and work. His research includes school-work transitions and the future direction of the university. He currently is working on a study of labour-market outcomes for liberal education graduates. carmen parent holds a doctorate in education from the University of Toronto and is a specialist in the measurement and evaluation of learning. She has been a professor at the Université du Québec à Montréal since 1982 and has been responsible for graduate programs at uqam’s Department of Educational Sciences since June 1999. She also is a member of the Inter-university Research Group on Education, Training, and Employment (girfe). christian payeur is a researcher at the Research Centre for Education and School Success (crires) and an adjunct professor at Université Laval. He is also director of professional and social services at the headquarters of the Centrale des syndicats du Québec. tom puk is a professor in the Faculty of Education at Lakehead University. He is currently researching the relationships between student teachers and associate (supervisory) teachers during the practicum, particularly how well inquiry as a teaching-learning strategy is implemented in the classroom. His writings include the development of models of inquiry and experiental education. hans g. schuetze was formerly a researcher and policy analyst at the Centre for Educational Research and Innovation at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in Paris and is now a professor of higher education at the University of British Columbia. His primary research interests are in the policies, organization, and financing of post-secondary education and training, the relationship of higher education teaching and research and development on regional economic development, and the politics and issues of lifelong learning. andrew sharpe is founder and executive director of the Ottawabased Centre for the Study of Living Standards. Earlier positions include head of research and editor of the Quarterly Labour Market and Productivity Review at the Canadian Labour Market and Productivity Centre and chief of Business Sector Analysis at the Department of Finance. He is a founder and past editor (1992–98) of the journal Canadian Business Economics and currently edits the International Productivity Monitor. He has written extensively on labour-market, productivity, and living-standard issues.

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Contributors

harry smaller teaches in the Faculty of Education at York University. His research interests include the role of labour in education-work transitions and the development of vocational programs at the secondary level. robert sweet is a professor in the Faculty of Education at Lakehead University. His current research interests include adult development, educational technology, and instructional design issues in post-secondary education. He has written on apprenticeships, distance education, and the proprietary training sector in Canada.

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada: An Introduction to Alternation Education Concepts and Issues HANS G. SCHUETZE AND R OB ERT S WEE T

Globalized trading patterns and the growth of information and communication technologies have forced a restructuring of the economy in Canada, and the impact of these changes has been felt both at educational institutions and in individual workplaces. Rapid economic shifts also have given rise to considerable public concern that the educational system is unable to adequately prepare its graduates for work in the new economy. Demands for renewal are directed at the public school and at the post-secondary level, including the apprenticeship system. One of the issues raised is the utility of skills and knowledge acquired in schools. Many employers complain that the knowledge and skills possessed by post-secondary graduates are inadequate or irrelevant to the needs of the workplace. On the other hand, private-sector workplace training programs also are criticized as being focused too narrowly on technical skills. The incidence of unemployment and underemployment in the youth labour market suggests the need to critically examine the pedagogical and curricular priorities of the postsecondary system (acst, 2000). The issue of the relevance of knowledge and skills can be discussed from different perspectives: in terms of knowledge acquisition, the limits on its application, and the need for learners to possess an orientation toward practice (Teichler, 1998). General knowledge is frequently differentiated from specific knowledge. The former is found in lists of “employability skills” that are presumed to incorporate general social

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4 Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada

and communicative competencies, intellectual flexibility, and personal initiative. Yet the need for task-specific knowledge is also widely stressed in, for example, specialized trades training or professional education programs, and job-specific skills are rewarded by prospective employers. Knowledge, whether general or specific, must be applied in the identification and solution of problems. It is therefore necessary to possess the capabilities of transferring knowledge or skill to the workplace. Finally, theoretical knowledge needs to be oriented to practice in the sense that it informs activities in the workplace which are only partly expressible in words or symbols, or which may be to some extent automated or made routine. The task of education then is to ensure “systematic confrontation” between ways of thinking and problemsolving within academic or disciplinary theories and the modes of craft or professional thinking and problem-solving found in the workplace (Teichler, 1998). The second issue of concern in the public debate is the school-work transition. Pathways to meaningful, satisfying, and well-paid employment are today more complex and prolonged. Delays in entering the youth labour market present a significant barrier to career building and consequently to undertaking other developmental tasks of adulthood, such as establishing a family and involving oneself in the life of the community (Lowe, 2000). Issues of access and equity represent a third area of concern and are directed at the sorting and streaming practices of the public school (kindergarten to grade 12) system. Canada’s secondary school programs tend to favour university-bound students while treating as second-class those whose aptitudes and interests are more applied. This “forgotten half” is not well served by the public education system, and its transition to working life is beset with difficulties (Halperin, 1998). This issue has become especially problematic with the changing structure of labour markets. Jobs that require no more than secondary school–leaving status are being reduced, leaving those without post-secondary education and training to an uncertain and precarious future of contingent and non-standard work (Hamilton, 1990; Frank, 1996). The educational system has, in fact, responded with significant changes to access policies, increases in program diversity, and greater flexibility in the delivery of programs (cmec, 1999; Skolnik, 1992; Shale, 1999). Despite these changes, schools, universities, and colleges have retained, on the whole, their traditional approach to instruction. Most education and training institutions continue to emphasize cognitive learning and employ direct instruction methods in classroom

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5 Introduction

settings. The emphasis on classroom learning and its separation from the workplace means that much that is learned is decontextualized and only indirectly related to the outside world (Stern, 2002). Workplace-based learning and, in particular, forms of instruction that combine experiential and cognitive learning represent a promising alternative with which to acquire relevant skills and develop successful pathways from school to work (Rubenson and Schuetze, 1995; Bailey, 1993; Hamilton, 1990, 1993). Such hybrid forms – in which classroom and workplace learning are combined – are often called “alternation.”

th e a lte rn at i o n c o nc ep t Alternation approaches assume that the context in which knowledge and skills are applied is critical to their acquisition. The principle of alternation emphasizes the notion of “learning by doing,” but in conjunction with and informed by a theoretical understanding of the task or problem at hand. Alternation education thus combines practical skill development with the acquisition of more formally organized, theoretical knowledge. The term “alternation” describes the combination, or integration, of the two principal places and two modes of learning. Classroom-based cognitive learning and workplace-based experiential learning can be combined in various ways. The apprenticeship is one format in which workplace learning is complemented with regular periods of classroom learning. Other examples include co-op education programs at both high schools and post-secondary educational institutions, where programs of cognitive, school-based learning are combined with practical, “hands-on” learning in the workplace. Here learners are introduced to the routines and rituals of an actual workplace and to the professional codes, values, and norms of an occupation, and are given the opportunity to relate and apply their theoretical knowledge to real-life situations and practical problems. Still other examples of alternation are found in various programs for special groups, such as unemployed or youth-at-risk programs, where the emphasis is not primarily on skill acquisition per se but rather on familiarization with and socialization into the world of work. Wherever applied, alternation aims to encourage individual learning, personal development, and mastery of skills “by moving away from purely school-based forms of knowledge transmission and by seeking an active interrelationship between practical and formal knowledge, between the ‘expertise’ that develops through experience and the capacity of critical thinking that comes from school-based knowledge” (Merle, 1994).

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6 Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada

Three main types of alternation education can be distinguished: • remedial education for young people who are not academically gifted

or not interested in school learning beyond completion of compulsory school or after dropping out of school; • work experience to familiarize young people with work and the “real world”; and • systematic training for skilled occupations that require expertise based on experience. Remedial training is aimed at those with low academic interest and/or achievement. It offers them an alternative to the traditional institutions, mechanisms, and pedagogy of education by emphasizing contextual learning in concrete work situations, instead of cognitive learning of abstract ideas, principles, and rules. This remediation approach to the transmission of workplace knowledge is thought not only to facilitate learning by those who are not academically inclined or gifted but also to encourage them to discover their own self-sufficiency and self-esteem and to re-establish the positive self-image and desire to learn that previous educational experiences often have eroded. This learning strategy, originally advocated in order to help either low achievers or disadvantaged minorities, has more recently been proposed in the North American context as an appropriate response to the plight of the “forgotten half” – those youth who are not college or university bound and who have no obvious pathway to stable employment (Hamilton, 1990). The second group of activities is mainly aimed at familiarizing students with the routines and rituals of the workplace. Examples are work-experience schemes for high school students who spend a short period of time in an organization, or similarly organized cooperative education programs and internships for students in post-secondary education. Besides providing an initial acquaintance for the young person with the world of work, these schemes serve other learning purposes. One is to contextualize knowledge that has been learned in the school setting. Another is to introduce the young person to what has been termed “working knowledge” (Simon, Dippo, and Schenke, 1991). This is an awareness of not only the opportunities for personal growth and social mobility through work but also the constraints imposed by patterns of authority inherent in the organization of firms and institutions. The primary objective of the third type of alternation training is the acquisition of occupational knowledge. This type is closely associated with apprenticeship training and is seen as essential in occupations for which the workplace is, given the particular nature of the knowledge and skills required, a central place of learning. Such is most obviously

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7 Introduction

the case for craft occupations, “where know-how is accorded a greater place than formal knowledge, not because the craftsperson can do without formal knowledge, but because the craft of the baker or the goldsmith cannot be learned solely from books” (Merle, 1994). This form of training is not limited to the traditional craft occupations, in which dexterity and physical handling are defining characteristics, but includes others such as the academic professions, where competencies are acquired through long exposure to practice and knowledge. Much of this information is encoded as “tacit” knowledge and passed on by experienced practitioners. Thus, for example, teachers, physicians, and lawyers have traditionally acquired a large part of the knowledge needed for professional practice in a hands-on way and through working under the mentorship of older, more experienced colleagues. Table I.1 summarizes the three types of alternation education and training. As will be shown in greater detail in this book, examples in Canada exist of all three types. Work experience programs for youth “at risk” provide learning opportunities for students not proceeding to postsecondary studies. Career preparation and cooperative (“co-op”) education are examples of the second type, where familiarization with the conditions of a real workplace is the primary concern. Apprenticeship is the principal form of training in the third category. Workplace-based training in occupations outside apprenticeship trades and practica required as part of professional education are also forms of alternation learning in the third category. Not all forms of workplace-based learning are formally arranged or organized. Especially in Canada and the United States, another model or pattern that combines school-based education and workplace practice has emerged (Hamilton, 1990, Krahn and Lowe, 1999). For many young people, preparation for work life often takes place through the combination of a paid work experience with ongoing education. Besides the widespread experience of paid work during summer vacations, there is a growing propensity on the part of young people to move back and forth between some type of formal education and paid work until they are “settled” in a stable job. Learning takes place through “a continuous and almost parallel process of movement through both the educational system and the labor market as young people seek to establish themselves in a career and as employers seek to recruit the products of such a system into their internal labor markets” (Ashton and Lowe, 1991: 240). Learning or training (if the latter term is appropriate at all in this context) during this period of “milling around” by young people is mostly fortuitous and follows an unsystematic and unorganized pattern of alternation; thus it lacks the principal characteristics of the other three models. For this reason, it is not included here in the further analysis of alternation models.

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8 Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada Table i.1 Main types and functions of alternation training models

Alternative educational route Purpose

social integration and remediation of knowledge

Work experience as familiarization with world of work

Workplace as a central place of learning

appreciation of schoolbased education by relating it to application in the workplace; tentative work socialization

acquisition of vocational (professional) attitudes, skills, and knowledge

Target the “forgotten half,” population i.e., not-college-bound youth; minorities and other “at-risk” youth

high school students; college/university students

apprentices in various occupations; trainees or workers in other, nonapprenticeable occupations; trainees in legal, health, and other fields of applied science

Learning objectives

to provide know-how and self-esteem through hands-on learning of practical skills

through familiarization with workplace, to contextualize knowledge learned in school

to acquire both formal and codified and non-formal and noncodified knowledge, as well as technical, social, and learning skills and competencies

Learning methods

learning by socialization; contextual learning in concrete work situations

validating school-based knowledge by applying it in concrete work situations

combining theoretical and practical learning; transmission of explicit and tacit knowledge and competencies through learning by doing, mentored, corrected, and evaluated by older, experienced colleagues and “masters”

Canadian examples

work experience for “at-risk” students

career-preparation pro- apprenticeship traingrams; cooperative edu- ing; other types of workcation place training for nonapprenticeable trades and qualifications

As a response to the need for an effective bridge between education and work, the alternation concept holds considerable promise. Evidence of its potential to develop in learners a base of relevant and broadly applicable knowledge and skills derives largely from recent educational and psychological research and from successful implementation of alternation models in other countries.

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9 Introduction

situated learning While the practice of alternation learning has deep historical roots, the systematic integration of classroom- and workplace-based learning is a relatively recent innovation. Recent research in the cognitive sciences has focused on how knowledge is constructed and on the role that context and environment play in determining its use. This research underpins the principle of dual-place learning. Rather than seeing knowledge as abstract, new theoretical concepts – in particular, notions of situated cognition or situated learning – emphasize the physical environment and social context of knowledge and learning (Rubenson and Schuetze, 1995). Classroom learning, typically based on theoretical concepts and selfcontained examples, takes place in a setting that does not resemble any workplace situation. This “discontinuity” between abstract learning at school and its application outside the classroom is why many researchers consider schooling to be dysfunctional (Raizen, 1994). In particular, school-based learning disadvantages those students who, because of personal disposition or choice, are not motivated to pursue general and procedural knowledge or engage in abstract and symbolic thinking. This is primarily a problem of “at-risk” students, such as those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, those from certain minority groups, and those lacking social capital and proficiency in English or French. The limitations of school-based learning also concern a much larger group – those non-college-bound students who, particularly in North America, find that there are few opportunities for pursuing school-based vocational or workplace training (Raizen, 1994; Hamilton, 1990). While closer ties between school and workplace are essential to a meaningful vocational curriculum, the value of the school-work relationship has also been recognized at the post-secondary level. The most prominent examples are university coop education programs (see Grosjean in this volume). The assumption that situated or contextualized instruction is a critical factor in promoting student motivation and learning is based on five premises (Raizen, 1994; Rubenson and Schuetze, 1995): • It is not sufficient to teach knowledge and procedures; instruction

must also focus on the application of the knowledge and the skills being learned. • Individuals come to any learning experience with prior knowledge and experience, which may either facilitate or impede the intended learning; therefore any learning experience must take into account what the learner brings to it.

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada

• Learners in a workplace are actively involved in their own learning,

even as they are provided models of expert performance to emulate. However, for systematic learning to occur, they need coaching, performance-based evaluation, and error correction, arranged to “fade” so that they become autonomous and independent. • Instruction and learning in a workplace setting intermingle context and domain specificity and generality. Being integrated in the actual work process, learners are forced, and must be taught, to develop strategies for controlling their own performance – setting goals, planning, checking work and monitoring progress, and revising their course. Most important, learners need to develop strategies for applying their competencies in a context different from the one in which they learned them, and for acquiring additional knowledge and expertise. • Learning experiences in a workplace setting enculturate the learner into the community of practice in a given domain or occupation, so that the individual will come to understand the physical, conceptual, symbolic, and social tools of the community and their uses and will become a contributing and valued member. The way in which students learn and develop through work experience has also been conceptualized as a combination of “vertical” and “horizontal” development. Guile and Griffiths (1999) argue that the separation of students’ vertical development – that is, the individual progress toward greater levels of abstraction and decontextualization – and their horizontal development – the process of change and situational learning that occurs in a person as he or she moves from one context to another – is artificial, gives priority to school-based learning over other types and places of learning, and leaves the student to integrate the separate bodies of knowledge. Instead of seeing them as separate and distinct, they argue, there is a need to develop curricula frameworks and learning situations to encourage and enable the student to make links between work experience, its underlying knowledge and skill, and its cultural, social, and technological context (116).

transitions Much of the recent interest in alternation approaches (oecd, 2000) assumes that they are better able to facilitate the transition between school and work by providing a more discernible initial employment pathway for young people. Figure I.1 illustrates alternative transition routes from school to working life. These comprise

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11

Introduction

Figure i.1 Transition routes from school to work School

Employment university-level education

primary school

job = related training

secondary school college-level training and private training institutions

vocational programs

• (adult) apprenticeship training • other employersponsored training • informal on-thejob training

(youth) apprenticeship training

unstructured work experience, combined with some education and training – “floundering period” no education/training

• school-based post-secondary education and training, that is, univer-

sity-level education and college-level training; • workplace-based vocational education and training in the form of

(youth) apprenticeships; • the unstructured work experience, combined with some education

or training – the “milling around” or “floundering” period that was mentioned above; and • finally, the direct transition from secondary school to work without any additional education or training. In this system, there are two principal transitions. The first is from school to a post-secondary institution, a transition which, in many cases, is difficult since access is regulated by rather rigid entry requirements. Most college career-technical programs, for example, demand high school graduation as an entry qualification. Post-secondary access is further complicated when the preparation for and choices among available program options are not sufficiently transparent and when signals from schools, parents, and the labour market are unclear or

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Integrating School and Workplace Learning in Canada

even contradictory (Heinz, 1991; Sweet, Anisef, and Lin, 2000). This lack of clear transition signposts is seen by some analysts as part of a more general loosening of societal values and structures and of institutional patterns, which has the effect of giving individuals a broader range of choices. Greater autonomy and individual responsibility often make difficult the task of selecting the most appropriate institution, program, or field of study. This perspective on the educational transition process – often framed in terms of “risk” and “agency” – is based on a postmodern view of society which holds that the traditional institutions and cultural norms of the industrial society and welfare state are no longer functional. Social structures have therefore lost much of their influence on the life course, including matters such as educational and career aspirations and choices (Krahn and Lowe 1999; Furlong and Cartmel, 1997). The second transitional task of finding suitable employment after the completion (or discontinuation) of post-secondary education and training is equally, or even more, difficult. Research on school-work transitions in the 1990s (e.g., Krahn, 1996; Marquardt, 1996) indicates the complexities of this transition. Throughout the last decade, many graduates did not find work for which they had prepared, or they did not possess appropriate qualifications for those jobs that were available. And many graduates found themselves working in jobs for which they were overqualified (Anisef et al., 1996). Some of these problems have to do with changes in the labour market and are thus independent of individual knowledge and skills. Many of the difficulties that young people have with the second transition are due to their lack of job-relevant skills. And to some considerable extent, this may be attributed to their education and training having been poorly articulated with actual job skill requirements. This mismatch involves not just technical but also social skills and personal dispositions that influence their ability to define and solve problems, to work in teams, and to adapt to new tasks and changing work organization (acst, 2000). Employers’ views (such as those cited by Grubb, 1999) reflect a general dissatisfaction with what young workers bring to the job from school because the skills learned in school are seen to be too general and too theory-oriented to be relevant in the workplace, at least in the entry-level positions for which young people are hired. As a response to both the perceived lack of workplace-relevant skills and attitudes and the uncertainties of the transition process, alternation models attempt to bridge the different cultures of school and work – the one emphasizing theoretical and disciplinary learning and the other comprising learning in the context of actual production.

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This link with the culture of work makes the alternation approach more than just a means of acquiring job-relevant skills and knowledge. It also involves a process of occupational socialization and contributes to the development of personal identity (Raffe, 1994; Hamilton, 1990; Bailey, 1993).

economic and sociological theories of vo c at io na l e du c ati on and training It has been argued that the narrow, individualistic, and technical conception of human capital theory is inadequate to capture the particular features of the new, knowledge-based economy; further, that it cannot explain the elements and dynamics of the skill formation process. Ashton (1999: 349), for example, argues that new forms of production and post-Fordist workplaces “demand a new approach to skill formation, one that recognizes the essentially social character of skill formation.” He suggests that the concept of social capital may offer a better explanation of the process of learning skills for the new knowledge-based economy. Fevre, Rees, and Gorard (1999) similarly argue that human capital theory erroneously assumes that people make training (and other) decisions solely on the basis of instrumental, utilitarian reasoning. In contrast, more comprehensive sociological theories take into account the historical, geographical, cultural, and social factors that prompt people to engage in organized learning. There is considerable evidence that these broader sociological perspectives provide greater insight in the analysis of the processes of skill formation and the transition of young people into working life. This alternative perspective considers the expanded content of workplace skills, which increasingly include communication and teamwork abilities, as well as aptitudes and attitudes such as motivation, responsibility, and initiative. It also widens the focus with regard to the institutional fabric of skill formation. This includes the role of partnerships between schools and enterprises, of effective personal relationships between the key players, and of networking, information sharing, and the building of trust in these interactions (oecd, 2000; Bowers, Sonnet, and Bardone, 1999; Stern, 1999). This requirement for trust will become even more pronounced in the future. In the knowledge-based society, toward which we are so quickly moving, education and learning will need to be understood, designed, implemented, and managed differently from the ways of the twentieth-century industrial economy and society. New patterns of learning will be less formal, less visible, and less structured than

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formerly. They will be more centred on the learner’s needs and demands, and will use knowledge from many sources available through the Internet, remote tutoring and counselling, and spontaneous or sustained networks of knowledge exchange (Caspar, 2002). In such a complex new world of learning, traditional venues, especially academic campuses and classrooms, are losing their exclusivity. They are rapidly becoming only one of many places and modes of learning. Alternation between these various places and modes throughout one’s working (and non-working) life is characteristic of a true system of lifelong learning (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000). A theory of participation in this kind of learning must take into account the many social and cultural factors, including class, gender, ethnicity, geography, and age, which influence the decisions of individuals to engage and invest in learning throughout the life course (Fevre, Rees, and Gorard, 1999).

alt er n at i on ed u c at i o n i n c a n ada Following this introduction to the concept of alternation, the various chapters in this book are presented in two parts. The first establishes a context by describing the operating principles and practices of alternation in three jurisdictions: Germany, Quebec, and the rest of Canada. In each of these, various forms of alternation education, programs, and structures are organized differently, and these differences underscore the importance of attending to social and historical antecedents in developing policies for the successful implementation of alternation programs. The inclusion of a chapter focusing on a non-Canadian jurisdiction is explained by the fact that Germany’s “dual system” of apprenticeship is seen by many foreign analysts as particularly successful in providing a clear vocational pathway for young people and, at the same time, an efficient skill-formation system (e.g., Hamilton, 1990, 1993; Bailey, 1993; Bowers, Sonnet, and Bardone, 1999; oecd, 2000). It is not suggested that this highly regulated and institutionalized system could as such serve as a model for Canada. However, Walter Heinz’s insightful and critical account of the German apprenticeship system informs the Canadian discussion as the author shows the close connection between training and production systems, and the growing tensions within this traditional form of preparing young people for the world of work. As the world economy faces change – affecting Germany as much as the rest of the developed world – the apprenticeship system there is undergoing important changes in order to remain a viable alternative to the school-based, post-secondary option. All these issues are relevant to the discussion of alternation in Canada.

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The two other chapters in part 1 elaborate developments in Quebec and the rest of Canada. This division is not to suggest that Quebec is no longer an integral part of Canada. However, the educational policies and institutional fabric of that province are clearly distinctive, and a separate account seems justified, even required, to understand the particular approach in Quebec to the preparation of young people for work life. After an overview of the development of apprenticeship training in the province, Christian Payeur, Nancy Émond, and Laurier Caron analyze the attempt to create a new apprenticeship system in the mid-1990s and assess the reasons for its failure. This case study is particularly interesting; it shows that, unlike pure, school-based systems, “dual” systems cannot be designed and successfully implemented without a consensus as to purpose among the main stakeholders – the employers, the unions, and the educational institutions. Successful collaboration also requires a perception of “ownership.” The chapter provides evidence for the embeddedness of training systems in their social and institutional contexts, the constraints of different agendas held by the various stakeholders, and the implications for policy-makers who do not take sufficient account of them. In his overview of the system in the rest of Canada, Hans Schuetze provides examples of education and training programs that exemplify the typology of alternation types presented earlier in this introduction. He argues that, despite many attempts to revitalize youth apprenticeship and other forms of alternation training, there is a general lack of public acceptance, which explains why workplace-based programs have remained relatively undeveloped. The low esteem in which vocational and technical education is held in Canada is based on a bias toward academic studies and the fact that workplace-based training historically was aimed at low achievers and the difficult-to-employ. Coop education is an exception. It is the only really successful application of the principle of alternation in Canada, probably because it is embedded in the recognized and valued post-secondary system of colleges and universities. In part 2, the authors examine the implementation of alternation programs at various levels of the Canadian educational system and in the workplace. These include public schools, colleges, universities, and apprenticeships. The subsection on school-level alternation begins with Harry Smaller’s account of the development of vocational education in Ontario, a province whose educational history illustrates the resilience of class and gender divisions. Established at the turn of the century to educate the children of the working poor and immigrant groups, vocational schools were distinguished from the academic institutions that served the more fortunate classes. The initial curricular arrangements

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that differentiated so sharply between vocational and academic streams remain to this day. However, the current student body (whatever its background) is less inclined to select the vocational option, and attempts to motivate young people in this direction have simply failed. Smaller develops his response to the need for greater involvement in vocational education around three principles: the bridging of the mental-manual divide, a critique of the social bias that still characterizes access to these programs, and finally, their “re-engineering” to make them more attractive to youth. The disinterest of high school graduates in a vocational career, especially one involving apprenticeship training, is also evident in the data that Lesley Andres presents. They confirm the low level of participation in apprenticeship training and, additionally, obvious genderbased differences in both participation and choice of trades. Andres indicates that the unfavourable reaction to the apprenticeship option can, in part, be attributed to the influence of high school teachers and counsellors on students’ educational and career choices. It is reasonable to assume that the tendency of these critical “gate keepers” to encourage students to enrol in academic and school-based programs reflects their own academic background and their lack of familiarity with alternation-based education and training programs. The aversion to vocational career does not, however, extend to the notion of applied learning and work experience. Andres notes that co-op education programs are eagerly anticipated by graduates. Marcelle Hardy and Carmen Parent examine school-workplace collaboration in the province of Quebec. They note that some of the most difficult problems that arise in sustaining partnerships between schools and the business community involve differences among individuals – business sponsors, individual teachers, and administrative staff. These are a useful reminder of why reform of apprenticeship training and vocational education has been so slow and frustrating. The uneasy partnership between schools and companies – based partly on different objectives, perspectives, and forms of organizational priority-setting and decision-making – is a challenge to the formation of a working relationship between the two sectors. Acknowledging that it is difficult to forge such a partnership on a mutually beneficial and sustainable level does not mean that it is impossible, and the examples provided by Hardy and Parent testify to the value of persistence. Alternation is not new to the colleges. In the chapter that follows, Paul Gallagher and Anne Kitching first offer a brief history of the community colleges’ involvement with field studies and work experience, before describing the current status and future direction of alternation at the college level. They chronicle a number of innovations in

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co-op education programming, including service co-ops that extend the experience of students beyond the trades and technology sectors. Applied learning programs also represent an important development in the curricular integration of “real life” problems that anchor the students’ learning in the issues and concerns of the workplace. Establishing a strong link between college and business and industry is key to the success of student school-to-work transitions. Looking to the future, Gallagher and Kitching see the colleges’ greatest challenge as one of modifying their programs to respond to the unique needs of working people who are continually upgrading their skills. The college system should, however, be able to respond to this work-to-school transition by building on its long-standing relationship with the business community. Three chapters discuss aspects of alternation learning at the university level. Garnet Grosjean shows that co-op education programs are a popular choice among university students since they provide them not only with a salary but also with the opportunity to familiarize themselves with the world of work and to apply their “paper knowledge” to real-life situations and problems. Such programs also are popular with employers since the temporary placement of students, especially when they are advanced in their studies, is an excellent source of fresh perspectives and new ideas. And the placement serves as a probationary period during which employers can screen the students as potential employees. Grosjean’s case study of co-op students in one Canadian university shows the ways that students experience their placement with companies in terms of learning which complements their cognitive learning on campus and leads to greater personal growth. Tom Puk traces the development of the relationship between classroom learning and its application in the field by pre-service teachers. The focus of this chapter is on the reasons for a disjunction between the university study of teaching and its application during the practicum. A second concern of the chapter is the necessity for reform and innovation in classroom teaching. The author ascribes the perceived gap in student teachers’ preparation as stemming, in part, from the irrelevance of their professors’ research interests and the normative culture of the school system, which resists innovation, whatever its source. Puk proposes a model that would address the issues of university-school separation and improve teaching and learning in school classrooms. Paul Axelrod, Paul Anisef, and Zeng Lin attempt to bridge the divide between liberal and vocational education in the universities. First appealing to John Dewey’s interpretation of vocational education as one that incorporates the substance of the liberal arts and then

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demonstrating the value of an integrated curriculum through workexperience programs, the authors argue for a change in attitude and practice in the academy. They also discuss the importance of altering the instructional design of university teaching to include a greater emphasis on problem-based learning and cooperative education models. Both, they assert, contribute to students’ involvement, and both anticipate the types of conditions they will encounter in the high-skills workplace. In a subsection devoted to the workplace, apprenticeships are explored with, first, a profile and analysis of current trends in registration and completion, from which implications as to the health of the apprenticeship are drawn. This review is followed by a study of the system’s response to demands by women for improved access to nontraditional trades. The analysis that Andrew Sharpe provides in his chapter on apprenticeship training in Canada clearly demonstrates that the system is in crisis. Enrolment and completion statistics show that apprenticeships are in general decline. A particular shortcoming of the system is its inability to attract women to the trades. Sharpe does provide some cause for optimism: there is evidence of a modest increase in participation among the younger age groups. And his analysis shows significant regional differences in the number of both registrations and completions, which suggest that regional structures and public policy exert some influence. While women have made considerable progress in achieving equity in the workforce and have greatly increased their level of participation in post-secondary education, apprenticeships remain highly segregated by gender. Apprenticeship training in Canada is almost exclusively a male domain. Robert Sweet, in his chapter, shows that this situation has a number of structural causes, especially the maintenance of traditionally male apprenticeships, the concentration of females in no more than a handful of trades, and the limited success of attracting female apprentices into “non-traditional” – that is, predominantly male – trades. While the basis for women’s choice of non-traditional trades involves socialized preferences as well as a rational calculation of returns to investment in training, the rewards for completing a non-traditional apprenticeship are considerable. The goal of this volume is to stimulate further thought and discussion on the role of alternation in renewing the relationship between education and work. The authors have addressed many of the relevant issues of theory, policy, and practice. Several questions nevertheless remain to be answered. In the concluding chapter, Robert Sweet and Hans Schuetze outline some of the research implications that derive from the authors’ insights. All the contributors indicate the need for

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greater investment not only in determining the best practices for programs but also in a search for a more complete conceptual analysis of alternation.

references Advisory Council on Science and Technology (acst) (2000). Stepping up: Skills and opportunities in the knowledge economy. Ottawa: acst. http://acst-ccst.gc.ca/acst/skills/home_e.html. Anisef, P., Ashbury, F., Bischoping, K., & Lin, Z. (1996). Post-secondary education and underemployment in a longitudinal study of Ontario baby boomers. Higher Education Policy, 9, 159–74. Ashton, D. (1999). The skill formation process: A paradigm shift? Journal of Education and Work, 12 (3), 347–50. – & Green, F. (1996). Education, training and the global economy. Cheltenham (uk): Edward Elgar. – & Lowe, G. (1991). School-to-work transitions in Britain and Canada – A comparative perspective. In D. Ashton & G. Lowe (Eds.), Making their way: Education, training and the labour market in Canada and Britain. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Bailey, T. (1993). Can youth apprenticeship thrive in the United States? Educational Researcher, 22 (3), 4–10. Bertrand, O. (1994). Issues, problems and perspectives – Lessons from an international debate. In Apprenticeship – Which way forward? Paris: oecd. Bowers, N., Sonnet, A., & Bardone, L. (1999). Giving young people a good start: The experience of oecd countries. In oecd (Ed.), Preparing youth for the 21st century: The transition from education to the labor market, Paris: oecd. Caspar, P. (2002). New forms and functions of training and learning in the knowledge-based society. In D. Istance, H.G. Schuetze, & T. Schuller (Eds.), From recurrent education to the learning society: International perspectives (pp. 105– 14). Buckingham, uk: Open University Press. Council of Ministers of Education Canada (cmec) (1998). The transition from initial education to working life: A Canadian report for an oecd thematic review. Toronto: cmec. – (1999). A report on Public Expectations of Postsecondary Education in Canada. Toronto: cmec. Cramer, G., & Mueller, K. (1994.) Nutzen der betrieblichen Berufsausbildung. Köln: Deutscher Instituts-Verlag. Fevre, R., Rees, G., & Gorard, S. (1999). Some sociological alternatives to human capital theory and their implications for research on post-compulsory education and training. Journal of Education and Work, 12 (2), 117–124.

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Frank, J. (1996). After high school: The first years. The report of the School Leavers Followup Survey, 1995. Catalogue no. lm–419–09–96. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. Furlong, A., & Cartmel, F. (1997). Young people and social change: Individualization and risk in late modernity. Buckingham, uk: Open University Press. German Federal Ministry for Education, Science, Research, and Technology (1996). Annual report on vocational education and training (Berufsbildungsbericht). Bonn: Federal Ministry. Grubb, N.W. (1999). The sub-baccalaureate labor market in the us: Challenges for the school-to-work transition. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross-national perspectives (pp. 171–93). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Guile, D., & Griffiths, T. (1999). Learning through work experience. Journal of Education and Work, 12 (3), 113–31. Halperin, S. (1998). The forgotten half revisited: American youth and young families, 1988–2008. Washington: American Youth Policy Forum. Hamilton, S.F. (1993). Prospects for an American-style youth apprenticeship system. Educational Researcher, 22 (3), 11–16. – (1990). Apprenticeship for adulthood – Preparing youth for the future. New York: The Free Press. Heinz, W. (1991). Theoretical advances in life course research. Weinheim: Deutscher Studien Verlag. Krahn, H. (1996). School-work transitions: Changing patterns and research needs. Ottawa: Applied Research Branch, Human Resources Development Canada. – & Lowe, G.S. (1999). School to work transitions and postmodern values: What’s changing in Canada? In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Crossnational perspectives (pp. 260–83). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lynch, L.M. (1993). The economics of youth training in the U.S. Economic Journal, 103 (420), 1922–302. Lowe, G. (2000). The quality of work: A people-centred agenda. Don Mills, Ont.: Oxford University Press. Marquardt, R. (1996). Youth and work in troubled times: A report on Canada in the 1990s. Ottawa: Canadian Policy Research Network. Merle, V. (1994). Pedagogical objectives and organization of alternating training. In oecd (Ed.), Apprenticeship – Which way forward? (pp. 29–40). Paris: oecd. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (oecd) (1993). Industry training in Australia, Sweden and the United States. Paris: oecd. – (1994a). Apprenticeship – Which way forward? Paris: oecd. – (1994b). Vocational education and training for youth. Paris: oecd. – (1996). Lifelong learning for all. Paris: oecd. – (2000). From initial education to working life – Making transitions work. Paris: oecd.

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Raffe, D. (1994). Compulsory education and what then? – Signals, choices, pathways. In oecd (Ed.), Vocational education and training for youth – Towards coherent policy and practice (pp. 41–67). Paris: oecd. Raizen, S. (1994). Learning and work – The research base. In oecd (Ed.), Vocational education and training for youth – Towards coherent policy and practice (pp. 69–113). Paris: oecd. Rubenson, K., & Schuetze, H.G. (1995). Learning at and through the workplace – A review of participation and adult learning theory. In D. Hirsch & D. Wagner (Eds.), What makes workers learn – The role of incentives in workplace education and training. Cresskill, nj: Hampton Press. – (2000). Lifelong learning for the knowledge society: Demand, supply, and policy dilemmas. In K. Rubenson & H.G. Schuetze (Eds.), Transition to the knowledge society: Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning (pp. 355–76). Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies. Sako, M. (1994). The role of employers and unions in facilitating the transition to employment and further learning. In oecd (Ed.), Vocational education and training for youth – Towards coherent policy and practice (pp. 115–42). Paris: oecd. Shale, D. (1999). University distance education in Canada. In K. Harry (Ed.), Higher education through open and distance learning (pp. 150–63). New York: Routledge. Simon, R., Dippo, D., & Schenke. A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. Toronto: oise Press. Skolnik, M. (1992). Higher education systems in Canada. In A. Gregor (Ed.), Higher Education in Canada (pp. 15–25). Ottawa: Secretary of State of Canada. Steedman, H. (1993). The economics of youth training in Germany. Economic Journal, 103 (420), 1279–91. Stern, D. (1999). Improving pathways in the US from high school to college and career. In oecd (Ed.), Preparing youth for the 21st century: The transition from education to the labour market (pp. 155–214). Paris: oecd. – (2002). The seventh sector: Social enterprise for learning in the US. In D. Istance, H. G. Schuetze, & T. Schuller (Eds.), From recurrent education to the learning society: International perspectives (pp. 91–104). Buckingham, uk: Open University Press. Sweet, R., Anisef, P., & Lin, Z. (2000). Exploring family antecedents of participation in post-secondary education. Ottawa: Learning & Literacy Directorate, Human Resources Development Canada. Teichler, U. (1998). Thematic debate: The requirements of the world of work. Paper ed-98/conf.202/18. Geneva: International Labour Organization. unesco Commission on Education for the Twenty-First Century (1996). Learning: The treasure within. Paris: unesco.

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part one A Comparison of Alternation Models and Jurisdictions

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1 The Restructuring of Work and the Modernization of Vocational Training in Germany W A LT E R R . H E I N Z

Each year, German small-crafts enterprises look for applicants to their apprenticeship programs. Other, larger business similarly seek entrants to apprenticeships. MacDonald’s-Germany, for example, has started to offer apprenticeships for restaurant managers. In most German cities there is an annual apprenticeship exchange where employers, students, and officials from the Federal Employment Agency meet in order to exchange information on the availability of training places coming up in the fall. These observations suggest that in Germany the balance between students looking for vocational education and training (vet) and the requirements of employers is effectively organized. This is, however, an erroneous impression. The gap between demand and supply of information technology specialists in the German computer industry is growing. Training places are declining in manufacturing, and new apprenticed occupations in the service sector have been slow to develop. These phenomena indicate discontinuities in the German training and employment system. On the one hand, there is a “talent war” in the booming computer field, and on the other, a lack of apprenticeships and career prospects in more traditional occupations. Job losses are associated with the decline of manufacturing industries, and the recent waves of company mergers have also contributed to less employment stability. These trends reflect an increasing weakness in the national balance between education, training, and employment. In order to better understand the problem of education-work mismatch, it is important to look at the institutions of the German welfare

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state and the education, training, and labour-market arrangements that are shaping transitions in the working life course. They are at the root of national divergence in the relation between economy and society in a globalized economy (Esping-Anderson, 1993). In addition to differences in social policy, there is divergence in the balance of institutional regulation and individual agency in the structuring of transitions from education to employment (Heinz, 1999). In Germany the political debate at the turn of the twenty-first century has concerned the development and implementation of innovative employment and active labour-market policies. These issues have been raised in relation to the increasing polarization between a highwages, high-skills route and a low-wages, low-skills route. Until the 1990s, the goals of educating a technologically sophisticated labour force and producing quality goods in a context of cooperative interest policies and the welfare state were relatively successful. However, development of a coordinated, quality-oriented, and long-term school-towork policy may lose out to the pressures of globalization. Despite the rhetoric surrounding concepts of the knowledge society and lifelong learning, modernization of skill profiles has been slow and selective. Instead of mobilizing for the training of multi-skilled workers, technicians, and managers – and further reducing the division of labour by decentralizing and democratizing work organizations – the restructuring of work in Germany is less innovative than policy visions promise. There is a reintensification of work and a lag in the implementation of both advanced technology and organizational innovations. It becomes obvious that the progress of information and communication technology is not the sole factor determining the direction of skill demands. It is, rather, a “path dependency” that acts as a basic structure in shaping the extent to which new technology is affecting the occupational structure and levels of skill demands. This relationship is mediated by different social interests and principles of negotiation between capital, labour, and the state, and last but not least, by employers’ investment decisions. In order to consider continuity and crisis in the German training system, it is important to understand that policies of education and training are embedded in institutional arrangements which consist of a series of checks and balances (between business, labour unions, and government) found in federal vocational education and training legislation. This chapter will first outline the principles of the vet system and then discuss its relevance for socializing the majority of youth in Germany to the world of work. The question of whether the vocational training approach will survive the attacks of global competition and information technology will be answered with a cautious yes. Finally, recent institutional responses aimed at improving the vet in Germany will discussed.

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the german training system Before I analyze the strengths and weaknesses of the vet system, a look at transitional arrangements in general is helpful in order to understand the degree to which the German education, training, and higher education systems are stratified. Three thresholds or turning points characterize the transitions from school to work in Germany. Following elementary school, this three-step sequence starts with the tracking of students into lower, middle, or higher secondary school (Hauptschule, Realschule, Gymnasium). Upon their completion of nine, ten, or thirteen years of schooling, the next turning point involves either entering an apprenticeship or enrolling in a polytechnical college (Fachhochschule) or university. The last threshold constitutes entry into the labour market after having acquired an occupational certificate or an academic degree. Approximately 80 per cent of each youth cohort in Germany attains either a vocational training certificate or a higher education degree. In the United States, by comparison, one-third of school leavers receive no formal training, and almost half gain neither a certificate nor a degree (Nickell, 1998; Shavit and Müller, 1998; Heinz, 1999). In Germany, two-thirds of school leavers attain an occupational certificate after three to four years of training in a firm and vocational school. This training arrangement consists of a combination of firm-based on-the-job training and school-based vocational education. This “dual system” is regulated by the vocational training and education act (Berufsbildungsgesetz), which defines the responsibilities and rights of employers, unions, and government (the social partners) and a federal vet agency (Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung) in developing, reforming, and evaluating ordinances for 360 craft, technical, commercial, and service occupations at present. There is a relatively high concentration on about 10 per cent of these training occupations: young women prefer sales and office occupations, young men technical and craft occupations. The occupation-centred transition obviously produces social inequality based on social origin and gender which starts with the early tracking decisions at school, decisions that predetermine to a large extent the results at the second and third turning points. The three-tier school system still distributes the occupational life chances in an uneven way. According to surveys, there is a discrepancy between parental expectations and the outcomes of educational selections at the three thresholds. For instance, half the parents would like their children to go on to upper-level high school in order to attain university entrance requirements, but only one-third of the children manage to move along this path (Heinz, 1999).

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A look at the new training contracts at the end of the 1990s reveals that one-third of all apprentices come from lower secondary schools (Hauptschule) and mainly enter craft and blue-collar occupations; 40 per cent come from middle secondary schools (Realschule), most of whom will be trained for occupations in commerce, services, and technology; and less than 20 per cent come from upper secondary schools (Gymnasium), which provide university entry exams; these young people enter careers after graduation in the professions, business, and public services. This distribution has been critisized because it mirrors the relative high segmentation between each level of education and the access to occupations and training opportunities. There are different ways to combine work experience and theoretical learning in school-to-work transition arrangements (Rosenbaum et al., 1990; Shavit and Müller, 1998; Heinz, 1996, 2000). General and vocational education can be provided by school learning (as, for example, in France); or general education may be offered at schools, and training occurs on the job (as in Canada or the United States). A combination of in-company work experience and theoretical instruction over a regulated period is the trademark of the “dual system” in German-speaking countries. This transition arrangement is based on the cooperation of two learning sites: the work site (plant, craft shop, office, or department store) and the vocational school. This system gains strength from the combination of classroom learning and an employer-based training that provides learning and work experience in the organizational context of the firm. With its strong roots in the history of industrial Germany and its contemporary embeddedness in the system of social partnership, the vet, like the higher education pathways, is regarded as a collective good from which not only young people but also business and civic society will benefit. This view is reflected not only in the fact that higher education is still free of charge but also in the federal government’s intervention in times of a declining supply of apprenticeships by combining public appeals with incentives (wage subsidies) for employers and by providing training schemes for young people who have not managed to get a business-based training place. Though the vet system is rooted in the medieval guilds of crafts and commerce, it was deliberately transformed through the period of industrialization. This tradition was combined with the German welfare state and its corporatist labour policy after World War ii, with the aim of serving not only the economy but also the (occupational) socialization and social integration of young people. At least in theory, training in the company is coordinated with vocational schooling throughout the individual’s progression toward the certification ex-

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amination as a journeyperson, skilled industrial worker, or skilled employee. Training ordinances define the practical and theoretical learning requirements in the firm and the vocational school. They provide guidelines for individual learning processes, as well as intermediate and final examinations that define core occupational knowledge and skill profiles. Furthermore, they orient career expectations and prepare for collaboration with related occupations. At a time of lifelong learning, certified occupational qualifications are also the building blocks for linking the basic or initial vet with secondary or continuing vet. For example, in order to become a self-employed master or technician in a company, one must complete at least five years of work and successfully finish the required courses. These are, however, supported by government subsidies. In summary, the vet system is creating career prospects in innovative ways by providing work-integrated and nationally recognized skill profiles, as well as links with the occupational labour market through the training firm. The system, however, still separates the graduates of lower and middle secondary schools from higher education and the professional labour market. As will be outlined below in the section about system reforms, the issue of structural segmentation or limited permeability in the “dual system” has led to various measures to improve access to college or university education for skilled workers. For the employers, standardized and certified training for specific occupations has the advantage that recruiting and job placement of new personnel can be matched with the applicants’ skill profiles. Firms that offer apprenticeships thus contribute to an entire industry’s labourforce development. If they do not employ the young skilled workers they have trained themselves – something that happens with increasing frequency in today’s volatile labour market – these workers have a chance to be hired by other companies because they promise to have portable qualifications and on-the-job experiences. One may conclude that skilled labour-force shortages at the high-end occupations of communcations, media, and technology (about which businesses and industries tend to complain) result largely from not having offered enough training places and career opportunities to past school-leaving cohorts. The vet system is an example of a transitional arrangement that emphasizes formal qualifications and develops standardized and portable occupational skills, whereas the United States and Canada tend to rely on an organizational model that consists mainly of learning on the job which fits the skill requirements and the flexibility demands of the enterprise (Shavit and Müller, 1998). As labour-market researchers (Soskice, 1994; Ashton and Green, 1996) observe, Germany has

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managed to maintain a high-skills, high-wages route that builds on a long-standing training philosophy and a post-war social market economy which operates in a corporatist policy framework – a social partnership between business, unions, and government. Despite a depressed economy and fierce international competition, corporatist institutions are still the backbone of the German school-to-work transition arrangement for promoting a skilled labour force. In contrast to consortia and co-op arrangements that in North America are initiated to improve the link between education and employment, the German training system uses a legislative framework that brings together enterprises, vocational schools, and labour unions in a collaborative working relationship. This framework sets universal standards for training firms and apprentices alike by defining the rights and duties of firms, the curricula taught at vocational schools, their duration, the salary levels of apprenticeships, and the form of vet contracts. Up to the end of the twentieth century, the vet system demonstrated its usefulness for business and young people by providing a steady supply of well-trained workers, directing career development, and moderating youth unemployment. Many other countries, including Canada, have attempted to organize their training programs along the lines of the vet system. The Ministry of Labour in British Columbia published a guide to apprenticeship training in 1982 titled Apprenticeship – Where Futures Begin. It profiled fifty-five designed trades, all in manual occupations. The Ontario Ministry of Skills Development published a document in the late 1980s titled Apprenticeship – for Careers with a Future with profiles of fifty-seven trades and their requirements. Only seventeen were designated “compulsory skilled occupations” with a certification of qualifications. Again, all the designated training was in manual occupations. In combination with hands-on experience at the workplace, there was a schooling component, usually conducted by a college of applied arts and technology on a block or day-release basis. The Canadian examples show that these initiatives were develop in the provinces, in contrast to the nationwide institutionalized arrangement in Germany, and that the equivalent of the network of firms, chambers of commerce and crafts, vocational schools and union representatives that characterizes the German training system is far less structured and reliable in Canada. The labour-market participation rates of school leavers are much higher in North America than in Germany, an outcome that is due to early employment without training or with some on-the-job training for relatively undemanding jobs. In contrast, the vet system extends the transition and leads to late entry into the labour force.

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s o c i al i z at i o n f o r a wor k i n g li f e Labour-market economists and industrial sociologists (Soskice, 1994; Kern and Sabel, 1994) tend to focus on training arrangements in relation to economic competitiveness and the modernization of labour markets, technology, and work organization. Education and occupation researchers emphasize the socializing effects of learning and working arrangements (Evans and Heinz, 1994; Bynner, Chisholm, and Furlong 1997; Heinz, 1999). They ask how work orientations are developed in relation to different transition systems and in response to changing opportunities, pathways, and work experiences. The relationship between occupational activities, social identity, and life plans and access to education and employment opportunities are at the core of the transition to adulthood. Equal opportunities for combining learning and working are crucial for social integration and the best strategy to prevent social exclusion by age, gender, or ethnic or social origin. The socialization of citizens occurs to a large extent along the transition experiences at the intersection of schooling and working. In Germany the time-honoured occupational virtues are culturally embedded and serve as a means of defining and stabilizing social identity. During the process of postindustrialization, these virtues, which embodied collective historical experiences, have given way to more individualized work orientations; as young people demand more independent and personally satisfying occupational environments (Baethge et al., 1988). These changes are contingent on the increasingly higher education levels of recent schoolleaving cohorts. The restructuring of work and the creation of learning organizations seem to fit the new work orientations of some members of the youth cohorts, who have been shifting from a collective skill-based identity to an orientation that may be called “cooperative individualism.” This is an orientation pattern that represents the increased demands for self-monitored work performance and labour-market strategies which encourage increasingly flexible membership in group-work, teamwork, and project-work organizations. The effects of restructured work on young people’s job entry and career patterns must be analyzed in the context of economic inequality and segmented labour-market structures. Focusing on socialization processes refines such analyses. For example, one might ask: To what extent do different opportunity structures create divergent pathways that reproduce or change social class effects and gender discrimination? And to what extent does providing learning and working experiences promote psychosocial stabilization for young people in a critical period of identity building? Studies of school-to-work pathways and outcomes that focus on the effects of education, economic changes, and labour-market segmentation

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(Shavit and Müller, 1998) tend to neglect the agency of young people. “Agency” refers to the orientations, decisions, and activities of individuals who today have to organize their transitions in a more flexible labour market. Transitions occur in a life-course framework that consists of a mix of normative age- and gender-related dimensions and market requirements which link vocational training with employment opportunities (Elder and O’Rand, 1995). In post-industrial societies the norms concerning the timing and duration of education, employment, and family formation became less rigid in the last decades of the twentieth century. The main reasons for this development are cultural modernization (cooperative individualism) and declining opportunities for a smooth education-to-work transition and subsequent occupational career. These changes are making agency – in the sense of individualized responsibility for transition decision-making and outcomes – a crucial aspect for any analysis of vet arrangements. Do they deliver occupational qualifications, strategies of self-organized learning, and life skills to young women and men that are useful for navigating transitions into and in the labour market? Socialization for work connects with the life course when it is successful in linking initial with continuing vet and employability that promote self-monitored participation in volatile labour markets. At the beginning of the twenty-first century it has become difficult to predict the most likely careers of young people on the basis of social origin, gender, levels of education, and credentials because the timing, duration, and sequences of transitions into the employment system are becoming more individualized (Bynner, Chisholm, and Furlong, 1997). Furthermore, company downsizing and mergers, as well as a more restrictive social policy on the part of the German welfare state, have been affecting the opportunity context and life plans of young people. They have to navigate in uncertain waters and to develop flexible strategies in combining education, training, and labour-market participation in order to stay afloat in the waves of restructuring work and organizational modernization. Young people are adapting to these transition contexts in different ways. Traditional, collective work orientations, competitive individualism, and cooperative individualism are different orientations that reflect social background, level of education and training, and employment experiences. From a recent longitudinal study of young skilled white- and blue-collar workers (Heinz et al., 1998), who have been followed up after they graduate from the vet system in two major German urban regions (Munich and Bremen) since 1989, three results are worth mentioning in this context.

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First, though they had been offered contracts by their training firm, more than half of the respondents were no longer employed in their training occupation after five years in the labour market. Some had returned to school in order to upgrade their education, while others had moved on to a similar occupation (e.g., from banking to bookkeeping). Many more women than men interrupted full-time employment in order to become homemakers for up to three years by taking advantage of the parental leave act. Long-term unemployment, however, was unexpectedly low, despite rising unemployment among skilled workers in the 1990s. Second, there were impressive variations of this general trend in specific occupations which made a big difference in the stepwise transition outcomes and career sequences over the years. Bank employees, for instance, had more employment continuity compared to car mechanics, and more male and female bank employees had entered post-secondary education after several years on the job. Third, within each occupation, young workers’ orientations and goals made a difference in the way they had been shaping their careers. Some relied on the firm to provide job continuity and/or promotion. Others decided to improve their chances by leaving the employment system and returning to school in order to upgrade their education. A minority prefered to develop their personal goals by switching between jobs, times out, and education. These results suggest that the training and educational institutions and the volatile labour market have become action contexts in which individuals are negotiating their place in the working life course. The restructuring of work has made the life course more dependent on the labour market and has intensified the trend toward more individualized decisions, thereby increasing the variability of life-course pathways. Our results document a strong influence of the educational level and the occupational structure on transition outcomes, which, however, are not operating as social-structural forces as used to be the case in traditional class societies. Young adults have learned to use their occupational knowledge and skills in their own ways, thereby creating variations in the timing and sequencing of education-to-work transitions in response to the changing opportunity structures. The transition itself has become a socialization environment that provides learning experiences in the sense of building the competence to acquire new skills. The apprenticeship is slowly being transformed from an old-fashioned model of vocational training into a launching pad for different career pathways, in the sense of becoming an outfitter for individual expeditions into the more and more deregulated occupational territories of the labour market. The vet system still manages to

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socially integrate non-college-bound young adults by offering culturally embedded and economically rational access to Germany’s occupational structure as an institutionalized context for building a personally meaningful social identity. Employers are still interested in apprentices as long as their training provides organizational knowledge and skill profiles that are adaptable to the changing workplace. As the example of the master craftspersons in different occupations has documented, a solid foundation in occupational qualifications is essential for building entrepreneurial capacities, which, however, have to be met by an economic and policy context that supports sustainable self-employment. In this context, it is important to keep in mind that the call for self-responsibility, self-organization, and flexibility is highly ideological if it is not combined with equal opportunity of education, training, and labour-market participation. Such is also the case for lifelong learning, which signals individual responsibility for coping with organizational modernization.

th e s ys te m u n de r at tack : c a n vet p r e v a i l ? Economists have praised the continuous supply of skilled workers that used to be one of the cornerstones of the success of the German export industry. The learning and working arrangements of skill creation were regarded as a prerequisite for continual improvement in the work process, largely because the labour force had learned how to develop its skills and link them with new job requirements. But in view of the slowdown in economic growth and the rising unemployment of the 1990s, a growing number of critics have drawn attention to the disadvantages of the German apprenticeship system in facilitating an economic recovery. It is now regarded as an obstacle to the modernization of the organization of work because it tends to favour occupation-based identities. Such identities tend to resist the flexible and collaborative types of work that are required in restructured, decentralized, and less bureaucratized organizations. The industrial restructuring of the 1990s is supposed to have led to a crisis in craft-based production (Kern and Sabel, 1994; Herrigel and Sabel, 1999): There is a skill fetishism in the German occupational structure, and “over-engineered” products are slowing down the move to a postindustrial (“post-Fordist”) production system in Germany, which needs a renewal of the skill-formation patterns. The German “dual system” has had its day because it does not fit the requirements of modern, flexible, multi-skilled teamwork. Another obstacle to improving pro-

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ductivity is the German plant, which is characterized by a bureaucratic structure of skill distinctions that create separate occupational territories which inhibit cooperative work arrangements. The reliance on occupational skills and the bureaucratic organization of companies slow down organizational innovations. Therefore “craft” as a typical German form of organizing and recognizing work and its institutional framework needs to be structurally transformed; it cannot be amended anymore. It has to be changed into a system of more open and flexible training and production arrangements. These criticisms are based largely on the German manufacturing industry, which is in decline. By blaming the craft tradition, however, critics neglect to point out that vocational training occurs in all sectors of the German economy and not just for skilled manual work in small and medium enterprises. It is misleading to equate the concept of craft with the cultural image of Beruf (occupation) because craft focuses on specific manual skills and small-scale production, whereas Beruf refers to social identity at all levels of the occupational structure, including professionals and entrepreneurs. Another argument assumes that information technology and economic globalization will finally force the German occupational system to become less stratified by combining thinking and working, planning and the execution of work. The reintegration of the mental and manual aspects of work is recommended by industrial sociologists in order to speed up organizational modernization. This argument underrates the existing potential of the apprenticeship, which promotes knowledge-based occupational behaviour. It is, after all, “dual” in the sense of providing both general theoretical education and practical skills. It is still management’s decision to assign workers to stable, continuous production lines or flexible, variable job tasks. Nowadays, working in teams and improving one’s knowledge and skills demand workers’ flexibility and collaborative competence. This is fine from the perspective of organizational modernizers, but it contradicts basic individual claims for social integration and personal recognition, and it undermines the employees’ loyality to their company. The horizontal integration of various skill levels that used to be vertically separated – skilled workers, technicians, programmers, engineers – requires not only multi-skilled employees but also the creation of mutual trust in joint decision-making on work allocation, maintenance, and quality control. Such technical, organizational, and social skills can be acquired in education and training environments that promote self-reliance and pride in one’s occupational know-how. This still is possible in apprenticeship-like learning and working environments that prepare young workers for a flexible, but competence-based working life.

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Thus the historical roots of the dual system cannot be identified as the sole cause of resistance against a transformation of the skill-based occupational structure into an organization-led learning model of school-towork transitions. It has not been proven that skilled workers, technicians, or employees in the financial and commercial services are socialized in such a way that they must oppose team-based work because they want to be recognized only by their skill profiles. It is, rather, the resistance of middle and upper management, who are losing their organizational status to self-organized work teams when the concept of the learning and decentralized organization is implemented. We conclude that the modernization of German industry by the restructuring of work does not invalidate the basic structure of vet. It is obvious that employers’ reluctance in the past regarding long-term investment in new training occupations and training places has created a bottleneck in the balance of demand and supply in a competent and innovative labour force. For instance, only 28 per cent of all German firms supplied training places in 1990; in 1995 this proportion declined to 24 per cent (bmbw, 1997). Apart from the critiques of labour-market economists and industrial sociologists concerning the vet system, there are also transition risks that are emphasized by socialization researchers. An increasing diversity of pathways in the vocational and academic transition systems is, however, embedded in strong structural continuity. Such is also the case for those young people who finish neither an apprenticeship nor a post-secondary degree. They are offered state-sponsored vet programs and participate in job-creation schemes. Therefore the urban underclass of unemployed young people is much smaller in Germany than in other European countries such as Spain, Italy, or France and in North America. The German welfare state still attempts to build bridges or escape routes for youths at risk; instead of welfare, there is the strategy of “training fare” – programs for initial and continued vet instead of social assistance. Several critical points that have been observed by education researchers for quite some time. Training is rather job-specific, and the range and quality of skills and knowledge that are acquired depend on the training engagement of the firm. In small and medium-sized enterprises, apprentices are quite often exploited as cheap junior workers; in large companies they have the chance to rotate between workplaces and training workshops, supervised by a training master, and to learn skills that quite often include related occupations. Because of its embeddedness in the German system of industrial relations and supervision by a central federal administration, timeconsuming and bureaucratic procedures are required for introducing

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and certifying new training occupations. Such is the case for business sectors where new occupations arise – the information, technology, communications, and media industries. Finally, vet not only separates the apprentice from the university-bound students, but it is stratified according to gender; it reflects the social dynamics of labour-market segmentation that discriminates against women (Krüger, 1999), lowerclass youth, and children of immigrant workers. In addition to these structural problems, a major threat to the apprenticeship system is the increasing risk of unemployment after the completion of vet. Employers have been responding to globalization by becoming more conscious of short-term gains and cost-cutting. They demand more labour-market deregulation, decentralized bargaining, and more flexibility in training, hiring, and firing. Employers tend to move from an occupational model of training to a more flexible organizational model (Shavit and Müller, 1998). These trends accelerated in the 1990s and are undermining not only the structure and continuity of the collective dual system; they also have been creating unintended effects. Though the majority of school leavers enter the apprenticeship route in Germany, many young people are losing trust in this transition arrangement. Therefore more and more school leavers attempt to upgrade their formal qualifications in order to attain access to higher-education institutions instead of or in addition to an apprenticeship. According to recent surveys conducted by the federal vet agency (bmbw, 1999), 63 per cent of the 1998 school-leaving cohort expressed an interest in entering an apprenticeship. School leavers of the 1990s had to adapt to an increasing difficulty in getting an apprenticeship and a job offer from their training firm, a sequence that was more or less taken for granted by training cohorts of the 1970s and 1980s. According to data collected for the annual federal vet report (bmbw, 1999), only 45 per cent of young skilled workers were offered a contract by their training firm in 1998, whereas the proportion was 60 per cent in 1995. Overcoming the third threshold has become less likely and more stressful in East Germany, where 40 per cent of young skilled workers did not find any employment in 1997. The main reason for this individual failure and serious social problem is that in East Germany, in response to its slow economic growth and lack of apprenticeships, government-sponsored programs have been introduced which cannot provide in-firm training and employment opportunities. In conclusion: while the economic and organizational perspectives on transition arrangements neglect the social costs that will result when cost-cutting, organizational flexibility, and occupational-identity deconstruction are driving the restructuring of work, the educational

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perspective emphasizes the individual costs that result from the lack of training places and employment offers and the stratification of the occupational system in Germany.

reform measures: institutional responses to the restructuring of work In response to the structural and economic problems that are affecting the dual system, several strategies have been conceived by German educational and training institutions. A nationwide “Alliance of Work, Training, and Competitiveness” in the framework of social partnership has recently called for a programmatic continuity of the dual vet (Bündnis für Arbeit, 2000). Young people have to acquire the competence to cope with new labour-market requirements in a self-reliant and self-responsible way. In view of the decline in production and manufacturing in Germany, there have to be new ways to manoeuvre for innovation in vet. The alliance has reiterated the joint responsibility of the social partners in developing and shaping training occupations that provide learning and working experience which are the foundation for occupational competence. vet has to continue to create the prerequisites for occupational mobility through a more flexible design of training occupations that can be adapted by the company in the general framework of training ordinances. In order to monitor the changing skill requirements, the social partners intend to establish task forces that consist of business and occupational experts and staff from the federal vet ageny. Their recommendations will be taken into account by the federal government in developing a monitoring system for changes in qualification requirements. The alliance has underscored the responsibility to provide recognized vocational credentials for all young people. The certification procedure should become more flexible, for instance, not only by certifying the entire apprenticeship training but also by building blocks that consist of sets of qualifications. Additional qualifications that can be acquired in combination with or after vet would include knowledge and skills about other occupations and would broaden the employability of young workers. Such an integration strategy would also provide bridges to further education and occupational training. These bridges would be built by regional centres of competence, where the partners in vet would cooperate to respond to changing training and employment requirements in a more flexible way than in the past. In marked contrast to the market approach and the crafts-training tradition, the strategy of the “left modernizers” (Brown and Lauder,

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1996) in Germany is to promote a high-tech and service economy by calling for large-scale investments in the formation of broad occupational knowledge and social skills. Thus the state is reclaiming its role in educational, training, and employment policy in order to create a highly educated and flexible labour force for increasingly demanding workplaces. In order to succeed, this modern social-democratic strategy depends on a growing supply of training places for highly skilled occupations. In Germany, as in other post-industrial service societies, there is a growing mismatch between the structure of qualifications and employment opportunities – an education-jobs gap (Livingstone, 1998). This development poses a threat to young skilled workers because they lack organizational and work experience. To the extent that labour markets become more deregulated, company downsizing and part-time, temporary, and insecure jobs will endanger employment opportunities even for highly skilled job starters. In parallel to the decline in training places provided by companies, the German provinces are intensifying training in technical and business colleges. For instance, Bavaria has established eight new colleges (Fachhochschulen) in middle-sized cities and semi-rural regions as labour-market-sensitive providers of technical and business education with a strong practical emphasis. At some of these colleges, students can also acquire a certificate as skill workers together with their specific diploma in electrical engineering, business engineering, or environmental engineering. The establishment of technical and business colleges in German regions has similarities to the growing importance of technical and community colleges in North America (see Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000), which are playing an increasingly significant role in building cooperative ties with potential training firms and employers by offering qualification sequences and courses that are guided by the needs of regional firms. This strategy, however, does not serve the public good because the skills and knowledge that are created are not portable; rather, they are restricted to the demand of local employers and favour firm-specific flexibility. In contrast to the educational and training landscape in Germany, school-to-work initiatives in North America are not institutionalized; they lack the cultural and policy framework that is needed to create a trusting, long-term commitment to provide initial and continuing education and training. The example of innovative continuous training policies comes from the information and communication technology (IT) sector. German Telecom, the Union of Postal and Communication Workers, and the Federal Employment Agency have recently agreed to coordinate all further education in information technology as a sequence of training and certification in a system of lifelong learning. A major goal of this

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agreement is that young skilled workers have bridges to develop their occupational competence in the IT sector by obtaining nationally recognized and certified, as well as internationally comparable, competence profiles. Besides the expansion and modernization of training opportunities, it is important to look at bridges that can be built in respect to labourmarket trends. In the context of “reflexive deregulation” (Rogowski and Schmid, 1998), transitional labour markets are a potential link between education and work. This concept responds to the increase in economic insecurity and the individualization of the life course; both call for more flexibility in the labour market. Restructuring work means more differentiated and uncertain employment patterns, less standardization of working time and employment durations, and an increase in self-employment. Transitional labour markets are new institutional arrangements for stabilizing job discontinuities, forming bridges between work and other activities, which support employment instead of subsidizing unemployment: for example, socially recognized alternatives for combining education and work, employment and family responsibilities. This approach calls for a shift from a regulative to a corporative social welfare policy that supports the coordination and stimulation of self-organizing networks instead of bureaucratic agencies. The German labour law would have to integrate into its collective framework more room to manoeuvre for individual negotiations between employer and employee in a labour market that is characterized by high frequencies of job changes, employer changes, self-employment, and further education. The introduction of transitional labour markets can respond to the unpredictability of employment careers by supporting the maintenance and renewal of educational and occupational qualifications in a system of coordinated flexibility between training and employment providers.

conclusion In contrast to the United States, Canada, or the United Kingdom, where human resource management is characterized by more shortterm decision-making, German companies still tend to put more emphasis on long-term labour-force planning. This focus is seen in their involvement in apprenticeships and their attempts to generally build bridges to further education and training. It is also reflected in young people’s refusal to adopt a short-term perspective toward their own skill development. They plan and expect a two-stage school-to-work transition, either by entering the vet system or by enrolling in college or university; some combine these two routes. Employers, labour laws,

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and young people still attach great value to education and to workbased vocational and/or professional qualifications. Business, unions, government, education providers, and young people are part of a system of industrial relations that operates in the framework of institutionalized mechanisms of cooperation at the federal, provincial, and regional levels. The transformation from an industrial into a knowledge-based, post-industrial society poses challenges to the German system. Initial and continuing vet has to create better social and organizational skills that cross traditional occupational boundaries. The legacy of crafts and industrial structures, however, makes a quick adjustment of the dual system to a flexible organizational model unlikely. Cultural embeddedness and the unions’ policies create an institutionalized resistance to a restructuring of work, especially one that is dictated by cost-cutting and downsizing strategies on the part of companies and neglects the promotion of intermediate qualifications. There are, however, a growing number of firms that have reacted to the institutional inertia by shaping training according to their specific needs, without giving up their participation in the dual system. The vet system still serves as a framework for the life plans and labourmarket transactions of young people and employers. As long as the majority of young people are socialized for a working life by following the vet pathway, they participate in and reproduce an occupational culture that is also the framework for recruiting, promoting, and engaging in lifelong learning processes in Germany. Though some economists and educators are critical of the occupational embeddedness of training and careers, the individual and social costs of dismantling the dual system will outweigh the short-term economic gains promised by global competition and technological advancement.

references Ashton, D., & Green, F. (1996). Education, training and the global economy. Cheltenham: Elgar. Baethge, M., et al. (1988). Jugend: Arbeit und Identität. Opladen: Leske + Budrich. bmbw (1997, 1999). Berufsbildungsbericht [Vocational education and training report]. Bonn: Federal Ministry for Education and Science. Brown, P., & Lauder, H. (1996). Education, globalization, and economic development. Journal of Educational Policy, 11, 1–24. Bündnis für Arbeit, Ausbildung und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit (Alliance for Work) (2000). Strukturelle Weiterentwicklung der dualen Berufsausbildung. Gewerkschaftliche Bildungspolitik, 1–2, 23–5.

