Human Remains: Conservation, retrieval and analysis. Proceedings of a conference held in Williamsburg, VA, Nov 7-11th 1999 9781841712284, 9781407352817

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword
Legal and Ethical Issues
Excavation
Associated Materials
Conservation
Analysis
Documentation
Curation
Public Perception and Exhibition

Citation preview

BAR S934 2001  WILLIAMS (Ed)   HUMAN REMAINS

Human Remains Conservation, retrieval and analysis Proceedings of a conference held in Williamsburg, VA, Nov 7-11th 1999

Edited by

Emily Williams

BAR International Series 934 9 781841 712284

B A R

2001

Human Remains Conservation, retrieval and analysis Proceedings of a conference held in Williamsburg, VA, Nov 7-ll th 1999

Edited by

Emily Williams

BAR International Series 934 2001

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 934 Human Remains © The editor and contributors severally and the Publisher 2001 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841712284 paperback ISBN 9781407352817 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841712284 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2001. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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CONTENTS Foreword

V

Legal and Ethical Issues

Investigation, Documentation and Repatriation of Aboriginal Skeletal Remains: Case Studies from the Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Co-Operative Community Boundary, Victoria, Australia Michael Westaway and Alan Burns Reburial Laws in Action: Case Studies From Arizona Lane Beck and Lynn Teague From African-American Cemeteries in New York and Philadelphia Toward a Community-Based Paradigm for the Excavation and Analysis Of Human Remains John P. McCarthy "Es ist alles tot Ding"!? Considerations in Dealing with Relics Elke Beck

1

5

11

17

Excavation

The Crantit Tomb, Orkney: A Case Study in Specialist Co-Operation and Media Attention Beverley Ballin Smith

25

A Bronze Age Burial from North-East England: Lifting and Excavation Jennifer Jones

33

The Cooperative Efforts in the Excavation of a Royal Maya Tomb Catherine Magee, Harriet Beaubien, William Fash, and Barbara Fash

39

Hitting the Ground Running - Excavation and Conservation of a Roman Burial in the Media Spotlight Elizabeth Barham and Rebecca Lang

45

Associated Materials

Artifacts Associated with Human Remains Vicki Cassman

57

Respect for the Ancestors: New Approaches for the Recovery and Analysis ofNative American Burials Douglas Currie And Kevin McBride

61

"Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves": Incorporating Hawaiian Funerary Practices Into Archaeological Repatriation Efforts Susan Lebo and Ellen-Rose Savulis Making Human Remains Talk: An Interdisciplinary Study of a 16th -Century Crypt Maria Garcia Rosales and Carmen Chinea Brito

69

81

Conservation

The Conservation ofTa-Senet-Net-Hor, a XXII Dynasty Egyptian Mummy Ronald Harvey and Rika Smith McNally

89

The Influence of Conservation Treatments on Physical Anthropology Research Georgios Panagiaris

95

A Long-Term Look at Polymers Used to Preserve Bone Jessica Johnson

99

Analysis

Placing a Face In History: Excavation, Facial Re-Construction and DNA Analysis of Skeletal Remains from La Salle's Vessel, La Belle C. Wayne Smith, Ellen Heath, D. Andrew Merriwether, and David Reed

105

Microfossils in Dental Calculus: AN ew Perspective on Diet and Dental Disease Karl Reinhard, Sheilamaria Ferraz De Souza, Claudia Rodrigues, Erin Kimmerle and Sheila Dorsey-Vinton

113

Survival of Human Hair: The Impact of the Burial Environment Andrew Wilson, Robert Janaway, Mark Pollard, Ronald Dixon and Desmond Tobin

119

The Value of Human Remains for Research and Education David Hunt

129

Analysis of Curated Human Skeletal Remains from Highland Guatemala Stephen Whittington

135

Taking Another Look: The Reanalysis of Existing Collections Ann Palkovich

143

Documentation

Standardized Protocol for Radiographic and Photographic Documentation of Human Skeletons Karin S. Bruwelheide, Jane Beck, and Sarah Pelot

153

Three Dimensional (3-D) Reconstruction Applied to Mummy Conservation and Display David Kiple, Debra Meier, Matthias Okoye, and Karl Reinhard

167

Three Dimensional Digitizing Of Human Skulls As An Archival Procedure Stephen Ousley and Ashley McKeown

173

Curation

Pressures on Osteological Collections - The Importance of Damage Limitation Anwen Caffell, Charlotte Roberts, Robert Janaway and Andrew Wilson Human Skeletal Collections: The Responsibilities of Project Managers, Physical Anthropologists, Conservators and the Need for Standardized Condition Assessments Robert Janaway, Andrew Wilson, Anwen Caffell, and Charlotte Roberts

187

199

The Management of Human Brains in Soft Tissue Collections. Vincent Wan

209

An Historical Study of Two Egyptian Mummies in the Milwaukee Public Museum Carter Lupton

215

11

From Privates to Presidents: Past and Present Memoirs from the Anatomical Collections of the National Museum Of Health And Medicine Paul Sledzik and Lenore Barbian

227

The Conservation and Rehousing of the Kennewick Remains Michael Trimble, Nancy Odegaard, Vicki Cassman and Teresa Militello

237

Preparing for Bioanthropological Research After Repatriation: Documenting Native American Human Remains in the Illinois State Museum Collection Melinda Carter, Dawn Cobb, and Michael Wiant

249

Public Perception and Exhibition

When Your Insides are Out: Museum Visitor Perceptions of Displays of Human Anatomy Lenore Barbian And Lisa Berndt

257

London Bodies: An Exhibition at the Museum of London Helen Ganiaris

267

The Attraction of the Macabre: Issues Relating to Human Soft Tissue Collections in Museums. Anna L. Whalley

275

111

IV

FOREWORD

The papers published in this volume represent the proceedings of a conference titled "Human Remains: Conservation Retrieval and Analysis", which was held in Williamsburg, VA from Nov 7-ll th 1999. The idea for the conference evolved from my experiences on several excavations both in the United States and abroad. Despite the fact that each excavation employed conservators, bioarchaeologists or physical anthropologists as well as archaeologists (many of whom had worked together for several years), where human remains were concerned, each discipline seemed to speak its own language where human remains were concerned. Although each of the aforementioned disciplines is prolific in its own presentations and publications, those activities usually take place in front of other members of that discipline. Conservators tend to speak to other conservators, archaeologists to other archaeologists, etc. Opportunities to discuss the treatment, excavation and analysis of human remains in a substantive, interdisciplinary manner appear to be rare and infrequent. This is dangerous, since each discipline has the ability to seriously compromise the work of the others. Archaeological constraints and techniques can affect the amount of information that a conservator may be able to retrieve from a burial and its associated materials, conservators may compromise the osteological work through their choice of treatments, particularly if they are not aware of the techniques that may be used for analysis and their potential and osteologists often do not think about the long-term stability of these remains and their careful curation. The aim of the conference therefore was to provide such an opportunity, and to bring curatorial issues into the fore as well. The hope was to contribute to the information already available and to form a basis on which standards could be discussed. Because the issues surrounding Human Remains become significantly more involved once the question of "should these remains be excavated?" is introduced, the intent of the conference was to deal primarily with those situations where that question has been addressed and the remains either must be excavated or already have been excavated and exist in collections. Having said that however, NAGPRA and similar concerns did shape the content of quite a few of the papers. The conference was divided into six sections: Excavation and Fieldwork, Conservation, Soft Tissues and Mummies, Curation, Analysis and Ethics, Law and Public Perception. During the course of the conference several subthemes presented themselves, and the papers in this publication have been arranged to accommodate them. These themes are the treatment and importance of associated materials and the documentation of materials already in museum collections. As with any such undertaking there are many acknowledgements to be made. I am especially grateful to the following people: Catherine Anderson, Marley R. Brown III, Deborah Chapman, Sean Charette, Lucia Hamett, Carey Howlett, Meredith Poole and Karen Wilson for help in planning the conference and the various events that were held in conjunction with it. Lane Beck, Vicki Cassman, Cheryl La Roche, Nancy Odegaard and Doug Owsley all served as advisory board members for the conference. They were very generous with their insights and as session chairs, along with Mary Voigt, guided the discussions skillfully. I must also thank Trish Bare and John Alden Williams who helped me to format and edit the papers contained herein. And finally I would like to thank all the authors and speakers who agreed to contribute their work to the conference and who graciously endured my edits, corrections and many emails. Emily Williams Colonial Williamsburg

V

Legal and Ethical Issues

INVESTIGATION, DOCUMENTATION AND REPATRIATION OF ABORIGINAL SKELETAL REMAINS: CASE STUDIES FROM THE GOOLUM GOOLUM ABORIGINAL CO-OPERATIVE COMMUNITY BOUNDARY, VICTORIA, AUSTRALIA Michael Westaway and Alan Burns

Aboriginal Relics Preservation Act 1972. This Act served to preserve Aboriginal skeletal remains as 'archaeological relics', and represented the interests and concerns of archaeology more than those of the Aboriginal community.

Abstract In Victoria, Australia, Aboriginal burial places are protected under State and Commonwealth heritage legislation. The Heritage Services Branch, Aboriginal Affairs Victoria (AA VJadministers this legislation and maintains the expertise required to investigate and report the disturbance of human skeletal remains. This work is undertaken in partnership with Victoria's Aboriginal communities. This paper will discuss two case studies from the Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Co-operative (GGAC) Boundary area.

A contentious aspect of the 1972 Act was the issue surrounding the reburial of skeletal remains. Many archaeologists considered the process of reburial to be in contravention of the Act as it was equated with the destruction of archaeological relics. Victoria was the first state in Australia to transfer the ownership and protection to Aboriginal skeletal remains to local Aboriginal communities. In 1987 an amendment to Victorian heritage legislation produced Part IIA of the Commonwealth Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act. The Act essentially transferred ownership of Aboriginal skeletal remains to specific Aboriginal communities, and marked the beginning of repatriation of skeletal remains to the relevant communities identified under the Act.

Introduction Numerous discoveries and subsequent analyses undertaken on human skeletal remains from Victoria have contributed to our understanding of Aboriginal human biology and the origin of the first Australians. In Victoria, Australia, Aboriginal burial places are protected under State and Commonwealth heritage legislation. The Heritage Services Branch, Aboriginal Affairs Victoria (AAV) administers this legislation and maintains the expertise required to investigate and report the disturbance of human skeletal remains. This work is undertaken in partnership with Victoria's Aboriginal communities. This paper will discuss two case studies from the Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Cooperative (GGAC) Boundary area.

Controversy erupted within the archaeological community over the implication of the new legislation and stimulated a wider debate on 'ownership' of the past (e.g., Langford 1983). To the concern of some archaeologists it was the large samples of skeletal remains in Victoria that were initially targeted for return to Aboriginal communities. The Australian Archaeological Association in 1984 made a number of appeals in an attempt to prevent the return of the Murray-Black (including Coobool Creek) and Kow Swamp and other precontact human skeletal collections (Brown 1984, Davidson 1984; Meehan 1984: and Thorne et al. 1984). On the other hand, some archaeologists supported repatriation of these skeletal remains.

The allocation of resources for the management of human skeletal remains reflects an ongoing commitment to the protection of a highly significant and sensitive Aboriginal heritage issue. This commitment has arisen due to the recognition by both the Aboriginal and archaeological communities of the special significance skeletal remains hold. A diversity of opinion on skeletal issues are held by Aboriginal communities across Victoria. AAV acknowledges this range of opinion and recognizes community ownership of all aspects of Aboriginal Cultural Heritage and respects the wishes of relevant Aboriginal custodians. Through acknowledgment of the special sensitivities of Aboriginal communities to skeletal remains, the development of trust, on-going co-operation and government support, a relationship has developed between the government and Aboriginal people that enables AAV to provide a key role in this area.

The transfer of control to Aboriginal commumtles has required archaeologists and biological anthropologists to work more closely and co-operatively with communities. After the initial debate a number of researchers have embraced the new requirements and have found working closely with Aboriginal communities an enriching and rewarding experience (Pardoe 1992:139). They have provided important insights into Australia's prehistory to both the scientific and Aboriginal communities. Many Aboriginal communities are now more comfortable with studies on human skeletal remains, as they retain control and ownership of information.

Background The state of Victoria has played an important role in the development of and manner in which biological anthropology is practiced in Australia today. Legislative protection of Aboriginal burial sites did not occur until the early 1970s. The first piece of Victorian legislation offering protection of Aboriginal skeletal remains prior to European settlement was the Archaeological and

The following two case studies illustrate the close coordination between AAV and GGAC in investigating, documenting and repatriating disturbed Aboriginal skeletal remains. In addition they serves as a model for how such

1

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

investigations can operate and respect the interests of all parties.

pathologies has considerable advantage for skeletal material earmarked for repatriation as it allows for the possibility of continuing research on such individuals even after reburial.

Case Study One In September 1998 a mechanical excavator operating adjacent to the western shore of Tchum Lake in the north west of Victoria disturbed an Aboriginal burial site. The site was heavily disturbed by the machinery, with topsoil and overburden being intermixed with the burial deposit. The superior half of the skeleton was recovered by the subsequent AA V salvage excavation and it was postulated that the inferior half had been removed during the construction of a canal adjacent to the site earlier this century.

Craniosynostosis is one of the most common craniofacial deformities and the condition for which modem craniofacial surgery evolved. Craniosynostosis is etiologically and pathogenically heterogeneous. The patient presenting with craniosynostosis experiences significant physical and psychological disadvantages, as well as social rejection. Non-syndromal craniosynostosis that usually involves only one suture is the most common form of craniosynostosis, for example sagittal synostosis (scaphocephaly). It is mostly sporadic and, if left untreated, may adversely affect the cranial base and thus facial development, resulting in marked asymmetry and distortions in antero-posterior proportions of the craniofacial regions (Abbott & Bulbeck, pers com). Syndromal craniosynostosis has been observed in all populations (Cohen 1986). The incidence of craniosynostosis has been difficult to determine because craniosynostosis is not always evident, or indeed present, at birth, is variably diagnosed depending on the available investigative techniques, and is rarely lethal. The few available studies suggest a prevalence of between 3.4 per 1,000 and 7.4 per 1,000 live births (Gorlin 1990).

The archaeological context and gross morphology of the cranium suggested that the remains were Aboriginal. GGAC consented to the removal of the remains to Aboriginal Affairs in Melbourne for safe storage. A request from the community's cultural officer was made for further assessment by a consultant biological anthropologist. AAV co-coordinated and funded this assessment. An age determination of 17 years +/-36 months at death was postulated on the estimates of dental and skeletal maturity (Ryan 1998:7). It was noted that the cranium exhibited unusual cranial morphology and was possibly scaphocephalic (Ryan 1998:8). Premature fusion of the sagittal suture was evident and had resulted in an elongated vault and prominent forehead. The rarity of this condition was brought to the attention of the Board of Directors at GGAC. The community expressed an interest in understanding more about the condition. Questions were raised such as whether the condition had any affect on the individual's mental development.

The Craniofacial Unit in Adelaide has now started to take intracranial measurements of scaphocephaly and the other craniosynostoses. The unit hopes to establish a large CT sample of the craniosynostosis in order to understand the syndrome's impact on intracranial pressure. From his observations of the cranium, Dr David informed the community that while the elongate shape of the skull is distinctive it would not have affected her mental development. In the Unit's experience with the management of these conditions it would have been a difficult, traumatic birth for the affected child's mother. In western society these children often experience teasing (David et al. 1982) but the evidence for this young woman was that she was an accepted member of the community and afforded the rights of a traditional burial.

Pursuing answers to these questions, AA V contacted Dr David David from the Australian Craniofacial unit in Adelaide, which manages and treats children and adults with craniofacial abnormalities including craniosynostosis (premature fusion of sutures of the skull). No examples of scaphocephaly in contemporary Aboriginal populations had previously been examined and documented at the Australian Craniofacial Unit. In addition to supplying initial information on the condition, the staff at the hospital expressed an interest in producing a CT (Computerized Tomography) scan of the cranium for inclusion in their investigations of the condition. The board of directors at GGAC discussed this option and consented to the work being undertaken.

The reporting of synostosed crania from archaeological deposits holds the potential to broaden the clinical picture available from living populations (Hohenthal & Brooks 1960: 64). Through the documentation and investigation of this individual, GGAC learned not only more about the young woman found at Tchum Lake, but saw additional value in the analysis as it held the potential to add some further data to the understanding of this condition.

Through electronically sectioning the cranium, the CT scan produced a permanent and detailed digital record of the cranium from which its morphology and pathological condition could be later investigated in more detail. The CT scan data could also be used to produce a nylon replica at a later stage if desired. Three-dimensional imaging of

Case Study Two While extracting sand from a paddock for his children's sandpit, a farmer near Edenhope exposed the skeletal remains of a small child. The local police contacted

2

Westaway and Burns: Investigation, Documentation and Repatriation

Homicide in Melbourne who dispatched a team to retrieve the skeletal remains. Despite suspicions by the local constabulary that the remains may have been Aboriginal, the homicide branch proceeded to 'excavate' the site and forwarded the recovered skeletal remains to the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine (VIFM) in Melbourne. GGAC and AAV became aware of the discovery through the local press and conducted a joint investigation and assessment. The site was highly disturbed as a result of the initial impact from the front-end loader and subsequent digging by the Melbourne Homicide Branch.

analysis was able to demonstrate the presence of variations in the mitochondrial sequence that are indicative of ancestral population groups (Loy & Matheson 1999), confirming AAV's identification of the remains as being Aboriginal. In addition, testing to determine sex was undertaken on the bone. Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) amplification using both X and Y primers identified the sample as male (Loy & Matheson 1998). Several benefits were gained from the DNA analysis. A determination of population group was provided to the satisfaction of the VIFM. The amount of bone removed for the testing was minimal and came from a component that had suffered some postmortem damage, and, as a result, it detracted nothing from the aesthetics of the bone. In addition, a determination that the burial was that of a young boy was provided to the community. Reburial of the remains in the year 2000 has been planned by GGAC.

Despite the high level of disturbance additional contextual information was obtained which provided a general insight into the burial's antiquity. Several quartz and silcrete artifacts and fragmented faunal material were collected from the site. However, due to the disturbance and removal of the skeletal remains, it was not possible to establish a direct chronological relationship between the artifactual material and the skeletal remains. The approximate depth of the burial was provided by the landowner. After the sections were cleared the site's stratigraphy revealed the processes that had destroyed the site. Before the human remains had been collected, the front-end loader bucket sheared through a number of tree roots located above the burial. This suggested that in relation to the tree the burial was terminus ante quem.

Conclusion In Victoria biological anthropology developed from a discipline that initially excluded Aboriginal communities. Over the past twenty-five years this trend has been reversed and it is now marked by co-operation between Aboriginal people and archaeologists/biological anthropologists. Investigations such as the case studies outlined above provide benefits to all parties concerned. If the value of the work is presented in an appropriate format to the community, research undertaken in partnership and with the full knowledge and support of Aboriginal communities will ensure a healthy and productive future for the discipline of biological anthropology.

Since the front-end loader had removed the tree roots from across the burial the Homicide Branch probably did not notice the tree root feature in the section of the pit. From aerial photographs, anecdotal evidence from the farmer, and the size of the adjacent depression where the tree had once been, it was estimated that the tree was at least 50 years old and possibly 100 years in age.

Acknowledgements We acknowledge the kind support of the board at Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Co-operative and thank them for providing consent to deliver the paper. We would also like to thank the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander Studies for providing financial support to Alan Bums, and the Cranio-Facial Unit at the Royal Children's Hospital, Adelaide, for their technical support

Upon observation of the human remains, dental eruption indicated that the individual was aged between four and six years at death. Despite its young age, the cranium exhibited traits that are characteristic of Aboriginal people. These included rectangular orbits, relatively large cheekbones, mild prognathism, large teeth, a relatively deep palate, lack of nasal sill and vault gabling. In addition the occlusal wear on the deciduous molars was consistent with that of a child who subsisted on a hunter-gatherer diet.

References Aufderheide, A. C & Rodriguez-Martin, C. (1998) The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

The VIFM forensic pathologist responsible for the examination was unwilling to make a determination of biological population group and was skeptical of AAV staffs identification of the remains being Aboriginal. After discussions with GGAC, it was agreed to undertake DNA analysis to establish what biological population group the remains of the individual derived from.

Brown, P. (1984) Published letter to Federal Minister for Science and Technology. Australian Archaeology, 19: 138139. Cohen, Jr., M. M. (1993) Sutural Biology and Correlates of Craniosynostosis American Journal of Medical Genetics, 47: 581-616. David, D. J., Poswillow DJ., Simpson DA. (1982) The Craniosynostosis: Causes, Natural History and Management. Springer-Verlag.

AAV contracted Molecular Archaeology and Residue Services at the University of Queensland Archaeological Services Unit to undertake the analysis. Approximately 529 mg of bone was removed from a lumbar vertebra. The

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

Davidson, I. (1984) Published letter to Federal Minister for Science and Technology. Australian Archaeology, 19: 140-142.

Michael Westaway is a state archaeologist employed by the Heritage Services Branch, Aboriginal Affairs Victoria. He has training in biological Anthropology and works closely with Aboriginal communities and relevant government departments to provide specialist advice on human skeletal remains issues.

Gorlin R. J., Cohen, Jr., MM., Levin, LS (1990) Syndromes of the head and neck, Oxford monographs on medical genetics, Oxford University Press, 19, pp. 519564.

Addresses Michael Westaway* Heritage Services Branch Aboriginal Affairs Victoria 7/589 Collins St. Melbourne, Vic. 3000 Australia

Hohenthal, W.D. & Brooks, S.T. (1960) An Archaeological Scaphocephal from California. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 18. 59-65. Langford, R.F. (1983) Our Heritage - Your Playground. Australian Archaeology, 16. 1-6.

Alan Bums Cultural Heritage Protection Officer South West & Wimmera Cultural Heritage Program Cl- Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Cooperative PO Box 523 Horsham, Vic. 3402 Australia

Loy, T. & Matheson, C.D. (1998) Report 110. Edenhope Burial, Sexing Analysis. Unpublished report for Aboriginal Affairs Victoria. Loy, T. & Matheson, C.D. (1999) Report 112. Edenhope; Genetic Population Analysis. Unpublished report for Aboriginal Affairs Victoria.

*Author to whom correspondence should be addressed Meehan, B. (1984) Aboriginal skeletal remains. Australian Archaeology, 19: 122-123. Pardoe, C. (1992) Arches of Radii, Corridors of Power: Reflections on Current Archaeological Practice: 132-141. In Attwodd, B & John Arnold, J. eds. Power, Knowledge and Aborigines. La Trobe University Press. Ryan, E.M. (1998) Report on cranial and postcranial remains from Tchum Lake, Victoria. Unpublished report for Aboriginal Affairs Victoria. Thome, A, Meehan, B. Golson, J. & White, N. 1984. Australian Aboriginal Skeletal Remains - Their Heritage and Scientific importance. Australian Archaeology, 19: 128-133. Biographies Alan Bums is an Aboriginal cultural heritage protection officer for the South West and Wimmera Aboriginal Cultural Heritage Program and has held the same position for the Goolum Goolum Aboriginal Co-operative (GGAC) for the previous nine years. He is also a Director at the GGAC and provides specialist advice to the board on heritage matters. He has extensive fieldwork experience in the Wimmera Mallee region of Westem Victoria and has been involved in the investigation of a large number of burial sites in the GGAC area. In the past he has held a position on the Cultural Heritage Advisory Committee, Museum of Victoria (1993-1998), which has provided direction to the management of Aboriginal skeletal remains held at the state museum.

4

REBURIAL LAWS IN ACTION: CASE STUDIES FROM ARIZONA Lane Beck and Lynn Teague

On the other hand, Arizona laws do not permit holding up construction or other development projects, especially those on private lands, pending resolution of difficulties in tribal consultations. A maximum of 10 days from discovery is provided for removal of burials on private lands, so that construction or other landowner activities are not impeded. This provision reflects intensive lobbying by real estate and development interests, and can work to the disadvantage of claimants concerned about the conditions under which burials are recorded and removed. In order to overcome these problems, efforts are made to encourage consultation and the development of agreements before projects begin, whenever there is a high probability that the project will encounter burials. Archaeologists have been very cooperative in this effort, although construction contractors and developers generally have not, and are only now beginning to realize the advantages of planning for burial treatment and disposition.