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Bynner, J., Chisholm, L., & Furlong, A. (Eds.). (1997). Youth, citizenship and social change in a European context. Aldershot: Ashgate. Culpepper, P.C., & Finegold, D. (Eds.). (1999). The German skills machine: Comparative institutional advantage? New York; Oxford: Berghahn Books. Elder, G.H., Jr., & O’Rand, A.M. (1995). Adult lives in a changing society. In K.S. Cook, G.A. Fine, & J.S. House (Eds.), Sociological perspectives on social psychology (pp. 452–75). Needham Heights, Mass.: Allyn & Bacon. Esping-Anderson, G. (Ed.). (1993). Changing classes: Stratification and mobility in post-industrial societies. London: Sage. Evans, K., & Heinz, W.R. (Eds.). (1994). Becoming adults in England and Germany. London: Anglo-German Foundation. Heinz, W.R. (1996). Youth transitions in cross-cultural perspective: School-towork in Germany. In P. Galaway & J. Hudson (Eds.), Youth in transition (pp. 2–13). Toronto: Thompson. – (2000). Youth transitions and employment in Germany: Economic change and institutional inertia. International Social Science Journal (special ed.), 164, 161–70. – (Ed.). (1999). From education to work: Cross-national perspectives. New York: Cambridge University Press. – et al. (1998). Vocational training and career development in Germany – Results from a longitudinal study. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 22, 77–101. Herrigel, G., & Sabel, C. (1999). Craft production in crisis. In P.C. Culpepper & D. Finegold (Eds.), The German skills machine: Comparative institutional advantage? (pp. 77–114). New York; Oxford: Berghahn Books. Kern, H., & Sabel, C. (1994). Verblasste Tugenden – die Krise des deutschen Produktionsmodells. Soziale Welt, Sonderband (special ed.), Umbrüche gesellschaftlicher Arbeit, 605–24. Krüger, H. (1999). Gender and skills. In P.C. Culpepper & D. Finegold (Eds.), The German skills machine: Comparative institutional advantage? (pp. 189–227). New York; Oxford: Berghahn Books. Livingstone, D.W. (1998). The education-jobs gap: Underemployment or economic democracy. Boulder, Cl.: Westview Press. Nickell, S. (1998). The collapse in demand for the unskilled: What can be done? In R.B. Freeman & P. Gottschalk (Eds.), Generating jobs: How to increase demand for less-skilled workers (pp. 297–319). New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Rogowski, R., & Schmid, G. (1998). Reflexive Deregulierung: Ein Ansatz zur Dynamisierung des Arbeitsmarktes. In B. Keller & H. Seifert (Eds.), Deregulierung am Arbeitsmarkt (pp. 215–53). Hamburg: vsa-Verlag. Rosenbaum, J.E., et al. (1990). Market and network theories of the transition from high school to work. Annual Review of Sociology, 16, 263–99. Rubenson, K., & Schuetze, H.G. (Eds.). (2000). Transition to the knowledge society. Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies.

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Shavit, Y., & Müller, W. (Eds.). (1998). From school to work. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Soskice, D. (1994). Reconciling markets and institutions: The German apprenticeship system. In L.M. Lynch (Ed.), Training and the private sector (pp. 25–60). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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2 Toward a Regional Approach to Alternation Education and Training: The Case of Quebec C H R I S T I A N P A Y E U R, N A N C Y É M O N D , AND LAURIER CARON

The analysis of alternation education and training has for a long time been characterized by extremely different approaches, depending on the location where the model of alternation is implemented. At one extreme is an approach that strives to describe and characterize “national” models of alternation development. Thus there are numerous analyses of the German dual model, the British apprenticeship system, the Swiss apprenticeship system, and Belgian and French experiments with alternation. At the other extreme are the many studies that focus on the conditions in which alternation is implemented strictly at the local level of the educational institution or the enterprise. This approach is quite commonly used in Quebec. Despite their differences, these approaches encounter the same stumbling block, that is, the difficulty in comparing the cases studied (cereq, 1994). Indeed, how can the different experiments that go by the name of alternation or apprenticeship be compared when the very notion of alternation and apprenticeship tends to vary according to the specific social contexts of each country and the particular local arrangements that have been chosen by the actors involved? Nevertheless, a common feature of the reforms carried out in vocational and technical training during the past two decades in various oecd countries is that they attribute great importance to alternation and apprenticeship (Bertrand, 1999). It is important to determine what these new practices actually mean. In a recent oecd study (1999), Quebec is named as an example where, historically, the development of vocational education has been marginalized while general

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education has been overemphasized. The oecd study highlights the problems that this type of “model” poses for the introduction of approaches that rely more on workplace-based training. The description of recent vocational training reforms in Quebec (e.g., Paillé, 1998) demonstrates the need to put a halt to the exodus of young people from secondary-level vocational training, as well as the importance of ensuring that students enrolled in college-level technical training programs continue and succeed. The promotion of alternation is often linked to these two key issues. Thus, in the case of Quebec, it must be asked whether alternation is part of a structural transformation of the relationship between education and work, or if the experiments in developing alternation and apprenticeship are destined to remain marginal. Of relevance here are the observations made by Fusilier and Maroy (1998) in the conclusion of their examination of the local structures of alternation training in Belgium. They raise the question of the innovative capacities of different training systems and argue in favour of further theoretical development and empirical research to both identify the “structural determinants that generate general trends” and analyze the capacity of real actors to stimulate the dynamics of change. Like many other authors, Fusilier and Maroy suggest the need for a more in-depth analysis of local school-enterprise transactions. Jobert (1998) points out the simultaneous development of policies directed at strengthening the influence of regional organizations of vocational training and policies directed at fostering alternation and apprenticeship, and emphasizes the importance of analyzing the role of the actors in the development of alternation in a regional context. In this regard, Quebec provides fertile ground when we consider the marked differences between its regions in terms of the relationship between training and employment. Take, for example, the two regions of Montérégie (site of Montreal’s south-shore, high-tech industry) and the Gaspé Peninsula (a peripheral region with severe problems), which are so different in terms of industrial structure, organization of the employment and labour-force system, and employment or unemployment rates. It would be impossible for these two regions to generate similar dynamics with respect to the development of training in general and alternation in particular. Quebec has specific characteristics that make a “regional” analysis all the more relevant. For an outside observer trying to understand the case of Quebec, it must first be understood that the vocational and technical training system is specific to Quebec and is not part of the Canadian training system. Not only are education and training the exclusive responsibilities of the Canadian provinces, but Quebec has also assumed

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responsibility for developing its own programs and institutions in a distinctive way. However, while it jealously guards its prerogatives, the federal government regularly tries to influence provincial training policies. Following long and drawn-out federal-provincial discussions, Quebec a few years ago obtained quasi-exclusive responsibility for labour-force policies and, in particular, labour-force training. Even so, the federal government has played a large role in the case of alternation training. Thus, even though Quebec has created a highly coherent social space for qualification, the real actors in the field nevertheless have to deal with dynamics that are situated both within and outside this framework. To understand these dynamics and the role played by the various stakeholders, an intra-regional analysis is needed which examines each of Quebec’s regions, taking into account the distinctive framework of the Quebec system. To better understand the development of alternation in Quebec, we will first describe its particular institutional context. We will then describe the development of alternation and apprenticeship experiences. And finally, we will analyze the dynamics of the actors. The chapter concludes by attempting to sketch out some elements of what the future might hold.

the institutional context: one department, two networks, many institutions The institutional framework of the current Quebec system was established through the broad reforms of the mid-1960s. Those made since the mid-1980s did not challenge the fundamental parameters of that framework, even though relations between its various components have changed. Thus the educational system, including the vocational and technical, comes under the authority of the Ministère de l’éducation du Québec (Quebec Ministry of Education, or meq), which is its principal source of funding and nearly the only source of regulation. Quebec’s education system includes preschool, elementary, and secondary levels, as well as college and university education. School attendance is compulsory for all children aged six to sixteen. Elementary education normally lasts six years, while secondary education lasts five years and may lead to college-level studies or prepare students for the job market following completion of vocational training. Students may enter vocational training only after the third year of secondary school, but in reality more than half the students enrolled in vocational training already have a secondary school diploma. Also, young people and adults are integrated into the same groups in secondary-level voca-

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tional education, so much so that the average age of students in this sector is higher than twenty-five. The college sector in Quebec is structured very differently from that in the other Canadian provinces (Dennison, 1995). Education in the cegep s (collèges d’enseignement général et professionnel, or general and vocational colleges) consists of two main streams: two-year pre-university programs and three-year technical programs. Students enrol in either the technical or the pre-university sector, although they have the same basic courses (French, philosophy, physical education). There has been little change over the years with regard to the percentage of student numbers enrolled in these two streams, the academic stream accounting for approximately 60 per cent and the technical stream around 40 per cent of students. Vocational and technical training are provided through two separate networks: vocational training is provided by the school boards, and technical training comes under the auspices of the cegep s. Tradespersons are trained by the school boards, which, over the last fifteen years, have gradually abandoned the model of the secondary comprehensive school for that of vocational training centres as the dominant institutional form of secondary-level vocational training. At the secondary level, there are more than 150 training programs leading to the diplôme d’études professionnelles (secondary school vocational diploma) or the attestation de spécialisation professionnelle (certificate of vocational specialization), which require one or two years of training. Technical training remains the responsibility of the cegep s, an original institutional framework in which, as just noted, the pre-university and technical training systems co-exist. In addition to pre-university education, the cegep s offer more than one hundred technical programs leading to the diplôme d’études collégiales (diploma of college studies, or dec). They also offer short programs leading to the attestation d’études collégiales (certificate of college studies). The institutional reality in the field varies greatly between the two levels. At the secondary level, the vocational training centres are not distinct legal entities since they come under a school board, which has responsibility within its territory for all basic education (preschool, primary, and secondary). Recent legislative amendments give slightly more power to the centres through the creation of centre councils, which are involved, for example, in planning training programs. The law also provides for participation on the council by representatives of the centre’s staff and students and representatives of the socioeconomic environment. However, the meq still has the upper hand when it comes to defining training programs, which remain very prescriptive for secondary-level vocational training.

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The cegep s have much greater formal autonomy. Although they also come under the authority of the meq, the colleges are separate corporations with their own board of directors, and they report directly to the ministry without going through any other intermediary in the region. They have always had more autonomy in relation to training programs, which, although under the responsibility of the meq, are much less prescriptive than at the secondary level. This autonomy has been increased through recent reforms, which even allow the colleges to develop their own diploma (certificate of college studies) and to adopt a greater proportion of programs leading to a technical diploma of college studies. However great the cegep s’ autonomy is with regard to program planning, it is important to take into account the crucial role of the meq in the organization of training supply. To be able to offer a program leading to an meq diploma – the diplôme de formation professionnelle (diploma of vocational studies, or dep) at the secondary level and the diplôme d’études collégiales technique (technical diploma of college Studies, or dec) – school boards and cegep s must obtain meq authorization. Over the last ten years or so, the meq has been carrying out a major reorganization of training supply, institutions are since authorized to offer a program – since meq funding is dependent on authorization – only if it can be justified by local labour-force demand. This is a key factor in understanding the relationship between these institutions and the territory in question. While certain programs obtain numerous authorizations because they meet recurrent, important local needs (secretarial studies, automotive mechanics, etc.), other programs are only authorized on a regional basis or for all of Quebec. In addition, several specialized vocational training centres with regional or national1 mandates are being created. This reality must also be taken into consideration in the analysis of the development of alternation. A region normally has several school boards and, at least in the more populous regions, several cegep s, and there is no formal mechanism for operational coordination between these institutions.

some historical landmarks A few historical explanations seem useful for a better understanding of the Quebec situation. The Historical Development of Alternation in Quebec Quebec’s first experiment with alternation appears to date back to 1966, when the Université de Sherbrooke introduced a cooperative

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education (co-op) model of alternation into its engineering program (dgfpt, 1995a). For many years, this remained the only co-op and was not emulated elsewhere. The interest in alternation as a training method at that time can be explained by the need to acquire skills that could be learned through books but must be experienced in a real-life situation. Convinced by this argument, the federal ministry Human Resources Development Canada (hrdc) set up a program to fund work-study alternation in 1986. Also in 1986, as part of its vocational training reform, the government of Quebec promoted the alternation model of training as an educational strategy by introducing new approaches to training for secondary school students with learning difficulties through the “Programme d’insertion sociale et professionnelle des jeunes” (youth social and professional integration program, or ispj). Thus alternation was introduced in schools, but only for young people with serious learning difficulties as a way to remove this group from regular vocational training programs, which the meq was trying to redevelop at the time. This decision was directly related to the abolition of the short vocational program and provided a sort of alternative. But here again, the program targeted a small number of persons. Thus the development of alternation began at the two extremes of the educational system – university education and the social integration of youth at risk – without affecting mainstream vocational and technical training. It was the Canadian government (hrdc) that first contributed to the development of alternation in regular vocational and technical training programs. In 1986 it created the Co-operative Education funding program, whose aim was to promote alternation as a method to help young people enter the labour market. However, in Quebec, as a result of sensitivities about federal intervention in provincial jurisdictions, the first alternation projects in colleges funded under the federal program occurred in only 1990. These were followed by other vocational training projects at the secondary level. Thus it took nearly four years for the two levels of government to define the modalities whereby Quebec’s institutions could have access to the federal program without provoking angry responses from the Quebec government, and this outcome was largely due to pressures from the educational community in favour of experimenting with alternation. In 1994 the federal government ended its Cooperative Education funding program at a time when the alternation movement had just begun to spread, with the result that educational institutions were left without the financial support needed to continue their experimentation with this model. Nevertheless, a social current had taken shape, and several sectors were favourably disposed toward the development of alternation as

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part of regular vocational and technical training programs. In 1992 the Forum pour l’emploi (employment forum), a body made up of representatives of Quebec’s principal socio-economic organizations, produced a Guide de stages en milieu de travail (Guide to workplace training), aimed explicitly at vocational and technical training programs. The guide defined the respective responsibilities of the various partners involved. The major union and employer organizations were thus clearly in favour of the movement to promote alternation. The government of Quebec adopted its first measure to support alternation in 1993 when it introduced the crédit d’impôt remboursable pour la formation applicable aux stages (refundable tax credit for qualified training), which was intended to provide enterprises with the incentive to take on trainees (dgfpt, 1995b). In 1994 the minister of education created the Groupe de travail sur la relance de la formation professionnelle et technique des jeunes (task force on youth vocational and technical training). Based on the preliminary recommendations of this task force in March 1995 (well before the final report was submitted in September 1995), the meq established a “Programme de diversification des voies offertes aux jeunes en formation professionnelle” (program of diversification of paths offered to young people in vocational education). This was the first time that the meq had given alternation institutional recognition within its regular vocational training programs. This program included a semi-skilled training component to be carried out in the form of alternation (Bilodeau et al., 1997). The diversification program was also intended to promote alternation in all programs. In the same year, the meq published a document defining the terminology of alternation, which was meant to serve as a reference framework for alternation projects. In a second document an organizational framework for companies was suggested. It is important to note, however, that between 1994 and 1997, although the meq recognized the importance of alternation training in its education policies, it provided no financial support for alternation programs in vocational and technical training. A funding program was established only in 1998. In September 1995, the Groupe de travail sur la relance de la formation professionnelle et technique des jeunes (task force on the revival of youth vocational and technical training) submitted its final report to the meq, in which it clearly underlined the importance and many benefits of alternation training. Although the task force recognized that certain difficulties might be encountered in carrying out projects, it was of the opinion that “the pedagogical benefits far outweigh the difficulties, and justify the efforts required to implement them.” Through its capacity to link experience-based learning and conceptual

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learning, alternation was seen as being able to respond to the requirements created by new modes of work organization and the need for enterprises to have highly qualified, mobile, and multi-skilled employees. The report also recommended the adoption of a policy on alternation in vocational training at the secondary and college levels. As a result of the report, the meq in 1998 established a program to provide financial support for alternation, the “Programme québécois de soutien financier ate” (Quebec work-study alternation financial assistance program). Thus the Quebec government (meq) finally became involved in funding alternation education. More recently, in 1999, the meq produced a guide to the development of training plans, the aim of which was to provide better direction for the development of alternation training projects in training establishments that were experimenting with alternation. It is important to note, however, that this program creates a problem of recognition with regard to the teaching staff involved in alternation. The collective agreement of teaching staff at the secondary level does not recognize the supervision of trainees as part of their task. Only direct contacts with trainees in the context of traditional apprenticeships are recognized as being part of teachers’ task. This does not include travel to meet with supervisors in firms, telephone contacts, and all the other elements of supervision that are part of an alternation program. As a result, experimentation with alternation is often governed by local agreements between teachers’ unions and school boards. The problem is not the same at the college level, where the modalities of alternation are different. In 1993 the meq began to experiment on a small scale, in collaboration with the Société québécoise de développement de la main-d’œuvre (Quebec labour development agency, or sqdm, the agency grouping together all the large organizations of labour-market partners), with a new apprenticeship system. However, progress on this project was very slow, and a more formal recommendation for an apprenticeship system only took shape a few years later. In this context, the law for the promotion of workforce training (loi sur le développement de la formation de la main d’œuvre) of June 1995 must be mentioned; it obliges all companies with an annual wage bill of more then $250,000 to spend at least 1 per cent of the wage bill on the training of their employees. The law was widely decried by employers’ associations because of its coercive nature and the heavy administrative burden it would entail, but it was strongly supported by the unions, who saw in it a major element of an active labour-market policy and the stability of employment. The law creates a framework for the enhancement of alternation training because the expenses

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incurred by the enterprises’ training facilities are eligible as expenditures under the law. The government justified the intervention with three arguments. The first was the objective to making a greater number of companies assume their responsibility with regard to training. Thus far, government action had been restricted to providing incentives to more training, which had, however, yielded no results. Secondly, the government intended to raise the general level of qualifications of the workforce in order to increase worker mobility and re-employment. Finally, it wanted to prepare the ground for integrated policies for professional and apprenticeship training. More generally, the law was intended to open up the social returns of training by forcing enterprises to make an increased effort at providing it. The law was implemented over a three-year period. In the first year, only large enterprises (with a wage bill of more than $1 million) were affected. The second year included those with a wage bill of more than half a million, and only in the third year did all enterprises (with a wage bill of more than $250,000) have to comply. The companies account for their training expenses in their tax declaration. Those who have spent less than the required 1 per cent of the wage bill must pay the difference into a national training fund. This money is used for various training projects, but it need not necessarily be invested in training in the sector from which the payments were made. Data on the application of the law are so far available only for the first three years (Emploi Québec, 2000). In the first year, 85 per cent of the companies concerned spent more than the required 1 per cent. In the second year, the compliance rate decreased to 78 per cent. This decline resulted from those firms with a wage bill of between half a million and a million dollars, of which only 70 per cent spent the required 1 per cent on training their workforce. This group of enterprises increased their spending the following year, but the average compliance rate was only 74 per cent because of the low training incidence among the smaller firms (65 per cent), while the large enterprises kept up their level of spending. This increase in training in the middle-sized category shows the relevance of the more coercive approach that the government had chosen. These results are revealing since they demonstrate the social returns to training, which differ according to the size of companies. This difference between firms must be taken into account in any analysis of the alternation between workand school-based training. At the same time, such analysis will show to what extent the law has really changed employers’ attitudes toward alternation training and learning.

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th e d ec li ne a n d r ev i val of apprenticeship As in many other developed countries, apprenticeship in Quebec has had a long history of ups and downs. To make a long story short, in the reforms resulting from the Parent report (Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education in the Province of Quebec, 1964), the apprenticeship system was completely discarded as a method of training. It is worth recalling the motivation behind this decision, which would make educational institutions the main architects of vocational training in Quebec. With the growing complexity of trades and technologies, the former apprenticeship system was criticized for not providing apprentices with adequate basic training. In several trades the system was also criticized for constraining labour-force mobility, since a certificate of competency issued in one region was not necessarily recognized in a neighbouring region. Finally, it should be recalled that, while reform of the educational system was carried out in the name of accessibility, the apprenticeship system was frequently criticized for not being sufficiently accessible to young people. The objective of the proposed reform was to upgrade vocational education and ensure that a higher number of young people (50 to 60 per cent of the student population) were qualified. Three decades later, efforts are still being made to upgrade this educational sector. Apprenticeship has not completely disappeared in Quebec. However, its role has been reduced to a system of vocational qualification and school-to-work transition, a role carried out increasingly to complement the vocational training system. According to data collected in 1988, Quebec had more than 47,000 apprentices, 80 per cent of whom were in the construction industry. For a number of years, the secondary level diploma of vocational studies (dep) has generally been a prerequisite for apprenticeship in the construction trades. In addition, several large Quebec firms with their own training department have “in-house apprenticeship systems,” but these are generally not recognized outside a specific firm. In the mid-1980s, apprenticeship gradually returned to the centre of debates about vocational training. The scheme for this new system has changed considerably since 1985, the year when the then Ministère de la main-d’œuvre et de la sécurité du revenu (ministry of labour and income security) released a discussion paper entitled Pour une politique de l’apprentissage au Québec (Towards an apprenticeship policy in Quebec). Although this report was meant to address the question of greater accessibility to recognized qualifying training, it was

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evident from the proposal for a new apprenticeship system that the ministry wished to have a parallel vocational training network. The debate evolved very slowly. The apprenticeship system project was reinvigorated in 1991 with the publication of L’énoncé de politique sur le développement de la main d’œuvre: Partenaires pour un Québec compétent et compétitif (Partners for a skilled and competitive Québec: Policy statement on labour-force development), which affirmed the government’s intention to move ahead on this issue. The idea of complementarity with vocational training began to make some headway, since the policy statement indicated that the system would be developed by the department of labour and the meq. However, the department of labour was still responsible for coordinating the project, which was entrusted to the newly created sqdm.

the social context Historically, the vocational and technical training offered within the educational system has been the main source of initial training for trades and technical skills in Quebec. Since the reforms of the 1960s, this situation has reflected a societal choice and a division of responsibilities that allowed firms to reduce their in-house youth training efforts to the bare minimum. Educational institutions also constitute the largest source of labour-force training, either under government programs or in customized training programs purchased by firms. In recent years, more than 165,000 people have been enrolled in a vocational and technical training program, not counting the tens of thousands of individuals registered in short-term training courses offered by institutions (meq, 2001). The institutional framework of vocational and technical training thus reflects here, as elsewhere, quite a specific social context, which had for a while contributed to the relative isolation of the education system. It is interesting to identify, within this context, the main motivation behind the reforms of the last fifteen years, which concern the relationship between training and the workplace, in particular the experimentation with work-study alternation. In terms of access to vocational and technical training, as well as the relative importance given to vocational education and general education, Quebec fits squarely into the North American model, which emphasizes the pursuit of the latter (see table 2.1). The distribution of graduating students according to the highest diploma obtained shows that for 1996–97, 28 per cent held a bachelor’s degree, 11 per cent a technical diploma of collegial studies, and 22 per cent a secondary school vocational diploma, while the others only had a secondary school general diploma (22 per cent) or no diploma at all (16.9 per

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Table 2.1 Student numbers in professional and technical education, 1991–1992 to 1997–1998 1991–92 1992–93 1993–94 1994–95 1995–96 1996–97 1997–98* Enrolments in regular programs for professional training

57,476

58,023

58,023

59,771

66,950

72,990

75,677*

Total number of students in professional training

91,483

84,726

85,026

86,018

86,900

88,690

93,096*

Enrolments in programs for the dec**

78,905

81,762

84,913

87,384

89,300

90,343

90,780*

Total number of students in techni103,040 113,980 116,637 115,740 120,792 122,023 123,534* cal programs Total number of students enrolled in colleges

242,333 251,391 254,874 247,436 241,833 237,394 230,892*

source: meq, 2001. * Preliminary data. ** Diploma of college studies.

cent). In addition, it should be noted that these figures were bolstered by the considerable contribution made by adult education, since only 17 per cent of young people enter a secondary-level vocational training program before they are twenty. In terms of access to college studies, Quebec’s efforts have produced significant results, since 58 per cent of the cohort undertook college-level studies, though most (34 per cent of the total cohort) entered the pre-university program, rather than technical education (19 per cent of the total cohort) (meq, 2001). These data largely explain the efforts made by the meq and many other groups and organizations to enhance the status of vocational and technical training. Moreover, this is an objective that figures among the arguments used by advocates of alternation and apprenticeship.

a social assessment of two a lt er n at i o n ex p er i m en t s The Quebec situation makes quite an interesting case study of change and innovation in vocational and technical training. As an educational system that essentially relies on school-based training, the Quebec

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system has undergone two major transformations in the methods of training, each based on an alternation approach: the development of school-based alternation and the experiment of an apprenticeship system that is mainly based in the workplace. The comparison of these two experiences proves to be highly instructive. The Slow but Steady Development of School-Based Alternation In Quebec the meq recognizes as alternation training projects that have the following goals: the acquisition in the workplace of skills stated in the program of studies as well as the transfer of already acquired skills to a real working-life situation and the gradual integration of the student into the practice of a trade or occupation, as in the cooperative education model (Inforoute fpt, 1999). This description is closely related to training programs and the issue of alternation funding (only projects that correspond to this definition are funded). The issue of alternation funding is important because, except for programs that have always been based on alternation and are funded accordingly (for example, nursing techniques), recent experiments with alternation are based on the development of projects by the sectors involved and not on the designation by the meq of programs that must be carried out under the alternation method. Two models of vocational and technical training have been developed in Quebec over the years (Payeur, 1995). The first model, at the secondary level, is centred on the program’s objectives and mainly seeks to establish which objectives can be achieved in school and which can result from apprenticeship in the workplace. In this case, trainees are not paid. This model requires more organization and greater supervision on the part of the teaching staff, since it is certified by a state diploma (see Hardy and Parent in this volume). The second model, cooperative education, was developed principally in the college network and in universities. It involves coordinating workplace training periods, which are focused on the integration of knowledge acquired in class. These training periods are generally the equivalent of one trimester. Trainees are paid, and the workplace training is not evaluated for certification by a diploma, which means that there are hardly any changes in the organization of teaching, except for summer courses or intensive sessions. At the secondary level, the forms of alternation vary greatly according to settings and programs. Students may be trained in the workplace on a weekly basis, but in general, they spend a few days in the workplace, followed by two to three weeks in school (the period at school involves classroom learning and practical exercises in work-

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shops). In the longest vocational training alternation programs, workplace training periods make up at least 300 of the 1,800 program hours In general, participants in secondary school alternation programs are not paid a salary and can still maintain their student status. In contrast, in college technical training programs, the most common form of cooperative education involves adding two trimesters of workplace training to the six trimesters already provided for in the program. As one of the training periods often takes place during the summer vacation, this approach does not significantly prolong the overall training (a nevertheless real constraint for students, but which is compensated by the salary paid during the training periods). Students trained in the workplace have the status of an employee, a fact that causes problems in unionized workplaces, even though several management-union agreements have now made provision for the status of trainees. With regard to the acquisition of skills, the educational institution assumes the responsibility for the content of training, the actual circumstances in which apprenticeship training takes place, and the evaluation. Thus at the secondary school level, the school must ensure that the entire training complies with the programs of studies and certification criteria, in terms of contents, conditions, and evaluation of the apprenticeship. However, with regard to the transfer and integration of knowledge, it is the firm that has the primary responsibility for ensuring that training complements the program of study. Thus it must provide the student-employee with a position, that is, a job whose tasks will match the objectives of integrating knowledge and the skills already acquired in the program. The development of alternation in college-level cooperative education is thus different from that at the secondary level in terms of objectives, functions, and responsibilities. The very idea of alternation takes on a different meaning depending on the setting. In terms of the interests of firms regarding these two different forms of alternation, cooperative education – that is, alternation at the college level – can be attractive to the firms since it seems to be less demanding with regard to organization. However, there are just as many secondarylevel trainees in the workplace. Perhaps, then, the fact that they are not paid a salary compensates for a number of organizational inconveniences. Moreover, secondary-level alternation meets the needs of small and medium-sized enterprises (sme s). When we consider that 66 per cent of secondary-level trainees are in firms with fewer than ten employees and more than 80 per cent of training is not remunerated (Inforoute fpt, 1999), secondary-level alternation could indeed allow sme s to obtain skilled labour without having to incur compensation or recruitment costs.

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Moreover, there is another secondary-level model of alternation training which involves the school boards and a number of industrial sectors, the factory-school (usine-école) model. In this approach, training centres set up by the school boards attempt to reproduce as closely as possible the conditions in which the trade will be practised, using modern equipment; students must spend some training periods in the workplace, but the main training is provided in the school. These training centres are generally managed jointly by representatives of the education sectors and of workplaces. This innovative approach, which does not challenge the recognized model of vocational training, requires considerable investment in organizational terms (see the chapter by Hardy and Parent in this volume), but appears to be appreciated nevertheless, particularly in highly technological sectors. In 1995 the college network included 34 institutions that had used an alternation approach and a total of 66 ongoing projects. In 2000, 90 projects in 41 institutions (meq, 2001). As can be seen in table 2.2, the number of secondary-level alternation projects has increased in recent years, while the number of college-level projects has decreased slightly. The college sector was concerned about the meq’s policy orientations with regard to alternation in its sector and was also particularly affected by the discontinuation of the federal funding program. A 1996 study by the Canadian Association for Co-operative Education (Veillette and Perron, 1996) confirmed the three principal concerns of stakeholders in the college sector at the time.2 First, program funding is regarded by stakeholders as the principal challenge in managing college-level workstudy alternation programs, followed by “recruiting training enterprises” and, lastly, “adaptation of training to the requirements of wsa [work-school alternation] and firms” (82). Thus the college sector’s stakeholders were already eagerly awaiting the provincial funding of work-study alternation programs, which was launched in 1998. In 1997–98 almost 75,746 students were enrolled in vocational training and 90,811 students in technical training (see table 2.3). Of the latter group, 4,998 students attended a vocational and technical alternation program, including 2,698 at the secondary level and 2,300 at the college level (meq, 2001). In 1999–2000 the number of young people in secondary-level alternation programs nearly doubled, reaching a total of approximately 5,078 enrolments. The number also increased at the college level, where there were approximately 3,000 students in work-study alternation programs. This increase is all the more significant, given that the total number of students rose at a clearly slower rate. Overall, in 1999–2000, there were some 75, 642 individuals in vocational training and almost 88, 839 in college-level technical training.

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Table 2.2 Number of alternation projects identified, 1994–2000 Years

Secondary level

College level

73

66

1996–97

80

49

1998–99

128

73

1999–2000

176

90

1994–95

source: meq, 2001.

Table 2.3 Number of students in vocational and technical training compared to number of students in work-study alternation Year/level

Total regular sector

Alternation

1997–98 Secondary level College level

75,746 90,811

2,698(approx.) 2,300(approx.)

1998–99 Secondary level College level

77,127 90,299

3,818(approx.) 2,500(approx.)

1999–2000 Secondary level College level

75,642 88,839

5,078 (approx.) 3,000 (approx.)

source: meq, 2001.

Although these figures show that an increasing number of youths in vocational and technical training are participating in work-study alternation programs, the data on their own do not tell the whole story. In fact, the general directorate’s method of counting students in workstudy alternation programs does not include all the programs where training periods are integrated into the program of studies, nor does it include the programs which were funded by hrdc in the past and which are still operating. The figures therefore tend to underestimate the real scope of this phenomenon because they are based on a restrictive definition for funding purposes. In fact, alternation programs that are not funded by the meq under its wsa program are not included in these figures. It can therefore be presumed that many more people are participating in alternation training programs than the meq figures suggest. However, given what we know about the need for funding, the survival of several alternation projects can be questioned.

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School-based alternation has certainly developed, and while it still remains on the fringe, it is not marginal. Although it has not become the new standard in vocational and technical training, alternation is increasingly more and more widespread. Initiated somewhat from the “outside” by the federal government, supported socially by the large organizations representative of socio-economic communities, alternation at the end of the day owes its continued survival to the will of the stakeholders in the educational and training sectors. It is the goodwill of these sectors that is, in spite various institutional and social constraints (see the chapter by Hardy and Parent in this volume), the true source of innovation. Although the school boards and cegep s respond differently to the various constraints by adopting various forms of alternation, they all encounter the same lack of resources for organizing alternation on a regular basis. Another common problem is the search for work and training places in industry, which puts a heavy constraint on the development of alternation, especially since within the same region, even in the same institution, there is no mechanism to regulate competition for enterprise training places. For workplaces, school-based alternation calls for new commitments, but ones that are undoubtedly less confrontational than a complete takeover of training. The experiment of the apprenticeship system is revealing in this respect. The New Apprenticeship System in Shambles A proposal for a new apprenticeship system was made in 1995, following a long debate within the sqdm. The new system was aimed at people in the labour market or searching for work. Apprentices were to be recognized as employees of the firm. One emphasis was on the development of trades for which qualification had hitherto been optional, another on the involvement of enterprises, and a third on designing programs with labour-market relevance and developing them according to the needs of enterprises. Practical training was to be supplemented with courses in educational institutions, whereas the meq was responsible for academic content of the apprenticeship program as well as for certifying academic qualifications. Lastly, under this system, the sqdm’s regional authorities were to be given the responsibility for monitoring apprentices and ensuring that the apprenticeship was progressing well. The new apprenticeship system was established on a permanent basis in 1997, launched as a measure to structure training and as a symbol of the collaboration of the social partners. Political negotiations led the government to modify the 1995 project, making young people

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a target clientele of the system and proposing it as an alternative to obtaining the school-based diploma of vocational studies (dep). Importantly, this initiative was essentially a Quebec system with no contribution from the Canadian government, and it took place when the federal government was being asked to concede the entire responsibility for labour-force training to the provinces. The creation of this new apprenticeship system was a considerable challenge. The objective was to facilitate the acquisition of the same skill profiles as those of vocational training programs, certified by the same state diploma (dep), but through a training process that takes place essentially in the workplace, with complementary skills learned in an educational institution. The development of the system was entrusted to the initiative of the joint (management-union) sectoral committees, whose expertise in this type of activities is still not highly developed. However, the new system did not produce any results and was stopped one year after the experiment had started. A group of consultants responsible for assessing this first year of operation (Bertrand, Ducharme, and Filiatrault, 1998) noted that the new apprenticeship system was in direct competition with vocational and technical training since, in reality, it was aimed first and foremost at young people. The report produced for the Commission des partenaires du marché du travail (commission of labour-market partners, sqdm’s new name) described the principal dysfunctions identified by the various actors involved in this new apprenticeship system, including problems in implementing the program. For example, it seems that the program was implemented too rapidly, the objectives were highly ambiguous for people working in the field, and the recipients and services (trades) were not clearly identified. The various stakeholders had reservations of their own. For firms, the system did not stand up to comparison with school-based alternation and vocational and technical training in general. In fact, it created the obligation for them to pay a salary to apprentices and consider them employees, to appoint an employee to act as a supervisor, and to create the organizational conditions that foster learning. These obligations entailed considerable costs that firms were unaccustomed to incurring and unwilling to assume. For local unions, the apprenticeship system also posed significant problems, such as the creation of a status of paid apprentice and the ambiguity of the role of employee “supervisor,” all this in the difficult context of protecting existing jobs. Thus, their concern was essentially the fear of a replacement effect of their own members. For educational institutions, which were already somewhat concerned about potential competition from the new system,

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collaboration was also made difficult because of the lack of adequate funding for their participation in the new system. In fact, although it had been intended to be complementary, the program was offered in competition with other programs, such as work-study alternation. Lastly, all the actors who were interviewed thought that the program was too costly for both the firm and the state in terms of human and financial resources. The consultants’ report (Bertrand, Ducharme, and Filiatrault, 1998) demonstrated the shortcomings of the apprenticeship system from the perspective of actors in the field, but more importantly, it highlighted the lack of common vision among stakeholders in the different settings involved, making it difficult to broaden the approaches to vocational training and workplace integration. The importance of the role of stakeholders in the implementation of alternation training is unquestionable. The experiment also demonstrates the extreme fragility of a top-down process, even when the leaders of all the large representative organizations support the project.3

the issues to be examined It is useful to examine the more general issues that emerge from this description of the Quebec case. First, we should note that there may be a discrepancy between the promotion of certain concepts in society, such as alternation and apprenticeship, and the social conditions necessary to put them into practice. Even though the national advocates for large representative organizations can firmly support an idea and even show a degree of collaboration in its implementation, this involvement does not necessarily eliminate the constraints related to both institutional habits and concrete social relations governing employment systems. Should it therefore be concluded that social leaders ought to show more moderation? Probably not, given that sources of social dynamism are few. Rather, we should focus on identifying factors of success in innovative experiments in order to provide better direction to decision-makers. The overlapping of different interests and influences is a reality that is not yet sufficiently taken into account. The job market and the institutional realities refer to domains with different rules. The various departments within the same cegep can respond to a local, regional, or provincial demand. Some trades are governed by common rules for all of Quebec, while, in general, working conditions are negotiated on a firm-by-firm basis. It seems illusory to want to reconcile all these realities from the top. And decentralizing the training system may create the unavoidable risk of returning to a fragmented approach, which goes against current trends with regard to occupational mobility. To

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manage this complexity, we need to think globally in order to act locally. Each level of decision must be able to clearly identify the issues on which it can and must take action. Voluntarism must be able to work with a degree of formalism in order to obtain results. Compared to the relative failure of the apprenticeship system, the slow but steady progress of school-based alternation leads us to consider the comparative merits of intrinsic versus extrinsic innovation. Radical reforms outside the established structures can create the illusion of innovation, whereas intrinsic reforms risk being seen as less daring. However, in the medium term, an intrinsic innovation that is well targeted and creates new dynamics is often more likely to bring about real changes. Thus social constraints should not be viewed as factors that prohibit innovation but as variables that must be taken into account in any reform. In this particular case, school-based alternation is more promising than apprenticeship because it gradually introduces the focus on training, and the responsibilities that come with it, into the firm. At the same time, it allows training methods to evolve toward a framework which provides greater interaction between education and the workplace, and which values the accumulated expertise within the education system. To conclude, real innovation is never easily achieved; moreover, it often does not develop in the way that we think it may. To understand the real dynamic between actors and to act on it, it is wise to use a bottom-up approach. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that the local stakeholders – management, union, and institutional actors – can also create constraints in the system. The same is true for the provincial or national (federal) actors. Thus in Quebec the openness toward alternation and apprenticeship shown by people involved in the different sectors is a significant social fact. However, it does not mean that local actors are ready to get involved in the process under any conditions.

notes The authors would like to thank the Labour Education and Training Research Network at York University and crires at Université Laval for their financial support 1 To avoid ambiguity, it should be stated that the term “national” is used here to refer to the Quebec context. This term is widely used in analyses of the educational sytem in Quebec. The terms “Canadian context,” “federal government,” and “federal” are used to refer to actions by the Canadian government.

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2 It should be noted that this study was produced before the implementation of the new wsa funding program, which only subsidizes new wsa projects. 3 A working group is currently examining the system in an attempt to explore new avenues.

references Audet, C. (1992). La formation en alternance en France. Québec: Conseil des collèges, Gouvernement du Québec. – (1995). L’alternance en formation professionnelle au secondaire: Défis, limites et conditions de réalisation. Québec: Conseil supérieur de l’éducation, Gouvernement du Québec. Bertrand, D., Ducharme, J., & Filiatrault, P. (1998). Le régime d’apprentissage: Perceptions des principaux acteurs, constats diagnostiques retenus et mesures prescriptives recommandées. Report presented to Emploi-Québec. Bertrand, O. (1999). Apprentissage et formation en alternance. Paper presented at the International Conference on Vocational and Technical Training. Montreal, 9–10 November. Bilodeau, M., Bernier, C., Bourassa, B., Maranda, M-F., Payeur, C., & Vincent, S. (1997). La nouvelle filière de formation aux métiers semi-spécialisés par les jeunes du secondaire: Une expérimentation de l’alternance travail-étude. Québec: Université Laval, crires. cereq (1994). Les formations en alternance: Quel avenir? Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Dennison, J.D. (1995). Challenge and opportunity: Canada’s community colleges at the crossroads. Vancouver: ubc Press. Direction générale de la formation professionnelle et technique (dgfpt) (1995a). L’alternance en formation professionnelle et technique: Cadre de référence. Québec: meq. – (1995b). Alternance en formation professionnelle et technique: Cadre d’organisation d’une formation par alternance. Québec: meq. – (1999).Alternance en formation professionnelle et technique: Guide d’élaboration du plan de formation. Québec: meq. Emploi Québec (2000). Loi favorisant le développement de la formation de la main d’œuvre: Rapport quinquennal sur la mise en œuvre 1995–2000. Québec: Gouvernement du Québec. Fusilier, B., & Maroy, C. (1998). Mise en forme locale des formations en alternance: L’alternance qualifiante et l’alternance socialisatrice. Critique régionale, 26, 1–22. Groupe de tra vail sur la relance de la formation professionnelle des jeunes au secondaire et de la formation technique (1995). La formation professionnelle chez les jeunes: Un défi à relever. Québec: meq.

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Henripin, M. (1994). Les pratiques locales du partenariat en éducation-travail au Québec, In C. Landry & F. Serre (Eds.), École et entreprise, vers quel partenariat? (pp. 29–43). Québec: Presse de l’université du Québec. Inforoute fpt (1999). http: //inforoutefpt.org/dgfpt/dgfpt3.htm. Jobert, A. (1998). Un nouvel espace de régulation collective: La formation en région. In R. Bourque et al., Regards croisés sur la formation professionnelle et les relations professionnelles en Europe et au Québec. Proceedings of the gt 17 working group “Sociologie des relations professionnelle et du syndicalisme,” 15th congress of the Association internationale des sociologies de langue française, Portugal, 1996. Collection instruments de travail, no. 29. Québec: University Laval. Landry, C., & Mazalen, E. (1995). Évolution et tendances des relations formation-travail en formation professionnelle et technique au Québec: Du flirt à la réconciliation. Revue des sciences de l’éducation, 21 (4), 781–810. Mathey-Pierre, C. (1993). Apprendre par la formation en alternance: Témoignage. Éducation permanente, 115 (2), 141–51. – (1998). Dans les coulisses de l’alternance: La parole est aux formateurs. In Éducation permanente: supplément, Parole de praticiens (pp. 79–86). Ministère de l’éducation (meq) (2001). Indicateurs de l’éducation. Québec: meq. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (oecd) (1998). Itinéraires et participation dans l’enseignement technique et la formation professionnelle. Paris oecd. (Chapter on Quebec, by Lili Paillé, pp. 325–58). – (1999). Thematic review of the transition from initial education to working life. Policy document deelsa/ed(99), 11 ed. Paris: oecd. Paillé, L. (1988). Quebec. In oecd (Ed.), Pathways and participation in vocational and technical education and training (pp. 303–34). Paris: oecd. Payeur, C. (1995). Où en sommes-nous avec l’alternance? In Option: Formation professionnelle, pour un projet démocratique (ceq), no. 12, pp. 71–9. – (1996). Le régime d’apprentissage: Oui, mais … pourquoi? Québec: ceq. – (1998). Régime d’apprentissage: État de la situation et réflexion de la ceq. Québec: ceq. Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education in the Province of Quebec (1964). Report. Quebec: Royal Commission. Veillette, S., & Perron, M. (1996). L’enseignement coopératif au collégial: Évolution et bilan (1990–1995). Québec: aced.

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3 Alternation Education and Training in Canada HANS G. SCHUETZE

Canada, like other industrialized countries, is undergoing a period of far-reaching and rapid transformation in which information and knowledge are becoming central factors of economic activity (Lipsey, 2000). At the core of this transformation is the rapid spread and pervasive use of information and communication technologies and the growth of competition in global markets. It entails fundamental changes for the nature and organization of work, employment, and, by extension, the ways in which young people are prepared for working life. This development has provoked a wide-ranging debate about what kind of competencies people need to find and hold a job in the emerging “knowledge-based economy.” Analysts agree that for the knowledgebased industries – the producers of high technology goods and high and medium-high technology manufacturing, as well as the users of high technology – there is a need for an “up-skilling” of the workforce as work is becoming more knowledge- and skill-based. But labourmarket and occupation data show that the demand for better educated workers can be observed across the board and that the number of jobs which require no or only very low levels of skills has sharply declined (acst, 2000; Gingras, Massé, and Roy, 2000). Up-skilling does not necessarily mean more specialty training for technical competencies. Evidence suggests that the competencies needed for the knowledge economy are more broadly based than narrowly vocational. Increasingly, the qualifications required in the workplace are seen to consist of a mix of attitudes, social and commu-

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nication skills, and technical competency. Such qualifications and attitudes, often called “employability skills” (Conference Board, 1992) or “workplace competencies,” are distinct from “what is taught and learned in the course of regular schooling and tertiary study programs” (oecd, 2001). What does this change mean for the education and training of young people who will enter the workforce of the twenty-first century? There is no unanimity in the public debate, some analysts stressing the increased value of cognitive learning, and hence more schooling, while others emphasize the need for “applied” skills and knowledge, and hence more practical, experiential learning. It is the premise of this volume that the concept of “alternation” is central to this debate. This means that both systems – school-based education and workplacebased training, which were long seen and treated as distinct – need to integrate elements of the respective other place of learning in order to make their qualifications relevant to the requirements of the knowledge economy (see also Landry, 2002). There are many signs that this principle of dual-place learning is increasing in importance. The trend to introduce “applied” ways of teaching in schools and post-secondary institutions (see, for example, bc Centre for Applied Academics, 2000) and to award “applied degrees,” the insertion of work experience into the secondary school curriculum, and the increase of and continuous strong demand for more cooperative education in universities and colleges are proof that the formal educational system has begun to make alternation a more prominent part of its curriculum. On the workplace side, the increase in professional continuing education and various retraining programs that offer a combination of classroom-based and practical training show that the principle of alternation is also applied in the field of training. Apprenticeship, with its combination of workplace training and college education, is a principal example of alternation between the two places in which organized learning takes place: classrooms, on the one hand, and shop floors, offices, and other workplaces, on the other. The issue of vocational education and training cannot be discussed without a brief look at the context, the youth labour market. In Canada it is characterized by major changes in the participation rate of young people, which dropped from 70 per cent in the late 1980s to less than 60 per cent eight years later. The youth unemployment rate is about double that of adults. The combination of study and work, a typical feature of the Canadian youth labour market, dropped in the 1990s from previous levels as young people found it increasingly hard to obtain employment without any work experience. Young people’s

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earnings have gone down in comparison with those of adults. As in some other industrialized countries, especially the United States, the transition period between leaving high school and finding stable employment has increased, only some of which is explained by higher enrolment rates in post-secondary education. Much is the result of a longer “floundering period” – extended time being spent in temporary and marginal work, often interspersed with spells of unemployment and participation in remedial, stop-gap labour-market programs (oecd, 1999). The formal education system, schools, is another part of the context. Although education in Canada is a provincial responsibility, there is considerable uniformity in the various school and post-secondary systems. Youth in all provinces progress through elementary and middle schools that provide a comprehensive curriculum up to the high school level, but then attempt to accommodate individual differences in ability and interest by streaming students into either academic or vocational pathways. Ostensibly, formal curricular programs prepare students for either university or some form of vocational training, usually in the colleges but also through a system of apprenticeship. In principle, there is opportunity for all to progress from the public school system to the post-secondary system or to formal training in the labour market. The reality is different with regard to the opportunities available once students graduate from secondary school. While there is a clearly defined and demarcated path to university and academic programs in colleges for students who are academically gifted and inclined, there is no equivalent pathway in Canada for those who are not interested in continuing formal academic education after compulsory schooling. This group is arguably, like that in the United States (William T. Grant Foundation, 1988), “the forgotten half,” since almost half the youth cohort, who are either not college-bound or leave college without any formal qualification, are suffering from a lack of clear signposts and opportunities for a solid preparation for employment and working life. Thus educational attainment in Canada is highly polarized. According to the International Literacy Survey, Canada has the second highest proportion of highly literate people, but it also has the highest proportion of the lowest level. If literacy is an indicator of a good career, stable income, and active participation in social, civic, and cultural life, this great discrepancy of life chances is like a “ticking time bomb” (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000a). According to the 1995 follow-up study to the 1991 school-leavers survey (Frank, 1996), 55 per cent of the cohort of twenty-four-year-olds had either graduated from a post-secondary program or were still postsecondary students. That leaves 45 per cent of young people who either

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Figure 3.1 Transition routes from school to work in Canada according to their quantitative importance School

Employment university-level education job-related training

primary school

secondary school college-level training and private training institutions

unstructured work experience, combined with some education and training – “floundering period”

• (adult) apprenticeship training • other employersponsored training • informal on-thejob training

vocational programs

(youth) apprenticeship training 1%

28% without any further education or training

found a job without any further education and training or who were “floundering,” combining spells of unstructured job experience, postsecondary education or labour-market training, and unemployment. If we adapt the transition model, shown in the introduction, to the Canadian situation, the four main transition routes of Canadian youth from school to work are almost of equal quantitative importance (figure 3.1). The upper two bars, depicting the group of university and college students, account for a little over half the twenty-four-year-old cohort, while the bottom bar represents those who enter adult life and, in most cases, the labour market without any further education or training after high school. According to the follow-up survey, 11 per cent of twenty-four-year-old Canadians were high school leavers (dropouts) with no further education and training, and another 17 per cent were high school graduates who likewise had no education or training after school. Taken together, 28 per cent, or nearly three in ten young

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people, then have relatively low levels of education, namely, high school or less. Arguably, this group not only is not adequately prepared for work, except for so-called unskilled jobs, but does not have very good prospects of being ready and motivated for further learning later in life (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000a). In a labour market where the level of required skills and qualifications is steadily rising, this group will almost certainly face increasing difficulties to find work. The wave-shaped bar in figure 3.1 indicates the groups of those floundering before they make the full transition to working life by finding regular work that is commensurate with their aspirations and qualifications. To be sure, the combination of spells of training with work – often part-time, unstable, and marginal jobs – is a form of alternation, even if it is unstructured. But unlike in apprenticeship training, cooperative education, or internships, learning that occurs in the two places is not systematically related; that is, what is taught and learned in the university or college is not job-related or applicable, and the work experience is not related to the academic curriculum. That does not mean that there is not some spillover of learning effects from the one place to the other, but it is haphazard and often more related to attitudes and generic skills, for example, showing up in time or working in a team, rather than to occupational skills or knowledge (Hamilton, 1990). The lack of distinctly demarcated vocational pathways in Canada, clearly marked by the thin line representing (youth) apprenticeship training, is partly due to the poor image of vocational and technical education and the attitudes of parents and educators, who hold a clear bias in favour of cognitive skill development and hence academic education (Levin, 1995; Krahn, 1996). Not only are academic studies more prestigious than vocational and technical education, but they also seen as more rewarding in terms of employability, job satisfaction, pay, and other benefits (clfdb, 1997; Allen, 1996). This perception translates into signals for young people to try to pursue education and not “training.” Such advice comes from parents, teachers, school counsellors, extended family, and, importantly, peers, who themselves are influenced by these signals. Outreach activities by the universities emphasize the brilliant career opportunities of their graduates as well as the pleasant experiences and amenities of campus life. The media tend to concentrate on prestigious universities, famous researchers, and successful graduates and their careers or career possibilities. By contrast, little interest is shown by the popular press in technical and vocational education. Nevertheless, the lack of interest and esteem for vocational training seems astonishing, given the importance of practical and technical

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skills in an economy that, while changing, is still based to a great extent on resources extraction and manufacturing. It is all the more surprising because there is ample evidence that “applied,” work-related, or “intermediate” skills (Gallagher, Sweet, and Rollins, 1997) are in great demand by employers. Just as in the United States, where workers in the sub-baccalaureate labour market – those holding at least a high school diploma but less than a baccalaureate degree – account for approximately 60 per cent of all employment (Grubb, 1999), the majority of young Canadian do not attend university and have qualifications below the level of an academic degree. That vocational education and training is the “poor cousin” of academic education is historically explained by the fact that many vocational programs in Canada were developed for at-risk students and low academic achievers. “Canadian vocational education has never been able to completely shed the stigma of representing inferior forms of schooling designed for the marginal elements in society and indeed often used as ‘dumping grounds’ for the most difficult to employ individuals” (Weiermair, 1983: 154). The low standing of vocational education and training is exacerbated by a number of structural problems, especially the lack of a “tradition of social cooperation” and hence institutionalized links between schools, colleges and training programs, and employers. “Students and educators do not get adequate information from the labour market about the changing nature of demand, employers are not aware of the knowledge, skills and values that students completing different kinds of programs have to offer. Employers do not take sufficient responsibility for training and education. Educators are often suspicious of programs directly related to training for the labour market … The onus then falls on the individual to make risky choices … As the pace of economic and technological change accelerates, this lack of social cooperation becomes a critical problem” (Marquart, 1996: 38–9). Some provinces have attempted to introduce secondary school apprenticeship programs that would provide a linkage with employers, but they remain marginal. A similar problem applies to provincial initiatives of introducing mandatory work experience programs in secondary school, which are too short to provide young people with more than a superficial exposure to the world of work and with a basis to make informed decisions about their career goals and educational route to pursue. Also, attempts have been made by many provincial governments since the early 1990s to improve the post-secondary system of vocational and technical education by extending the range of apprenticeable trades, reorganizing some of the programs, and improving the coordination of

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the different bodies responsible for parts of the programs. The establishment of agencies with responsibility for all forms of workplace-based training in British Columbia, Alberta, and Saskatchewan are examples. In Ontario, which had abolished its Training and Adjustment Board in 1998, a new Apprenticeship and Certification Act aims at reforming the financing system of apprenticeship training as well as broadening the base for entering apprenticeship by giving access to part-time and contract workers.1 In spite of these and other organizational innovations, there are still major problems with linking training systems to the formal education system: for example, in terms of coordination and articulation of programs and program requirements, funding, and the recognition of vocational credits. However, in spite of the structural flaws and the lack of public interest and support for vocational education and workplace training, it is argued here that alternation education and training have the potential to generate a viable vocational pathway from school to work, if the problems are addressed with determination and resolve by the various parties concerned. In the remainder of this chapter, an overview will be provided of education and training programs that use some form of organized alternation between school education and workplace experience and learning in order to prepare young people for the world of work. Also, problems of linkages, employer participation, public attitudes, and the cost and benefits of alternation-based education and training will be addressed. While the other chapters in this volume look at specific applications of alternation in Canada, seen from different perspectives, this chapter’s main purpose is to relate the principle of alternation education and training to the Canadian situation from a more general viewpoint.

ty p es o f alt er n ati on ed u c at i o n and training in canada Several models of alternation training2 have evolved throughout Canada over the last few decades which are built on the idea of alternation between schooling and workplace-based training. These models can be categorized into three types on the basis of their relationship with the education system and the workplace. The first two categories are education-based: students enrolled in secondary and post-secondary education and training are exposed to a workplace in some organized way. The third category consists of trainees who are based at a workplace but take courses in schools or colleges as well. They can be apprentices (i.e., employees with a special status), normal employees, or unemployed persons who are placed temporarily in the firm for the purpose of learning skills that will make them employable.

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Table 3.1 Models of alternation training in Canada Category

Types of program

Secondary education models

• • •

Post-secondary education models

• • •

Workplace models

• • •

cooperative education and work experience secondary school apprenticeships programs for “at-risk” students cooperative education internships experiential technical/vocational programs youth and adult apprenticeships other workplace training (including professional continuing education) programs for unemployed youth and adults

Table 3.1 provides a summary of these three main types of alternation training models. Although they are presented here in a systematic fashion, they have evolved as a disparate collection of pathways with minimal linkages and articulation among them. So that we can understand the variety of alternation training programs, the models will be briefly described. In terms of scale, most of these programs enrol only a small proportion of trainees overall, with the exception of cooperative education and apprenticeship training, which are both more important in terms of numbers. Secondary Education Alternation Models There are three models for alternation education of secondary school students. Each combines workplace learning and school-based learning in different ways, and each uses the workplace component with differing degrees of intensity. Co-operative Education and Work Experience Programs. Career education and work experience has increased in Canadian school systems as learning is seen as a start of a continuum. While learning in schools emphasizes cognitive development, it is also held to be important that students, as they progress through their secondary school years, gain a comprehensive understanding of “real life” workplaces. Such experience is useful in linking theoretical knowledge and the practical application of it, enabling the students to recognize the relevance of their school curriculum and, conversely, to bring practice-based problems to the classroom. All provinces have a variety of work-study and cooperative education programs, sometimes linked to the provincial

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graduation requirements but more commonly through the initiative of individual school districts and schools. In some jurisdictions, work experience has become part of the curriculum and participation a requirement for graduation. In British Columbia, for example, thirty hours of work experience is a mandatory part of that province’s Career and Personal Planning Program, which has been in place since the mid-nineties. Work experience and co-op programs can involve job shadowing, mentorship, peer counselling, exposure to workplace technology, regular work-site visits, exposure to career fairs, exploratory programs, volunteer work, and other forms. Just over 40 per cent of grade 11 and 12 students participated in these “career preparation” programs in 1999–2000, in spite of the fact that they are mandatory. Only 2 per cent of all grade 11 and 12 students were in the more formal cooperative education programs (Government of British Columbia, 2000). The low numbers demonstrate the difficulty faced by the schools in organizing work placements with firms, but probably also the relatively low priority that is given to them. Formal secondary school work experience or cooperative education models are coordinated at the local school district; most larger school districts employ full-time work experience and co-op coordinators, who liaise with the local business and industry community, counsel students, match students and employers, and monitor work placements. Funding for co-op education and work experience initiatives is provided to school districts by provincial governments, either as part of their base grants or via special targeted funding. Another trend in secondary school-work models in Canada is an increasing amount of business-education interaction and partnerships. National groups such as the Canadian Chamber of Commerce and the Conference Board of Canada, as well as numerous regional business and labour organizations, are working with educational agencies and community groups to initiate programs, best practice projects, and guidelines. While there is some anecdotal and case-study information on secondary school-to-work programs, there has been no systematic quantitative assessment of them. All anecdotal evidence demonstrates that an increasing number of students participate in such programs, and that there is an increase in the diversity of school-work programs. Part of the growth of secondary school-work programs resulted from federal cooperative education funding to school districts, as well as federal funding under the Stay in School Initiative. However, the government of Canada has ended this program and eliminated direct funding of co-op programs. Instead, it instituted a new Youth Employment Strategy in 1999, which includes a Youth Internship program and a student summer jobs program (Government of Canada, 2000a).

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Secondary School Apprenticeship Programs. The 1990s saw the expansion of apprenticeship in schools in some provinces. Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario have youth apprenticeship programs3 that allow secondary students to combine their last year or two of studies with a regular apprenticeship. These programs permit students to complete courses toward secondary school graduation while accruing hours toward an apprenticeship certificate. However, in spite of efforts to make these programs attractive to students and parents, they represent a small proportion of secondary school students. Expansion of apprenticeship training in secondary schools is related to efforts to generally increase vocational relevance by integrating more vocational content into general education curriculum. Some provinces have also increased articulation approaches that encourage students enrolled in general or academic programs in secondary schools to move directly into pre-employment apprenticeship programs in the college system, as an alternative to mainstream post-secondary programs. In these programs, students are concentrating on basic theoretical and practical knowledge in various trades. A key characteristic of apprenticeship is that the apprentice is employed during all or most of his or her program. As this feature is not appropriate for students enrolled in secondary school apprenticeships, several other solutions have been found to maintain the important linkage between school-based education and practical training on the employer’s premises. Students enter such apprenticeship programs typically in grade 11. After an employer has agreed to take them on, which sometimes happens after an exploratory work experience, students are registered as apprentices, after which they continue working in the summer as apprentices and receive a training wage that is a fraction of the wage paid to skilled workers. Students complete all compulsory school courses and remain registered in school throughout this period. Funding for student apprenticeships is provided by provincial governments, in the form of one-time start-up grants and/ or annual operating funding. There are a number of issues concerning the administration and control of the apprenticeships. One of the key issues is coordination between the stakeholders and other players, such as industry associations, chambers of commerce, labour councils, local unions, and government officials, those responsible not only for apprenticeship training but also for the schools and for other programs. Thus cooperation with the provincial Chamber of Commerce and the local chambers, the provincial business association, and the provincial Federation of Labour and local school unions, such as the Canadian Union of Public Employees, is seen as critical to the success of these programs.

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In spite of the increased importance that policy-makers are attaching to secondary school vocational and transition programs, growth in youth apprenticeships has been slow. For example, British Columbia’s Secondary School Apprenticeship Program, which started in 1995, had 500 students enrolled in apprenticeships in 1999–2000, accounting for less than half a percentage point (0.43 per cent) of the students enrolled in grades 11 and 12 (Government of British Columbia, 2000). The picture in Ontario and Alberta is similar. Although more than 450 secondary schools are participating in these programs in Ontario, the number of students enrolled is small, reaching only 1,100 (Government of Ontario, 2001). Alberta’s Registered Apprenticeship Program for high school students had 600 students in 1999–2000 (Government of Alberta, 2000). Programs for “At-Risk” Youth. Although there is limited information on some specific at-risk youth groups, evidence on school dropouts generally is well documented. School leaving is correlated with a set of interrelated factors which in combination significantly increase the risk of dropping out of high school. Dropout rates are higher for males and for those students with lower socio-economic status, low educational attainment of parents, negative parental attitudes toward education, single or no parent family background, teen pregnancy, disabilities, and, predictably, poor academic performance. Students from rural areas are also among the higher-risk group (Marquardt, 1996). Given the rising awareness of the problem of school dropout (Marquardt, 1996; Kelly and Gaskell, 1996), provincial and federal governments have funded an increasing number of youth and secondary school programs for students who are at risk of dropping out or who have actually left school. Often such programs are specifically targeted at certain categories of students, such as Aboriginals and visible minorities, youth with learning disabilities, teenage mothers, welfare recipients, young offenders, and so on. In addition to fostering self-esteem, harm reduction, and social supports, most of these programs include an element of work experience and career exploration. These “retention” programs attempt to create collaboration between schools, businesses, and communities to provide a “safety net” of programs to make school a place where youth want to be. Other programs offer alternative work-based experience for youth who are disaffected with school and cannot find employment except for low-paid, intermittent, and insecure jobs. For example, in British Columbia, the Youth Works initiative, providing youth aged nineteen to twenty-four on income assistance with job research assistance, job

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preparation, work experience, and skills training to help them enter the workforce. Also in British Columbia, Job Start, a provincial employment initiative targeting youth who are not in school and do not have work experience, where employers receive a wage subsidy amounting to 50 per cent of the minimum wage for a maximum of 360 hours (Government of British Columbia, 1999). Saskatchewan has a pilot program, Youth Futures, for youth on social assistance (Government of Saskatchewan, 2000). These and other similar provincial programs have in common that they emphasize “contextualized learning” and alternative curricula based on work experience instead of classroombased learning. Post-Secondary Education Alternation Models Of the different forms of alternation models at the post-secondary level, cooperative education is clearly the most prominent and, overall, the most successful model of alternation education. But internships, which share some of the characteristics of co-op education, have also long been an established part of professional education. Cooperative Education Programs. Cooperative education formally integrates post-secondary academic studies with paid work experience. The first co-op program in Canada started in 1957 at the University of Waterloo, which now has the single largest co-op student population in the world. While there are variations from province to province and institution to institution, most post-secondary co-op education programs have a number of common features: • work terms and academic semesters alternate; • work terms are normally developed and/or approved by the institu-

tion as a suitable learning situation; • students are engaged in productive work, rather than merely observ-

ing; • students receive remuneration for their work; • student progress and performance are monitored and evaluated

jointly by the institution and the student’s employer; and • the total work experience is normally 50 per cent of the time spent

in academic study and should not be less than 30 per cent. Some of these features are quite distinct from secondary school co-op or work experience programs, which are much shorter in duration, frequently non-paid, and seldom monitored and evaluated except on a very superficial level.

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Besides the support of employers, funding by the federal government and some provinces has been a key factor in the growth of co-op programs in Canada. Most of the federal funding was “seed” money for the administration of new programs; other government funding is being provided to institutions to use as wage-subsidy incentives for employers hiring co-op students. The reason behind the emergence of co-op education as a major alternation model is its presumed benefits for the students themselves, the employer, and institutions and faculty. For employers who employ co-op students, the benefits consist of importing fresh ideas into the firm and the opportunity to try these students out or “screen” them with regard to future employment. At the same time, these students are meeting employers’ short-term production needs, without having to make long-term commitments. Co-op education placements provide students with income, relevant work experience, and employer ties, and they increase students’ job skills repertoire and chances of securing employment after graduation. For faculty, co-op education arrangements create greater exposure to the world of practice and a better understanding of and involvement in the educational curriculum by business and industry representatives. Thus co-op education is contributing to stronger linkages between industry and the post-secondary education and training system, a relationship that is generally not strongly developed in Canada. Hard data about the results are difficult to come by, but by and large the evidence appears to be positive. An analysis of the labour-market experiences of 1990 university graduates showed that co-op programs were a significant advantage for graduates in mathematics and physical sciences and in commerce and economics. Co-op graduates in both categories were more likely than other graduates to have increased earnings. Further, co-op graduates in mathematics and physical science programs were more likely to be in full-time employment (Statistics Canada, 1995). Also, the National Graduate Surveys have shown higher employment levels and a better “fit” of skills and job responsibilities for co-op students versus those students who graduated without participating in such programs. Recent research from the United States seems to confirm that relevant work experience is a factor that leads to improved academic achievements (Hughes, Bailey, and Mechur, 2001). At the same time, cooperative education is criticized by trade unions, which are concerned that such programs make some workers redundant. Also, the lack of coordination in many programs between the two elements of classroom-based education and workplace training is seen by some analysts as problematic.

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In spite of such concerns, co-op education has significantly grown in popularity over the last two decades. In 1997–98, of the 125,800 graduates of baccalaureate programs in Canada, 40,400 had taken co-op programs; of these co-op grads, 36 per cent were in engineering, 29 per cent in math and physical sciences, and 20 per cent in commerce and economics (Statistics Canada, 2000). In 2000–01, sixtyeight community colleges and institutes offered co-op education programs enrolling a total of almost 72,000 students, of which almost two-thirds were at universities (cace, 2001). In spite of this increase in numbers, cooperative education is still relatively marginal in post-secondary education as a whole, since less than 10 per cent of post-secondary students participate. There are a number of reasons for this low participation rate, ranging from fiscal constraints – co-op programs are costly to run – to the difficulty of finding employers who offer places that provide work experience that is relevant to the students’ academic curriculum (Marquardt, 1998). More important is perhaps the difficulty faced by academic teachers in nonapplied fields in linking their teaching to “real world” problems that are of minor relevance to their research interests, and by academic institutions more generally in integrating experiential and disciplinespecific cognitive learning. Internships. These involve university undergraduates or graduates in work experience as a required part of their academic qualifications and/or professional certification. Originally designed for graduates of medical programs, internships have been expanded to many other areas of professional training, such as teacher training, other health disciplines, and various science and engineering programs. Like the co-op model, the internship model facilitates not only students’ familiarization with professional knowledge and ethics but also the transfer of new scientific knowledge and methods from university into practice. Internships have increased partly because they have more variety and flexibility in the scheduling of academic and work periods than cooperative education. But there is relatively little empirical information of a quantitative nature about internship programs in Canada. A number of case-study reports, conducted in the late 1980s under the auspices of the (now defunct) Science Council of Canada (see, for example, Thom, 1987), shed light on the various models for combining academic and work experience, as well as on innovative industry-university partnerships and collaboration in the education of university and college students.

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Experiential Technical and Vocational Programs. An increasing proportion of technical and vocational programs delivered by community colleges and institutes of technology or colleges d’enseignement general et professional (colleges of general and professional education, cegep s) in Quebec and other vocational institutions are including in their curriculum and credits provision for formal work experience in a workplace setting (paid or volunteer) which is directly related to the students’ fields of study. These programs resemble the internship and cooperative education models in many of their features and can take a variety of forms. For example, students are required to complete summer work experience in a job related to their studies sometime during their program, and are assisted by institutional staff in securing such employment. Another example is programs that include a course, usually for one semester, where students do volunteer work related to their studies and receive academic credit for a written summary report on their experience. The simplest form of this type of work experience is arrangements whereby students spend one or two days a week at various work sites related to their studies, learning on the job and writing diaries or reports on what they observe. While such experiential components do not normally have the comprehensiveness and systemic nature of internships and co-op education programs, they do contribute to greater practice relevance of the school-based programs and curricula, and provide students and institutions with prospective employers. These models also serve to actually strengthen linkages between schools and the business community, sometimes acting as a catalyst or base on which a more formal co-op or internship program can be to developed, as well as ongoing relationships with relevant industries and professional bodies. As these experiential models are often small or short parts of larger programs and do not include remuneration or formal credit, it is difficult to measure the incidence of student participation. Anecdotal information, particularly at the college level, suggests that more and more technical and vocational programs are building in such workexperience elements. Labour-Market Alternation Models Apprenticeships. One of the major examples of alternation education and training is apprenticeship training. Such a “dual system” of schoolbased and workplace-based learning is, in some European countries, a major program of training young people for a variety of skilled jobs, not just menial and crafts occupations. In these countries, apprentice-

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ship training provides a clearly marked partway for young people from school to work (e.g., oecd, 1998, 1994a, 1994b). In contrast, Canada’s apprenticeship system seems to be mainly a model for the training of adult workers, the average age of an apprentice being twenty-eight years (compared with eighteen years in Germany). However, the mean age masks the fact that more than half the apprentices in Canada started their training before the age of twentyfive, and 15 per cent even at nineteen years or younger, some of the latter enrolled in secondary school apprenticeship programs. Almost 30 per cent had finished the program while they were between twenty and twenty-four years4 (Rubenson and Schuetze, 1995). Thus there is a significant component – about one-third – of younger people starting apprenticeships, for whom this form of skill formation also builds the pathway from school to work, even if some of them might have “floundered” for a while before entering an apprenticeship. Apprenticeship training in Canada is also a relatively small system, the total number of apprentices across the country representing less than 1 per cent of the national labour force. In the 1990s an average of 180,000 apprentices were registered in Canada; however, the numbers fluctuated as a result of number of economic factors, such as the influence of the business cycle and the number of immigrants. Overall, while the total number has gone up slightly, the share of apprentices in relation to the workforce is in decline (see Sharpe’s chapter in this volume). The current number of apprenticeable trades in Canada stands at 150, which represents less than 1 per cent of the total number of National Occupational Classification occupations. Most of these trades are not recognized across Canada. However, 44 of the 150 trades in Canada are “red seal” occupations, that is, part of the national Interprovincial Standards Program. Whereas isp trades represent a minority of all trades in Canada, more than three-quarters of apprentices are registered in such trades. The Canadian apprenticeship system is focused on serving mainly the skilled-trades needs of the manufacturing, construction, and resource sectors and a small part of the service economy. A review of apprenticeable trades across Canada reveals that over three-quarters and as many as 90 per cent of registered apprentices in Canadian apprenticeship systems are in the traditional areas of construction, manufacturing, and resource industries (Government of Canada, 2000b). The majority of the remaining apprenticeships are in the service sector – in the retail automotive sector, personal service (e.g., hairdressing), and hospitality (e.g., cooks).

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Some provinces have recently taken steps to implement expansion of apprenticeship training into new occupations and industries. For example, British Columbia has forged new sectoral apprenticeship initiatives in its motion picture and aerospace industries (bc Industry Training and Apprenticeship Commission, 2001). In its announcement of apprenticeship reform and new legislation, the Ontario government emphasized the expansion of apprenticeship training to new trades as one of the objectives (Government of Ontario, 1999). Trainees enter the apprenticeship system typically through one of two paths. They may complete a pre-apprenticeship program at a college or vocational school and then secure a job and become indentured to an employer. Alternatively, they can first obtain employment and then be sponsored by their employer in an apprenticeship program. Apprentices complete the program through a combination of on-the-job training (80 per cent) and annual block release institutional training (20 per cent). The block release period is usually for a four-to-ten-week period, during which the apprentice is in full-time school training. Formal apprenticeship training combines on-the-job training, under the supervision of a qualified journeyperson, with in-school learning. Most apprenticeships last for between 6,000 and 8,000 hours of training, which take between three and five years to complete. If apprenticeship trades are seasonal, it can take as long as six to eight years to complete the training. After successfully completing an apprenticeship, the apprentice must pass an exam to become a certified journeyperson. Quebec is different from the other provinces in that in-school training is normally taken before a person is registered as an apprentice, and the apprenticeship proper consists of on-the-job training and accumulated work experience. Thus the alternation principle – the combination of classroom-based education and workplace-based training – does not fully apply in the case of that province. This difference is explained by well-developed vocational education programs in schools (which are also open to adults) and at the college level (Paillé, 1998). The other major particular feature is that the great bulk of apprenticeship training takes place in the construction trades, and only very few other trades provide apprenticeships. In the other provinces, training institutions, mostly public colleges and some private institutions, deliver the school-based portion of training during the block release. Provincial governments and usually provincial apprenticeship boards have responsibility for the regulation, certification, and establishment of provincial standards. The major part of the training takes place on employers’ premises, however. Although training is, as all education matters, the sole responsibility of the provinces, there are also a number of instruments at the na-

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tional level that have an impact on apprenticeship training, especially federal government funding for training and bodies that were set up to secure a minimum of coordination among the provinces and a forum for employers and trade unions to discuss policies with respect to training. With regard to both functions, there were some changes at the national level in the 1990s. Most important were the contracts between the federal government and some provinces by which much of the federal role in training was devolved to the provinces, together with the funding for these activities. At the same time, the Canadian Labour Force Development Board (clfdb) and its National Apprenticeship Committee, which had brought together representatives from the employers, trade unions, and governments to discuss measures to strengthen apprenticeship training, were dismantled (see, for example, clfdb, 1994a, 1994b, 1994c, 1995, and 1997). Since then, national business and labour groups, the federal Human Resources Development department, the Canadian Council of Directors of Apprenticeship, and the Inter-provincial Alliance of Apprenticeship Board Chairs have formed a new Canadian Apprenticeship Forum to promote and advance apprenticeship at a national level (Government of Canada, 2000c), but so far this body does not have the same visibility and impact as its predecessor organization. On the whole, the decline in apprenticeship training and the low incidence of employer-provided training can only be understood against the background of the highly decentralized and adversarial system of industrial relations in Canada. The abolition of the clfdb, which had been created to strengthen the commitment of both the trade unions and business to training and provide a forum for exchange, collaboration, and the building of mutual trust, meant a clear weakening of the infrastructure, already fairly fragile in Canada, that is needed for a coherent and stable system of industrial training. The result is a further marginalization of apprenticeship training, which the recent reform initiatives by individual provinces cannot really overcome. As in the United States (e.g., Hamilton and Hamilton, 1999), much of the reform discussions and initiatives of the past have referred to the well-developed apprenticeship systems in the German-speaking and some of the Scandinavian countries (Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Denmark, and Norway), often advocating such systems as a model for adaptation to the Canadian situation (e.g., Ontario Premier’s Council, 1990; Economic Council, 1992). Looking at these countries is useful because it shows how apprenticeship training can work as a major strategy for educating a qualified workforce and, at the same time, provide an important route for young people from school to work. However, such suggestions are also problematic. The European

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“dual system” of apprenticeship training is deeply embedded in the cultures, attitudes, traditions, and institutional frameworks, which cannot be easily replicated in foreign soil, especially as “structures are not readily changed … when they are reified into models expressing cultural norms and expectations” (Skilbeck, Connell, and Lowe, 1994: 478). Other Workplace Training. A significant amount of workplace training in Canada occurs outside the apprenticeship system. Much of such training is for new workers, and it is mostly in the form of general orientation or related to health issues and safety regulations, but there is also a fair amount of employer-sponsored workplace training. Such on-the-job training involves structured and unstructured learning activities – on-site and off-site and regardless of method, location, or content – undertaken by an employee at the direction and with the support of the employer, for the purpose of enhancing the capability of the employee to perform an existing or future task or function within the firm. To the extent that such workplace training combines or integrates work and on-the-job training with formal off-site learning, it also fits the pattern of alternation. However, where such alternation occurs, it is usually unstructured and unsystematic, and unlike the other models described earlier, the great majority of such training activities do not follow an explicit and intentional alternation mode. Continuing education or training provides a flexible, important means for workers to upgrade skills and facilitate their adaptation to new work tasks and responsibilities. Continuing professional education for professional, paraprofessional, and technical employees is an obvious example. A number of occupations require additional education to maintain certification, to advance qualifications, or to adapt to new professional standards, regulatory requirements, and so on. Growing “credentialism” is increasing the number of such occupations and hence the demand for continuing professional education. But even where it is not formally required, such education is clearly on the rise (e.g., oecd, 1995). Like apprenticeship training, continuing education and training is a form of alternation when related to or linked with learning at the workplace. However, workplace training is often informal rather than formal and not linked to cognitive learning off the job. In contrast to the growth in professional continuing education, there is evidence that firms have diminished their investment in workplace training overall (Betcherman, McMullen, and Davidman, 1998).

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costs and benefits of alt er n at i on tr a i n i n g The information that workplace training in Canada is low in comparison with other industrialized countries is not new (e.g., Ontario Premier’s Council, 1990; Economic Council, 1992), nor that many employers are reducing rather, than stepping up, their training efforts (Betcherman, Leckie, and McMullen, 2000) This situation and the relatively minor role that apprenticeships and other alternation forms of training play in Canada cannot be explained entirely by the generally held attitudes which accord little esteem to technical education and workplace training. The costs of workplace training and the distribution of these costs must be seen as important barriers to the viability and acceptance by employers of all types of training. While this observation applies to all workplace training, it is especially important for the training of young people. Unfortunately, no thorough cost-benefit study exists in Canada,5 unlike in several European countries, where such studies have been conducted (see, for example, Hanhart and Bossio, 1998). One of the difficulties in assessing the net cost and benefits to enterprises lies in the fact that apprentices are integrated in the production process and therefore contribute to the firm’s productivity and output. Also, some of the other benefits are difficult to estimate, as they are indirect and accrue over a long, rather than a short, term. For example, firms not only train for what skills they actually need, but they also screen and select among their apprentices before hiring them as regular employees, thus saving money and time for the recruitment of new staff as well as for their initial training (see Hamilton and Glover, 1995). Even more indirect and less intangible are the benefits accruing to employers as a result of the collaboration with technical schools or colleges and the impact they have on the orientation of the training system generally and on particular features of programs and curricula. The upshot of this line of argument is that workplace training can be a good investment for employers, provided that institutional arrangements are in place which allow the employers to actually reap the benefits. These arrangements are, to a large extent, influenced by public policy and infrastructure, so that the state, employers, and unions have great leverage and responsibility for making the system more attractive and viable (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000b). From the point of view of the individual trainee, the economic costbenefit rationale of participating in apprenticeship training (as compared to a school-based training system) is positive since trainees

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receive a wage while engaged in training which normally is, although lower than a skilled worker’s wage, higher than that of an unskilled or semi-skilled worker. Moreover, the skills and competencies acquired though training and the certificate obtained will facilitate the trainee’s finding a qualified job if the training firm does not offer a skilled job upon completion of the training. For post-secondary students participating in co-op programs, the situation is very similar. There is clear evidence for the measurable benefits that co-op graduates gain at graduation. As a number of studies from both Canada and the United States have found (e.g., Petryszak and Toby, 1989; Morgan, Brannan, and Bowman, 1999), former co-op students do much better with respect to both employment and wages than students who have not been enrolled in co-op programs. Plenty of anecdotal evidence suggests that many of them find employment with a firm in which they worked during one of their work terms Even if all studies agree that this relative advantage levels out after a few years, they still show that participation in cooperative education sends a positive signal to employers when they hire new employees. Similar results are reported from comparisons of school-based and workplace-based – that is, apprenticeship – programs. When the earnings of college graduates were contrasted with those of certified apprentices two years after they had completed their training, Sweet (2001) found that salaries for journeypersons were clearly higher than those who had trained in a college trades or career-technical program. Journeypersons also judged the relevance of their training much more positively than did graduates of the school-based programs (Sweet, 2001). Whether this tight fit between training and occupational skills and competencies is an asset or a liability in a world of fast-changing economies, labour markets, and workplaces is not easily answered. To the extent that the skills acquired are generic in nature, they will be relevant to a whole range of other jobs and, most importantly, the base for updating and enlarging existing skills through continuing education and training. Evidence from Germany, where apprenticeship training has been reformed by broadening the theoretical base and emphasizing generic skills, shows that skilled people find jobs in other sectors much more easily than unskilled workers (see Heinz in this volume). Thus a case can be made for employers to engage in alternation training on the basis of a cost-benefit ratio that takes into account more than just the immediate monetary returns, that is, when the indirect benefits are factored into the equation. For co-op graduates, participation gives them a distinct advantage when they look for their first regular job. This benefit applies also to the graduates of apprenticeship training.

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conclusion In summary, alternation education and training in Canada exists in various forms, but while the concept’s potential is clear, it is not flourishing. This low status is, in part, due to deep-seated social values and attitudes that favour academic education over vocational-technical education and industrial training. There also are structural reasons: the lack of investment in coordinated school-work pathways and the lack of employer interest in and commitment to employee training. Recent attempts by some provincial governments to link schools more closely to the workplace by prescribing work experience as part of the school curriculum and by promoting cooperative education and school apprenticeships have so far yielded only modest results. Apprenticeship is one of the major models of alternation education and training in Canada, yet it is neither a major instrument of skill formation nor a major transition route from school to work. Other programs that provide work experience as part of the school curriculum lack adequate funding. They also frequently lack the strong support from school administrators, counsellors, and teachers needed to integrate the academic curriculum with work experience. At the post-secondary level, co-op education is a notable exception. Still marginal overall, participation in these programs has been steadily increasing since they were first introduced in Canada in the late 1950s. Although currently available mainly to students in applied fields (mostly engineering), this approach has the potential of becoming more widespread and thus an important link between higher education and the world of work. The relative success story of the co-op program cannot, however, conceal the problematic situation regarding workplace training in Canada. Employers, for reasons discussed above, do not offer as much formal training and informal learning opportunities to their employees as their counterparts in many of the other industrialized countries that are striving to adjust to the realities of the “learning economy.” It may make short-term economic sense for individual employers to not engage in workplace-based training because of the cost and the risk of such an investment, but for the economy as a whole, their insufficient investment in improving the skills and knowledge of the entire workforce is likely to mean a national loss in innovativeness and international competitiveness. Alternation education responds to the need for “up-skilling” the current and future workforce in ways that equip individuals with workrelevant skills and attitudes. It also provides them with a base for further learning. To the extent that programs such as co-op education,

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work experience, and apprenticeships are able to successfully combine these features, they will grow in appeal for individuals, for employers, and for the general public. However, there are important hurdles, namely, “the reluctance of employers to offer decent workplace opportunities, the low esteem that students and parents have for them, and the reluctance of schools or educational authorities to allocate adequate resources to them and to modify timetables to make workplace attendance a normal part of the educational experience. These obstacles partly relate to the fact that there is usually little connection with what students are doing in their classes and the programs fail to give formal credit in school and/or vocational qualifications” (Bowers, Sonnet, and Bardone, 1999). In order to overcome these hurdles, a greater effort will be needed than has so far been made in Canada. What this must look like in detail can not be spelled out in the context of this chapter (but see, for example, Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000a). It appears clear that this issue cannot be left to market forces alone, but that that the state has a role to play which it has not played very efficiently in the past. At the same time, alternation is almost by definition an ideal ground for an active public-private partnership and a new definition of the respective roles of the state, the economy, and the workers and their representatives.

notes 1 The situation in Quebec is clearly distinct from the all other provinces since the colleges of general and vocational education (cegeps) provide some training and a structured transition route for all young people in the province who are not pursuing the academic route to the employment system (see Payeur, Émond, and Caron and Hardy and Parent in this volume, and Paillé 1998). 2 Thanks are due to Kerry Jothen, former ceo of British Columbia’s Industrial Training and Apprenticeship Commission (itac), for valuable information and feedback on this section. 3 Alberta’s Registered Apprenticeship Program (rap), Ontario’s Ontario Youth Apprenticeship Program (oyap), and British Columbia’s Secondary School Apprenticeship Program (ssap). 4 The data are from the 1994 National Apprenticeship Training Survey (nats), which collected and analyzed data from a sample population of over 30,000 apprentices – both completers and non-completers, or “discontinuers” – in regard to their experiences before, during, and after apprenticeship training.

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5 Such studies, if they are based on actual data and not just on interviews with stakeholders and experts, are difficult methodologically and costly to conduct.

references Advisory Council on Science and Technology (acst) (2000). Stepping up: Skills and opportunities in the knowledge economy – a report to the expert panel on skills. Ottawa: Industry Canada. Allen, R.C. (1996). The economic benefits of post-secondary education and training in bc – An outcome assessment. Vancouver: University of British Columbia, Centre for Research on Economic and Social Policy. bc Centre for Applied Academics (2000). Applications of working and learning. Vancouver. Retrieved from the Web, 2 May 2000: http: //www.bced.gov.bc.ca/ careers/aa/. bc Industry Training and Apprenticeship Commission (2001). 2000–2001 annual report. Retrieved from the Web, 17 November 2001: http: // www.itac.gov.bc.ca/annualreport2001.pdf. Bertrand, O., Durand-Drouhin, M., and Romani, C. (1994). Issues, problems and perspectives: Lessons from an international debate. In oecd (Ed.), Apprenticeship: Which way forward? (pp. 41–88). Paris: oecd. Betcherman, G., Leckie, N., & McMullen, K. (2000). Learning in the workplace: Training patterns and training activities. In K. Rubenson & H.G. Schuetze (Eds.), Transition to the knowledge society: Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning (pp. 283–303). Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies. Betcherman, G., McMullen, K., & Davidman, K. (1998). Training for the new economy – A synthesis report. Ottawa: Canadian Policy Research Network. Bowers, N., Sonnet, A., & Bardone, L. (1999). Giving young people a good start: The experience of oecd countries. In oecd (Ed.), Preparing youth for the 21st century (pp. 7–86). Paris: oecd. Canadian Association for Co-operative Education (cace) (2001). Retrieved from the Web, 18 August 2001: http: //www.cafce.ca/e/index-e.htm. Canadian Labour Force Development Board (clfdb) (1994a). National Apprenticeship Committee. National standards for the apprenticeable trades. Ottawa: clfdb. – (1994b). National Apprenticeship Committee. Expansion of the apprenticeship training system. Ottawa: clfdb. – (1994c). Putting pieces together: Toward a coherent transition system for Canada’s labour force. Ottawa: clfdb. – (1995). Occupational and training standards: A position paper. Ottawa: clfdb. – (1997). Apprenticeship in transition. Ottawa: clfdb.

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Conference Board of Canada (1992). Employability skills profile. Retrieved, from the Web, 17 August 2002: http//www.conferenceboard.ca/ca/cben/ eprof-e.htm. Economic Council of Canada (1992). A lot to learn – Education and training in Canada. Ottawa: Economic Council. Frank, Jeff (Ed.). (1996). High school may not be enough: An analysis of results from the School Leavers Follow-up Survey, 1995. Ottawa: hrdc. Retrieved from the Web, 17 August, 2001: http: //www.hrdc-drhc.gc.ca/stratpol/arb/research/school95/engdoc/eng.htm. Gallagher, P., Sweet, R., and Rollins, R. (1997). Intermediate skill development in British Columbia: New policy and research directions. bc Ministry of Education, Skills and Training and Human Resources Development Canada. Gingras, Y, Massé, P., and Roy, R. (2000). The changing skill structure and employment in Canada. In K. Rubenson and H. Schuetze (Eds.), Transition to the knowledge society. Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning (pp. 234–56). Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies. Government of Alberta (2000). Registered apprenticeship program. Retrieved from the Web, 17 August 2001: www.tradesecrets.org/ne-index.htm. Government of British Columbia (1999). Government expands career opportunities for youth: News release. 11 May. Victoria: Ministry of Education and Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology. – (2001) Ministry of Education. Statistics – BC schools, Career preparation reports. Retrieved from the Web, 17 August 2001: http: //www.bced.gov.bc.ca/ k12datareports/career_reports.htm. Government of Canada (2000a). hrdc Youth Initiatives. Retrieved from the Web, 17 August 2001: www.youth.hrdc-drhc.gc.ca/programs/main.shtml. – (2000b). Ellis chart. Retrieved from the Web, 17 August 2001: http: //www.hrdc-drhc.gc.ca/hrib/hrp-prh/redseal/english/ellis_e.shtml – (2000c). Government of Canada to support new initiative to strengthen Canadians’ skills through apprenticeship. News release, 1 June. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. Government of Ontario (1999). Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities. News release, April. – (2001). Ontario Youth Apprenticeship Program. Retrieved from the Web, 18 August 2001: www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/document/reports/ appsumm.html#youth. Government of Saskatchewan (2000). 1998–1999 annual report: Saskatchewan post-secondary education and skills training. Regina. Grubb, W.N. (1999). The subbaccalaureate labor market in the United States: Challenges for the school-to-work transition. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross-national perspectives (pp. 171–93). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hamilton, S.F. (1990). Apprenticeship for adulthood – Preparing youth for the future. New York: The Free Press.

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– & Glover, R. (1995). Economics of apprenticeships. In M. Carnoy (Ed.), International of encyclopedia of economics of education (pp. 181–5). Oxford: Pergamon. – & Hamilton, M.A. (1999). Creating new pathways to adulthood by adapting German apprenticeship in the United States. In W.R. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work – Cross-national perspectives (pp. 194–213). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hanhart, S., & Bossio, S. (1998). Costs and benefits of dual apprenticeship: Lessons from the Swiss system. International Labour Review, 137 (4), 483–95. Heinz, W. (1999). Introduction: Transition to employment in a cross-national perspective. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross-national perspectives (pp. 1–21). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hughes, K.L., Bailey, T.R., & Mechur, M.J. (2001). School-to-work: Making a difference in education. New York: Columbia University, Teachers College, Institute on Education and the Economy. Kelly, D., & Gaskell, J. (Eds.). (1996). Debating dropouts: Critical policy and research perspectives on school leaving. New York: Teachers College Press. Krahn, H. (1996). School-work transitions: Changing patterns and research needs. Consultation Paper prepared for Applied Research Branch, Human Resources Development Canada. Landry, C. (Ed.). (2002). Les formations en alternance: États de pratiqes et des recherches (Alternation training: State of practice and research). Sainte Foy: Presses de l’Université du Québec. Levin, B. (1995). How can schools respond to changes in work? Canadian Vocational Journal, 30 (3), 8–20. Lipsey, R. (2000). New growth theories and economic policy for the knowledge economy. In K. Rubenson & H.G. Schuetze (Eds.), Transition to the knowledge society: Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning (pp. 33–61). Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies. Marquardt, R. (1996). Youth and work in troubled times: A report on Canada in the 1990s. Ottawa: Canadian Policy Research Networks. – (1998). Labour market policies and programmes affecting youth in Canada. Paper provided to the oecd in the framework of the School-to-Work Review. Morgan, J., Brannon, T., & Bowman, K.R. (1999). The relationship of undergraduate work terms and other variables to starting base salary of agricultural graduates. Journal of Cooperative Education, 34(3), 25–9. Ontario Premier’s Council (1990). People and skills in the new global economy. Toronto: Queen’s Printer. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (oecd) (1994). Vocational education and training for youth. Paris: oecd. – (1995). Continuing professional education of highly qualified personnel. Paris: oecd. – (1998). Pathways and participation in vocational and technical education and training. Paris: oecd.

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– (1999). Preparing youth for the 21st century – The transition from education to the labour market. Paris: oecd. – (2001). Competencies for the knowledge economy. In oecd (Ed.), Education policy analysis (pp. 99–118). Paris: oecd. Paillé, L. (1998). Quebec. In oecd (Ed.), Pathways and participation in vocational and technical education and training (pp. 303–34). Paris: oecd. Petryszak, N., & Toby, A. (1989). A comparative analysis of cooperative education and non-cooperative graduates of Simon Fraser University. Vancouver: Simon Fraser University. Unpublished report. Rubenson, K., & Schuetze, H.G. (1995). Learning in the classroom and in the workplace – A framework for the analysis of apprenticeship training and other forms of “alternation” education and training in Canada. Vancouver: ubc Centre for Policy Studies in Education. Unpublished paper. – (1996). Learning at and through the workplace – A review of participation and adult learning theory. In D. Hirsch & D. Wagner (Eds.), What makes workers learn? – The role of incentives in workplace education and training (pp. 95– 116). Cresskill, nj: Hampton Press. – (2000a). Transition to the knowledge society: Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning. Vancouver: ubc Institute for European Studies. – (2000b). Investment options for financing work-based education and training – A discussion paper. Vancouver: Industry Training and Apprenticeship Commission of British Columbia (http: //www.itac.gov.bc.ca/ftp/itac/ invest_ops.pdf). Skilbeck, M., Connell, H., & Lowe, N. (1994). The vocational quest. London: Routledge. Statistics Canada (1995). Labour market outcomes for university co-op graduates. Perspectives, autumn. – (1997). National Apprenticed Trades Survey. Ottawa: StatsCan. – (2000). Education in Canada, 1999. Ottawa: StatsCan. Sweet, R. (2001). A comparison of college and apprenticeship transitions. Sectoral & Occupational Studies. Ottawa: hrdc. Thom, G.A. (1987). Employer interaction with public colleges and institutes in Canada (discussion paper). Ottawa: Science Council of Canada. Weiermair, K. (1983). Labour market imbalances and occupational training in Canada: Issues and implications for vocational education policies. Labour markets in the 1980s. Kingston: Queen’s University Industrial Relations Centre. – (1984). Apprenticeship training in Canada – A theoretical and empirical analysis. Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada. William T. Grant Foundation (1988). The forgotten half: Pathways to success for America’s young and young families. Washington, dc: William T. Grant Foundation.

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part two Alternation in Canada: School, College, University, and Workplace

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4 Vocational Education in Ontario Secondary Schools: Past, Present – and Future? HARRY SMALLER

At quite an early age my daughter Christine began to get bored and frustrated with formal education. After trying a number of different schools, she finally gave up and dropped out, even before she reached sixteen. She began working in an entry-level office job, but soon realized she lacked the necessary skills. One day she asked me where she could take a typing course. Her father (ever the teacher) suggested that she might consider enrolling in a high school credit evening course in typing, offered through the local board of education. Thus (I reasoned) she would be able to simultaneously earn another credit toward eventual graduation. She looked at me with one of those frustrated daughter-father expressions and retorted, “Dad, you just don’t understand. I want to learn to type!” I mention this incident as an introduction to this chapter for a specific reason. For almost a century now, public secondary schools in Ontario have offered courses and programs in a wide variety of vocational subjects. Over these years, countless thousands – indeed, millions – of students have acquired useful technical and commercial skills by having participated in these programs. However, one is certainly left with the distinct feeling that all is not well with these programs – past or present. Government documents, program reviews, student achievement and graduation rates, press releases, newspaper articles all leave the reader with a strong feeling that something considerably less than perfection existed. During recent interviews, while most vocational teachers, and many students, were initially quick to defend their turf, it did not take long before concerns began to arise, and these soon

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overshadowed much of the positive discourse that was initially expressed. If Ontario is any example, there has been a rapid and continuing decline in the numbers of students enrolled in vocational courses in secondary schools over the past decade. Canada does not seem to be alone in this regard. At the global level, a recent series of studies published by the oecd begins with the statement “Throughout the industrialized world, vocational and technical education and training … faces a crisis of identity and purpose” (McFarland and Vickers, 1994). A blue-ribbon American study is even more condemning: “Many ‘vocational education’ programs are almost worthless. They are a cruel hoax on young people looking to acquire marketable skills. So many different and, in many cases, unproductive programs in our public schools have been called ‘vocational education’ that most existing programs need to be disbanded and reshaped” (Raizen, 1994: 87). Why is this the case? Whether or not my daughter’s beliefs about the efficacy of vocational programs are valid ones, the fact that she holds such beliefs is intriguing in itself. Where did she get these ideas? Why do many others – teachers, parents, schooling administrators, education ministry officials, politicians, trade unionists, the corporate elite – mount these and other critiques of vocational education? The purpose of this chapter is twofold. First, I wish to explore these tensions – to attempt to understand the history of vocational education in our public secondary schools and why it is that such a seemingly well-meaning educational project continues to be afflicted with such tensions, adverse publicity, and doubtful future. Secondly, I wish to explore whether and, if so, how vocational education within the public school system might be conceptualized and undertaken differently. To the extent that this latter exploration is optimistic, it will invoke the possibility of bringing schools and the “real world” somewhat closer together – incorporating the concept of alternation in a historical treatment of vocational education. While the concept of alternation may be complex and mean different things to different people, it can be said to be grounded in the importance of bridging what has historically been known as the “theorypraxis divide.” In the context of vocational education, this hoped-for bridging may come about, on the one hand, by combining (or alternating) student experience in the classroom and the workplace. Additionally, however, this bridging must also happen at the conceptual level – in the understandings of both students and teachers. Simon, Dippo, and Schenke, in their study entitled Learning Work: A Critical Pedagogy of Work Education, draw on and combine two concepts to ground their approach to bridging the divide – reflective learning and alternation. “It is important to consider reflective learning as a process

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that moves back and forth between in-school sessions and workplace experiences. The energy for teaching and learning flows continually in both directions: to the workplace for observation and application, and from the workplace for description, clarification, judgement, and interpretation. Neither direction is more important than the other. It is this regular and ongoing interaction that makes possible a conceptually informed practice and a practically informed understanding of work” (1991: 14–15). There is no question that the term “vocational education” also means different things to different people (and organizations). There is usually general agreement that it means something other than academic or general education. Vocational education often connotes a teaching-learning process that is less demanding, or intellectually less rigorous, than academic schooling. Another complication in defining vocational education is the fact that all forms of schooling usually lead one way or the other to work. In the words of the Canadian Teachers Federation, “All branches of knowledge are ultimately vocational for some people, at least, and all have some aspect of technique involved. Moreover, skills associated originally with specific vocations have, under the impact of technological change, shown some tendency to become part of the generic base for general education. Typing, for example, has become as essential to certain professions as it is to stenographers and secretaries” (ctf, 1987: 5; see also Coffey, 1992: 187). Given the purposes of this chapter, however, I have chosen to begin with a narrower definition, again one that has been developed by the ctf. Vocational education will be defined as that which “is specifically directed toward the teaching of skills and knowledge which are useful in occupations for which post-secondary education is not required and which may help graduating students qualify for entry-level positions in those occupations” (ctf, 1987).1 However, within these constraints, it is intended to be a broad definition, to include programs such as technical, business, and commercial studies. It will also be broadened to include programs that can lead to further training at the community college level. In contrast to “vocational education,” I will refer to the other aspects of secondary schooling as “academic education” or “academic programs.” A very specific limitation is that this chapter concerns itself only with an examination of vocational education programs that are located in and funded by the public secondary school system of Ontario. Clearly, this is but one of many sites in which people have engaged in vocational training, in the past and the present. Apprenticeship programs (formal and informal), non-government schools and programs (both

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private enterprise and non-profit), post-secondary institutions, and programs within industrial, commercial, and corporate settings have all played a role in vocational training. This chapter, however, confines itself to programs funded and operated within public secondary schools.

w h y voc at i o n al e d uc at io n – and why the tensions? Differences and tensions in our communities with regard to vocational education can be seen in many different ways. The following excerpt from a Toronto Board of Education (Beattie et al., 1959) document provides one glimpse of the ways in which state structures work to effect social-educational change desired by those in control. This passage is part of a policy paper written by board officials for the purpose of convincing politicians about the need to expand vocational education in the city at that time. In the introduction to this treatise, they drew on earlier historical antecedents to make their case. “The opening of Central Technical School in 1915 … reflected a growing conviction that the rapid industrial expansion of Canada demanded a major change in the secondary school educational system, which up to that time was predominantly academic in character. The dearth of skilled artisans to meet the demands of the First World War furnished additional proof of the need of change, and in 1919 national concern was expressed by a federal grant of $10,000,000 for the erection of technical schools” (23). The players are certainly well depicted here. We are presented with the “growing conviction,” at least among those representing the “national concern,” that there was a dramatic “need of change” in the ways in which students would be schooled in Canada. The document then goes on to describe the manner in which this “need of change” was fulfilled in post–World War i Toronto: “three succeeding technical schools … were built in established city areas of concentrated population during a period when secondary school enrolment was generally expanded owing to factors other than growth of population. Hence large enrolments in the technical courses were at once assured” (24). As this passage suggests, the methods of the board at that time were not necessarily those of the present day, as described by the educational consultants earlier. Rather than “working hard” to convince parents and students of the value of vocational schooling, early schooling officials simply built vocational schools in areas of the city which, up to then, were underserviced by secondary schools. They were then offered to the local population as the (only) schooling available on the

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assumption that this would ensure large enrolments. To be sure, providing vocational schooling in working-class and immigrant areas where parents and their children had no other option proved at least somewhat successful in meeting “national concerns.” However, this same document goes on to reveal even more to us – to suggest that, in fact, there were some complications with this overall project in the immediate post–World War i era. “No doubt the rapid growth in technical education in the eastern and western sections of the city under the favourable conditions of the 1920’s led the Board to expect a similar response in North Toronto. The overbuilding of shop accommodation in the Northern Secondary School resulted from following the same pattern without taking local conditions into adequate account” (Beattie et al., 1959: 5; italics added). The reference to “local conditions” is clear. As compared to the immigrant and working-class populations in the neighbourhoods where the first two vocational schools were built, North Toronto was different. Here social-class issues came into play. Middle-class parents had no intention of enrolling their children in vocational schools. Further, they clearly had the savvy and political leverage to ensure that their children were not going to be bureaucratically streamed into those programs, even if such schools had been built in their area. National needs may have been important, but specific class interests clearly dominated in this context. The city fathers had certainly miscalculated in this 1920s instance. As our 1959 document attests, later generations of movers and shakers would certainly be more astute about such matters.2 Why were vocational programs developed and promoted in the state school systems of Canada and other nations? For a number of differing – sometimes even conflicting – reasons, depending upon which historian or educator you ask. During the 1980s, as a result of his extensive study of vocational education across a number of nations, American sociologist Aaron Benavot developed a general schema outlining these various assumptions and beliefs about why vocational education programs exist within state schooling systems. The first and most common perspective, Benavot (1983) states, arose directly out of the demands for skilled workers generated by industrialization and industry’s need for a technically proficient labour force. These beliefs certainly seem to reflect those enunciated by schooling officials in the documents quoted above – and indeed are widely held by policy-makers and others in educational and political arenas everywhere. However, as already suggested by our Ontario example, when one goes beyond the public statements of those representing national industrial needs, these purported “common perspectives” become much

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more complicated indeed. As compared with, or in addition to, meeting the needs of industry, Benavot posits a second overall perspective on why vocational education was advocated. There were also wider “societal interests” at stake. For example, he postulates that some observers saw vocational education as a “natural outcome of expanding democratic societies bent on integrating and socializing new citizens.” This interest in the “proper” socialization of citizens was aimed particularly at recently arrived immigrants, as well as at working-class youth. For others, somewhat more equity-conscious, larger societal interests were also at stake in the way in which vocational education was promoted in the context of “upholding basic moral commitments to equal educational opportunity,” as well as appealing to “progressive” educators concerned about “problematic” students, and looking for other ways in which they could continue their education. In direct contrast to the positive aspects of vocational education that seem to underlie these first two sets of assumptions and beliefs about the origins of public vocational education, Benavot posits a third set of explanations, in many respects (although not all), very much in opposition to the former explanations. As compared to industrial and broad social needs, this third set of interpretations is based on a belief in the stratified nature of our society and the differing interests that pertain as a result of this stratification. For these observers, the development of vocational education was “a class-based solution invented by capitalist businessmen and industrial managers to consolidate their power over the emerging corporate capitalist economies.” Vocational schools were developed as an inexpensive (to capital) way to produce “semi-educated workers sensitive to capitalist work values.” In addition, introducing vocational education into the public school system could serve to diminish “the discretionary powers of skilled workers and union-controlled apprenticeship programs by placing the responsibility for job entry and job training in either public or managerial hands” (Benavot, 1983: 66). One could certainly argue that there is no one overarching “truth” to be gleaned from this schema. For example, whether schools and vocational programs, in particular, have been effective, either in serving the interests of industry or in enhancing social equity in society, has been a matter for much debate over many years (Berg, 1970; Jencks et al., 1972; Li, 1981; Shilling, 1989). However, this array of hypotheses can certainly play a useful role in helping us to understand the events that have transpired over the past and present of vocational education in Ontario and beyond – and even to assist in formulating new hypotheses about what might transpire in future years.

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There is no question that these (strong) differences over the raison d’être of vocational education and training have existed throughout their history, particularly among those instrumental in planning, promoting, and proselytizing for these programs. For many, the arguments were more stark and oppositional – those in favour of vocational education for the betterment of national economic interests versus those in favour of individual and social human development and growth. One well-known debate occurred early in the twentieth century between David Snedden, the head of education for Massachusetts, and John Dewey, educational philosopher and schooling reformer. For Snedden, “the controlling purpose of vocational education is to produce fairly definite forms of skill and power which shall enable the learner to become a successful producer of a valuable service” (quoted in Simon, Dippo, and Schenke, 1991: 5). Dewey’s response was informative indeed. He argued that vocational education should emphasize “the development of such intelligence, initiative, ingenuity and capacity as shall make workers as far as possible, masters of their own industrial fate. … The kind of vocational education in which I am interested is not one which will ‘adapt’ workers to the existing industrial regime … but one which will alter the existing industrial system and ultimately transform it” (quoted ibid.).

voc at i o n al e d uc at i o n in ontario since the 1960s The history of vocational education has been well documented (see Lyons, Randhawa, and Paulson, 1991). And the parallel development of academic and vocational education in Ontario has been described by Smaller (2001). In this section the evolution of vocational education in the province is traced from the 1960s with reference to the concerns and issues raised in the work of Benavot. There is no question that vocational programs in public secondary schools have fallen off considerably in the past three decades – in Ontario and in Canada generally. As table 4.1 indicates, the number of individual technology courses taken by all secondary school students in Ontario schools had dropped from 481,000 in 1973 to 257,000 in 1996, while the overall student population had increased from 586,000 to 696,000 students. Why this downward trend? Given this virtually uniform decrease across countries and regions, reflecting a wide spectrum of national economies, national modes of production, and levels of enrolment in state schooling systems, it would seem that the explanation for these trends in vocational programs lies outside industrial or general

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Table 4.1 Province of Ontario secondary school course enrolment by major subject area Subject area Arts Business Data processing English French Geography History International languages Mathematics Contermporary studies Phys ed/health Science Technology Classical studies Total courses Total students

1973

1982

1986

467,546 --N/A

421,016 74,038 575,806

411,996 107,839 686,049

569,256

573,265

628,008

541,764 481,411

475,318 430,943

547,348 312,083

585,725

562,013

527,238

1996 277.057 311,550 152,500 672,286 128,973 158,084 320,512 29,681 548,941 256,061 235,039 487,622 257,196 6,132 3,842,234 695,784

source: Ontario Ministry of Education (www.edu.gov.on.ca).

economic explanations. Benavot (1983) suggests an alternative interpretation of this data: The fact that the vocational share of secondary education has declined since 1950 so consistently and in such diverse countries appears to reflect a growing global ideology, egalitarian in character, that shuns formal differentiation of children while they occupy the status of high school pupil … Until recently, undifferentiated forms of education where schools and classes are relatively uniform and homogeneous were only true of primary education. Now … they are becoming true for secondary education as well” (74). It would appear that these concerns about increased social stratification continue to play a large role in influencing the downward spiral in vocational education. Recent public opinion polls, for example, indicate decreasing interest in streaming students into non-academic programs. According to longitudinal studies in Ontario, for example, the percentage of the overall adult population believing that such vocational streaming should happen at grade 9 or earlier has dropped from 39 per cent in 1980 to 20 per cent in 1998. By comparison, those believing that streaming should happen only in the last year of secondary school or should not occur at all in high school has risen from 17 to 47 per cent of the overall adult population (Livingstone and Hart, 1998).

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As the Canadian Teachers Federation explained the matter in its 1987 report to the federal cabinet, the “dramatic expansion of compulsory public schooling to all children … [has] effectively placed under suspicion any school system which appeared to have winning (academic) and losing (vocational) tracks. In consequence, a new ideology developed emphasizing postponed selection and maximizing future access to postsecondary education for all children” (12). In addition to the egalitarian pressures working against vocational education, the recent decline of many industrial and commercial occupations and jobs certainly has a strong effect. Further, while the message is often confusing and complex, public statements from employers and their associations frequently express an interest in, if not preference for, graduates with competence in non-technical knowledge and skills, such as general academic proficiency, and emphasis on general values, attitudes, and social relations applicable to the workplace. Recent attempts to restructure, renew, or simply invigorate interest in vocational education seem to have had little effect. The Ontario government’s 213-page Radwanski Commission Report (1987), which sought ways of ensuring that the province’s system of education was relevant to the needs of young people and to the realities of the labour market, now occupies bookshelf space. The similar Toronto Board of Education (1990) report seems equally neglected in the latest flurry of schooling reform and restructuring activity.3

th e f ut u re of p ub l i cly fu n d ed , s c h oo l - ba s e d vo c at i o n a l e du c at i o n Is there a future for vocational education in the public school system? On the one hand, there are certainly many reasons why one could legitimately predict an end to these programs. First, the present realities surely speak volumes – the significant and continuing decline in their numbers and popularity. Secondly, they are relatively more costly to operate than academic or general programs. In a time of already significant cutbacks to public expenditure on schooling (and other social services), and in the absence of apparent public interest in vocational education, it is difficult to imagine governments wanting actively to buck this trend. Thirdly, in the case of Ontario at least, those students and parents interested in pursuing specific vocational training are turning more and more to the private sector for this service (Sweet, 1996). Fourthly, it would appear that there is continuing opposition to publicly funded vocational programs, not only from parents and students but also from sectors within the schooling system itself – officials and teachers alike, who are concerned about the effects of such

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streaming on their attempts to provide a more equitable future for all children, regardless of background. Many also continue to express the concerns enunciated much earlier by John Dewey (1916 etc.) that public schooling not concern itself with “adapting workers to the existing industrial regime.” Many continue to believe that education at the elementary and secondary levels should focus on the development of the “whole child” – to develop his or her basic academic skills and encourage active participation in a wide range of intellectual and creative areas. Steering and training children for a specific, or even general, occupational pursuit should be left until after completion of basic elementary and secondary education. While some academic teachers may adopt this position primarily in the self-interest of protecting their own jobs, others may have more humanistic concerns for their students. One teacher, interviewed about these matters recently in England for a similar research project, held to an even more conspiratorial analysis, reflecting closely Benavot’s “class-based” explanations for the rise of vocational education: Teacher: The government regards an educated workforce as a threat. They cannot say it … We’re deeply suspicious of the government … undermining the ability of the population to question and challenge the leadership, the elite. That’s the background to our reservations about [the new vocational program] … I don’t think that the government and industry want people who can think, they want people who are easily motivated and who do as they are told, frankly. Education on the old model was turning out too many free-thinking, rebellious types. Interviewer: I have been waiting to meet a sort of liberal educator. Teacher: There’s plenty in this school. Interviewer: Are they on the defensive now? Teacher: Yes, we’re on the defensive but we are not defeated and we won’t be defeated because the basic idea of educating the whole person is one which is fundamentally and absolutely sound, and it won’t go away (Jordan, 1994: 22).

Similarly, David Coffey, in his recent study on vocational education in England, states that, “though vocationalism has become more respectable and widely accepted, there remains a reluctance among many teachers to accord it unreserved approbation.” Further, he suggests that there “has been a strong preference by all classes of society for a general education rather than one that narrows occupational opportunities” (Coffey, 1992; Shilling, 1989). While these convictions may not be shared by all, or even most, teachers and educators, they do represent a long-standing opposition, within the public school system, to any program that steers students away from a “well-rounded” education.

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Ironically, however, while individual teachers may be divided about these matters, most provincial and national teachers’ organizations invariably argue for inclusion or expansion of school-based vocational programs, even though admitting that tensions pervade the issue. The Canadian Teachers Federation (1987) recognized that “industry and government were major contributors to the development of vocational education. [However,] it is also very plain that vocational education was, and is, championed on theoretical grounds by a perhaps small, but enthusiastic, group of educators who perceive many young people to be better served by an education of a more practical nature” (13). An earlier statement, presented to the Ontario cabinet by the Ontario Teachers’ Federation (1983), both recognized these tensions and, at the same time, attempted to proselytize against them. The federation expressed its regret that “skills shortages [are attributed by many] to negative attitudes of Canadians toward blue-collar work, thought to be inferior in status and life-style. Blue-collar work now pays well, provides good working conditions, and is increasingly unionized. Many skilled blue-collar workers advance to managerial and entrepreneurial positions” (17). It is hard not to speculate, when reading through these kinds of statements, on the tensions that must underlie them. For a start, at the very personal level, one is left wondering how many of these officials would counsel their own children to select vocational programs at the high school level, especially if they were deemed capable of success in the university-bound streams. “Schooling other people’s children” is all too often an exercise in individual denial.4 Finally, as suggested by the comment from my daughter at the beginning of this chapter, many students themselves – particularly those now in vocational streams – find school less than rewarding. It is not surprising that many would much prefer to be out in the “real world” of work, even while pursuing their own further development. In the words of one apprentice mechanic, “Being in the world of work gives you a better and more natural education.”5 On the other hand, one is certainly left with the impression that, in many nations of the world, vocational education is on the rise – at least within the realms of the public and private discourse, if not in reality. As Skilbeck and colleagues (1994) suggest, “the years since the early 1970s have witnessed a major resurgence of interest in the vocational role of education and training” (1–2). This surge (of interest, if nothing else) has been labelled the “new vocationalism” by some, and there is no question that it is tied closely to an interest in the “matching of human capabilities to labour market needs and opportunities … to sustain growth in the modern economy … to reorient and restructure,

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to achieve greater efficiency, to find new economic opportunities, and, more recently, to alleviate or forestall youth (and adult) unemployment.” Canada – Ontario in particular – has certainly been immersed in this discourse, judging by the prolific rise, particularly during the past decade, of high-level commissions, investigations, studies, and reports. Alison Taylor (1997) notes, in her comprehensive analysis of the Ontario scene, that much of this activity has been promoted by the corporate sector, in collaboration with government officials at the provincial and federal levels. Needless to say, the recommendations of these commissions and reports are clear: more and better vocational education is needed, and it must be much more closely tied to the needs of employers (see, for example, Economic Council of Canada, 1992; Ontario Premier’s Council, 1990). Given the turbulent economic times, the fluctuating employment rates, and the ways in which the school system is often attacked for not “training” students properly, it is not surprising that many parents, students, and local school officials also express concern about the purported failings of vocational education. For example, in recent Ontario public opinion surveys, respondents were asked whether they thought that high school students should take business or vocational studies, even if they were planning on attending university after graduation. While only 36 per cent of respondents in a 1984 survey believed they should, by 1996 this proportion had jumped to 75 per cent of the sampled population (Livingstone and Hart, 1996). Similarly, the responses from “educational organizations as well as groups representing various ministries, business and industry and others interested in technical education” to a consultation paper on technological education sent out by the Ontario government in 1991 found overwhelming support for an increase in vocational education. Further, this was not to be limited to just the secondary school level. For example, over 70 per cent of these respondents supported a proposal to “introduce Technical Education programs in the early [kindergarten] years and the Formative Years (Grades 1–6) that lead to Technological Education programs in [grades 7 to 12]” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1991). In Ontario these beliefs are being rewarded mainly by a flurry of media releases from the provincial government that announce allocation of virtually all new funds for computer or Internet expenditures, general textbooks, and materials, and further millions to enable twice as many students to enroll in computer science and high-demand engineering programs. While a new “Guidance and Career Education Program Policy for Elementary and Secondary Schools” was circulated in March of the following year, the 1999 “Program and Diploma Requirements” for Ontario secondary schools states that only one credit (of

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thirty in total) in science or technological education is required for high school graduation. In any event, given the historic tensions over vocational education in the public school system, the continued underfunding of programs, and the continued decline in student participation (not unrelated matters), it would appear that there is no early change in sight.

h ow c ou ld voc at i o n al e du c at i o n be different – and successful? Is it possible for vocational education to be successful? Who would be involved in helping to define success? What would these new definitions look like? And could they be achieved at all in the public education system, as compared to some other venue? If so, how could they be achieved? I would argue that any successful vocational education program should be based upon at least the following three principles: first, that the traditional mental-manual divide, in both its ideological and concrete forms, must and can be successfully bridged; secondly, that these programs can and must be redesigned to draw attention to, and hopefully eliminate, the biases of class, gender, and race; and finally, that they can be planned and taught in ways that would appeal to the needs and interests of students. In addition, what must clearly be resisted in vocational education are pressures to train students only for single, narrow occupational niches. As Dewey himself warned us, almost eighty-five years ago, “nothing could be more absurd than to try to educate individuals with an eye to only one line of activity” (Dewey, 1916 etc.). David Coffey (1992) emphasizes the importance of moving “away from attempts, merely to train workers for specific work tasks … The primary concern of schools should not be with the living young people will earn but with the life that they will lead. That is the prospect for vocational education.” This narrow approach often manifests itself as the “competency model” of training, where the emphasis (if not the totality) of the program lies in identifying and teaching specific “behaviours” and “performance objectives” for very specific job roles, at the expense of grounding students in knowledge and understanding. As Nancy Jackson (1999) points out, “The net effect of this practice is to impose a narrow and short-sighted perspective on the definition of learning ‘needs,’ weighing in favour of those ‘objectives’ which can be expressed in simplistic, often mechanical terms.” This approach has negative consequences for students, in both the short and the long term. It severely limits the possibilities for educating the whole person, even

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in regards to building a wide base of skills and understandings related to work. Further, given the ever-changing nature of the workplace in our times, it carries the definite risk of “planned obsolescence for workers … The much-promised ‘flexibility’ and ‘relevance’ of such a system is realized by creating a workforce which is disposable or recyclable, rather than one which is innovative, and therefore durable, on the job” (Gleeson, 1986). Much has already been observed and written about the ways in which the historic mental-manual divide can be bridged by adept teachers through active curriculum and pedagogy. Jane Gaskell (1993), in an article comparing the very different philosophical and pedagogical approaches of two vocational teachers in Vancouver, argues that we “need to understand more about what does go on in the name of vocationalism, and how we might encourage a more critical and contextual exploration of working knowledge” (56–7). Vocational education, “where knowledge, representations of the workplace and definitions of skill are contested[,] is more likely to inform vocational instruction than [when it is seen] as sites for the imposition of class and gender privilege.” While, on the one hand, there is certainly pressure on training institutions to encourage instructors to “take the point of view of employers” in developing and implementing their courses, [o]n the other hand, there are structural factors that encourage instructors to take the point of view of their students, and of workers. Instructors are hired to educate, to help students learn and ultimately lead more satisfying lives. Vocational instructors in clerical programs have often worked as secretaries themselves. They are in close contact with students, and easily empathize with their problems and frustrations. They also have an interest in upgrading the status of the occupation, a status which they come to share as instructors. There are organizational forms and a culture here which could support a more transformative vocationalism. (Gaskell, 1993: 66)

As an example of how things could be different, a very insightful volume by Roger Simon, Don Dippo, and Arlene Schenke combines the results of an extensive ethnographic study of vocational programs in a number of Ontario schools with a prescriptive schema for developing a counter-hegemonic course of studies for secondary school vocational students. The authors suggest that an effective approach should involve three major areas of exploration and discussion – technical relations of work, social relations of work, and exchange relations of work. In each case, the classroom pedagogy would be based on students’ own reflective inquiry, as they “worked on” and “worked with” their own experiences in the workplace. “Working on” experience would al-

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low them to examine their own situations and “open up the possibility for understanding the workplace as a socially defined space within which neither custom nor values need be taken for granted or go unquestioned.” Following on this activity, Working with experience is an attempt to explore how one’s work experience is linked to the experiences of others in other places and in other times … [This would allow] a consideration of how the possibilities open to and the constraints imposed on people’s working lives are neither random nor a matter for individual effort. Rather, working with experience can develop the realization that specific economic arrangements, beliefs, and social interests have to be questioned and at times transformed to enable students to increase their effective participation in determining practices that define their working lives (Simon, Dippo, and Schenke, 1991: 11).

As befits the notion of bridging the theory-praxis divide, much of their text is spent in detailed discussion of actual content and strategies that vocational teachers could adopt in order to effect these critical discussions and activities in their classrooms. These are but examples of what might be possible, and how it might be introduced. There is no question that much more investigation and practice is necessary to identify successful, transferable models of alternation between the school and the workplace, wherein students can continue to explore and interrogate the world of work, as they develop their values, knowledge, and skills. I look forward to these possibilities, even if I believe that they may yet be a long time in coming.

notes 1 To be sure, even this definition is somewhat ambiguous, given the more recent proliferation of training programs, particularly at the community college level, for occupational categories that historically required only secondary schooling and/or non-institutional preparation (e.g., trades apprenticeships). Indeed, this increased specialization and credentialism is one factor in recent shifts in the number and nature of secondary school vocational programs. 2 The lessons were, in fact, well learned. When federal funds became available for a massive increase in vocational programs in the early 1960s, eight new vocational high schools were built in Toronto. Every one of them was situated south of Bloor Street, which has historically been considered the dividing line between the working-class/immigrant inner city and the more affluent north sections of the city.

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3 To be sure, the Conservative government elected in Ontario in 1995 has moved very strongly back to streaming of students into academic and nonacademic programs at the secondary level. However, these latter programs are not in any way related to the teaching of specific vocational skills, as the teachers and schooling officials interviewed by Smaller (2001) were the first to point out. 4 Even among those in the system who are in favour of vocational education, there remains considerable difference in opinion as to why this is the case and for whom it should apply. Some express the belief that to engage in vocational education is, or should be, as equally rewarding, valuable, and/or dignified as purely academic pursuits. These programs should be available, and encouraged, for all students, regardless of their academic capacities. By comparison, other educators are in favour of vocational programs, but only for those who are unable to succeed (for whatever reasons) in the traditional academic programs. Even among this latter group, the motives are complex. Some emphasize the interests of the non-achievers themselves and their need to feel success and/or gain useful skills. Others, by comparison, stress the importance of having them removed from the academic setting, so that they will no longer be a burden on their academic teachers, interfere with the teaching of “more advanced” students, and/or serve as a bad example for this latter group. 5 These opinions on schooling are certainly not confined to Ontario, Canada, or North America. In an interesting study of 1,617 vocational/apprentice students in Norway, educational sociologist Liv Mjelde (1995) found that 89 per cent preferred to learn in the workplace rather than in school, in spite of the clear understanding they had about the possibilities of their being exploited in these jobs.

references Beattie, L., Davies, E., Phillips, R., & Geary, G. (1959). Special report on the extension of technical education in Metropolitan Toronto. Toronto: Toronto Board of Education. Benavot, A. (1983). The rise and decline of vocational education. Sociology of Education, 56 (2), 63–76. Berg, I. (1970). Education and jobs: The great training robbery. Boston: Beacon Press. Canadian Teachers Federation (ctf). (1987). The revitalization of vocational and technical education in Canadian secondary schools. Ottawa: ctf. Coffey, D. (1992). Schools and work: Developments in vocational education. London and New York: Cassell. Dewey, J. (1916 etc.). Democracy and education. New York: Macmillan.