Abstract Archaeologists and institutions in Arizona have been very active in repatriation of burials, especially under A.R.S.§41-844 and 41-865, the Arizona State repatriation laws. At the end of September 1999 there had been 299 cases under the Arizona statutes. During the past 9 years, the Arizona repatriation process has evolved and all participants in the process have grown in their understanding of their own and one another's concerns. Case studies illustrate some of the changes that have been observed, from the highly charged political context and confrontational interaction of the early Hohokam Expressway Project consultations to the orderly disposition of an otherwise controversial case involving construction of a Wal-Mart in Coolidge, AZ. These changes have inevitably affected the kind and quality of archaeological data obtained in the course of archaeological projects. Cooperative relationships between scientists and culturally affiliated groups help to insure that significant scientific results are produced while the respect and dignity due the dead are maintained.

Artifact collectors, like real estate professionals, were active lobbyists when the Arizona laws were passed. As a consequence, the private lands law does not provide claimants with the rights to sacred objects or objects of cultural patrimony. Private landowners can retain these as their own property or allow them to be taken by commercial or hobbyist excavators. However, most corporations have agreed to tum sacred objects over to claimant groups, despite the lack of legal coercion.

Archaeologists and institutions in Arizona have been very active in the repatriation of burials, especially under State statutes A.R.S.41-844 and 41-865. Repatriations under NAGPRA have also occurred, but have not yet reached the same level of activity as the State laws. During the nearly 10 years since their enactment, state burial laws have included administration of more than 300 cases. These cases have resulted in repatriation of several thousand burials and the in situ protection of hundreds more. This high volume of activity began immediately after passage of the State laws in 1990, and has increased steadily since that time. The great majority of the cases involve burials encountered in ongoing development or archaeological projects on non-federal public lands rather than remains from existing collections, although A.R.S.41-844 also applies to collections held by Arizona agencies and institutions.

The Arizona laws are coordinated through the Arizona State Museum (ASM). The museum has the primary responsibility for bringing together the various parties and claimant groups involved in order to develop an agreement on the treatment and disposition of burials. The ASM Coordinator then incorporates the provisions of that agreement into a written document, which is sent out for review by all of the interested parties. When completed the document can be finalized as a memorandum from the Coordinator or in more complex cases as a signed contract between all of the parties. Lynn Teague has served as the Coordinator for the state burial laws since they were originally passed.

The state laws were passed in July of 1990, several months before NAGPRA, and they parallel the federal law in many respects. They differ most conspicuously in that A.R.S. 41-844 applies to State lands in Arizona, including properties controlled by counties and municipalities, and to collections held by State agencies, and A.R.S. 41-865 applies to private lands in Arizona. However, the Arizona laws also differ in that claimant groups may include nonIndians, for example a group representing Spanish settlers of the original presidio of Tucson. Furthermore, claimant groups do not have to document their claim of affiliation so long as there is no disagreement regarding the treatment and disposition of human remains. This is an obvious advantage to claimant groups.

We have now had more than nine years worth of experience in implementing these laws. We have found that the context in which repatriation occurs has evolved, and continues to evolve. The process has moved from a largely political arena to a bureaucratic one. The participants in the process have changed. Official tribal representatives, whose concerns are truly focused on the corporate good of their people, have largely replaced unofficial political activists, who often had personal agendas at stake. These shifts have necessarily led to changes in the burial recovery and repatriation process. Procedures have become increasingly standardized, and

5

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

have led to increasing uniformity in the identification and documentation of remains. Finally, cooperation between archaeologists and claimant groups has allowed us to develop procedures to record archaeological sites on private lands that would otherwise have been destroyed without the preservation of any scientific data. The following two case studies illustrate some of the changes in this dialogue over the past decade.

ASM, reflected deep-seated mistrust and an unwillingness to accept as reliable any information that an agency or archaeologists provided. At the same time, the agencies and the archaeologists lacked any real understanding of the concerns of the tribes. Many saw the burial protection laws as punitive against white society rather than reflective of traditional tribal values. It was equally important that the agency and the archaeologists had little understanding of the internal decision-making processes within Indian communities, expecting quick decisions in a situation that from the perspective of claimant groups demanded careful deliberation.

Hohokam Expressway When A.RS. 41-844 was passed, ASM was asked to take over coordination of consultations regarding burials from 1989 excavations along the route of the Hohokam Expressway, a freeway through central Phoenix, A'Z. This road impacted the Pueblo Grande site, a major Hohokam settlement, and the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) contracted with a local archaeological firm, Soil Systems Inc (SSI), to carry out archaeological data recovery.

Cultural differences between the participating groups loomed large. For example, we have all been taught the traditionally polite wisdom that we should not interrupt other people while they are speaking, a practice that inevitably suggests that we are more interested in our own point of view than that of the individual we've interrupted. Agency and consultant personnel, however, also had been trained in the academic world, where interrupting is often considered nothing more than a strategy for winning one's point in lively discourse. This practice visibly offended the representatives of the claimant groups. There were points in the meetings when this difference threatened communication to an alarming degree.

At the time that ASM entered the picture, ADOT and SSI had conducted sporadic consultations with the culturally affiliated tribes prior to the passage of the new Arizona laws, but these had proven unsatisfactory from the perspective of claimant groups. The chief weakness of these early consultations, from the perspective of the tribes, lay in the absence of any third party to mediate discussions and also in the failure of earlier laws to protect any tribal rights other than that of return after the remains had been analyzed. The tribes did not have any ability to shape the treatment of remains during the recovery and analysis phases. More than 600 burials, including both cremations and inhumations, were recovered and were analyzed by Soil Systems, Inc., of Phoenix. This was the largest single assemblage of burials ever recovered from a Hohokam site. The analysis of the remains was subcontracted to researchers at the University of Colorado, and the remains were sent out of state prior to the initial consultation meeting. Tribal representatives were angry about the transport of the remains to Colorado. There were fears that this could render repatriation under Arizona laws more difficult and also concerns that destructive analysis might be undertaken without prior consent or discussion. The level of acrimony in discussions between ADOT, SSI, and the claimant groups was exacerbated by the participation of very belligerent political activists both in Colorado and in Arizona. One activist in Colorado provided inflammatory misinformation throughout the process. This individual had no ties to the affiliated tribes. He apparently became involved out of a long-standing animosity he felt toward the University of Colorado Department of Anthropology.

At the same time, agency personnel, contractors and Museum staff were offended by prolonged posturing and self-aggrandizement on the part of the individual activists who had inserted themselves into the process, despite their lack of official position or authorization to speak for any of the claimant groups. The more belligerent participants often used the gatherings to vent long-standing antagonisms against white society at large rather than to make substantive statements regarding the case at hand. The acceptance and apparent encouragement of their participation by official tribal representatives further escalated tensions. Adding to the uncertainty, no one could be entirely sure of the implications of the various provisions ln the new statutes. Laws are almost never a clear-cut prescription for action. Rules and regulations for the implementation of such laws often evolve over years as unanticipated situations raise questions about legal nuance. The repatriation laws broke new ground and consequently suffered from even greater than normal uncertainties. The overall effect was confusion, and several early meetings served to accomplish little, other than to provide an opportunity for frustrations to be vented. The core problem was that no one had any confidence in the good faith participation of the other parties in the consultation. This took much longer to remedy than was available in this one consultation, but progress was made in the case at hand.

The first meetings of the parties involved under the new law, A.RS. 41-844, did not encourage long- or short-term hope for good relationships between the tribes, the archaeologists, and the agencies. Accusations against the archaeological contractors and other agencies, including

6

Beck and Teague: Reburial Laws in Action

One of the first truly substantive actions taken in this case was the agency's directive to the consultant firm requesting that the human remains be brought back from Colorado and placed in secure storage pending resolution of the consultation. This greatly helped to calm immediate tensions, although the return cut the analytical work short. At the same time, official representatives of the tribes began to assume a greater role in the process, and through the course of several meetings gained the respect of other parties in the consultation by a strong and obviously sincere concern for the traditional values and the corporate good of their communities.

America's oldest national monument. To O'odham and Hopi people it is a very significant place in their oral tradition and in their sense of their own corporate identities. The planned store was to be situated within the boundaries of the Grewe Site, the earlier settlement that gave rise to the 14th-century settlement at Casa Grande. The property was private land, and A.RS. 41-865, the Arizona law protecting burials on private lands offered the only protection that the burials there, or the site as a whole, had. Zoning changes had already been made, with the help of a town bureaucracy strongly committed to building a taxgenerating store within the community and utterly uninterested in the fate of the archaeological site and the burials that it contained.

A final issue arose in an attempt by a spiritual specialist from one of the claimant communities to identify all of the materials recovered in the excavations as sacred objects subject to repatriation. The Museum responded with a letter clarifying the intent of the law to insure the claimants' rights with respect to human remains and to particular classes of objects, while preserving the public interest in the archaeological assemblage as a whole.

The President of the Society for American Archaeology, Keith Kintigh, became aware of the situation and drew attention to the problem, contacting the town, the company, and the nearby Gila River Indian Community. The initial response from the company was shock. Town officials and local hearings had led them to believe that archaeology presented no obstacle to their plans. Their concern was the late point at which they were informed that they faced a problem with the potential to become a public-relations nightlnare that threatened the whole future of the development. Construction was due to begin within a few weeks, and everything had to be put on hold.

In 1992 the human remains and their accompanying funerary objects were returned to the culturally affiliated commumtles for reburial, ending this long and confrontational episode in Arizona repatriation. By the end it was clear that progress had emerged from the often unpleasant atlnosphere of this consultation. All of the official parties to the consultation had begun to find ground from which they could negotiate with greater understanding. The parties also emerged with a clearer grasp of the extent, and the limitations, of their legal rights and responsibilities under the new Arizona laws. The study of this burial assemblage did succeed in making a substantial contribution to our understanding of Hohokam prehistory, much of it through the results of non-destructive analysis.

It is a regrettable reality that many local officials continue to see both archaeological preservation and burial protection as obstacles to their growth, another aspect of unwanted environmental controls in communities that are hungry for development. In the case of Coolidge, AZ, a town of 6000 persons located in the as-yet undeveloped desert country between Phoenix and Tucson, the hunger for corporate investlnent approached the ravenous. There was considerable anger at what was interpreted as an attempt to impede economic development that would provide tax revenue and jobs to the economically depressed community.

This consultation was in many ways the definitive point in relations between the various tribes, agencies, and the Museum, one that was often painful while in progress but nevertheless produced long-lasting and positive changes in our understanding of one another and the ways that we realize our individual concerns. Of course things didn't become rosy overnight, but a much more recent case illustrates the changes that time has brought to repatriation in Arizona.

A consultation meeting was scheduled, and all of the parties to the consultation turned out in large numbers. Five of the six claimant tribes were represented, all by more than one official representative. Contrasting with the Hohokam Expressway experience, however, the American Indians present were all official tribal representatives, and all had confidence in their legal position as well as awareness of its limitations. Representatives were quick to inform Wal-Mart officials of their deep concern for the protection of the site and the burials of their ancestors, but also of their willingness to cooperate in planning to insure that the interests of the company and of the community were not lost in the process. Everyone at this initial meeting, including those representing the general archaeological community, agreed that the most pressing

Wal-Mart and the Casa Grande In April of 1999, almost nine years after passage of the Arizona laws and seven years after the culmination of the Hohokam Expressway negotiations, a public controversy erupted over the planned construction ofa Wal-Mart across the highway from the Casa Grande National Monument, the site of an impressive three-story building, constructed by the Hohokam people of the Sonoran Desert in about A.D. 1300, as well as other compounds and structures. This is a unique and important archaeological complex and

7

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

problem was the lack of solid information as to what was actually under the ground, which had served for more than half a century as a cotton field.

Summary It is unquestionably true that Arizona's statutes have placed some limitations on scientific research involving human remains. However, the tradeoffbenefits for science and the general public are many. Since my arrival at the museum, I have participated in burial excavations in both emergency situations and as part of larger projects. Through working with both the tribes and the different contract archaeology companies, I became aware that companies were interpreting the state guidelines for burial inventory and documentation in a wide variety of ways. I have also developed a fuller appreciation for what is and is not possible when the field becomes your only laboratory. Based on my experiences over the past three years we have revised the guidelines to be more explicit about what is required in terms of documenting burial feature and inventorying human remains. This documentation is critical to the tribes in cases where there are multiple claimants with different perspectives on how reburial should proceed. Detailed burial records can sometimes be helpful in examining cultural traditions and can provide tribes with additional information for their internal discussions regarding affiliation and appropriate treatment. Standardized inventories provide both a scientific record and encourage careful excavation and handling of the human remains. We continue to work with tribes and researchers to establish a balanced practice.

Wal-Mart hired Northland Archaeological Research, Inc., to conduct archaeological testing to correct this problem, and an agreement on the treatment and disposition of burials that might be encountered during testing was developed. Reflecting the concerns of the tribes, this agreement provided for in-field analysis of human remains, for a prohibition on photography of burials, and for repatriation to the Gila River Indian Community, the affiliated community that was physically closest to the property and would assume primary responsibility for implementing the claimants' role in the agreement. The testing plan also responded to the concerns of the archaeological community, providing information on a site that prior to the enactment of the repatriation laws would probably have been bulldozed for construction without archaeological investigation. The agreement also reflected the current Guidelines for the Arizona Statutes, which specify that the recording of remains must conform to accepted professional standards. The specific terms of the agreement also responded to the specific needs of the archaeological consultant, giving an assurance of adequate time for field recording before repatriation. After test excavations it was found that sensitive features were clustered in several areas within the property purchased by Wal-Mart. The corporation developed a plan for minimizing disturbance in those areas by reconfiguring the construction work. In addition, plans called for bringing in fill so that disturbance below the original ground surface was reduced. This plan was presented at a consultation meeting with all of those present in the initial consultation, and was acknowledged as a major step towards preservation of both the burials and the very important archaeological site within which they rest.

New cases continue to arise which raise new questions. With each case we gain insights into the aspects of practice, which may need to be revised. Through our continuing dialogues among all interested parties, we have built an environment of mutual respect and trust which facilitates the ongoing evolution of these laws. Appendix 1

41-844. Duty to report discoveries; disposition of discoveries; definitions A. A person in charge of any survey, excavation, construction or other like activity on any lands owned or controlled by this state, by any public agency or institution of the state, or by any county or municipal corporation within the state shall report promptly to the director of the Arizona state museum the existence of any archaeological, paleontological or historical site or object that is at least fifty years old and that is discovered in the course of such survey, excavation, construction or other like activity and, in consultation with the director, shall immediately take all reasonable steps to secure and maintain its preservation. If it is necessary to move the object before completion of the proceedings prescribed by this section to permit the continuation of work on a construction project or similar project, the director shall require that the move be accomplished in the manner that will least disturb and best preserve the object.

In addition, the agreement called for archaeological monitoring of the few remaining elements of construction that might impact features below the original ground surface, and for professionally acceptable levels of recording of all the features encountered. Provisions for the treatment and disposition of burials paralleled those in the testing phase. A final provision called for new consultations with the tribes should any future plans arise that might threaten the preserved portions of the site. In this case we have obtained not only the protection and the repatriation of the burials, but we have also acquired archaeological information that we would not otherwise have about a remarkably important site. Those areas of the site within which significant numbers of features occur have been protected for the future. The progress that has been made in the protection of American Indian burials has been paralleled by the protection of extremely significant and sensitive archaeological resources.

B. If the objects discovered are human remains, funerary objects, sacred ceremonial objects or objects of national or

8

Beck and Teague: Reburial Laws in Action

tribal patrimony, the director of the Arizona state museum shall, to the best of his ability, give notice of the discovery to:

authority to determine the remains or objects pursuant exercised in a manner completion of a construction

1. All individuals that may have a direct kinship relationship to the human remains.

disposition and treatment of to this subsection shall not be that would prevent timely project or other project.

G. If there is no person with a direct kinship relationship or a group with a cultural or religious affinity to human remains or funerary objects and the remains have no scientific value, the remains or funerary objects shall remain undisturbed. If it is necessary to move them in order to permit completion of a construction or similar project, the remains or funerary objects shall be reburied under the supervision of the director in a place as similar and close as possible to their original burial site. If the remains or funerary objects have scientific value, they may be curated by the Arizona state museum or other authorized repository for a period of one year, after which they shall be reinterred. If remains of American Indians are involved, reburial pursuant to this subsection shall be undertaken with the cooperation of the Indian tribe located nearest to the place where the remains were discovered. Reburial may, with that tribe's consent, take place on that tribe's reservation. The one-year period for scientific curation may be extended with that tribe's consent. If there is no group with a cultural or religious affinity to sacred ceremonial objects or objects of national or tribal patrimony, the director shall decide on the most appropriate disposition and treatment. Where American Indian materials are involved, the determination shall be made m consultation with appropriate tribal representatives.

2. All groups that it is reasonable to believe may have a cultural or religious affinity to the remains or objects. 3. Appropriate members of the curatorial staff of the Arizona state museum. 4. Faculty members of the state universities who have a significant scholarly interest in the remains or objects. 5. The state historic preservation officer. C. American Indian tribal governments that wish to be notified pursuant to this section shall keep on file with the director lists of the cultural groups and geographical area with which they claim affinity. D. If American Indian human remains, funerary objects, sacred ceremonial objects or objects of cultural patrimony are involved, the director, in addition to giving notice as required in subsection B, shall give notice to the tribes that occupy or have occupied the land on which the discovery is made and to the Arizona commission on Indian affairs and the intertribal council of Arizona. E. The director shall respond to every report of a discovery in a timely fashion and within six months of being notified of the discovery, the director shall convene a meeting of notified persons and representatives of notified groups to discuss the most appropriate disposition of the discovered materials. At this meeting, the director shall encourage agreement among all participants regarding the most appropriate disposition and treatment of the materials. An agreement may include a decision to curate or rebury materials subject to conditions or limitations, a decision to engage in scientific analysis before repatriation or reburial or any other appropriate disposition. If an agreement is reached, it shall determine the disposition and treatment of the materials and the director shall oversee its implementation.

H. A repository charged with the care or custody of human remains, funerary objects, sacred ceremonial objects or objects of national or tribal patrimony pursuant to this section shall maintain them with appropriate dignity and respect and with consideration for the specific applicable cultural or religious traditions applicable to the remains or objects. When materials are returned to relatives or affiliated groups, the relatives or groups shall accept and undertake responsibility for the protection and security of the materials. I. The expense of any curation or reburial pursuant to this section that is required as the result of a construction project or similar project shall be borne by that project. Reburials made in order to satisfy the wishes of a relative or affinal group shall be by and at the expense of the relative or group.

F. If no agreement is reached within six months of the meeting required by subsection E, the human remains or funerary objects shall be disposed and treated in accordance with the wishes of the nearest relative with a direct kinship relationship, or with the wishes of the governing body of the group with cultural or religious affinity to the remains or objects if no relative exists. If sacred ceremonial objects or objects of national or tribal patrimony are concerned, disposition and treatment shall be in accordance with the wishes of the governing body of the group with cultural or religious affinity to the objects. The

J. If a person believes that the provisions of this section have not been properly applied he shall give written notice of this claim to all other parties entitled to notice under subsections B and C. The parties shall meet within fifteen days of receiving the notice and attempt to agree on the designation of a third party to assist in the resolution of the dispute. If the parties cannot agree within fifteen days on a third party, the state historic preservation officer shall serve

9

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

in that capacity. The adverse parties shall attempt to reach a resolution with the assistance of the third party. If a resolution cannot be reached within ninety days of the designation of the third party, the third party shall resolve the dispute. Either party may appeal a decision within thirty days to the superior court in the county in which the subject of the dispute is located.

6. "Sacred ceremonial object" means an object traditionally utilized in religious observances. 7. "Tribe" means government.

any

federally

recognized

tribal

Biographies Lynn Teague is a Curator of Archaeology at the Arizona State Museum. She received her BA from Eastern New Mexico University and her MA from the University of Arizona. For fifteen years, Teague directed the contract archaeology program for the State Museum. Currently, she is the Repatriation Coordinator for the Museum. In that role she administers the state reburial laws as well as facilitates activities under NAGPRA. Teague's research centers on the prehistory of the Sonoran Desert region, oral tradition and archaeological interpretation, and archaeological textiles, especially those from the American Southwest. Her recent book Textiles in Southwestern Prehistory was published by the University of New Mexico Press.

K. If a written request for the reburial or repatriation of human remains, funerary objects, sacred ceremonial objects or objects of national or tribal patrimony in the possession and ownership or control of an agency of this state, as of the effective date of this section, is made by the government of an American Indian tribe, the requirements of this section apply as if the remains or objects had been discovered after the effective date of this section. L. Whenever two or more groups or tribes have affinity to the same human remains, funerary object, sacred ceremonial object or object of national or tribal patrimony and they do not agree on the disposition or treatment of such remains or object, the question of which group or tribe shall be deemed to have affinity shall be resolved pursuant to subsection J. In making the determination, consideration shall be given to all the relevant evidence of affinity.

Lane Anderson Beck is an Assistant Curator at the Arizona State Museum and an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Arizona. She received her BA from Georgia State University and her PhD in Anthropology from Northwestern University. Dr. Beck's research involves the integration of mortuary theory with bioarchaeology. She has worked in the Eastern Woodlands, the Southwest, and Mesoamerica. Her current work is focused on a regional analysis of mortuary practices in the northern Southwest.

M. For the purposes of this section: 1. "Funerary object" means an object discovered in proximity to human remains and intentionally buried or interred with the remains.

2. "Group with a cultural or religious affinity" means any of the following:

Addresses Lane Beck* Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721

(a) In the case of human remains or funerary objects, any tribe that has submitted a written claim of affinity pursuant to subsection C or any other group or tribe that has cultural affinity in light of all the relevant evidence.

Lynn Teague Same as for Beck

(b) In the case of a sacred ceremonial object, a group whose religious observances traditionally have utilized such object.

* Author to whom correspondence should be addressed

(c) In the case of an object of national or tribal patrimony, a group whose past or present government or traditional cultural organization was or is associated with the object. 3. "Group" includes American Indian tribes. 4. "Human remains" means any remains of a human being who died more than fifty years before the remains are discovered. 5. "Objects of national or tribal patrimony" means inalienable items of historical or cultural significance to tribal groups.

10

FROM AFRICAN-AMERICAN CEMETERIES IN NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA TOW ARD A COMMUNITY-BASED PARADIGM FOR THE EXCAVATION AND ANALYSIS OF HUMAN REMAINS John P. McCarthy

argues for a community-based paradigm focused on the creation of formal and informal partnerships between researchers and the members of descendent communities. The wishes and desires of descendent communities must be fully integrated into any research effort involving burials and the study of human skeletal remains. The author's experiences with the highly controversial excavation of a portion of the African Burial Ground (ABG) at Foley Square in New York City is contrasted with the relationship of mutual cooperation and respect that was developed in the excavation and analysis of two cemeteries associated with the First African Baptist Church (FABC) of Philadelphia (McCarthy 1997).

Abstract The archaeological excavation and bioanthropological analysis of human remains have been ove,whelmingly driven by the scientific agendas of researchers. However, legal requirements for consultation with descendent communities have forced archaeologists and other scientists to recognize community concerns and the humanistic (political and spiritual) aspects of projects involving human remains. Often, competing and sometimes mutually exclusive, values, procedures, and goals come into coriflict. This paper argues for active engagement with descendent communities and their involvement in the research process. Drawing on the author's experiences on two important cemetery excavations: New York's African Burial Ground and the 10th Street First African Baptist Church Cemetery in Philadelphia, the community aspects of each project are described. In contrasting these two projects, the paper argues for a community-based paradigm which not only seeks to satisfy both scientific and humanistic objectives, but which also has the potential to enhance and enrich the experiences of all those involved.

Background Since the early 1970s a fundamental change has taken place in the way that archaeologists and physical anthropologists go about the study of cemetery sites and human remains. The 1980s, in particular, were characterized by considerable conflict between the professional anthropological community on the one hand and various Native American groups on the other, as these Native people tried to establish claim to, and control of the remains of their ancestors. The remains of thousands of Native Americans had been excavated and curated in museum collections throughout the country as the result of over one hundred years of "scientific" interest in the history and physical characteristics of native populations. Scholarly resistance to this movement branded all researchers as "insensitive" in the eyes of most Native Americans and much of the popular press, as well. This resulted in the enactment of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) that addressed concerns centering on the reburial and repatriation of human skeletal remains and associated grave goods that are demonstrably associated with Native American groups. A number of states also enacted legislation addressing the treatment of cemeteries and unmarked burials during this period. NAGPRA is a very circumscribed bill, which regrettably, is also ethnocentric in focus, since it addresses only the burials of Native Americans. It grants no recognition whatsoever to any group other than Native Americans, and it fails to address other aspects of human culture and experience that might be of equal, or greater, value in the collective consciousness of a particular community. Various groups, some socially and/or economically disenfranchised, have begun to exert their rights with respect to the treatment of their ancestor's remains in ways similar to Native Americans.

Introduction For most archaeologists, conservators and bioanthropologists it is accepted as a truism that archaeological and osteological data from historic cemetery sites provide a wealth of information regarding life and death in the past that is not available from any other source. Researchers such as Brauer (1992) have detailed the research potential of human skeletal material, including contributions to: molecular genetics, epidemiology, health care, and forensics. My own research has centered on African-influenced burial practices as a means of expressing sociocultural identity and community cohesion (e.g. McCarthy 1997). While the advances in scholarship that the study of cemetery sites affords are clearly in the public interest writ large, legislative bodies, the courts, and public opinion have increasingly recognized the more direct and personal interests of the members of descendent communities. Often the desires of scholars and of those whose ancestors we wish to study come into conflict with regarding the excavation of cemeteries, the handling and treatment of skeletal remains, the nature of analyses (if any are to be permitted), and the curation or reburial of the remains. Some scholars have noted the importance of identifying the many possible stakeholders in the excavation of human remains and recognizing their various agendas and expectations as projects develop. Goldstein, in particular, has argued that it is important that researchers develop inclusive approaches that treat others with "respect, sensitivity, and tolerance"(Goldstein 1997). This paper

The African Burial Ground Site, New York In July 1992, John Milner Associates, Inc. (JMA) was retained by the U. S. General Services Administration (GSA) to take over ongoing excavation of a portion of the African Burial Ground (ABG) being affected by the 11

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

construction of a new federal office building in lower Manhattan. I served as JMA's project manager, and assisted Principal-in-Charge Daniel G. Roberts, in the administration of the project for over a year. Community aspects of this project have been reviewed by LaRoche and Blakey (1997).

held that October by community members, concerned that they had not been consulted as the project was being planned. In December, the GSA, nervous about the delayed start of construction on their 34-story office tower, began discussing ''undertaker's" or "coroner's" methods to more quickly remove the burials. At this point in the project, archaeological excavation was taking up to a month of crew effort for each burial, and even with a crew of over 30, working 12 hours a day, seven days a week, there was no knowing how long the excavation was going to take, since the extent and condition of the remaining burials that would be affected by the project was unknown. While coroner's methods have been routinely employed in moving other historic cemeteries, they are generally considered to be imprecise and always result in the loss of data. They were clearly inappropriate for such a sensitive and significant resource as the ABG. In response, State Senator David Paterson established a "Task Force" of community members to "oversee" the project.

Archaeological fieldwork by another consulting firm had begun at the site in September 1991 with the goal of removing an unknown number of burials of Africans and African Americans, who were interred at this location from the late 17th century through the end of the 18th century. The ABG had been the only legal burial place for the estimated 10,000 Africans, who first under Dutch rule then under English and later under the laws of New York State and the young American republic were chattel slaves. This represented a somewhat embarrassing but important chapter in the history of this northern city that had not previously received widespread scholarly or public attention. The "peculiar institution" of slavery is associated more often with the history of the plantation south than with northern urban centers. The ABG project focused new attention on the long history of Africans and African Americans in New York City.

By February 1992, construction was finally underway on a portion of the site that had been "cleared" of burials. However, a miscommunication between the previous archaeological consultant and the excavation contractor resulted in the unfortunate destruction of as many as a dozen burials. Efforts to keep this mistake quiet failed, leading to community outrage. In March, the previous consultant finally submitted a research design for the project.

Historical and archaeological studies of the proposed project area by the previous consultant had identified the presence of the historic burial ground on the property, but had concluded that 19th century development of four- and five-story commercial buildings with deep basements had destroyed any graves in all but a small portion of the project area. The cemetery was initially thought to be such a minor issue that it was not even mentioned in the original Memorandum of Agreement negotiated between the GSA, the New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, and the New York State Historic Preservation Officer. Graves were thought to have survived only under a narrow alleyway. However, the original ground surfaces, sloping toward the fresh water Collect Pond in this part of Manhattan, had not been taken into account and an extensive area of the cemetery had survived under as much as thirty feet of fill.

In April, New York City Council began hearings and public meetings on the project, and Mayor Dinkins established an advisory committee. Community members called for direct African American involvement in the project. By June, review comments on the research design document indicated its complete inadequacy. The reviewing agencies' rejection of the original consultant's research design led to their dismissal from the project, and JMA was brought in to complete the project at this point. African-American scholars, including Dr. Blakey from Howard University, were engaged to help prepare a new research design. In addition, a public information/interpretation program was established. Human remains within the "foot print" of the main part of the office tower had been removed by this time, but burials remained under the area of a planned four-story "pavilion."

During the initial stages of the investigation the GSA exhibited insensitivity to the incredible cultural and research significance of the African Burial Ground site. Excavation of the site began without a formal research design. This subsequently led to problems from a regulatory standpoint. The GSA also displayed a lack of candor and sensitivity regarding community concerns as the project advanced, and the scope and significance of the site became better and more widely known. In addition, there was not one African American, or even one widely recognized expert on African-American culture, in a responsible position on the project team. Moreover, the efforts of at least one African-American scholar to be included in the project were rebuffed.

On July 27, 1992, following Mayor Dinkins' demands that excavations be halted until an appropriate research design could be developed, Congressman Gus Savage, chairman of the subcommittee overseeing the GSA and an AfricanAmerican activist from Chicago, came to New York to hold hearings on the project. The issue of the rejected research design provided a convenient regulatory "handle" upon which the project's opponents could focus. Congressman Savage was emaged by the GSA's actions in this matter, and forced GSA to halt excavations. Eventually, construction of the four-story pavilion portion of the building was abandoned, the site was backfilled with clean sand, and the ABG was designated a National

Soon after the project started, New York's Mayor Dinkins formally expressed concerns, and a press conference was 12

McCarthy: From African-American Cemeteries in New York and Philadelphia

Historic Landmark. It stands today as a small grasscovered plot surrounded by a chain-link fence.

Considerable interest in the church's history rose from the project, and the church was involved in the ceremonial reburial of the remains following the completion of analysis at the Smithsonian Institution by a team lead by Dr. Larry Angel (1987).

The remains of approximately 400 individuals were recovered from the site. A much revised research design, prepared in collaboration with a team of African-American scholars, lead most notably by Dr. Blakey, was submitted for the ABG and nearby Five Points sites in October 1992 (Howard University & John Milner Associates 1992). That document was revised by April 1993 to focus solely on the African Burial Ground and was finalized following a series of public meetings to present the research design and gather community input in December 1993 (Howard University & John Milner Associates 1993). Dr. Blakey was named director of the project, and the analysis of the human remains and other data from the ABG is now nearing completion at Howard University. Upon completion of the analysis, the remains are to be reburied at the ABG site with an appropriate memorial.

In 1990, we built on and expanded our relationship with the church community. As soon as the presence of burials was confirmed the church's pastor was notified, as was the Afro-American Historical and Cultural Museum. While it was not possible to develop a public interpretation program on-site due to scheduling and site access, informal tours were conducted for congregation members. Local AfricanAmerican researchers, including a historian and a folklorist, were included in the project team in key rolls. While not members of the congregation themselves, they worked closely with church members to collect oral history and other cultural information, to try to understand the congregation's interests with respect to the history of the church and the treatment of ancestral human remains, and to develop programming to share results and insights. Public programs were organized by and presented at the Afro-American Historical and Cultural Museum in February 1991 and September 1993 and at the Atwater Kent, the city's history museum, as well. In June 1993, a detailed, four-hour presentation of the project was made to the congregation and their guests. Nearly 100 people attended the event, which included prayers, a performance of African music, and a poetry reading in addition to technical presentations on all aspects of the project.

The First African Baptist Church Cemetery Sites, Philadelphia In 1983-84 a team from JMA directed by Michael Parrington excavated a site located near 8th and Vine Streets, In Philadelphia. The First African Baptist Church (FABC) used the site as a cemetery from ca. 1825 to 1842. The project was conducted for the Redevelopment Authority of the City of Philadelphia with supplemental funding from the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation (PennDOT), the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA), and the William Penn Foundation. The site was scheduled to be affected by both the construction of ramps for the Vine Street Expressway and a new office building (the construction of which was subsequently abandoned when the project's investors found out that the property had been a cemetery). This cemetery contained the remains of approximately 140 individuals (Parrington et al 1989).

Toward a Community-Based Paradigm While ultimately in both cases the interests of the descendent communities were recognized and served, this took place in New York only after the community seized control of the project. In New York, due to the nature of the site as the city's only legal burial ground for people of African descent during the period of its use, all people of African heritage could comment on the project as members of the descendent community. This gave all community members equal "standing" in the consultation process, which they seized upon as a means of expressing their various concerns. The GSA's response politicized the situation between the city, state, and federal governments and the African-American community of the city. Procedural errors on the part of the GSA and its initial consultant and institutionalized insensitivity to community concerns allowed the substantive issues of the project to be blown out of proportion in an atmosphere of mutual distrust. Ultimately, it took congressional intervention to stop the excavation, and the community would place its trust only in Dr. Blakey to head the analysis and reporting of the ABG site.

In April 1990, a second FABC cemetery, used from ca. 1810 to 1822, was excavated for PennDOT and FHW A near 10th and Vine Streets, directly in the proposed path of the Vine Street Expressway. The remains of approximately 85 individuals were excavated at this second cemetery site (Crist et al 1996). While the cemetery was known from previous research, it was inaccessible under the eastbound lanes of Vine Street built in the 1940s, until traffic could be diverted from the area in the midst of expressway construction, affording a thirtyday excavation window. In 1983, the JMA team sought from the beginning to develop partnerships with the African-American community. Philadelphia's Afro-American Historical and Cultural Museum was enlisted to develop on-site interpretive programming in concert with the project, and local African-American scholars participated in aspects of the project. More importantly, the current congregation of the First African Baptist Church and its pastor were kept apprised as the project developed and moved forward.

In Philadelphia, the descendent community was limited to the members of a single congregation deeply interested in its history. Efforts to build relationships of mutual respect and cooperation in the mid 1980s yielded dividends in the 1990s as those relationships were expanded and strengthened. We tried to be responsive to the 13

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

congregation's interests and involve them as fully as possible in the project. As early as possible we approached the community, explained what was being done and why, and we cooperated with their desire to rebury the remains when scientific analyses were completed. We entered into formal and informal relationships, some of which still persist, even though the project has been completed. While our work enriched the congregation's understanding of its history, our relationships with the congregation members also enriched us.

1841. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 74: 213-229. Brauer,J.L. (1992) Out of the Closet: Research Value of Human Skeletal Collections. Museum Anthropology, 16 (2): 35-39. Crist, T., Pitts, R., Washburn, A., McCarthy, J., Roberts, D., Hickey, M., &Humphrey, R. (1996) "A Distinct Church of the Lord Jesus": The History, Archaeology and Physical Anthropology of the Tenth Street First African Baptist Church Cemetery, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Prepared for Gaudet & O'Brien Associates/Urban Engineers, Inc. and the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation, Philadelphia: John Milner Associates, Inc.

Researchers are increasingly recogmzmg the need for inclusive approaches to the excavation of human skeletal remains that recognize the agendas of the various stakeholders in a project. A community-based approach that partners researchers and community members creates an environment where the agendas and expectations of both researchers and descendent communities may best be recognized and negotiated. Partnerships with descendent communities, no matter how informal, are not easily, or naturally, formed. Such relationships can only be built on hard-earned trust and mutual respect. The process of building relationships must be based on proactive, inclusive consultation rather than reactive "damage control", and cannot in any way be condescending. Communities must be fully informed at all stages of project planning and implementation, allowed to comment on and participate in the project, and be assured that community values concerning the dead and the history of the community will be recognized and respected. Only then can we hope that our scientific agendas will be rationally considered and supported.

Crist, T. &. Roberts, D. (1996) Engaging the Public Through Mortuary Archeology: Philadelphia's First African Baptist Church Cemeteries. Cultural Resource Management, 19 (10): 5-8. Goldstein, L. (1997) Politics, Law, Pragmatics, and Human Burial Excavations: An Example from North California. In: Grauer, A., ed., Bodies of Evidence: Reconstructing History Through Skeletal Analysis. New York: John Wiley & Sons.3-17 Howard University & John Milner Associates, Inc. (1992) Foley Square Federal Courthouse and Office Building, New York New York: Draft Research Design for Archaeological and Historical Investigations of Five Points (Courthouse Block) and for Archaeological, Historical, and Bioanthropological Investigations of the African Burial Ground (Broadway Block), New York, New York. Prepared for Region 2 of the United States General Services Administration, Washington: Howard University. West Chester, PA: John Milner Associates, Inc.

In the final analysis we as scholars have to be willing to share the "power", such as it is, that our academic qualifications and professional positions afford us. Perhaps hardest of all, when we discuss our research agendas with descendent communities, we have to be willing to hear and accept the word ''NO" and abide by any limitations placed on excavation, analysis, and curation activities. While we risk losing some valuable data, we must trust descendent communities to agree to what is truly in everyone's best interests.

Howard University & John Milner Associates, Inc. (1993) Foley Square Federal Courthouse and Office Building, New York New York: Research Design for Archaeological Historical, and Bioanthropological Investigations of the African Burial Ground (Broadway Block), New York, New York. Prepared for Region 2 of the United States General Services Administration, Washington: Howard University. West Chester PA: John Milner Associates, Inc.

Acknowledgments Some of the ideas and opinions expressed in this paper grew out of a paper on the First African Baptist Church project published in 1995 that I co-authored with Daniel G. Roberts. I wish to thank the following individuals for their insightful comments on earlier versions of this paper: Sharon Babaian, Thomas. A. J. Crist, Clark A. Dobbs, Thomas F. King, Cheryl LaRoche, Karolyn Smardz, and David H. Neufeld. Of course, the opinions expressed here, and any errors of fact or interpretation presented, are solely the author's responsibility. References Angel, L., Kelley, J., Parrington, M., & Pinter, S. (1987) Life Stresses of the Free Black Community as Represented by the First African Baptist Church, Philadelphia, 1823-

LaRoche, C.J. & Blakey, M. L. (1997) Seizing Intellectural Power: The Dialogue at the New York African Burial Ground. Historical Archaeology, 31 (3): 84-106. McCarthy, J. P. (1997) Material Culture and the Performance of Sociocultural Identity: Community, Ethnicity, and Agency in the Burial Practices at the First African Baptist Church Cemeteries, Philadelphia, 18101841. In: Smart Martin, A. & Garrison, J.R., eds., American Material Culture, The Shape of the Field.Knoxville:The University of Tennessee Press. 35979

14

McCarthy: From African-American Cemeteries in New York and Philadelphia

Parrington, M., Roberts, D., Pinter, S. & Wideman, J. (1989) The First African Baptist Church Cemetery: Bioarchaeology, Demography, and Acculturation of Early Nineteenth Century Philadelphia Blacks. Prepared for the Redevelopment Authority of the City of Philadelphia, Philadelphia: John Milner Associates. Roberts, D & McCarthy, J.P (1995) Descendant Community Partnering in the Archaeological and Bioanthropological Investigation of African-American Skeletal Populations: Two Interrelated Cases from Philadelphia. In: Grauer, A, ed., Bodies of Evidence: Reconstructing History Through Skeletal Analysis. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 19-36 Biography John P. McCarthy is a registered professional archaeologist and works as a project manager for Applied Archaeology & History Associates, Inc., in Annapolis, Maryland. During his more than 25-years of professional experience Mr. McCarthy has conducted hundreds of archaeological investigations of all kinds in his role as a consultant to private, public, and non-profit agencies in the eastern United States and Midwest. He edits and publishes the quarterly newsletter African-American Archaeology. Address African-American Archaeology 615 Fairglen Lane Annapolis, MD 21401

15

"ES IST ALLES TOT DING" 1 !? CONSIDERATIONS IN DEALING WITH RELICS Elke Beck

heart, tongue or leg. They can also be the part of the body where the person concerned was martyred."

Abstract Catholics venerate relics as the remains of saints or as blessed or praiseworthy objects. When drawing up treatment proposals, issues such as the religious and ideological intentions of these objects as well as their use and traditional maintenance and preservation methods should be taken into account. This paper gives an introduction to the religious and cultural background of the veneration of relics and saints. A guideline about the possibilities and limits in dealing with relics is given.

The veneration of saints and of relics cannot be treated as separate matters since, for the faithful, the saint is not only associated with, but also contained within the relic. Therefore, the relic, inasmuch as it is from the saint, can function as a conductor between the beseecher and God. The way in which saints and relics are venerated depends on how the society that treasures them views dying, death and the afterlife. It is always influenced by the different cultures surrounding the faithful.

Introduction For conservators, the handling and treatment of relics can be a very tricky business. One can find oneself caught in an uncomfortable position between several groups that may have very different expectations of these objects and any work done to them. These groups may include: the parish which owns the relic and may still venerate it, the parish priest, the Catholic church's heritage council and those of the county in which the artifact is located, the ordinary of the diocese or bishopric, or his representative, and the conservation profession, itself.

The veneration of Christian relics can be traced back at least to the middle of the 2nd century (Angenendt 194: 149). Originally, there were only "contact relics", such as cloths, plants or flowers that had been in contact with the corpse or grave of the saint or martyr, or dust and sand that was collected at the gravesite. Phylacteries, small containers bearing these relics, were worn by the faithful from the sixth century on. This tradition was based on the belief that saints are present not only in every single piece of their bodies, but also in everything intimately connected with them. The increasing passion for collecting relics was not merely a sign of private devotion. Relics were also used for political gains: a person who possessed (and venerated) many relics could hope for the support of many saints. The support of these saints granted the individual an aura of power. This aura was further reinforced by the development of highly visible reliquaries, often decorated with precious metals and stones. From the beginning of the 12th century, new reliquaries were made shaped like a human bust or single parts of the human body (Angenendt 1989: 17f). In the 13th century, the relics themselves become visible through inlays of glass or rock crystal in the ostensories. Many churches and chapels had entire walls decorated with relics, although most of the surviving examples are from later times. . Reliquaries were often "mobile" and could be carried in processions on the Saint's feast day or on other high holy days (fig. 1). "Presenting" major relics to the pilgrims became common practice. For example, in Aachen, the holy relics have been produced for veneration every seven years since 1322. An inscription on a woodcut of the ceremony from the 15th century records that an indulgence is granted to a worshipper. Indulgences reinforced the popularity of pilgrimages and, as a consequence, also the economic position of cities and cloisters with important sanctuaries.

Additionally, there are often technical and manual problems posed by the relics themselves. Last but not least, there may be external constraints, such as time or budget allocations. I chose this topic for my research because of the challenges of balancing these different perspectives and demands. The goal was to assemble a collection of material for the conservator who might be confronted with relics and to present and weigh the points that should be considered. Experience shows that in an "emergency", like the unexpected discovery of relics in a medieval sculpture, there is not always enough time to gather the pertinent background information. The Veneration of Saints and Relics 2 My definition of the term "relic" is based on the latest handbook of Catholic canon law, published in 1983 (Maritz 1983: 844): "In the more strict sense of the term, relics are remains of honorable objects, or of saints or beatified persons. In a wider sense, they are keepsakes from saints or beatified persons. Outstanding relics are parts of the holy cross and corporal remains of saints and beatified persons, such as their body, head, arm, forearm,

Reverence was due to saints, and was paid to relics as the earthly manifestation of the saint. Heartfelt prayers encouraged saints to intercede on behalf of the supplicant.

Luther, M. Der groBe Katechismus, das dritte Gebot, WA 30,1. A detailed history of the veneration of saints and relics, including a exhaustive bibliography is given in Angenendt, A. (1994). For relics in art and cult see Legner, A. (1989). 1

2

17

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

It might be difficult for us to understand this close "relationship" between humans and saints however; it served many important functions within medieval society. The following example illustrates its importance. In the absence of a modem legal system, it was common to swear oaths to seal agreements and to underpin testimony. Saints functioned as custodians of the Law and as God's penal system, in case of a breached oath. Oaths were sworn on specially made oath reliquaries or on altars made of stone into which relics had been placed, according to the importance of the oath (fig. 2). This custom is still reflected today in the German saying, to swear "stone and bone", meaning to swear blind. Secular and ecclesiastical life was intertwined so tightly that even secular courts imposed pilgrimages as an act of penance for a major offense. The medieval legal system included a defined penalty for every offense; therefore penance was calculable. Therefore the beneficial properties of relics (or the prayers of the saints they represented) could also be calculated. The more important the relic, or the bigger the collection of relics, the more years of purgatory the worshipper would be released from. A visit to Albrecht of Brandenburg's (d. 1545) gigantic collection of relics for example, yielded an indulgence of two million years. Reformers attacked this trading of indulgences and the hysterical piety that could accompany it. Abuses connected with the cult of relics were given much publicity by reformers, including the fantastic nature of some relics, such as the ABC of Christ, Our Lady's milk, and the precious foreskin of Jesus, that eleven parishes claimed to possess (Shell 1995: 32). In his Large Catechism, Luther stated: " ... all these are dead things which can sanctify nobody." (Bente & Dau 1921). This quotation had a devastating effect, in that it served as a justification for the iconoclasts. In 1563, at the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church confirmed the sanctity of relics, but also tried to remedy the abuses.

Fig. 1 - Shrine of the Magi, Cologne Cathedral. Manufactured by Nicholas of Verdun ca. 1181-1225. (Reinische Bildarchiv, Koln).

Successful intercessions were rewarded with further prayers and/or more tangible forms of devotion. Supplicants who approached with skepticism or failed to offer thanks could expect punishment. Interestingly enough, saints were also held accountable: failure to hear or answer prayers lead to thorns on their grave and no more prayers to them.

Fig. 2 - Bayeux Tapestry (detail) Harold of Essex pledges an oath of loyalty to the Norman Duke William over two shrines with relics (Grape 1994).

18

Beck: "Es ist alles tot Ding?"

The Enlightenment had nothing but scorn and derision for the veneration of relics. The rationalization of religion under Joseph II and the French revolution both brought heavy material losses to churches and their decoration. Shrines were dismantled, relics and reliquaries were separated as one was destroyed and the other sent to museums. The seventeenth century belief that there was still some kind of vitality in a corpse, changed in the 18th century. Now the body of a deceased was truly "dead". An increasing awareness of hygiene caused people to fear harmful emissions. Against this background, the veneration of relics began to seem backward and disgusting, an embarrassing characteristic of the uneducated class. Unimpressed by the Enlightenment and science, religious life began to flourish anew with the Romanticism of the 19th century. An example of this was, the pilgrimage to the Holy Gown in Trier in 1844, which attracted over one million visitors.

totalitarian systems used the known rites for their public celebrations. Nevertheless, despite the secularism of modem society, there is still a strong religious interest in relics of the venerated dead that is often underestimated. The Position of Catholic Church The development of the cult of saints and relics was discussed in detail in order to show the importance of relics from both a religious and historical viewpoint. It is important to stress their non-tangible value and to know the mindset on which their characteristics are based. As one would expect, the Catholic Church is the main authority on the subject ofrelics. In 1962-65, the second Vatican Council confirmed the cult of relics and saints, which was approved by the Council of Trent in 1563. Only the process of canonization was changed. Since 1983, the "Congregation of Canonization" in Rome has been responsible for canonizations and all questions concerning relics.

At the end of the 20th century, people still share the need for tangible evidence of the intangible but a secularized society looks for "substitute saints". Cult demands a monument, the profane becomes sacred and a walk to the place of worship replaces pilgrimage. For example, so many people were moved by the 1994 cultural event in which the artists Christo and Jean-Claude wrapped the Reichstag in Berlin that despite orders to the contrary pieces of the wrapping fabric were sold on the black market, achieving amazing prices (fig. 3). Likewise,

The Codex of Canonic law (1983) lays down some general rules: Can. 1189 - If precious images, that is, images, characterized by age, artistic value or veneration, which are exposed for veneration in churches or chapels, have to be treated by a conservator, a written permission by the ordained is required. Before giving his permission, the ordained has to ask an expert for advice.

Fig. 3 -Postcard with an inlay of the fabric used by Christo and Jean Claude to wrap the Reichstag, in 1994.