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Economic Council of Canada (1992). A lot to learn: Education and training in Canada. Ottawa: Canada Communication Group. Emerson, L. (1958). Vocational-technical education for American industry. Washington: United States Government Printing Office. Gaskell, J. (1993). Constructing vocationalism: Barbara, Darlene and me. In R. Coulter & I. Goodson (Eds.), Rethinking vocationalism: Whose work/life is it? (pp. 52–68). Toronto: Our Schools/Ourselves. Gleeson, D. (1986). Further education, free enterprise and the curriculum. In S. Walker & L. Barton (Eds.), Youth, unemployment and schooling (pp. 46–66). Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Jackson, N. (1989). The case against competence: The impoverishment of working knowledge. Our Schools/Ourselves 1, 77–85. Jencks, C., et al. (1972). Inequality. New York: Basic Books. Jordan, S. (1994). Schooling the vocational: tvei and the making of the enterprise culture. Paper delivered at the Socialist Studies Society, University of Calgary, Calgary, June. Li, W.L. (1981). Vocational education and social inequality in the United States. Washington: University Press of America. Livingstone, D., & Hart, D. (1996). Public attitudes toward education in Ontario 1996: The eleventh oise/ut survey. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. – (1998). Public attitudes toward education in Ontario 1998: The twelfth oise/ut survey. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lyons, J., Randhawa, B., & Paulson, N. (1991). The development of vocational education in Canada. Canadian Journal of Education, 16 (2), 137–50. McFarland, L., & Vickers, M. (1994). The context and rationale for the reform of vocational and technical education. In oecd (Ed.), Vocational education and training for youth: Towards coherent policy and practice (pp. 7–18). Paris: oecd. Mjelde, L. (1995). Activity pedagogy: How does it really work? In A. Heikkinen (Ed.), Vocational education and culture: European prospects from theory and practice (pp. 131–154). Tampere: Hameenlinna. Ontario Ministry of Education (1991). A summary and analysis of the English language responses to the consultation paper on technological education. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Education. Ontario Premier’s Council (1990). People and skills in the new global economy. Toronto: Queen’s Printer. Ontario Teachers’ Federation (1983). Presentation to the Ontario cabinet. Toronto: otf. Radwanski, G. (1987). Ontario study of the relevance of education, and the issue of dropouts. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Education. Raizen, S. (1994). Learning and work: The research base. In oecd (Ed.), Vocational education and training for youth: Towards coherent policy and practice (pp. 69–113). Paris: oecd.

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Shilling, C. (1989). Schooling for work in capitalist Britain. Lewes and Philadelphia: The Falmer Press. Simon, R., Dippo, D., & Schenke, A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. Toronto: oise Press. Skilbeck, M., et al. (1994). The vocational quest: New directions in education and training. London and New York: Routledge. Smaller, H. (2001). Vocational education in Ontario. Working Paper. Toronto: York University – Labour Education and Training Research Network. Sweet, R. (1996). Proprietary schools in Canada. Education Quarterly Review (Statistics Canada) 3, 31–42. Taylor, A. (1997). Education for industrial and “postindustrial” purposes. Educational Policy, 11, 3–40. Toronto Board of Education (1990). The mind as well as the hand: A report on the current state and potential of technical and technological education in elementary and secondary schools of the Toronto Board of Education. Toronto: tbe.

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5 More than Sorcery Required: The Challenge of Matching Education and Skills for Life and Work LESLEY ANDRES

For Canadian students continuing to the post-secondary system following high school, the choice is not simply one of selecting one alternative over another. Decisions are made within the social, cultural, historical, and interpersonal context of the deciding individual. Constraints and opportunities resulting from socio-economic circumstances, geographic location, and cognitive and non-cognitive personality traits affect the decision-making process. Social conditions of inequality, cultural and economic resources, and the prevailing policy and employment climate also impinge on decision-making (Adams, Hays, and Hopson, 1976; Sloan, 1987). An informed decision requires a long-term planning perspective, crystallized preferences, and recognition of constraints and opportunities. Ironically, such a complex life decision occurs during adolescence, the very stage of human development that tends to be characterized by unstable preferences, limited past experience, and opaque career goals. In British Columbia the complexity of this transition is compounded by two interrelated forces: the dynamic nature of the post-secondary system itself and the structure of secondary education. Compared to other Canadian provinces, British Columbia has a very well diversified post-secondary system, which includes several public universities, one private university, numerous university colleges, community colleges, and other public institutes, hundreds of private colleges and trade schools, and an apprenticeship system. Students leaving high school are confronted with a vast array of choices available within this extensive and highly diversified post-secondary system.

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However, unlike in countries such as Germany and Austria (Hamilton and Hamilton, 1999; Heinz, 1999), in British Columbia (and in general, North America) the structure of the secondary curriculum is not tightly tailored to lead directly to specific forms of post-secondary participation. Curricular differentiation – that is, the track or stream from which the individual eventually graduates from high school – is not the result of rigid selection rules and sorting schemes. Instead, in the early years of high school, students choose, with the help of counsellors and teachers, the courses most suited to their interests, abilities demonstrated to date, and planned educational and career paths, as formulated by this point in their high school careers. Over the later high school years, depending again on successful completion of courses and evolving educational and career interests or disinterests, students follow, modify, or reduce their programs of study. For British Columbia high school graduates, curricular differentiation is an outcome of courses completed in high school, rather than a set trajectory. Hence the paradox: while the highly diversified nature of the bc system of post-secondary education offers a wide array of choices and pathways, these in turn may be detrimental to successful post-secondary participation, completion, and transition into the labour market. The way in which young people make decisions about post–high school destinations, including post-secondary attendance, choice of program, and whether to complete their studies, has direct implications for proposing alternative avenues for individuals to gain the knowledge and skills needed to for both life and work. In this chapter, I use data generated from a longitudinal study of bc youth to provide an overview of participation patterns, graduation rates, aspirations, and expectations of and beliefs about post-secondary participation. Also, through an analysis of open-ended comments, views about education, skills, and training help to illuminate students’ experiences within the post-secondary system. By describing participation and completion patterns and analyzing views about the post-secondary system, particularly in relation to work, the findings of this study can be used to provide direction for potential alternation education strategies for today’s youth.

data c o ll ec t i on The Paths on Life’s Way Project provides the data for these analyses. This project is the only longitudinal study of its kind in British Columbia and one of the few longitudinal studies of youth in Canada. The complexity of this data set permits a detailed account of individuals’ lives, choices, and post-secondary education and work experiences

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across different points in time since high school graduation, in relation to changing social and cultural conditions. For the purposes of this chapter, data from the first two phases of this project are employed.1 The first involved a mailed questionnaire sent to a systematic random sample of 1988 high school graduates (N=5,345) in 1989 and focused primarily on post–high school patterns and choices. The sample was generated from Ministry of Education records. High school and post-secondary records, providing demographic and institutional information, were linked to the survey data. In 1993 a mailed follow-up of the 1989 sample was conducted, and responses were received from over 2,000 of the original respondents. Post-secondary participants and non-participants in all seventyfive school districts in British Columbia responded to this survey. Only those who responded to both surveys are included in this analysis (N=2,030) (see Andres, 1995, for details).

measurement Post-secondary participation patterns, participation in apprenticeship programs, and credentials earned were determined from self-reported information provided by respondents to the 1993 survey. For each year between 1988 and 1993, respondents were asked to specify the names of all institutions attended, and responses were categorized on the basis of whether they attended universities, vocational/technical schools, community colleges, or university colleges, participated in private postsecondary institutions, or were non-participants in the post-secondary system. Any attendance during the year (i.e., full-time, part-time, or part-year) is classified as “participation” in the system. Respondents were also asked to provide information about all post-secondary credentials earned. Responses were categorized, first, according to the institution from which they graduated and, second, whether they received a post-secondary credential (e.g., bachelor’s degree, graduate/ professional degree, diploma, certificate, or ticket). Participation in apprenticeship programs is also of interest in this study. In the 1993 questionnaire, all respondents were asked whether they had completed or were currently enrolled in an apprenticeship program. They were also asked to specify the line of work or trade of the apprenticeship. Educational aspirations and expectations are used in the sociological and psychological literature as measures of young people’s educational ambitions. Although aspirations and expectations are highly interrelated, conceptually they are different. Aspirations are interpreted as hopes relatively untempered by considerations such as ability or accessibility. In contrast, expectations take into account more fully the

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constraints at the individual level (“I’m not bright enough”) and the structural level (“I can’t afford to attend university”), and are intended to provide a more realistic assessment of the future by incorporating a personal evaluation of ability and achievement. In the 1989 and 1993 surveys, respondents were asked to indicate the highest level of education they “want to achieve” and the educational level they would “expect to achieve, given the realities of today’s educational system and the work world.” To better understand respondents’ beliefs about the relationship between education and work, a series of questions were posed. In 1989, respondents were asked to indicate, on five-point Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree,” the extent to which they agreed that “post-secondary education is necessary to prepare me for a job,” “post-secondary education is necessary to increase my income,” and “post-secondary education is necessary to give me a wider choice of jobs.” In 1993 the same rating scale was used, but the questions were as follows: “I can’t get ahead these days without post-secondary education,” “These days, people require higher levels of education than they did in the past,” “My education has improved my career prospects,” “To attain the lifestyle I want, I must have a university degree,” “I need a university degree to earn a decent income,” and “I expect to re-enter the post-secondary system more than once over my life time.” In a final open-ended question at the end of each survey, respondents were invited to add any other comments. Of the 2,030 responses to the 1993 questionnaire, 1,608 (79 per cent) provided written comments to this final question. Transcription of comments generated 156 typed pages. The atlas/ti qualitative software program was used to code the data and to facilitate the interpretation and categorization of the responses. The codes used in the interpretation were developed inductively after reading the comments and determining recurring themes. Since one respondent could cover many different topics in a single response, each of these topics was coded separately. Therefore the unit of analysis in this section of the paper is the comment, not the individual respondent. The 1993 responses to these open-ended questions form the basis for the second part of the analysis in this chapter.

findings Each component in the analyses to follow presents itself as a separate, yet interrelated piece of a jigsaw puzzle of the education-work-skills relationship. This section begins by documenting post-secondary educational participation patterns over the five years immediately following high school graduation.

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Table 5.1 Post-secondary educational activity within five years of leaving high school, 1988–1993 1988–89

1989–90

1990–91

1991–92

1992–93

31

35

40

43

39

2

3

4

4

4

Community college

25

20

14

9

8

University college

16

13

9

7

5

Private institution

4

3

3

2

3

23

26

31

36

41

University Vocational/technical school

Non-participant (N=2030)

Post-secondary Participation Patterns Table 5.1 provides an overview of the post-secondary activity of British Columbia youth over a five-year period following high school. Of the 2,030 respondents to the 1993 questionnaire, 77 per cent indicated that they had participated in some form of post-secondary study within one year of high school graduation; by 1993, this proportion had rise to 91 per cent. Thirty-one per cent of respondents entered university directly out of high school. This proportion rose over the first four years, reaching 43 per cent by 1991–92, and then declined slightly by 1992–93. The second most common trajectory directly out of high school was community college participation. Twenty-five per cent commenced their post-secondary studies at community colleges. In 1989–90 this proportion dropped slightly to 20 per cent, and by 1992–93, only 8 per cent remained in community colleges. Declining participation in community colleges coincided with increased university attendance, suggesting that some students transferred from community college to university. Overall, participation at vocational/technical and private post-secondary institutions was very low, ranging from 2 to 4 per cent for both types of institution. Only 23 per cent of respondents indicated that they were non-participants directly following high school. Non-participation increased over time; by 1992–93, 41 per cent no longer participated in post-secondary education. Educational Credentials Earned Tables 5.2 and 5.3 depict post-secondary completion patterns by the type of institution attended in the first year following high school graduation and by the nature of credential obtained. By 1992–93,

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Table 5.2 Institution of graduation in 1993 by institution first attended in 1989 Graduated from (percentage)

Began first Year in

University

University college

Community college

Tech/voc. institute

Private Did not institution graduate

University

59

1

3

2

1

University college

24

30

2

3

2

41

Community college

17

2

30

4

2

46

34

Technical/ vocational inst.

0

0

2

61

0

37

Private institution

10

3

1

8

40

63

Did not attend in first year

4

7

8

4

4

73

(N=1,560) Table 5.3 Credentials earned by 1993

1st credential

2nd credential

3rd credential

Total earning a credential

Credential

N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

% entire sample

University degree

590

55

40

31

5

20

635

52

32

Diploma

254

24

33

25

4

16

291

24

14

Certificate

216

20

56

43

15

60

287

23

14

11

1

1

1

1

4

13

1

1

1,071

100

130

100

25

100

1,226

100

61

Ticket Total

59 per cent of B.C. youth who enrolled in university directly following high school had graduated from university. Seven per cent earned credentials elsewhere, and the remainder (34 per cent) had not graduated from any type of post-secondary institution (table 5.2). Over 60 per cent of enrollees in vocational or technical institutions earned vocational or technical credentials, while almost all of remainder did not complete their studies at any post-secondary institution. Of those individuals attending public post-secondary institutions, the ones who commenced their studies at community colleges had the highest non-completion rates. By 1992–93, 46 per cent had not earned a post-secondary credential, 17 per cent had graduated from a university, 8 per cent had graduated from other post-secondary institu-

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tions, and only 30 per cent had earned a community college certificate or diploma. Similar completion patterns were demonstrated by those who began their studies at university colleges, with approximately onequarter completing their studies at university, 30 per cent graduating from university colleges, and over 40 per cent not completing their studies. Table 5.3 portrays the types of credentials earned. Of those receiving a post-secondary credential, over 50 per cent earned bachelor’s degrees, approximately one-quarter, diplomas; and another 25 per cent, certificates. Only 1 per cent of credentials granted were apprenticeship tickets. These figures include credentials earned within a five-year period. Of the entire sample (N=2,030) over 60 per cent had earned some type of credential within five years of high school graduation; the credential most often earned was a university degree. Although these proportions are high, it is important to remember that 40 per cent of this sample had not earned any post-secondary credential by 1993. Apprenticeship Enrolment in apprenticeship programs was also an option for respondents to this study. As table 5.4 demonstrates, despite high levels of participation at public post-secondary institutions and, to a much lesser extent, technical/vocational and private institutions, only 97 of the 2,030 respondents (5 per cent) indicated that they had participated in apprenticeship programs over the five years following high school graduation. Although differences in participation patterns by women and men is not the focus of this chapter, it is worth noting such differences in apprenticeship enrolments. In total, 26 women (1 per cent of the total sample or 2 per cent of women in this study) and 60 men (3 per cent of total or 7 per cent of men) provided information about the nature of their apprenticeship programs. Table 5.4 portrays the types of apprenticeships undertaken. According to this table, respondents reported participating in 46 different types of apprenticeship programs. However, an examination of the programs reveals that participation in apprenticeship programs for these young adults remains both traditional and gendered. Almost one-third of apprenticeships undertaken by women were in accounting, cosmetology (including nail technician), and hairdressing, and almost 40 per cent of apprenticeships by men were located in only two areas – carpentry and mechanics. In summary, tables 5.1 through 5.4 document respondents’ participation and completion behaviour. In the next section, analyses of several affective variables provide insight into respondents’ views about education, skills, and work.

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Table 5.4 Type of apprenticeship program attended, by sex Female Program Accounting Air frame technology Aircraft maintenance Arborist Carpentry Certified figure skating instructor Chartered accountant Chef Cosmetology/nail technician Denturist Dept of National Defence – lineman Dietetics Electrical Electrician Engineer Film production Firefighting Forestry (rpf) Gardening Hairdressing Informal steel fabrication Insurance Legal assistant Legal secretary Machinery operator Machinist Marine engineering Mechanic Medical lab technology Notary public Partsman Pharmacy retail Power engineering Real estate/interior decorating Recreation management Registered nursing Retail meat processing Stage management Steamfitting Steel fabrication Student teaching Teaching Teaching golf Technology tele-control Travel agency Welding Total

Frequency

Male Percent

Frequency

Percent

3 – 2 – – 1 1 1 2 – – 1 – – – – – – – 2 1 – 1 – – 1 – – 1 – 2 – – 1 1 1 1 1 – – – 1 – – 1 –

12 – 8 – – 4 4 4 8 – – 4 – – – – – – – 8 4 – 4 – – 4 – – 4 – 8 – – 4 4 4 4 4 – – – 4 – – 4 –

– 1 2 1 7 – 2 2 – 1 1 – 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 – 1 – – – 1 1 1 16 1 2 – 1 1 – – – – – 2 1 1 1 1 1 – 1

– 2 3 2 12 – 3 3 – 2 2 – 2 3 2 5 2 2 2 – 2 – – – 2 2 2 27 2 3 – 2 2 – – – – – 3 2 2 2 2 2 – 2

26

100

60

100

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Educational Aspirations and Expectations Table 5.5 compares educational aspirations and expectations held in 1989 and 1993 by post-secondary completion status in 1993. Although they varied across categories, respondents expressed very ambitious educational aspirations. Almost all of those who would have graduated with a university degree within five years of high school graduation claimed in 1989 they wanted to earn a university degree or higher. Surprisingly, 83 per cent of eventual non-university graduates and 63 per cent of non-participants also aspired to university degree completion or higher. However, when asked in 1989 what level of education they expected to achieve, relatively few non-participants (21 per cent) and non-university graduates (40 per cent) expected to earn a university degree. Given that these individuals would not achieve these goals five years later, expectations were still high. The majority of those who would go on to complete some university (85 per cent) and eventual university graduates (92 per cent) held high educational expectations. By 1993, educational aspirations and expectations had shifted somewhat. Although non-participants held lower educational aspirations than the other groups, 86 per cent indicated that they wanted to earn some post-secondary credential and 14 per cent still wanted to attain a university degree or higher. By 1993, fewer respondents in all categories expected that high school completion would be the highest education they would achieve. Despite never having participated in postsecondary education, only 24 per cent of non-participants, compared to 44 per cent in 1989, expected high school completion to be their highest level of education. Also, across all categories, the majority of individuals wanted and expected to attain more educational credentials than they currently possessed. Beliefs about Education and Work Several reports released in the late 1980s and early 1990s by the Economic Council of Canada, the government of Canada, and various provincial ministries of advanced education and/or labour emphasized the relationship among global competitiveness, a trained and educated workforce, the economic prosperity of Canada, and the wellbeing and standard of living of Canadian citizens. In table 5.6, beliefs about the relationship between post-secondary education and work held in 1989 and 1993 by respondents to this study are reported. In 1989, respondents were asked to rate the extent to which they agreed with statements about the relationship between educational attainment and work. As table 5.6 indicates, very little discrepancy

–

Some community college

6 10 47

Bachelor’s degree

Professional degree

Master’s or doctorate

–

Some university, no degree

22

–

Vocational or trade school

Community college diploma/certificate

12

3

44

17

15

–

15

–

–

7

2

51

16

16

–

14

–

–

3

0

60

27

10

–

2

–

–

1

0

62

27

9

–

1

–

–

1

0

1

5

8

2

22

8

25

–

14

10

12

24

3

25

5

6

–

3

21

11

25

4

22

2

6

–

0

42

19

29

1

1

0

2

–

1

59

20

21

0

0

0

0

–

0

Some NonNon- non- univ. Some Univ. part. univ. grad. univ. grad.

Some NonNon- non- univ. Some Univ. part. univ. grad. univ. grad.

Apprenticeship

Secondary school diploma

Status

1993

1989

Highest education wanted

Highest education expected 1993

5

8

8

–

25

–

–

10

44

8

11

21

–

33

–

–

5

22

6

16

18

–

42

–

–

7

12

14

31

40

–

9

–

–

1

5

16

35

41

–

4

–

–

1

3

1

3

4

4

21

11

24

–

24

6

6

22

3

28

11

12

–

6

12

7

28

6

28

3

8

–

2

29

19

41

2

3

1

1

–

0

50

19

25

0

1

0

0

–

0

Some NonSome NonNon- non- univ. Some Univ. Non- non- univ. Some Univ. part. univ. grad. univ. grad. part. univ. grad. univ. grad.

1989

Table 5.5 Educational aspirations and expectations in 1989 and 1993, by 1993 post-secondary participation status

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1993 I can’t get ahead these days without postsecondary education These days, people require higher levels of education than they did in the past My education has improved my career prospects To attain the lifestyle I want, I must have a university degree I need a university degree to earn a decent income I expect to re-enter the post-secondary system more than once over my lifetime

1989 I need post-secondary education to prepare me for a job increase my income give me a wider choice of jobs

Year/belief

46 81 23 17 24 41

47 10 27 71 61 31

85 79 79

12

47

49

16

5

19

10 13 14

72

39

39

64

89

74

90 87 86

% % disagree agree or or strongly strongly disagree agree

% % disagree agree or or strongly strongly disagree agree

15 21 21

Some non-university

Nonparticipants

10

43

44

5

2

11

4 11 9

74

43

43

86

94

86

96 89 91

% % disagree agree or or strongly strongly disagree agree

Non-university graduates

5

31

24

9

4

16

6 11 7

74

61

69

79

94

80

94 89 93

% % disagree agree or or strongly strongly disagree agree

Some university

Table 5.6 Beliefs about education, work, and general well-being in 1989 and 1993, by 1993 post-secondary participation status

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9

23

12

4

4

16

6 8 7

78

70

80

85

93

80

94 92 93

% % disagree agree or or strongly strongly disagree agree

University graduates

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regarding the relationship between post-secondary education and work existed across groups as categorized by 1993 post-secondary completion status. Over 79 per cent in each 1993 post–high school status category agreed or strongly agreed that post-secondary education would improve their life chances in terms of earned income, job preparation, and choice of jobs. By 1993 there continued to be general agreement across groups that higher levels of educational attainment were required and that education was related to career prospects. University graduates, those with some university education, non-university graduates, and those who attended some non-university (80, 80, and 86, and 74 per cent respectively) believed that they could not “get ahead” without a post-secondary education. Fewer (47 per cent) non-participants shared this belief. Also, only 23 per cent of non-participants believed that their attained education had improved their career prospects. These findings concur with those reported in Table 5.5 that in 1993, 86 per cent of non-participants indicated that they aspired to complete some postsecondary education. There was less agreement across groups about the value of a university degree. Whereas fewer than 43 per cent of non-university graduates and only 17 per cent of non-participants indicated that a university degree was required to attain their desired lifestyle, 80 per cent of university graduates equated their desired lifestyle with degree attainment. However, 23 per cent of university graduates disagreed or strongly disagreed that degree attainment was necessary to earn a decent income. Although beliefs about lifelong learning appeared to be clearly associated with educational attainment, over one-third of nonparticipants reported that they expected to re-enter the post-secondary system more than once in their lifetimes. Finally, in table 5.7 the proportion of affirmative responses to the question “If you could choose again, would you make the same educational choices?” are portrayed by 1993 post-secondary graduation status. Only respondents who had participated in post-secondary education between 1989 and 1993 answered this question. Overall, 55 per cent indicated that they would make the same choices again. However, those with some non-university and some university education were least likely to respond positively to this question. Except for university graduates, approximately 50 per cent indicated that, given the opportunity to choose again, they would make different educational choices. Tables 5.1 through 5.7 present somewhat conflicting information about post-secondary participation and completion behaviour in relation to educational aspirations, expectations, and beliefs about education and work. On one hand, post-secondary participation is high. This

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Table 5.7 “If I could choose again, would I make the same educational choices?” by 1993 post-secondary participation status

Status

% yes

Some non-university

44

Non-university graduate

54

Some university

52

University graduate

64

ratio coincides with high levels of aspirations and expectations, both directly out of high school and five years later. However, post-secondary completion patterns are less than ideal. Of those commencing post-secondary studies directly out of high school, 40 per cent had not earned any post-secondary credentials five years later. Of all those who had attended post-secondary institutions with the five-year framework of this study, 42 per cent had not earned any type of post-secondary credential. Given that most respondents had participated in some form of postsecondary education, and given the strong beliefs about the value of education and the high aspirations and expectations about further educational acquisition, why were completion rates so low? Although this question cannot be addressed directly, I turn to the relatively unstructured qualitative comments provided by respondents in 1993 in an attempt to shed light on their experiences through an analysis of their own words. Views about Education, Skills, and Work The final question on the 1993 questionnaire was open-ended and worded as follows: “Do you have any final comments or thoughts regarding education and work that you want to share with us? In particular, you are invited to comments about the following: a) accessibility to post-secondary education; b) the cost of post-secondary education; c) work, education and the economy.” As stated earlier, 1,608 (79 per cent) respondents took the time to provide written answers to this question. “Applied/vocational education” and “work” were two of the most popular unsolicited topics among 1993 survey respondents. A total of 450 comments were dedicated to these two areas, representing almost 30 per cent of the total number of comments made. Since

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comments in these domains are closely related, together they can be further categorized under the following headings: job-specific education, training, trades, preparation for life skills, and guidance and counselling. The overall tone of respondents’ comments was one of discontent. This was directly associated with notions of relevance – that is, the relevance of education to the “real world” and to the world of work. As one respondent asserted, “The education system does not, and I stress does not prepare you for the outside world.” Several comments supported the need for more job-specific education in schools and post-secondary institutions. Respondents felt the need for more courses that were directly aimed at the requirements of the job market, and that students should be directed to take these courses. Given the changing work-force, I think that education is becoming less in touch with what employers need. Furthermore, as a substitute teacher, I find that the students of today are even less prepared for university or the workforce than the class of ’88. It is my opinion that post-secondary education must gear itself more towards the work force and employability of its students. A lot of my friends have bachelor degrees but can’t find related jobs. One of my friends has a bachelor’s degree in economics and is forced to work in the sawmill. My education did not provide me with specific job skills, only with theory and a lot of knowledge that employers couldn’t care about.

Numerous respondents commented that job preparation should begin in high school. High school does not prepare a person for working in the modern world or for post-secondary education. Students should be able to select courses in high school that are of more use to them in the fields of work or study after leaving high school.

Others suggested that institutions other than universities should be promoted as viable options. I feel the technical institutes are better suited to this as the universities charge too much to become the “well rounded student.” It is very difficult for students of my own generation to pay off their student loans. University is not teaching the technical know-how that our society needs.

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Although the cost of education was the focus of a large number of comments (not reported in this chapter), costs were linked to the need for relevant education. Due to the extremely high cost of post-secondary education, one must have a clear and well defined plan when deciding what to study. An education is important in today’s work place, but it has to be job specific. Post secondary education is too costly to middle class people and a lot of courses in high school people don’t use. There should be some course that fits the work of the area, e.g., north island – fishing, logging – so when a person leaves high school they can go into the work force with some experience.

Although some individuals recognized the need to combine academic knowledge with technical skills, others maintained that the theoretical component of university degree programs is too great; hence, practical skills or recognition of talents that do not show up on examination papers is limited or completely absent. Today’s workforce I believe needs a combination of academic skills, as well as technical skills. I am looking to supplement my B.Sc. with technical diplomas rather than a Master’s. I think you do need some sort of post secondary education now days but it doesn’t have to be university level; a lot of good paying jobs [that] are in trades and technical institutes such as bcit are excellent. People who think they can get all the job skills they need out of a university degree are in for a rude surprise.

Few respondents in this study had attended or completed vocational or technical institutions (see table 5.4). Yet over forty individuals commented specifically on the virtues of trades education. More high school kids should be told about apprenticeship programs, trades, etc. Other opportunities other than university. If more were informed by teachers, parents etc., then lots of kids would not waste time planning for university when there is a slim chance they will ever go. University degrees do not guarantee a job or a job with good pay. Accessibility to trades/vocational (apprenticeship) courses need to be made more readily available with the aging trades people who are going to retire in the next 10–20 yrs.

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High schools should be geared toward learning trades (where the jobs are). I think there is too much hype about post-secondary. I have several friends with degrees now but no related job.

Several respondents also commented on the need for the educational system to teach students both career and life skills. One respondent made the following plea: “Please start teaching the kids of the future what life is all about. Boy, is it shocking to run right into reality. Ouch!” High school unfortunately does not prepare people for post-secondary schooling nor real life. School should have real career programs rather than structured, semester systems with grades. There is too much emphasis on grades. There is not enough learned about the “real world” regarding having contacts in your field and experience. No one cares what your grades were when you have a degree, just what experience you have and who you know. Post secondary education is definitely an important investment in one’s future. However, I think that there should be more opportunities in university for gaining practical work experience in order to connect the theoretical with the real world. Too often, students graduate with little preparation for the world of work.

Thirty respondents commented directly on the benefits of cooperative education programs as a way of gaining work experience and hence enhancing the post-secondary experience. The post-secondary education that I received has done little good in preparing me for a job. I can see from my own experiences and those of my friends that university degrees aren’t as useful as we initially believed. Universities should change their programs to train students for the work force. Co-op programs are excellent. You can learn all you want from books – when it comes to working on the job the knowledge is helpful but you need the practical experience to do the job properly. The best way to do that is to get involved in a co-op program where you work in a related field to your field of study. Being enrolled in a co-op education program allowed me to gain valuable work experience as I gained my education. Without that experience I would not have had as good a job as I did during the recent recession.

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Co-op at [university] is the biggest contribution to my educational pursuits, career and overall happiness with myself – my ability to obtain my dream career. Without co-op, I would have no hope in the job industry.

Finally, numerous respondents lamented the lack of meaningful career counselling in high school. Several comments focused on the need for high school students to develop career-related plans in high school. As a person in high school I would make certain of my post-secondary plans before I graduate not after. Education is going to be an increasingly larger precursor of what one can do for a career. A job may be difficult to find nowadays but a career is even harder to find. Try to be sure of your future, picture yourself 5 years down the road. High school has to prepare today’s students in helping them find a career which best suits them. Don’t let students leave graduation with no career plans. It’s detrimental to the student, as well as the job market.

Yet career planning in high school was not presented as easy or straightforward, for, as one respondent pointed out, “it is impossible to figure out what to take in school because you don’t know the job availability when you get out of school.” High school students need more exposure to real world to be given opportunity to find out what the career is really like that they are thinking about pursuing.

Rather than counsellors promoting university education as the sole post-secondary option, respondents emphasized the need for them to provide information about the full range of careers and related postsecondary offerings, “not just main ones that everyone knows about already.” I found that many students at [university] suffered under the false perception that they would have the ideal job when they got out of their bachelor’s program (or even a good job for that matter). I also found that for what people are looking for, many undergrad students would have been much happier in a technical institute or the like. I have been very pleased with my university education thus far and my goals have changed to remaining in universities as an instructor. However, for many people, good career counseling in high school and first year would decrease the amount of frustration many students and exstudents feel.

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It starts in high school. You either are going to college or not and the courses in my high school were presented that way. There were no courses for that inbetween education like a trade or vocational type courses. I don’t feel that in high school students had a lot of job opportunity ideas given to us. Just the basic jobs have been spoken about since we were children, for example: doctors, lawyers, firemen, etc. When I went to the Unemployment Centre I was given an aptitude test and career choices and magazine of the careers, what they required and the income. The counsellors did little to help; in fact, many of them couldn’t care less and didn’t appear to even want or have the patience to help you decide on a career. I think trades and skilled labour is more important than counsellors give credit. There is much pressure to get a degree and most people end up with a useless B.A. and no job.

These comments are particularly poignant, given that they were written five years after high school graduation.

conclusion Several key findings are reported in this chapter. First, post-secondary participation rates of this cohort of high school graduates were very high. Over 75 per cent of respondents participated in some form of post-secondary education within one year of high school graduation, and by 1993, five years after graduation, over 90 per cent had attended a post-secondary institution. Most students attended public postsecondary institutions in British Columbia, the highest attendance occurring at universities and community colleges. However, despite high participation rates, optimistic educational aspirations and expectations regarding university degree attainment, and strong beliefs about the benefits of education in relation to work, non-graduation rates also remained high. Finally, insights into discontent with the current postsecondary system, its connection and relevance to the work world and the “real” world, and deficiencies in guidance and career counselling in high school were revealed by analyzing respondents’ comments to open-ended questions on the 1993 survey. Given the finding that within five years of high school graduation, the vast majority had participated in some form of post-secondary education, it is clear that this cohort had been sensitized to the importance

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of post-secondary participation. It could be concluded that the “access for all” initiatives and related discussions by policy-makers and the media in the 1980s have been highly successful. Less successful, however, is the relationship between post-secondary participation and completion. As this study demonstrates, a sizable number of 1988 high school graduates did not complete their post-secondary studies within five years. Clearly, more effort needs to be directed toward counselling about post-secondary and career alternatives during the high school years. This study demonstrates that secondary school teachers and counsellors have a significant role to play in guiding students through the transition from high school. They are critical “gatekeepers” who do – or should – possess key information about the types and roles of various post-secondary institutions and the value of different types of academic credentials. As numerous comments provided by the respondents emphasize, the role that counsellors and teachers play as brokers of information about post-secondary and career choices is critical. The findings regarding the influence of school personnel are not new (see, for example, Ministry of Education, 1990; British Columbia Royal Commission on Education, 1988; Turrittin, Anisef, and MacKinnon, 1983). However, multiple forces, including the ever-increasing availability of post-secondary offerings, increased credentialism, the escalating costs associated with post-secondary attendance, the changing nature of the labour market, and advances in technology, reinforce the need for high school students to receive information that is both timely and accurate. Provision of adequate counselling requires that school personnel stay abreast of changes in the structure and offerings of the post-secondary system. Regular inservice programs for secondary teachers and counsellors should include the following: an overview of the structure of the post-secondary system in Canada and the relevant province; the roles and functions of various types of Canadian post-secondary institutions; the factors affecting post-secondary participation; and the need for teachers and counsellors to take an active role in assisting secondary school students with post-secondary planning. The findings of this study concur with the Report of the Task Force on Apprenticeship that high school leavers rarely choose apprenticeship as a form of post-secondary education (clmpc Task Forces, 1990) and that apprentices are more likely to be male (Gaskell, 1992) and older (Economic Council of Canada, 1992). In light of respondents’ comments about education, skills, and training, the apprenticeship model of combining academic and applied learning may be a viable alternative for more than a miniscule proportion of youth making the

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transition from secondary school. However, routing students into apprenticeships without providing detailed information about the wide range of post-secondary alternatives – of which apprenticeship is only one – may contradict the goal of equality of opportunity by continuing to promote certain types of education for underprivileged groups (e.g., those from low socio-economic backgrounds and minorities). Some apprenticeship programs were created to provide workrelated learning opportunities for disadvantaged youth (see O’Hara & Evers, 1996; Wickham, 1986). However, innovative program structures incorporating laddering arrangements with community colleges and universities could be devised to dispel perceptions that apprenticeships are limited to short-term, dead-end training which leads to semiskilled work for low achievers and those from underprivileged groups. Also, if apprenticeships are to be attractive to young people, architects of these programs should consider modernizing some of the definitions and concepts associated with this form of education. For example, commitment to a prolonged period of “indentureship” may be a hard sell in a world portrayed to youth as one as full of diversity and choice2 and may account for the declining participation by members of recent generations (Heinz, 1999; Krahn, 1996). In addition, the full range of 160 apprenticeships should be widely advertised as a way of countering perceptions that apprenticeship arrangements continue to be “antiquated” (Ontario Premiers’ Council, 1990). Finally, although accurate information provided early in students’ high school careers is to be encouraged, there is the possibility that students may be pressured to choose one path over another much too early, hence reinstating a form of curricular streaming that numerous studies (Anyon, 1981; Oakes and Lipton, 1992; Page and Valli, 1990; Vanfossen, Jones, and Spade, 1987) have demonstrated leads to inequitable opportunities for disadvantaged groups. Efforts intended to educate students to become discriminating educational consumers should be applauded. However, the principles of equality of opportunity and access for all should remain paramount.

notes 1 A third follow-up of this cohort was carried out in 1998. Analyses of the full ten years of data are currently underway. 2 According to the former Industry, Training, and Apprenticeship Commission of British Columbia, “apprenticeship is a structured system of supervised training leading to certification in a designated trade, occupation or

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craft ... The process of becoming enrolled as a formal apprentice is called the ‘indentureship process’” (http://www.itac.gov.bc.ca). The commission was terminated by the new Liberal government in February 2002.

references Adams, J., Hayes, J., & Hopson, B. (1976). Transition: Understanding and managing personal change. London: Martin Robertson. Anyon, J. (1981). Schools as agencies of social legitimation. Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, 3 (2), 86–103. Andres, L. (1995). Class of 1988: Grade 12 follow-up five years later: Research report for the British Columbia Council on Admissions and Transfer. British Columbia Ministry of Education (1990). The graduation program. Victoria: Ministry of Education. British Columbia Provincial Access Committee (1988). Access to advanced education and job training in British Columbia. Victoria: Ministry of Advanced Education and Job Training. British Columbia Royal Commission on Education (1988). A legacy for learners: The report of the Royal Commission on Education. Victoria: Queen’s Printer. clmpc Task Forces (1990). Report of the clmpc task forces on the labour force development strategy. Ottawa: Canadian Labour Market and Productivity Centre. Economic Council of Canada (1992). A lot to learn: Education and training in Canada. Otttawa: Minister of Supply and Services. Gaskell, J. (1992). Making it work: Gender and vocational education. Working Paper no. 32. Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada. Hamilton, S., & Hamilton, M.A. (1999). Creating new pathways to adulthood by adapting German apprenticeship in the United States. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross national perspectives (pp. 194–213). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Heinz, W. (1999). Job-entry patterns in a life-course perspective. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross national perspectives (pp. 214–34). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Krahn, H. (1996). School-work transitions: Changing patterns and research needs. Discussion paper prepared for the Applied Research Branch, Human Resources Development Canada. Oakes, J., & Lipton, M. (1992). Detracking schools: Early lessons from the field. Phi Delta Kappan, 73 (6), 448–54. O’Hara, S.A., & Evers, F.T. (1996). Opportunity in apprenticeship: An analysis of the 1994/95 National Apprenticed Trades Survey. Guelph: Centre for Educational Research and Assessment.

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Ontario Premier’s Council (1990). People and skills in the new global economy. Toronto: Queen’s Printer. Page, R., & Valli, L. (Eds.). (1990). Curriculum differentiation: Interpretive studies in U.S. secondary schools. New York: suny Press. Sloan, T. (1987). Deciding: Self-deception in life choices. New York: Methuen. Turrittin, A., Anisef, P., & MacKinnon, N. (1983). Gender differences in educational achievement: A study of social inequality. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 8 (4), 395–420. Vanfossen, B.E., Jones, J.D., & Spade, J.Z. (1987). Curriculum tracking and status maintenance. Sociology of Education, 60 (2), 104–22. Wickham, A. (1986). Women and training. Buckingham: Open University Press.

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6 School-Workplace Collaboration, An Uneasy Partnership: Experiences from Two Alternation Programs in Quebec MARCELLE HARDY AND CARMEN PARENT Collaboration between schools and the workplace, advocated by key spokespeople for education and industry, constitutes a challenge whose realization is littered with obstacles. This chapter highlights the viewpoints of the director, the assistant directors, and the coordinators responsible for the administration of four vocational education and training centres. The objective of this discussion is to identify the difficulties surrounding school-workplace collaborations and to understand the implementation of such cooperative ventures. The theoretical framework briefly presents the principal French and American works that have guided our research. After outlining our methodology, we describe two models of school-workplace collaboration: école-usine and alternance. These have each affected the experiences of vocational education and training centre administrators. We then describe the educational actors we interviewed and the implementation processes used by the school and workplace to establish collaborative école-usine or alternance partnerships. The remainder of our analysis is devoted to examining the development or consolidation of collaborative school-workplace ventures, as observed in the cooperative structures of the schools, as well as in interventions by both the schools and the companies. The chapter concludes by presenting the main difficulties associated with collaboration of this kind, as identified by the administrative personnel of the sample schools.

the problem Technological advancements and economic developments have necessitated a fundamental rethinking of labour training and employment

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training relationships, in order to respond to the needs of businesses seeking a highly qualified workforce (Hardy and Maroy, 1995; Santelmann, 1998; Stasz and Stern 1998). These changes have brought with them important modifications to the vocational and technical training sector. The Economic Council of Canada (1992), the Conseil supérieur de l’éducation (educational advisory board; 1992, and the Ministère de l’éducation (Ministry of Education, or meq; 1993) have recognized the significance, even the major role, of collaborative partnerships between schools and workplaces. Quebec’s vocational education and training reform first integrated a workplace internship period at the end of its programs (Ministère de l’éducation, 1987). Schoolworkplace collaboration was further stimulated by the promotion of alternance training and the development of school-workplace partnerships (Ministère de l’éducation, 1997). These progressively closer ties between schools and companies are reflective of trends observed by the oecd (1994), American analyses reported by, among others, Stern, Bailey, and Merritt (1996) and Poczik (1997), and European studies such as those recorded by Jobert, Marry, and Tanguy (1995). In this context, school-workplace collaboration has become a necessity, but its execution nonetheless remains problematic. Moreover, putting such collaborative ventures into practice continues to depend mainly on school administrations and educators. Over the past decade, experiments in school-workplace partnerships have been carried out in Quebec, as noted by Henripin (1994), whereas in France we observed a consolidation of the alternance programs implemented throughout the 1980s (Brochier, Froment, and d’Iribarne, 1990), as well as an increase in research into various aspects of school-workplace collaboration. Thus far, collaborative workplace training experiments conducted outside France have been the subject of relatively little analysis. The present study examines the difficulties accompanying the emergence and development of collaborative structures between vocational education and training centres and companies. It looks at experiments in alternance training or a type of school-workplace partnership termed “école-usine,” where the sole objective is training. Our goal is to identify the challenges and advantages associated with such collaboration and to understand the implementation and development of these school-workplace partnerships.

the theoretical framework We begin by examining the origins and emergence of collaborative structures between training centres and companies. We then consider the nature of relationships between training organizations and

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production centres, as well as the collaborative frameworks shared by schools and companies. On the one hand, implementing such cooperative ventures necessitates changes to ways of thinking and acting on the part of training centres and companies, as described by Bailey (1995a), Brochier, Froment, and d’Iribarne (1990), Grubb (1996), and Rojewski (2002). On the other, collaborative structures developed in this way rely on negotiations between two cultural and economic universes responding to very different imperatives. This negotiation aims to bring together complementary interests in order to improve the quality of training and meet companies’ workforce requirements. Our analysis of cooperation between the spheres of education and private enterprise is informed by the work of Poczik (1995), Stern and colleagues (1995), Urquiola and co-authors (1997), and Coursey (2000); however, its foundation is based in French studies (Gendron, 1995; Lechaux, 1995; Mathey-Pierre, 1998) concerning various forms of alternance training. These collaborative ventures between training centres and companies have proven very demanding for educational and industry actors, hence the necessity to consider the difficulties encountered. Studying these challenges for both groups of actors is facilitated by the analyses of Berton (1993), Agulhon and Lechaux (1996), and Collin and Perez (1998). These difficulties relate to the roles of actors, both in companies and in training centres. The roles of companies are considered by Bailey (1995b); Bailey, Hughes, and Barr (1998); Agulhon and Lechaux (1996); Grubb (1996); and the Commission des partenaires du marché du travail (1998). This last body emphasizes the importance of recognizing the company as a place of learning and training. Analyses of the roles of training centres underline the contribution of educators or trainers, as in Monod (1999), Schneider (1999), Stasz and Kaganoff (1997), and Rojewski (2002), or the place of school administrations, as in Porter (1995).

the methodology This study draws on testimonials from the administrative personnel of vocational education and training centres involved in a research project on school-workplace collaboration at the secondary level. The project as a whole is focused on the emergence and development of collaborative school-workplace initiatives, taking into consideration the various educational-sector actors, as well as the diverse industry actors. In the present analysis, we concentrate on the administrations of four schools or vocational education and training centres located on the island of Montreal.1 The viewpoints of the school administrators were compiled via interviews lasting an average of ninety minutes each.

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educational models of school-workplace collaboration Quebec’s reform of vocational education and training (Ministère de l’éducation, 1987), mentioned above, involved the progressive establishment of three models of collaboration between the classroom and the workplace, manifested by three types of vocational curricula. Each of these models leads to a certificate of vocational training issued by the Ministry of Education. The first model establishes the minimal parameters that must be respected in all vocational curricula, including an obligatory four-week internship period in the workplace at the end of each program. This internship is intended to complete students’ training and facilitate their transition into the workplace. It is directed toward the real-world application of knowledge and skills acquired by students during their studies, and aims to consolidate classroom teachings. The other two models, termed “école-usine” and “alternance,” are at one and the same time pedagogical strategies and methods of organizing training that demand closer cooperation with the workplace, while still respecting the required internship period at the end of the programs. We define each of these two models, since the experiences of school administrations reported below are characterized by the implementation and development of vocational curricula delivered according to the école-usine or alternance model. École-Usine The école-usine model is used mainly to create specialized schools, as required by employers and unions in an industry sector suffering from a shortage of qualified labour. These industrial occupations demand a mastery of complex machine operations or the use of specific equipment, as in the case of the aerospace or construction fields. The decision to create an école-usine rests on a consensus among the Ministry of Education, employer organizations, and union organizations within an industry sector, as well as the school board responsible for managing that school. The creation of an école-usine requires the repurposing or refitting of a space or of teaching facilities, in order to accommodate workshops where students can learn their trade by practising it in conditions similar to those that prevail in the industry. The workshops must therefore provide the opportunity to work on machines and equipment comparable to those used by companies (hence the term “école-usine” [school-factory/plant], or a school that mimics the industrial environment). Implementing this model most often necessitates the construction of a new school or an addition to an exist-

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ing one to house the workshops and classerooms needed to meet the demands of a particular industrial sector. The majority of programs taught in these schools are new vocational curricula designed to meet new labour training needs. Elaborating these curricula and the corresponding pedagogical material falls to the Ministry of Education. It works closely with the employer organizations, unions, and industries within the sector (Hardy, 1998). Thus each école-usine integrates a series of new vocational curricula designed to improve the quality of training in a given industrial sector. For example, it might be noted that, since it opened in 1994, the École des métiers de l’aerospatiale de Montréal (Montreal Aerospace Occupational School) has offered courses leading to four new certificates of vocational study (diplômes d’études professionnelles, or dep s) in the following specialties: aircraft mechanical assembly, aircraft electrical assembly, aircraft structural assembly, and aerospace machining techniques. Recruitment for each of these schools is province-wide, meaning that the same selection criteria must be applied to candidates from every region of the province, with no preference given to those from the local area or municipality. Instruction within the school is organized so as to encourage the mastery of technical skills and the acquisition of such work habits as predominate in these types of companies. It is also intended to familiarize students with the social attitudes and cultural practices of companies within the industry sector in question. School-Work Alternance Alternance is distinguished from other training models by the structured combination of periods of training in an educational establishment and internship periods in the workplace, in relation to a curriculum leading to vocational certification (dgfpt, 1995). Alternance includes an initial period of basic training in school at the beginning of the program. It involves more than one internship in the workplace during the training process and comprises a significant number of internship hours. Time spent in the workplace represents about 30 per cent of the training. Within this general framework, several different forms of alternance may be observed, where the number of internship periods may vary from two to seven, and the length of these internships may range from two to eight weeks, for a total duration of workplace training ranging from seven to sixteen weeks. For instance, we have observed four internships of four weeks each in jewellery making and industrial mechanics programs; three internships of four weeks each in drafting programs; two internships of four weeks

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each in office skills programs; and three internships of one, two, and three weeks in modelling programs. The flexibility of alternance training means that it can be adapted to the various constraints of companies and industrial sectors, as well as to certain regional particularities of the workplace. As it applies to vocational education and training, the principal objectives of alternance are the following: • ensure the best learning activities for the student, taking into ac-

count the additional possibilities offered by the workplace; • progressively integrate the student into the workplace; • ensure the best possible performance from the student upon his or

her entry into the workforce; • increase expertise by combining the knowledge, skills, and attitudes

connected to both the school and workplace environments; • establish the basis of a true partnership between school and work-

place; and • encourage the establishment of a culture of training within partner

companies. (dgfpt, 1925: 12) The integration of alternance training within a vocational curriculum may be intended mainly to facilitate the acquisition of curriculum competencies in the workplace or to transfer competencies already acquired to a real-world setting, in addition to facilitating students’ transition from learning to practising their chosen occupation.

characteristics of th e e d uc at io na l ac to rs We met with four directors, four assistant directors, three training coordinators, and four pedagogical advisers associated with the school board but working with a vocational school. Five women were among this group of fifteen individuals. Almost all the educational actors held a university degree. Six possessed a master’s degree in educational sciences, science, or engineering, and eight possessed a bachelor’s, four in vocational education and four in the humanities, education, or administration. Six people held a technical college diploma as well as a university degree. One person had not pursued an education beyond the technical college level. Two-fifths of these individuals had no prior business experience. For those who had worked before entering the field of education, the extent of their experience varied from 2 to 18 years, with an average of 6.2 years working in a company. School-based experience was longer and was divided between teaching and advisory

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or administrative work. With the exception of two actors who had never taught, the average length of teaching experience was 14 years; the average length of advisory or administrative experience was 7.4 years. The administrative and advisory staff of the four schools possessed university qualifications primarily of a technical nature, but two-fifths of these individuals had never worked in a company setting. Nevertheless, they had significant vocational teaching or administrative/ advisory experience. Thus these people were well versed in the culture and methods of work of school-based vocational training. This clear dominance of educational-sector experience may explain certain ongoing challenges in penetrating the company environment, despite repeated efforts to forge closer ties between the schools and the workplace.

implementing collaborative school-workplace ventures Our analyses have identified two distinct methods of implementing collaborative school-workplace initiatives. The first constitutes an outgrowth of partnerships initiated by a given industrial sector in an effort to promote the development of study programs and the implementation of école-usine ventures to deliver the required training. The second method is a process initiated by the educational institution, with the aim of establishing alternance training within existing programs. Given the strong differences between the two approaches, we will treat them separately, exposing distinct modes of cooperation observable in their structural makeup, as well as in the interactions and accomplishments related to the study programs, schools, and educators in question. Partnerships Aimed at Developing École-Usine Frameworks The schools studied had participated in two école-usine experiments – one in elevator mechanics,2 which necessitated the construction of new facilities at the vocational school, and another in aerospace trades, which required the founding of the Montreal Aerospace Occupational School. In 1984, aerospace-sector industries and unions founded the Comité d’adaptation de la main-d’œuvre aérospatiale au Québec (Quebec Aerospace Workforce Adaptation Committee, or camaq) and began lobbying the minister of education to create a school that would provide vocational education and training in aerospace disciplines. The decision to establish such a school came in 1989. The creation of a Program Committee and an Implementation Committee followed. A

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pedagogical adviser was then borrowed from the school board by the Ministry of Education to steer these two committees. The Program Committee comprised ten to fifteen industry representatives and a few officials from the meq. Its mandate was to develop aerospace study programs and pedagogical guides. In addition to attending numerous meetings with individuals representing diverse aspects of aerospace manufacturing, the adviser in charge visited several industry sites in order to understand manufacturing processes and industry methods and to identify the necessary qualifications, so that they might be translated into appropriate study programs. Industry officials consulted as to the content and duration of vocational education and training, and meq representatives formalized these proposals according to curriculum-development norms. Similarly, the school’s Implementation Committee included the pedagogical adviser in charge, the director of camaq, and representatives of the school board. They worked with the architects to design the school, supervising its construction and selecting equipment. Thereafter the school’s founding director and an adviser from the school board adapted the various teaching guides from their respective pedagogical perspectives; developed a student-selection guide, with the support of a firm specializing in the selection of aerospace personnel; selected the teachers and support staff, in cooperation with school board human resources officials; and oversaw the equipping and furnishing of the school. The educational actors directly involved in this partnership appreciated the availability and team spirit demonstrated by the personnel from several companies who collaborated in designing the programs. On the other hand, these same actors deplored the fact that the Program Committee, which was comprised of industry and meq representatives, operated almost independently of the school’s Implementation Committee. This divergence led to serious problems, since the former committee failed to consider the financial implications of the programs and teaching guides it was developing, and the latter was charged with ensuring that the school had at its disposal the tools and equipment specified in these programs and teaching guides. Difficulties were experienced since the choice of equipment necessitated a rearrangement of programs in light of the inaccessibility of certain teaching equipment. Furthermore, the Ministry of Education was committed to providing the funding necessary to construct the school, but was counting on the cooperation of industry to supply some of the more costly pieces of equipment. Such an agreement did not come about, however; industry officials were willing to sell necessary equipment but not to donate it. Here is how the actors involved in these op-

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erations expressed their opinions about the financial and teaching problems that arose mainly from poor communication between industry and education sectors: The meq representatives said yes to everything asked of them by the companies, but they never ensured the corresponding financing. They were counting on donations from companies. The companies said, “We’ll support the school,” but there was never any concrete agreement with these companies. For instance, it was indicated in the curriculum and the operating guides that airplane engines worth $500,000 each were required, and we had none. The companies were prepared to sell the engines, but they weren’t about to donate them … A school can’t just wake up tomorrow and say, “I’m buying an engine.” When you have twenty-two students, you need ten or eleven engines. That’s the equivalent of 5 or 6 million dollars … How about in electrical assembly, where wire costs a dollar a foot and there are twenty-two students who need wire? You’re talking about thousands and thousands of dollars of wire. The Ministry of Education’s budget covers a third of real electrical equipment costs. As for the rest, we’re left chasing after the companies. It was very clear for the companies. Once they had approved everything, it was simple: the school ordered and the government paid. Those who were at the table [representing the companies] and those approving the material didn’t know the purchasing sector – they’re not the same people in big companies. There’s one person who orders, one who purchases, and another who receives. It’s never the same person. What’s more, the material purchasing guides gave the actual retail costs in U.S. currency. Neither the school nor the ministry realized this … only the companies and those working on the program knew. Over at the ministry, those who were deciding how to allocate dollars had no idea. All the aerospace equipment that had been proposed had to be converted, and the commercial equivalent which would still allow for teaching the same operations had to be located. The equipment specifications had to be entirely redone, because the prices were absolutely unaffordable. The school was replanned from A to Z. It started producing things in one sector for use in another, etc. For example, if I need a piece in mechanical, I have it drawn, then I have it made in machining, so that consumption is doubled, tripled, quadrupled … Each department produces things that can be used by another department – all the while respecting the curriculum … The students still had to learn the same things, just not necessarily at the same time, since the parts had to be manufactured by the machining students first.

Other difficulties were associated with the recruitment of teachers at the time of implementation. Potential candidates were typically

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employed by the plant; they had no pedagogical training, and the salaries offered by the school were lower than those they were earning in the industry. Moreover, the budget for training new hires was inadequate, and consequently, these individuals were brought into the classroom possessing a minimum of information regarding the program, the evaluation of learning, and so on. In such an environment, employee retention became a serious issue. Many teachers abandoned teaching and returned to the plant. These difficulties were expressed as follows: The teaching positions were advertised in the newspaper. We were hoping that people would come forward, but it wasn’t always so simple. A lot of them were afraid. You leave a plant job, and suddenly the next day you’re up there in front of twenty-two guys your age and you’re teaching them a course … Furthermore, the salaries were less than attractive. They were making more in the plant than they would at the school. A lot of teachers, under these circumstances, simply gave up teaching and went back to the plant. The teachers were recruited just before the school opened. They came out of the plant and walked straight into teaching. They weren’t hired three months earlier so they could prepare. They’d had no special training. There wasn’t even a budget set aside for teacher training. People would be recruited out of aerospace firms. They’d finish on Friday, and on Monday morning they were giving classes. They’d never taught a course. They’d be met. They’d be given a curriculum and a minimum of help to figure it out. They had no idea how to evaluate students, how to deliver courses, how to use slides or anything. We needed a lot of teachers at first. These were people who had never taught or had taught very little, who lacked training, who needed support to guide them in their development. Their teaching salary was less than what they were earning in the plant … There was an enormous turnover of teachers.

Establishing Alternance within Existing Programs Experiments in establishing study-work alternance have also been undertaken by vocational schools in cooperation with their school board. The conditions of implementation vary according to the school and the program in question. Three of the schools we studied established alternance in four study programs. One project was developed with a company represented on the school’s Management Committee. The company expressed interest in participating in a teaching project in which it would offer training to a group of students in a specialized workshop setting, under the supervision of the company’s representa-

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tive on the Management Committee. This form of implementation is exceptional, but it responded to a specific need of the company and its representative. A second project was justified by concerns on the part of the school’s administration to improve students’ training. In a third, alternance was used as a strategy to revitalize a study program that was losing its clientele. The fourth project was also developed to renew a program, inherited from a neighbouring school board. In this last case, the implementation was driven by a determined teacher, who succeeded in convincing the minister of education to become involved in a radical transformation of the study program. In each of the projects, the establishment of alternance in a study program was preceded by the creation of an Implementation Committee or an Operations Committee bringing together the school administration, the pedagogical adviser, and the group leader or teacher in charge of the program; other individuals who joined the group might include other teachers, the training coordinator, and a company representative. With the exception of the first project, which involved a single company, the employers who stood to benefit from the project remained absent. The committee began by defining the role and objectives of alternance training within the study program. For instance, it might be decided that apprenticeship which occured within the company environment could be fully integrated into the program – thereby replacing a portion of the course material – or it might be regarded simply as training, and therefore a mere complement to formalized instruction in school. Each committee held weekly meetings for a year in order to prepare the methods of applying alternance training. These meetings were dedicated to preparing such documents as company handbooks and logbook-style apprentice handbooks or trainee workbooks; establishing student selection criteria for admission into alternance training and methods of supervising students; and determining which companies might receive trainees. Committee members also made numerous visits to companies in order to understand their needs and adapt the alternance project accordingly. At the same time, they sought to sensitize companies to the potential benefits of the training program. One administrator explains: “The idea was to contact companies, to offer our services, and help the teachers take the necessary steps … A timetable was established for contacting the companies. Each of the teachers from (program X) had companies to contact in order to recruit a total of fifteen companies. They started a correspondence by mail or by telephone. Once the companies interested in participating in the implementation of an alternance program were identified, a number of ‘profs’ visited the workplace to explain the alternance implementation strategy in detail.”

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Recruiting partner companies required a considerable investment in reconciling various forms of information about the school and the training provided with observational data and structured exchanges in companies and manufacturing facilities. The objective of this process was to sensitize the employer and determine mutually beneficial practices for integrating trainees into the workplace. In certain cases, schools and pedagogical advisers encountered resistance from teachers in implementing work-study alternance programs. These teachers complained about the extent of the planning and organizational work required of them. Moreover, alternance upset the structure of their work and forced them to adapt to company work styles. If they had had no contact with a company environment for a period of several years, they might well find themselves contending with their own professional limitations. Another administrative member offers the following comment: “There was a lot of resistance on the part of the teachers, a lot. They were worried because [alternance] requires a lot of contact work with the companies, visits, the possibility of refusal or rejection. They [the teachers] also felt that these initiatives exposed their competencies, their abilities, to scrutiny – what they were doing as opposed to what they should be doing. They sensed that they were going to be judged, evaluated by people in the company.” In this context, the implementation of alternance in several curricula was more the result of a reanimation of the school environment than of efforts to sensitize companies and involve them in student training.

the development of school-workplace partnerships The implementation of the collaborative school-workplace initiatives described above took place anywhere from three to eight years ago, depending on the school and the program. We will now outline the later development of these partnerships as they were explained to us by the educational actors.3 The dichotomy observed at the time of implementation can be traced through the development of the partnership, in the form of similar challenges to the cooperative structure. Before analyzing the difficulties encountered by school administrators in developing collaborations with the workplace and highlighting the advantages that fuelled their involvement, we first describe the cooperative structures that existed between school and company and the interventions of each sector, as related by the education actors.

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Collaborative Structures All four schools demonstrate a two-tiered structure of cooperation with the workplace. First, the schools established a committee focused on the school’s overall direction, as well as its relations with socioeconomic organizations and the industries related to the vocational programs being offered. These committees include representatives of companies, socio-economic organizations, and the educational community. In the aerospace school, aerospace industries, sectoral organizations, and labour unions occupy an important place, while the committees established by the other schools are more diversified and may include teachers and even students. Each school also benefits from a collaborative structure focused on pedagogy – the content and organization of study programs. The role this structure plays is apparent in the four schools. It consists of advising management as to the best adaptation of study programs in order to respond to evolving technology and industry-specific manufacturing techniques. In the aerospace field, an Industry Commission, consisting mainly of industry representatives, monitors study programs and teaching. All of the other three schools have two or three pedagogical committees, each linked to one sector or study program. They mainly include school personnel but may involve workplace representatives. School Intervention The interventions of educational actors are similar in the four schools, and appear to be motivated by the challenges that arise from a desire to increase communication with private industry. Communication with outside companies is presented as a cornerstone of study programs, facilitating their adaptation to changes in the industry and thus enhancing recognition for the educational institution. The combination of these elements is naturally seen to result in an increase in the number of available placements in the study program, and to facilitate the placement of graduates in their chosen occupational field. The strategies utilized by the schools with respect to companies are designed to increase knowledge of the school, its teachers, and its programs. They encompass the following: organizing meetings, conferences, and other events, of which some are formal and regular and others are timely or occasional; distributing flyers, letters, or informational documents to companies, describing the activities of the school

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and the study program; discussing specific issues when, during student training, school and company personnel, former industry colleagues, and former students meet; developing a climate of confidence between the school and the company in order to forge links that will enable each school to create a network of partners in the companies they supply with a qualified workforce; and sensitizing companies as to the benefits of alternance training, such that trainees may be optimally integrated under applicable human resource management policies. These intervention strategies, designed to raise awareness and enhance the image of the school, are carried out – to a greater or lesser extent – by the entire institutional staff. The primary actors are the director and assistant director of the school, together with those who maintain the closest relations with companies throughout the training – the training coordinators and those teachers who visit students in a supervisory capacity during their training. All the schools emphasized the assistance provided by graduates, who continue to support their school after entering the workforce. The actions taken by schools with respect to companies confirm the challenges identified above. The goal is to intensify collaboration with the companies in order to, first, adapt their study programs and teaching methods to the evolving needs of industry in their training sector; secondly, extend and structure the cooperative dynamic around the acceptance and training of alternance students or those at the end of their studies; and finally, facilitate the hiring of graduates by industries in their sector, in order that they may work in their chosen occupational field. In the medium term, achieving these objectives will translate into increased recognition for the school and a larger, better qualified student body. Company Intervention The strategies of the schools mesh with those of industry vis-à-vis educational institutions. The main forms of company intervention reported by the educational actors we interviewed were as follows: • contacting the school to recruit new personnel; seeking recommen-

dations as to qualified recent graduates; • requesting that the school provide continuous training to the com-

pany’s employees in order to facilitate their adaptation to changes in progress; such a request may oblige the school to develop new training programs or modify existing ones designed for the student body at large;

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• suggesting changes to certain programs during dialogues that take

place when trainees visit the company or when the employer or company representatives visit the school; these suggestions may also be put forward formally within the cooperative structures described above; • soliciting the contribution of groups of trainees to fulfill company workforce requirements; this form of intervention can be seen in the aerospace example; the training session is moved forward or extended and the teacher orients the students in the company; and • offering materials and equipment for use in school workshops; such offers may be solicited by the school or its teachers and serve to complement the material and equipment resources purchased by the school within its regular budget. These actions respond, in part, to the requirements of the schools. When it comes to graduate student placement and study program adaptation, it is especially advantageous for schools and companies to seek out areas of common interest in this way.

di f f i cu lti es i n co ll a bo r at i on reported by school ad m i n i s tr at i v e s ta f f Cooperation of this kind between schools and companies may be considered advantageous and problematic for both parties. We outline a few of these effects, with emphasis first on the difficulties posed to companies, followed by those experienced by schools and teachers. According to the educational actors interviewed, some companies consider themselves to be over-solicited by educational institutions, particularly in regards to the placement of students in training. The following testimonial is offered by an administrator at one school: The interns are another story. If they [the companies] don’t need labour, it really bothers them. They tell us that they accept a lot of interns from various schools and programs. They accept so many that they don’t have the time to accept them. But if the industry’s growing, then the sky’s the limit as far as interns are concerned. They’re even prepared to help you out in order to help themselves out [by accepting a maximum number of interns] … Then, when they’re no longer in growth mode, they tell you they can’t accept any interns because their workers are unionized. They’ll say, “We can’t accept any interns because we’re performing layoffs.” So the thrust reverses.