19

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

Can. 1190 - § 1. It is forbidden to sell relics. Can. 1237 - § 1-2. It is necessary for the valid consecration of an altar, whether fixed or portable, that it contains ( ...) relics of at least one martyr.

The impossibility of removing the spiritual value of a relic is one of the main differences between Catholic relics and the sacred objects of other religions. Some Buddhist statues, for example, seem to be very similar to Christian reliquary busts. In both cases it consists of a sculpture with souvenirs or the remains of a venerated person contained inside. In Buddhism, it is absolutely necessary to take away the blessing the sculpture has received during its consecration prior to the treatment. This must be carried out by an authorized person in a special ceremony otherwise the being or the soul of the sacred object is destroyed. After treatment, another ceremony can restore the sanctity of the object (fig. 4).

Even nowadays, there is a gray area where traditions are accepted or at least tolerated, such as the veneration of Irmgard in Cologne. She was never canonized, nevertheless her shrine in the cathedral of Cologne was opened for the veneration of her relics in 1992 (Assenmacher 1994). Also, ongoing veneration of a relic is often tolerated, even though its historical authenticity cannot be proven by scientific methods. But the veneration of relics seems to be an embarrassing topic for the Catholic Church, too. In Germany, it is not possible to find the word "relic" in any catechism currently available.

Conservators should recognize the official belief that every single piece of a relic carries the complete power of mediation. To separate pieces of a relic is a contradiction of this belief, except for the division of a relic to allow the veneration of this saint in other places. At the same time, the power of salvation is transferred to the surrounding material. Therefore, a separation of relic and reliquary cannot be justified, whereas it does not matter if the reliquary is a shrine, a bust or just a piece of fabric.

Consequences for the Handling and Treatment of Relics Conservators or scientists who have to work with relics are not required to be Catholic or to be baptized at all. It is not possible to take the heavenly virtues of a saint away even temporarily. Thus, there is no rite or prayer to observe when treating a relic. However, the work must be conducted reverently. To ensure this, some examinations and treatments must be carried out in the presence of a church authority. The opening of a shrine often follows a festive ceremony.

These considerations have to be taken in account with every analysis or treatment. To what extent can sampling for analysis be justified? What about cleaning methods that result in inevitable losses of the relic, itself, and those materials, associated with it, however minute?

Fig. 4 - The Tibetan scholar T.T. Thingo (Ngari Tulku) during the reconsecration of a Tara statue after conservation. The pieces found inside the statue are on the left. Museum Villa Roth (Picture by Maria Wunderlich. Bambern:).

20

Beck: "Es ist alles tot Ding?"

It is not my intention to create problems, however it is important to ensure an appropriate treatment for the objects we are responsible for. As recently as the nineteen-sixties, for example, relics would be removed from their reliquaries in the Cloisters Collection at the Metropolitan Museum, New York, to be repatriated to the Catholic Church (Marincola 1995; McGowan & LaRoche 1996). This display of sensitivity for a delicate group of objects was nevertheless inappropriate for Christian relics.

trustworthy partners. To know one's limits requires acceptance of the fact that one cannot be an expert for every single aspect ofan object. Acknowledgements With this in mind, the author would like to thank all the colleagues, conservators, scientists, theologians and anthropologists, who enriched this work with their experience and knowledge. This work is part of my Master's thesis, supervised and supported by Pro£ Dr. A. Stauffer and Prof. Dr. E. Jagers. My thanks also goes to our host, The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, for the chance to present it at this conference and to AdR (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Restauratoren), the German Association of Conservators, for their financial support. I am very grateful to Carole Dignard (CCI, Ottawa) and Monika Harter (National Museum of American Indian, Washington D.C.) for reading the manuscript.

However, the special character of relics can also be used to fulfill conservation goals, as the following example from Switzerland illustrates. There, textile conservators refused to treat the garment of Nicholas von der Fliie as long as it was unpacked and carried in yearly processions. The solution lay in the idea of the pars pro toto. A particle of the original garment was fixed to the sleeve of a replica, which is now used for the procession. The original garment is kept in the church, ensuring its survival. Conclusion Walter Benjamin's insight, from his book Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit (1963), is revealing; "The uniqueness of an artifact is identical with its nestling in correlation of traditions ...the authenticity of a thing includes everything handed down from the beginning, from the survival of the material to there being witnesses of history." The conservation of relics, compared to that of other precious cultural objects, includes considerations for the conservation of matter as well as for the conservation of an "aura of ritual value".

References Angenendt, A. (1989) Der Kult der Reliquien. In: Legner, A. ed., Reliquien. Verehrung und Verkliirung. Skizzen und Noten zur Thematik und Katalog zur Ausstellung der Koiner Sammlung Louis Peters im Schnutgenmuseum. Koln. 9-24. Angenendt, A. (1994) Heilige und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom friihen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart. Miinchen . Aries, P. (1984) Bilder zur Geschichte des Todes. Miinchen/Wien.

Fortunately, over the past ten years the idea of conceptual integrity has become more and more common. This takes some of the weight off of material integrity, until recently the main concern of conservators. In the case of objects of spiritual importance, conservators must accept decisions that would be inconceivable for other artifacts, such as the ongoing use of the object for cultural purposes, e.g. the presentation of relics or processions with them. Happily enough, the experiences of textile conservation are promising: textiles still venerated as relics are typically in much better condition than those that are used to serve art historical purposes.

Assenmacher, G. (1994) Offuung und SchlieBung des Reliquiengrabes der hl. Irmgard in der Agneskapelle des Kolner Domes. Koiner Domblatt, 59: 291-301. Augustinermuseum (1995) 'Gold, Perlen und Edel-Gestein: Reliquienkult und Klosterarbeiten 1m deutschen Siidwesten', catalogue of an exhibition at the Augustinermuseum Freiburg. Miinchen Benjamin, W. (1963) Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit. Drei Studien zur Kunstsoziologie. Frankfurt.

Complex objects such as relics are a challenge, not only because of the pragmatic approaches but also the theoretical ones necessary to treat them; above all we are dealing with human remains and with sacred objects. Their treatment will always be a delicate bridge between aesthetic, historical, physical and conceptual integrity.

Bock, U. (1989) 'Kontaktreliquien, Wachssakramentalien und Phylakterien' In: Legner, A. ed., Reliquien. Verehrung und Verkliirung. Skizzen und Noten zur Thematik und Katalog zur Ausstellung der Koiner Sammlung Louis Peters im Schnutgenmuseum. Koln: 154-160.

As a discipline, conservation must employ an interdisciplinary approach to most problems. Truly interdisciplinary work requires an open-mind, a clearly defined set of ethics and objectives and an understanding of the possibilities, necessities and limitations of one's own profession. To fulfill these conditions, we must work constantly on our professional standards. Only clarity in fundamental principles and consistency in practice make

Braun, J. (1940) Die Reliquare des Christlichen Kultes und ihre Entwicklung. Freiburg. Colonia Romanica (1996) Jahrbuch des Fordervereins Romanische Kirchen Koln e.V., XI 1996, 'Kolner Kirchen und ihre mittelalterliche Ausstattung' vol.2. Koln: Forderverein Romanische Kirchen e.V. 21

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

Grape, W. (1994) Der Teppich von Bayeaux. New York.

der Barockzeit in Westfalen', catalogue of an exhibition at the Diozesanmuseum Paderbom. Paderbom.

Jaggi, W. (1989) Wie das Volk Reliquien verehrte. In: Legner, A. ed., Reliquien. Verehrung und Verkliirung. Skizzen und Noten zur Thematik und Katalog zur Ausstellung der Koiner Sammlung Louis Peters im Schnutgenmuseum. Koln. 149-153

Weyer, C. (1994) Restaurierungsethik. Die Argumente der aktuellen Debatte. Zeitschriji far Kunsttechnologie und Restaurierung, 8 (2): 345-350.

Jelzer, P. ed., (1994) 'Himmel, Holle, Fegefeuer. Jenseits im Mittelalter', Veroffentlichung Schweizerischen Landesmuseums in Zusammenarbeit dem Schnutgen-Museum und der Mittelalterabteilung Wallraff-Richartz-Museums der Stadt Koln, Zurich.

Biography Elke Beck was trained as a textile conservator in Germany and Canada and graduated in textile conservation from the Fachhochschule Koln in 1997. Research interests include treatment of mixed materials and conservation ethics. She is currently a textile conservator at the Museum of Applied Art in Cologne, Germany.

Das des rnit des

Jense, X. (1992) 'De Verering van Heiligen en Reliekwieen in de Middeleeuwen.' Unpublished manuscript of the conference 3. Internationaler Kongress mittelalterlicher Textilien, im besonderen in der Euregio Maas-Rhein, Aachen.

Address Museum fiir Angewandte Kunst An der Rechtschule D-50667 Cologne Germany

Kroos, R. (1985) Umgang rnit Reliquien. In: Legner, A., ed., Ornamenta Ecclesia. Kunst und Kunstler der Romanik. vol. 3. Koln. 25-49. Legner, A. (1995) Reliquien in Kunst und Kult: Zwischen Antike und Aufkliirung. Darmstadt. Listl, J., Muller, H., & Schulz, H., eds. (1983) Handbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechts. Regensburg. Luther, M. (1921) The Large Catechism. Translated by Bente, F. & Dau, W. St Louis, Concordia: Publishing House. Marincola, M., (1995) personal communication. Maritz, H., (1983) Die Heiligen-, Bilder- und Reliquienverehrung In: Listl, J., Muller, H., & Schulz, H., eds. Handbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechts. Regensburg. McGowan, G. & LaRoche, C. (1996) The Ethical Dilemma Facing Conservation: Care and Treatment of Human Skeleton Remains and Mortuary Objects. Journal of the American Institute of Conservation, 35 (2): 109-122. Paredis-Vroon, M., Verhecken-Lammens, C., & DeJonghe, D., (1996) The Major Relics of Aachen Cathedral, in CIETA-Bulletin, 73: 15-26. Shell, M. (1995) Art & Money. London. Schiessl, U., (1995) The Development of the Profession and its Ethical Rules. In: Byrne-Sutton, Q., Renold, M. Rotheli-Mariotti, B., eds., La Restauration des Objets d'art: Aspects juridiques et ethiques. Actes d'une rencontre organisee le 17 Octobre 1994. Zurich: 203-229. Stiegemann, C., ed., (1994) Heilige und Heiltum: Eine rheinische Privatsammlung und die Reliquienverehrung

22

Excavation

THE CRANTIT TOMB, ORKNEY: A CASE STUDY IN SPECIALIST CO-OPERATION AND MEDIA ATTENTION Beverley Ballin Smith

Abstract This paper aims to elucidate the background to the excavation of an intact Neolithic tomb on the Orkney Islands, north of mainland Scotland, UK and to describe the selection and gathering of specialist personnel prior to the excavation. Of equal importance were the decisionmaking processes and the archaeological choices available in the field for the retrieval of the human remains. The media interest in this project is examined along with the question of the future of the human remains and the site.

Introduction The present-day story of the tomb began in April 1998 when a ploughman, drilling barley in a sloping field just outside Kirkwall, the main town of the Orkney Islands, Scotland, UK, disturbed a stone, later identified as a roof slab, and the tractor wheel and forty centimeters of clay and stone disappeared down a hole. The field had been ploughed repeatedly for over twenty years and except for the occasional larger stone, which was dragged up by a plough, nothing of archaeological interest had ever come to light. Several cists (stone boxes set into the ground) containing the cremated remains of the Bronze Age inhabitants of the area had been found in an adjacent field and 'excavated' earlier in the century, when new housing was being erected (Cursiter 1910; Marwick 1924, 48).

Fig. 1 -The masonry of the tomb as first seen.

other eighty-one known Orkney tombs had an intact roof when discovered (Henshall 1989). The implication of the Crantit structure, if indeed it was a tomb, was therefore extremely important. If its roof survived, the structure would be quite unique. The outcome of the discovery was that Historic Scotland1 funded an excavation of the site carried out by Glasgow University's Archaeological and Research Division (GUARD). The excavation supported a scientific and forensic exploration of the structure in the summer of 1998. The structure was previously unknown and therefore presumed to be intact and largely undisturbed in spite of the initial breach caused by the tractor.

Due to the foresight of the landowner, archaeologists responsible for the monuments of the islands were able to visit the field, and assess the importance of the discovery. The landowner's son took video footage of the hole, and its visible contents, giving archaeologists the chance to interpret what had been discovered. The site was secured and sealed as well as possible from both human and other possible contaminants.

Preparation Much of the initial thinking about excavation and documentation of the structure and its contents was dealt with in the legal documents prepared by, and for, Historic Scotland. One of the key words in the documents was forensic. The most likely scenario was that the structure would turn out to be a tomb, and the excavation team had to be prepared for the recovery of human remains. GUARD had already begun to work closely with Strathclyde Police, the largest police force in Scotland, and several members of the proposed fieldwork team had experience working with police officers on modem forensic cases of various kinds. Our approach to the project was to unite the best archaeological skills with available modem forensic techniques. This combination would, it was felt, prevent the loss of evidence and yield

The video revealed a restricted panorama of stonework which looked to be Neolithic (New Stone Age c.3500 2500 BC for tomb building) in date or possibly Iron Age (c. 700 BC - AD 400). The stonework appeared to be the roof and its supports (fig. 1) while on the floor of the structure there were some bones. It was not possible to identify whether the bones were human or animal in origin at this point in time. Neolithic tombs are frequently encountered on the Orkney Islands. The majority of these tombs were excavated before the middle of the 20th century and most of their contents were lost or inadequately recorded by today's standards. Some tombs were empty while others had human remains, representing the bones of hundreds of individuals. The Orcadian tombs can be as complex or as simple as the deposits found in and around them, but none had, to this date, been found intact. Neither had any of the

Historic Scotland is the national guardian of ancient and historic structures in Scotland. 1

25

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

the maximum amount of information possible about the tomb and its remains.

The Fieldwork Almost three months had elapsed since the structure's discovery and it was now time to gain a little more insight into what was below ground. Apart from some topsoil, which had collapsed into the hole, it seemed that nothing else had disturbed the interior of the structure. The appearance of the stonework suggested that it was more likely to be Neolithic than Iron Age in date, and therefore more likely to be a tomb. What information could be gained about the structure's size suggested that it was less than 3.5 meters in diameter, and its height from floor to ceiling--less than one meter--was very restricted.

The organization of the project demanded a skilled team, consisting not only of personnel who had worked on Orkney for many years and were familiar with structures and remains from the Neolithic and Iron Age periods, but also specialists on soil, botanical remains, human remains and other materials. All eventualities had to be covered as there was no certainty, at this stage, of the structure's age and therefore what archaeological remains, in addition to the unidentified bones, might be encountered. The preparation and selection of personnel, mostly from Glasgow, but also from other parts of Scotland and beyond, took several weeks. GUARD has a qualified and experienced biological anthropologist who would be one of the key members of the team. DNA specialists, mostly carrying out work on remains from recent disasters across the world, were present at the university and were willing to be part of the team as post-excavation specialists. GUARD's work with Strathclyde Police had brought them into contact with a forensic pathologist also based at the university. She had no first hand experience of an archaeological excavation but was willing to join the team as a specialist advisor or as an aide to the biological anthropologist.

Archaeological work continued above the structure to find the extent of the roof (fig. 2). Once this was known, its structural stability could be assessed more accurately. It appeared that the driving of a tractor and plough over the site had cracked some of the roof slabs, even with 40 centimeters of clay and stone between them and the surface of the field. The collapse of a portion of a second stone provided an opening through which the police constable attempted to photograph the contents of the tomb without causing further disturbance and without entering the structure or contaminating its contents. Some of the equipment used by a BBC camera crew was adapted so that a compact 35 mm SLR camera and later a video camera could be lowered into the hole. The results gave us valuable information to plan the next stage of the project.

To cover all forensic possibilities demanded much communication with the Scenes of Crime Department at Strathclyde Police and their advice was sought on a number of issues. We needed to know, for example, what we should do if we found knee, hand or footprints on the floor of the structure and how we should deal with the possibilities of fingerprints on any object or stonework. The outcome of this discussion was that a Scenes of Crime constable was given permission by the Chief Constable to assist us for a limited period during the fieldwork. Not only was this constable knowledgeable in forensic fieldwork techniques but he was also a skilled photographer. Another area of discussion was that of the health and safety of the archaeological and forensic teams. We had covered various concerns about contaminating the contents of the structure (see below) and means of preventing this, but information about the structure itself was limited. The collapse of the roof slab beneath the tractor indicated that the rest of the structure was possibly unstable. Although the video footage could give us some information, its use was limited regarding the stability of the structure, the depth of the floor deposits and the distance between them and the roof. Beattie Watkinson Planning Supervisors made themselves available to assist us with any structural problems we encountered once on site.

Fig 2 -The roof plan of the tomb.

Several dilemmas presented themselves at this juncture. The structure was confirmed as a Neolithic tomb. From the new photographic evidence it was noted that the small tomb was tri-cellular and that the human remains were indeed present on the floor of the structure. The photographs not only told us how many remains were present, what condition they were in, but also the state of the floor surface. There appeared to be no trace of remains other than the human bones. As the roof of the tomb was

By the beginning of July 1988 the expert fieldwork team had been selected and briefed, the specialists who would form part of the back-up and post-excavation team were on standby, and the collection of equipment (archaeological, specialist and forensic) was in hand.

26

Ballin Smith: The Crantit Tomb, Orkney

still in place, we still could not enter to record or retrieve the remains.

restricted by the roof and the masonry blocking the entrance, the police officer was able, by very limited physical movements, to take scaled record photographs of all the visible remains lying in situ on the tomb floor.

At this stage of the fieldwork media interest (see below) posed another dilemma. After notifying the local constabulary that human remains at least 4500 to 5000 years old were present on the site, we were advised to remove them quickly or mount extra overnight security at the excavation. Although the northern hemisphere summer solstice ensured that even the nights were light, the police response was troubling, particularly since at this same time a Neolithic tomb in France had been vandalized shortly after its discovery.

•

Next, there was the problem of the retrieval of the bones and the need for an on-site laboratory for the reception of the human material. Although the site's biological anthropologist was present, she could not be in two places at once, performing two vitally important jobs. If she lifted the bones from the tomb floor there was no one else with sufficient knowledge and expertise to deal with them at the temporary laboratory. Time was important and there was no possibility of a time lag between retrieval and identification. We had only one tent, which protected the tomb, so retrieval and analysis had to take place simultaneously. It was decided that the most experienced excavator on site, the site director, would lift the bones from the tomb floor and the bioanthropologist would stand ready to receive and identify them. A temporary laboratory was set up on the edge of the trench composed of a makeshift table and some seating. It was also decided that the police officer and one other skilled archaeologist would receive the bones from the tomb and transport them to the 'lab'.

•

Finally, it was necessary to remove all non-essential personnel from the environs of the site and site 'laboratory'.

The excavation strategy and retrieval method-ologies were under constant review and during this period. Other small holes between the roof slabs enabled further information on the number, state and exact location of the human remains to be gained by the use of photography. The quick turn around between photograph and print was invaluable at this point in the decision-making process as arguments and hypotheses could be backed up with illustrative evidence. Prioritizing the tasks in hand was of utmost importance. •

•

The roof slabs (partial or whole), which were in danger of collapse or would hinder access to, and retrieval of, the human remains, had to be removed first. This was critical both from a health and safety standpoint and because of the constricted space within the tomb. Minimal contamination of the tomb's internal environment was also a priority. Secondly, the floor of the tomb and its remains had to be recorded. The only possible means of executing this task quickly, accurately, and with minimal disturbance and contamination, but with due consideration to safety of the individual, was through photography. Masonry inside the tomb blocked the entrance area and restricted access to the human remains lying on the floor more significantly than we had predicted. Access to the tomb with a drawing board and its associated equipment was totally impractical. It was decided that the team's police officer would be the first person to enter the tomb so that he could record the floor and the human remains photographically. The pictorial evidence, as well as his visual and manual analysis, convinced the team's stone mason that the remaining roof slabs, and the masonry they rested on, were stable. The mason was able to support a cracked lintel, without entering the tomb, for extra insurance and security. The police officer in full protective gear (paper suit with hood, foot coverings, surgical gloves and a mask) went down into the structure, into what we later identified as the west chamber. His earlier photographs had shown that the floor of the tomb did not contain foot or hand prints (fig. 3). Water percolation over the millennia had removed such detailed evidence of Neolithic activity from the burial chamber. Although

Removing the remaining roof-slabs, although physically difficult was relatively easy. The resultant apertures allowed for the checking of the conditions inside the tomb, the exact positioning of the bones and for double-checking the procedures that followed. While the roof was being dismantled the police officer directed the other key personnel how to dress for the retrieval of the bones. All essential personnel were issued full protective gear. The recovery team's implements were cleaned with alcoholic wipes as were the 'laboratory's' surfaces, collection trays and tools. The film crew wanted shots of the human remains before they were lifted and a small video camera was adapted for the purpose and handed to the site director who entered the tomb through the west cell. A microphone was also used to record her initial impressions of the tomb and its contents. Of more relevance to the task in hand was the condition of the bones. It was apparent from a closer inspection that they were quite porous and badly decayed. What appeared to be solid bone on the photographs was in reality a barely hardened pulp. The cortical surface was extremely thin, brown or gray in color and the trabecular bone, which was creamy pink in color, had the consistency of a soggy biscuit. Only two groups of bones were visible, confirming that the photographic recording was accurate. The group in the western comer of the north chamber was 27

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

retrieved first (fig. 4). Not only were there fewer remains than in the east comer, but they also retained some rigidity, thus allowing delicate manual handling from the tomb floor to a flat tray. It was apparent that only selected bones of (presumably) one individual were present. A few long bones were retrieved along with fragments of one foot.

they were heavily waterlogged. Only the flimsiest structure held the bones together. Manual handling of each individual bone was totally out of the question and the crania could not be lifted without support. The floor beneath the bones consisted of hard-packed clay with small stones, which it was impossible to penetrate in order to carry out a block lift. The only possible means of retrieving the bones with minimal disturbance was to insert a thin, flat metal surface beneath them. Due to the space restrictions in the tomb, only a cleaned broad-bladed hand shovel could be used. The two crania were lifted first. One was much smaller than the other. One, or both, had collapsed off the pile of other bones; their frontal bones had decayed; and small fragments of badly preserved teeth littered the surrounding floor surface. The remaining bones were then lifted. The laboratory procedures were as with the former group, but the condition of these bones required even more careful handling.

The mandible had broken and collapsed, the largest fragment still retaining one molar. The cranium had become separate from the mandible and had fallen to one side. Its frontal region had collapsed and decayed, scattering teeth onto the floor of the tomb. The retrieval of this group of bones was accomplished relatively easily and delivered by the archaeological 'couriers' to the waiting specialists. At the 'laboratory' the bones were individually identified, described, measured and recorded. The forensic pathologist aided the biological anthropologist in writing down the description and measurements onto prepared data sheets. Each bone was individually assessed, wrapped in acid-free tissue paper, bagged, labeled and placed in a rigid container.

Fig. 4 - The single skull and accompanying bones at the western end of the north chamber.

The bones were taken to a secure place, unwrapped and allowed to dry naturally over several days before being repackaged. Further identification and analysis was also undertaken at this time providing the preliminary results that the two adult crania were female and that the smaller one was from a young child. At the tomb, the project's soil scientist recorded and sampled the whole of the tomb floor. It is hoped that through soil and lipid analysis it will be possible to determine if any other organic artifacts were originally present with the human remains. The structure of the tomb, its walls, floor area, orthostats (upright stones

Fig. 3 - A pre-excavation photo of the tomb interior.

The retrieval of the second group of bones, situated at the eastern end of the same chamber posed more problems (fig. 5). Not only was this a larger group of bones, with two crania, but their condition was also extremely poor and

28

Ballin Smith: The Crantit Tomb, Orkney

supporting the roof) and remaining roof slabs were also carefully recorded by photography, drawings, rubbings and excavation. During this process a fourth cranium was located beneath the collapsed slab and subsoil of the south chamber caused by the passing of the tractor. It was barely recognizable as a skull as it had been completely flattened and pressed into the floor of the tomb by the weight of fallen soil above it. It was excavated by the biological anthropologist who recorded and lifted it herself Teeth were present but the sex and orientation of the skull may never be determined.

west was a second cist. This had been noted as a slightly enigmatic feature in the rubbly subsoil. Careful excavation revealed a rectangular lidded cist 1 meter long, 0.7 meters wide and c. 0.7 meters deep. The lid was badly cracked, but it was possible to remove it without it collapsing onto the remains below. Inside the cist two large piles of cremated bone were discovered lying on the basal slab (fig. 6). The deposits were extremely colorful but more importantly large pieces of bone were still identifiable and clearly retained their structure. The conditions in this cist had been more favorable to preservation than the conditions within the Neolithic tomb. The deposits within the cist were also accompanied by fragmentary plant fibers, which were heavily mineralized. These seemed to be the remains of a woven container into which the cremated bone had been placed. The container, probably a basket, was most likely used to transport the human remains from the cremation pyre to the cist. Adherent bone and other residues, including fuel ash slag suggest that the cremated remains were still warm when they were deposited and sealed within the cist. Forensic procedures were also used during the excavation of the contents of the cist. The use of these, including the use of protective suits and gloves, minimized the contamination of the human remains, fibers and fuel ash slag. The excavation was accomplished by the team's biological anthropologist aided by two other archaeologists. In order to excavate the cist they had to lie on planks over the cist. The two deposits of cremated bone were excavated separately and in spits. Each of the larger pieces of bone in each spit was located on a detailed plan, identified and individually wrapped and bagged. Each spit was also photographed. Smaller pieces from each spit were collected and bagged separately, and DNA samples were also taken. It is hoped that the information gained will be able to tell us about the individual or individuals cremated, how they were laid on the funeral pyre, whether they were clothed and had accompanying goods as well as the conditions and temperature of the pyre itself

Fig. 5 -Two skulls and bones at the eastern end of the north chamber.

Media The first morning of fieldwork on the site was totally unparalleled in any of the team's experience. Five media crews awaited us. It appeared that the involvement of a police officer on the excavation team merited much interest from the local and national presses, as well as national television, and local and national radio. Even the possible tomb and the potential of its contents was not as exciting to the media as a serving police officer joining an archaeological team. To have attracted as much media attention as we received on these remote islands that first morning, and throughout the fieldwork, was quite exceptional.

Fig. 6 - The cremated bone found in the cist.

TheWestCist After the excitement and disappointments of the tomb the archaeological team then turned its attentions to features lying immediately beyond the structure. To the immediate south-west of the tomb were the partial remains of a Bronze Age cist (2500 -700 BC), which was found to contain the partially burnt remains of human teeth. To the

Media presence was ubiquitous at the site. For all of the excavation team, this was the first occasion they had had to work side by side with media personnel. News cameramen and radio reporters came and went. A good relationship was established with one of the local radio newsmen who

29

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

came to the site when we had something exciting to tell him and made intelligent broadcasts about our findings and thoughts on the tomb. Part of our remit for the project was to broadcast, by public lecture, articles in the local newspaper etc., information of our work to the general public. And the public was interested, as shown by the 1000 visitors who came to visit the site during its open day, which was equivalent to 5% of the Orcadian population. However, during the opening of the tomb, and to a lesser extent during the retrieval of the human remains, there was too much noise and activity to savor the expectancy of the moment and the unique connection with our ancestors, and our past, that these occasions offer.

Conclusion The remains of four people, two women, a child and one other, were placed into a tomb prepared for them, possible on the edge of their territory, over four millennia ago. Sometime later, when cremation replaced inhumation another two people, at least, were placed in two special stone boxes close to the Neolithic tomb. We do not know whether knowledge of the tomb lingered in folk memory, if its position in the landscape was marked, or whether the site was chosen as a burial place simply because it was considered a good one. Many factors beyond our knowledge and imagination will have affected the decisions to build the tomb and construct the cists. After the Bronze Age, the human remains at Crantit became lost in the landscape until accidentally rediscovered in 1998.

Our main concern, however, was with the film crew, who were present throughout the excavation and at other important events. Although the importance of the archaeology was ever paramount and was never neglected, the important aspect of time was reduced by the crew's presence. We had thought that a complete professional video record of the site's excavation would supplement our own, and fill in those bits we could not chronicle ourselves as all the site personnel were occupied. However, their presence became more of a distraction and a hindrance than an aid to the excavation. Much of the decisionmaking and the subsequent excavation took place in front of the media, which added to the pressure already inherent in those situations. The freedom to make decisions and to discuss and think over the consequences of those decisions was markedly curtailed by their presence. Additionally the film crew's timetable was necessarily different from our own which created the potential for friction. A time schedule was introduced, consciously or unconsciously, into the proceedings, which had little to do with the archaeological work and more direct relevance to the film crew, their movements and costs. Finally in the confined space of the tent, movement became even more limited, due to the presence of so many external personnel, and the potential for accidents was increased. An unfortunate film person could have dislodged one of the roof slabs and flattened the remains below, but fortunately they did not. The presence of untrained personnel was an ever-present worry, especially ones with their own agenda. The film crews were used to archaeological conditions but were not professional archaeologists. The extra stress this caused at crucial points in the excavation at the site must not be underestimated.

Fig. 7 - The tomb with its satellite cists in its landscape.

The site has been preserved, and a new roof has replaced the old, allowing people of the future to glimpse a little of the past. But what of the human remains? In Britain it has been traditional for the excavated bones of our prehistoric ancestors to form part of museum displays and collections. Today they are still there forming an invaluable resource for the present and the future. The Crantit bones from the tomb are in such poor condition that their likely future resting-place will be the Orkney Museum. Our actions have taken the bones out of their burial place and away from their context (fig. 7). The preservation of the tomb, allowing access for the occasional visitor, precludes the replacement of the human remains. Our cultural and mental distance from our ancestors means that science and preservation inevitably takes precedence over possible reburial and future loss.

The filming was something that we, as an archaeological team, felt we had little control over. We were not invited to participate in the editing or assembly of the film, and did not have a chance to view it prior to its public broadcast. When dealing with a high profile site and an emotive subject such as human remains, the way our ancestors are portrayed is important. We felt there should be some academic means of checking the accuracy of the story and its portrayal before it was sprung on an unsuspecting audience. In spite of our worries the site and its contents were dealt with fairly.

30

Ballin Smith: The Crantit Tomb, Orkney

The majority of the post-excavation work on the site and its contents has yet to occur. DNA analysis has been attempted on the cremated bones from the cist, but was not successful. A short second season of fieldwork took place at Crantit in the summer of 1999. The tomb itself, the surrounding subsoil and the other features in the field were investigated, but no further human remains came to light (Ballin Smith 1998, 1999).

with Glasgow University's Archaeological Research division, in the Department of Archaeology, as a project manager, researcher and teacher. Among the larger projects she has led recently has been the high-profile Crantit excavation on Orkney. Address Beverley Ballin Smith GUARD Dept. of Archaeology The Gregory Building The University of Glasgow Lilybank Gardens Glasgow G12 8QQ, SCOTLAND

Acknowledgements The excavation was funded by Historic Scotland, and sponsored by Orkney Ice Cream, Jonathan Harvey (funeral directors), A Plant - Cumbemauld, Orcargo, HA West (X Ray) Ltd the Orkney Heritage Society and the Orkney Archaeological Trust, and assisted by Beattie Watkinson Planning Supervisors and Strathclyde Police.

My attendance at the conference would not have been possible without generous financial help from Historic Scotland, the Department of Archaeology and the School of History and Archaeology at the University of Glasgow, and Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division. I am extremely grateful to them all. The photographs (except figure 7) were taken by Police Constable David Thurley, Strathclyde Police. References Ballin Smith B (1998) Crantit Orkney. GUARD 619. Data structure reports printed by Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division.

Ballin Smith B (1999) Crantit Orkney. GUARD 619.2. Data structure reports printed by Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division. Cursiter, JW. (1910) Notice of a Stone Cist of Unusual Type Found at Crantit near Kirkwall. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquarians, Scotland, 64 (1909-10): 215-17. Davidson, JL., & Henshall, AS. (1989). The Chambered Cairns of Orkney. Edinburgh, University Press. Marwick H. (1924) Burial Cist Discovered at Crantit, St. Ola, Orkney, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquarians, Scotland, 2 (1923-4): 48. Biography Beverley Ballin Smith is a graduate of the Institute of Archaeology, University of London. From London she moved to the Orkney Islands where she worked as a freelance archaeologist for 13 years both there and on Shetland. During this period, with others, she excavated a complex multi-period tell site, the Howe, which she published in 1994. She is also the co-author of the 1999 publication of a Norse to post-Medieval site on Shetland, the Riggings. Between leaving Orkney in 1991 and returning to Scotland in 1997 she lived on the Faroe Islands and in Denmark, Sweden and Norway where she worked as an archaeologist. She is presently employed

31

A BRONZE AGE BURIAL FROM NORTH-EAST ENGLAND: LIFTING AND EXCAVATION Jennifer Jones

involvement in D-F sites in Britain is not necessarily routine, especially at the excavation stage. The Conservation Laboratory at Durham University had been unaware of the dig until an urgent request from the excavator for a site visit, following the discovery of Burial 6.

Abstract A Bronze Age burial with fragile grave goods was lifted using solid CO2 pellets to freeze the ground and allow part of the skeleton plus artifacts to be lifted in a block of soil. The block was later excavated in the Conservation Laboratory, and recorded using photography and drawing. Artifacts of copper alloy and jet were conserved and analyzed.

Less than a week had been allowed by the developers for the excavation of all the burials plus any other associated features on the site. Our initial visit suggested that the fragility of the metalwork visible in Burial 6 would make its excavation in situ either by archaeologists or conservators extremely difficult within the time available, without holding up the investigation of the rest of the site.

The site at Ingleby Barwick in NE England was discovered in December 1996 during the construction of a large housing development. Developers working with earthmoving equipment had revealed human skeletal remains at a depth of less than 30cm below the ground surface and contacted the Coroner, who alerted the regional Archaeology Unit, Tees Archaeology, when it was realized that the remains were of some antiquity. An archaeological evaluation of the area had not surprisingly failed to detect the small prehistoric burial ground.

Discovery of the copper alloy grave goods had greatly increased the importance of the site. Sites from this early period are rare in NE England, and English Heritage's (EH) regional Inspector of Ancient Monuments had already visited the excavation. This visit resulted in EH agreeing to fund the additional costs that this unexpected find would bring, and it was therefore possible to carry out the subsequent conservation work on the burial. It is doubtful in a situation with no legal constraints that the developers would have been willing to bear the full costs involved in the lifting, laboratory excavation and conservation of Burial 6.

Excavation began the next day, and several further burials were revealed. Initially, the remains were thought to date from the British Neolithic, (c. 3rd/ 4th millennium B.C.) as suggested by the associated pottery and a pierced stone mace-head discovered with one of the skeletons. The discovery of Burial 6 brought the dating forward into the early Bronze Age (c. late 2nd millennium B.C.). The skeleton of a young adult female lying on her side in a crouched position seemed to be complete though damaged, and as the excavators began removal of the soil overlying the bones, it became apparent that there were fragmentary grave goods both of copper alloy and a jet-like material on the upper part of the body.

Examination Full excavation of Burial 6 revealed a complete but poorly preserved skeleton, lying in a shallow cut, the grave goods concentrated solely over the upper body. The arms were folded up against the chest, with the hands close together (possibly clasped) beneath the chin. The archaeologists had first been alerted to the presence of metalwork by fragments of copper alloy visible around the right radius and ulna, and so as much soil as possible had been retained over the bones, whilst still revealing their complete extent. Cleaning around and below the skull had uncovered 4 Vbored conical buttons of a jet-like material. The soil was variable across the site, a mixture of fairly dark humus and small areas of grit, mixed in with larger stones, and all quite free-draining.

As time would not allow excavation of the grave goods in situ, it was decided to lift part of the burial. Speed was an important factor - the archaeologists needed as much time as possible to explore the full extent of the site before the developers' deadline. Fine excavation of the artifacts could be carried out later in the more suitably equipped environment of the Conservation Laboratory if they could be safely removed from the ground, thus allowing the excavation of other burials to proceed as quickly as possible.

Fig 1 - Burial 6 in the ground (Tees Archaeology)

Ingleby Barwick was initially a developer-funded (D-F) excavation - where all excavation and post-excavation costs are borne by the developer of the land. Conservation

33

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

It was decided to concentrate on the chest area of the

It is wise to obtain your CO2 pellets as short a time as possible before they are to be used. They sublime at a steady rate, but we have found that with insulation around the sacks, for example in the form of sheets of polyethylene foam or bubblepack, it is possible to keep sufficient pellets for a small lift (e.g. 50x50x5cm) for up to 6 hours, allowing time to travel to the site and to plan and carry out the lift.

skeleton. Lifting the entire skeleton would have been possible, though subsequent storage might have posed a problem, but fortunately grave goods were present over only this limited area of the body. Lifting with plaster and bandages and with polyurethane foam was considered, as well as freeze-lifting. It was felt, however, that both these other methods would have involved more preparation of the area and more lifting time than was available. Maintaining the integrity of a block full of small fragmentary objects plus soil, as it is removed from site to the Conservation Laboratory, is easier if the whole matrix is held in a rigid state, rather than only supported beneath and around the edges.

The first step is to define the area of ground to be lifted. One way of doing this is to use strips of aluminum flashing, around 15cm wide, obtainable from builder's merchants. These have enough rigidity to be pushed some way into most types of soil, while being flexible enough to be bent into curves. They are also reusable. At Ingleby Barwick, the area to be freeze-lifted was approximately 40 x 50cm maximum, with a depth of around 8cm. As is usually the case, the depth of the lift had to be estimated, and this estimation relied upon there being no unexpected artifacts of any great size concealed below the skeleton.

There are many advantages to using freeze-lifting on an archaeological site: • • • • • •

The process is very quick. The stratigraphy of the contexts around and below the lifted block remains almost undisturbed. The stratigraphy and the relationship of the objects to each other within the lifted block can be maintained. No isolation of the area to be lifted is required. The frozen block is strong and rigid and easily and safely moved from site. The lifted block is more compact, as there are few extraneous materials surrounding it. If the block is small, it can be stored, well-wrapped, in a domestic-type freezer until it is excavated, reducing the risk of drying out or biological growth.

As the grave goods did not extend around the skull, it had already been removed by the archaeologists. We aimed to include the remains of both arms and hands, the clavicles, ribs and associated vertebrae in the lift, leaving behind what remained of the lower vertebrae, pelvis and lower limbs.

There are, of course, also a few disadvantages to using the technique:

The aluminum flashing is pushed into the ground around the lift area to create an enclosure to contain the spread of CO2 pellets, and to restrict the area of ground that is frozen. The depth that the flashing can be pushed into the earth does not determine the depth of freezing. It is sometimes difficult to do more than balance the flashing on the ground surface if the soil is very stony.

•

It is known that the nature of the soil and its moisture

•

• •

Availability of the solid CO2 pellets required for the freezing process. Storage of the CO2 pellets. Possible effect of the freeze/thaw cycle on the materials within the lifted block.

content affects the compressive and tensile strength of the lifted soil/finds block (Bouyoucos 1921). This strength increases with a decrease in freezing temperature and an increase in moisture content up to saturation point, whereupon there will be a decrease in strength. This suggests that the technique would not be suitable for use in waterlogged or desert conditions. If the soil is dry it is advisable to add some water before freezing.

Freeze-lifting Preparations went ahead for the lift to be made the following day, once recording and planning of the burial had been completed by the excavators.

Before the CO2 pellets were added, thermocouple temperature probes were inserted into the ground and pushed in to the required depth of the lift. They were left in place during freezing and periodically attached to a portable electronic thermometer to monitor the freezing process. CO2 pellets were then spread over the ground as quickly as possible. It should be remembered that the freezing point of CO2 is -79°C, low enough to damage human tissue quite rapidly, so suitable gloves should be worn. The spread of pellets was immediately covered with as much insulating material as possible, weighted down with stones.

The ground freezing method we have used for the last 7 or 8 years is based upon pellets of solid carbon dioxide. We are fortunate in being able to obtain supplies of CO2 pellets very readily from the University's Chemistry Department. However, enquiries in NE England have identified several firms within a 20-mile radius able to supply sufficient quantities of pellets at short notice, and it is likely that in industrialized areas at least, little difficulty would be encountered in locating a supplier. The current commercial cost of CO2 pellets in the UK is £29 per 10kg bag.

34

Jones: A Bronze Age Burial from North-East England

artifacts through the depth of the soil meant that the X-rays could not really be used as a guide as to what might be found at any particular spot during excavation of the block. Recording the Laboratory Excavation It was important to be able to record as much information as possible as the block was excavated in the lab, especially as X-radiography suggested that many of the bones and finds might not be intact. The archaeologists were particularly interested in the relationship of the various objects to each other. Such artifact-rich burials are rarely encountered from this early period, and there have been few opportunities to record them in detail. The frozen block was placed in a suitably sized box with supporting material in the form of sand-filled polythene bags beneath it, to compensate for the uneven contours of the underside, and so prevent it from slumping as it melted. Other small bags of sand were available to provide a flexible system of shoring where required, so that as the shape of the block changed during excavation, it could always be adequately supported.

Fig 2 - X-radiograph of the upper part of the block, showing the ribbed armlet and some copper alloy tubes

Freezing usually takes about 20 - 25 minutes. Once the probes are registering a temperature of 0°C or below, it should be safe to proceed. Insulation was removed, the aluminum edging pulled out, and a spade inserted under the edges of the frozen area. It is important at this stage to have a board and appropriate wrapping materials ready. A small block such as this was fairly easy to lever away from the unfrozen ground, by just one person using a spade. Larger lifts may require the assistance of several people to detach the frozen block from the soil beneath. The block was transferred carefully to a waiting board and then wrapped in polythene bubblepack and sheeting. Excess CO2 pellets were left on the soil block. Soil plus water plus finds/stones can be a very heavy combination. Obviously the weight of a block varies according to the soil type, but an area lm x lm x 10cm the largest we have attempted - was almost too weighty for 6 people to lift from the ground (Jones 1996). Blocks greater than that in size, or those composed of very heavy materials, would need the use of mechanical lifting gear.

Fig 3 - The partly excavated soil block with sand-bag support, showing armlets and jet

Color slide photography was used as the main form of recording the block excavation. A tripod with an added horizontal metal arm was set up beside the block, so that a camera could be positioned vertically over it. A second tripod was available for recording close-up detail.

The block was removed from site, and was small enough to be stored in a chest freezer until it was excavated. X-radiography X-radiography of the frozen block was done as soon as possible after lifting. It was too large for our own machine, so it was arranged for the local Hospital in Durham to Xradiograph it for us. The X-rays clearly show the two armlets, and some of the copper alloy tubes. The tubes were unexpected, as these had not been visible in the ground. It was already known that there was jet in the block, and it had not been anticipated that the jet artifacts would show up on the X-rays. The bones were scarcely visible either, partly reflecting their poor condition. It was realized that there were many more artifacts in the burial than had been foreseen.

To plan the location of bones and artifacts, a removable wooden frame with strings 5cm apart was constructed to fit over the box and create a grid system. And to reflect the three-dimensional positioning of the finds, overlaid sheets of clear Melinex were used to draw in their locations, still using the grid. Excavation of the Block Excavation of the block was done using handtools, noting the location of all artifacts, bones and large stones using the grid, and photographing vertically with and without the grid at regular intervals.

The X-radiographs were helpful in making us aware of the large number of objects present, but the distribution of the

35

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

The grave goods were of both jet and copper alloy. There were two armlets, one on each forearm, one plain and Dsectioned, the other wider and ribbed, both being penannular. At least 45 copper alloy tubes (the intact example measuring 3.5cm in length, and 0.5cm diameter) were scattered over the chest area. There were 25 whole conical V-boredjet buttons of varying shape up to 1.7cm in diameter, and 83 whole small pierced jet beads (diameter c.4-5mm), plus numerous fragments.

accurately reflect the composition of the original metal. Most of the buttons and beads were identified as jet, also usingXRF.

The armlets were highly corroded and broken, but most of the fragments were present. The copper alloy tubes, also completely corroded, were extremely fragmentary, and it was only possible to recover one out of the 45 intact from the block. It is likely that at least some of the damage tothe finds had unfortunately occurred quite recently, as heavy earth-moving equipment had been used on the construction site, and the burial was relatively shallow. Moreover, the metal used to make these rolled tubes was very thin (0.1 0.5mm thick in the corroded state), and it would have been surprising if many of them had survived whole after such a lengthy burial period.

Fig 4 - Conserved jet beads (left) and a conical jet button (right)

Benefits of Block-lifting The main benefit of the freeze lifting was undoubtedly the time it gave to examine the whole collection of finds in situ. So few burials of this type have been excavated that there are not many parallels for the artifacts within the UK. The closest, both typologically and in the mix of copper alloy and jet, is a collection known as the Migdale hoard, found around 1900 in Scotland. This is a much more extensive and better-preserved collection, but all the elements of the Ingleby Barwick burial are paralleled within it. Carbon 14 sampling of Burial 6 has dated it to around 2100 BC.

The jet seemed to be in a better state of preservation than the copper alloy, with many artifacts appearing intact within the block. It was decided to keep the block damp during the excavation, both to facilitate soil removal, and also to prevent the jet from drying out. Because of the poor state of preservation of the copper alloy tubes, which made up a large proportion of the finds, the emphasis of the block excavation changed from the planned conservation of the corroded metal to detailed recording of the material in the block, once it became clear that most of the tubes were crushed beyond any hope of reconstruction. A further complication was that the bones of the hands were inextricably entangled with the fragments of copper alloy. Many of these small bones were in a very good state of preservation compared to other parts of the skeleton. Some had been impregnated with copper salts, and were green in color.

It would not have been possible on site to plot the

interrelationship of the finds so closely, nor to produce such an extensive photographic record. Some discoveries made during the investigation of the finds would not have been made had the burial been more rapidly excavated such as the traces of mineral-preserved organics found on the outer surfaces of both armlets. It was possible to locate some actual hairs preserved in the midst of the copper corrosion products, and these have been identified as cattle hair. 1 Perhaps a hide had been laid over the body in the grave.

Complete excavation of the block took several weeks, with recording by drawing and photography being the most time-consuming parts of the task.

Mineral-preserved wood fragments were found closely adhering to the inside surfaces of many of the fragmentary copper alloy tubes. These were sampled and examined using scanning electron microscopy, but it was not possible to identify the species, beyond confirming it as a hardwood. The wood inserts in the tubes may have been pierced and used to control the positioning or spacing of the tubes in use.2

Post-excavation Work Conservation of the armlets and the jet has now been completed. Though fragmentary, the artifacts have been investigated, stabilized and packed to enable publication and study. It was decided not to join the fragments of armlet together, so as not to give a misleading impression of robustness. Several partial copper alloy tubes were also conserved, along with the one complete example.

There were two details that probably would not have been discovered without laboratory excavation of the burial.

Extensive X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis has identified the alloys of the armlets and tubes as bronzes, with a fairly high tin content. Although, as all the analyses were necessarily done on corrosion surfaces, they will not

1 Identification was done by Penelope Rogers of Textile Research in Archaeology, York, UK. 2 Similar evidence for wood inside the copper alloy tubes was discovered among the Migdale material. (Anderson 1900)

36

Jones: A Bronze Age Burial from North-East England

One was a minute bead, made from a chalk-like material, which is only 3mm in diameter. This was found during investigation of soil adhering to one of the copper alloy tubes. The other observed detail was an irregularly shaped area of darkened soil, about 7 x 5cm, covering part of the surface of the ribbed armlet around the left forearm, and extending into the surrounding area. Although the dark soil was completely amorphous, even when viewed through the microscope, it suggested the presence of a decayed organic artifact - possibly a small bag, either suspended from the neck, or attached to the arm.

Biography Jennifer Jones studied Archaeology at University College, London, followed by a Postgraduate Diploma in Archaeological Conservation at Durham. She is a Contract Conservator for English Heritage, jointly covering the North of England, based in the Department of Archaeology, University of Durham. Address Dept of Archaeology University of Durham South Road Durham DHl 3LE, UK.

The excavators have not been able to come to any firm conclusions about how the artifacts found in the burial were used in life. The function and position of the armlets is clear, but all the other classes of object were very much intermingled over the chest, with no clear distinction either in spread or depth between the copper alloy and the jet present. The function of the copper alloy tubes is especially puzzling, and their relationship, if any, to the Vbored jet buttons and jet beads. It is likely that several layers of material are represented in the burial, both as clothing and as a covering for the body in the grave, all of which may have been decorated, and that time and the natural processes of decay and soil movement have forever obscured their original positioning.

References Anderson, J. (1900) Notice of a Hoard of Bronze Implements Found at Migdale, on the Estate of Skibo, Sutherland. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 35, pp. 266-75.