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My impression is that we [the school] aren’t sitting down with the right people; they sit us down with human resources officers, who don’t wield much power in the plants. They’re not the ones in control of the budgets. If we need something, we should be in touch with the people in production. But we’re not allowed to meet with them.

Furthermore, companies often bemoan the ponderous administrative procedures associated with managing training programs, such as completing forms and engaging in follow-up meetings. At the same time, they benefit from their partnerships with schools. They have the ability to influence the educational system by making their needs known. Thus they ensure that students are adequately prepared to face the challenges that await them in the workplace. Companies’ collaboration with schools also provides them with access to a pool of qualified candidates from which to recruit. For all four schools, the major difficulty expressed by educational actors centres on the low level of involvement by companies in their partnerships with educational institutions. The schools complain of inconsistent participation by company representatives in the various steering or management committees, and of their nonchalance in appointing a substitute when they cannot attend. Such complaints are expressed by the schools as follows: The company’s participation isn’t consistent, either in the management committee or the teaching committees. It seems the company representatives are always unavailable whenever there’s a meeting, even if we inform them in advance. They agree on a month, a day, and a time, but when that month, day, and time roll around, another priority pops up … They can’t show up for the meetings, because something’s come up. They have to leave on a trip. It’s a company emergency. There’s something that has to be done in Quebec City. And when they’re absent, they never delegate anyone. Sometimes they’re there, sometimes they’re not … Something came up at work and they can’t make it. There are emergencies in the workplace. Then they call you and tell you they can’t be there, and we’re stuck.

Moreover, their participation appears at times to be motivated by a desire more to express their own needs than to appreciate those of the school. Indeed, companies are often perceived to be insensitive to the requirements of the school and little interested in investing in such a partnership. It would appear that the business sector expects the vocational training community to ensure a sufficient supply of qualified workers, but offers little cooperation when it comes to seeking out stu-

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dents and providing training. The schools therefore experience frequent difficulties in identifying training sites for students or offering them training of adequate content and quality. The following testimonials illustrate the difficulties encountered by school administrators: The most difficult aspect is soliciting the companies. It’s the marketing aspect … You have to be prepared to meet people at the company … One question [often posed by company personnel] is “What good does it do me to accept an intern?” “Well,” [I answer], “it does you a lot of good. First of all, you’re also going to learn from the intern … In the short term, it doesn’t bring you much. You have to invest in the process, but over the long term, you’ll end up having your pick of the best workers.” You have to be careful and “choose” the companies that can collaborate. You can’t take a company that’ll tell you, “Yes, I’m ready to collaborate,” but hasn’t got the space or the tools for an intern. That’s pointless, you have to avoid that. The world of work demands that vocational training, that the educational network train workers who understand the latest technological developments. On the other hand, when we solicit the world of work, particularly for internships or to develop types of training as the learning model, the collaboration is much weaker. But the company still has a whole lot to do before we will have a real collaboration with the people in the companies. It’s not in their culture to do something when it isn’t obliged, to accept [welcome] interns. One company even asked me, “How much will you pay me to take interns?” Even if we’ve come a long way, there’s still a long way to go. If there weren’t, you wouldn’t be doing research on it. There’s still a long way to go before we can say that we’re really going to do training in the workplace. The companies – first of all, there’s no culture of training in the companies. It’s not in their mentality yet. I think we’re going to have to recognize that it’s a question of survival for both of us. Until we can get that far, we won’t get anywhere.

School representatives experience still more persistent difficulties at the time of implementing new study programs. These are related to the recruitment and retention of teaching personnel and a lack of pedagogical training on the part of some newly hired teachers. They also regret the fact that the school must use its regular budget to develop alternance projects or industry partnerships, and they wish that companies would provide greater financial support. It should be emphasized that, following our interview gathering, the Ministry of Education began offering financial aid to support the implementation of

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alternance programs. This assistance nevertheless remains modest and will likely prove inadequate. In spite of these challenges, the schools recognize the significant advantages they experience as a result of their partnerships. First, these diverse forms of cooperation bring them closer to the business world and make them aware of industry’s specific needs. Secondly, the exchanges contribute to the continuous training of their teachers by enabling them to develop professionally and stay abreast of changes in their occupational field. They also allow schools to maintain high standards of technical education and training and to remain on the cutting edge of developments in their industrial or commercial sectors of activity. As for equipment, three schools benefit from significant donations from their partner companies. Not only do these donations afford cost savings, but they also allow the schools to provide students with equipment on a par with industry norms. Such gestures are appreciated by the schools, as they contribute to a superior pedagogical environment. However, the educational actors from one school expressed concern about the growing demands of companies with respect to the equipment used to train students. Educators even anticipate the day when it will be necessary to adapt spaces within companies for training purposes, since the necessary equipment is often beyond the means of educational institutions and rapidly becomes obsolete.

conclusion This analysis of reports by the administration of vocational education and training schools demonstrates, at one and the same time, the persistent distance and the growing closeness that characterize the implementation of collaborative ventures between schools and companies. The directors and assistant directors of schools are working to develop new roles in order to facilitate collaboration with industry. The viewpoints of the schools underline the difficulties that surround these experiments and highlight the extent of the challenges to be overcome in establishing a true collaboration with the workplace. If school administrations recognize the importance, even the necessity, of a planned and harmonized approach by the school and the workplace in order to improve the quality of students’ vocational training and their preparation for entry into the labour market, it nonetheless remains difficult for them to surmount the apathy or weak commitment of companies too often preoccupied with their short-term labour requirements. In this context, advocates of schoolworkplace collaboration should pay closer attention to the con-

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straints faced by vocational school teachers and administrative staff. These vocational schools would then receive the aid and support they require to work effectively toward this much-desired collaboration between the educational sector and the world of work.

notes Research for this study has been supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 1 Two schools each administer a vocational curriculum delivered in alternance. Another school hosts two alternance programs and one école-usine program. The fourth school was established in order to accommodate école-usine programs exclusively. 2 For the sake of brevity and given the strong similarities between the two experiments, we will not delve deeply into this first example. 3 Interviews with the educational actors were gathered during February and March of 1998.

references Agulhon, C., & Lechaux, P. (1996). Un tutorat ou des tutorats en entreprise: Diversité des pratiques (Mentors in the workplace: Diversity of practices). Recherche et formation, 22, 21–34. Bailey, T. (Ed.). (1995a). Learning to work: Employer involvement in school-to-work transition programs. Washington, dc: The Brookings Institution. – (1995b). Summary, discussion, and recommendations. In T. Bailey (Ed.), Learning to work: Employer involvement in school-to-work transition programs (pp. 88–104). Washington, dc: The Brookings Institution. – Hughes, K., & Barr, T. (1998). Achieving scale and quality in school-to-work internships: Findings from an employer survey (mds-902). Berkeley, Clif.: National Center for Research in Vocational Education. Berton, F. (1993). Alternance: Conditions d’usage et pratiques d’entreprises (Alternance: Conditions of use and company practices). Education permanente, 115, 45–51. Brochier, D., Froment, J.-P., & d’Iribarne, A. (1990). La formation en alternance intégrée à la production (Alternance training integrated with production). Formation emploi, 30, 3–19. Collin, C., & Perez, D. (1998). L’alternance, une mise en place difficile (Alternance, a challenging integration). Education permanente, supplément, 87–90.

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Commission des partenaires du marché du travail (1998). Vers une politique de la formation continue / Prendre le virage du succès (Towards a policy on continuous training / Charting a course for success). Montréal: Commission des partenaires du marché du travail. Conseil supérieur de l’éducation (1992). En formation professionnelle: L’heure d’un développement intégré (Vocational education and training: A time for integrated development). Sainte-Foy, Qué.: Conseil supérieur de l’éducation. Coursey, S. (2000). Education and training partnerships: An enabling framework. In D.R. Herschback & C.P. Campbell (Eds.), Workforce preparation: An international perspective (pp. 34–42). Ann Arbor, Mich.: Prakken Publications. Direction générale de la formation professionnelle et technique (dgfpt) (1995). L’alternance en formation professionnelle et technique: Cadre de référence (Alternance in vocational and technical training: A framework of reference). Québec: Ministère de l’éducation du Québec. Economic Council of Canada (1992). Avenues of competence. Ottawa: Supply and Services. Gendron, B. (1995). Les formations complémentaires d’initiative locale de niveau iii (Complementary level iii local training initiatives). Formation emploi, 52, 49–66. Grubb, W.N. (1996). Working in the middle. Strengthening education and training for the mid-skilled labor force. San Francisco, Clif.: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Hardy, M. (1998). L’école des métiers de l’aérospatiale de Montréal: Collaboration between education and industry. Paper presented at the International Vocational Education and Training Meeting, New Orleans. – & Maroy, C. (1995). La formation professionnelle et technique en transformation (Professional and technical training in transition). Revue des sciences de l’éducation, 21, (4), 641–904. Henripin, M. (1994). Les pratiques locales du partenariat éducation-travail (Local education-workplace partnership practices). In C. Landry & F. Serre (Eds.), École et entreprise: Vers quel partenariat? (Education and business: Toward what kind of partnership?) (pp. 29–43). Sainte-Foy, Québ.: Presses de l’Université du Québec. Jobert, A., Marry, C., & Tanguy, L. (Eds.). (1995). Éducation et travail: en Grande-Bretagne, Allemagne et Italie (Education and work: in Great Britain, Germany and Italy). Paris: Armand Colin. Lechaux, P. (1995). Alternance et jeux des acteurs: L’exemple du baccalauréat professionnel (Alternance and actors’ roles: The vocational degree example). Formation emploi, 49, 47–68. Mathey-Pierre, C. (1998). Dans les coulisses de l’alternance, la parole est aux formateurs (Behind the scenes in alternance, instructors have the floor). Education permanente, Supplément, 79–86. Ministère de l’éducation du Québec (1987). Cadre d’organisation de la formation professionnelle à l’école secondaire (Organizational framework of vocational training in high school). Québec: Gouvernement du Québec.

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– (1993). Investir dans la compétence: Orientations et actions ministérielles en formation professionnelle et technique (Investing in competence: Ministerial directions and actions in vocational education and technical training). Québec: Gouvernement du Québec. – (1997). Prendre le virage du succès: Plan d’action ministériel pour la réforme de l’éducation (Heading for success: Ministerial action plan for the reform of education). Québec: Gouvernement du Québec. Monod, A. (1999). Formations et apprentissage (Training and learning). Actualité de la formation permanente, 159, 5–91. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (oecd) (1994). Vocational education and training for youth: Towards coherent policy and practice. Paris: oecd. Poczik, R. (1995). Work-based education and school reform. In T. Bailey (Ed.), Learning to work: Employer involvement in school-to-work transition programs (pp. 56–74). Washington, dc: The Brookings Institution. – (1997). Creating new partnerships to bridge the gap between education and work. In L. McFarland (Ed.), New visions: Education and training for an innovative workforce (chapter 8). Berkeley, Clif.: National Center for Research in Vocational Education. Porter, J. R. (1995). The roles of administrators. In W.N. Grubb (Ed.), Education through occupations in American high schools, Vol. 2, The challenges of implementing curriculum integration (pp. 102–11). New York, ny: Teachers College Press. Rojewski, J.W. (2002). Preparing the workforce of tomorrow: A conceptual framework for career and technical education. Columbus: National Dissemination Center for Career and Technical Education, Ohio State University. Santelmann, P. (1998). Comment l’alternance construit la qualification (How alternance builds qualification). Education permanente, supplément, 71–88. Schneider, J. (1999). Le cfa entreprise formatrice (The cfa training company). Actualité de la formation permanente, 159, 44–50. Stasz, C., & Kaganoff, T. (1997). Learning how to learn at work: Lessons from three high school programs. Berkeley, Clif.: National Center for Research in Vocational Education. Stasz, C., & Stern, D. (1998). Work-based learning for students in high schools and community colleges. Center Point, 1, 1–11. Stern, D., Bailey, T., & Merritt, D. (1996). School-to-work policy insights from recent international developments. Berkeley, Clif.: National Center for Research in Vocational Education. Stern, D., Finkelstein, N., Stone, J.R., Latting, J., & Dornsife, C. (1995). School to work: Research on programs in the United States. Washington, dc: The Falmer Press. Urquiola, M., Stern, D., Horn, I., Dornsife, C., Chi, B., Williams, L., Merritt, D., Hughes, K., & Bailey, T. (1997). School to work, college and career: A review of policy, practice, and results, 1993–1997 (mds-1144). Berkeley, Clif.: National Center for Research in Vocational Education.

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7 Canada’s Community Colleges and Alternation PAUL GALLAGHER AND ANN KITCHING

Community colleges and community college systems have operated in parts of Canada since the mid-1960s, and Canadians have traditionally held very high and broad expectations for these publicly funded institutions and systems (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986). All the community colleges have tried to be comprehensive in their range of programs and services, rather than specialize in particular program areas. All have had a strong commitment to the education and training of adults as well as secondary school completers. All have engaged in pre-employment training of young adults and the retraining of people whose limited skills have resulted in temporary dislocation from the workforce. Most have also had programs to upgrade the skills of people already in the workforce. All have tried to ensure that all their programs and services were of high quality. Many have also provided the equivalent of the first two years of university studies. Some have aspired to being broad-based lifelong learning centres. All have tried to find their own unique niches within the full spectrum of tertiary education in Canada, at the same time recognizing that they are and have been seen by their government funders as instruments of economic and social policy implementation (Campbell, 1971). The most common and fundamental feature of the various community colleges and college systems throughout Canada, however, has been their role as the primary training provider for young people seeking labour-market entry. The general purpose of this chapter is to trace the record of Canada’s community colleges in applying the principle of alternation, as described in the introduction to this volume, to their training pro-

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grams. The more particular purpose is to identify “alternation learning” practices that have been in use in the various stages of the development of these institutions as they pursued their mission of preparing Canadians for participation in the changing labour markets of the last thirty years. The basic questions addressed in this chapter are two: To what extent and under what circumstances have Canada’s community colleges incorporated “alternation” into their training practices? And what potential does it offer to training practice in community colleges as they now respond to different labour-market forces as a consequence of the shift from an industrial economy and labour market to an increasingly knowledge-based and technology-driven economy and labour market? The chapter begins with a description of the training circumstances in Canada prior to the creation of public community colleges. Next it discusses the impact and influence of these new institutions on training practice in this country to date and identifies early alternation practices in these institutions. The chapter then considers how alternation practices might exercise considerable influence on the shape of training in, and beyond, Canada’s community colleges in the years immediately ahead. The projection is that alternation learning is likely to play an even more prominent role in training theory and practice in Canada, as alternation between learning at work and learning at school becomes ever more important so that Canada can maintain its place in the global economy currently unfolding.

training before community colleges Training in Schools Canada has a long history of vocational and technical training (Kahn, 1900). Even though the focus of the traditional public school curriculum of the nineteenth century was character development and general education, some schools also offered training in preparation for work well before the end of that century. By the turn of the twentieth century, there were “commercial classes” in many schools in urban areas. Indeed, the relative merits of “academic” education and more “vocational” schooling appear to have been one of the features of public policy debate in the late nineteenth century in both Quebec and Ontario (Phillips, 1957). Before the turn of that century, as a greater variety of work opportunities began to emerge for young people in Canada, it became clear that new types of schools or courses should be available to them. There was talk of the need for “technical” as well as “academic” education,

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for the teaching in secondary schools of the applications of science as well as the sciences themselves, and for “training of the hands as well as the head.” By the late 1890s, boards of education in Ontario were empowered to establish technical schools or to change any high school into a technical one, with the expectation that these schools would provide “a program of arts and science related to the industries of the province” (Phillips, 1957). Commercial training schools, operating as businesses to provide other businesses with trained employees, were also in evidence before the turn of the twentieth century. As well, in the 1800s, “institutes” to enable working people to increase their knowledge, particularly as it related to their work, were established in both the Atlantic provinces and central Canada. For example, a Mechanics’ Institute was established in St John’s “for the betterment of working men and apprentices” as early as 1827, and Farmers’ Institutes were set up in the mid-1800s; their success eventually led to the establishment of Women’s Institutes “for poorly educated women” beginning in 1897 (see relevant articles in the Canadian Encyclopedia). The government of Canada provided grants to the provinces to encourage agricultural instruction as early as 1913 and other forms of vocational training by 1919 (Phillips, 1957). Even in provinces where industrial development was not prominent, such as New Brunswick and Saskatchewan, vocational school legislation was enacted in or before the 1920s. During and immediately after World War ii, vocational and technical training programs were significantly expanded in all provinces, but especially in Quebec and Ontario. While various forms of vocational and technical training became well established throughout Canada in the first half of the twentieth century, by no means were academic and vocational education considered of equal value. When vocational training was introduced in central Canada, it was to be kept physically apart from academic education. The “isolation of the practical to maintain the superiority of purely intellectual subjects resulted from a strong attachment to the existing form of secondary education” (Phillips, 1957). It was only in the post–World War ii years that the notion of a “composite secondary school” became more prominent, partly prompted by a desire to provide a variety of educational choices to students even where populations were small, but also influenced by the philosophy that “intellectual and manual workers should intermingle at school.” It is clear that training was for the young – to prepare young people for a lifetime of work. Firmly and unquestioned, education was to precede work (Meredith, 1983).

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Instructional approaches to “intellectual” and “manual” education in this era were not notably different. In both areas, teaching tended to be instructor-led. More generally, the pedagogy of early technical or vocational training in school systems in Canada did not differ substantially from that in academic education, although there was widespread acceptance that applied learning, or “learning by doing,” was different from, and inferior to, what were considered to be the more intellectually demanding academic studies. The notion of “alternation” of workplace-based experience with formal classroom-based instruction was not common in public or commercial schools, in part because the early purposes of technical and vocational training were to enable businesses to hire young people who already had the skills they required (Sweet and Gallagher, 1999). Most businesses did not see a role for themselves as trainers; rather, they wanted to employ graduates of both public and commercial schools, whose job it was to provide effective job-ready training. Apprenticeship Training Becoming an apprentice to a master tradesman or craftsman was another means of obtaining training for work in Canada, as the industrialization of the country required more and more workers with specialized trade and technical skills. Given the severe skilled-labour shortages, legislation regulating trade occupations in Ontario as early as 1928 permitted minors to register for apprenticeships in these basic construction trades: bricklaying, carpentry, painting, decorating, and plastering (Huggins, 1997). Indeed, several building trades have long and distinguished apprenticeship histories in Canada (Meredith, 1983). “Learning a trade” by being indentured to an already skilled tradesman, usually British- or western European-trained, became more widespread during the 1930s and as the war effort in the 1940s increasingly required more highly skilled workers. Tradesmen and persons with the technical skills required for the significant industrialization of Canada during and after World War ii were encouraged to emigrate to Canada, particularly from the United Kingdom. They in turn served as the trainers of young apprentices who were to become journeymen, the training model being simply borrowed from the United Kingdom (Rubenson and Schuetze, 1996). The older and more skilled were expected not only to train the young and inexperienced but also to immerse them in the apprenticeship “culture.” From the start, apprenticeships in Canada provided on-the-job training, quite separate from schooling, and were managed by employers,

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workers, and economic development branches of governments, rather than by provincial departments of education or school trustees. In effect, apprenticeship systems in Canada were organized to serve adults and labour-force needs. The assumption was that apprentices were adults who had completed schooling. Apprenticeship systems were quite distinct from school systems and served different social and economic purposes. Acceptance into an apprenticeship was a significant honour and opportunity; it bore no relationship to age or amount or kind of schooling, and depended essentially on the willingness of the tradesman to accept the candidate. As was the case for school-based training, there was no “alternation” between school and the workplace in the early apprenticeship systems. Rather, the emphasis was on “learning at work.” When apprentices needed to acquire new skills, they learned them on the job in the early years and later in special training centres operated by the trades themselves. Schooling and apprenticeship were different worlds, and neither could be said to have had a significant early commitment to alternation.

past to present Alarm bells went off in many parts of Canada in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The pool of Canadians seeking education beyond secondary school was projected to expand significantly and rapidly (Jones, 1997). To meet the demand, it became clear that existing universities would have to be enlarged and that new institutions would have to be created. It also became evident that alternatives to university education would need to be developed. The universities were concerned that they would have to take on new roles and lower their traditional standards if they were to be expected to meet all the growing demand for education beyond the compulsory school years (Sheffield et al., 1982). New universities were indeed created and older ones expanded (Cameron, 1991). But the major addition to post-secondary and adult training opportunity in this era was the creation of community college systems – under a variety of names – in all provinces and territories except Nova Scotia (this province deferred its development of a community college system until the 1990s). Because education was (and remains) a matter of provincial and territorial jurisdiction, there developed, in effect, twelve community college systems in Canada, each with its own characteristics (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986) – and all with generous funding support from the federal government. Indeed, the federal government has always played an active, if officially subsidiary, role in adult training in all provinces and territories (Hodgson, 1987).

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In practical terms, five broad types of community college emerged in Canada (Gallagher and Dennison, 1995). These were the primarily two-year “colleges of applied arts and technology” in Ontario and Prince Edward Island; the adult vocational training institutions whose name – but little else – was changed to “community college,” as in Manitoba, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland; the institutions that offered both university-parallel courses and paraprofessional training, as in Alberta and British Columbia; a unique system in Quebec that saw community college education as a two-year preparation for university entrance or a three-year preparation for skilled technical and technological work; and finally, the original model of the “colleges without walls” in Saskatchewan, where the institution was as much a learning brokerage and distribution centre as it was an education and training site. What all these systems and institutions had in common was the responsibility to train students for work in the thriving industrial economy of the 1960s and 1970s (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986). Career Programs In most provinces, community colleges were expected to provide short-term vocational training programs, similar to those supplied by single-program training institutions at that time. The more significant development, however, was the governmental decision in several provinces to have these institutions also offer two-year “career” programs in a broad range of technical, technological, and paraprofessional fields. This decision was based on the “human capital” concept that, to be employable in the workforce of that time, young people would need to have both generic work skills (not just job-specific skills for a single workplace) and some general education beyond the school level if they were to become broadly employable. Those objectives, it was recognized, could not be achieved with short-term, job-specific training programs. Translation of this new vision of training for labour-force entry and opportunity into program planning in community colleges was most evident in the two largest provinces in Canada. In Quebec, career or technical programs were to be of three years’ duration, with the equivalent of one of these years devoted to “general” education. Ontario insisted that students in two- and three-year “career” programs take courses outside, as well as within, their areas of technical or paraprofessional specialization as a means of ensuring some measure of general education for career-program graduates, a practice that has endured but has not achieved the objective of “some general education” (Foot and MacNiven, 1990). When other provinces began to

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offer more than traditional short-term vocational programs, they commonly followed the career program pattern adopted originally by Ontario and Prince Edward Island. Except in Quebec, the notion of combining technical and general education for career program students – a step in the direction of one dimension of alternation – was rarely implemented successfully or as originally intended. When the early community college career programs were being developed, there was general agreement that all instructors should have had practical, recent workplace experience in the areas in which they were to teach (but not necessarily any teaching experience or formal training as instructors). The complementary notion was that these instructors should return periodically to the workplaces from which they had come, so that they could remain up to date in their fields and familiarize themselves with the changing work environments and technologies characteristic of almost all workplaces. This was also a step in the direction of alternation learning, for instructors if not for students. While these guidelines for the hiring and retention of career-program instructors were seldom adhered to on a sustained basis, except in the early years, the view that career-program instructors should have to stay abreast of developments in their instructional areas has remained popular and desirable, but not required. The first instructional programs in community colleges to apply alternation principles were those in the fields of medical laboratory and imaging technology (then called radiography). Well before community colleges came into being, such programs had been available in many hospitals, with practice and patient care taking priority over theoretical studies. When hospital-based training was taken over by the new community colleges, both hospital-based experience and classroom-based instruction became required program components. Because the institution-based instruction was substantially theoretical and the hospital experience obviously practical, the dual-mode, duallearning location benchmarks for alternation were evident. When schools of nursing previously run by hospitals ceased to function as such and became major units within community colleges, they too retained their traditional practice of including hospital-based clinical experience as part of the official nursing programs. However, with some notable exceptions in some provinces, career programs in other curriculum areas, such as business, engineering technologies, tourism, community service, and computer applications, did not originally follow suit. Rather, these remained as conventional two-year, foursemester institution-based programs, with students being encouraged to find summer employment (and work experience) in the area in which they wished to be employed after graduation.

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Apprenticeship With the establishment of community colleges also came the practice of having apprentices in many trades obtain their technical training in these institutions – in an institution-based setting, rather than on the job or in specialized centres operated by unions and employers. Thus another form of alternating institution-based and field-based learning, and of blending theoretical and practical learning, emerged (Meredith, 1983). Apprentices would now have the opportunity to receive their largely theory-oriented training in a college, while by far the largest part remained practical, on the job under the supervision of a journeyperson. This was classic alternation. However, it would be an exaggeration to suggest that the marriage of field- and institution-based apprenticeship training has been consistently smooth and successful. Traditional tensions and clashes of culture between educators and trainers have remained. The collegebased technical instruction for apprentices has usually been deliberately separated from other instruction provided by the community colleges, so that the integration of the training of apprentices and other trainees and campus-based students has commonly been nominal. In many cases, the alternation has been more superficial than substantial. Of at least equal importance, work in the trades has never really captured the imagination of large numbers of young Canadians or the Canadian population at large, even though such work usually generates good wages and high job satisfaction. The reasons for the relative unattractiveness of trades training are many. Engagement in academic learning is commonly portrayed as being of higher value and prestige by parents, teachers, and other school personnel (Strand, 1991). Getting accepted into an apprenticeship in most trades has been difficult and time-consuming, especially for young secondary school graduates. Commonly, pre-apprenticeship training has been virtually a prerequisite for acceptance into a trade, yet the time and costs for such preparation can offer no guarantees of acceptance or recognition of that training as part of the total apprenticeship training package. The notion of being “indentured” to another person for a substantial period of time is foreign to the culture in which most contemporary young adults have been brought up. Much work in the trades is thought of as “dirty.” Employers have been unwilling or unable to take on or retain apprentices in tough economic times, which have been many in the “boom or bust” circumstances that prevail in parts of Canada. Many employers have seen the annual time and productivity losses while apprentices are taking their technical training off-site and

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the high wages even for the least experienced apprentices as real barriers to their participation in apprenticeship training. Yet the apprenticeship systems in all jurisdictions throughout Canada have been well supported, particularly by tradesmen, employers, and government officials. These individuals have been vocal, persistent, and passionate advocates for years. Since the 1960s, that advocacy has produced regular calls for “apprenticeship renewal.” The incorporation of the technical training components of many apprenticeships into the community college systems was one instrument of renewal. The potential for even more alternation learning within trades training remains substantial, and its expansion into other forms of training in community colleges should not be discounted. Despite the considerable administrative barriers to creating new apprenticeship areas, some have been established in recent years – for work in the film and information-technology industries, as examples. And despite the reluctance of apprenticeship traditionalists, new ways of providing technical training for many apprentices are being examined carefully (nac, 1999). The opportunity to release apprentices from work for technical training on a day-release basis throughout a year (instead of for two-week technical training sessions several times a year) continues to be explored and, in some cases, implemented. The use of distance-education methodologies, especially for apprentices outside metropolitan areas, remains promising. Indeed, fresh approaches to the development of journeypersons suggest that new forms of alternation learning may soon be widespread in at least some trades that use community colleges as the locales for technical training (nac, 1999). Cooperative Education The redesign of many post-secondary programs to enable students to obtain practical, paid, on-the-job training as an integral part of their official program of studies, commonly referred to “cooperative education” (or co-op), was originally directed to undergraduate university education in such professional fields as business and computer-related studies. However, it was not long before administrators and instructors in career programs in community colleges also saw considerable merit in the co-op approach. Even in the early 1970s, college-based career co-op programs were either being introduced or under active development in some provinces. In some cases, complete co-op semesters were built into career programs, but more commonly in the early stages, a variety of work-

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experience curriculum components were incorporated into existing programs, sometimes against strong governmental or institutional pressures to remain with more traditional curriculum and instructional practices. By the 1990s, co-op programming in various forms was widespread in career-related programs in community colleges. The principle of alternation was integral to the structure of these programs and became widely supported in these institutions. Usually, only practical, rather than philosophical, barriers – primarily a limitation on the number of co-op placement opportunities – restricted the spread of community college co-op in career training programs. Short-Term Training The federal government has traditionally purchased training in all provinces and territories from community colleges, but particularly from private-sector vocational schools, primarily to assist unemployed people to enter or re-enter the workforce. Provincial and territorial governments have also had similar programs for those on social assistance. In some cases, governments have subsidized individual students to take college courses for a specified and limited period of time. In other cases, it has contracted with a public or private training provider to supply specific kinds of training for people on a “referral by government” basis, again normally for only a short term rather than a conventional school term or school year. Because private institutions have been able to contain costs and excel at mounting training programs in short order and with a minimum of bureaucracy, they have been favoured by governments as the training providers. In most job-entry training programs supported by the federal and provincial or territorial governments, supervised work experience has been a requirement. These governments have taken for granted that trainees need both school-based instruction and at least familiarization with the workplace if their entry or re-entry to the workforce is to be successful. This “alternation” requirement in turn has prompted colleges to apply alternation principles to their more traditional vocational training programs.

present to future Several additional alternation-oriented developments have more recently influenced the training activity of Canada’s community colleges, but it is premature to assess the long-term influence they may have or how dispersed throughout the country they may become.

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Service-Learning An interesting academic parallel to co-op initiatives in career-program areas in the community college environment in British Columbia recently has been the encouragement of “service-learning” or “service” components within academic programs. The arguments in support of service or co-op-like components in academic curricula are that it is a sound approach to effective citizenship education and that college students should have the opportunity to relate and apply what they learn in conventional classroom settings to the world outside academia. Thus students in social science college programs, for example, should have the opportunity to apply their theoretical, institution-based learning to real social problems or issues in their communities, or students of philosophy should learn to apply what they have learned in a classroom to an actual community setting (Battersby, 1999). Even the terminology used by advocates of service-learning is similar to that employed by alternation scholars. Battersby (1999) highlights the point that, “to realize the outcomes of citizenship, it is not enough to have students see how their knowledge does (or doesn’t) help them in practical situations; it should also encourage a level of reflection on the politics of the activity.” He further stresses, “The key to making such programs fully effective in preparing citizens is to situate the experience in a learning context that involves appropriate preparation and subsequent reflective analysis.” Cowin (1999) sees great potential for service-learning when he insists that “it involves addressing a problem in the world outside the classroom, not just through community service and doing more of what somebody else has already done, but uncovering something challenging, something which extends the knowledge base of the community as well as stimulating individual learning.” Service-learning clearly meets all the alternation standards. How widespread this approach to academic learning in community colleges will become is a matter of conjecture at this stage, but its potential seems significant as interest in improving citizenship education for college students appears to be gaining in academic popularity. Employability Skills In the early 1990s the Corporate Council on Education of the Conference Board of Canada captured the imagination of many educators and trainers, including those in community colleges, by drawing considerable public attention to the fact that high-quality vocational, technical, or professional skills were not sufficient for workforce members in an internationally competitive, knowledge economy. The message

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from the major employers in Canada was stark and clear: also key to the success of workers in the world of business were “foundational skills” (cbc, 1991). This voice of big business in Canada published a profile called “The Critical Skills Required of the Canadian Workforce” and spelled out these “soft” skills in three broad categories: academic skills; personal management skills, attitudes, and behaviours; and teamwork skills. Its key point was that many entrants to the Canadian workforce (and members of the workforce) lack some measure of one or more of these generic skill sets and that, as a result, Canada’s business competitiveness is diminished. While the message of the Conference Board was not universally endorsed in the education or apprenticeship communities, it did prompt several institutions in different regions to validate the content and organization of many of their instructional programs against the employability skills standards. The British Columbia Institute of Technology and several Ontario community colleges (Humber, Mohawk, Brown, and St Clair, among others), for example, were particularly anxious to seize the opportunity for community college curriculum reform (White and Dance-Bennick, 1993). First efforts to incorporate “employability skills development” into college curricula consisted of adding employability skills modules addressing specific skills needs to an existing technical or paraprofessional curriculum. But by the mid-1990s, it was increasingly recognized that program add-ons could be only temporary solutions and that major curriculum reform, geared to integrating specific technical or professional skills development with generic employability skills development, was in order. Part of that push for community college curriculum reform recognized that many of these employability skills were not so much cognitive as affective, and that they often did not lend themselves well to classroom-based instruction. (Others observed that this list of skills was nothing new: these were the skills that would normally be expected to result from a good liberal undergraduate education!) Another part of that push placed a fresh emphasis on creating curricula that were developed from the desired outcomes of the training – an emphasis on training outcomes rather than content. One result of these two new thrusts was much stronger attention to narrowing the prevailing gap between what educators and business people considered of high priority for post-secondary training. Indeed, the notion that business and education should form partnerships to improve the quality of the Canadian workforce quickly followed. Many of the early partnership discussions quickly concluded that new forms of alternation of learning (though that terminology was not used) between the school and the workplace were particularly

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promising avenues for improving labour-force preparation and development. It can be asserted with confidence that employability skills development will receive much more attention in community college training programs in the immediate future. Intermediate Skill Development Many administrators and instructors in community colleges now contend that the way in which training programs have been categorized for almost forty years is no longer appropriate. Now that the Canadian economy is increasingly becoming knowledge-based and technologydriven, the argument goes, program categories based on an industrialera perspective on the structure of the labour force need to be replaced by ones that reflect the economic and labour-market conditions of a post-industrial era. This call for major structural reform of collegebased training programs is much more than a simple demand for recategorization of traditional programs. Rather, it is rooted in the conviction that labour-market requirements for a knowledge-intensive economy are fundamentally different from – not just greater than – those appropriate to an industrial economy. Therefore the preparation for labour-market entry (or re-entry) ought to be correspondingly different. In an industrial economy, several categories or types of specific task training for different industrial roles make good sense. Thus it has been logical to distinguish among unskilled work requiring little or no pre-employment training, job-entry training for low-skilled work, training for paraprofessional career development, technical and technological training, and training for the professions. However, this traditional categorization of training types no longer fits with the knowledge and skill realities of a knowledge-intensive economy. Clearly, those with high skill levels – both professional and foundational – are eagerly sought, assured of security of employment or self-employment, and well rewarded. At the other extreme, there is an increasing amount of low skilled-work and a large low-skilled workforce. As a result, lowskilled work is commonly low paying, insecure, and non-standard – and certainly not the basis for the development of a long term-career. (In an industrial environment, there has traditionally been a significant amount of low-skilled but high-paying and secure work in the resource industries and in manufacturing.) A successful knowledge-based economy requires highly skilled professional specialists, entrepreneurs, innovators, and managers. An equally important but largely unrecognized need, however, is to en-

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sure that there will also be a sufficiently large pool of people with “intermediate skills” – or a high-quality “mid-skilled workforce” (Grubb, 1996). Ashton, Maguire, and Sung (1991) make important distinctions within labour-force groupings. They identify low skills as those that are routine, mass-production ones, and high or advanced skills as those “involved in resolving problems at a conceptual level … which focus on the manipulation of abstract symbols, requiring the marshaling of evidence and the ability to think through a problem and to work out solutions to problems created by new situations and combinations of events” (234). Between these two skill levels are the intermediate skills, which “may rely on manual dexterity but … their application relies on the internalization of a body of theoretical knowledge and its usage in various contexts … transferable across a range of jobs … constantly evolving with developments in theoretical understanding and in the techniques utilized in the practice of such skills” (234). The training curriculum implications of this shift to an emphasis on the larger grouping called intermediate skills are considerable. In a knowledge-based economy, short-term training programs may still be able to promise job-entry opportunity – but not much more. For that reason, retraining and skill upgrading for workers with low skill levels to an intermediate level need to take on increased importance. From an economic development perspective, it is also critical for Canada to have access to increasing numbers of new workers with intermediate skills – upgraded technical skills as well as high levels of generic or foundational ones. From a social policy perspective, it is essential that more Canadians have and take the opportunity to develop intermediate skills, rather than be limited to only low-skilled work opportunities. In short, Canada’s community colleges and apprenticeship systems have been the major providers of vocational, technical, career, and technological training. They now need to become the key providers of intermediate skill development, to enhance the work possibilities for Canadian workers, to create laddering and bridging programs that encourage learning throughout life and that will result in a workforce with the incentive and ability to learn, to work, and to learn again. The move to an emphasis on broader intermediate skill development requires that training programs have both theoretical and practical dimensions, and it suggests that many of the “employability skills” should be acquired in the classroom or community but practised in the workplace. Alternation seems a particularly appropriate approach to training that has the objective of increasing the numbers of Canadians who have intermediate-level skills, a significant and growing portion of the total Canadian workforce.

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School-to-Work Transitions Canada has never managed its education or training systems for the purpose of facilitating young people’s transition from school to work. On the contrary, young adult secondary school graduates and noncompleters (and their parents) have been left to manage their own transitions to further education or work in their own best interests. Where young people and their parents have placed high value on higher education and the economic and social opportunities it provides, the traditional – and still current – advice is to “go to university.” It is as though there were no credible alternatives for at least some young students, and as though it did not really make much difference what one might study at university; simply going there has been the goal, and keeping open the option of going to university has been seen as the wise course of action for most able secondary school students. As one consequence, until the last decade, the non-completion rates from general undergraduate university studies had been very high, in large measure because too many university students did not have a clear learning or work goal (Clark, 1998). More recently, these rates have been much lower – not because students are now better motivated, but because academic entrance requirements have been raised, and because more university students are now taking longer to complete their studies as they combine part-time work with part-time education, but in a manner consistent with alternation learning principles only by accident (Sheppard, 1998; Schofield, 1999). In summary, the transition processes from school to work or to further education have not been smooth for as many as 60 per cent of school completers (vgi, 1998). A chief reason for that outcome is that transitions have been “unmanaged,” based on a long-standing view in Canada that all young people in this country should be free to choose whatever education (and work) they wish beyond the compulsory school years and that, as a result, a variety of choices should remain accessible to all, with no one required or directed to follow any particular learning path. When “choice” means that most students should at least keep open the option of going to university throughout secondary school, evidence suggests that this approach in fact closes doors for many students (vgi, 1998). Much greater attention is now being paid to assisting (but not directing) many more students to make effective transitions from school to apprenticeships, to other forms of work, or to post-secondary education (cme, 1999). Granting apprenticeship credit for technical and pre-apprenticeship training has been a practice for several years in a number of provinces, although the length of the apprenticeship in-

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denturing process has not been reduced for those who obtain such training. These “early apprenticeships” more than ease the transition processes for some students. They generally respect and operate on alternation principles, providing students with both workplace experience and a blend of practical and theoretical study at school. Applied Learning Transitions from school to work, even if more actively managed, would not be significantly improved without the school curricula also being adjusted to meet the transition needs of a greater proportion of students. The popular perception is that the current unmanaged systems serve about 30 per cent of secondary school completers satisfactorily, or that some 30 per cent of secondary school graduates are able to manage their own transitions satisfactorily. When the number of secondary school students who withdraw before completing school is also taken into consideration, the proportion of young Canadians who are not well served by the school systems increases significantly (vgi, 1998). There are many reasons why young people do not complete secondary school successfully or have extraordinary difficulty making effective transitions beyond school. A chief reason is the structure and content of secondary school curricula. However satisfactory traditional curriculum patterns may have been when young people were being educated and trained for work and life in a clearly defined industrial workforce and a predictable social-cultural environment, they no longer serve many young Canadians well for two fundamental reasons. Young people live and will work in a post-industrial world with very different workforce and personal-social living requirements. And more recent research (21st Century, 1999) indicates strongly that traditional secondary school curriculum and instruction practices do not take advantage of the learning potential of a large portion of the secondary school population. It is out of perspectives such as these that there has been a marked movement, in Alberta and British Columbia and more broadly in the United States, toward enabling many of the students who are not currently experiencing success in secondary school to pursue a more “applied” but still academically challenging curriculum (Rhoder and French, 1999). Applied learning recognizes that there are many different learning styles and that many young (and older) people learn more effectively when they are encouraged to apply what they have learned to real-life situations familiar to them. The Centre for Applied Academics in British Columbia, for example, notes, “Applied courses

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offer students the option of a different teaching approach … teachers bring workplace and real-life examples into the classroom to show how theories work … for over half of all students, a hands-on approach helps them to connect theory and practice” (Palmer, 1999). Applied courses in senior secondary schools are now broadly recognized at post-secondary institutions (with the exception of some traditional universities) as equivalent to the more theoretical parallel courses in such subjects. The “applied” movement appears to be gaining momentum in secondary schools and may become a significant feature of school and post-secondary curriculum change in the years immediately ahead.

conclusions – and the new need Canada’s community colleges were quick to recognize the value of both key dimensions of alternation learning. From their beginnings, they saw the importance of blending theoretical and practical learning for students preparing to enter the labour markets of the day. Then, in less than a decade, they began to practise the second dimension: ensuring that students planning to enter the workforce would have opportunities to learn in both workplace and classroom settings. The 1970s combination of ongoing on-the-job training with college-based technical training for apprentices served to highlight the value of alternation. The introduction of co-op programs into community colleges tended to formalize and legitimize alternation learning. Alternation practices have influenced community college curricula and instructional practice in even more general ways in the last decade: a new emphasis on the need for developing employability (or foundational or generic) skills in addition to technical or professional one; a shift from an emphasis on traditional skill categories to the recognition of the importance of more complex intermediate skills; processes to improve the ability of many secondary school students to make effective transitions to further education and training (or to the workplace); and initiatives to provide applied learning opportunities for students whose learning styles are more applied than theoretical. There is every reason to expect that these dual-place, dual-mode alternation practices will be major influences on the effectiveness and credibility of community college–based training in the years ahead. Yet the world of work is changing so fast and so profoundly that increased emphasis on the application of alternation principles to all forms of training and education will not be sufficient to align training with the needs of the workplace. Rather, the new need is to recognize that, in a global knowledge-based economy, improving transitions

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from school to work should be matched by improving transitions from work to school. Developing a future-oriented training culture in Canada, where work and learning go on concurrently and continually, is the next training challenge.

references Apprenticeship in Canada: An overview (1999). A report prepared for the National Apprenticeship Conference. Winnipeg, June. Ashton, D., Maguire, M., & Sung, J. (1991). Institutional structures and the provision of intermediate level skills: Lessons from Canada and Hong Kong. In P. Ryan (Ed.), International comparisons of vocational education and training for intermediate skills. New York: Falmer. Battersby, M. (1999). Education for citizenship: Service-learning and the reflective citizen. Learning Quarterly, 2 (4), 3–6. Cameron, D.M. (1991). More than an academic question: Universities, government and public policy in Canada. Halifax: Institute for Research on Public Policy. Campbell, G. (1971). The community college in Canada. Ottawa: Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. Clark, Andrew (1998). Campus confidential. Maclean’s Magazine, 23 November, 64ff. Conference Board of Canada (cbc) (1991). Employability skills profile. Ottawa: Conference Board of Canada. Council of Ministers of Education, Canada (cme) (1999). Learner pathways and transitions – Summary report. Toronto: Council of Ministers of Education, Canada. Cowin, B. (1999). Learning about service-learning, or I’ve started paying attention (to service-learning). Learning Quarterly, 2 (4), 7–11. Dennison, J., & Gallagher, P. (1986). Canada’s community colleges: A critical analysis. Vancouver: ubc Press. Foot, D., & MacNiven, M. (1990). The college system – an empirical snapshot: Vision 2000: a review of the mandate of colleges of applied arts and technology. Toronto: Ministry of Colleges and Universities/Council of Regents. Gallagher, P., & Dennison, J. (1995). Canada’s community college systems: A study of diversity. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 19 (5), 381–94. Grubb, W.N. (1996). Working in the middle: Strengthening education and training for the mid-skilled labor force. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hodgson, E.D. (1987). Federal involvement in public education. Toronto: Canadian Education Association. Huggins, N.S. (1997). Immigrant access to trade occupations in Ontario: Stakeholders and initiatives. Presentation at the Canadian Employment Research Forum on Immigration, Employment and the Economy.

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Jones, G.A. (Ed.). (1997). Higher education in Canada: Different systems, different perspectives. Toronto: Garland. Kahn, A. (1900). Commercial education in secondary schools. Canada Educational, 22, 216. Meredith, J.D. (1983). A history of vocational training in British Columbia. Vancouver. Unpublished document. Mustard, J.F. (1995). Technology, information and the evolution of social policy: The chips for neurons, revolution and socio-economic change. Toronto: Canadian Institute for Advanced Research. National Apprenticeship Conference (nac) (1999). Provincial and territorial apprenticeship information and activity report. Winnipeg. Palmer, D.M. (1999). Parents & applied academics. Vancouver: Center for Applied Academics and the bc Confederation of Parent Advisory Councils. Brochure. Phillips, C.E. (1957). The development of education in Canada. Toronto: Gage. Rhoder, C., & French, J.N. (1999). School-to-work: Making specific connections. Phi Delta Kappan 80, (7), 534–42. Rubenson, K., & Schuetze, H.G. (1996). Learning in the classroom and at the workplace: Elements of a framework for the analysis of apprenticeship training and other forms of “alternation” education and training in Canada. Vancouver: ubc Centre for Policy Studies in Education. Unpublished manuscript. Schofield, J. (1999). Millennium millions. Maclean’s Magazine, 12 July, 51ff. Sheffield, E., et al. (1982). Systems of higher education: Canada. New York: International Council for Educational Development. Sheppard, R. (1998). Why college grads get jobs. Maclean’s Magazine, 26 October, 58–63. Strand, K. (1991). Learning and work: the way ahead for British Columbians: Report of the British Columbia Task Force on Employment and Training. Victoria: Ministry of Advanced Education. Sweet, R., & Gallagher, P. (1997). Intensive instructional formats: A post-secondary innovation. Phase I report: Access and participation in advanced learning. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. – (1999). Private training institutions in Canada: New directions for a public resource. Journal of Educational Administration and Foundations, 13 (2), 54–77. 21st Century Learning Initiative (1999). http: www.21learn.org. Verus Group International (vgi) (1998). Closed doors: A report on Lower Mainland secondary school university-track programs. Vancouver: Center for Applied Academics. White, D.B., & Dance-Bennick, T. (1993). Employability skills training program: Memo to Ontario college system. Unpublished manuscript, 7 December.

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8 Alternating Education and Training: Students’ Conceptions of Learning in Co-op GARNET GROSJEAN

Learning theory and empirical research are seeking alternatives to traditional methods of education delivery in an attempt to prepare young people to take their place in a rapidly changing economy and society. The implementation of advanced technologies in the workplace and restructured management processes fuel debates about whether our universities equip graduates with the knowledge and skills relevant to a knowledge-intensive economy. Demands on universities to supply both highly trained workers and a meaningful undergraduate experience (Millard, 1991) question the traditional separation between academic and vocational education – between the world of learning and the world of work (Matson and Matson, 1995). To narrow this gap, universities have started to devise alternative strategies to prepare young people for work life. One such strategy is the expansion of university-based cooperative education (co-op) programs. Co-op capitalizes on the importance of context to learning. It integrates classroom and workplace learning by alternating students between each context. Historically, co-op goes back to engineering education at a time when economic and scientific progress generated a need for “professional men trained to design and to maintain the industrial plants which are the commercial outcome of scientific experiment” (More, 1908). As the twentieth century opened, engineers began working to standardize scientific research and industrial production. In order to retain control of these processes, they needed an educational apparatus that would supply skilled workers. On one level, people were needed to tend the machinery and perform the human labour of

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production. These types of workers required an industrial education. A “new” apprenticeship system was devised to replace the moribund system of craft-based industries. On another level, university-trained engineer-managers were required to design and supervise the production process. They would be trained by, and eventually replace, existing corporate engineers, allowing this group to occupationally reproduce themselves. The university credential would effectively separate managers from workers, and formal education would become the key determinant of occupational and social mobility. It was in this period of increasing demand for engineering education that co-op programs first emerged.

the co-op tradition The concept of cooperative education began to take shape during the summer of 1894, while Herman Schneider, a recently graduated civil engineer, was building bridges for the Shortline Railroad in Oregon (Ryder, 1987). Schneider discovered two things about the students who were hired to work on this project. First, many were performing part-time work that bore little relationship to their fields of study or future careers. Second, they experienced difficulties in adapting their classroom skills to work in the field, indicating that certain elements of engineering practice could not be adequately conveyed in a classroom setting. When Schneider began teaching at Lehigh University in 1899, he tested his earlier observations by conducting a series of interviews with practising engineers and their employers. The men interviewed included graduates of the best institutions in the country (Schneider, 1907). He found that most had either worked while attending college or during vacations or had taken time out to work before returning to college to complete their studies (Ryder, 1987). This fact reinforced his conviction of the efficacy of linking work and study. At the time, to qualify, engineering graduates were required to undergo a two-year apprenticeship in one of the local industrial plants upon completion of four years of school work. Schneider conceived of combining the apprenticeship and school work into a six-year program. The benefits would be twofold. First, students could undertake work in their field, thereby learning the practical engineering skills that could not be effectively taught in the classroom. This arrangement would help them connect theory and practice, and thereby “provide a better preparation, a stronger foundation, for the successful practice of engineering” (Schneider, 1907). Secondly, by allowing students to earn money at the same time as they were gaining experience,

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the program “would enable many worthy young men to attend school who otherwise would be excluded [for lack of financial resources]” (Park, 1916). By “hitching the school and shop abreast, rather than in tandem: combining theory and practice” in a program called “cooperative education” (Schneider, 1910), both students and the profession would benefit. From a modest beginning as a program of instruction in mechanical, electrical, and chemical engineering at the University of Cincinnati in 1906, carried on in cooperation with a number of local electrical and machinery companies, co-op education spread to a range of educational institutions and a variety of program areas. For example, in 1909 Northeastern University in Boston established a college of engineering modelled after the Cincinnati plan, with co-op work experience compulsory for all students. In 1917 the University of Cincinnati extended co-op programming from engineering to business administration. By 1919, seventy-five companies had joined the Cincinnati program. By the end of 1921, eleven universities and higher education institutions were offering this new educational model in an increasing range of disciplines (Ryder, 1987), as evidenced by the adoption of co-op by Antioch College, a liberal arts institution. By 1929, some twenty schools had adopted the Co-operative Course plan with only minor revisions. The program continued to expand throughout the United States and reached Canada in the late 1950s, in the Kitchener-Waterloo area of Ontario. The region contained primarily manufacturing, business, and insurance industries. A Lutheran seminary, the only post-secondary institution in the area, was located in the city of Waterloo. Local businessmen, some of whom had been transferred from the United States to head up subsidiary companies, decided that a technologically oriented university was needed that could provide a steady supply of skilled employees. Being familiar with the co-op model, and after investigating a number of American universities offering these co-op programs, they adopted a similar model for the new institution. The first seventy-five co-op engineering students were admitted to what later became the University of Waterloo in July 1957. Word of the Waterloo program spread. In 1964 the Université de Sherbrooke in Quebec initiated a similar program, followed soon after by Memorial University in Newfoundland (1968), the University of Regina in Saskatchewan, and the Nova Scotia Technical College (1969). Each program had a classroom/work-term sequence modelled after the program at Waterloo. In Ontario, Mohawk (1969) and Fanshawe (1970) Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology adopted this format for their technological programs. The University of Victoria extended

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co-op’s range to British Columbia in 1976, making it a national program (LeBold, Pullin, and Wilson, 1990) and establishing it as a popular educational strategy. Some 15 institutions participated during the first two decades. By the late 1980s, 60 Canadian institutions were offering co-op programs to approximately 27,000 students. A decade later, 110 institutions and 61,000 undergraduate students were participating in co-op (University of Waterloo, 1998), indicating a growing interest in this type of programming. With its alternation between academic and vocational contexts, the co-op model allows students to acquire a broad-based general education at the same time as accumulating discipline-specific work experience, relevant to changing market conditions. The combination is popular with students. However, despite its increasing popularity, our knowledge of what happens during the co-op process is limited, particularly about how co-op students interpret their learning.

i n ve s t i g at i n g l ea rn i n g Student learning in higher education is once again generating renewed research interest. One branch of this research focuses on how participants interpret learning. Recent studies have confirmed that university students approach learning situations with differing views of what it means to learn something (Johansson, Marton, and Svensson, 1985; Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty, 1993). These studies are framed by a phenomenographic perspective, which aims to reveal “the qualitatively different ways in which people experience and conceptualize various phenomena in the world around them” (Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty, 1993). Researchers attempt not only to describe students’ conceptions of learning (Säljö, 1979) but also to investigate how these conceptions influence students’ approaches to learning. The origins of research into students’ experience of higher education can be traced to two pioneering studies in the United States (Becker, Greer, and Hughes, 1968; Perry, 1970). Becker and his colleagues embarked on a comprehensive study of the student experience at a university. The researchers became participant observers, attended classes, and involved themselves in the students’ social life. They took detailed field notes, which were later analyzed to reach conclusions about the students’ experience. Broad in scope, the Becker study was criticized for a lack of focus on specific characteristics of student intellectual development (Entwistle, 1984). Meanwhile, Perry (1970) became interested in students’ intellectual and ethical development while working as a student counsellor at Harvard. He devel-

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oped a scheme that allowed him to categorize the general intellectual development of university students and show a shift toward greater relativism in thinking and personal development as they progressed through their programs. Later, a group of researchers at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden adapted the phenomenographic method to the study of students’ conceptions of learning (Svensson, 1977; Säljö, 1979; Marton and Säljö, 1976). They were able to combine the techniques of phenomenography – the perception or experience of a phenomenon (Marton, 1981) – with ethnomethodology – reflexive accounts of conversations (Garfinkel, 1967). Garfinkel believed that experiences give meaning to language and facilitate communication, which itself produces experiences that can be recalled in future interactions. Like other ethnomethodologists, he is interested in how everyday life is perceived and defined, exploring it as both a topic and a methodology. Phenomenography describes learning as a change between qualitatively different conceptions (Engeström, 1994; Marton, Hounsell, and Entwistle, 1984; Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty, 1993; Johansson, Marton, and Svensson, 1985). In other words, a change in direction to higher-order conceptions of learning indicates a positive change in individual learning. To measure this change, researchers began to assess individuals’ learning experiences. Beginning with Säljö’s (1979) pioneering research, interviews were employed to ascertain individuals’ conceptions of learning. From his analysis of interview transcripts, Säljö described five qualitatively different and heirarchically related conceptions of learning. Learning was seen as (1) a quantitative increase in knowledge, (2) memorizing, (3) the acquisition of facts, methods, and so on, which can be retained and used when necessary, (4) the abstraction of meaning, and (5) an interpretative process aimed at understanding reality (Marton, Hounsell, and Entwhistle, 1984). In a subsequent study applying Säljö’s procedures to a group of university students, van Rossum and Schenk (1984) were able to support his five categorical conceptions. But they also found that students’ experiential accounts of how a learning task is carried out could be classified in terms of deep and surface approaches (cf. Marton, Hounsell, and Entwistle, 1984). Van Rossum and Schenk also identified a close correlation between conceptions of learning and approaches to learning. Subsequent research by Marton and colleagues (1993) refined these categories and provided evidence for a sixth conception: “learning as personal change.” These six conceptions have become the standard by which subsequent research on conceptions of learning is judged.

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Table 8.1 Conceptions of learning Learning as increasing one’s knowledge Learning as memorizing and reproducing Learning as applying Learning as understanding Learning as seeing something in a different way Learning as personal change

Table 8.1 outlines the six conceptions of learning as categorized hierarchically by Säljö (1979) and refined by Marton and colleagues (1993). Learning is a “qualitative change in a person’s conception of a certain phenomenon or of a certain aspect of reality” (Johansson, Marton, and Svensson, 1985). When learning takes place, there is a distinct change in how a phenomenon is perceived and understood and in the meaning it carries for the learner. A conception can be defined as a way of seeing something, “a qualitative relationship between an individual and some phenomenon” in the surrounding world (Johansson, Marton, and Svensson, 1985). While categories of description are developed to characterize conceptions found in the text of the interview transcripts, the categories may be lifted out of their original context and used to understand conceptions of similar phenomena in other situations. Therefore categories of description are not just a reading of what is seen in the transcripts; in a sense they are “discovered.” As such, they make up the main results in this kind of investigation (cf. Johansson, Marton, and Svensson, 1985). Thus categories of conceptions of learning provide a useful frame for the study of learning in co-op education programs reported below.

the co-op process Co-op education combines classroom and workplace learning using an alternating program to move students between each context. Co-op students are able to operationalize academic knowledge through relevant paid work experiences with discipline-specific employers. They then bring their on-the-job learning back to the classroom for further analysis and reflection. In its most basic form, a co-op program allows students to spend a semester in the classroom developing theoretical knowledge, followed by a semester in the workplace implementing theory and developing skills in practical application, before returning

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once again to the classroom to engage in further academic study. This alternating cycle between classroom and workplace continues for the duration of the undergraduate program. Students are paid “market rates” while on work placement with employers. Upon successful completion of the requirements for a degree, students graduate with an additional “co-op designation,” signifying a base of discipline-specific experience. Co-op programs may be either voluntary or mandatory. In the study reported below, previous research on conceptions of learning is the point of departure. The study investigates the different ways in which co-op students’ experience, understanding, and conceptualization of learning as a particular aspect of reality are influenced by their experience in the workplace. Unlike previous research conducted solely in the context of academic institutions, this study aims to move beyond measuring the specific qualities of individuals. The goal is to reveal as yet unknown qualities in the relationship of co-op students to the world of work. In the remainder of this chapter I present a textual analysis of transcripts of in-depth interviews conducted with co-op students. Students were selected from four academic disciplines, chosen on the basis on Becher’s (1989) categories. These students had entered university with no prior experience of the workplace, but subsequently spent time in the workplace as part of their co-op program. Excerpts from the transcripts of student interviews were investigated using phenomenographic methods to determine the students’ conceptions of learning. These conceptions were categorized from the students’ reports of the learning that took place in both the classroom and the workplace – the latter is an area that has not been previously explored. Co-op students’ conceptions of learning were subsequently compared with those reported in previous research (Säljö 1979; Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty, 1993).

co-op students’ conceptions of learning This study is part of a larger investigation of co-op students’ perceptions of learning and work. It was conducted at Coast University (a pseudonym), a mid-sized comprehensive university in British Columbia. Using a research design combining both quantitative (survey questionnaires) and qualitative (in-depth interviews) techniques, data were collected on the experience of students enrolled in co-op programs. The research reported below relies on qualitative data collected from in-depth interviews with co-op students in four programs at Coast University: business,

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chemistry, engineering, and geography. The techniques of phenomenographic investigation – including textual analysis of interview transcripts to discover conceptions of learning – provide an appropriate framework for the systematic description of learning in co-op. Students relate learning primarily to their experience of the workplace context providing an opportunity to enhance our understanding of conceptions of learning and the structure of learning domains. Student Interviews In-depth interviews lasting from one to two hours explored individual students’ experiences of their co-op program. Interview procedures were sufficiently open to allow the students to express in their own words how they constructed and interpreted the reality of learning. I made clear to them at the start of each interview that I was more interested in what they thought and how they thought about their experience of co-op than in whether or not they provided the “right” answers. At some point during each interview, I asked, “In your program, what does learning mean to you?” Vague responses were probed with follow-up questions such as “But what does that mean to you in terms of learning?” Responses to these questions, combined with other responses relating to the way that students “understood” or “came to know” something in the workplace setting, are the focus of this study. Data Collection The transcripts of student interviews used in this study (n=30) are drawn from a larger study of co-op students at Coast University reported elsewhere (Grosjean, 1999, 2000). The transcripts represent students in business (n=12), chemistry (n=5), engineering (n=8), and geography (n=5) co-op programs. Slightly more than one-half (57 per cent) of the sample is female, with overrepresentation of females in the business program (m=4, f=8), but near-equal representation in the other programs (chemistry m=3, f=2; engineering m=4, f=4; and geography m=2, f=3). Student transcripts selected for phenomenographic investigation met three criteria. First, each student had completed at least one co-op work term. Second, none of the students selected had work experience prior to undertaking their first co-op work term. Third, each student selected had initially described learning in terms of the workplace, rather than the classroom. Each transcript was assigned to a file according to the number of work terms completed: one work term (n=9), two work terms (n=7), and three work terms (n=14).1

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Data Analysis The aim of the data analysis was to categorize descriptions of the ways that learning was conceptualized or experienced by co-op students. The transcribed interviews provided the context and background against which individual statements about learning in the workplace gained their significance. Careful and repeated readings of the interview transcripts identified the statements particularly relevant to learning. The interpretation of each statement was related to its immediate context as well as to other relevant statements in the same group of interviews. From such interpretive comparisons, a pattern of similarities emerged which was then used heuristically in a systematic search for and control of particular conceptions within each program’s interviews. Quotations containing relevant data were extracted and filed according to identified category and level of co-op work term, prior to any investigation of relationships between and among learning conceptions. My objective was not to measure specific qualities of individual participants but to reveal as yet unknown qualities of their individual relations to the world of work. Accordingly, descriptors of participants were removed in order to create a “pool of meanings” (Marton and Säljö, 1984). This process dissolves the boundaries between individuals; interest is focused instead on the pool of relevant data contained in the selected quotations. Attention thus shifts from the context of individual interviews to the meanings embedded in the excerpts, irrespective of their source.

results Following the selection of quotations, categories of descriptions were constructed for each level of work-term experience (table 8.2). Evidence of three of the five conceptions of learning described by Säljö (1979) was found after completion of one work term; another was added after two work terms. Students who had completed three or more work terms evidenced the three higher conceptions of Säljö, as well as Marton and colleagues’ (1993) addition. The possibility of a seventh conception of learning emerged during the study; this will be discussed in the next section. Learning in co-op takes place in both the classroom and the workplace contexts. It cannot be readily isolated and classified as to a single point of origin. A majority of students responded to the question “In your program, what does learning mean to you?” with examples from their workplace experience, but others described learning in the

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Table 8.2 Conceptions of learning, by work term 1 work term

2 work terms

Learning as increasing one’s knowledge*

•

•

Learning as memorizing and reproducing*

• •

• •

Learning as applying*

•

Learning as seeing something in a different way*

• •

Learning as personal change**

•

Learning as understanding*

•

3 work terms

sources: *Säljö, 1979; **Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty, 1993.

classroom. In the results presented below, therefore, I draw on quotations from the pool of meanings that illustrate the importance of context to student learning. Excerpts were aggregated according to a hierarchy of semantic similarities and differences, and assigned a level from one to six to correspond with the six conceptions of learning identified in the literature to date. Learning as Increasing One’s Knowledge: Students responding to this category related learning to their experience of the demands and expectations of the academic context. For example, “The girls in engineering … we got straight As in high school, and we know how to study. And we’re back in the academic atmosphere, and we study, study, study!” In this example, what learning is (i.e., the engineering concepts) and how learning takes place (i.e., studying) are both present, as is the reference to the grade structure that may motivate learning in the evaluative academic context. Some students express the difficulty and inadequacy of learning new concepts on their own, without recourse to the support of more knowledgeable others: “I would never be able to do it all on my own. There is just some stuff that you don’t understand and can’t get out of the books. You have to find someone that does understand.” For learning to take place, they require assistance from those with a greater degree of relevant knowledge. In other words, they need to be “shown” how to do whatever it is they are learning. Some view learning as a way to acquire knowledge and understanding of how the world works: “It’s my quest for knowledge. I’m not really here to find a better job or anything like that. This is for my own

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enlightenment.” The use of the word “knowledge” answers the question of “what” learning is. But the student does not describe “how” learning will take place or how it will be used. The reference to knowledge for “enlightenment” indicates that the student seeks ways to better understand his or her life world. The need to co-operate with and learn from others encourages coop students to develop interpersonal skills and make friends who can assist with the acquisition of knowledge: “Once you make friends, if you are having troubles with something, you know ‘oh, he wouldn’t mind helping me out because he really understands things,’ or ‘she wouldn’t mind helping me out because we really get along well together.’ We can help each other out. So I think it really helps.” Because of the amount of coursework in some programs and the need to maintain a high gpa to remain in co-op, friends are an important resource when a student falls behind. They may share assignments and permit strategic copying: “Sometimes I would just be overwhelmed. I had an assignment that I couldn’t get done. So the morning before it was due, I would go and find somebody and say, ‘Look, can you give me a hand with this? I need to get it done.’ And they would say, ‘Okay,’ and basically I’d copy the answers. I try, as much as I can, to get things done myself, but there were times when I had to … I just didn’t get it done, and I needed the answers because I needed the marks.” This response suggests that time pressures and the competition for marks may prompt some students to adopt surface-level learning strategies; these meet immediate needs, but do not contribute to a deep understanding of underlying concepts. Lack of understanding leaves students only one alternative – memorizing as much of the material as they can, in order to satisfy questions on upcoming exams. Learning as Memorizing and Reproducing When students discuss classroom learning they often refer to it as “memorizing facts to pass tests.” Bits of information are retained only long enough to be reproduced on the exam: “Most exams, the way they’re structured now, are 90 per cent memorization. Maybe a few thinking questions here and there, if the professor thinks of them.” Students believe the university system rewards well-developed memory skills, at the expense of understanding: Some subjects – [the] sciences in particular – it’s all memorization. And it does favour the students who memorize well. And it disfavours those who understand the concepts but don’t remember the formulas. They can’t get anywhere!