Bouyoucos, G.J. (1921) A New Classification of Soil Moisture. Soil Science 11: 33-47. Clarke, D., Cowie, T., & Foxon, A. (1985) Symbols of Power at the Time of Stonehenge. Edinburgh. Hunter, F.J. et al. (1993) "The Scientific Identification of Archaeological Jet-Like Artifacts." Archaeometry, 35 (1): 69-89. Jones, J. & Clogg, P. (1993) Ground-Freezing on Archaeological Excavations: Lifiing a Medieval Chalice from St Giles Hospital, Brough. London: (Ancient Monuments Lab Report 99/93) Jones, J. (1996) Freeze-Lifting a Neolithic Wooden Hurdle. In Proceedings of the 6th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Conference, York, UK. Bremerhaven: WOAM. Tylecote, R. (1962) Metallurgy in Archaeology. London, Edward Arnold.

37

THE COOPERATIVE EFFORTS IN THE EXCAVATION OF A ROYAL MAYA TOMB Catherine E. Magee, Harriet F. Beaubien, William L. Fash, and Barbara W. Fash

the remains of the body of the primary occupant on a stuccoed and red painted stone dais. The dais, 2.5 m long by 2 m wide, was constructed of three large stone slabs. The burial deposit included inorganic burial goods such as jades, ceramics, obsidian blades, stones, and cinnabar pigment. Also included on the dais were organic objects whose only visible remains were chips of painted stucco, brown powder, and black and brown chunks, presumed to be organic remains. In the past, the tomb had suffered during one or more earthquakes. These caused the large capstones to crack, the rock walls to buckle, break and tumble, and the dais to sink on its western and eastern edges, creating a gap between two of the stones running two-thirds its length and further disturbing the burial deposit.

Abstract This paper discusses the cooperative effort to excavate, analyze, and house materials excavated from a late classic royal Maya burial located in Structure l0L-26 at the archaeological site of Copan, Honduras. While the project continues to date, the focus of this paper is the work surrounding the now completed excavation of the burial deposit on the stone dais. This project provides a case study for excavation by conservators collaborating with archaeologists and numerous other professionals in order to address issues ranging from ethical considerations, to synthesizing past documentation and research to safety issues. Such cooperative efforts ensured the recovery and preservation of maximum information, and in this case, led to new insights into funerary rituals and practices of the ancient Maya.

Initial Excavation The initial excavations of the tomb were undertaken quickly. Due to the attention focused on the tomb, it was necessary to remove the recognizable and portable objects from the burial chamber for security reasons. Prior to the initial excavation, the tomb was photographed by Kenneth Garrett, freelance photographer for National Geographic, and mapped by Barbara Fash, project artist and sculpture coordinator. The wall fall was then cleared and portable inorganic burial goods were removed from the tomb by the 1989 excavation team. In 1991 B. Fash, Rufino Membreno, and Doris Sandoval, PAAC restoration personnel, cleared areas in the north and south of the tomb chamber and lifted some of the paint fragments and a few organic remains on the stone dais, using a wooden platform suspended over the dais and a 10 cm fixed grid, leaving most of the remaining organic materials and paint fragments in situ. Initial samples analyzed by archaeobotanist David Lentz indicated the burial deposit contained large numbers of deteriorated organic remains, which warranted further investigations (Lentz 1991).

Introduction The focus of this paper is the cooperative effort undertaken to excavate and analyze materials from the burial dais in a tomb within Structure IOL-26 from the Maya archaeological site of Copan, Honduras. While excavation in the tomb continues to date, this paper details the work conducted by Catherine Magee, then a post graduate fellow at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education (SCMRE) [formerly the Conservation Analytical Laboratory (CAL)]. Her work was jointly sponsored by the Copan Acropolis Archaeology Program (PAAC) and by SCMRE through the archaeological conservation program under H. Beaubien's direction. The Copan Acropolis Archaeology Program (PAAC) is directed by Dr. William Fash, Bowditch Professor of Central American and Mexican Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University, under the auspices of the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History (IHAH), with the aid of staff from the Centro Regional de Investigaciones Arqueologicas (CRIA) in Copan, Honduras. The aim of the project was to recover, analyze, and conserve the materials on the burial dias by systematically excavating the deposit in order to gain maximum information, with the eventual goal of broadening the understanding of royal Maya burial practices. To successfully complete the project, numerous people and institutions were involved in all aspects of the planning, excavation, and storage of the burial materials.

Summary of SCMRE Involvement H. Beaubien, SCMRE objects conservator, was called in 1990 to examine what was believed to be a codex and advise on the long-term conservation, documentation and analysis of this complex and unprecedented burial deposit. W. Fash not only wished to gain information about the deteriorated organic objects, but also needed the stone dais to be cleared in order to shore up the walls enabling the archaeologists to complete the excavations in the north and south of the tomb.

The Structure lOL-26 Tomb The tomb was discovered through a series of tunnel excavations in 1989 by W. Fash and Richard Williamson inside the Hieroglyphic Stairway pyramid (Structure 26) at the Maya archaeological site of Copan, Honduras. This undisturbed tomb is unquestionably significant because it had the largest burial chamber, contained the largest number of ceramics found to this point at this site, and had the remains of numerous organic objects never before recorded at Copan (Fash et al 1999). The rectangular tomb chamber, 7 m long by 2 m wide by 1.5 m high, contained

An institutional collaboration with SCMRE was developed to carry out the work, through continued participation by H. Beaubien and postgraduate fellows in the Archaeological Conservation Program. During this first work season, in 1993, areas of the burial deposit were photographically documented, selected areas of paint fragments were lifted, and samples for analysis were brought to SCMRE (Griffin & Beaubien 1993). SCMRE 39

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

staff and interns did not work at Copan in 1994, but continued the examination, mapped discrete materials on the stone dais and lifted samples in the 1995 and 1996 seasons (Svoboda & Beaubien 1995; Magee & Beaubien 1996). After the 1996 work season, a one-year special project fellowship was funded by SCMRE with funds for on site work provided by the Bowditch Fund of Harvard University. This enabled the 1996 fellow, Catherine Magee, to complete the documentation and excavation and of the burial dais, which is the focus of this paper.

the tropical climate) were met without restricting access to archaeologists and scholars. No materials or handling techniques were known to be proscribed by the present day Mayans when excavating their ancestors; therefore the excavation, choice of storage materials, and housing was undertaken with what we hoped would be a culturally sensitive and appropriate approach. Storage and Housing Issues One of the first priorities prior to excavating the burial deposit was designing enclosed metal storage cabinets to house the burial material sensitively. The Structure 26 storeroom (bodega) was reconfigured to create more room to house the newly excavated material, study collection of animal bones, archives and any future excavated materials. Four types of metal cabinets were designed to replace over half of the overcrowded, sagging wooden shelves which were open to dust and rats, and were appealing for termites. Detailed drawings and descriptions for the metal storage units were given to the manufacturer and the units were fabricated in San Pedro Sula. Prior to the installation of the cabinets, the seams were sealed with hotmelt glue to prevent infestations. After the collections and old shelving had been removed, the bodega was cleaned and painted, the cabinets were bolted to the wall and previously excavated materials were cleaned and reshelved in a group effort.

Final Dais Excavation The year-long project to excavate the burial deposit on the stone dais was divided between work at SCMRE and on site in the tomb and at the Centro Regional de Investigaciones Arqueologicas (CRIA), the IHAH research center located near the site. Pre-excavation photo documentation was completed, excavation protocols were developed, and storage methods and materials were investigated. The excavation of the burial deposit on the stone dais took place between May and September 1997, primarily by C. Magee with assistance from Kelly McHugh, a summer conservation intern from New York University, for two months; H. Beaubien and Mei-An Tsu, a SCMRE fellow, for two weeks; and S. Peschken, a SCMRE fellow, and R. Membreno, for one week. The results of the excavation, examination and analysis of the burial materials during this phase were compiled into a written final report (Magee 1996; Magee 1997a; Magee 1997b).

Containers for the newly excavated burial material had to ensure easy access to the material while limiting its handling. The ideal storage containers would be clear, durable, and meet all conservation standards for long-term stability while being able to withstand the tropical environment and be pest resistant. Investigations into appropriate types of plastics were discussed with Mary Baker, SCMRE polymer chemist, and produced the types usually used in conservation: polyethylene, polypropylene, and polyethylene terephthalate (PET). Polystyrene was eliminated from consideration because it contains unreacted monomers, which cause instability and can affect future analyses (Baker 1996). Clear polyethylene and polypropylene boxes are expensive; therefore, another more cost effective storage container was found. The modular, lidded storage containers chosen are made of clear PET and were purchased from the Canadian Museum of Nature, which had them made to house their collections. The sizes chosen were 7"x 12" x 2", 7" x 12 x 4" and 7"x 5" x 4". Additionally, aluminum weighing pans (5" in diameter) and locally available plastic bags were chosen to hold lifted material to be stored within the larger PET boxes.

Continued Work The collaborative efforts continue to date in the excavation of the north and south ends of the tomb chamber and analysis of excavated material. The combined efforts of all those who participated in the excavation are expected to provide a full and detailed understanding of this tomb, and illustrate the value of cooperative projects. Issues and Cooperative Efforts The excavation of the burial deposit on the stone dais dealt with wide-ranging issues whose satisfactory resolution benefited from interactions with numerous specialists. Issues considered ranged from ethical concerns surrounding the excavation and the housing of a living culture's ancestors, to ensuring appropriate health and safety precautions were taken, and obtaining, correlating and synthesizing all available previous and generated information. Ethical Considerations The archaeologists and Oscar Cruz, IHAH Regional Director, were in agreement that the dais needed to be cleared in order to stabilize the tomb structurally and to enable excavations to be completed. The issue of the appropriate storage of the human remains from the tomb was raised at this point. Discussions with W. Fash and H. Beaubien were conducted to ensure the excavated material was dealt with sensitively and that conservation concerns (including the selection of materials that could withstand

After all the excavated material from one dais slab was examined and documented at CRIA, the bags were grouped in the plastic boxes according to the grid row number. All boxes were numerically ordered by dais slab, including the material lifted in 1991 and 1993, and placed in a metal storage unit in the Structure 26 bodega.

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Magee et al: The Cooperative Efforts in the Excavation of a Royal Maya Tomb

and H. Beaubien were held over the entire course of the project. Their recollections were extremely important in distinguishing small features in photographs and illuminating aspects of the burial deposit. From earlier photographs, discrete objects could be discerned as large areas of cohesive painted stucco chips, where later photographs made it clear that much of the burial deposit had been subtly disturbed during previous excavations.

Safety Concerns There were numerous concerns about the safety of working within the tomb. Entering the pyramid and following the tunnels to the tomb's entrance, one was faced with large insects, rats, bats, the occasional snake and creaky, moldering wooden walkways precariously perched over deep trenches. Power failures were also a threat. The tomb itself was hot and humid which was exacerbated by the presence of humans and lights. Mold and fungus were prevalent and the burial deposit itself contained liberal quantities of mercuric sulfide powdered pigment. Additionally, although the burial chamber is spacious by ancient Maya standards, it was cramped when excavating either on an elevated platform, next to or on top of the stone dais for eight hours a day in contorted positions.

Overall and detail photographs of the stone dais before and after the final excavation were taken by C. Magee. Photographers C. Clark, National Museum of Natural History, and K. Garrett were consulted for tips on photographing in tight spaces and for photo equipment advice, with further assistance provided by M. Wachowiak, SCMRE furniture conservator. Because of the constraints of the tomb chamber, overlapping photographs were taken and joined to create an overall photo mosaic of the stone dais.

Prior to any work commencing in the tomb, the wooden support beams in the upper vaulted chamber were inspected and IHAH staff replaced rotten and moldering beams. An additional light source was wired into the burial chamber, and a large and powerful fan was placed facing outward at the entrance of the burial chamber to increase the airflow without causing disturbance of the burial deposit. Past conservators and archaeologists had dealt with the safety issues of the mercuric sulfide pigment and mold. Surprisingly, the primary health concern did not come from the mercuric sulfide pigment or poisonous animals, but from the inhalation of dust containing the Ranta virus found in bat and rat feces while walking in the tunnels. Further consultations with industrial hygienists, forensic scientists, chemists, structural engineers, health and safety officers, safety supply companies and other colleagues answered questions about the safety of the work environment and appropriate personal protective equipment. It was equally important to inform people of the dangers of working in the tomb, and the safety precautions they could take such as wearing a HEP A filter dust mask, carrying a flashlight, wearing latex examination gloves, and socks, but not shoes, while working in the tomb chamber.

Written Documentation Once the supporting documentation was collected, the information about the previous work in the tomb had to be digested. The deteriorated material on the burial deposit was very difficult to describe, and correlating various observations was the main emphasis of this review. Slight alterations in earlier grids required careful re-examination of the burial deposit records to establish locations of previously lifted material on the stone dais. A recalibrated 10 cm grid made from Teflon dental floss, was strung over the dais following the 1995-96 SCMRE grid slightly modified from the one used in 1991 for drawing the burial deposit and removing artifacts. Teflon coated dental tape was selected to ensure that the burial materials would not stick to the grid. Because excavation proceeded grid square by grid square, every detail before, during and after excavation, had to be recorded in the same manner to enable the information to be compiled into an understandable stratigraphy and into distribution patterns. The deteriorated nature of the material made it incredibly difficult to distinguish distinctions in the burial deposit, especially when no clear stratigraphy could be discerned. To ensure the efficient and consistent excavation of the stone dais, protocols were written for excavation and post-excavation work, including a key of abbreviated descriptive terms for materials. The excavation records for each grid square were kept on an Excavation Sheet, with space for written and drawn descriptions, and a Summary Sheet. The protocols for excavation and the terminology were based upon those established by H. Beaubien and past SCMRE fellows. H. Beaubien's continued work in the tomb facilitated a consistent terminology and excavation approach, which enabled changing staff to share an understanding of the material, while excavating the deposit.

Documentation In order to correlate the original, undisturbed state of the burial deposit with its current state prior to final excavation, previous excavation records, photographs and analyses had to be located and the information synthesized. Correlating this information, obtained from a number of institutions and individuals, involved research both in the United States and Honduras. The input provided by both W. and B. Fash and H. Beaubien was essential to the success of this project because of the continuity of their involvement. Photographic Documentation The photographic documentation of the stone dais in its original, as found, state was obtained from B. and W. Fash, K. Garrett, and Reyna Flores, IHAH photographer at CRIA, and correlated with excavation reports, past SCMRE reports and analyses. Numerous discussions with B. Fash, artist and primary initial excavator of the tomb,

After the excavation of the burial deposit was complete, the final examination and documentation of the material was completed at CRIA using a microscope generously 41

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

provided by the CRIA restoration staff during the course of this project. Notes were made on the Excavation Summary Sheets and all paperwork was arranged in binders corresponding to the three stone slabs and filed in the Structure 26 bodega. Based on all the available information, gridded, stratigraphic drawings of the burial platform were created for the final excavation report.

Other research was conducted to help identify materials used by the ancient Mayas to create burial goods. Loa Traxler, a Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Pennsylvania, facilitated the use of the Tikal archives at the University of Pennsylvania to search for unpublished tomb artifacts from a similar site. In the final synthesis of information from the dais excavation, results of research and analyses were correlated with the excavation data. Numerous overlays detailing stratigraphy and the distribution of materials were made, and a hypothesis was formulated about the components of the burial deposit. The current interpretation, reported in more detail by Magee (1997b) and Fash et al (1999), is that the body was sprinkled with red pigment and partially coated with clay. It was either placed on or draped with large feline skins and arranged on two distinct painted wooden platforms interleaved with woven matting and offerings.

Research and Analyses Systematic examination of the dais material enabled unusual and significant materials to be recognized. Some of the preliminary identification was made at CRIA, which provided the opportunity for input and collaboration with staff, archaeologists, artists, physical anthropologists, graduate students, and summer field school students. During all phases of the investigation, small samples of selected materials were authorized by IHAH for further analysis at SCMRE. A number of SCMRE scientists provided valuable advice on appropriate scientific methods, equipment usage and consulted on unusual findings.

Conclusion The excavation of the burial deposit on the stone dais in the Structure 10 L 26 tomb serves as a case study for the excavation of a burial deposit by conservators and illuminates the many collaborations necessary to complete a complex project. The involvement of a number of people and institutions led to many discoveries and novel approaches in the excavation process. Based on the successful outcome of this phase of excavation, on-going investigations of this important tomb, including the excavations of the north and south floors, will continue to benefit from such fruitful collaborative efforts.

Among the most significant discoveries in the burial deposit were several large feline phalanges, located both in previously excavated material and during the final excavation phase. Positive identification of the phalanges was made by consulting Lisa Collins, a Harvard University Ph.D. candidate, and by comparison with a previously excavated large cat skeleton. Among the ancient Maya, jaguar pelts were symbolic of royalty. The presence of the large feline phalanges corroborates the identification of the tomb's primary occupant as a ruler.

Acknowledgements In addition to her coauthors, C. Magee would like to express her great appreciation to the following people for their guidance, input, and assistance with this project. Mary Baker, Ellen Bell, Ronald Bishop, Chuck Bouscaren, Becky Chetham, Susan Clemons, Lisa Collins, Oscar Cruz, Roland Cunningham, Melanie Feather, Reyna Flores, Loulo Garza, Carol Grissom, Hernando Guerra, Moncho Guerra, Walter Hopwood, Carol Hotton, Francis Huber, Kathy Mancos, Kelly McHugh, Rufino Membreno, Ann N'Gadi, Barbara N'Jai, Joan Nowicke, Susan Peschken, Vincente Posas, Amy Rossman, Jill Russ, Robert Sharer, David Stuart, Karl Taube, Camie Thompson, Loa Traxler, Daniela Triadan, Mei-An Tsu, Charles Tumosa, Melvin Wachowiak, Stanley Weitzman, Donald Williams, Scott Wing, Lambertus van Zelst, and the technical support staff at Fisher, Lab Safety, Consolidated Plastic, and Microflex Medical.

One of one of the most puzzling aspects of the burial deposit on the stone dais was the lack of bones from the primary occupant. A few fragments of human bone were found but mainly a discrete black material, termed "black slabby material" was located in what is believed to be the body zone. Analysis indicated that the "black slabby material" was a compact, layered, unfired clay (Peschken 1997). The excavation suggests this material encased the upper half of the body from the shoulders to the legs. Jane Buikstra, a physical anthropologist, suggested that the severe degradation of the bones might be related to their close contact with the clay. She noted that she had observed similar acidic attack of bone from burials in high clay soils in Illinois (Buikstra 1997). Another puzzling component of the material from the tomb were the microscopic black spheres detected in almost all the samples. Scientists at SCMRE, and in the Botany and Paleobotany departments of the National Museum of Natural History were consulted, and finally Amy Rossman, a mycologist with the Food and Drug Administration, identified the material as feces of mold-eating beetles. Strange this finding was, it was substantiated through observations of mold-eating beetles in the present-day tomb whose feces were identical to their ancient counterparts.

References Baker, M. (1996) Personal Communication. Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education. Buikstra, J. (1997) Personal Communication. University of Illinois. Beaubien, H. (1990) CAL 5268: Examination Report and Conservation Recommendations. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian

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Magee et al: The Cooperative Efforts in the Excavation of a Royal Maya Tomb

Center for Materials Research and Education.

samples.

Fash, W. Beaubien, H., Magee, C., Fash, B., Williamson, R. (1999). Trappings of Kingship among the Classic Maya: Ritual and Identity in a Royal Tomb from Copan. In: Fleeting Identities: perishable material culture in archaeological research. Southern Illinois University.

Harriet F. (Rae) Beaubien has been an objects conservator at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education since 1988. She is a graduate of the New York University Institute of Fine Art's conservation training program, and has worked with a wide variety of archaeological projects since 1980. She currently manages an archaeological conservation internship program, which combines research and technical studies opportunities at SCMRE with conservation work on archaeological sites.

Griffin, P. & Beaubien, H. (1993) CAL 5543. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education. Lentz, D. (1991) Analysis of tomb samples, Op. 37/5 feature 106 (14 August 1991). Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education.

William L. Fash is the Charles P. Bowditch Professor of Central American and Mexican Archaeology and Ethnology in the Department of Anthropology at Harvard University, where he obtained his Ph.D. in 1983 and is currently Chair of the Department of Anthropology. He has participated on archaeology projects in Copan since 1977, directed the Copan Mosaics Project since 1985 and the Copan Acropolis Archaeological Project from 19861996. Dr. Fash is a strong proponent of archaeological conservation, and of applications of archaeological research to modem society.

Magee, C. & Beaubien, H. (1996) CAL 5543. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education. Magee, C. (1996) CAL 5602: Monthly Summaries 1-3. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education.

Barbara W. Fash is a Research Associate at the Peabody Museum at Harvard University. She has worked as an illustrator in Copan since 1977, and Co-Director of the Copan Mosaics Project since 1985. She received her degree in art in 1992 from Northern Illinois University. Her recent projects include the exhibit planning and installation for the Copan Sculpture Museum and directing the Proyecto de Estudio y Conservacion de la Escalinata Jeroglifica in collaboration with IHAH and Getty Conservation Institute.

Magee, C. (1997a) CAL 5602: Monthly Summaries 4-7. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education. Magee, C. (1997b) CAL 5602: Conservation Report. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education.

Addresses Catherine Magee* 261 4th Street, NE. Washington, D.C. 20002 USA

Peschken, S. (1997) CAL 5543: Black Slabby Material. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education. Svoboda, M. & Beaubien, H. (1995) CAL 5543. Ms. on file in the Objects Laboratory and the Information Office at the Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education.

Harriet (Rae) Beaubien 4210 Silver Hill Rd. Suitland, MD 20746-2863 *Author to whom correspondence should be addressed

Williamson, R. (1989) Field Notebook, Spring, Op 37 Sub Op 5, Tuneles lOL 26, Vol. 2 of 2. Ms. on file at the Centro Regional de Investigaciones Arqueologicas. Biographies Catherine Magee is the Exhibits and Loan Conservator at the National Museum of Natural History. She graduated from the University of Delaware/ Winterthur Museum Art Conservation Program in 1995 and has worked on sites in Greece, Turkey, Pakistan, and Honduras. She continues her work as an archaeological conservator focusing on the conservation of both wet and dry sites. She is also continuing her research into the deterioration of enamels and the methods for quantifying chlorides in aqueous

43

HITTING THE GROUND RUNNING - EXCAVATION AND CONSERVATION OF A ROMAN BURIAL IN THE MEDIA SPOTLIGHT Elizabeth Barham and Rebecca Lang with continuing fieldwork. This paper examines the ways in which the phenomenal public and media interest affected work on the burial and describes how these pressures were handled.

Abstract The opening of a 4th century Roman coffin from an archaeological site in Spitalfields in east London took place in the galleries at the Museum of London in April 1999. This presented a series of logistical challenges, and raised health and safety and ethical issues. Many of the remains in the burial proved to be unique finds from London. The excavation and conservation of these remains was initially carried out under the gaze of the national media and the public and TV cameras documented further work in the laboratory. The ways in which the huge public and media interest affected the investigation and conservation of the remains from the burial and the practical and ethical considerations of this work are discussed.

Introduction A year-long excavation has recently been completed by the Museum of London Archaeology Service at Spitalfields in East London, prior to a redevelopment of the land that was to destroy all archaeological remains. The site is the location of a priory and hospital founded in 1197 and the archaeological team has discovered over seven thousand medieval burials there. The site was also outside the Roman city walls and close to the original Roman road, which ran from London to Lincoln and York, and it was thought to have been an important burial ground about a thousand years earlier than the medieval cemetery. Over eighty Roman inhumations were found; most of these had few associated artifacts. However, in March 1999, a lidded stone sarcophagus was found in a Roman context. A group of jet artifacts and a glass phial found in the grave cut, suggested this was the burial of a wealthy Roman Londoner. When the stone lid was slid back, it was found to contain an intact lead coffin in very good condition (Fig 1).

Fig 1 - The coffin and sarcophagus in situ with the stone lid removed (Museum of London Archaeology Service)

The Lifting of the Sarcophagus It was necessary to lift the sarcophagus from the site to enable careful excavation and conservation away from the pressures of the site's excavation schedule. However, it was decided not to open the sarcophagus and coffin in a laboratory or storeroom, as is typically the practice. Following the appointment of a new director, the Museum of London has developed a fresh approach to the display of collections, with a dynamic exhibition program and an emphasis on sharing recent archaeological discoveries with the visiting public. The Director and senior museum managers saw the great potential for this particular find to bring the excitement of "live" archaeology to the public, to attract media coverage and a large number of new visitors to the museum. It was therefore decided to bring the sarcophagus and the unopened inner coffin into a museum gallery where its excavation could be carried out in public.

The excavation, conservation and interpretation of this burial were to be approached in a new way by the Museum of London and its Archaeology Service and Specialist Services. The English Heritage guidelines on the management of archaeological projects (MAP2) (English Heritage 1991), recommend that vulnerable artifacts are merely recorded, lifted from site and stabilized for storage. Further analytical work is not attempted (or funded) until the site archaeological publication is prepared, often several years later. Artifacts are not normally displayed until after this process is completed. However, the Museum of London was keen to maximize opportunities to bring the archaeology of London to a wider public and anticipated huge interest in an intact ancient burial. At the same time, a national television documentary series entitled "Meet the Ancestors" expressed immediate interest in focusing on the discovery for their program. These two factors meant that the finds from the burial went from excavation to display within the year and simultaneously

Arrangements had to be made rapidly. The stone sarcophagus was badly cracked and weighed an estimated two tonnes, so a steel cradle had to be constructed to lift it, with the intact and unopened lead coffin still inside. There was the usual need to avoid delay to the archaeological program. In addition the museum's press office had begun to publicize news of its discovery. The sarcophagus was also visible from a walkway for the builders of an office block adjoining the site. There was therefore an increasing risk that the unopened inner coffin might attract treasure hunters at night-time. Extra security measures had to be taken to prevent this.

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Fig 2 - The sarcophagus is brought into the museum on a girder frame (Museum of London)

On a practical level also, conservation staff had very recent experience in preparing skeletal material for display, and equipment such as the mortuary trolleys used to display skeletons in the earlier exhibition was still to hand.

The Sarcophagus and Coffin on Display Decisions were quickly made about a possible gallery location for the sarcophagus. The obvious setting of the Roman gallery had to be ruled out due to lack of space and inadequate access. Discussions about the load-bearing capacity of various areas and access routes led to the choice of a ground floor gallery, in a space adjacent to an external door. This area was already equipped with a winch normally used to take a large ceremonial coach in and out of the Museum for processions and this was successfully used to bring the sarcophagus into the gallery on roller pallets (Fig 2).

Health and safety considerations formed a major part of the preparations for display and opening of the coffin. The Museum has a statutory duty of care both to its employees and to the general visiting public; the fact that the opening was to take place in a public gallery space meant that health and safety measures needed to be comprehensive. Advice was sought from several sources, including an epidemiologist with many years' experience of working with archaeologists, and the occupational hygienist at the Corporation of London. Initially, a major concern was the possible survival of pathogenic organisms, such as smallpox or anthrax, within the coffin contents. The consultant epidemiologist advised however that due to the great age of the burial there was no danger of pathogenic organisms surviving.

It should be emphasized that the Museum of London had already addressed many of the ethical issues involved in displaying human remains, during preparations for the very popular temporary exhibition, "London Bodies", which had closed earlier in the year; these issues are discussed in more detail elsewhere (Swain 1998; Ganiaris 1999). The terms of the Home Office license granted to Museum of London archaeologists permit disturbance of human remains during excavation, and allow for a period of scientific research prior to eventual reburial. Because the license makes no specific mention of exhibition of these remains, clarification was sought; the Home Office was satisfied however that museum display would not contravene the license. ICOM guidelines (ICOM 1996: 6. 7) state that where human remains are used in interpretative exhibits, this must be done with tact and with respect for feelings of human dignity. Earlier deliberations relating to the "London Bodies" exhibition meant that museum staff were reasonably confident of being able to strike the right balance between respect for human remains, and allowing the public access to the fascinating story of an individual from London's ancient past.

The open stone sarcophagus and unopened coffin were on display for two weeks in the galleries whilst arrangements were made for its opening. During this time media interest and public anticipation grew, and these were encouraged by the Museum's public relations department. Care was taken to ensure that the burial was given context and made part of an interpretative display because of its position in an unrelated gallery. Text panels and graphics explaining the location and some information about the history of the site were positioned nearby, and the jet and glass artifacts found in the grave were cleaned and put on display alongside. A date was set for the opening and press releases publicizing it were issued in advance.

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The conservation of the coffin's unknown contents over this period was a concern; however, steps were taken to maintain a stable environment around the coffin and slow any change in conditions to which it was exposed after its arrival from site. The space between the inner lead coffin and the outer stone sarcophagus remained filled with damp soil, as found on site, which helped to buffer fluctuations in temperature and humidity. This was misted periodically to maintain the damp conditions. Since the stone lid of the sarcophagus had been removed on site, a clear acrylic lid was placed over the open sarcophagus, cushioned at the edges with polyethylene foam. This lid protected the lead coffin from physical damage, whilst allowing it to be seen by visitors. Rope barriers around the sarcophagus allowed visitors to examine it closely but prevented them from touching and brushing against it.

Planning the Opening of the Coffin Given the level of interest and anticipation of the public and media, the opening of the lead coffin and the archaeological process that was to follow had to be planned and managed with great attention to detail to allow for the peculiar circumstances. Three main considerations influenced the procedure for opening the coffin:

•

During this period the thin layer of soil on top of the lead coffin lid was removed, revealing an elaborate cast decoration of scallop shells and cable work (Fig 3). This was further confirmation of the unusual nature and high status of the burial.

Respect for the Burial There was clear evidence from the "London Bodies" exhibition that the visiting public and journalists were not offended by the display of human remains (Ganiaris 1999). However, it was generally agreed that to actually open the coffin in public was inappropriate. Conditions inside the coffin remained unknown and to remove the lid publicly seemed to veer too close to a sense of spectacle and away from the "tact" and "sensitivity" inferred in the various guidelines (Vermillion Accord 1989; ICOM 1996: 6.7; Museums Association 1997: A.4). The opening was therefore scheduled to take place after opening hours so that the public would not be present. Selected media were invited but they were not permitted to broadcast the opening live. Other guests were limited to 30 people with a direct interest in the site such as the developers and representatives from English Heritage; these people were to watch the opening on a monitor set up in a neighboring gallery. •

Archaeological Procedures should not be Compromised by the Interests of the Media It was realized that some time had to be allowed during the opening procedure to ensure the evidence present was recorded and that appropriate conservation measures had priority over the interests of the media or invited guests. However the specialists involved also had to be prepared to make their post-opening assessments in front of the media. This would obviously test their expertise since any one of a range of conditions was possible inside the coffin. These included a dry skeleton, with or without artifacts; wet conditions with the likely survival of organic materials or a burial packed with plaster, lime or crushed chalk. Undertakings had, however, been given to the media that the lead coffin would not be opened before the scheduled "event" in order to maximize its potential as a media story. Conservators considered using an endoscope to check the conditions inside the coffin in order to assist with their preparations. Unfortunately, there were no openings large enough to take an endoscope head and drilling a hole would have been too damaging to the artifact. It was therefore decided that the contents would have to remain unknown and equipment was prepared for the most likely eventualities.

Fig 3 - The decorated coffin lid with soil removed (Museum of London)

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exposure" was quite possible, and as this could not be prevented, a formal risk assessment with a method statement including control measures was required. This were therefore drawn up and submitted to the relevant Health and Safety officers for approval.

• Health and Safety The potential introduction of dust contaimng lead compounds to the galleries was considered a major hazard since lead compounds are toxic by ingestion or inhalation. The lead coffin had the expected white corrosion products on the outside, but these appeared compacted and stable. As conditions inside the coffin were unknown, it was feared that the physical act of lifting the lid could cause dust containing lead compounds to be released into the gallery area, especially if the contents were dry and powdery.

The first control measure was to limit the area into which any dust containing lead could spread. Polyethylene sheeting fixed to wooden batons was used to screen off an area around the coffin, isolating it from the rest of the gallery. Air circulation ducts in the vicinity were also masked off with polyethylene sheeting to prevent any contamination of the air conditioning system and to minimize air turbulence around the coffin. It was agreed that, until the coffin lid was opened and the situation assessed, only a limited number of people directly involved in the process should be allowed in this enclosed area.

Under UK and European legislation, risk assessments need to be carried out in advance of potentially hazardous procedures in the workplace. The 1998 Control of Lead at Work regulations covers operations involving exposure to lead. These regulations are based on manufacturing processes, which produce a continuous amount of dust. The occupational exposure limit (OEL) is only 0.15mg lead-in-air per cubic meter, over an 8-hour period. The lifting of the coffin lid would of course be a one-off event, but the regulations stipulate that a risk assessment is required where the exposure to lead is likely to be "significant". A "significant exposure" is defined as occurring where employees are exposed to a lead in the atmosphere at concentrations that exceed half the OEL, that is 0.075mg per cubic meter, a tiny amount. The regulations also state that even lower levels apply for children, young people and pregnant women. In view of this, it was clearly important to take all necessary steps to avoid contaminating the public gallery space. Discussions confirmed that a one-off "significant

Local exhaust ventilation was considered but discounted as impractical; instead it was decided that any dust should be allowed to settle (within the enclosed space) and then be vacuumed up. For this purpose, a powerful vacuum cleaner fitted with HEP A filters (High Efficiency Particulate Absolute) was hired, this being the specified type of equipment for collecting hazardous dust such as heavy metal dusts. Personal protective equipment (PPE) was to be worn by all those within the enclosure, including the media. This consisted of disposable suits, particulate filter masks (to 50x the OEL), and nitrile gloves. The risk

Fig 4 -A lead monitor is attached to the disposable protective clothing of one of the six lid handlers (Museum of London)

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Barham and Lang: Hitting the Ground Running

Fig 5 - The coffin contents shortly after opening (Museum of London)

assessment stipulated that all PPE was to remain in use throughout the coffin opening, until any dust had been vacuumed away and the situation reviewed in consultation with the Health and Safety officers present.

was aware of the necessity to adhere to the decisions taken at each stage in the process. The reasons for the measures taken were outlined to both the staff involved, and to the media. The health and safety situation and archaeological considerations were to be reviewed once the lid was opened and the media and other guests were not to be admitted into the immediate vicinity of the coffin until this had taken place. The careful planning and preparations helped to communicate to guests and to the media that this task was not being undertaken lightly; conversely, however, the enclosed area and PPE created a heightened sense of drama.

Dust containing lead compounds had been identified as a potential hazard, but there were no recorded accounts of whether this had been a problem in previous similar situations. It was therefore decided that the occupational hygienist should monitor the dust produced as the lid was opened, in order to assess both the total amount of particulates and the quantity of lead compounds present, using gravimetric analysis (Fig 4). A base-line sample was taken near the coffin before the lid was lifted, and during the opening two of the handlers wore monitors. A further sample was taken on the following day.

The Opening Event and Excavation When the lid was removed a well-preserved skeleton was revealed, in 2-3cm of wet silt (Fig 5). The health and safety situation was reviewed, and it was decided that as the wet conditions in the coffin would suppress any dust present, filter masks could be removed and onlookers could now enter the enclosed area. No dust was actually visible on opening the lid and the results of monitoring for lead-in-air and total inhalable dust later confirmed that levels of both were below detection limits (Jacobs 1999).

The consequence of these three main considerations was that staff had to be allocated positions according to whether or not they needed to be in the enclosed area, and a timed plan of action was drawn up for the coffin opening. Protocol papers covering the procedures were prepared, briefing meetings were held for all those involved, and roles and responsibilities such as recording, conservation, interpretation of the coffin contents and dealing with the media were assigned to specific individuals. This was important in ensuring that everyone worked as a team and

The opening and assessment took place, as planned, in a very controlled manner although some instant reactions were called for on the night itself. The pace of events accelerated the following day, when immediately after a

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Fig 6 -Museum visitors queue to see the burial (Museum of London)

10am press conference, the public began to flood in to see the burial (Fig 6) and the museum was bombarded with calls from international, national and local media journalists. It was necessary to arrange barriers and a queuing system very quickly to accommodate the large number of visitors who waited for up to two hours to view the sarcophagus. It was soon realized that curators, conservators and gallery assistants would be needed constantly to answer the visitors' questions. They moved up and down the queues, talking to the public, working in shifts throughout the following week and at the weekend. Staff shared the public excitement and were very willing to get involved.

thread from a textile were discovered lying under the silt. These discoveries fuelled media interest throughout the following week. Nearly 11,000 people visited the museum during the week of the sarcophagus' display - more than double the figures for the same week in 1998. Besides being reported in most national and local media in the UK, the news of the discovery was also broadcast around the world. It was intended that the excavation and recording of the burial should, if possible, follow the same procedures as would be carried out on-site and/or in a laboratory. It soon became apparent, however, that the conservators could not work and answer public questions at the same time. A mirror set up above the coffin enabled the public to view the contents as work continued. On the first evening after the opening, the skeleton was lifted, cleaned and put back on display separately in front of the coffin (see fig 6). These measures gave the public an additional focus for attention and may have diverted some of the more obvious questions. Nevertheless, work was often interrupted by the flow of visiting journalists, specialists and other interested parties who were invited beyond the barriers and needed to be updated. The gallery was hot under the lights available for working and photography, and with many people present was noisy and distracting. This made it more difficult to devise, test and execute means of removing the vulnerable glass and the textile remains; it became necessary to carry out the most complicated lifting work out of hours. Removal of the silt and soil had to take place relatively fast because of the drying, well-lit environment. There was also the risk of contamination from fibers, hairs and other particulates with so many people close to the coffin.

The associated artifacts were repositioned alongside the queues and a small book display was set up with leaflets and publications relevant to archaeology and Roman London. Curators and conservators gave three lunchtime presentations, which were attended in total by more than 500 people. The archaeological project managers had set up a visitor center at the Spitalfields site. This included information panels explaining the background to the site in more detail and a selection of newly excavated artifacts. Visitors to the sarcophagus display at the Museum could therefore be referred to the site's visitor center for more related information about the excavations. Feedback from the visitors suggested that they were impressed by the Museum's efficiency in making this discovery accessible to the public so rapidly. One lady summed this up when she said that it was "all the more remarkable because you literally had to hit the ground running on this one, given the media interest". As the excavation progressed further discoveries were made. Mineralized leaves were found beneath the head of the skeleton. A second glass vessel was found in the soil fill between the sarcophagus and coffin, and areas of gold

The television documentary crews following the progress added pressure due to their desire to film most elements of the decision-making process and even the most delicate

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conservation work in the laboratory. It was important to keep control of the pace of work, and not allow the schedule of the television crews to influence events, for example the speed at which a fragile object was lifted. The initial excitement of examining each new piece of evidence and the thirst for new information led to a risk of too many specialists becoming directly involved in the excavation, thereby diverting the investigative work from a methodical and prioritized plan. Regular discussion and reassessment among the team were helpful, and the most vulnerable artifacts were eventually lifted without further deterioration or disturbance and their positions within the coffin recorded.

As the budget for excavation is fixed, highlighting a single element from a large, complex site raised a funding issue. It meant that funding for excavation and conservation of artifacts and standing buildings on the rest of the site was reduced, despite the fact that these might later prove to have been of equal or greater archaeological importance. The project managers were also uneasy that the results of research into the finds from the sarcophagus burial would be disseminated in various forms prior to the site publication, as this meant the information would not be presented within its site context. However, from the public's point of view, the opportunity to share the excitement of archaeology through the work on this burial, made some compromises worthwhile.

The Investigative and Analytical Work After the planned week of display, the coffin was removed to a storage area to complete the excavation. However, the first television documentary on the discovery was shown shortly afterwards and a small temporary display of the artifacts, the environmental samples and the skeleton itself was prepared to coincide with it. Once this was completed and the coffin off display, the pressure eased and there was more time to reassess and plan the long-term investigation and conservation of the finds. A six-month timetable for carrying out the work was chosen to coincide with the airing of a more detailed television documentary scheduled for the following January. A re-installation of the entire burial in the Museum's Roman gallery was planned for that time. This was to include all the information discovered about the burial in the interim period.

A considerable amount of data has now been collected through the conservation and analysis of the finds, although the research is still ongoing. The aims of this research and some of the results to date are set out below. Greater detail regarding these results and methodology is to be published separately with the site publication. The Body The skeleton was identified by the project osteologists as that of a young female in her early 20s. The glass artifacts from the grave helped to date her burial stylistically to the mid to late 4th century AD.

Stable isotope analyses for oxygen, carbon, nitrogen, lead and strontium have been carried out on two teeth, mainly to assist in establishing her region of origin and to determine whether she was an immigrant or indigenous to Britain. Human DNA has been extracted from a third tooth and successfully amplified, providing a sample for comparison with a database representing the world distribution of people. Samples from nearby Roman graves were also taken to investigate possible familial connections to other burials in the cemetery.

A number of external specialists in appropriate fields became involved in the project at this point. Some of these were invited by the conservators and osteologists already involved with the project. The television documentary makers, who had been involved with the investigation of a large number of ancient burials and had built up contacts for their analysis, suggested others. In some cases the burial fit into ongoing academic research and, as a result, some universities and museums were prepared to carry out work free of charge. Other individual specialists were eager to be involved out of personal interest in the rare finds associated with the burial. The project team was very grateful for this assistance since the museum has few facilities for instrumental analysis

A sample of the silt in the gut region has been analyzed for the presence of parasites. These would have offered an indication as to the health of the woman just prior to death. However, there were no remains in the samples. It is possible that this was because the coffin contents may have been dry at some time during deposition and under such conditions, fragile material such as parasite eggs would have been destroyed.

UK government guidance (Dept of Environment 1990) requires that archaeological work be funded by the developers building on the site, and as a result competitive tenders for the work are very tightly budgeted. It is impossible to anticipate the discovery of complex and unusual finds when budgets are negotiated and funding is rarely available to carry out in-depth analytical work on such finds at such an early stage in the excavation process. The time spent setting up investigative and analytical work on this high profile burial used resources that would not normally be expended during fieldwork.

The "Jet" Artifacts The "jet" artifacts are thought to comprise hair ornaments and a stopper for the decorated glass vessel found in the grave cut (Allason-Jones pers.comm.) (fig. 7). Small samples of each of the jet-like artifacts found in the grave have been analyzed by reflected light microscopy (Jones & Jones forthcoming) with the aim of establishing the type of coal material used.

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

The Textile Remains The textile remains in the coffin were the first Roman examples ever found in London. Several areas of gold threads were discovered, lying between the femurs and in the torso area. Gold thread has been found in wealthy Roman burials more frequently in continental Europe, but only four other examples are known to have been found in the UK to date (Wild pers. comm.), and this is the largest assemblage. In addition, fragments of two types of organic textile had survived beneath the mineral leaf crust, again, probably because its environment had been waterlogged and anoxic. These organic textile fragments were not found in association with the gold. Fig 7 - Jet and glass artifacts from the grave cut (Museum of London)

This work confirmed that all the small objects except the cylindrical box were made from jet. The elements of the box (Fig 8) were made from three types of coal material: jet, lignite and carbargillite. Using a database of reflectance values taken from samples from a variety of geographical sources in the UK and in continental Europe, it is sometimes possible to suggest the provenance region of the material from a particular object. However, in this case it was not possible to identify the provenance of the pieces conclusively.

Fig. 9 - Mineralized leaves below the head

It has not yet been possible to establish conclusively whether there was originally a garment or cloth lying over or under the body, or whether there were one or more of these. However, as the gold thread was only present in discrete areas in different locations across the body, it seems likely that it decorated a larger garment or cloth, made of material that no longer survives. The gold thread is made of a very thin, flat ribbon spun into a spiral around a fine organic thread core. The thread of the core is likely to have been made of silk because of the need for a very fine but strong thread. However, no samples of the core appear to have survived. The thread is just over 0.1mm wide and is among some of the finest extant gold thread ever recorded from the Roman period (Wild pers. comm.). The thread must be magnified at least five times to enable the spirals to be seen (Fig 10).

Fig 8 - The jet box from the grave cut (Museum of London)

The Leaves A large quantity of bay leaves had been placed in the coffin beneath the head (fig. 9). Most of these were mineralized and x-ray fluorescence spectroscopy suggests that lead oxides and lead carbonates replaced the leaves, probably the result of precipitation of lead ions from solution as the body decomposed and through the presence of groundwater in the coffin. Incredibly, a few organic and still flexible leaves had also survived beneath the mineral leaf crust, in what was probably an anoxic, waterlogged environment. Fig. 10 - Small sample of gold thread magnified x50.

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Conservation work is ongoing to reveal and record any surviving patterns and evidence of weave, and any unusual features in the thread. Associated organic threads or other corroded metal features are being sought. Insect remains related to decomposition and found among the threads are to be examined by environmental archaeologists.

An unforeseen benefit of working with the "Meet the Ancestors" television documentary crew was that, having witnessed considerable work on ancient burials, they were able to contribute useful contacts. They were also able to offer beneficial publicity for some of the university departments that contributed to the project. The replicas produced for the documentary were an additional asset to the display and interpretation of the burial that the museum alone could not have afforded. Thus, although accommodating the needs of the television crews could be time-consuming and stressful, they also brought opportunities to the process that were beneficial.

Of the two types of organic textile, one has been identified as a rare fragment of silk damask, among the finest cloths of the period. Only one Roman example has previously been found in the UK (Wild pers. comm.) The other type has a plain weave and its fibers have been identified as wool. The different spacing of the weave of the two types of textile and the fact that they are made of different fibers suggest that these are two distinct textiles rather than different features of the same piece. Dye analysis was ruled out at this stage due to the small samples available and the destructiveness of chromatographic techniques.

Working on fragile and important remains under constant close scrutiny of public and media was challenging; it was difficult to make important decisions about conservation techniques under these conditions. Therefore it became necessary to plan and execute some of the work out of hours, in order to ensure that all the options had been explored and that the safety of the artifacts was not compromised by the public nature of the excavation.

Interpretation of the Evidence The makers of the BBC documentary wanted to bring the results of the analytical research to life by reconstructing the burial rite and through a likeness of the dead woman. The project team was eager to work with them to achieve this. It was necessary, however, to dissuade them from making unreasonable assumptions in order to make the reconstruction more "interesting" for viewers. For example, the arrangement of bay leaves suggested that they had originally formed a pillow for the head. However, the production team considered this to be "boring" and would have preferred to use a wreath of bay leaves, when in fact there was no evidence for a wreath.

Despite this, the level of interest and the opportunity to share and discuss the work on the burial with visitors made it very rewarding. It also raised the profile of the conservators' role in the excavation and interpretation of the finds since they conducted much of the recording, excavation, and lifting and coordinated analytical work afterwards. Their work therefore became an important element of the lecture program, the documentaries and the booklet and text-panels that accompanied the museum displays.

Nevertheless, the Museum's educational programs have benefited from the program's reconstructions. Replicas were made of the glass, jet and coffin, as well as a sculpted reconstruction of the woman's face based on the forensic evidence from the structure of her skull; costs of some of these were shared between both parties, others were donated by the television series.

The display of the sarcophagus and its excavation in the museum galleries was clearly very popular. The fact that the lid was not removed nor were the bones disturbed in public or on live television may have discouraged adverse comment in news coverage of the event. The fact that the burial was ancient may also have meant that people were not offended by either the remains or the process that they were viewing. The highly visible nature of the health and safety procedures helped to show that the operation was being handled in a controlled and professional way.

Conclusions The investigative work on this outstanding discovery and its interpretation for the public, in less than six months, was a huge but exciting challenge. It relied heavily on the flexibility and teamwork of staff, from the archaeologists and conservators to the curators, designers, interpretation staff, technicians, gallery attendants, security staff and house services at the museum to make it possible. All of these had to fit this unexpected project into their existing work schedule, to work longer hours and to make concessions to enable it to take place. Likewise the subsequent investigative work could not have happened unless the institutions and external specialists involved were willing to offer the research time necessary for the analysis of the finds. Without this willingness, it would not have been possible to gather sufficient funding to cover the work, which was beyond the budget normally assigned to conservation work during the fieldwork stage.

Certainly few adverse comments were received about the public nature of the excavation, from the public or the media, despite the fact that some people clearly did feel an empathy with the dead woman. For example one man who came to view it brought a flower to place on the lid of the case containing her skeleton. Comments by visitors in the queue and after the presentations given by conservators and curators suggested they came for different reasons; a child said he wanted to see it "because it was a dead body" but another said he wanted to come because he had studied the Romans in school. An elderly man said he felt it was "like treading on fresh snow". Others thanked us for sharing the excitement of the discoveries as they happened. The work on the sarcophagus used a significant amount of the site budget during fieldwork that would otherwise have

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been channeled into the excavation and preservation of other features from the site. However, its display and public excavation enabled the communication of history to a wider audience than the site publication alone would have been able to reach. The fact that this was achieved in the same year as the discovery contributed to the impact. The interest shown in the curators' accounts of life in 4th century London suggested that the burial helped to bring a period of ancient history to life, both for the thousands of visitors to the museum and for the millions watching the documentaries. In doing so it also demonstrated the power of archaeology in interpreting the past.