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A lot of students are straight memorizers. They try to develop a visual memory or photographic memory. They regurgitate everything. They finish, but they don’t understand it.

Surface-level learning-where classroom “facts” are simply memorized – is difficult to transfer to non-academic contexts. Co-op students, with their exposure to the workplace setting, recognize the drawbacks of this learning strategy: “Memorization might get you good grades, but in the workplace it’s the critical thinking that is so much more important.” In learning by memorizing for reproduction, the student is largely a passive vessel, accumulating and storing information for use in the immediate future. The capacity for learning is limited by both time and conceptual space. I found little evidence of students relying on this strategy in the workplace. Learning a procedure in the workplace, even if it involves remembering a sequence of events, is defined by students as “learning through practice” and hands-on application, rather than memorization. Nonetheless, learning any procedure through repeated actions qualifies as learning through memorizing and reproducing. Learning as Applying This was the first conception found across all three groups of students, regardless of the number of completed work terms. Application is viewed as a bridge between reproducing knowledge and understanding it. The corresponding move is from the role of passive recipient to one of active participant. Application of knowledge takes place both in the university laboratory – a simulated work environment – and on the co-op work term: “A lot of times we will look at a concept in one of my classes and then on my work term – we will work on that. And after I work with it, I will remember that forever!” Here the temporal dimension of permanence is introduced. When students learn something in the classroom and then subsequently have an opportunity to apply it in a relevant situation, the knowledge is retained. It then becomes available for use in future situations: “From an application standpoint, you’re curious as to ‘Hey, what happened here?’ Because you don’t know what’s happening, you have to basically think about what was going on. You learn a lot more when you’re doing the problem-solving, than when someone in the classroom just tells you what’s going to happen.” Students who begin to apply their academic learning in the workplace can situate it in a broader context, beyond the walls of the uni-

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versity: “Sometimes I learned some theory in class and then I got it supplemented in the job. Like, you’re learning about spans in class and then in real life you’re actually applying it to make a bridge.” When learning is applied, students begin to see the outcome of knowledge application in the form of tangible objects, which change the way things are accomplished. The building of a bridge thus has a deeper meaning beyond that of material artifact. It allows the student to span contexts and perceive the world in a slightly different way – one that includes their own impact or contribution. It also represents a consolidation of meaning: “You do need a groundwork of facts and knowledge to be able to do anything. So you have the basics, and then you start applying it. And then what you did forget will come back to you because you need to use it.” Learning is viewed here in a more holistic way. Internalized knowledge can be recalled and utilized in appropriate situations. The context in which the knowledge is applied, combined with activity (i.e., “once you start applying it”), provides the necessary cues to stimulate recall. Learning in the workplace emerged as a dominant topic of discussion in student interviews. But many students turned the topic on its head. Instead of discussing the application of classroom learning in the workplace, they spoke of bringing their workplace learning back to the classroom. More often than not, it was the other way around. You learn a lot more on the job and then you can see how it ties in, in so many different ways, to what you are learning at school. I think you learn more in the workplace. You come back [to class] with skills that you wouldn’t have learned otherwise.

Students view learning without application as being of limited value. In order to impact on their life and change their world view, acquisition of knowledge must present opportunities for combining learning with its application: “Without having to apply the knowledge, you don’t really know what it pertains to. It doesn’t matter what you learn. Unless you use it, it has no bearing on your own personal life.” The workplace offers opportunities to learn certain skills that are not taught in university. Students view these techniques as a means to achieve greater academic rewards on their return to the classroom: “Time management – that is the biggest thing. I wasn’t very good at organizing my time before. Therefore I never really got extremely high marks on papers that I wrote. But after the work term, my timemanagement skills are a lot better. I seem to be able to plan things

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better than I did before, and my writing style has improved vastly. This year marks on papers have been a lot higher.” Learning as Understanding Transfer of classroom learning, mediated by workplace application, leads to understanding. This conception was found in participants who had completed more than two work terms. Students are actively engaged in sense-making at this stage – engaged in the process of moving from the “what” of learning and the “how” of application to the “why” of understanding: “You can get it to work, but it doesn’t necessarily feel relevant until you know why it works. That’s something that I have learned, partly through university, but really through my co-ops.” Understanding requires the student to become actively involved in searching for deeper meaning in the application of knowledge. It is no longer sufficient to just know how to do something; in order to understand a concept or practice, there is a need to seek purpose in the application: Now, in class you might learn a particular concept A, whereas in the work place we learned B, C, and D. But they tie into A. But we never knew that they tied in until we did it in the workplace. And you know what this reagent looks like, what the reaction is like, the reaction conditions, how to isolate the product, and I think you get a really good understanding for the actual chemistry that is going on. Whereas, coming out of the classroom, you know the theory.

Procedures learned in the workplace and subsequently applied in class assist students in developing understanding. Reflection on the activities and application of procedures help students in “making sense” of prior learning: “Knowing how things work in the real world has been really good for me, and it really helps to apply that knowledge to the kind of things that I am doing here at university.” When approaching a new situation in the workplace, students rely on prior knowledge and a basic understanding of the techniques of application to help them evaluate the situation: “I knew a lot of these techniques already, and I knew the theory that went behind it from class. Even if I’d never done it before, I felt I could. And that happened quite a bit!” Understanding internalizes knowledge, extending its useful life: “I could go back to the same job that I did four years ago and still remember the basics. I could actually go and make it work. It would take a while, but I could actually do it.”

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Students express the feeling of satisfaction that accompanies successful problem-solving. Understanding allows them to see a procedure in a different way and actively make sense of it: “It’s very satisfying to get it to work. And when you understand why it works, it’s so different. It is way more meaningful.” Thus students shift from applying procedures to applying knowledge. Their understanding allows them to begin seeing things in a different way. Learning as Seeing Something in a Different Way This conception was found among students who had completed at least three work terms. It represents the “aha” stage of active sensemaking, where they move from understanding to reformulation. They actively search for new meaning through self-talk and reflection: “My last work term [was] a perfect example of going out there and finding out how they use this and saying to myself, ‘Hey, that’s what we’re doing.’ And then all of a sudden – boom! it all clicks. Yeah, now I understand. So then that’s when reality kicks in.” Students are able to see the bigger picture. They begin to form their own opinions about why things work the way they do. This revised way of seeing things becomes a frame for confronting new situations: “To me, the more I learn about things and the more experience I have, the more I realize that there’s sort of an overall sort of theme to what I do at work.” The new frame of reference adds depth to students’ understanding, as they search for embedded meanings in situations and activities: I learned concepts are really powerful. They help you recognize things that you normally wouldn’t recognize. My supervisor taught me to think without boundaries. Like, don’t let what you thought before stop you from understanding something totally entirely new, or doing it in an entirely new way.

Learning how to see things differently requires students to become actively involved in looking at situations and concepts from the perspective of the professional in the workplace. They are encouraged to think “like a professional” and to see their role as a “junior professional,’ rather than a co-op student: “It was incredible learning, just working with them on co-op. We took part in everything. We had little group meetings, and it made us feel like real engineers.” The process of students being encouraged to view themselves in this new role appears to act as a precursor to the type of learning that leads to personal change.

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Learning as Personal Change This conception was found among students who had completed three or more work terms. Once they understand how things are related to each other, it gives them a feeling of “being in control” of their learning. Not only do they see the world in a different way and “make sense” of it from various perspectives, but they also have the confidence to select knowledge appropriate to particular situations. By drawing on what they need when they need it, they begin to recombine their knowledge in different ways to meet new and more challenging situations. In effect, they construct a space for new knowledge: Your mind gets trained to what you need to know and what you don’t need to know to make sense out of something. You start to take from it what you will, and when you’ve had work experience and you’re comfortable with everything around you, then you have all this space in your head, all this room to put things. And you decide there’s things you want to put in, and you start to pick them up really fast. You don’t have to take it all in and dump it on top of a big huge pile that’s already there. The space is empty and the new stuff just drops into place.

As students spend more time in the workplace they begin to internalize the role of the professional, changing the way they think and act. They become more like the professionals with whom they associate and adopt a similar world view: I have changed completely ever since my last co-op. It’s actually got me in the mindset of working as an engineer and being able to see how important they are. It’s helped me in understanding what is required in my field and what is expected of me in the workplace. And it has helped me in just focusing my thinking on me as a professional.

At this stage, students have demonstrated a certain proficiency at the professional level and have moved from seeing things in a different way to seeing themselves in a different way. They are more confident in their abilities and have developed skills that enable them to fit into the professional workplace environment. A New Conception? Learning as a Lifelong Process Certain words and phrases used by students described the need for learning to continue well beyond the completion of their program. I

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began to consider whether this might be a qualitatively different conception of learning emerging from the data. In a number of cases, students suggested a need to return to university in the future to upgrade their education and training. For example, “When I get finished, there are going to be times in the future when I am going to have to come back and take night courses just to keep up with changes.” Others referred to their experience in the workplace as heightening their awareness of the need for continuing learning to keep up with changes in the profession: “I know from people on my work term that even when you finish your degree, you will want to learn more. You have more knowledge, you have more experience, you have more expertise, but you will always need more.” Because of the frequency of responses of this type, I labelled this emerging conception “learning as a lifelong process.” In presenting an understanding of learning that extended beyond their current studies and into their future career, students were looking beyond what was necessary for immediate skill development or employment. They understood that a rapidly changing marketplace would continue to demand new and different kinds of skills, and that the responsibility for developing those skills would rest with the workers. They demonstrated an understanding that the educational credentials currently being acquired were not a guarantee of a lifelong career: “Learning never really stops. Learning changes, but it doesn’t stop. The type of information that you are currently processing will, not many years from now, be completely different.” Continued learning in a variety of areas will be necessary, if these individuals are to meet the challenges of the future: “Learning to accept failure, learning to do well, learning to work under pressure. Learning to deal with others. Learning to meet deadlines. Learning to balance work and outside life. You know, these are lifelong skills that need to be kept up. You don’t just learn them one time.” Admittedly, before this category can be accepted as a conception of learning, more research must be undertaken. Does it fit the established criteria? Is it qualitatively different from the six conceptions already identified in the literature? These questions are beyond the scope of this study. My purpose here was simply to categorize descriptions of the different ways that learning is conceptualized or experienced by students enrolled in co-op programs.

conclusion A phenomenographic approach – aimed at characterizing the qualitatively different ways that people experience and conceptualize the world around them – was adopted as a methodological approach in

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this study. Therefore the study is necessarily descriptive. Its aim is not generalizability but, rather, to generate a phenomenographic outcome – conceptions of learning experienced by students in co-op programs. In a departure from previous research, the emphasis was shifted from learning in an academic context to learning in both the academy and the workplace. This shift parallels the contextualized learning that takes place in co-op programs. The characterizations of co-op students’conceptions are not intended to exhaust the domain characteristics of conceptions of learning. Rather, they are used to illuminate certain significant dimensions or themes within the experience of learning as described by the students themselves. The conceptions of learning found in this study are similar to ones identified in previous research (Säljö, 1979; Marton, Dall’Alba, and Beaty 1993; Eklund-Myrskog, 1998; Marshall, Summers, and Woolnough, 1999). However, the context in which the student experience takes place has been broadened. Previous research was restricted to an academic context. A study of co-op education, with learning occurring in both the classroom and the workplace, provides a unique opportunity to expand the contextual range of conceptions of learning. The study also departs from previous research in other important ways. First, it is cross-sectional in design. Secondly, the interviews were conducted with students from co-op programs in different academic disciplines and with different levels of workplace experience. Thirdly it relies on a textual analysis of the transcripts of a single in-depth interview with each individual. And finally, previous research compares results on six established conceptions of learning; this study suggests the emergence of a seventh. Some previous studies (Eklund-Myrskog, 1998; Marshall, Summers, and Woolnough, 1999) found no evidence of the first conception – learning as increasing one’s knowledge – but it was present in this study. It was found only in transcripts of students with limited work experience (i.e., either one or two work terms), suggesting the dominance of the academic context at this stage of the co-op program. Students at this early level tended to rely on academic experiences when responding to questions on learning. Responses to the second conception – learning as memorizing and reproducing – also referred largely to the academic context and were predominantly from those with limited work experience. During the first and second work terms, co-op students may engage in work of a routine nature with little autonomy or responsibility; the work term may therefore seem like an extension of the classroom experience. These students downplayed the role of memorizing in the workplace and restricted their accounts to the classroom.

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At a certain point in their program, however, co-op students come to identify the workplace as a site for learning. This shift can be seen in the third conception – learning as applying. In this conception, students begin to change their perception of learning from that of passive recipient to one of active participant in learning and knowledge creation. Discussions of learning in the transcripts are situated in the context where knowledge is applied (i.e., the science lab or the workplace). At this stage, students with more than two work terms experience a shift from the “what” (academic theories) and the “how” (application in the academic laboratory or workplace) to the “why” (understanding) of learning. As described in conception four – learning as understanding – they now use the context of the workplace to become active participants in their own “sense-making.” They begin to reflect on their activities and applications to make sense of different situations. At this stage, understanding as internalized knowledge assumes a quality of permanence and allows students to call on it to evaluate new situations. Once students begin making sense of situations, they start to see things differently, as described in conception five – learning as seeing something in a different way. Their evidence suggests that an understanding of the world of work, mediated by opportunities for applying learning directly, leads them to perceive “the bigger picture” and to form their own opinions of why things work the way they do. Students also begin to adopt the persona of the professional in the workplace. Once the students’ conception of how the world works and their role in it changes, learning becomes “learning as personal change” – conception six. After three work terms, students express feelings of being in control of their learning. They can view things from different perspectives and apply appropriate knowledge to specific situations. They can also recombine prior knowledge to address unique situations. They move beyond seeing things in a different way to seeing themselves in a different way. Their view of the world and their position in it changes. They become professionals interacting with colleagues in the workplace. As they adopt the professional role, they start to assume a professional responsibility in terms of their learning. They begin to discuss the need to continue learning to “keep up” with changes in the workplace, and they understand the necessity for learning to extend well beyond initial academic training. This awareness is the basis of an emerging seventh conception – learning as a lifelong process. Students witness directly the speed with which the market is changing and the demand for new and different skills. They understand that, to develop their future career, they must not only take control of their current learning but also continually invest in future learning.

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Thus, in summary, an alternative approach to traditional methods of education delivery, co-op education, equips students with both abstract knowledge and experiential skills by integrating school and workplace learning. Because of these dual strengths, co-op has become increasingly popular with students, and demand for the limited number of spaces continues to rise. But the benefits provided by co-op come at a premium. Because of their alternating structure, these programs cost more to develop and deliver than regular programming, making them more difficult to justify financially. In times of budgetary restraint, coop is competing with other policy priorities. Financial restrictions limit co-op availability, creating fewer opportunities for students to prepare adequately for a rapidly changing economy and society.

note 1 As there was no difference in the number of conceptions found in transcripts of students with more than three work terms, the category was combined with the pool of meanings for three work terms.

references Becher, T. (1989). Academic tribes and territories: Intellectual enquiry and the culture of disciplines. Milton Keynes: srhe/Open University Press. Becker, H.S., Greer, B., & Hughes, L.S. (1968). Making the grade: The academic side of college Life. New York: Wiley. Eklund-Myrskog, G. (1998). Students’ conceptions of learning in different educational contexts. Higher Education, 35, 299–316. Engeström, Y. (1994). Training for change: New approach to instruction and learning in working life. Geneva: International Labour Office. Entwistle, N. (1984). Contrasting perspectives on learning. In F. Marton, D. Hounsell, & N. Entwistle (Eds.), The experience of learning. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. Garfinkel, H. (1967). Studies in ethnomethodology. Englewood Cliffs, nj: Prentice Hall. Grosjean, G. (1999). Cooperative education and internships: Systems of articulation between higher education and the economy. Invited paper presented at the International Conference on the Dialogue between Higher Education (New Universities, Fachhochschulen) and the Economy: Experiences and Outlook, Vienna, 28–9 January 1999. – (2000). “Doing co-op›: Student perceptions of learning and work. Doctoral diss., University of British Columbia.

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Johansson, B., Marton, F., & Svensson, L. (1985). An approach to describing learning as change between qualitatively different conceptions. In L.H.T. West & A.L. Pines (Eds.), Cognitive structure and conceptual change (pp. 233– 57). Orlando, Fla: Academic Press. LeBold, I.A., Pullin, R.A., & Wilson, J.C. (1990). Cooperative education in Canada. Journal of Cooperative Education, 26 (2), 7–13. Marshall, D., Summers, M., & Woolnough, B. (1999). Students’ conceptions of learning in an engineering context. Higher Education, 38, 291–301. Marton, F. (1981). Phenomenography – Describing conceptions of the world around us. Instructional Science, 10, 177–200. – Dall’Alba, G., & Beaty, E. (1993). Conceptions of learning. International Journal of Educational Research, 19 (3), 277–300. – Hounsell, D., & Entwistle, N. (Eds.). (1984). The experience of learning. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. – & Säljö, R. (1976). On qualitative differences in learning: i, Outcome and process. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 4, 4–11. – (1984). Approaches to learning. In F. Marton, D. Hounsell, & N. Entwistle (Eds.), The experience of learning (pp. 36–55). Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. Matson, L.C., & Matson, R. (1995). Changing times in higher education: An empirical look at cooperative education and liberal arts faculty. Journal of Cooperative Education, 31 (1), 13–24. Millard, R.M. (1991). Today’s myths and tomorrow’s realities: Overcoming obstacles to academic leadership in the 21st century. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. More, L.T. (1908). A new scheme for engineering education. Educational Review, 36, 255–61. Park, C.W. (1916). Cooperative system of education: An account of cooperative education as developed in the college of engineering, University of Cincinnati. Washington, dc: Government Printers. Perry, W.G. (1970). Forms of intellectual and ethical development in the college years: A scheme. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Ryder, K.G. (1987). Social and educational roots: Cooperative education in a new era: Understanding and strengthening the links between college and the workplace. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Säljö, R. (1979). Learning in the learner’s perspective: i, Some commonsense conceptions. Reports from the Department of Education 76. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg. Schneider, H. (1907). The cooperative course in engineering at the University of Cincinnati. Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education Proceedings, 15, 391–8. – (1910). Notes on the cooperative system. Paper presented at the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education.

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Svensson, L. (1977). On qualitative differences in learning: iii, Study, skill, and learning. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 47, 233–43. University of Waterloo (1998). University of Waterloo factsheet. Available at . van Rossum, E.J., & Schenk, S.M. (1984). The relationship between learning conception, study strategy and learning outcome. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 54, 73–83.

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9 Alternation Career Paths for Teachers: Reconceptualizing Educultural Alliances TO M P U K

The perceived problem in preparing beginning teachers to work in the classroom setting is twofold: during the pre-service component, there is too much emphasis on theory-based instruction and not enough on the practical; whereas during classroom teaching, there is too little integration of theory-based learning and an overemphasis on simple techniques and “recipes” for teaching. This chapter will document current research being conducted in Ontario and elsewhere with regard to what has become a chasm between diverse “educultures” (Puk, 1999), that is, between university-based, pre-service education and school-based teaching and learning. How do teachers acquire the knowledge and skills needed to overcome the obstacles that exist within the status quo, normative culture of schools? How do beginning teachers deal with the enormous pressures to conform to the traditional ways of teaching and learning? What are the challenges we face in implementing new concepts of teaching and learning? This chapter will propose a conceptual model that outlines the necessary reciprocal, recurrent alliances between university and schools and between theory and practice, which will be required in the twenty-first century to ensure a more effective educational system.

th e wor k pl ac e d es t i n at i o n : teaching in schools If we apply Merle’s (1994) topology of alternation training models, teacher preparation in Ontario follows the “work place as a central

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place of learning” model. There are various phases that teachers pass through in terms of a career path: the university-based pre-service component, the school-based practicum, induction, in-service, and graduate programs. Typically, the number of hours spent in the practicum portion of teacher preparation is greater than the pre-service course component, and this gap is growing progressively wider. In fact, in comparison to the amount of time that teachers usually spend on the job as classroom teachers, their university training is negligible. Once in the classroom, most teachers are soon shaped by the practicalities of their environment. Thus one of the myths we need to dispel is that simply because alternation components of teacher preparation already exist, they must necessarily lead to successful teacher education. The quality of the experience in these settings is what will be examined in this chapter. The second area that we need to consider is the kind of normative culture that currently exists in public education. We should not assume that the current culture is a desirable one. Many studies have concluded that the normative culture of schools in terms of instruction has remained unchanged for decades (Fullan, 1993; Goodlad, 1990; McKinnon, 1989; Roelofs and Terwel, 1999). Keedy and Achilles (1997) have gone as far to state that school norms have been frozen in place for the past 150 years. They have suggested that traditional teaching practice is one in which “[t]eachers present information which students are to parrot back” (104). “Students forget what they have been told because they are not engaged in the material and do not have to make their own meanings. Traditional teacherstudent relationships where the teacher is the ‘teller’ and the student is recipient of decontextualized facts, are not conducive to making students the critical, abstract thinkers and problem-solvers advocated by reform-minded practitioners and policy makers” (104). O’Brien (1999) has also used the analogy of “parroting” to describe how instruction is often conducted in the classroom. Goodlad (1984) described classrooms as generally boring places, a description that Keedy and Achilles still endorse. Thus, when examining the recurrent relationships that exist between the pre-service program, the practicum, the induction phase, the in-service phase, and graduate programs in teacher education, one needs to consider that these phases of teacher education can not be reconceptualized effectively unless classroom practice itself also undergoes change. Each is dependent upon the other. The success of the practicum experience, for example, in assisting beginning teachers to acquire the knowledge necessary to teach effectively is, in turn, closely tied to the university-based program and vice versa. There is, in fact, a

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reciprocal relationship between these contexts, between the conceptual university-based programs and the practical aspects of the school classroom.

how do teachers acquire teaching knowledge? Of course, we have to acknowledge that there are many theories of learning. However, the main perspective featured in this chapter involves the integration of paradigms that include those of constructivism (Rogers, 1997; Rorty, 1991; Savery and Duffy, 1995) and cognitive processes (Anderson, Reder, and Simon, 1996, 1997). From the constructivist perspective, learning is a result of interacting with one’s environment; it is not a result of being told what the “facts” are. Meaning is constructed by the beginning teacher as he or she interacts with the external world and subsequently reflects on these observations as they relate to previously developed schemata. Knowledge is not some kind of inert substance that exists in textbooks or in the minds of experts. Knowledge and meaning are derived through communities of teachers who are engaged in dialogue and actively involved with classroom teaching and learning. Learning for the individual teacher begins when she or he experiences some kind of dissonance, uncertainty, puzzlement, or inner conflict (Dewey, 1938; Pierce, 1955; Puk, 1995; Savery and Duffy, 1995). Methodologies such as inquiry, problembased learning, experiential education, role-playing, debating, and simulations provide the rich environment in which the learner can interact with his or her surroundings and constantly adjust internal schemata. Thus beginning teachers require a learning atmosphere that promotes what various authors have referred to as critical inquiry (Keedy and Achilles, 1997) or collaborative inquiry (Graham, 1997) both in their university-based program and during the practicum. Teachers need to be able to experiment with different approaches in order to determine what works best for them. They require support from university faculty, associate teachers, and faculty advisers in terms of being members of a community that fosters critical inquiry (Wells, 1994). They need to be encouraged to experiment with processes that may not be part of the traditional approach to classroom learning. Another associated perspective that has received much attention in terms of how people learn is that of situated learning and situated cognition (Greno, 1997; Kirshner and Whitson, 1998; Lave, 1988). Essentially, this perspective claims that what is learned is specific to a cultural context, that is, the situation. This theory postulates that

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knowledge acquisition is grounded in the concrete situation in which it occurs. Because knowledge does not easily transfer between tasks, training by abstraction is of little use. Further, instruction needs to be done in complex, social environments. The practical significance of these principles would suggest that schooling provides a significantly different kind of experience from real-life situations and that these school-based experiences are decontextualized and simplified. The situations that people face in real-life contexts are much more complex than what classrooms provide. Thus, whatever classroom learning involves, it is in comparison abstract (because it does not occur in the context of the real-life situation). Situated learning has been used to endorse the need for apprenticeship training (Brown, Collins, and Duguid, 1989). However, such training in teacher preparation occurs in the classroom, which, as we have indicated, does not always capture the essence of the real-life situation. Authentic pedagogy emphasizes that the knowledge to be acquired should be “true to life, i.e., authentic, and relevant to students everyday lives” (Roelofs and Terwel, 1999). Four aspects of authentic pedagogy are included: “construction of knowledge in complete task environments; connectedness to students’ personal worlds; value of learning activities beyond school; and co-operation and communication” (Roelofs and Terwel, 1999). We should add to these an additional standard of authentic performance, that of disciplined inquiry – developing disciplinary knowledge and using processes common to disciplinary inquiry such as elaborated communications (Newman, Marks, and Gamoran, 1996). Roelofs and Terwel (1999) provide a useful summary of the similarities between the principles espoused in constructivism, situated learning, and authentic pedagogy: The most important of these are: the meaningfulness of the learning context; the connection between learning and behaviour; knowledge as a tool rather than as a goal in itself; the significance of the interactions among learners; the influence of cultural attitudes; the idea of the learner as an active researcher; less emphasis on the teaching of facts and greater emphasis on the personal aspects pf knowledge; more attention to coherent forms of knowledge as well as greater emphasis on the way in which the learner arrives at a solution; more focus on complex problems that learners (re)structure for themselves; application of the “re-invention” principle [that knowledge originates in the presence of the learner as a process of re-invention]; and the acceptance of more than one solution to an existing problem. (205)

In terms of a constructivist view of experiential education, we should add the following criteria required in the creation of an authentic ped-

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agogy – ambiguity and uncertainty, dissonance, and intelligent self-direction. The real-world, everyday experience is not cleanly divided and categorized into sanitary, clinical sections. Signs indicating that “a problem exists here” do not exist. No sequences to follow in progressing to solve these real-world problems are provided. Real-world problems and tasks often exist in murky, opaque circumstances. An ambiguous curriculum (Puk, 1997) is authentic because it already contains these elements. Rather than the teacher cleaning the situation up and providing a sanitary coating, students should be taught how to interact in such situations in an intelligently self-directed manner. (This comment may be interpreted to mean that learning experiences should be deliberately contrived to create confusion. On the contrary, authentic learning situations will naturally contain such ambiguity.) Authentic pedagogy based on real-world applications will naturally induce dissonance in the learner, a kind of puzzlement as the learner attempts to resolve that inner tension naturally created when he or she tries to find answers to problems (Puk, 1995). Representing the cognitive processes approach to learning, Anderson, Reder, and Simon (1996: 5), counter that it is erroneous to believe that “all knowledge is specific to the situation in which the task is performed and that more general knowledge cannot and will not transfer to real-world situations.” How tightly bound learning is to the situation depends on the kind of knowledge being acquired. These authors point out that there is a great deal of empirical data to show that transfer from one situation to another does occur; however, again there are conditions that we should be aware of during learning situations. They suggest that the amount of transfer depends on where the attention of subjects is directed during instruction and that successful transfer is related to the cues that are used to indicate the relevance of an available skill. The university-based program in teacher education needs to provide a much stronger emphasis on the transference of skills. Not only do Anderson, Reder, and Simon (1996) provide empirical evidence that abstract training has many positive outcomes; they also suggest that very specific training may be costly in that individuals must be retrained for each application. “Which is to be preferred [abstract or specific], and to what extent, depends on the balance among (a) the cost of the more general abstract training, (b) the cost of the specific training, (c) the cost of the supplemental training for application of abstract training, and (d) the range of jobs over which the learner is likely to have occasion to apply what was learned” (8). Finally, Anderson and colleagues (1996) contend that in fact not all simple skills require each individual to acquire them in social settings and that it might be quite detrimental to suggest that instruction of

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complex skills need occur in complex settings. For example, this has been a major criticism of the Canadian hockey system – that players spend too much time playing games (the complex setting), particularly at the younger, developmental levels, and not enough time practising the critical, basic skills of shooting, stickhandling, and so on; whereas it is asserted that European hockey systems, for example, play fewer games and conduct more practices. This analogy indicates the need for an integrated approach of abstract skills and situated skills. As I have pointed out earlier, situated learning suggests that schoolbased learning is decontextualized and abstract because it does not involve the applicable real-world situations. Thus the same could be said about university-based learning – that the real-world context for teachers-to-be is the classroom. However, if, according to the theory, the classroom is also not a real-world situation, neither is it the superordinate context for teacher training. Again, this argument reinforces the point that unless teaching and learning in the classroom are reconceptualized, making changes to teacher preparation will be ineffective. Disagreements between major paradigms in any field in our postmodern world are common. However, what we can take from this debate is that the urgent need to alternate theory and practice in all settings, both university-based and the workplace.

problems in the university-based component The traditional criticism of teacher education programs has been that the scholarly research which has been conducted and presumably applied has largely missed the mark because it is irrelevant to practice. This criticism lends itself to situativity, which would suggest that beginning teachers learn best through the experience of teaching, not by acquiring abstract concepts in university-based courses. (However, I have already indicated that if we take the arguments of situativity to their logical conclusion, the classroom is also deficient in its real-world complexity; thus learning to teach in a decontextualized setting is also impotent.) Goodlad (1990) suggests that, rather than being the quality of the research, the problem is that current teacher-education research does not find its way into pre-service programs: “Instead of scholarly productivity and knowledge codification continually fuelling curriculum development, curricula [in teacher-education programs] overly reflect practice and prepare future teachers for prevailing conditions and circumstances. The resources, effort, creativity, and leadership needed to create the necessary productive tension between sound theory and

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sound practice and the integration of the two are prodigious. Meanwhile, teacher education muddles along with neither a clear sense of mission nor coherent programs” (268–9). There are many reasons for this situation (Smylie and Kahne, 1997). Many university instructors are not researchers. Many are retired teachers who work on a sessional basis. These people have little or no training to conduct research and little understanding of its culture. In many instances, the workload and responsibilities of teacher educators, particularly in smaller institutions, are not conducive to an intense research program. These professors are involved in preservice teaching, practice teaching supervision, graduate teaching, graduate thesis supervision, in-service training, committee memberships, and community service, not to mention personal and family life. As a result, many develop views of teaching based on their own educational experiences and their own teaching. In the absence of any in-depth and informed knowledge of research, some may in fact be swayed by the practitioner’s practicality ethic. There is no strong demand for research being made by practising teachers and therefore no incentive for faculty to provide it. Smylie and Kahne (1997) suggest that “when teacher educators do use the findings of research, they tend to draw on the findings of applied, descriptive, and qualitative studies while excluding those of basic, theoretical research. This practice is ultimately problematic” (362). Burstein and colleagues (1999) suggest that the problem in teacher education programs is simply that theory is disconnected from practice. “Teacher education programs often fail to link theory with practice, leave content area knowledge disconnected from methods, and do a poor job of relating instructional practices to learning and development” (109). There is also the problem alluded to previously in regard to situative learning versus cognitive processes. Practitioners are quite aware that one can always find an opposing perspective to any other point of view. Teaching and learning are complex and ambiguous behaviours. One solution to the problem of relying on single-focus research is to conduct research that uses pluralistic paradigms (Booth, 1979; Puk, 1990, 1992) or what Schwab (1970) referred to as “polyfocal conspectus” (uniting elements of multiple theories into one). Reliance on any one theory or perspective does not represent the complexity inherent in teaching and learning, and only when we look through the eyes of multiple perspectives will our observations become assistive. This kind of research, however, is seldom conducted. A more current argument is that in fact a great deal of useful research has been compiled over the past few decades and has informed us very well as to what the problems and solutions of classroom learning are,

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and that the problem of implementation lies with the practitioners; that is, they have stubbornly refused to change their ways.

problems with the practicum component Doyle and Ponder (1978) refer to the practicality ethic that teachers operate under. (Lanier and Little [1986] call this the “nuts and bolts” of practice, while Johnson [1998] describes it as “recipes” for teaching.) Teachers want knowledge that is simple and straightforward, requiring little time and effort to assimilate. Student teachers must very quickly confront this practicality ethic when they enter their practicum, an intense and intimidating culture that begins to shape their own beliefs. This is a culture that may appear to be strong and healthy but, as Leonard (1999) suggests, may in fact be “a culture whereby members of an organization are not encouraged to examine their values and beliefs. Implicit in this argument is the suggestion that unreflective practice may be misinterpreted as consensus, shared meanings and, by extension, a strong culture” (28). Student teachers begin to look for a repertoire of specific solutions and techniques that will solve (temporarily, at least) specific problems. “Theirs is a ‘tell me, show me’ perspective, made particularly salient by the general absence of requests for more profound and thoughtful analysis of issues, or of intellectual ‘wave making,’ inquiry, and reflection” (Smylie and Kahne, 1997). Thus student teachers return from their practicum experiences to their pre-service courses looking for the quick fix. In a recent study, Puk and Haines (1999) found some serious problems with the practicum experience. This study involved surveying 127 student teachers in schools throughout all regions of Ontario to ascertain how well inquiry as a teaching/learning strategy was being implemented in elementary and secondary schools. It must be pointed out that Ontario provincial curriculum guidelines at both the elementary and secondary levels have featured the teaching of inquiry more extensively than any other learning strategy in the past three decades and arguably more extensively than most jurisdictions in the world (Puk, 1996a; Puk and Haines, 1998). The student teachers involved in this research study all received extensive training in the teaching of inquiry as a learning strategy during their pre-service program, whereby the student is taught the meta-skills of developing a focus, developing a visual representation of the problem, developing a resulting product, and reflecting on the process. These generalized phases are applied to

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both discipline-specific topics and real-world problems that are meaningful to the student (Puk, 1996b). However, only 28 per cent of these student teachers actually taught inquiry during their four-week practicum. Worse still, those few who did teach it received little to no assistance in their preparations from the associate teacher. Further, most of the student teachers received little or no encouragement to teach inquiry. Of those who taught inquiry, however, most felt they did so successfully. The point of these observations is that the associate teachers were by law required to teach inquiry, as mandated in their provincial curriculum guidelines. If associate teachers were teaching inquiry on a regular basis in their classrooms, they would have been able to support the learning continuum first started in the pre-service program. As it was, those student teachers who taught inquiry were doing so for the most part on their own initiative and without the advantage of critical feedback from their associates (they may have received feedback, but for the most part it would have been uninformed). Without informed support, student teachers face the option of experimenting with instructional practices on their own or acceding to the practice of their associate. The opportunity for beginning teachers to learn the situated knowledge attached to teaching inquiry in the real classroom was rich. If meaning is constructed by interacting with one’s environment through critical discourse, these students would find the cupboards bare. It should also be pointed out that the role of the faculty adviser in this study was minimal. Student teachers were on their own in terms of teaching this particular learning strategy. MacKinnon (1989) has suggested that the practicum experience is really one of conformity. Student teachers are expected to teach in the manner that the associate teacher does. Even when the associate teacher indicates that the student teacher has the freedom to experiment with different methodologies, many are too intimidated to try anything that they intuit as being different than what the associate believes. The associate teacher provides the practicum evaluation that can determine whether or not the student teacher passes, which ultimately decides whether or not she or he is hired as a full-time teacher. The practicum is not a place where critical inquiry is common. Spillane (1999) suggests that there are a number of tasks that teachers would need to attend to in order to enact reforms: “If they are to get to the core reform ideas, teachers have to question, unlearn and discard much of their current, deeply rooted understandings of teaching, learning and subject-matter … most teachers would have to appreciate the inadequacies of their current understandings about

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instruction relative to the reform proposals – thereby seeing a need to learn” (154). Teachers’ use of knowledge requires the will and capacity to make changes; without this, no new understanding of how teaching and learning work will occur. A related finding in the Puk and Haines (1999) study was the limited amount of dialogue that occurred between the associate teachers and the student teachers in regard to the teaching of inquiry. In most of the 127 schools involved in the study, student teachers reported that after a four-week practicum, they were not part of, nor did they hear, any conversations about inquiry, either between themselves and their associates or among other teachers. Spillane (1999) suggests that beginning teachers often find themselves immersed in a normative culture of privacy and that teachers who do not enact reforms do not open themselves up to critical dialogue which might examine their current practice; to do so would mean they would have to confront their own inadequacies. Beginning teachers who are used to the critical discussions that may occur in pre-service programs may find themselves distanced by veteran teachers. In fact, beginning teachers who seek out open debate and critical discussion about reform issues may receive the “silent treatment” (165) and become discouraged. In comparison, Spillane suggests that teachers who do implement reforms have “enactment zones” (164) that extend beyond their individual classrooms. These teachers “had replaced the norm of privacy that dominates most schools with a norm of collaboration and deliberation about practice” (164). Terwel (1999) goes as far as to suggest that the real “enemies” of the acquisition of true knowledge are “prejudices, naive concepts, misconceptions, subjectivism, solipsism and uncommitted relativism” (198). Another major problem is the lack of respect that practitioners often have for the university-based program and faculty and the potential undermining that occurs. The transition period right after the student teacher leaves the university-based courses and enters the practicum is a very sensitive time. The student teacher has yet to really solidify a philosophy of teaching and is quite vulnerable to outside influence. However, it takes only the first few days of the practicum for the overwhelming school culture to have a major effect on studentteacher beliefs. As one student teacher reported after only two days in the first practicum environment, “everyone has dissuaded me from bothering with curriculum! Most teachers think it’s a joke that I have to go through with preparing unit plans for my teaching endeavours.” In another incident, a beginning teacher apologized to the department head one week before school was to start because he or she had just been hired and did not have enough time to develop any lessons

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plans or units. The beginning teacher was told, “Why would you bother with developing lessons plans? I don’t.” These examples exemplify the point that Winitzky, Stoddart, and Keefe (1992) make: that teachers and faculty are often working at cross-purposes. This unprofessional and undermining behaviour is, however, not unique to teacher education. Anderson and colleagues (1996) provide similar evidence during the apprenticeship portion of police training: “Los Angeles police after leaving the police academy are frequently told by more experienced officers ‘now forget everything you learned’ (Independent Commission on the Los Angeles Police Department, 1991, p. 125). The consequence is that police officers are produced who, ignoring their classroom training in the face of contrary influences during apprenticeship, may violate civil rights and make searches without warrants” (8). Mentors in the field possess a great deal of power and influence over the trainee. During the apprenticeship, the trainee spends many hours in close company with a mentor. This influential power can very easily be abused, sometimes deliberately, other times carelessly, as impressionable minds are still searching and formulating beliefs. A final problem we should comment on involves the amount of prior communication that has occurred between the pre-service program and the school where the practicum is to be located. In the typical practicum situation, student teachers arrive at their school placement without any summary of the skills they have acquired during their pre-service courses. Often, associate teachers know very little about what their student teachers have studied during their courses, but more importantly, associate teachers are usually totally in the dark in terms of the knowledge and skills the student teacher has acquired. In order to work successfully, the academic preparation needs to dovetail with the practicum requirements, and the practicum experience needs to reinforce and extend the academic preparation. However, this observation only begins to indicate the lack of attention paid to the transition periods that the student teachers experience as they first leave the faculty of education and enter into the practicum and then leave the faculty of education and are hired as fulltime professionals. In each case, they are experiencing two very different cultures in a very short time period. What are the behaviours beginning teachers experience during these transitions? How can preservice programs bridge this gap and provide smoother transitions? More importantly, how can pre-service programs continue to provide the cultural stimulation of critical inquiry once the student teacher graduates?

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c u r r e n t a l t e r n a t i o n tr e n d s i n te a c h e r e d u c a t i o n Certainly, many authors have recommended school-university partnerships in the education of beginning teachers (Burstein et al., 1999; Catelli, 1992; Graham, 1997), including partnerships between academics and practitioners, within pre-service courses and the practicum, and between university departments. There is a definite trend toward expanding the field-based apprenticeship component. In California, for example, Senate Bill 1422 has recommended that teacher education should emphasize shared responsibilities. In the Delta project in Los Angeles (Design for Excellence: Linking Teaching and Achievement Collaborative), groups of kindergarten to grade 12 schools were linked with specific universities, and closer ties between university faculty and practitioners were emphasized. Professional Development Centres were created to provide the connections between pre-service, induction, and in-service (Burstein et al., 1999). One of the guiding principles of this project was to provide linkage between theory and practice by teams of faculty and classroom teachers. Through this project, Burstein and colleagues identified five “challenges” that similar partnerships will have to face: establishing a collaborative culture, developing cross-institutional positions, changing organizational structures, generating administrative support, and understanding that restructuring takes time and perseverance. Hoyle and John (1998), however, caution against any wholesale movement toward field-based programs. They suggest that there is “more rhetoric than reality in many partnership schemes” (79). They remind us that teacher-education programs are composed of two foci, training and education. Training emphasizes specific skills that will assist the beginning teacher to work within an already established culture. This process can be accommodated during the practicum. Education, on the other hand, involves the internalization of different theories and is designed to expand and enrich the already established culture, to critically reflect on whether the norms of that culture need changing and how such change might be brought about. Field-based programs that lack this emphasis may not result in significant changes to the normative culture of school practices: “Clearly higher education and schools have different institutional and cultural histories, they embrace different values and address different challenges, all of which require different mindsets on behalf of those who work within them. We argue that both are crucial to the delivery of high quality teacher education courses” (81). University-based courses provide the balance between the two mindsets that Freidson (1970) described, the clinical

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and the scientific. “[T]he role of education tutors in higher education is not only to draw upon their practical experience to engender skill and commitment amongst teachers-to-be but to balance this with the scholarly principles of reflection, detachment, conservatism and so forth” (Hoyle and John, 1998). Another trend in teacher education is to provide more authentic pedagogy in the university-based courses with a more pluralistic perspective. As described by Puk and Haines (1999) in their study, pre-service students were taught using a pluralistic paradigm that included an emphasis on constructivism, situativity, and cognitive processes. During the pre-service program, a process of inquiry was interactively developed between instructor and students. An ongoing dialogue throughout the term, critically evaluating the strengths and limitations of this inquiry process, allowed students to construct meaning for themselves. Examples of developed inquires presented in course manuals were examined. Students in small groups then conducted their own inquiries using selfidentified topics from the provincial curriculum guidelines that they would be using during their practicum and subsequently as full-time teachers. These inquiries were developed on paper while the instructor provided feedback. During this sequence, a second kind of inquiry was interactively developed in an experiential manner. Lessons involving issues-analysis inquiries were conducted at a dam site, with the eventual question being raised: “Should the dam be taken down or left as it is, or should a compromise solution be found?” Other inquiries involved onsite examination of real community issues surrounding land use and whether or not a wilderness portion of university property should be used to build a new hospital. Videos of inquiries taught by previous student teachers were analyzed thoroughly as the instructor and students discussed the strengths and weaknesses of these lessons. Strategies for teaching inquiry were identified. Students in small groups then taught inquiry to their peers, some during regular class time and some with a class in front of a camera (a few groups even taught their inquiries to elementary or secondary school students). Again, the instructor met with each group and provided instructional feedback. What this sequence of university-based instruction demonstrates is an alternation between abstraction and situativity – from university classroom learning to community-based learning (leapfrogging right over current classroom learning by emphasizing experiential learning). The sequence emphasizes constructivist, authentic instruction as instructor and students interact with each other and the real-world environment in communities of critical inquiry. This sequence provides a model for reconceptualizing the classroom curriculum, rather than preparing beginning teachers to reinforce the status quo.

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Inquiry used as a teaching/learning strategy is a complex process. Before beginning teachers teach inquiry in a complex environment (the classroom), where they will also have to attend to classroom management, student motivation, school procedures and practices, interactions with parents, and so on, they need to practise teaching inquiry and to develop some degree of expertise. They need to learn the technical, cognitive elements of teaching inquiry in a clinical setting; otherwise they might never internalize the process. If learning how to teach inquiry first occurred in the complex setting of the school classroom, beginning teachers might become totally discouraged and decide to avoid teaching it once they were hired full-time. In the study cited above, student teachers were expected to teach inquiry during their practicum experiences as part of their pre-service course evaluation. A current study is examining the effect of linking course assignments to the practicum experience and whether or not this increases the likelihood of solidifying this teaching practice in the instructional practice of beginning teachers. This study will also survey associate teacher practices and beliefs in regard to the use of inquiry in the classroom and will match associate responses with those of the student teacher. In regard to the problem of a lack of understanding by the associate teacher of what skills the student teacher has been exposed to, one innovation that has recently been implemented is the use of growth schemes which describe four levels of sophistication of “demonstrable outcomes acquired.” These profiles provide a summary of the outcomes acquired during specific university-based courses and a rating of how well these outcomes have been acquired: unacceptable, acceptable, enriched, exemplary. Ideally, these profiles should be completed by both the university professor and the student. They can then be shared with the associate teacher in order that a continuum be developed. Rather than the associate teacher either starting from scratch and providing advice to the student in areas already attended to during course work or emphasizing a whole different list of demonstrable outcomes to be acquired, she or he could add to the knowledge and skill base that the student teacher already possesses.

bridging the gaps between va r i o u s e d u c u l t u r a l a l l i a n c e s : a conceptual framework In this chapter I have defined alternation in terms of teacher education as “situating conceptual thought” in both the university and the

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Figure 9.1 Alternation career path for teachers Reciprocal relationship Recurrent phases

University

Theory and practice integrated

School

Pre-service

Practicum

Transition

Induction

In-service

Graduate

classroom. That is to say, conceptual thought in teacher education should be situated throughout the recurrent phases of teacher education and reciprocally between the university setting and in the regular classroom setting. Figure 9.1 provides an alternation career path model for teacher education. I believe that, if adopted into policy, this model would strengthen the current alternation models for teacher education and would also reconceptualize classroom instruction. Pre-service Phase 1 Authentic Pedagogy in Pre-service Courses. Pre-service, university-based courses should ensure that theory and practice are integrated. Authentic pedagogy that provides real-world connections utilizing experiential environments as much as possible should be applied. 2 Pluralistic Paradigms in Pre-service Courses. Pre-service, university-based courses should adopt more pluralistic paradigms, utilizing both abstract and constructivist curricular approaches emphasizing inquiry and problem-based learning. 3 Emphasizing the Transference of Knowledge. During their pre-service university-based courses, student teachers need to spend a great deal

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of time exploring the concerns surrounding the problems of transference of knowledge. Specific cues as to how transference can be best accomplished should be thoroughly explored. The Practicum 4 Training for Mentor Teachers. Associate teachers need to have received training that focuses primarily on creating an atmosphere where critical inquiry is part of the normative culture. 5 Outcomes Acquired Prior to the Practicum. A summary of demonstrable outcomes acquired by the student teacher should be provided to the associate teacher before the practicum begins. 6 Partnerships. Practicum supervision should be conducted by teams consisting of student teacher, associate teacher, and faculty adviser. This team should work closely together, with the goal of integrating theory with practice. Wherever possible, such teams should operate within the pre-service program as well. However, it must be strongly emphasized that before collaborative teams will work successfully on a large scale, a climate of mutual respect will need to be developed between the university program and schools. Transition 7 Transition Periods (Practicum and Induction). The transition that beginning teachers must make between the pre-service program and fulltime employment, although in reality a conceptual component, must be treated as an equal partner in assisting them to acquire craft knowledge. Faculties of education need to develop induction transitions programs for new teachers, whereby reflective dialogue with faculty can be maintained after they leave the pre-service program but during the first two years of teaching. This approach would provide an expanded “zone of enactment” (Spillane, 1999) in otherwise impoverished surroundings. Induction should be a shared responsibility between the university and the school board. Beginning teachers should not be set adrift in the current school culture; otherwise we may face many more decades of the status quo normative culture. In-service 8 Reconceptualization of Classroom Learning and Teaching. I use the term “in-service” in a broad sense to signify that teacher education should be a lifelong enterprise and that it can occur during classroom teaching (for example, through action research) or through separate courses offered beyond the pre-service level. Classroom learning and

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teaching need to be reconceptualized with an emphasis on inquiry and problem-solving linked to real-world situations utilizing experiential education as an integral component of the curriculum. These courses may be offered before or after graduate work, depending upon the teacher’s choice of career path. Teachers need to maintain contact with the university (and vice versa) throughout their careers so that their “zones of enactment” can be constantly enriched. Graduate 9 Graduate Degrees that Focus on Situating Conceptual Thought. Teachers need opportunities to be able to leave the classroom setting in order to take advantage of uninterrupted periods of critical reflection. Graduate courses need to be offered that provide opportunities to situate conceptual thought with regard to teaching and learning in practice, rather than the more typical master of education courses that focus on theory detached from practice.

conclusion Alternation in teacher education involves a reciprocal, recurrent relationship between the university-based pre-service program, the practicum, the transition phase, in-service (classroom teaching and learning), and graduate work. During each phase, there must be a reciprocal relationship between university-based programs and school classrooms so that conceptual thought is situated in both educultures and each has links with the other. Further, each phase must be connected in a recurrent manner to the others in a continuum. Attempts to reform individual phases of the continuum without changing the whole will be doomed to failure. Attempts to reconceptualize the individual educultures separately will result in a continuation of the chasm that currently exists and of a normative culture that has been frozen in time. Just as theory and practice are one and should not be treated as if they were not, so neither should the reciprocal and recurrent alliances be separated. Monistic and atomistic educultures have been dismal failures in the past. We must bridge these gaps in the new millennium; otherwise the whole structure will come crashing down as a result of its inherent fragility.

references Anderson, J.R., Reder, L., & Simon, H.A. (1997). Situative versus cognitive perspectives: Form versus substance. Educational Researcher, 26 (1), 18–21.

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– (1996). Situated learning and education. Educational Researcher, 25 (4), 5–11. Booth, W.C. (1979). Critical understanding: The powers and limits of pluralism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Brown, J.S., Collins, A., & Duguid, P. (1989). Situated cognition and the culture of learning. Educational Researcher, 18 (1), 34–41. Burstein, N., Kretschmer, D., Smith, C., & Gudoski, P. (1999). Redesigning teacher education as a shared responsibility of schools and universities. Journal of Teacher Education, 50 (2), 106–18. Catelli, L.A. (1992). Against all odds: A holistic urban school/college partnership – Project scope. Action in Teacher Education, 14 (1), 42–51. Dewey, J. (1938). Logic: The theory of inquiry. New York: Holt and Co. Doyle, W., & Ponder, G.A. (1978). The practicality ethic in teacher decision making. Interchange, 8 (3), 1–12. Freidson, E. (1970). The profession of medicine. New York: Dodd Mead. Fullan, M. (1993). Change forces: Probing the depths of educational reform. New York: Falmer Press. Goodlad, J. (1984). A place called school. New York: McGraw-Hill. – (1990). Teachers for our nation’s schools. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Graham, P. (1997). Tensions in the mentor teacher-student teacher relationships: Creating productive sites for learning within a high school English teacher education program. Teaching and Teacher Education, 13 (5), 513–27. Greno, J.G. (1997). On claims that answer the wrong questions. Educational Researcher, 26 (1), 5–17. Hoyle, E., & John, P. (1998). Teacher education: The prime suspect. Oxford Review of Education, 24 (1), 69–82. Johnson, G. (1998). Reframing teacher education and teaching: From personalism to post-personalism. Teaching and Teacher Education, 13 (8), 815–29. Keedy, J.L., & Achilles, C.M. (1997). The need for school-constructed theories in practice in US school restructuring. Journal of Educational Administration, 35 (2), 102–21. Kirshner, D., & Whitson, J.A. (1998). Obstacles to understanding cognition as situated. Educational Researcher, 27 (8), 22–8. Lanier, J.E., & Little, J.W. (1986). Research on teacher education. In M.C. Wittrock (Ed.), Handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 527–69). New York: MacMillan. Lave, J. (1988). Cognition in practice: Mind, mathematics and culture in everyday life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leonard, P. (1999). Understanding the dimensions of school culture: Value orientations and value conflicts. Journal of Educational Administration and Foundations, 13 (2), 27–53. MacKinnon, J.D. (1989). Living with conformity in student teaching. Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 25 (1), 2–19.

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Merle, V. (1994). Pedagogical objectives and organisation of alternating training. In Apprenticeship – Which way forward? Paris: oecd. Newman, F.M., Marks, H.M., & Gamoran, A. (1996). Authentic pedagogy and student performance. American Journal of Education, 104 (4), 280–312. O’Brien, T.C. (1999). Parrot math. Phi Delta Kappan, 80 (6), 434–8. Pierce, C.S. (1955). The fixation of belief. In P.P. Weiner (Ed.), Values in a universe of choice: Selected writings of Charles S. Peirce (pp. 5–22). Garden City, ny: Doubleday. Puk, T.G. (1990). Levels of aspiration: Towards the whole learner. Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto. – (1992). Levels of aspiration for schooling: A pluralistic paradigm for restructuring education. Paper presented to the Canadian Society for the Study of Education, Learned Societies’ Conference, University of Prince Edward Island. – (1995). Creating a quantum design schema: Integrating extra-rational and rational learning processes. International Journal of Technology and Design Education, 5 (3), 255–66. – (1996a). Espoused and de facto levels of aspirations: Implications of an analysis of Ontario Ministry of Education curriculum policy guidelines. Brock Education, 4 (3), 11–19. – (1996b). Instructing preservice student-teachers how to use a process of inquiry to teach elementary social studies. Journal of Social Studies Research, 20 (2), 39–44. – (1997). Creating a quantum curriculum: Teaching and learning in a complex world. Unpublished manuscript, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, Ont. – (1999). Formula for success according to timss or subliminal decay of jurisdictional educultural integrity? Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 45 (3), 225–38. – & Haines, J.M. (1998). Curriculum implementation in Ontario: Espoused and de facto aspirations for inquiry. McGill Journal of Education, 33 (2), 189–206. – (1999). Are schools prepared to allow beginning teachers to reconceptualize instruction. Journal of Teaching and Teacher Education 15 (5), 1–12. Roelofs, E., & Terwel, J. (1999). Constructivism and authentic pedagogy: State of the art and recent developments in the Dutch national curriculum in secondary education. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 31 (2), 201–27. Rogers, B. (1997). Informing the shape of the curriculum: New views of knowledge and its representation in schooling. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 29 (6), 683–710. Rorty, R. (1991). Objectivity, relativism, and truth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Savery, J.R., & Duffy, T.M. (1995). Problem-based learning: An instructional model and its constructivist framework. Educational Technology, 35 (5), 31–8.

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Schwab, J.J. (1970). The practical: A language for curriculum. Washington, dc: National Educational Association. Smylie, M.A., & Kahne, J. (1997). Why what works doesn’t work in teacher education. Education and Urban Society, 29 (3), 355–72. Spillane, J.P. (1999). External reform initiatives and teachers’ efforts to reconstruct their practice: The mediating role of teachers’ zones of enactment. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 31 (2), 143–75. Terwel, J. (1999). Constructivism and its implications for curriculum theory and practice. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 31 (2), 195–9. Wells, G. (Ed.). (1994). Changing schools from within: Creating communities of inquiry. Toronto: oise Press. Winitzky, N., Stoddart, T., & Keefe, P. (1992). Great expectations: Emergent professional development schools. Journal of Teacher Education, 43, 3–18.

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10 Bridging the Gap between Liberal and Applied Education PA U L A X E L R O D , P A U L A N I S E F AND ZENG LIN

As this volume demonstrates, alternation education includes, more often than not, applied forms of learning much of which lies outside mainstream educational institutions and activities. The creative dimensions of this type of schooling and the market niche it fills are evident, but there is a danger that an overemphasis on the technical dimensions of applied learning will reinforce the unhealthy tension between liberal education, on the one hand, and vocational or professional training, on the other, a tension that is now quite pronounced in North America and elsewhere, as the first part of this chapter illustrates. We argue for a more balanced, nuanced, and richer approach, one that stresses both the intrinsic value of liberal education and its ability to enhance the effectiveness of vocational and professional education. In response to those who question the value of labour-market outcomes for liberal education graduates, we provide census data that challenge this widely held perception. We also maintain that workforce training, in the form of carefully constructed cooperative education programs, can enrich the educational experience of liberal arts students. Finally, as an extension of this theme, we briefly explore the link between living and learning through a discussion of adult education, culture, and the dynamics of a “risk” society. Conceptually, this discussion, which focuses on higher education, is informed by the theory of educational pragmatism as articulated by John Dewey. Dewey believed that education, a potential instrument of social improvement, was forged in different eras by changing social contexts. He argued that educators ought to apprise themselves of

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society’s needs, not remain detached from them, and that schooling which effectively grappled with social reality could meaningfully enrich both the individual and the community. This concept has unfortunately been misrepresented over the years as an academic approach that favours vocationalism, labour-force training, and technical education over scholarly, philosophical, and theoretical study. Dewey, in fact, deplored such a dichotomy. He wrote that “the fundamental unity of the newer philosophy is found in the idea that there is an intimate and necessary relation between the processes of actual experience and education … Growth, or growing as developing, not only physically but intellectually and morally, is one exemplification of the principle of continuity” (Dewey, 1963). He believed in the classical Greek educational ideal, which cherished “a sound body and a sound mind” (63), and that this could be achieved by the deliberate melding of scholarly study with practical experience. One without the other was inadequate. What he wrote in 1944 had particular pertinence for higher education: “a truly liberal and liberating education would refuse today to isolate vocational training on any of its levels from a continuous education in the social, moral and scientific contexts which wisely administered callings must perform” (Heinemann and De Falco, 1990). This chapter attempts to demonstrate the continuing relevance of this perspective.

th e s tat us o f li be r al e d uc at io n In recent years the standing of liberal education (the humanities, the social sciences, and the fine arts) has diminished in North American universities in favour of professional and applied studies. In the United States the proportion of degrees awarded in the humanities fell from 20.7 per cent to 12.7 per cent between 1966 and 1993 (Sorum, 1999). Enrolments in these disciplines were relatively stable in Canada during the 1980s and early 1990s, but if Ontario trends are indicative, a significant shift occurred at the end of the nineties. In the fall of 1998 the registrations in liberal arts programs in the province’s universities declined by more than 17 per cent (York University, 1999), while enrolments in business, engineering, and computer science increased. Surveys in Canada and the United States show that both students and the public at large placed more emphasis on the occupational than the intellectual value of higher education (Sorum, 1999; Hersh, 1997; Galt, 1999), and an American study sponsored by liberal arts colleges found that “the liberal arts are neither understood well nor held in high esteem by a critical segment of society” (Hersh, 1997).

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A variety of developments might explain these attitudes. The job market for graduates during the 1980s and 1990s was uneven and unstable, elevating students’ (and their families’) concern about the investment “value” of higher education, particularly for those trained in the “soft” liberal arts disciplines. Rising tuition fees and increasing student debts have added to this anxiety. Tuition fees rose by an average of 62 per cent in Canadian universities between 1990 and 1995, and by another 9 per cent in 1997–98 (Little, 1997). And what one observer calls the once “unthinkable limit” of $30,000 tuition fees has now been surpassed by a number of American universities (Neely, 1999). The lure of the potentially lucrative applied fields of study thus appears especially strong. Cuts in public subsidies to universities, particularly in Canada during the 1990s, have hastened the “privatization” of university funding. So too have targeted research grants, which increasingly favour mission- and market-oriented studies over basic, curiosity-driven scholarship. The Canada Foundation for Innovation, for example, was designed to provide some $800 million in federal government funding to universities in the areas of science, health, engineering, and the environment, with the requirement that some 60 per cent of project costs be funded by the private sector. This plan was preceded by Centres of Excellence programs, which have steered money toward the demands of high technology and the marketplace (Bell and Sadlack, 1992). Even research funding to scholars in the arts has become more conditional and utilitarian. During the 1990s the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council offered “strategic grants” on topics of “national importance” such as “managing global competitiveness,” “education and work in a changing society,” and “challenges and opportunities of a knowledge-based economy” (sshrc, 1990, 1999). These policies reflect a concerted attempt by Western industrial countries to make universities instruments of economic policy in the new competitive, “global” economy. As some analysts note, “the social demand that once directed the growth of the post-secondary education is gradually giving way to a new economically driven imperative that places importance on highly developed human capital, science and technology” in Canada and elsewhere (Fisher and Rubenson, 1998). Consequently, the role of the arts in this educational vision is in question, and growing numbers of aspiring graduates appear to have responded in kind. Does the “real” world of “academic capitalism” (Slaughter and Leslie, 1997) need more philosophers, historians, or literary scholars? As one American student asked, “If I’m going to be an accountant, what do I care what someone did back in ancient Egypt?” (Hersh, 1999). Many liberal arts advocates would attempt to

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persuade this future accountant that a knowledge of the ancient world would indeed enhance his work and life. Indeed, much to the student’s probable surprise, so would some employers. According to Matthew Barrett, former president of the Bank of Montreal, “[it] is far more important that students graduate from university having read Dante, or the great historians of today and yesterday, than understanding the practice of double-entry accounting … Education should impart not fact, not training, not even skills above essential literary and numeracy, but rather the ‘cross-curriculum’ abilities to reason, to imagine, to think laterally, and perhaps most important, to welcome learning as an essential part of life” (Frank, 1997).

li be ra l e du c at ion and labour-market outcomes The worth of a liberal education degree, as discussed in the previous section, has come under attack in recent decades. But then, what is the economic value in Canada of a liberal arts education? Are the critics justified in calling for a reassessment of and additional changes to liberal arts fields? This section explores the link between graduates’ fields of study and their labour-market outcomes. The focus of comparison is between university graduates who have studied fine arts, humanities, and social sciences and those who concentrated their studies in fields such as education, commerce, engineering, nursing and other health professions, and math and the physical sciences. An important source of long-term information regarding the economic value of a university education and, more specifically, of a liberal education is the Canadian census. Data for this analysis draws on microdata files from the Canadian census, 1971–96, and explores the labour-market outcomes of university graduates in liberal education (e.g., social sciences, humanities, and fine arts) and other fields of study.1 Table 10.1 provides unemployment rate information across fields of study for the most current census (1996) and illustrates that university graduates in both age cohorts experienced the lowest unemployment in comparison to high school non-completers, graduates, and postsecondary certificate/diploma holders. Among university graduates in the 25–29 age cohort, those in humanities had the highest unemployment rate (9.4 per cent), while those in nursing had the lowest rate (4.4 per cent). Social sciences (7.9 per cent), engineering (7.4 per cent), and math/physical sciences (7.9 per cent) graduates displayed similar unemployment rates. In contrast, fine arts graduates had a

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Table 10.1 Unemployment by field of study, 1996 25–29-year-olds

30-year-olds and up

Total

Women

Men

Total

Women

Men

High school non-completers

19.7

20.8

19.1

12.7

12.5

12.9

High school graduates

11.5

12.2

10.9

7.8

7.8

7.8

Post-sec. certificate/diploma

10.0

9.7

10.4

7.4

7.4

7.3

Education

4.7

4.3

5.6

3.1

3.4

2.5

Fine arts

6.5

4.3

9.6

6.4

6.6

6.0

Humanities

9.4

9.7

8.9

6.0

6.8

5.2

Social sciences

7.9

6.8

9.5

4.5

5.5

3.5

Commerce

5.9

4.8

7.0

3.9

5.0

3.3

Agriculture/biology

6.9

7.0

6.7

4.8

6.0

3.7

Engineering

7.4

8.5

7.1

5.2

10.0

4.6

Nursing

4.4

4.3

7.1

3.6

3.7

1.8

Other health profession

5.7

5.0

6.9

3.1

3.8

2.6

Math/physical sciences

7.9

8.5

7.5

5.0

5.1

4.9

university graduates

source: Census of Canada, 1996, microdata file.

slightly lower rate (6.5 per cent) than the aforementioned non-liberal education graduates. Though there may be a host of economic and other factors that influence the unemployment rates of graduates across different fields of study, an immediate message conveyed by these findings is that there does not appear to be empirical justification for the claim that entering liberal fields of study will result in higher levels of job insecurity. In examining the 30-and-up age cohort, we found that the percentage gaps in unemployment across different fields of study actually narrow, ranging from 3.1 per cent for graduates in education and other health professions to 6.4 per cent in fine arts. Graduates in the social sciences had lower unemployment rates (4.5 per cent) than engineering (5.2 per cent) and math/physical sciences (5.0 per cent) graduates. While we cannot conclude that graduates in liberal education fields have uniformly lower unemployment rates than those in other fields of study, the findings reported in table 10.1 do not support the assumption that liberal education graduates experience more negative labour-market outcomes than nonliberal education graduates.

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Table 10.2 shows that university graduates in 1996 were far more successful in entering either professional or managerial occupations whether they concentrated their studies in liberal arts or other fields of study. Thus, in examining those who were in the 25–29-year-old cohort in 1996, we found that the highest proportion of non-university graduates obtaining professional/managerial positions were post-secondary and diploma graduates (26.2 per cent), with gender variations being negligible for this group. In contrast, the range across all fields of study among university graduates in the same age cohort was 46.9 per cent (humanities) and 88.4 per cent (other health professions). The magnitude of these differences was maintained when we inspected the 30-yearand-up category. Among liberal education graduates in the 25–29 age cohort, there was some variation in the proportion of professional/managerial, ranging from 46.9 per cent for humanities graduates to 56.3 per cent for fine arts graduates. Gender variations within these fields of study were small, except in the instance of fine arts, where there was a 6.4 per cent difference in favour of men. Generally speaking, however, occupational outcomes favoured graduates from non-liberal education fields for those in the 25–29-year-old cohort, though there was a very strong variation ranging from 50.4 per cent for commerce graduates to 88.4 per cent for other health professions. When we turned to university graduates in the 30-and-up cohort, graduates in all fields appear to have improved their employment prospects and increased their representation in professional/managerial occupations. This improvement, though, appeared especially strong for those in liberal education fields. Thus fine arts graduates increased their profile by 14.8 to 71.1 per cent; humanities graduates enhanced their representation by 20.8 per cent, to 67.7 per cent; and social science graduates showed similar gains in representation, increasing from 49.0 to 68.7 per cent. When we turn to an analysis of income by field of study in 1996, we find a strong correspondence between income and occupational attainment (table 10.3). Thus the employment incomes of high school non-completers ($11,302), high school graduates ($15,827), and postsecondary certificate/diploma holders ($18,652) aged 25–29 were generally and consistently lower than for all university graduates whatever their field of study, with some notable exceptions. High school graduates earned more than fine arts graduates ($13,017), and postsecondary certificate/diploma graduates earned more than fine arts, humanities ($16,451), and agriculture/biology graduates ($17,159). It is also important to note the gender differences in earnings, with these differences being particularly pronounced among those obtaining lower levels of education. For example, among high school non-completers, men earn more than double ($15,124) the wages of women ($6,619);

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Table 10.2 Proportion in professional/managerial occupations by field of study, 1996 25–29-year-olds Total High school non-completers

Women

Men

7.3

7

7.4

High school graduates

14.8

13.7

15.7

Post-sec. certificate/diploma

26.2

26.6

25.8

Education

74.1

76.1

68.0

Fine arts

56.3

53.7

60.1

Humanities

46.9

47.3

46.3

Social sciences

49.1

48.5

49.6

Commerce

50.4

47.6

53.1

Agriculture/biology

58.2

61.0

54.9

Engineering

76.1

71.5

77.4

Nursing

78.8

79.4

68.8

Other health profession

88.4

89.0

87.2

Math/physical sciences

71.1

66.7

73.2

university graduates

30-year-olds and up Total

Women

Men

High school non-completers

10.7

8.8

12.0

High school graduates

19.2

14.8

24.0

Post-sec. certificate/diploma

32.7

34.0

31.6

Education

80.9

79.1

84.4

Fine arts

71.1

68.3

75.9

Humanities

67.7

63.0

72.9

Social sciences

68.7

65.4

71.8

Commerce

63.0

52.3

68.7

Agriculture/biology

63.0

63.1

63.0

Engineering

77.8

67.7

78.9

Nursing

83.8

84.0

79.5

Other health profession

90.0

85.9

93.1

Math/physical sciences

77.8

70.2

80.5

university graduates

source: Census of Canada, 1996, microdata file.

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Table 10.3 Income by field of study, 1996 25–29-year-olds Total

Women

Men

High school non-completers

11,302

6,619

15,124

High school graduates

15,827

11,862

19,689

Post-sec. certificate/diploma

18,652

15,220

22,595

Education

20,692

20,446

21,408

Fine arts

13,017

11,966

14,618

Humanities

16,451

16,207

16,799

Social sciences

19,248

17,745

21,385

Commerce

25,165

24,614

25,676

Agriculture/biology

17,159

17,000

17,355

Engineering

25,098

19,422

26,715

Nursing

23,621

23,895

19,128

Other health profession

22,925

23,483

22,027

Math/physical sciences

24,021

22,399

24,822

university graduates

30-year-olds and up Total High school non-completers

Women

Men

9,345

5,277

14,013

High school graduates

17,998

12,609

25,324

Post-sec. certificate/diploma

22,204

16,040

28,178

Education

29,954

26,155

37,779

Fine arts

17,761

15,488

21,898

Humanities

25,940

22,025

30,667

Social sciences

32,981

25,797

39,996

Commerce

39,166

29,126

44,747

Agriculture/biology

27,505

21,020

33,343

Engineering

39,674

23,085

41,505

Nursing

26,763

26,511

32,264

Other health profession

31,910

27,118

35,685

Math/physical sciences

38,314

28,457

42,138

university graduates

source: Census of Canada, 1996, microdata file (1995 constant dollar).

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these gender differences are also quite significant among high school graduates and post-secondary certificate/diploma graduates. Among university graduates, the only field in which women’s earnings exceeded those of men was nursing. As well, the previous table shows that the proportion of women in nursing classified as professional/managerial was also higher than for men. Though earnings differences in favour of men were insignificant in some fields of study (e.g., humanities, agriculture/ biology), most other fields, be they liberal or professional, showed employment income differences that favoured men over women. These advantages were significantly stronger among graduates who were in the 30-year-and-up age cohort. Indeed, the salary advantage of women in nursing reverses for this age group, with men earning substantially higher incomes than women. These gender differences are manifested across all fields of study. Overall, these findings document that liberal arts graduates have done relatively well in the world of employment. To the degree that they and other university graduates have encountered underemployment – and, as Livingstone (1999) demonstrates, this reality for many cannot be denied – the problem will not be fixed by marginalizing liberal education within the university curricula in favour of more “applied” subjects.

i n novat i o ns i n li b e ra l e du c ati on Critics of the liberal arts overlook the ways in which liberal education has evolved historically, thereby retaining its dynamic nature and its pertinence to society. Rooted in the intellectual culture of ancient Greece, liberal education continues to embrace certain core values and purposes. These include the development of the whole person, the cultivation of character and citizenship, and the achievement in learning and living of balance and harmony (Vanderleest, 1996). But there have been and remain different approaches to achieving these ends. While some liberal educators have stressed a “classical philosophic tradition” that steeps the student in ancient and biblical texts, others have embraced the “humanistic” perspective, which, largely through literature, exposes readers to the breadth of human experience and accomplishment, seeking thereby to “fit” the individual for “freedom.” Yet another facet of liberal education is that which employs the “scientific method,” through which research specialists are trained to discover new knowledge. Finally, the “twentieth-century pragmatic vision” encourages students to treat all claims to truth skeptically, to problem-solve, and to attempt to make education an instrument of social change and the social good (Glyer and Weeks, 1998; Rothblatt, 1993).

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Most recently, the Association of American Colleges and Universities offered this rather ecumenical conception of liberal learning: “A truly liberal education is one that prepares us to live responsible, productive, and creative lives in a dramatically changing world. It is an education that fosters a well grounded intellectual resilience, a disposition toward lifelong learning, and an acceptance of responsibility for the ethical consequences of our ideas and actions … Because liberal learning aims to free us from the constraints of ignorance, sectarianism, and shortsightedness, it prizes curiosity and seeks to expand the boundaries of human knowledge. By its nature, therefore, liberal learning is global and pluralistic. It embraces the diversity of ideas and experiences that characterize the social, natural and intellectual world” (aacu, 1999). While liberal educators have been known to disagree profoundly with one another, all would likely concur that an educational approach which focuses exclusively on technical training for vocations and professions is sorely lacking. As Dewey (1963) himself argued, a pragmatic educational approach that concentrates on “present experience” without reference to context or history is inadequate. “Just as the individual has to draw in memory upon his own past to understand the conditions in which he individually finds himself, so the issues and problems of present social life are in such intimate and direct connection with the past that students cannot be prepared to understand either these problems or the best way of dealing with them without delving into their roots in the past” (77). Much technical knowledge, after all, has a limited lifespan. Consider, for example, the fate of computer programmers in the 1970s who believed that their knowledge of the cobol and fortran programming systems would secure their positions in the industry for the foreseeable future. These systems, however, were quickly superseded by new programming methods, some of which in turn became all but obsolete (McPherson and Schapiro, 1999; Armstrong and Case, 1998). Those who assume that higher education is merely about dealing with “known problems in known ways” and who therefore lack the intellectual resilience to learn new skills, cope with uncertainty, or even change fields are potential casualties in the world of employment (Lipman-Blumen, 1995). In encouraging students to question received wisdom and to probe such topics as the relationship between technology and social change, liberal education can effectively broaden the perspectives of engineering, computer science, and other technically minded students. This point is underlined by author Don Tapscott (1998), an enthusiastic proponent of the “wired,” digital universe. He contends that there is a significant shortage of skilled technology professionals in

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Canada and that universities must expand their enrolments in fields such as engineering and computer science. But he insists, “The digital economy will also demand graduates of a liberal arts and sciences education. Their education makes them flexible and adaptable and gives them a valuable breadth of knowledge, and bolsters their ability to think and analyze. And most important of all, it gives them the ability to continue to learn throughout life.” Business students trained narrowly in operational techniques will, in all likelihood, prove less successful than those commerce graduates who have some understanding of social psychology, community dynamics, or cultural life in the countries in which companies invest – knowledge gained through liberal education. As Michael Useem notes, business practitioners who understand foreign languages and a community’s environmental concerns bring breadth and added value to their workplaces that the less-educated lack (Useem, 1995). Furthermore, Jeffrey Nesteruk, a business ethics teacher argues that business teaching which ignores the principle that “all knowledge is rooted in self-knowledge” is constraining and potentially harmful. Self-knowledge, he contends, “is a necessary component in the changing role of business managers. As functions more traditionally public become privatized, the general public looks to effective executives as social leaders. To successfully adapt to this changing role requires those in business to regard themselves in new ways, to be self-evaluative – and this depends significantly on the foundation of well-developed habits of introspection.” Ethical issues, from “whistle-blowing” to product safety, compel business persons to “wrestle with their own standards of right and wrong, their self conceptions and character, and their perceptions of their roles in complex commercial enterprises” – again, issues central to liberal education (Nesteruk, 1999). Such concerns may well explain why chief executive officers in a major American survey on the benefits of a college education had a broader perspective on the value of higher learning than did parents and college-bound students. The latter two groups focused mostly on the short-term outcome of “getting a job,” while the former considered, far more frequently, the long-term benefits of higher education. As Hersh noted, employers in the survey were presumably no less practically minded than parents and students. “But to them practicality means the ability of higher education to impart general skills that give people the flexibility and capacity to keep learning what today’s hightech businesses require … They insist that a college education produce people of strong character with generalized intellectual and social skills and a capacity for learning” (Hersh, 1999). The particular facilities that human resource managers valued were threefold: cognitive

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(problem-solving, critical thinking, and learning to learn), presentational (oral and written communication skills), and social (working cooperatively in a variety of settings). Innovations in the medical education field well illustrate the ways in which liberal studies, academic science, and clinical training can be effectively combined to improve the quality of medical practice. Traditionally, medical students have been steeped in a narrow, scientific educational process that concentrates on the “disease and not the patient.” Complaints in the 1930s that “the specialist looks too frequently upon the problem of the patient solely from the aspect of his specialty, rather than from the needs of the patient as a whole” (Lowell et al., 1932) were echoed in 1999 by a professor of clinical surgery at Yale, who claimed that faculty members have been rewarded more for specialized research than “for teaching well, or for caring for (or even about) patients” (Nuland, 1999). New initiatives in medical education, however, now focus on issues central to the social sciences. A 1984 report of the Association of American Medical Colleges asserted that attention to preventative health care requires physicians to know more about the impact of “environmental factors and lifestyles” on health and illness. Furthermore, “the development of skills, values, and attitudes should be emphasized at least to the same extent as the acquisition of knowledge … It is suggested that medical schools should offer education experiences that require students to be active, independent learners and problem solvers, rather than passive recipients of information” (Schmidt, 1990). Perhaps the most innovative medical education program is at the internationally renowned McMaster medical school in Hamilton, Ontario. Founded in 1965, it has employed admission procedures and pedagogy that departed dramatically from the practices of traditional medical schools. While the latter have compelled applicants to have a strong background in the biological sciences and to excel on the Medical College Admission Test, McMaster has not required these, nor has it privileged candidates with high grades. Instead, students who have previously majored in the humanities and social sciences, those with varied experiences and interests, and those committed to group-based, problem-solving learning strategies are more likely to be admitted. In addition, recruitment committees, which include current medical students, engage short-listed applicants in personal interviews (unlike most medical schools). Throughout the medical training program, McMaster students meet in small groups led by a faculty tutor. “[V]arious aspects of a health problem – ranging from the basic science concepts needed to understand the pathophysiology, through the impact on the patient and the

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family – are identified by group members who seek out the appropriate learning resources in order to acquire the knowledge with which to manage the problem. The basic and clinical sciences are presented in an integrative manner, rather than individually. The learning approach emphasizes the student as an active learner and places more responsibility for their education on students. Lectures, called largegroup resource sessions, are few and are optional for the student. About 20 per cent of the program is devoted to student-selected electives. The program encourages and seeks to improve upon the lifelong learning habits of physicians” (Woodward, 1990). Surveyed regularly, McMaster students have consistently praised this active form of instruction. In order to compare its graduates with those from elsewhere, McMaster closely monitored the performance and careers of its students between 1976 and 1980. In their first post-graduate year, supervisors found no differences between the performance of McMaster and non-McMaster graduates; nor were there observable differences between those with a science and a non-science background. Thus students trained in the arts proved, ultimately, to be as adept in the technical practice of medicine as their scientifically oriented colleagues. However, career patterns did vary. A survey of all McMaster graduates from 1972 to 1979 (75 per cent response rate) used two comparison groups, one matched with McMaster graduates only by year of graduation and the other by year of graduation, gender, and age. The results showed that McMaster produced more physicians who went into teaching, research, and administration – that is, academic medicine – than any other medical school in Canada (Woodward, 1990). While it is possible that some McMaster alumni were oriented to teaching before they entered medical school, it seems likely that the school’s alternative admission and pedagogical practices have played a significant role in turning out different kinds of graduates than have traditional schools. Notably, the medical school at the Université de Sherbrooke in Quebec, which also employs independent study and problem-based learning, has graduated, according to McPhedran, “socially conscious general practitioners.” In the province’s Local Community Services Centre units, located in underserviced communities, “half the positions are filled with Sherbrooke graduates … The educational program has stimulated other French universities, in Canada and abroad, to review and modify their curricula” (McPhedran, 1993). Another medical school initiative flowed from a resolution at the World Summit on Medical Education in 1993, which called upon medical education to become more “community oriented,” to focus students’ attention on “real-world settings,” and to encourage them

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to “respond to the needs of society” (Wasylenki, Cohen, and McRobb, 1997). This resolution led to a new course, now compulsory for University of Toronto medical students, called “Health, Illness and the Community.” The course requires students in first and second year to spend one half-day per week working in placements that involve some three hundred community agencies and to explore the issues arising from their experiences. Students first observe patients in their residences in order to understand better how people cope with illness and disability in the home environment. They then spend time at a public health unit, where they are exposed to such issues as domestic violence, sexually transmitted diseases, and smoking cessation. This is followed by a section in the course on health determinants and health promotion strategies, which includes two agency placements that address these themes. In their second year, students focus on the interconnection between a health problem and a social issue. Coordination between community agencies and teaching hospitals enable students to grapple directly with the medical and social elements of the issues they are investigating. Throughout the two-year course, they are exposed to a variety of readings from social science fields. The program has been assessed positively by students, patients, and agencies. Students especially appreciate the field placements, though “the course is weaker on the theoretical side, because an integrating conceptual model has not yet been developed” (Wasylenki, Cohen, and McRobb, 1997). Improving the course thus requires a more effective melding of academic and empirical approaches. But even in its early phase, it has demonstrated the potential value of a training program that combines social and medical science, and the virtue of grappling with health problems within a social context. Whether it will actually produce physicians who employ more holistic, communitybased forms of medical practice remains to be seen. The Consultative Group on Research and Education in Law concluded, on the basis of current literature and its own survey results, that Canadian law schools perceive themselves as offering a legal education that is both humane and professional, rather than narrowly vocational. Here the emphasis is on cultivating in students a deeper understanding of the law as a social phenomenon and an intellectual enterprise. Law schools generally identify three elements as characteristics of this type of legal education: • learning legal rules (what we will call “doctrine,” recognizing the

somewhat different common law and civil law connotations of the term) and developing the ability to use the rules;

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• learning legal skills (such as interviewing, advocacy, and negotia-

tion); and • developing a humane perspective on law and a deeper understand-

ing of law as a social phenomenon and an intellectual discipline (cgrel, 1983). To underline the importance of the links between liberal education and legal practice, a number of universities do offer legal studies within their arts faculties. Carleton University is the largest of these, though similar programs also exist at Waterloo, Regina, York, Brock, and elsewhere (cgrel, 1983). Notwithstanding these initiatives, the new political economy that now threatens liberal education has affected law students. Arthurs contends that “they are increasingly impatient, as a group, with ‘humane professionalism,’ the ethos of Canadian law schools since the 1960s, and they increasingly avoid ‘purely academic” offerings. And this brings them into direct conflict with their already beleaguered professors, who confront heavier work loads, more rigorous performance measures, declining financial prospects – and now, it seems likely, intellectual frustration” (Arthurs, 1998). Thus Tagg (1998) speaks of the need to move from a conventional instruction to a learning paradigm: “Changing the governing paradigm, becoming learning-driven institutions, may seem a daunting task for today’s knowledge factories. It seems a little like asking the post office to become a church. Yet the reason that the ideal of liberal education survives in our cultural imagination is that it addresses an ongoing need, the need to nurture in the young the development of both heart and mind, the need to set young people on a course that offers not just facility but maturity, not just cleverness but wisdom” (292). In pursuit of such ends, liberal education has not remained static over the course of the last century, and it continues to evolve in response to social and intellectual change. Once linked inextricably to Christian conceptions of knowledge and truth, the liberal arts were reshaped by scientific thinking, industrialization, and the growing secularization of society through the early twentieth century. Freed from religious bonds, the social sciences focused on human motivations and relations in a more urban world, and they now included the new disciplines of psychology, sociology, and political science. English replaced Latin as the new core, and generally required, university subject (Axelrod, 1990, 1998). In the current era the curriculum has evolved yet again. In literature, history, and sociology courses, universities typically augment the study of ancient or Eurocentric texts with multicultural studies that analyze the lives and communities of visible and other

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minorities. Most disciplines in the arts now explore women’s experiences – an indication of their growing participation in the university and their changing role in social and economic life. The very inclusion of such curricula has sparked heated debates among liberal arts educators about the nature of “essential” knowledge, a debate that reflects contemporary concerns about ethnic, racial, and gender relations in the broader community (Bloom, 1987; Levine, 1996; Emberley, 1996). Unlike other institutions, which have sometimes suppressed or avoided such discussions (many private corporations, for example), universities – admittedly often under duress – have engaged these issues. Signifying other social and cultural changes, liberal education has become increasingly multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary. In the past generation, programs in such fields as mass communications studies, health and society, urban studies, environmental studies, industrial relations, and labour studies have been introduced into the curricula. These subjects bring academic conceptions to bear on current social problems, frequently providing forums for critical reflection and policy development. Just as vocational and professional educators are well advised to (re)discover the importance of liberal education, so social science and humanities teachers ought to acknowledge the interest of students in experience-based learning. Charles Schroeder found in a study that the the majority of today’s students succeed best in an academic environment based on “direct, concrete, experience, moderate-to-high degrees of structure and a linear approach to learning” (cited in Sorum, 1999). On the other hand, the majority of faculty are inspired by the “realm of concepts, ideas and abstractions”; they wrongly assume that students, like themselves, favour a high level of individual autonomy in their academic work, and they generally depend on passive forms of classroom learning (Sorum, 1999). But Schroeder and Davis also contend that, rather than bemoaning students’ excessive pragmatism, or lamentable anti-intellectualism, faculty should, through effective liberal education instruction, help bridge the pedagogical gap between professor and student. Students seek clear, detailed instruction in assignments and helpful feedback in grading, and faculty can provide these without compromising their academic ideals. More than in the past, students are oriented to group learning, which, if effectively practised, can enrich the discussion of ideas and concepts. Initial assignments can be based on concrete events and can move in a logical fashion to more abstract notions, thus presenting “experience earlier, theory later” (Davis and Schroeder, 1982). To sustain students’ interest in the liberal arts and to teach

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more effectively, the authors suggest that faculty should “learn more about who their students are, how they learn, and how they may be taught” (Davis and Schroeder, 1982). In an effort to combine liberal education courses in universities with applied studies in community colleges, some institutions have recently recognized the virtue of permitting students to move more easily between these two educational sectors. A number of new collaborative programs in Ontario combine liberal arts courses with applied studies, including a bachelor of liberal science program in environmental science. Other programs, some of which have applied, cooperative components, link college and university programs in communications, social work, and law (cucc, 1998). That some university presidents are cognizant of the changing trends is indicated by Lorna Marsden, president of York University in Toronto: “We are certainly becoming much more aware of what’s really going on by virtue of students’ feet. York University is one of those at the forefront of those, at least in Ontario, trying to shorten the learning experience for students by negotiating program specific arrangements with specific colleges” (Sheppard, 1998). In addition, arts programs at York sponsor work placements for students in mass communications, urban studies, and labour studies, thus underlining the links between theory and practice and providing students with valuable workforce experience. Matson and Matson (1995) report on similar programs in a number of American universities. At Wichita State University, for example, some 250 students in the liberal arts and sciences college are placed each year in jobs related to their majors. Social science students generally work in social agencies such as Big Brothers and Sisters, correctional settings, adoption centres, women’s crisis centres, and law offices, while humanities students are assigned to cultural centres such as museums. Math and natural science students work for actuaries or various businesses with an environmental focus. Computer science students find placements in large companies such as at&t and ibm or in federal agencies. The university perceives these programs as an important part of its strategy to exploit the institution’s “metropolitan advantage” and to raise its profile within the community. One of the most unusual placement programs is in the College of Humanities at Carleton University in Ottawa. The college offers a select number of high-achieving students a set of courses that cover, in thematic form, the fields of literature, languages, philosophy, and religion. Designed to contribute to the development of the “whole person,” the curriculum explores “myth and symbol” in the first year, “reason and revelation” in the second, “culture and imagination” in

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the third, and “science, technology, and power” in the fourth. The program then places students in internships with businesses and community organizations (from law firms to non-profit agencies such as Amnesty International) where employers and employees can, ideally, witness and experience the mutually enriching relationship between intellectual and working life (Haggart, 1998). However, simply creating a structural link between students’ liberal education and a stint in the workforce will not alone enhance their academic and employment experiences. If the work is mundane, treated as a mere recess from the classroom, or perceived, by professors and students alike, as a barely tolerate credit requirement, then the value of the exercise is questionable. Similarly, if a liberal arts class on great literature or weighty social issues fails to engage students’ interest and intellect, then its benefits are dubious. Researchers have found that the most effective forms of cooperative education are those which faculty strongly support, in which students are encouraged to apply concepts and skills learned in the classroom, and in which they are able to assess critically their work experience in the light of academic theory (Stanton, 1990; Matson and Matson, 1995; Simon, Dippo, and Schenke, 1991; Astin, 1997; Wilson, 1987).

the impact of liberal education on canadian society We have argued thus far that liberally trained students, including those whose motivations for higher learning are primarily vocational or professional, can derive enormous benefit from liberal studies. But the potential value of liberal education is not confined to the classroom experience and the workplace. It can enrich the quality of both the individual’s life in the post-graduate years and that of the community in which the graduate chooses to live and work. As Dewey explained, “the ultimate aim of education is nothing other than the creation of human beings in the fullness of their capacities. Through the making of human beings, of men and women generous in aspiration, liberal in thought, cultivated in taste, and equipped with knowledge and competent method, society itself is constantly remade, and with this remaking the world itself is recreated” (cited in Simpson and Jackson, 1997: 43). Dewey sought schools that, in Simpson and Jackson’s words, would nourish “knowledge and understanding, intelligent methods of inquiry, and wise ways of living” (1997: 77). These are lofty aims, and as Astin (1997) notes, notwithstanding the massive expansion of American higher education in the last half of the twentieth century, universities have frequently reinforced, rather than

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counteracted, the growth of cynicism and civic disengagement among American youth. The university’s preoccupation with “resource acquisition and reputation building” at the expense of quality teaching and service to the community has done little to encourage students’ commitment to democratic participation (Astin, 1997). At the same time, surveys show that whenever students have been engaged in well crafted “service-learning” programs that combine intellectual and community activities, the long-term benefits appear remarkably positive. These include “enrollment in postgraduate study, commitment to community values, participation in community service after college, and satisfaction with the extent to which the undergraduate experience prepare[s] the student for post-college employment” (Astin, 1997). Like Astin, Bond contends that democratic processes can be enhanced if students obtain a critical understanding of how society gathers, processes, and communicates information. “When a new secretary of state makes a policy statement on human rights (‘There will be no de-emphasis but a change in priority’), we can see past the vigor and self-confidence and know that he is talking nonsense, that he knows he is talking nonsense, and that he assumes that we will not know the difference. These are important things for us to know” (Bond, 1982). Using both academic and “experiential” modes of teaching, universities should – better than they do now – contribute to enlightened citizenship and, in the process, help an “information society” become a more “informed society” (van der Zee, 1996). Nor should one overlook the demonstrable and critical support that the fine arts and liberal education make to a community’s culture. In the mass-market leisure industries, characterized by entertainment theme parks and enormous commodity consumption (Warpole, 1996), the university provides a rare institutional forum for artistic creativity and self-expression, which eventually find outlets in the community. An analysis of Canadian census statistics shows that fine arts graduates earn less than most other university graduates (Axelrod, Anisef, and Lin, 1999), and for some, this is evidence of the poor economic returns produced by the arts. In fact, the precise opposite is the case. While employment in artistic fields tends to be contract-based and/or short-term – factors that likely account for the field’s income levels – the overall economic contribution of arts and cultural activities is considerable. In 1992–93 these sectors employed 660,000 people, directly and indirectly, and contributed $23.8 billion to Canada’s gross domestic product (Turbide, 1995). Higher educational institutions thus help to keep vibrant a community of writers, performers, and producers who enrich the country’s cultural and artistic life as well as its tourist industry.

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The attempted creation of “learning societies” in which the opportunity for advanced education is available to traditionally excluded groups owes a good deal to the history of the adult education movements in Britain, the United States, and Canada. A host of “selfimprovement” societies in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century America reflected “the pursuit of knowledge under difficulties” by ordinary citizens (Kett, 1994). Mechanics’ Institutes, begun in Britain in the 1820s, spread to North America and provided a forum for literate artisans and tradesmen to discuss philosophical ideas and social issues, and they laid the foundation for the creation of public libraries. Workers’ Educational Associations formed in the early twentieth century also stressed the value of liberal education. And in all three countries, adult education associations, which sought to improve society by encouraging citizens to extend – or begin – their pursuit of knowledge, were especially active between the two world wars (Selman and Dampier, 1991). Broad participation in adult learning continues today. In 1997 some 6 million adults in Canada, or 28 per cent, partook in adult education and training activities. While most such schooling was job-related, a significant minority of Canadians participated for reasons of personal interest. Notably, those with the highest levels of education were the most inclined to pursue adult learning, suggesting that the opportunity to do so generates even higher demand for educational opportunities (Statscan Daily, 1999). Schuller and Bostyn argue that the combination of increased longevity and early retirement will generate more interest still in stimulating and productive leisure activities among an aging population, especially in adult education, from which both individuals and society should derive benefit. Students surveyed at Wandsworth College, a large adult education institute in London, England, ranked the benefits of their schooling in the following way: “keeping my mind active, 72%; developing knowledge of a subject, 68%; making new friends, 57%; developing a practical skill, 42%; gaining more confidence, 40%” (Schuller and Bostyn, 1996). Continuous learning that combines intellectual, social, and applied elements appears, then, to resonate among these adult learners. Given the nature of what Beck has called the “risk society”, the role of creative forms of advanced education may well grow in importance. The globalization of labour markets, the disappearance of the traditional notion of a lifelong job in favour of multiple occupations, the growing importance of educational credentials, and the fragmentation of family life erode the support and security offered by traditional institutions, even in affluent industrialized countries. In the risk society,

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people are thus thrown back on their own resources and are compelled to chart a highly individualized life course in an unpredictable environment. (Jansen and van der Veen, 1996). Jansen and van der Veen contend that, in the face of a technologydriven, ecologically disturbed, and economically polarized world, major social, political, and ethical questions face every society, and the issue of the quality of leadership is especially pressing. “Who should rule us, who should manage us, how should we control them, are questions that have to be posed again and now on a much broader, global scale,” and universities have a critical role to play in addressing such problems (Jansen and van der Veen, 1996). Individuals, they argue, would benefit most from a form of schooling that eschews exclusively instrumentalist teaching, on the one hand, and instruction of ungrounded abstract concepts, on the other. Education instead should “(re)integrate the teaching and learning of practical skills and knowledge that people need for daily living with the stimulation of questions and public debate about the future of society and the possible designs of individual and social life” (129).

conclusion We have argued in this chapter for the advantages of a form of higher learning in which the curricula effectively link theory and practice, the abstract and the concrete, the conceptual and the applied. Our presentation is motivated primarily by a concern that the “pure” liberal arts are at risk in the contemporary university. Notwithstanding employment and income data that contradict such impressions, it is widely believed that a liberal arts degree is a poor “investment,” and enrolments in these fields are now declining across North America. Public and private resources, too, increasingly privilege the professions, business, science and technology, and market-oriented research over the liberal arts. For the sake of their subjects, their students, and, we argue, society as a whole, universities should creatively confront these trends. New programs in the arts and the professions that have been able to convey to students the importance of testing ideas in the “real world” and, in turn, of assessing experience through the prism of social science and humanities courses appear successful. Students who might otherwise find theoretical discussions uninteresting can be intellectually stimulated when they discover the pertinence of academic knowledge to the world of work. Similarly, those in highly specialized fields of study are enriched if their technical training is informed by the study of social and cultural themes that bear on professional practice. Effectively crafted co-op programs in the humanities and social

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sciences are potentially useful instruments for achieving these ends. Teaching strategies that employ problem-solving, group-based learning – in contrast to passive, top-down forms of instruction – should also be attempted. Though this chapter has not grappled with the question of computer-linked distance education, the implications of this technology for liberal education also merit attention. Does it threaten or provide new opportunities for teaching the liberal arts? Given the popularity of distance-based learning or, as one critic puts it, of “virtual diploma mills” (Noble, 1998; Selingo, 1998), academics who are committed to preserving the liberal arts must turn their attention to this challenge. Not all efforts to secure and broaden the appeal of liberal education will be worthy; some will be merely opportunistic. But we believe, with John Dewey, that the integrity of the arts can be preserved, and even deepened, if teachers and professors approach their tasks imaginatively and resourcefully. They should treat their students with empathy rather than arrogance, seeking to better understand current youth values and learning styles. They should illustrate ideas and theories through well-chosen concrete examples. They should consider new programs that bridge university and community life. Both venues will be enriched if these efforts are successful, and the quality of both will diminish in the new millennium if they are not.

note 1 Other researchers have employed census microdata files to analyze the employability of university graduates in various fields of study and have also examined trends with respect to employment outcomes. See Allen, 1998; Guppy and Davies, 1998; Paju, 1997; Institute for Social Research, 1998. All these studies demonstrate the economic value of a university education (individually and socially), including in the liberal arts. Our paper extends the previous analyses by incorporating the most recent (1996) census. It also consistently employs specific age cohorts across the 1971–96 censuses to provide a picture of life-course changes by educational level and type, with respect to different labour-market outcomes.

references Allen, R.C. (1998). The employability of university graduates in the humanities, social sciences, and education: Recent statistical evidence. Unpublished paper.

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Armstrong, A., & Case, C. (1998). The child and the machine: Why computers may put our childrens education at risk. Toronto: Key Porter Books. Arthurs, H.W. (1998). The political economy of Canadian legal education. Journal of Law and Society, 25 (1), 14–32. Astin, A.W. (1997). Liberal education and democracy: The case for pragmatism. Liberal Education, 83 (4), 4–15. Axelrod, P. (1990). Making a middle class: Student life in English Canada during the thirties. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. – (1998). Challenges to liberal education in an age of uncertainty. Historical Studies in Education, 10 (1–2), 1–19. – Anisef, P., & Lin, Z. (1999). Universities, liberal education, and the labour market: Trends and prospects. Working Paper, York University Centre for Research on Work and Society. Association of American Colleges and Universities (aacu) (1999). Statement on liberal learning. Liberal Education, 85 (2), 6–7. Bell, S., & Sadlack, J. (1992). Technology transfer in Canada: Research parks and centers of excellence. Higher Education Management, 4, 227–4. Bloom, A. (1987). The closing of the American mind. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bond, A. (1982). The arts that liberate. In J.M. Watson & R.P. Stevens (Eds.), Pioneers and pallbearers: Perspectives on liberal education (pp. 127–45). Macon, Ga: Mercer University. College-University Consortium Council (cucc) (1998). Report of the CollegeUniversity Consortium Council, 1996–1998: Submitted to the Minister of Education and Training. Toronto: Council of Ontario Universities. Consultative Group on Research and Education in Law (cgrel) (1983). Law and Learning: Report to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Davis, M.T., & Schroeder, C.C. (1982). New students in liberal arts colleges: Threat or challenge? In J.M. Watson & R.P. Stevens (Eds.), Pioneers and pallbearers: Perspectives on liberal education (pp. 147–68). Macon, Ga: Mercer University Press. Dewey, J. (1963). Experience and education. New York: MacMillan. Originally published, 1938. Emberley, P. (1996). Zero tolerance: Hot button politics in Canadian universities. Toronto: Penguin Books. Fisher, D., & Rubenson, K. (1998). The changing political economy: The private and public lives of Canadian universities. In J. Currie & J. Newson (Eds.), Universities and globalization: Critical perspectives (pp. 77–98). Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications. Frank, T. (1997). What do employers want? University Affairs, May. Galt, V. (1999). More prefer college to university: Poll. Globe and Mail, 22 June, A9.

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Glyer, D., & Weeks, D.L. (1998). The liberal arts in higher education: Challenging assumptions, exploring possibilities. Lanham, Md: University Press of America. Guppy, N., & Davies, S. (1998). Education in Canada: Recent trends and future challenges. Ottawa: Minister of Industry. Haggart, B. (1998). Picture a privately funded, classical education on a public campus. Catholic New Times, 22 (9), 1–2. Heinemann, H.N., & De Falco, A.A. (1990). Dewey’s pragmatism: A philosophical foundation for cooperative education. Journal of Cooperative Education, 7 (1), 38–44. Hersh, R.H. (1997). Intentions and perceptions: A national survey of public attitudes towards liberal arts education. Change, 29 (2). – R.H. (1999). Generating ideals and transforming lives: A contemporary case for the residential liberal arts college. Daedalus, 128 (1), 173–94. Institute for Social Research (1998). Arts graduates get jobs. York Student Experience Study, Bulletin 30 (York University, Institute for Social Research), 15 March. Jansen, T., & van der Veen, R. (1996). Adult education in the light of the risk society. In P. Raggat, R. Edwards, & N. Small (Eds.), The learning society: Challenges and trends (pp. 122–35). London: Routledge and the Open University, Kett, J.F. (1994). The pursuit of knowledge under difficulties: From self-improvement to adult education in America, 1750–1990. Stanford, Clif.: Stanford University Press. Levine, L.W. (1996). The opening of the American mind: Canons, culture and history. Boston: Beacon Press. Lipman-Blumen, J. (1995). The creative tension between liberal arts and specialization. Liberal Education, 81 (1), 17–25. Little, D. (1997). Financing universities: Why are students paying more? Education Quarterly Review, 4 (2), 10–26. Livingstone. D.W. (1999). The education-jobs gap: Unemployment or economic democracy. Toronto: Garamond. Lowell, A.L., et al. (1932). Final report of the commission on medical education. New York: Office of the Director of the Study. McPhedran, N.T. (1993). Canadian medical schools: Two centuries of medical history, 1822 to 1992. Montreal: Harvest House. McPherson, M.S., & Schapiro, M.O. (1999). Economic challenges for liberal arts colleges. Daedalus, 128 (1), 47–75. Matson, L.C., & Matson, R. (1995). Changing times in higher education: An empirical look at cooperative education and liberal arts faculty. Journal of Cooperative Education, 11 (1), 13–24. Neely, P. (1999). The threats to liberal arts colleges. Daedalus, 128 (4), 27–45. Nesteruk, J. (1999). Business teaching and liberal learning. Liberal Education, 85 (2), 56–9.

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Noble, D. (1998). Digital diploma mills: The automation of higher education (part one). ocufa Forum, Spring, 12–16. Nuland, S.B. (1999). The uncertain art: The medical school and the university. American Scholar, 68 (1), 121–4. Paju, M. (1997). The class of 1990 revisited: Report of the 1995 follow-up survey of 1990 graduates. Education Quarterly Review, 4 (4), 9–29. Rothblatt, S. (1993). The limbs of Osiris: Liberal education in the Englishspeaking world. In S. Rothblatt & B. Wittrock (Eds.), The European and American university since 1800: Historical and sociological essays (pp. 19–73). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schmidt, H.G. (1990). Innovative and conventional curricula compared: What can be said about their effects? In Z.M. Nooman, H.G. Schmidt, & E.S. Ezzat (Eds.), Innovation in medical education: An evaluation of its present status (pp. 1–7). New York: Springer Publishing. Schuller, T., & A.M. Bostyn. (1996). Learners of the future: Preparing a policy for the third age. In P. Raggat, R. Edwards, & N. Small, The learning society: Challenges and trends (pp. 78–95). London: Routledge and the Open University, Selingo, J. (1998). U. of Phoenix picks New Jersey for its foray in eastern U.S. Chronicle of Higher Education, 23, (October) A28. Selman, G., & Dampier, P. (1991). The foundations of adult education in Canada. Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishers. Sheppard, R. (1998). Why college grads get jobs: A tough-minded generation rewrites the rule book of higher education, Maclean’s Magazine, November, 58. Simon, R.I., Dippo, D., & Schenke, A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. New York: Bergen and Harvey. Simpson, D.J., & Jackson, M.J. (1997). Educational reform: A Deweyan perspective. New York and London: Garland Publishing. Slaughter, S., & Leslie, L. (1997). Academic capitalism: Policies and the entrepreneurial university. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (sshrc) (1990, 1999). Guide for applicants. Ottawa: sshrc. Sorum, C.E. (1999). Vortex, clouds, and tongue: New problems in the humanities? Daedalus, 128 (1), 241–64. Stanton, T.K. (1990). Liberal arts, experiential learning and public service: Necessary ingredients for socially responsible undergraduate education. Journal of Cooperative Education, 7 (1), 55–68. Statscan Daily (1999). Adult education and training. 18 June. Summarized in [email protected]. Tagg, J. (1998). The decline of the knowledge factory: Why our colleges must change. World and I, 3 (6), 292–306. Tapscott, D. (1998). Growing up digital: The rise of the Net generation. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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Turbide, D. (1995). Assessing the damage. Maclean’s Magazine, March, 78. Useem, M. (1995). Corporate restructuring and liberal learning, Liberal Education, 81 (1), 18–23. Vanderleest, J. (1996). The purpose and content of liberal education. In C. Storm (Ed.), Liberal education and the small university in Canada (pp. 3–17). Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. van der Zee, H. (1996). The learning society. In P. Raggat, R. Edwards, & N. Small (Eds.), The learning society: Challenges and trends (pp. 162–83). London: Routledge and the Open University. Warpole, K. (1996). The age of leisure. In P. Raggat, R. Edwards, & N. Small (Eds.), The learning society: Challenges and trends (pp. 112–21). London: Routledge and the Open University, Wasylenki, D.A., Cohen, C.A., & McRobb, B.R. (1997). Creating community agency placements for undergraduate medical education: A program description. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 156 (3), 379–83. Wilson, D.K. (1987). Liberal arts faculty and co-op: Attitudes for success at a small private college. Journal of Cooperative Education, 4 (1), 22–31. Woodward, C. (1990). Monitoring an innovation in medical education: The McMaster experience. In S. Nooman, H. Schmidt, & E. Ezzat (Eds.), Innovation in medical education: An evaluation of its present status (pp. 27–39). New York: Springer. York University (1999) Dean of Arts interim report on academic planning, appendix E. 24 February.

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11 Apprenticeship in Canada: A Training System under Siege? ANDREW SHARPE

A key concern of those responsible for managing Canada’s labour market is that the apprenticeship system is responsive to labour demand developments and that it produces an adequate supply of welltrained journeypersons in a cost-effective and timely manner. The objective of this chapter is to assess the effectiveness of Canada’s apprenticeship system and to discuss the implications of this situation for the labour market.1 The chapter recognizes that apprenticeship comes under provincial jurisdiction and that apprenticeship systems vary greatly by province both in their rules and regulations and in their importance. For this reason, it may be misleading to speak of a common and consistent national apprenticeship system, just as it may be misleading to speak of a national education system in Canada. Nevertheless, many or most provinces are experiencing similar trends in their apprenticeship programs, and it is useful to conduct an analysis of these trends at the Canadian level, recognizing, of course, that not all provinces may be experiencing these trends.

trends in canada’s apprenticeship system The supply of labour to feed the demand for workers in a given sector comes from a number of sources: increased weekly hours for those already employed, employment for those unemployed, intersectoral

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mobility, interprovincial mobility, and new entrants. The exit rate from the sector also affects the overall labour supply. This chapter is primarily concerned with the supply of new entrants produced by the apprenticeship system, which trains the labour force mainly for the construction trades and motor vehicle repair. Apprenticeship Registrations The main source of information on apprenticeship trends in Canada is the administrative database on apprenticeship registrations and completions maintained by Human Resources Development Canada and Statistics Canada. It is based on information provided by the provincial directors of apprenticeship. Data on registrations for 229 trades by trade at the start of the period, new registrations, completions, registrations at the end of the period, discontinuations, certifications, and ips (red seal) certifications are available for Canada for the years 1977–99 and for the provinces for 1980–99. According to this database, over the last twenty-two years for which information is available, the number of persons registered in apprenticeship programs in a given year, which includes both persons registered at the start of the year and new registrations during the year, rose 53.6 per cent from 122.9 thousand in 1977 to 188.8 thousand in 1999 (table 11.1). At the same time, the size of the total labour force also rose 50.9 percent, so that apprentices as a share of the labour force increased slightly from 1.14 to 1.20 per cent between 1977 and 1999. Most apprentices are under 45, so it is more appropriate to compare trends in apprenticeship registration with those in the size of the labour force aged 15–44. As table 11.1 shows, total apprenticeship registrations as a share of the labour force aged 15–44 rose 0.19 percentage points, from 1.57 per cent in 1977 to 1.76 per cent in 1999, compared to the smaller 0.05 point increase as a share of the total labour force. Slower growth in the labour force aged 15–44 compared to the overall labour force explains this divergence. Within the 1977–99 period, there were large fluctuations in the absolute and relative number of apprentices, with the peak in 1990 and 1991 at 192–193,000 (1.35 per cent of the labour force). Apprenticeship registrations appear strongly cyclical, rising during expansions, when jobs are plentiful and enrolment in apprenticeship programs relatively easy (to enrol, the potential apprentice must find an employer willing to take him or her on), and falling during recessions, when the relative scarcity of jobs dampens new registrations (although it may also delay completions and hence keep up total registrations).

Total registrations

122,908 130,334 135,415 138,673 153,140 155,125 139,098 138,235 139,199 154,226 156,857 162,064 174,663 192,332 192,946 180,963 168,983 165,668 164,569 166,489

Year

1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

1.141 1.170 1.175 1.169 1.253 1.262 1.111 1.085 1.071 1.163 1.161 1.176 1.243 1.351 1.346 1.260 1.165 1.133 1.116 1.117

Total registrations as % of labour force 15+

Table 11.1 Trends in apprenticeship in Canada

1.567 1.598 1.596 1.578 1.683 1.695 1.490 1.449 1.428 1.542 1.544 1.569 1.663 1.814 1.822 1.725 1.610 1.582 1.570 1.582

Total registrations as % of labour force 15–44

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17,427 19,034 18,163 15,096 15,340 20,786 15,657 19,335 19,092 17,105 17,258 17,296 17,614 17,804 19,724 18,720 18,411 16,801 17,073 16,092

Completions 14.18 14.60 13.41 10.89 10.02 13.40 11.26 13.99 13.72 11.09 11.00 10.67 10.08 9.26 10.22 10.34 10.90 10.14 10.37 9.67

Completions as % of registrations 30,043 32,703 36,407 43,676 39,732 29,926 19,236 27,637 37,319 41,701 44,604 38,327 48,615 48,438 32,306 28,948 30,624 32,007 35,234 34,614

Registrations during year 97,679 94,794 101,839 113,192 123,612 120,026 110,755 102,729 108,492 123,029 124,688 128,831 138,289 157,106 157,166 139,744 132,617 128,756 131,322 132,189

Registrations at end of year 25,229 35,540 33,576 25,481 29,528 35,099 28,343 35,506 30,707 31,197 32,169 33,233 36,374 35,226 35,780 41,219 36,366 36,912 33,247 34,300

Discontinuations

14,328 15,473 14,577 9,075 7,910 9,011 8,118 10,151 9,093 6,303 6,985 7,675 9,414 7,850 8,588 8,400 8,381 7,134 7,858 8,060

Red seal certificate

82.22 81.29 80.26 60.12 51.56 43.35 51.85 52.50 47.63 36.85 40.47 44.37 53.45 44.09 43.54 44.87 45.52 42.46 46.03 50.09

Red seal certificate as% of completions

172,343 177,741 188,776

1997 1998 1999

1.137 1.153 1.201

1.628 1.667 1.755

Total registrations as % of labour force 15–44 16,383 16,476 18,582

Completions 9.51 9.27 9.84

Completions as % of registrations 39,840 42,417 45,416

Registrations during year 137,226 143,384 149,958

Registrations ended 35,117 34,357 38,818

Discontinuations

8,522 8,481 9,628

Red seal certificate

sources: Statistics Canada/hrdc Apprenticeship Database, 2001; Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey. note: “Total registrations” is the sum of registrations at start of period and new registrations during period. “Discontinuations” equals total registrations minus those registered at end of period. It includes both completions and formal and informal withdrawals.

Total registrations

Year

Total registrations as % of labour force 15+

Table 11.1 (Continued) Trends in apprenticeship in Canada

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52.02 51.47 51.81

Red seal certificate as% of completions

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Registrations rose rapidly during the second half of the 1970s and peaked in the recession year of 1982. The low level of economic activity in the 1983–85 period dampened registrations, but economic expansion in the second half of the 1980s again boosted registrations, which peaked in 1991. Again the weak economy of the first half of the 1990s had a negative effect on registrations, but the upturn starting in the second half of the decade led to an increase in total registrations. Indeed, total registrations jumped 13.4 per cent between 1996 and 1999, the most recent year for which data are available. Another source of information on apprenticeship trends is Statistics Canada’s publication Education in Canada, which provides data on enrolments in programs for registered apprentices. According to this source, total apprenticeship enrolment fell 23.2 per cent, from 68,119 in 1983–84 (the earliest year for which data are available) to 43,402 in 1997–98 (the most recent year for which data are currently available). This decline compares with a 23.9 per cent increase between 1983 and 1997 in apprenticeship registrations from the Statistics Canada/hrdc apprenticeship database. The smaller number of apprentices in the enrolment series reflects the fact that this series captures only apprentices enrolled in classroom instruction, not those on the job. One possible explanation for the discrepancy between the trends in the two series may be that a smaller proportion of apprentices in any given year are now enrolled in classroom instruction. In certain provinces it is now possible to “challenge” or take the apprenticeship exam without completion of the classroom component of the program. Apprenticeship by Province The apprenticeship system in Canada is under provincial jurisdiction, and enrolment in apprenticeship programs varies greatly by province (table 11.2). It is largely concentrated in the four largest provinces, these provinces in 1999 accounting for 85.6 per cent of total apprenticeship registrations: Ontario (34.4 per cent of the total), Alberta (21.2 per cent), Quebec (19.1 per cent), and British Columbia (10.9 per cent). Alberta’s share of national apprenticeship enrolment is more than double its population share (9.5 per cent), while the other three provinces have registrations below their working age population share. Ontario has a 3.6 percentage point difference between its share of total apprenticeship registrations and its population share (38.0 per cent), Quebec a 5.5 point gap, and British Columbia a 2.4 point gap. Among the six smaller provinces, the share of national apprenticeship registrations exceeds that of Canada’s working age population in Saskatchewan and

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Table 11.2 Apprenticeship registration by province, 1999

Registrations

% of total registrations

Population 15+ (thous.)

% of total populations

Ontario

64,997

34.43

9,111

Alberta

40,023

21.20

2,270

9.47

Quebec

36,026

19.08

5,893

24.59

British Columbia

38.01

20,645

10.94

3,193

13.32

Saskatchewan

6,669

3.53

763

3.18

Nova Scotia

4,341

2.30

741

3.09

New Brunswick

4,010

2.12

600

2.50

Manitoba

4,672

2.47

852

3.55

Newfoundland

6,263

3.32

438

1.83

401

0.21

108

0.45

188,776

100.00

23,969

100.00

Prince Edward Island Canada

sources: Statistics Canada/hrdc Apprenticeship Database, 2001; Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey.

Newfoundland and is less in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Manitoba, and Prince Edward Island. There have been particularly large fluctuations in apprenticeship enrolment in Quebec. Registrations rose rapidly in the 1980s from 17,163 in 1980 to a peak of 60,899 in 1990, 2.3 per cent of the labour force aged 15–44. Since then, they have fallen steadily, reaching 31,640 in 1997, 1.3 per cent of the labour force aged 15–44. Since 1997, registrations have picked up somewhat, reaching 36,026 in 1999, 1.4 per cent of the labour force aged 15–44. As Quebec represents about one-fifth of national apprenticeship registrations, the large fluctuations in registrations in that province have had a significant effect on national trends. Apprenticeship by Trade Table 11.3 provides information on registrations in the six major trade groups for selected years, including 1987 (the earliest year for which data are available) and 1999. Three major trade groups in 1999 were of relatively equal importance, each with around one-fifth of the total apprenticeship registrations: metal fabricating trades (21.6 per cent), motor vehicle and heavy equipment trades (21.2 per cent), and building construction trades (20.2 per cent). They were followed by electrical, electronics, and related trades (16.3 per cent), food and services trades (10.0 per cent), and industrial and mechanical trades (8.3 per cent).

12,419

Food and services trades

156,857

100.00

1.88

20.77

20.60

6.18

7.92

16.94

25.70

% of total

165,668

3,111

34,567

33,115

12,900

13,851

30,416

37,708

100.00

1.88

20.87

19.99

7.79

8.36

18.36

22.76

Registrations % of total

1994

188,776

4,611

39,993

40,681

15,753

18,819

30,753

38,166

Registrations

100.00

2.44

21.19

21.55

8.34

9.97

16.29

20.22

% of total

1999

1.11 15.71

1.21 −5.33

5.62 13.95 20.35

5.42 48.22 56.25

6.08 15.70 22.73

2.50 22.85 25.92

32.98 22.12 62.39

11.53 35.87 51.53

14.44

−6.47

87–94 94–99 87–99

% Changes in registration

note: Of the top twenty-five trades, carpenter, bricklayer, plasterer, painter and decorator, and roofer are included in “building construction trades”; industrial electrician and construction electrician are included in “electrical, electronics, and related trades”; cook and hairdresser are included in “food services trades”; industrial mechanic (millwright), industrial instrument mechanic, and refrigeration and air-conditioning mechanic are included in “industrial and mechanical trades”; moulder, tool and die maker, machinist, sheet metal worker, welder, plumber, and steamfitter-pipefitter are included in “metal fabricating trades”; motor vehicle body repairer, automotive service technician, truck and transport mechanic, heavy-duty equipment mechanic, and heavy-duty equipment operator are included in “motor vehicle and heavy equipment trades”; and landscape gardener is included in “miscellaneous other trades.”

Total

2,951

32,586

Motor vehicle and heavy equipment trades

Miscellaneous other trades

32,308

Metal fabricating trades

9,701

26,577

Electrical, electronics, and related trades

Industrial and mechanical trades

40,315

Registrations

Building construction trades

Major trade groups

1987

Table 11.3 Registration in apprenticeship programs, by major trade group

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The growth in apprenticeship registrations by major trade group over the last decade is particularly instructive in pointing to the dynamic components of the apprenticeship system. The major trade group experiencing the largest increase in apprenticeship registrations over the 1987–99 period was industrial and mechanical trades, up 62.4 per cent, followed by miscellaneous and other trades (56.3 per cent), and food and service trades (51.5 per cent). Growth rates in apprenticeship registrations for metal fabricating trades (25.9 per cent) and motor vehicle and heavy equipment trades (22.7 per cent) were slightly above the average for all apprenticeship registrations (20.4 per cent). In contrast, registrations actually fell 5.3 per cent in building construction trades and advanced a below-average 15.7 per cent in electrical, electronics, and related trades. The apprenticeship system has not expanded beyond its traditional occupations into such fields as arts, business and commerce, health sciences, natural sciences, and social sciences in recent years. It has been particularly weak in emerging occupations associated with information technologies. This heavy concentration of apprenticeship enrolments in traditional occupations is true for all provinces. Apprenticeship by Gender The apprenticeship system has historically been heavily maledominated, and this trait continues to be true (Sweet and Gallagher, 1997). For example, in 1997–98, women represented only 3.6 per cent of persons enrolled in apprenticeship programs in Canada. Despite the wide recognition of this problem, the proportion of women registered in apprenticeship programs has not risen in recent years. There is considerable variation in the relative importance of women enrolled in apprenticeship programs by province, reflecting provincial differences in the mix of apprenticeship programs offered (some programs such as hairdressing are female-dominated and may be concentrated in certain provinces) and, possibly, differences in attitudes to women entering apprenticeship programs. By province, the share of women in apprenticeship enrolment ranged from a high of 6.5 per cent in Newfoundland to a low of 1.2 per cent in Manitoba (see figure 11.1). Age Structure of Apprentices The average age of persons registered in apprenticeship programs in 1999 was 30.1 years, up from 29.6 years in 1994. In 1999, 50.7 per cent of apprentices were in their twenties, 29.6 per cent in their thirties, 15.3 per cent in their forties or older, and 4.4 per cent were under

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Figure 11.1 Female enrolment in apprenticeship programs by province, 1997–1998 (as percentage of total enrolment) Newfoundland Saskatchewan British Columbia Alberta Ontario Nova Scotia Prince Edward Island New Brunswick Manitoba Canada

% –

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20. Between 1994 and 1999 all the increase in apprenticeship registrations was in the 24-and-under and 35-and-over age categories. Growth was particularly strong in the under-20 age group, up 98.2 per cent, and in the 40-and-over groups, with that in the 40–44 age group up 47.2 per cent and in the 45-and-over group up 67.4 per cent. The aging of apprentices may reflect a number of factors: the overall aging of the population, the increasing propensity of older persons to pursue training or retraining, and a lengthening of the time needed to complete apprenticeship programs. The increased proportion of persons under 20 registered in apprenticeship programs appears to indicate a revival of interest in apprenticeships by youth in their late teens. Apprenticeship Completion Rates While apprenticeship registrations have kept pace with and slightly exceeded labour-force growth, the same cannot be said for the number of apprentices successfully completing apprenticeship programs.

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Indeed, the number of completions in 1999 (18,582) was only slightly below that of 1977 (17,427), despite the 45.9 per cent increase in the size of the labour force and the 53.6 per cent increase in total apprenticeship registrations over the period (see table 11.1). The completion rate is defined as the ratio of the number of completions of apprenticeship programs to the total registrations in a year (registrations at the start of a year and new registrations).2 This is the definition of completion rate used by Statistics Canada. In a situation where the number of new registrations is constant, with no withdrawals or discontinuations and all registrants finishing the program in the normal number of years, the completion rate will be the reciprocal of the number of years of the program. Thus, if the program lasts four years, the normal completion rate will be 25 per cent. An example illustrates this. Assume that 100 persons register and complete the program each year, so at any one time there are 400 persons in the program (300 comprising the second-, third-, and fourth-year registrants, and 100 the first-year registrants). The completion rate is calculated at 100/400, or 25 per cent. The normal completion rate will be less than the reciprocal of the number of the years in the program if there are withdrawals and if persons remain in the program for more than the normal length of time. In addition, if there is population growth or decline, completion rates will be affected. An increase in registrations over time will reduce the completion rate, while a reduction in registrations increases the rate. It is important to note that the completion rate methodology developed above differs significantly from that used to track a cohort which enters a program in a given year. In this case, the potential completion rate can be 1 and not the reciprocal of the years of the program, since all persons who enter the program could in theory complete the program in the normal number of years. There is no doubt that the cohort methodology is superior to the mechanical methodology used here to calculate completion rates, which represents the rate of throughput of the training system. Unfortunately, there are few cohort tracking studies of the Canadian apprenticeship system (one study of the Alberta apprenticeship system found that in the last two years the completion rate has been between 73 and 74 per cent, with the majority completing at the earliest possible completion date). The advantage of the methodology used in this study to calculate completion rates is that since it uses administrative data on apprenticeship, rates can be calculated by province and by trade for long periods of time. The average completion rate, based on the definition developed above, in 1999 in Canada was 9.8 per cent, about two-fifths of what one might consider the normal completion rate for a four-year ap-

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Figure 11.2 Apprenticeship completion rate by province, 1999 (as percentage of total registration)

British Columbia Prince Edward Island Ontario Alberta Saskatchewan Manitoba Nova Scotia New Brunswick Quebec Newfoundland Canada without Quebec Canada

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prenticeship program. Completion rates varied greatly by province (see figure 11.2). In 1999 the rate was lowest in Newfoundland, at 4.5 per cent, and highest in British Columbia, at 14.2 per cent, followed by Prince Edward Island (12.5 per cent), Ontario (11.0 per cent), and Alberta (10.7 per cent). Over the 1980–99 period, completion rates fell in eight provinces, with the largest decline registered in Newfoundland (9.4 points), followed by Quebec (6.7 points), Manitoba (6.1 points), Nova Scotia (5.5 points), New Brunswick (4.7 points), Alberta (2.0 points), Saskatchewan (0.9 points), and Ontario (1.6 points). The completion rate increased in British Columbia (1.6 points) and Prince Edward Island (0.8 points). In addition, the aggregate completion rate is on a downward trend, falling one-third from 14.2 per cent in 1977 to its level in 1999 of 9.8 per cent. The declining completion rate is largely explained by the many apprentices who drop out of or “discontinue” an apprenticeship program before completion. Indeed, the number of discontinuations rose 53.9 per cent (in line with total registrations) between 1977 and

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1999, so that the ratio of discontinuations to completions rose from 1.45 in 1977 to 2.09 in 1999.3 In other words, for every apprentice who completes his or her apprenticeship program, more than two drop out of the program. An increase in the average length of time apprentices take to complete their programs may also account for some of the fall in the completion rate. This aggregate completion rate varies greatly by trade. By far the highest completion rate among the twenty-five largest trades in 1999 was for industrial mechanic (millwright) at 17.7 per cent,4 followed by hairdresser (17.4 per cent), moulder (14.3 per cent), welder (14.1 per cent), and truck and transport mechanic (13.0 per cent). All other trades had completion rates of 12 per cent or below. Three trades had apprenticeship completion rates below 5 per cent: painter and decorator (4.9 per cent), bricklayer (4.8 per cent), and plasterer (2.3 per cent). Almost all trades experienced a decline in apprenticeship completion rates between 1977 and 1999, the only exceptions being industrial mechanic (millwright), up 1.5 percentage points, and plumber, up 0.2 points. Trades that experienced particularly large declines in completion rates (at least 10 points) between 1977 and 1999 were plasterer (15.8 points), industrial instrument mechanic (15.8 points), landscape gardener (13.1 points), industrial electrician (12.5 points), roofer (11.1 points), and heavy duty equipment operator (10.9 points). Apprentices may sit the ips certification (red seal) exams when they complete their programs. These exams allow apprentices to work in other provinces. In 1999, 51.8 per cent of those who completed apprenticeship programs received a red seal certificate (table 11.1). This proportion was up from the 40 per cent average of the 1986–88 period, but down from the over 80 per cent rate of the late 1970s. Since a growing number of provinces are adopting the red seal exam as the provincial standard, the number of persons who receive such certification is expected to increase in the future. Comparison of Apprenticeship with Other Types of Post-secondary Education We live in an increasingly knowledge-based economy. Canadians have recognized this reality by greater participation in the different forms of post-secondary education. Full-time community college registrations increased 25.2 per cent from 1985 to 1998, full-time university undergraduate registrations 21.5 per cent, and full-time university graduate registrations 44.7 per cent. Total apprenticeship registrations rose 27.7 per cent over the period, a rate of growth not out of line with

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these other types of post-secondary education. Given the large fluctuations in apprenticeship registrations, the choice of the starting point is very important for comparisons of registration growth across types of post-secondary education. Had the year 1977, the early 1980s, or the early 1990s been chosen as the starting point, the growth rate of apprenticeship registrations would not have compared as favourably to that of registrations in other types of post-secondary education as it does with the 1985 starting point. The completion rate in apprenticeship programs appears low compared to those in other types of post-secondary education. Applying the methodology used to calculate completion rates in the apprenticeship programs to community college and undergraduate university enrolment and graduates reveals much less of a gap between the actual and normal completion rates. Assuming an average length of four years for an apprenticeship program, the normal completion rate would be around 25 per cent, but the actual rate was 9.8 per cent in 1999, down from 14 per cent in 1977. Assuming a four-year undergraduate curriculum, the completion rate, defined as the ratio of graduates to total enrolment (full-time equivalents), was 20 per cent in 1998–99, double the completion rate for apprenticeship. It has actually been increasing over time. The completion rate for community college students, again defined as the ratio of full-time equivalent enrolment to diplomas conferred, was 23 per cent in 1998–99, and the completion rate for university graduate programs was 24 per cent. Both rates have been trending up over time. Factors behind the High Dropout Rate in Apprenticeship A comprehensive study of the factors behind the high number of discontinued registrations or dropouts in the apprenticeship system is beyond the scope of this chapter.5 A large number of factors have been suggested to account for this situation. They include the following: • the poor macroeconomic climate and high unemployment rate in

Canada in the 1990s, as apprentices must hold a job to be registered in an apprenticeship program; • the growing relative unimportance of completion of apprenticeship programs for employment in certain apprenticeable trades; • a decline in the quality of entrants into apprenticeship programs; • a growing lack of congruence between the structure and content of apprenticeship programs and the training needs of the labour market; and

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• administrative changes in support for apprenticeship programs

(e.g., income support from Employment Insurance) that make completion more difficult.

conclusion This chapter has provided an overview of the Canadian apprenticeship system, identifying a number of weaknesses. The portrait that emerges reveals a number of characteristics that may have a negative impact on the ability of the system to produce the skilled workforce needed by employers. These weaknesses include • the inability of the apprenticeship system to expand beyond tradi-

•

•

•

•

tional fields such as the construction trades and motor vehicle repair into growing occupations in business and commerce, health sciences, natural sciences, and social sciences; the inability of the apprenticeship system to increase the extremely low proportion of women enrolled in apprenticeship programs (3–4 per cent); the uneven development of apprenticeship programs by province, resulting in regional disparities in access to apprenticeship programs; the very low level of completion rates for apprenticeship programs (10 per cent) as a result of the high dropout rate; this completion rate is much lower than in other types of education and training; and the strong downward trend in apprenticeship completion rates, which declined one-third over the past two decades.

The trends described in this chapter raise questions about the ability of the apprenticeship system in Canada to produce an adequate supply of qualified workers for the economy. As suggested by the title of the chapter, the system may be under siege. The low and falling completion rates, the failure of the system to expand beyond traditional occupations, and the low female participation suggest that is not well adapted to the current labour-market realities. The performance of the apprenticeship system lies in contrast to other types of education and training programs, which in many instances have exhibited much more dynamism and innovation. It is true that new registrations in apprenticeship programs are cyclical in nature, declining when employment opportunities are weak and expanding when they are strong. The weak economy of the early and mid-1990s dampened new apprenticeship registrations. With the

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strong economy after 1996, registrations picked up considerably. But cyclical increases in apprenticeship registrations will not eliminate or even lessen the structural problems noted above that face the system. When there is weak demand for qualified workers, the deficiencies of the system have limited consequences. Since large increases in the number of qualified workers are not needed, the low apprenticeship completion rates do not represent an obstacle to growth. Employers do not put pressure on the apprenticeship system to become more effective. In contrast, strong demand for qualified workers makes employers more aware of the deficiencies of the system and creates demand for reforms. Thus the emergence of skill shortages in certain trades in recent years has resulted in increasing attention being given the weaknesses of the apprenticeship system. One’s perspective on the effectiveness of the apprenticeship system depends on a number of factors, including one’s province, trade, role in the system, and expectations of what it can and should deliver in meeting the training needs of Canadians in an effective manner. For example, apprenticeship registrations are disproportionately high in Alberta and the completion rate is above the national average, so the system may be working well in that province. But in other provinces, such as Quebec, registrations and completion rates are low. Equally, registrations in certain trades are growing rapidly, while in others they are in free fall. Persons intimately involved in the apprenticeship programs may feel that the system is working from their perspective, and even feel threatened and defensive when outsiders with little practical knowledge of the system assert that it is in crisis on the basis of a statistical analysis which from the practitioners’ viewpoint is of little value. On the other hand, persons with comparative knowledge of different educational systems may find that the apprenticeship system is not keeping pace with other types of post-secondary education. Expectations are also crucial in one’s evaluation of the apprentice system. If one thinks that it is normal for apprenticeship programs to have few women registrants because most trades are of intrinsically little interest to women, that the dropout rate should be more than double the completion rate, and that emerging occupations in the information technology, unlike the traditional trades, are not suited to the apprenticeship model of training, then the status quo is acceptable and there is no crisis, or even a serious situation. On the other hand, if one has the expectation that many women may be interested in working in trades traditionally dominated by men, that high non-completion rates waste both financial and human resources, and that the apprenticeship model may indeed be relevant to new occupations in the emerging sectors, then the status quo is unacceptable and change needed.

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The conclusion of this chapter is that the problems facing Canada’s apprenticeship system, as documented here, merit serious attention from all labour-market partners. The quality of the workforce is crucial to the health of the economy, and expanding and improving the apprenticeship system will increase workers’ skills. Key questions that should be addressed include the reasons why Canada’s apprenticeship system appears unable to have its apprentices complete their programs in a timely manner, if at all; why the apprenticeship system has not expanded outside traditional occupations; and why women are not attracted to apprenticeship programs.

notes 1 For an overview of international experience with apprenticeship, see Bertrand, 1994. For discussion of the German experience, see Franz and Soskice, 1995. For discussion of the Canadian apprenticeship system, see the Canadian Labour Force Development Board National Apprenticeship Committee, 1994a and 1994b. 2 Completion rates can be calculated in three ways: (1) the ratio of completions in a year to registrations at the start of the year; (2) the ratio of completions to total registrations in a year (the sum of registrations at the beginning of the year and new registrations); and (3) the ratio of completions to registrations at the end of the year (the sum of registrations at the start of the year and new registrations minus discontinuations and completions).When new registrations are positive, the completion rate from method 2 will be less than method 1. When discontinuations and completions are positive, method 3 will always be greater than method 2. An algebraic exposition of the three definitions is given below. C= completions Rb= registrations at the beginning of the period NR= new registrations Re= registrations at the end of the period D= discontinuations C1= C/Rb C2= C/(Rb+NR) C3= C/Re= C/((Rb+NR)−(D+C)) If NR>/ 0, then C1>C2. If D+C>/ 0, then C3>C2. If D+C > Rb+NR, then C3>C1. 3 It should be noted that discontinuations include persons who transfer to other apprenticeship programs as well as those who withdraw or whose registration is cancelled or suspended. From this perspective, the overall

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apprenticeship completion rate may underestimate the true completion rate, since the number of registrations in all apprenticeship programs in a given year may exceed the number of separate individuals registered because of double counting of persons registered in more than one program as a result of transfers. No information on the proportion of discontinuations that are transfers is currently available. 4 The number of completions in the industrial mechanic (millwright) trade doubled to 1,424 in 1999 from 717 in 1998, boosting the completion rate from 9.2 per cent to 17.7 per cent. Such a development suggests that there may be potential for the completion rate to be significantly increased across all trades. The factors behind the increased completion rate in the industrial mechanic trade warrant investigation. 5 For a discussion of the situation in the 1980s, see Akyeampong, 1991.

references Akyeampong, E.B. (1991). Apprentices: Graduate and dropout labour market performances. Perspectives on Income and Work, spring. Bertrand, O. (1994). Issues, problems and perspectives – Lessons from an international debate. In Apprenticeship – Which way forward? Paris: oecd. Canadian Labour Force Development Board National Apprenticeship Committee (1994a). Expansion of the apprenticeship system. Ottawa. – (1994b). National standards for the apprenticeable trades. Ottawa. Franz, W., & Soskice, D. (1995). The German apprenticeship system: Institutional frameworks and labour market performance. London: Routledge. Sweet, R., & Gallagher, P. (1997). Women and apprenticeships: An analysis of the 1994 national apprentice trades survey: Final report. Ottawa: hrdc.

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12 Women and Apprenticeships: The Role of Personal Agency in Transition Success R O B E RT S W E E T

The Canadian labour market has undergone two decades of restructuring, and these changes have had a profound impact on the schoolwork transitions of youth. Pathways to meaningful, satisfying, and wellpaid employment are today more complex and prolonged. While some high school graduates enter the labour force directly, most become directly involved in further learning. The majority of those interested in acquiring vocational skills enrol in college trades or careertech programs, while others register as apprentices (Statistics Canada, 1996). Apprenticeships have for some time been the focus of controversy and debate (Weiermair, 1984; Economic Council of Canada, 1992; csls, 2001). Among the more salient criticisms levelled at the apprenticeship system in Canada are the relatively high attrition rates and the very few women who register as apprentices. Others have questioned the value of the apprenticeship credential compared with a college diploma or certificate (Sweet, 2001). Sharpe (1999) has traced the non-completion figures for colleges and apprenticeships over the last two decades, and the results clearly indicate that apprentices discontinue their training at a higher rate than college students. To the extent that a credential (i.e., journeyperson status) is required to work in a trade, this outcome represents a serious problem. Some have argued, however, that attaining an apprenticeship credential is not necessary to find (and retain) employment in the trades. Akyeampong (1991) found that few monetary advantages were to be obtained by completing an apprenticeship. This

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finding contrasts with more recent analyses by Sweet and Lin (2000), who examined annual earnings of completers and non-completers of apprenticeship training and found significant differences across a range of apprenticed trades that consistently favoured completers. Apprenticeships represent a school-work pathway that women who aspire to vocational employment have been encouraged to follow. In the past, most apprenticed trades in the areas of construction, manufacturing, fabricating, and repair were accessible only to men (Wismer, 1988). Women typically registered in trades that represented traditional women’s work, such as hairdressing and cooking. More recently, they have been supported in their endeavours to register and succeed in non-traditional trades by bridging programs that prepare them for unfamiliar work and by government financialaid packages designed to support them during training. These programs assume that women who choose non-traditional trades and complete their training will be rewarded in the labour market with more stable employment, higher incomes, and greater job satisfaction (Schneider, 1993). The choice of a traditional or non-traditional trade and the decision to complete or discontinue an apprenticeship are individual actions that undoubtedly influence the success of school-work transitions. Greater personal responsibility for transition success results from a shift in government policy toward lower levels of support for post-secondary institutions and less social commitment toward meeting individual study costs (Sweet, Anisef, and Lin, 2000; Daniel, Schwarz, and Teichler, 1999). It also reflects fundamental alterations in the hiring practices and work-organization patterns of employers as they struggle to adapt to rapidly changing market conditions (Rosenbaum, 1999). Observing these changes, Heinz (1999), Osberg (1997), and others have emphasized the greater uncertainty of the transition process and the significance of personal agency in determining transition success. Heinz (1991), for example, describes an essential developmental task of youth as one of writing their own educational and work “biographies.” The implications of this emphasis on individualism for constructing successful school-work pathways are explored by Furlong and Cartmel (1997) and Rudd (1997), who acknowledge the importance of agency in managing transition risk but who also see gender, class, ethnicity, and other indicators of social address as exerting a significant influence. Equity issues involving women are of pressing policy concern as governments, together with at least some businesses and unions, attempt to redress the imbalances of an obviously gendered workplace (Armstrong, 1996).

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exploring personal agency Although the apprenticed trades remain strongly differentiated by structural factors such as gender, it is important to explore the extent to which agentic behaviours of women taken prior to and during their apprenticeship training influence subsequent labour-market outcomes. Specific indicators of transition success include earnings, full-time employment, and job satisfaction. In this chapter, links are examined between these outcomes and women’s choice of a non-traditional trade as well as their decision to complete training. Occupational Segregation A concern with occupational segregation in the trades reflects a broader concern with unequal treatment in the workplace. The literature on the general topic of gender segregation in the labour market is extensive. Most explanations for such problems as non-standard work, barriers to career advancement, and gendered pay differentials adopt a human capital theory perspective (e.g., Gunderson, 1996). However, recent reviews demonstrate a wide range of interpretations in which segregation is attributed not only to individual differences but also to demographic characteristics, career choices, labour-market forces, the structural features of organizations, and sex discrimination (Malamed, 1995; Robinson, 1998; and Ankar, 1997). Current discussions of gender segregation have considered individual agency or action orientations in relation to social structure. For example, in her analysis of career paths for women, Evetts (2000) suggests that women’s “careers are not perceived as determined by cultural or structural forces. Rather such forces are mediated in their impact by processes of social interaction; cultures and structures are experienced; individuals respond and react in diverse ways; people construct their own meanings, make choices and construct strategies” (63). Irwin and Bottero (2000) also discuss the move toward improved equity in a rapidly changing labour market from the broader perspective of changing social relations, involving not only work but also education and family. Despite the rise of market forces and their pervasive influence in the lives of individuals, these authors do not see the influence of institutional structures being much diminished. Rather than an increase in individualism and autonomy – as argued by Beck (1992) and other analysts of the new economic order – Irwin and Bottero describe a reconfiguration of the existing (disadvantaged) position of women in terms of their employment opportunities and family obligations.

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In Canada there appears to have been at least some improvement in the social relations of women. In a critique of The Vertical Society, Armstrong (1996) remarks on the surprising changes in women’s social and economic position since the period of 1950s, described by Porter. Specific employment gains do not, however, apply to all occupational categories and levels. An important indicator of progress toward the goal of greater equity in the labour market is the proportion of occupations not classified as male- or female-dominated. Hughes (1995, 1999) has documented a significant shift by women into male-dominated professions. There is, however, no similarly strong trend to be found among vocational occupations. Apprenticeships especially remain highly segregated by gender. Skof’s (1994) analysis of women’s participation in the largest trades categories (those with more than 3,000 registrants) revealed that fewer than 4 per cent of apprentices in the non-traditional trades were women, while the proportions in cooking and baking trades and in hairdressing and related areas of aesthetics were 25 and 75 per cent respectively. Given that apprenticeships represent a principal means of entry into the skilled trades, these figures indicate the limited prospects of a less gendered vocational workforce. Gaining a better understanding of the status of women in apprenticed trades involves a consideration of the basis for choosing a particular trade and the labour-market consequences of that choice. Occupational choices logically lead to different income levels, employment statuses, and degrees of job satisfaction. Where these represent a positive return to the initial investment in training, they are not only valued outcomes but also strong incentives to others who may be considering a career in the trades. A rational choice among occupations that differed in the wages offered would incline most individuals to choose the higher paying of the two. However, individuals frequently choose to enter an occupation because they prefer a certain kind of work or the working conditions associated with the occupation (Raudenbush and Kasim, 1998; Konrad et al., 2000). In the case of women apprentices, some will choose hairdressing because they prefer it to carpentry or electrical repair work. Others will become carpenters or electricians because they are persuaded that these trades offer higher levels of income. The basis for choosing a traditional or nontraditional career path, then, is dependent not only on a rational calculation of the returns to investment in training but also on developed interests and preferences. The latter are often strongly influenced by images of gender-appropriate work roles (Looker and Thiessen, 1999; Thiessen and Nickerson, 1999). Reports of attempts to encourage women’s involvement in nontraditional trades are contained in government reports that generate

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“best practice” recommendations, and as such, they underscore many of the difficulties facing women interested in vocational careers. Butterwick and Ndunda (1996) and Scane, Staton, and Schneider (1994), for example, make recommendations directed toward developing the personal resources of women entering trades training. Guidelines for assertiveness training and instructional programming that empower women also are found in earlier reports (Carroll and Cherry, 1985). Recommendations concerning the preparation of girls in high school and women in the workforce for careers in non-traditional trades tend to emphasize the importance of the amount or level of education acquired prior to apprenticeship (Wismer, 1988). The value of bridging and exploratory programs, and the particular skills and understandings they provide, are frequently emphasized as a necessary addition to the educational preparation of women who are about to enter an apprenticeship (Schom-Moffat and Braundy, 1989). A number of the reports call for changed attitudes on the part of employers. Gordon (1995) saw government support for bridging programs and the active participation of employers and unions as essential means of promoting women’s entry to the workforce and to apprenticeships: “By encouraging and sponsoring bridging programs, and ensuring access to those women who want, governments can take a big step toward increasing women’s participation in apprenticeship. Hiring hall unions and employers can provide hands-on work experience, can assist with placement, and can recruit through the programs” (75). Sweet and Gallagher (1997) similarly concluded that such programs are effective in creating occupational interest and in imparting essential prerequisites, but that they are too few in number and seriously underfunded. In their analysis of the 1994 National Apprenticed Trades Survey (nats) data, they found that only 6 per cent of women registered in a non-traditional trade had participated in an exploratory program. Completion and Credentials The actual worth of an apprenticeship is presumably represented in the credentials that are awarded following the completion of training. A journeyperson’s “papers” are sought because they represent competence and often are required as a licence to work and advance in a trade. Commitment to the goal of obtaining apprenticeship credentials is consistent with the belief that post-secondary education serves as a vehicle for social and economic mobility. Although significantly constrained by structural factors (ethnicity, region, socio-economic status), women’s educational aspirations have steadily risen across all

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post-secondary levels, including the various technical and vocational training programs offered at colleges (Looker, 1993; Andres et al., 1999). Despite the reality of a persistent gender wage gap and problems of unemployment and underemployment in the youth labour market, women have persisted in their desire to obtain educational credentials that will facilitate entry to the workforce. The market value of a credential in the apprenticed trades should be obvious and predictable, given the level of government and union regulation in most trades. However, Akyeampong’s (1991) comparison of labour-market outcomes for apprentices who completed their training and those who discontinued suggests that credentials confer no particular advantage, in terms of either income or employment status. Studies of “dropout” from college programs and similar studies of employee turnover have emphasized the complexities of the decision to discontinue. Attempts to account for this phenomenon emphasize interactions between individual factors such as persistence or ability and institutional factors such as workload or financial inadequacies (Tinto, 1975; Bean, 1983). Certainly, decisions to discontinue an apprenticeship are not always under the volitional control of the individual. However, most are likely to involve a reasonably rational calculation of their effects on the transition process; and for certain trades, these may be greater than suggested by Akyeampong (1991). Labour-Market Outcomes When asked why they registered in an apprenticeship, the overwhelming majority of respondents to the 1994 National Apprenticed Trades Survey replied that they wished to improve their employment opportunities and income level as well as satisfy their interest in the trade (Sweet and Gallagher, 1997). This outcome is consistent with other studies of occupational and educational participation. Most have found that individuals are drawn to a career for instrumental as well as personal-interest reasons (Houtkoop and van der Kamp,1992). Instrumental Goals. Income and employment represent the most obvious of the perceived returns to apprenticeship choice and completion. They also are the most widely used indicators in studies of school-work transitions and in more specific analyses of the relationship between field of study and labour-market returns (Krahn, 1996; Allen, 1996). Certainly, they are easily quantified and allow labour-market outcomes to be readily compared across groups. Both income and employment stability are associated with other labour-market outcomes of value. These include the further development of skill through continuing

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education and a greater attachment to the trade (Schuetze and Rubenson, 1996). These indicators are, however, better suited to analyses of longer-term outcomes than the school-work transition period under study. Personal Interest. In the context of apprenticeship transitions, job satisfaction may be seen as meeting initial expectations for higher wages and greater employment stability. However, the meanings that individuals give to their work is broader than either of these indicators (Rehm, 1999). Attaining journeyperson status typically follows a lengthy apprenticeship, and satisfaction with the trade grows out of that experience. As well, work in the trades has many facets and opportunities for satisfaction. These include responsibility and autonomy in one’s activities and duties, job security, health and safety conditions, and relations with employers and co-workers. There also are entrepreneurial possibilities for female journeypersons. Starting one’s own business, however, is not a priority among women apprentices whether they are registered in traditional or non-traditional trades (Sweet, 1998). The limited engagement of women apprentices in entrepreneurial ventures perhaps reflects the difficulties that women in all occupations face when attempting to start their own businesses (Mirchandani, 1999; Hughes, 1999). Job satisfaction in part reflects the image one has of male and female work (Looker and Thiessen, 1999). Interpreting work in the apprenticed trades in terms of a traditional and non-traditional distinction often diminishes the value of the former (Rubery and Fagan, 1995). Gaskell (1990) describes the need to consider both traditional and non-traditional work: “The feminist vision … demands respect for the work women do, it calls for ‘equal pay for work of equal value.’ It challenges the process of valuation that puts women’s work at the bottom. The process of revaluing women’s work must be combined with the process of opening up opportunities in non-traditional employment” (13). This brief overview suggests the essential features and direction of the analysis. The basic question raised in the study asks whether or not labour-market outcomes are influenced by apprentices’ choice of traditional or non-traditional trade and their decision to complete or discontinue their apprenticeship training. These expressions of personal agency define four distinct transitional pathways to the labour market: traditional continuers or discontinuers and non-traditional continuers or discontinuers. The examination of agency-outcome relationships in apprentices’ transitions is organized around these pathways.

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e x a m i n i n g pa t h w ay s a n d o u t c o m e s Data were obtained from the 1994 National Apprenticed Trades Survey (nats). This was a national survey of some 32,000 (weighted) former apprentices who were interviewed two years after they had completed (or discontinued) their apprenticeships (Stoll and Baignee, 1997). The labour-market outcome variables examined in this analysis of the nats referred to the respondents’ position in the second year of their transition from the apprenticeship program. From among the 1,900 (weighted) female respondents to the survey, 1,863 respondents who were in the active labour market (employed or unemployed but seeking work) were selected. Although respondents were sampled from the various provinces and trades, it was necessary to aggregate the data as so few women were involved in apprenticeship training. Respondents were differentiated by their transition pathways and their labour-market outcomes compared across the resulting combinations of apprenticeship choice and completion. Employment Employment outcomes for each pathway are shown in table 12.1. Employment levels are partitioned to indicate full-year employment (50 to 52 weeks), less than full-year employment (27 to 49 weeks), and half a year or less of employment (1 to 26 weeks). Comparing the number of weeks worked across pathways indicates that employment stability and continuity vary most obviously between completers and discontinuers. The pattern of employment is very similar between traditional and non-traditional trades. Determining the relative value of part-time and full-time work is made somewhat complex by the different needs of respondents. Jensen (2001), Carnoy (1999), and others point out that women typically have to fit employment to the demands of family, and this process varies by age and situation. One indicator of the relationship between apprenticeship training and employment is the degree of attachment to the trade in the second year. Attachment is indicated in the lower panel of table 12.1 by the number of weeks per year that respondents were employed in the trade for which they trained. As may be seen in the number of respondents, there was a dramatic decline in attachment over this period, even among completers. However, those who completed their training tended to remain in the trade and were able to secure higher levels of employment: more completers had full-year positions, whether in a traditional or non-traditional field. It also is apparent that discontinuers in the non-traditional trades fared less well than discontinuers in

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Table 12.1 Employment outcomes by pathway for women former apprentices Pathways

Employment status

Traditional completer

Traditional discontinuer

Non-traditional completer

Non-traditional discontinuer

Weeks worked per year

%

%

%

%

0–26

21

41

19

39

27–49

14

16

17

20

50–52

65

43

64

41

936

466

225

236

1–26

10

24

10

18

27–49

15

22

20

25

50–52

76

54

70

58

695

137

175

36

Total (N) Weeks worked per year in trade

Total (N)

the traditional trades. It is likely that greater regulation of skill requirements in the non-traditional trades limits participation to those with formal qualifications. Income Annual incomes for each pathway are reported in table 12.2. It is apparent that choice of a non-traditional trade confers an economic advantage since both non-traditional pathways had higher levels of income than the traditional paths. Some two-thirds of respondents in the traditional trades are in the lowest income bracket, while none are in the highest bracket. Further, apprenticeship completion appears to combine with choice to produce even higher levels of income. The distribution of income for those who had completed a non-traditional apprenticeship is decidedly higher than that of all other pathways. Over half the respondents in this group had incomes above $30,000. Job Satisfaction Job satisfaction indicators present a more complex pattern. As seen in table 12.3, respondents were not particularly satisfied with their incomes. The non-traditional completer group reported a somewhat

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Table 12.2 Annual incomes by pathway for women former apprentices Pathways

Annual income

Traditional completer

Traditional discontinuer

Non-traditional completer

Non-traditional discontinuer

%

%

%

%

0–20,000

60

67

19

52

20,001–30,000

34

26

29

40

30,001–40,000

5

5

27

4

40,001–50,000

–

2

17

3

50,001–60,000

–

–

9

–

797

354

198

189

Total (N)

Table 12.3 Job satisfaction by pathway for women former apprentices Pathways

Indicator

Traditional completer

Traditional discontinuer

Non-traditional completer

Non-traditional discontinuer

%

%

%

%

Income

65

68

75

62

Responsibilities

90

86

92

79

Security

80

71

74

55

Health and safety

89

92

86

84

Relations

93

95

94

88

Total (N)

892

387

208

204

higher level of satisfaction, but the proportion of positive responses (75 per cent) seems to suggest that income expectations were not fully met. While there is considerable research on gender inequities in earnings, there is much less information available on the factors that determine an individual’s sense of worth in the workplace (Gasser, Oliver, and Tan, 1998; Major, 1989). Unfortunately, the nats does not allow this question to be pursued in any detail. Completers in both the traditional and non-traditional trades reported being given greater responsibility in their work, which confers more personal autonomy and control (Boyd, Mulvihill, and Myles,

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1991; Butlin and Oderkirk, 1997). Non-traditional completers perceived the workplace to be less secure and to involve greater occupational risk than traditional completers. This outcome may be explained by differences in the working conditions of the traditional group, most of whom were involved in hairdressing. Both traditional and non-traditional completers reported equally positive social relations with their co-workers, despite the latter’s overwhelming complement of men. In general, non-traditional discontinuers reported the lowest levels of satisfaction. Women in this group seemed least able to find satisfactory employment. Summary The analysis of apprentices’ choice of a trade and their decision to persist or discontinue defined distinct pathways to the labour market. These pathways were associated with differences in the returns to apprentices’ investment in training. Employment stability and continuity were greater for those who completed their programs, regardless of their choice of a traditional or non-traditional trade. Registering in a non-traditional trade but failing to complete training still produced better financial returns than either of the traditional pathways. However, income was maximized for those who completed a non-traditional trade. Among non-traditional completers, income satisfaction was relatively low, but apart from this specific financial consideration, there were no marked differences for the remaining satisfaction items between these respondents and those who had chosen a traditional trade, irrespective of their completion status. Overall, job satisfaction levels were lowest for the non-traditional discontinuers.

conclusions Contrary to Akyeampong’s (1991) assertion, those who complete their training do benefit in terms of employment and income. Choice of trade does, however, qualify this positive completion-outcomes relationship. Completers registered in a non-traditional trade had the highest incomes, and completers registered in a traditional trade had lower incomes than non-traditional discontinuers. These outcomes likely reflect the general disparity in male and female wages. In the case of traditional completers, their lack of advantage may reflect inconsistencies in the status that employers in these occupations (e.g., hairdressing) accord official credentials. Neither condition will promote or give rise to the “opportunity structures” that allow effective career building (Bates and Riseborough, 1993).

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Proponents of greater participation by women in the non-traditional trades are, on balance, justified in their enthusiasm. Certainly, the present analysis suggests that support for women in the non-traditional trades should be available to enable them to complete the apprenticeship and acquire the necessary certification. However, this enthusiasm may need to be tempered somewhat with regard to non-traditional work. Despite achieving substantially higher incomes, women in nontraditional trades are less satisfied with their economic returns than might be expected. It also should be acknowledged that women in traditional trades present a generally positive view of their work, especially in the important areas of job responsibility and interpersonal relations. Given this degree of complexity, there is a need to further research the monetary and non-monetary returns to training for women in both the traditional and non-traditional trades. From a theoretical perspective, establishing a link between labourmarket outcomes and the decisions that apprentices make with regard to trade choice and apprenticeship completion suggests that personal agency plays a significant role in successful school-work transitions. Within the structural (gendered) framework employed in this analysis, individual decisions were associated with distinctly different labourmarket returns to investment in training. This pattern is consistent with the notion that personal initiatives can influence the transition process but are nevertheless constrained by social structure (Heinz, 1999). Integrating structural factors in the analysis of agency furthers our understanding of individual attempts to cope with change in particular settings. Certainly, apprenticeships are experienced quite differently by women registered in male-dominated, as opposed to femaledominated, trades (Braid, 1988). And they undoubtedly differ by region and sector and along numerous other complex dimensions. The concept of agency nevertheless can be seen as tied to broader principles of human capital development. In the context of trades training, women’s aspirations and expectations are sensitive to information that compares the expected costs of and returns to an apprenticeship. While career choices are unlikely to be wholly rational processes (Raudenbush and Kasim, 1998), individual decisions are likely to be influenced by knowledge of the linkages between apprenticeship pathways and labour-market outcomes. It would be difficult to persuade women to enter the non-traditional trades without first demonstrating substantial returns to their investment in training. In response to the changing relationship between education and work, comprehensive educational reforms are underway in virtually all advanced economies (oecd, 1999). These have increased the number and variety of pathways for women, who now can exercise greater

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choice in their career and training selections. Apprenticeships represent only one approach to alternation. The findings of this study nevertheless offer a useful starting point for a more complete specification of structure-agency issues in relation to other training formats.

references Akyeampong, E. (1991). Apprentices: Graduate and dropout labour market performances. In Perspectives, 3, 7–15. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Allen, R. (1996). The economic benefits of post-secondary training and education in B.C.: An outcomes assessment. Vancouver: Department of Economics, University of British Columbia. Andres, L., Anisef, P., Krahn, H., Looker, D., & Thiessen, V. (1999). The persistence of social structure: Class and gender effects on the occupational aspirations of Canadian youth. Journal of Youth Studies, 2, 261–82. Ankar, R. (1997). Theories of occupational segregation by sex: An overview. International Labour Review, 136, 315–39. Armstrong, P. (1996). The feminization of the labour force: Harmonizing down in a global economy. In I. Bakker (Ed.), Rethinking restructuring: Gender and change in Canada (pp. 29–54). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Bates, I., & Riseborough, G. (Eds.). (1993). Youth and inequality. Buckingham: Open University Press. Bean, J. (1983). The application of a model of turnover in work organizations to the student attrition process. Review of Higher Education, 6, 129–48. Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage. Boyd, M., Mulvihill, M., & Myles, J. (1991). Gender, power and postindustrialism. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 28, 407–36. Braid, K. (1988). Neither friendly nor familiar: Language styles, stress and macho. In Surviving and thriving: Women in trades and technology and employment equity: Proceedings of the Naramata Conference (pp. 61–8). Winlaw, bc: Kootenay witt. Butlin, G., & Oderkirk, G. (1997). Educational attainment – A key to autonomy and authority in the workplace. Educational Quarterly Review, 4, 32–52. Butterwick, S., & Ndunda, M. (1996). What works and what doesn’t work in training: Lessons learned from a review of selected studies of labour market training programs. Report submitted to the B.C. Labour Force Development Board, Victoria. Carnoy, M. (1999). The family, flexible work and social cohesion at risk. International Labour Review, 138, 411–29. Carroll, B., & Cherry, F. (1985). Some advice for overcoming barriers to women’s achievement in non-traditional occupations. Ottawa: Women’s Employment Directorate, eic.

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Centre for the Study of Living Standards (csls) (2001). Creating a more efficient labour market: Roundtable report. Ottawa: csls and Human Resources Development Canada (http: //www.csls.ca). Daniel, H.D., Schwarz, S., & Teichler, U. (1999). Study costs, student income and public policy in Europe. European Journal of Education, 34, 7–22. Economic Council of Canada (1992). A lot to learn: Education and training in Canada. Ottawa: ecc. Evetts, J. (2000). Analysing change in women’s careers: Culture, structure and action dimensions. Gender, Work and Organization, 7, 57–67. Furlong, A., & Cartmel, F. (1997). Young people and social change: Individualization and risk in late modernity. Buckingham: Open University Press. Gaskell, J. (1990). The politics of methodological decisions: How social policy and feminism affect the study of careers. In R. Young and W. Borgen (Eds.), Methodological approaches to the study of career (pp. 221–33). New York: Praeger. Gasser, M., Oliver, J., & Tan, R. (1998). The influence of age and type of job on gender differences in pay expectations. Career Development Quarterly, 47, 36–47. Gordon, S. (1995). Operation access: A pre-apprenticeship bridging program for women – Part 1, Framing women’s options. Toronto: Advocates for Community Based Training and Education for Women. Gunderson, M. (1996). Women and the Canadian labour market: Transitions towards the future. Toronto: Statistics Canada and itp Nelson. Heinz, W. (1991). Theoretical advances in life course research. Weinheim: Deutscher Studien Verlag. – (1999). Transitions to employment in a cross-national perspective. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Cross-national perpectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Houtkoop, W., & van der Kamp, M. (1992). Factors influencing participation in continuing education. International Journal of Educational Research, 17, 537–47. Hughes, K. (1995). Women in non-traditional occupations. Perspectives, 7, 14–19. – (1999). Gender and self employment in Canada: Assessing trends and policy implications. http: //www.cprn.ca/back_press/bgse_e.htm. Irwin, S., & Bottero, W. (2000). Market return? Gender and theories of change in employment relations. British Journal of Sociology, 51, 261–80. Jensen, J. (2001). Roadmaps to the future: Rethinking institutions for work. Paper available from Canadian Policy Research Networks (http: //www.cprn.org). Krahn, H. (1996). School-work transitions: Changing patterns as research needs. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. Konrad, A., Ritchie, J., Leib, P., & Corrigal, E. (2000). Sex differences and similarities in job attribute preferences: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 126, 593–641.

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Looker, D. (1993). Interconnected transitions and their costs: Gender and urban-rural differences in the transitions to work. In P. Anisef & P. Axelrod (Eds.), Transitions: Schooling and employment in Canada (pp. 137–57). Toronto: Thompson Educational Press. – (1997). In search of credentials: Factors affecting young adults’ participation in postsecondary education. Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 27, 1–36. – and Thiessen, V. (1999). Images of work: Women’s work, men’s work, housework. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 24, 225–51. Major, B. (1989). Gender differences in comparisons and entitlement: Implications for comparable worth. Journal of Social Issues, 45, 99–115. Malamed, T. (1995). Barriers to women’s career success: Human capital, career choices, structural determinant, or simply sex discrimination. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 4, 295–314. Mirchandani, K. (1999). Feminist insight on gendered work: New directions in research on women and entrepreneurship. Gender, Work, and Organization, 6, 224–35. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (oecd) (1999). Preparing youth for the 21st century: The transition from education to the labour market. In Proceedings of the Washington, D.C., conference. Paris: oecd. Osberg, L. (1997). A personal reflection on the collective reflection. In Report of the Advisory Committee on the Changing Workplace (pp. 143–61). Ottawa. Raudenbush, S., & Kasim, R. (1998). Cognitive skill and economic inequality: Findings from the National Adult Literacy Survey. Harvard Education Review, 68, 33–79. Rehm, M. (1999). Vocation as meaning-making narrative: Implications for vocational education. Journal of Vocational Education Research, 24, 145–59. Robinson, D. (1998). Differences in occupational earnings by sex. International Labour Review, 137, 3–31. Rosenbaum, J. (1999). Institutional networks and informal strategies for improving work entry for youths. In W. Heinz (Ed.), From education to work: Crossnational perpectives (pp. 235–59). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rubery, J., & Fagan, C. (1995). Gender segregation in societal context. Work, Employment & Society, 9, 213–40. Rudd, P. (1997). From socialization to postmodernity: A review of theoretical perspectives on the school-to-work transition. Journal of Education and Work, 10, 257–79. Scane, J., Staton, P., & Schneider, M. (Eds.). (1994). Strategies that work: Women in science, trades, and technology. Toronto: Green Dragon Press. Schneider, M. (1993). Women in non-traditional occupations: Educational strategies that work. In D. Corson & S. Lawton (Eds.), Education and work, vol ii: Proceedings of the International Conference Linking Research and Practice (pp. 40–8). Toronto: oise.

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Schom-Moffat, P., & Braundy, M. (1989). What really happened to the witt grads? In Surviving and thriving: Women in trades and technology and employment equity: Proceedings of the Naramata Conference (pp. 101–10). Winlaw, bc: Kootenay witt. Schuetze, H., & Rubenson, K. (1996). Learning in the classroom and at the workplace: Elements of a framework for the analysis of apprenticeship training and other forms of “alternation” education and training in Canada. Vancouver: ubc Centre for Policy Studies in Education. Sharpe, A. (1999). Apprenticeship in Canada: A training system under siege? Ottawa: National Apprenticeship Committee, Canadian Labour Force Development Board. Skof, K. (1994). Women in registered apprenticeship training programs. Education Quarterly Review, 1, 26–35. Statistics Canada (1996). Education in Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Stoll, P., & Baignee, A. (1997). The National Apprenticed Trades Survey: An overview of the apprenticeship experience. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. Sweet, R. (1998). Women and apprenticeships: Choosing a traditional or nontraditional trade. Paper presented at Restructuring Work and the Life Course: An International Symposium, University of Toronto, Toronto. – (2001). Preparing for work in the new economy: A comparison of college and apprenticeship transitions. Report to the Sectoral and Occupational Studies Division, Human Resources Development Canada, Ottawa. – Anisef, P., & Lin, Z. (2000). Exploring family antecedents to participation in postsecondary education. Paper available from Learning and Literacy Directorate, Human Resources Development Canada, Ottawa. – & Gallagher, P. (1997). Women and apprenticeships: An analysis of the 1994 National Apprenticed Trades Survey: Final report. Ottawa: hrdc. – & Lin, Z. (2000). Consequences of attrition in apprenticeship: An analysis of the 1994–95 National Apprenticed Trades Survey. Working paper available from Centre for Research on Work and Society, York University, Toronto. Thiessen, V., & Nickerson, C. (1999). Canadian gender trends in education and work. Ottawa: Applied Research Branch, Human Resources Development Canada. Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education. Review of Educational Research, 45, 89–125. Weiermair, K. (1984). Apprenticeship training in Canada: A theoretical and empirical Analysis. Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada. Wismer, S. (1988). Women’s education and training in Canada: A policy analysis. Guelph: Canadian Congress for Learning Opportunities for Women.

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13 New Policy and Research Directions R O B E RT S W E E T AND HANS G. SCHUETZE

In this concluding chapter, we first identify some of the barriers to the successful adoption of the alternation concept, and we balance these against more hopeful signs of its growth and development in Canada. We then discuss the policy-research directions that are needed to guide the successful implementation of alternation. These requirements are briefly reviewed in relation to the institutions or systems employing these principles, as well as to the individuals and groups engaged in applied forms of learning. Finally, we examine some of the methodological issues that must be addressed if we are to inform changes in policy and practice with relevant research findings. Alternation models of education and training have been proposed as particularly appropriate responses to the need for improved workforce skills. Within the limits of the present research base, they appear to encourage development of relevant, generalizable skills and knowledge, as well as imparting an understanding of the social and cultural dynamics of the workplace. Situated learning thus appears to be an attractive means of integrating the learning that takes place in post-secondary classrooms and in the workplace. As the authors in this volume suggest, however, there remains some distance between the promise and the practice of alternation in Canada. There are both discouraging and encouraging signs when one examines the state of alternation education and training, although, on balance, the picture that emerges is more positive than otherwise.

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o v e r c o m i n g b a r r i e r s t o pa r t i c i pat i o n Among the more obvious barriers to participation in alternation programs are those associated with workplace equity. Relatively few women register in apprenticeships, and their efforts to gain admittance to the male-dominated trades is rarely successful (Sweet in this volume). There also is evidence that, among university graduates, those from visible minorities make less successful school-work transitions, although labour-market outcomes do improve somewhat for those who study for one of the more regulated professions (such as teaching) and those involved in co-op education programs (Anisef, Sweet, and Lin, 2001; Grosjean in this volume). Public attitudes toward vocational work also present a barrier to increasing enrolment in college trades and apprenticeship programs. Few adolescents aspire to a career in the trades, and these choices reflect the views and sentiments of their parents (Smaller in this volume). In terms of organization, there remain institutional distinctions that hinder development of the coordination needed for effective linkages between the classroom and the workplace. This problem is most apparent at the university level (Axelrod, Anisef, and Lin in this volume). Colleges generally are more successful in establishing working relationships with business and industry (Gallagher and Kitching in this volume). Finally, alternation approaches frequently require additional funding, and institutions have, for the most part, been unable to provide the necessary resources. Post-secondary education and training programs have endured substantial provincial government cutbacks to funding for over a decade. And the federal government has retreated from an active and direct involvement in training matters. Increasingly, the individual is responsible for funding his or her own education. Evidence of a move from public to private responsibility for study costs may be seen in the changed financial arrangements regarding student financial aid. Access to bursaries, grants, tool purchase offsets, and the Canada Student Loan Plan has been eliminated, reduced, or severely qualified. In the future, existing forms of aid will be supplanted to a significant degree by various types of registered educational savings plans (Anisef, Bell, and Sweet, 2001). Nor is this situation likely to be alleviated by the private sector – there is little evidence that employers will increase their commitment to fund employee education or training (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000). Despite these barriers to the implementation of alternation, there is evidence of increasing interest in its use. Several provinces have

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started, albeit in a modest fashion, youth apprenticeship programs at the high school level. And as Schuetze (in this volume) points out, there are successful innovations in apprenticeship and work-experience programs in particular provinces, notably Alberta. At the university level, interest in co-op education is growing – programs are expanding to include both the applied and liberal arts. There is greater recognition of the need to include “employability skills” among the repertoire of graduates, and workplace experience is seen as essential for their acquisition. There also is a growing realization in higher education institutions that advanced cognitive skills are more effectively learned in context. With regard to public attitudes toward vocational work, there is a heightened awareness of the importance of the family in educational planning (Andres in this volume). To the extent that parents (and not just school counsellors) are involved in the planning process, there will almost certainly be a demand for greater diversity in schoolwork pathways. In fact, public schools are responding to this anticipated trend with more varied and flexible formats, which allow youth to explore the world of work before completing high school (Sweet, Anisef, and Lin, 2000).

policy and research directions Alternation education and training has risen to prominence in recent policy discussions as part of a broader concern with the state of skills formation in Canada (csls, 2001). Pressures for the reform of existing approaches to skills development arise not only from a restructuring of the economy but also from demographic shifts. Changes in production processes and work-organization forms and the shift to service industries require the development of new and more sophisticated skills. A particularly worrisome trend is the imminent decline in the number of skilled workers. Canada’s workers are aging, and before significant numbers retire, we must find some means of transferring their knowledge and skills to a younger generation of workers (Schetagne, 2001). The result of both economic and demographic change is a looming crisis in the quality, level, and availability of skills in the workforce. While alternation programs are proposed as an effective response to the need to increase the stock of workforce skills, the policies needed for the successful implementation of situated learning programs are not well articulated. In the following sections we outline, at the institutional or systems level and at the level of the individual or social group, some of the more salient research activities needed to inform policy development.

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Institutional or Systems Level A significant hurdle to the successful implementation of alternation education and training is the high degree of coordination such programs require (Schuetze in this volume). Coordination is necessary at the governmental level, where the different ministries and their agencies responsible for education and the economy must ensure that the objectives of such programs do not conflict with sector-specific policies and mechanisms. The need for coordination also arises at the institutional level, where schools, colleges, and universities must interact with employers. Such cooperation is a prerequisite to the operation of a successful alternation program, and harmonious coordination of classroom and workplace curricula and experience is essential to the success of the individual student or trainee. While it certainly is possible to reach accord among educational institutions and employers, Payeur, Émond, and Caron (in this volume) demonstrate the complexities involved in implementing an alternation agreement. Often overlooked in the search for successful implementation strategies are issues of cost and financing. Despite the example of other countries, where employers are extensively engaged in apprenticeship training (from which they derive great benefit), Canadian employers remain largely disinterested and uninvolved in the training process. The viability of alternation programming depends upon a clear distribution of costs among the various partners, as well as sustained financial support for those programs. Where financial incentives are either missing or not obvious, employers will not fully participate in such programs. At the present time, they see training as a cost rather than an investment. Given the competitive environment in which employers must operate, appeals to them to invest company resources and sacrifice the productive time of their employees go largely unheeded. This is especially the case with small and medium-sized firms. The chapter by Hardy and Parent in this volume demonstrates the limits of persuasion in this sector. Despite the necessity for greater employer participation in the alternation process, there is a lack of research on employers’ motivations and, more specifically, on the basis for their calculation of the economic costs and benefits associated with training. Examples of alternative financing schemes are to be found in other countries and jurisdictions, but their trial implementation and evaluation have yet to be undertaken in this country (Rubenson and Schuetze, 2000). A prerequisite for the successful implementation of alternation programs is flexibility in their organization and provision. Adult learners typically have both work and family obligations. Successful access to

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education and training depends upon the institutions’ willingness to be flexible in their approach to the time and space requirements of this particular clientele. Recent developments in educational technology can potentially expand the scope and accessibility of alternation programs. Open and distance learning concepts based on telecommunications technology are increasingly familiar at the university and college level, and virtual laboratories and simulated work environments are widely employed in vocational training programs (Sweet, 2000). These technologies can directly involve students or workers in realistic guided or collaborative learning tasks. In this way they tend to break down the distinctions between classroom and work site that characterize most approaches to alternation education. The convergence of learning situations has significant curricular and organizational implications; however, the research that would assess its potential to further develop situated learning opportunities is not yet adequately developed. Distinctions between vocational and liberal education at the university level also need further examination. This has emerged as a particularly complex problem in which a curricular difference has also become a political issue. One of the more obvious impositions by government on universities is the requirement to report employment rates of graduates. In many provinces – Ontario is the most notable example – an increasing proportion of university funding is targeted toward applied and technical fields of study. These targeted funds are seen as reinforcing a trend toward vocationalizing the university curriculum. Critics of this shift (Fisher and Rubenson, 1998; Privateer, 1999) argue that, with the retrenchment of liberal education programs, the development of critical and creative thinking skills is neglected or anchored in specific situations that cannot be generalized. Axelrod, Anisef, and Lin (in this volume), while supporting the value of a foundational education, suggest some possibilities for reconciling differing curricular views. Individual and Group Level Social attitudes toward vocational work and training play a major role in the resistance encountered by proponents of alternation. When compared with more academically oriented programs, vocational training is held in relatively low esteem. This is, as Schuetze (in this volume) argues, the principal reason for the disinterest shown by many Canadians in workplace-related education, with the notable exception of co-op education programs found at the university level. The poor image of vocational training has several antecedents. These include differences in the resources available to families. Cul-

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tural and social capital, for example, varies across socio-economic levels and significantly influences young people’s career choices. The parents’ own educational experience is related to the school-work pathway they recommend to their children. Those with post-secondary education (and many who have not) tend to favour the university pathway. Parental encouragement of children’s academic aspirations – fulfilled by a university degree – is reinforced by schoolteachers and counsellors, the majority of whom have had little contact with the trades, the technologies, or the service industry. Despite the important role of parents in the educational planning process, relatively little research has been conducted on this topic. Families nevertheless are recognized as strongly influencing the future educational success of their children. The literature on childhood experiences – centred on the family’s social address – is well established in many countries (Haveman and Wolfe, 1994). Among the most important family influences is the intergenerational transfer of cultural capital. Andres (in this volume; 1993) has employed the concept of capital in an examination of teenagers’ orientations to academic and vocational pathways as they progressed through high school to the workplace or further education and training. Sweet and Gallagher (1997) similarly found a role for social capital in the positive relationship between women’s selection of an apprenticed trade and the presence of other family members in technical-trades occupations. Inequitable policies limit participation in learning by several groups: women, visible minorities, First Nations peoples, and the disabled. Among these, the concerns of women have been most effectively articulated in relation to training access and success. To the extent that these advocacy efforts are successful, they serve the interests of all groups. Women’s education and work issues have also been the subject of considerable research. However, the bulk of this work has considered women in universities and in managerial positions in the workforce. Much less research has focused on the concerns of women involved in vocational training and employment (Sweet and Gallagher, 1997). The pending retirements of significant numbers of skilled tradesmen should offer women opportunities to move into these currently male-dominated areas of work. Young women must be encouraged and prepared for work in these areas. At the present time, few women are interested in a career in the trades and technologies. Programs to introduce them to the working conditions and basic skill sets required for employment as carpenters, electricians, and engineering technologists are few in number, and there is remarkably little research on their effectiveness. This research effort on transition and entry programs for women should be expanded. More fundamental

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inquiries into the basis for women’s choice of occupation should also be conducted (Raudenbush and Kassim, 1998).

required research resources In the previous section, selected substantive research priorities were identified. It also is important to identify some of the reasons for the relatively underdeveloped state of research in the field of educationwork relations, as well as the methodological limitations of current research (Maroy and Doray, 2000). There are, however, indications of a renewed interest in the field. The relatively recent economic (and social) restructuring has brought to prominence the problem of human capital shortages. These changes have forced substantial shifts in the theoretical perspectives of policy researchers, particularly with regard to the basic assumptions underlying the formation of skills (Brown, 2000; Jackson and Jordan, 2001). There also is a growing awareness of the importance of adult learning and the value of the workplace as a setting for much of that learning. Established definitions of adult learning have, however, undergone significant change. The distinction between formal and informal learning by adults has become less obvious in practice, and this shift has suggested a much broader range of needed research activity (Livingstone, 1999). A second discernable trend is the adoption of a more inclusive research perspective. The study of schools and post-secondary educational institutions and their organization, curricula, finance, faculty, and students has been the focus of the established “scientific” fields such as educational, general sociological, and anthropological research, whereas work-based vocational training, on-the-job training, and related topics are or were, for a long time, considered a field of practice rather than of scholarly interest and study. Finally, there is an increased theoretical orientation in the work of policy researchers interested in education and work issues. Previously, research on vocational training was practice-oriented and applied, and as such, it has been seen by those in the established disciplines as atheoretical. This situation has gradually changed over the last decade or so. The work on apprenticeships and on school-work transitions by Heinz (1991) and his colleagues has, for example, been conducted within a framework developed from life-course theory. This trend is consistent with current interpretations of policy research as having an explanatory purpose as well as the more obvious task of informing policy decisions with profiles and descriptive summaries of data. The availability of an adequate information base is an essential precondition for conducting research that would inform public policy and guide development of personal education plans and career strate-

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gies. There are available some useful national surveys of the post-secondary domain that document both institutional behaviours and the experiences of individual participants. Institutional surveys tend to be limited to specific institutions or regions. Surveys of participants more often are national in scope. Examples include the National Graduate Survey, the National Apprenticed Trades Survey, and the Adult Education and Training Survey. These data are reasonably comprehensive, but they are not sufficient to allow a thorough analysis of the factors that would permit one to assess the value of different forms of education and training, either to individuals or to the training institution or enterprise; nor are they adequate for the task of critiquing perceived shortcomings of the present organization of the various educational and training systems. In order to undertake research related to the present situation and future development of alternative workplace training in Canada, additional data of a different design would be required. Longitudinal data would enable researchers to estimate the effects of alternation training on individual career paths and further learning. To the extent they are meaningful and feasible, such data should be compatible with those available from other jurisdictions in order to allow for benchmarking and international comparison. Also needed are more qualitative studies, using both case-study approaches and interview techniques to analyze the organization, content, and context of learning at the firm and industry-sector levels.

conclusion Various facets of alternation have been discussed in this volume, including its basis in cognitive and social learning, its implementation in a variety of settings, its role in smoothing the school-work transition process, and its potential to contribute to the knowledge and skills needed by the workforce. The authors have provided historical, theoretical, and practical insights. They also have extended the discussion of the role of alternation learning in skills formation. Previous analyses frequently employed terms such as “situated” or “experiential” learning simply to describe the value of the workplace as a resource for and site of “relevant” or “useful” learning (Boud, 1998; Jackson and Jordan, 2001). In this volume, the treatment of situated learning in relation to the broader alternation concept introduces a perspective that includes not only an analysis of skills development efficiencies but also a more critical treatment of their individual and social implications. Indeed, several authors directly question the neo-liberal orthodoxy of evaluating education and training solely in terms of its relevance and responsiveness to labour-market needs. The chapters on alternation models at the post-secondary level also extend discussion of the relationship

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between workplace and educational institution as legitimate sites of learning. Most directly, they raise questions about the role of the university and college in fostering personal growth while at the same time preparing individuals for employment. Although more research is needed to strengthen the case for alternation, its value is already apparent across a range of levels and types of education. Work experience and co-op education practices are increasingly being incorporated into established post-secondary curricula. And rising participation rates attest to their utility and attractiveness to students. Despite successes in the post-secondary system, the growth and development of alternation programs in other areas is uneven. Apprenticeships – perhaps the quintessential example of the alternation model – have several limitations, at least in their current form. When compared to participation rates in colleges and universities, apprenticeships have failed to attract Canadian youth. Much of this lack of success is due to a profound public disinterest in vocational work, which dampens the motivations of young people to pursue a career in the apprenticed trades. The scope of apprenticeable work is, however, expanding to include the service and technological sectors. And in most provinces, innovative forms of youth apprenticeship are appearing in high schools. The Canadian economy and society are undergoing rapid change, and these changes necessarily have implications for provincial education and training systems. High schools, colleges, universities, and apprenticeships are struggling to adapt to demands for curricular and organizational change. The potential of the alternation concept to contribute to this adjustment process is yet to be fully realized, but its promise is clearly evident. From the perspective of the individual, the alternation experience integrates conceptual and applied knowledge in personally meaningful ways, and it provides an introduction to the social realities of the workplace. By combining classroom and workplace learning, alternation programs expand the range of pathways to employment. They thus offer youths with varying backgrounds and priorities a greater measure of autonomy in preparing for and attaining their career goals.

references Andres, L. (1993). Life trajectories, action, and negotiating the transition from high school. In P. Anisef & P. Axelrod (Eds.), Transitions: Schooling and employment in Canada (pp. 137–57). Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishing.

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Anisef, P., Bell, S., & Sweet, R. (2001). Accessibility and student debt: The shift from public to private of higher education in Canada. ocufa Forum, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations, Toronto, spring. Anisef, P., Sweet, R., & Lin, Z. (2001). Higher education and labour market outcomes for non-traditional students in Canada: The case of racial minorities and immigrants. In H. Schuetze (Ed.), And the walls came tumbling down – Higher education and non-traditional students (pp. 191–206). Vancouver: Centre for Policy Studies in Higher Education and Training, University of British Columbia. Boud, D. (1998). New focus on workplace learning research. In D. Boud (Ed.), Current issues and new agendas in workplace learning (pp. 10–14). Leabrook, Australia: National Centre for Vocational Education Research. Brown, P. (2000). Globalization and the political economy of high skills. Journal of Education and Work, 12, 233–51. Centre for the Study of Living Standards (csls). (2001). Roundtable report on creating a more efficient labour market. Ottawa: csls (www.csls.ca). Fisher, D., & Rubenson, K. (1998). The changing political economy – The private and public lives of Canadian universities. In J. Currie & J. Newson (Eds.), Universities and globalization – Critical perspectives (pp. 77–98). Thousand Oaks: sage. Haveman, R., & Wolfe, B. (1994). Succeeding generations: On the effects of investments in children. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Heinz, W. (1991). Theoretical advances in life course research. Weinheim: Deutscher Studien Verlag. Jackson, N., & Jordan, S. (2001). Learning for work: Contested terrain? Studies in the Education of Adults, 32, 195–211. Livingstone, D. (1999). Exploring the icebergs of adult learning: Findings of the first Canadian survey of informal learning practices. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education, 13, 49–72. Maroy, C., & Doray, P. (2000). Education-work relations: Theoretical reference points for a research domain. Work, Employment & Society, 14, 173–89. Privateer, P. (1999). Academic technology and the future of higher education: Strategic paths taken and not taken. Journal of Higher Education, 70, 76–9. Raudenbush, S., & Kasim, R. (1998). Cognitive skill and economic inequality: Findings from the National Adult Literacy Survey. Harvard Educational Review, 68, 33–79. Rubenson, K., & Schuetze, H. (2000). Transition to the knowledge society: Policies and strategies for individual participation and learning. Vancouver: Institute for European Studies, University of British Columbia. Schetagne, S. (2001). Building bridges across generations in the workplace: A response to aging of the workforce. Ottawa: Canadian Council on Social Development.

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Sweet, R. (2000). Distance education for adult learners: Developments in the Canadian postsecondary system. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education, 14, 1–26. – & Gallagher, P. (1997). Women in apprenticeships. Ottawa: Learning and Literacy Directorate, Human Resources Development Canada. – Anisef, P., & Lin, Z. (2000). Exploring family antecedents of participation in post secondary education. Ottawa: Learning and Literacy Directorate, Human Resources Development Canada.

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Aboriginals. See special groups academic, 68; degrees, 27, 113–14, 118–19, 121–4; streams, 16, 47 access, 4, 16, 54; to higher education, 29; to nontraditional trades, 18 agency, 12, 26, 27, 32 Alberta, 72, 75–6, 88n3 alternation, 3, 21, 44–6, 49–51, 55–62, 96, 109; models, 72; unorganized, 7 apprenticeship, 6–7, 8, 11, 44–5, 52–4, 60–2, 67–71, 80–4, 119–21, 131–2; comparisons with Germany, 40–1; completion rates, 251–5; coordination of, 40, 75, 78, 83, 87; history, 159; participation trends, 244–51 at-risk students. See youth at risk attitudes, 8, 12, 13, 66, 70, 76, 83, 86, 87, 105. See also vocational attitudes Beck, U., 236, 262

British Columbia, 30, 72, 74–7, 82, 88n3, 113–14 careers, 28, 29, 33, 70; aspirations, 11, 121; choices, 16, 261–2; counselling, 129; pathways, 33, 114, 267–70 cegep s, 46–8, 62, 80. See also community colleges choice, 11, 12, 16, 113–14, 124. See also careers: choices classroom learning. See learning community colleges, 16, 39, 68, 80, 117–18; programs, 161–5; types, 156. See also cegep s community of practice, 10 completion rates, 264. See also dropout construction trades, 58, 81–2 context: of career choice, 113; institutional, 46–8; of training, 9, 10, 15, 46, 54–5

continuing education, 67, 84 cooperative education, 15, 16–18, 48, 55–6, 70, 73– 4, 77–9, 86, 128–9; history, 176–8 craft occupations, 7, 25, 27, 28, 34–5 critical thinking, 5, 228 culture of training, 12, 17, 84. See also educultural alliances Dewey, John, 17, 101, 104, 107, 217 dispositions. See attitudes dropout, 6, 36, 69, 76; in apprenticeships, 251–5 dual system, 14, 25–43, 44, 80, 84 earnings, 68, 78; of liberal arts graduates, 220; of women, 267–8 education: adult, 55; liberal, 17; professional, 7; remedial, 6, 8; vocational, 11, 17, 25–7, 30, 32–4, 36–8, 40–1, 68–72. See also cooperative education

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education-to-work. See school-to-work transitions educators. See teachers educultural alliances, 210– 13. See also teacher education employability skills. See skills: employability employers, 3, 12, 17, 25, 27, 29, 37, 71, 77–9, 85– 8, 106 employment, 4, 67–8, 70, 76 entry: positions, 12; qualifications, 11 environment, 9 equal opportunity, 31, 34, 100 equity, 4, 104; groups, 280–2 experience. See work experience familiarization: with world of work, 5–6, 70 floundering. See milling around “forgotten half,” 4, 6, 8, 68 funding policies, 74–6, 78, 83, 87 gender, 15, 27, 31, 107–8, 119–20; and apprenticeships, 250; and labour markets, 262 Germany, 14, 86, 114 high schools. See schools human capital theory, 13 identity, 13, 31; occupational, 34, 37; social, 35 immigrants. See special groups industrial relations, 36, 41, 83 information technology, 26, 35, 37, 39–40, 66 integration, 28; of classroom and workplacebased learning, 9; of

curriculum, 18; social, 31, 49 internship, 73, 79–80 jobs. See employment knowledge: applied, 8; formal, 5, 8; specific, 3, 4; tacit, 7; theoretical, 5; working, 108 knowledge-based economy, 66–7 labour markets, 40, 71; changing, 4, 12; transitional, 40. See also youth labour market legislation, 30, 51 learners: conceptions of learning, 180, 184– 90; needs and demands, 14 learning: applied, 5, 8, 171; classroom, 5, 9, 17; conceptions of 180, 184; critical, 228; difficulties, 49; experiential, 199– 202; lifelong, 14, 26, 29, 34, 39, 41, 124, 172, 190; modes of, 5, 14; places of, 5, 6, 14, 28, 67, 70; service, 166; situated, 9–10, 199–202; thematic, 8 liberal education, 225–6; impacts, 235–6; innovations, 228–33; labour market outcomes, 220; theory, 217, 236 lifelong learning. See learning milling around, 7, 11, 69– 70, 81 minorities. See special groups new economy, 3, 13, 26, 105 Ontario, 15, 30, 72, 75–6, 82, 88n3

parents, 11, 70, 76, 88, 99, 103 participation: in apprenticeship programs, 114; in learning, 14; in postsecondary education, 113–18 partnerships: of schools and enterprises. See also school-work relationships pathways, 4, 6, 10–11, 15, 31, 81, 261. See also school-work relationships phenomenography, 179. See also learners: conceptions of learning practicum, 7, 17, 204–7 professional: attitudes, 8; codes, values, and norms, 5; education (see education) qualifications. See skills Quebec, 14, 15, 44–65, 80, 82, 88n1 “red seal” occupations, 81, 244 reforms: institutional, 38– 40; system, 44–6, 48–9, 53–4, 72, 83, 86, 107–9 remedial education. See education: remedial research, 8, 9, 12, 29, 32, 36, 114–15; resources, 282 risk, 12, 236, 261–2. See also agency Saskatchewan, 72, 77 schools, 9, 11, 16, 68–9, 95 school-to-work transitions, 4, 10–13, 17, 26, 30, 32, 33, 36, 40, 53, 66–8, 114 school-work relationships, 9, 12–13, 16–18, 45, 74, 80, 87; development criteria, 147–8; implementation problems, 141, 146, 149; models, 138–9

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service-sector industries, 25, 27, 31, 81 skills: applied, 67; employability, 4, 12, 67, 72, 166; formation, 13, 34; generic, 70; intermediate, 71; job-relevant, 12; mismatched, 12, 25, 39; multi-, 34–5; professional, 8; technical, 12, 70, 127; vocational, 8 small and medium enterprises, 35–6, 52, 57 social capital, 9, 13 social exclusion, 31 socialization, 28; occupational, 13; for world of work, 5, 31, 32 social partnerships, 30, 38 special groups, 5, 8, 15, 76– 7, 99, 281 standards, 30

teachers, 11, 16–18, 70–1, 95, 103–4, 114, 131 trades: apprenticed, 53, 248–50; non-traditional, 268, 283 trade unions, 27, 61, 75, 78 training, 6, 47, 67–70; firms, 29–30, 39; places of, 38–9; policy, 278; workplace-based, 7, 8, 15. See also apprenticeship transitions. See school-towork transitions trust, 13, 35, 37, 83

teacher education, 199– 202

vet. See education: vocational

unemployed/unemployment, 5, 33, 106 United States, 7, 28, 29, 40, 68, 83, 86 universities, 27, 113–14, 118–19, 121–4

vocational attitudes, 8, 125, 280, 284 women, 18, 27, 33, 37; in apprenticeships, 161 work: contingent, 4; culture of, 12; education and, 121–8; organization, 28 work experience, 5, 6, 8– 11, 16, 18, 28, 29, 67, 70–5, 176 workplace training. See training youth, 26–8, 30–2, 37, 66– 72, 76, 77, 80–1, 83, 88n1 youth at risk, 5, 36, 49, 71, 76–7 youth labour market, 4, 71; and unemployment, 30, 106

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