Museums Association. (1997) Code of Ethics: A.4 Human Remains Swain, H. (1998) Displaying the Ancestors. Archaeologist, 33: 14-15 Wild, J. P. (1999) personal communication

The

ICOM (1996) Code of Professional Ethics: Human remains and material of ritual significance, Section 6. 7 World Archaeological Congress. (l989)The Vermillion Accord, passed at the World Archaeological Congress, Vermillion, South Dakota, USA.

The artifacts from the burial will be on display in the Roman gallery at the Museum of London from mid December 1999. The archaeological publication of the excavations at Spitalfields, published by the Museum of London Archaeology Service will follow.

Biographies Liz Barham studied Classical Civilization at the University of Warwick, graduating in 1991 and after three years in media relations graduated with an MA in the Conservation of Historic Objects (Archaeology) at the University of Durham. Following a year's internship at the National Museums of Scotland in Conservation and Analytical Research, she joined the Museum of London Specialist Services as a conservator in 1998.

Acknowledgements The following institutions and specialists are gratefully acknowledged for their investigative work on this burial: C. Heron, R. Janaway and P. Budd, Dept of Archaeological Sciences, University of Bradford; J. P. Wild, Ancient Textiles Unit, University of Manchester; S. Desrosiers; R. Rasome-Smith and J. Mina, the Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths; Environmental Archaeology Unit, York; K. M. J. Hayward, University of Reading; L. Bell, Dept of Palaeontology, Natural History Museum; B. Sykes and H Chandler, University of Oxford; L. AllasonJones & J. M. Jones, University of Newcastle; H. C. Jacobs, Health and Safety Section, Corporation of London. The authors also acknowledge the Spitalfields Development Group with thanks for their Financial Support of the project.

Rebecca Lang graduated in Ancient History and Archaeology from Birmingham University in 1984. She subsequently worked for the National Museums and Galleries on Merseyside, joining their newly expanded Conservation Division in 1991. She studied archaeological conservation at the Institute of Archaeology University College London, gaining the Diploma in Archaeological Conservation in 1995. In 1997 she moved to the Homiman Museum, London and then joined the Museum of London as an archaeological conservator in 1999.

Allason-Jones, L. & Jones, J.M. (forthcoming) Identification of "Jet" Artifacts by Reflected Light Microscopy. Journal of European Archaeology.

Addresses Elizabeth Barham* Museum of London Specialist Services Museum of London 150 London Wall London EC2Y 5HN United Kingdom

Department of the Environment. (1990) Planning Policy Guidance 16: Archaeology & Planning. London: DoE.

Rebecca Lang Address as for Barham

English Heritage. (1991) Management of Archaeological Projects II. London, English Heritage

*Author to whom correspondence should be addressed

References Allason Jones, L. (1999) personal communication.

Ganiaris, H. (2001) London Bodies: an Exhibition at the Museum of London. In this volume. Health and Safety Executive ( 1998) Control of Lead at Work Regulations. London, Health and Safety Executive Jacobs, H. C. (1996) Assessment of"Lead-in-air" and "Total Inhalable Dust" Whilst Lifting the Lid from a Lead Coffin at the Museum of London (unpublished)

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ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH HUMAN REMAINS Vicki Cassman

Abstract This paper reviews finds associated with human remains. Textile remains and other organic materials may not be obvious to the non-specialist, and this is a reminder that the potential for such finds needs to be considered by all as excavation and analysis of human remains proceeds. Associated artifacts from well-preserved South American mummies to North American pseudomorphs will be presented.

from Peru. These Paracas burials were fabulously rich in textiles. Both in prehistory and prior to industrialization and mass production, textiles were valued far beyond our modem sensibilities. Textiles due to the time consuming nature of their production, their intimacy with the body, and their ability to communicate ethnicity, status, and individuality were one of the most valuable possessions in pre-industrialized societies. The Paracas grave goods mirror this; they were obsessed with textiles.

Mention of associated artifacts must be made in a conference on human remains. Humans are very attached to items of material culture in both life and in death. As archaeologists and physical anthropologists we find artifacts in such intimate contact with the body that they must be excavated or moved with the remains to the laboratory or museum. Post-excavation, they will be either deemed stable and remain in situ with the individual, or they will be removed for a number of reasons. Removal of artifacts associated with human remains may be undertaken to prevent further deterioration, or the artifacts themselves may be the subjects of intensive study. More commonly, the associated artifacts are removed because they are obscuring or hiding the body itself In any case of removal meticulous documentation of an artifact's relationship to the body is needed and this is not always standard protocol. Preservation of the context of artifacts associated with human remains is the focus of this paper.

The elaborate ritual attire of Paracas individuals is well known, but what do we know of the individuals who wore these outfits? In fact we know very little. Tello in his twovolume book from 1926 realized the value of textile contexts, and promoted the idea that the mummy bundles should be unwrapped with a variety of people available to draw, photograph and take notes on the various layers as a bundle is opened to reveal the individual. He was ahead of his time in many ways. However, it is ironic that despite his suggestions, Paracas textiles are now mostly without contexts, separated from their original bodies and frequently treated as works of art. Dedicated scholars such as Ann Peters have devoted their careers to heroic efforts to piece together evidence of social organization and ethnicity from these jumbled contexts (Peters 1997). Archaeologists, physical anthropologists and paleopathologists have been slow to understand the value of textiles. Mortuary textiles often suffered irreparable damage or were not even saved. The story of Paracas textiles is a true tragedy, but it is, sadly, not unique. It has been more the norm than the exception. A Tello contemporary, Howard Carter in the 1920s, did not consider saving Tutankhamun's wardrobe. Now seventy years later textile scholars have gone to great lengths to recreate the lost wardrobe. An international traveling exhibit of reconstructed Tutankhamun garments was inaugurated in 1999 in Sweden (http://www.tutankhamunswardrobe.com/).

In a mortuary context, artifacts directly or intimately associated with the body are more likely to be directly related to the social persona 1 or social personality2 than objects found nearby in a grave or tomb (Wason 1994). These may be items of personal adornment such as garments, jewelry, headdresses, or even cosmetics, body paint, wigs or hairstyles. In contrast, objects placed near to but not directly associated with the body might be items used by the individual in life (e.g. tools, pots, and blankets), consumable daily items to be used in the afterlife (e.g. foodstuffs, drugs, and cosmetics), and/or gifts from mourners. Altogether intimate and not so personal artifacts can give much moreinformation about the individual than would be possible with a body devoid of artifacts. In some areas of the world little but the skeleton remains, in others for example from Egypt or the Atacama Desert of South America, large numbers of desiccated mummies with complete caches survive. It was nearly 100 years ago that Julio Tello worked with the Paracas mummy bundles

As far as I am aware, Junius Bird was the first archaeologist to openly promote the need to collect archaeological mortuary textiles. In the 1940s he recommended that at least a representative portion be taken. Thirty years later in the 1970s, Mary Elizabeth King wrote an article for American Antiquity entitled "Analytical Methods and Prehistoric Textiles" a pleading for textiles to be used as an archaeological tool and attempting to give textiles proper standing in archaeology.

Social persona is a term coined by Goodenough (1965), which means the composite statuses of an individual in a specific interaction. 2 Social personality is a term coined by Radcliffe-Brown (1922) is the sum of the characteristics that have an effect on social life of the individual and those with whom the individual interacts.

Questions that textiles can answer go far beyond the simple who wore what, when. Textiles are uniquely sensitive to issues of social organization and personal situation. For instance, textiles and personal adornment can provide information about ethnicity. The body can possibly inform

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

about biology, but how did she/he affiliate herself/himself culturally? Clothing and personal adornment are often the first form of communication that takes place between individuals and are the first line in the negotiation of social identities. Ethnicity will most likely be found in the overall shape, form, placement, and color, i.e. in things that can be visually recognized from a distance and things that are available to all members of the society (O'Shea 1984; Wobst 1970). As a modern example from an area of the world where hand-woven textiles still reign supreme, in Guatemala an informed buyer in a marketplace would likely buy potatoes from a saleswoman with a highland outfit to be sure to get the best variety of potato. This example illustrates the intentionality of the wearer to be identified with a cultural group and the buyer in associating the person wearing the outfit as coming from a specific geographic area. In a mortuary context would one want to risk not being recognized by one's own ancestors by wearing the ethnic dress of a competing group into the "other world?" I suspect that only under the most extraordinary circumstances would the mourners chose to place their deceased relative in the clothing of another group. Thus mortuary textiles, when present, can play an important role in understanding who the individual was.

clothing came earlier and corresponded to puberty using the combined evidence from the textile evidence and physical anthropology. If one has the possibility of carrying out textile research on a regional scale then trade too can be tackled. For instance, in the Andes, raw materials such as specialty fibers (Vicuna), nonlocal natural dye stuffs (chapi chapi from the highlands, a form of purpurin dye), and ore for jewelry would have been imported to coastal villages. Examples of this type of in-depth region-wide study of trade has not been tackled as of yet with archaeological textile material. In summary for Northern Chile between AD 900 and 1400, the textiles and personal adornment, together with physical anthropology, give us a much sharper view of what life was like in a pre-Inca village. For the last twenty years scholars have followed Murra's ethnohistoric lead and assumed that the northern-most oasis in present day Chile was a classic example of a prehistoric multiethnic society. They based this on the variety of ceramics they found. However from the study of the artifacts associated with the human remains, in this case mummies, there emerges evidence of a mono-ethnic, male-dominated society, that was likely patrilineal, patrilocal, and polygynous, with women providing much of the agricultural labor force. 3

Besides providing information about ethnicity, textiles and personal adornment associated with bodies can inform about status. Status is more of a quantitative judgement based on the relative richness and or exotic nature of the associated artifacts. Scarcity of a product, material, along with or in addition to complexity/production step scores have been used by several investigators to determine status (Arriaza 1988; Cassman 2000; Drooker 1992; Kuttruff 1993; Oakland 1992; Peters 1997). For the Andes region a vicufia cloak would be an exotic item, as would an item made of a fine tapestry technique, due to the energy investment.

Archaeological Textile Preservation It is true that not everywhere are textiles and personal adornment preserved to the same extent as in the deserts of the world. However, they are much more frequently found than we are willing to admit. They are found in a variety of conditions, for example frozen, desiccated, in bogs, or in a marine environment. Textiles can be in various states of preservation, some of which are obvious and others of which are not so obvious.

Gender is another category about which textiles and personal adornment can inform us, when the context of the textiles in relationship to the individual has been preserved. Not only can we see what each wore, but also this information can tell us about the relative role gender plays in status. For instance, in Northern Chile prior to the Inca (AD 900-1400), men had much more varied and elaborate hairstyles and fancier shirts than women did. Old women were often reduced to wearing highly repaired rags. Thanks to the combined information of physical anthropology and textile analyses it appears that pre-Inca women were important for an agricultural work force dominated by men. By ethnographic analogy the peacock nature of the men may indicate competition for mates and possibly a polygynous society in the late intermediate north coast of Chile.

Textiles in close contact with metals are less likely to be attacked by microorganisms or insects. One example includes a forensic case from Northern Nevada, where taphonomy and the remaining textiles lead to information about the approximate date of the individual's death. In this case there were only skeletal remains, a commonplace silver spoon and fragments of three different silk fabrics. How was it that all protein (hair, skin, nails) had disappeared but not the silk (a protein too)? As I suspected, the silk had been heavily weighted with metal salts, which dated the textiles to the turn of the century, before such silks became prohibited in the 1920s. Asbestos fibers are able to survive even cremation burials. They have been found in a variety of prehistoric contexts in the American Southwest and the Near East.

Age distinctions represented by personal adornment can help define the cultural split between subadult and adult. Biologically adult is defined as 15-16 years old, but how was this rite of passage defined prehistorically? Again in northern Chile the switch from children's to adult's

The variety of textiles in Northern Chile surely indicates a different level of social organization, not related to overall ethnicity that has not yet been identified. 3

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Impressions are another source of a less obvious nature. Impressions may be found on dried skin, on clay, and on metal. Archaeologists and physical anthropologists in the excitement of finding a coin with a potential date may rub off the corrosion with their fingers. If the coin was in a bag or in intimate contact with a pocket, then chances are that textile fibers may be preserved on the surface. At times the corrosion products completely replace the textiles but keep the original form of the fibers or weave structures. These are known as pseudomorphs and give important clues to textiles that have otherwise not survived.

King, M. (1978) Analytical Methods and Prehistoric Textiles. American Antiquity, 43: 89-96. Kuttruff, J. (1993) Mississippian Period Status Differentiation Through Textile Analysis: A Caddoan Example. American Antiquity, 58: 125-145. O'Shea, J. (1984) Mortuary Variability: An Archaeological Investigation. Academic Press: Orlando. Peters, A. (1997) Paracas, Topara and Early Nazca: Ethnicity and Society on the South Central Andean Coast. Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University.

I have heard crime scene analysts express frustrations similar to my own as a conservator and archaeologist. There is so much rush to get to the body that the evidence, which is removed, is at best poorly documented, but most often it is irreconcilably compromised (e.g., cut open), or even lost. This is not to say that we should not see the human remains. Rather, I ask for more caution, respect and care. There are plenty of legitimate reasons why artifacts intimately associated with human remains must be removed from their contexts, such as to prevent deterioration or the simple need to reveal the body below, but more documentation must be the rule.

Radcliff-Brown (1952) Structure and functions Primitive Society. New York: Free Press.

in

Rodman, A. (1992 )Textiles and Ethnicity: Tiwanaku in San Pedro de Atacama, North Chile. Latin American Antiquity, 3(4), pp. 316-340. Tello, J (1979) Paracas. Part 2 of Cavernas y Necropolis. Publicaci6n Antropol6gica def Archivo "Julio C. Tello. " Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, and The Institute of Andean Research, New York.

This paper then is a plea to go back to Tello's original recommendations from the 1920s and slow down. Get the proper experts involved, take the time to properly document the contexts of artifacts associated with human remains before their removal, using a variety of media including black and white, and color photography, drawings and written words. To summarize, the process of removing textiles such as personal garments or items of personal adornment such as hair or wigs, must be slowed down in order to document thoroughly artifact associations and then to archive and cross-reference the material properly.

Wason, P. (1994) The Archaeology of Rank. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Wobst, M. (1977) Stylistic Behavior and Information Exchange. In Cleland, C. ed. For the Director: Research Essays in Honor of James B. Griffin. Anthropological Papers 61. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology. Biography Vicki Cassman is assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology and Ethnic Studies at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, where she teaches museum-related courses, introductory anthropology and is department NAGPRA (Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act) representative. She earned her Ph.D. in archaeology from Arizona State University in Tempe. She has two professional areas of expertise: archaeology and conservation/collection management. She has a strong background in both the arts and sciences, since in addition to her Ph.D. she has earned two Master of Science degrees, one of which is from the University of Delaware's Conservation Program at the Winterthur Museum.

References Arriaza, B. (1988) Modelo Bioarqueol6gico para la Busqueda y Acercamiento al Individual Social. Chungara, 21:9-32. Cassman, V. (2000) Prehistoric Andean Ethnicity and Status: The Textile Evidence. In Drooker, P & Webster,L. eds. Beyond Cloth and Cordage. Salt Lake City: University ofUtah Press. 253-266. Drooker, P. (1992) Mississippian Village Textiles at Wickliffe. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.

Address Vicki Cassman Department of Anthropology & Ethnic Studies 4505 Maryland Parkway, Box 455012 Las Vegas, Nevada 89154-5012

Goodenough, W.H. (1965) Rethinking 'Status' and 'Role': toward a general model of the cultural organization of social relationships. In: Banton, M. The Relevance Models for Social Anthropology, Association of Social Anthropologists of the Commonwealth, Monograph 1: 124.

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RESPECT FOR THE ANCESTORS: NEW APPROACHES FOR THE RECOVERY AND ANALYSIS OF NATIVE AMERICAN BURIALS Douglas Currie and Kevin McBride

Klesert & Powell 1993; Echo-Hawk & Echo-Hawk 1995; Gulliford 1996). The cultural values held by different parties in the discussion are at times so divergent that the process constitutes ethnic conflict (Price 1991; Goldstein & Kintigh 1990; Poirier, Bellantoni & Aganstata 1985). As in any ethnic conflict respect (or disrespect) for cultural values is at the center. In North America the federal government and individual states have passed laws that, while not attaining consensus, attempt to establish a mechanism for resolving this conflict of cultural values based on respect. This is a complex and delicate area for a government to be codifying (Rosen 1980; Vecsey 1991; Abatelli 1993).

Abstract In 1990 a Mashantucket Pequot tribal cemetery was discovered during the excavation of a house foundation on private land. The land had been part of the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation in the late J ih and early 18th centuries. The discovery afforded the opportunity to test a recently passed Connecticut state law, Public Act 89-368 that dealt with the treatment of Native American burials on state and private land. Under the direction of the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe a team of archaeologists and conservators from the University of Connecticut removed the burials and limited, non-invasive analysis was conducted. Destructive testing, alteration, or addition of modern materials to the human remains was prohibited. Intact burials were block-lifted and radiographed to gain information without deconstructing the burial block. The information obtained from the x-ray films was enhanced through the use of digital image-processing techniques. Micro-samples of the recovered material cultural were examined using polarized light microscopy and laser microprobe. After completion of the analysis all human remains and associated funerary objects were reburied under the supervision of Tribal Council in a cemetery on the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation.

The Federal government has passed several laws that deal tangentially with Native American burials as "archaeological resources", but only when they are found on federally owned or controlled lands. In 1990 the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act was passed that mandates a specific process for the repatriation of burials but again only applying to federal lands or materials from institutions receiving federal funding. Burials on state or private land are explicitly excluded from this act. In 1989 the state of Connecticut passed Public Act 89-368, generally known as "The Native American Heritage Act". The Act protects Native American burials on state land and mandates a process for disclosure, mitigation, and reburial to "insure that the sacred meaning of the remains for Native Americans are respected and protected". PA 89-368 also established the

Among archaeologists and Native Americans few issues can generate more intense discussions than the excavation, scientific study, and institutional handling and conservation of human burials (Ubelaker & Grant 1889; Goldstein & Kintigh 1990; Meighan 1992; Abatelli 1993;

Fig. 1 - Foundation Excavation overlooking Long Pond.

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Native American Heritage Advisory Council. The Advisory Council is composed of one member of each of the five state recognized tribes (Pautucket Eastern Pequots, Mashantucket Pequots, Mohegans, Schaghticoke, and the Golden Hill Paugussetts ), a representative of the Connecticut Indian Affairs council, a representative of the Commissioner of Environmental protection, a representative of the Archaeological Society of Connecticut and three persons knowledgeable in Native American History, traditions and archaeology, one appointed by each of the following legislative bodies: the speaker of the House of Representatives, the minority leader of the House of Representatives and the minority leader of the state Senate. The state archaeologist must consult the advisory council when burials are found in order to determine cultural affiliation and whether in situ preservation or removal and reburial are appropriate.

overseeing the excavation, analysis and reburial process. The tribe's only stipulations were: 1) that only those burials that were in the most immediate danger of destruction/erosion be removed, 2) that as many burials as possible be preserved in situ 3) that the tribe be consulted regarding proposed analysis, 4) that no destructive or invasive analysis be conducted, and 5) that all human remains and funerary objects be reburied as soon as possible. Tribal oversight, even where cultural affiliation is unquestionable, is not mandated by PA 89-368, and takes place only at the discretion of the state archaeologist and the Advisory Council. In the case of Long Pond, open discussion, mutual respect and common sense prevailed. The Mashantucket Pequot Tribe's first acts were to provide tribal police to secure the site and prevent any further disturbance. The extent and number of remaining burials was also assessed. Twenty graves were found to have been impacted or in immediate danger, if the foundation excavation were completed. Another twenty-nine graves, on three sides of the foundation excavation, were identified outside the construction zone. The back-dirt pile excavated from the foundation contained both human remains and funerary objects, indicating graves had existed within the foundation area. The excavation contractor had already trucked most of the previously excavated dirt off site to use as fill on other sites. Efforts to locate this material were made but, without the excavation contractor's cooperation, proved futile. Given the density of the surrounding graves the removed material may have contained as many as thirty more graves. The tribe transported the remaining back-dirt to the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation for screening and recovery of human remains and cultural material. The remains of at least six individuals and many funerary objects and fragments were recovered from the back-dirt over an eighteen-month period.

In 1990 the new act was tested for the first time. During the excavation of a house foundation on land overlooking Long Pond (fig.I), adjacent to the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation in southeastern Connecticut, human remains were encountered (McBride 1994). The landowner noticed bones protruding from the walls of the foundation hole and adjacent back-dirt. He immediately halted the work of the excavation contractor and called the local police who notified both the state police and the chief medical examiner to determine the age of the burials and whether a crime had been committed. The state police crime unit and the medical examiner determined the burials were over fifty years old and were not the result of a crime so the state archaeologist assumed jurisdiction in accordance with PA 89-368. The state archaeologist determined the burials to be Native American remains from the 1ih or 18th century. Several burials had been truncated and were exposed in the sidewall of the foundation excavation. Although the land is presently not part of the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation, it was part of the original reservation established in 1666. The house lot was part of a larger parcel of land taken from the Pequots in 1720. Given this clear historical connection to the burials, the state archaeologist and all the consulting parties felt it appropriate that the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe oversee the excavation and reburial of the remains. Under PA 89368, if in situ preservation is not feasible, the state archaeologist, in consultation with the landowner, the Native American Advisory Council, the Connecticut Historical Commission, and the Commissioner of Environmental Protection, must "provide for the removal and reburial of the remains at another location or for additional archaeological investigations and scientific analysis prior to reburial". The landowner is specifically excused in PA 89-368 from bearing the cost for this mitigation, placing the burden on the state archaeologist. The Mashantucket Pequot Tribe agreed to assume all the costs for the excavation, analysis and reburial of the human remains recovered from the Long Pond Site. The tribe appointed Theresa H. Bell as the tribal representative

The primary concern of the Mashantucket Pequot was that proper respect be shown during excavation and analysis, as the cemetery contained the ancestors of living tribal members. An archaeological team from the University of Connecticut had been conducting archaeological research on the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation since 1983 and many were on a first name basis with tribal members. Over the years the tribe and the archaeologists had established an excellent working relationship based on trust and mutual respect, which greatly contributed to the overall success of the project. Theresa Bell was present during excavation, analysis and reburial phases, as the tribe's representative. Several other tribal members participated in the excavation process and yet others visited the site on a regular basis. Tribal members also participated in the laborious process of screening the 592 cubic yards of foundation back-dirt. Public Act 89-368 mandates that the state must complete the removal of all burials on within five business days after notification medical examiner unless the landowner

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Currie and McBride: Respect for the Ancestors

additional days. In this case, the landowner was extremely cooperative (he shut down the foundation excavation immediately after learning of the burials) and allowed the Pequots two months to remove those burials that remained within the unexcavated portion of the foundation as well as those that were in immediate danger of collapse. The Mashantucket Pequot Tribe was aware that few landowners notify the appropriate authorities when Native American burials are found, fearing repercussions, potential land loss or construction delays. In the spirit of cooperation, and wishing to set a precedent for future occurrences when unmarked Native American graves are found, the Pequots agreed to remove those graves remaimng within the unexcavated portion of the foundation, thereby allowing the landowner to proceed with construction in a timely manner. In addition, the tribe agreed to assume all costs and accompanied the landowner to the Ledyard Zoning Board of Appeals, as he needed a special variance to build within a known cemetery. In return the Pequots asked that all remaining burials within the property be protected and that the zoning variance contain a clause stipulating that any landowners of the property, present or future, contact the Pequots if any subsurface excavation greater than two feet in depth took place on the property.

Dockall 1995; Koob 1984), a practice considered too invasive by the tribe. However, as the burials dated to the historic period, many contained cuprous funerary objects of European origin such as spoons, beads and kettles. During the excavation process, three burials were observed to have high levels of preservation, as indicated by the identification of large areas of woolen trade cloth preserved by the presence of cuprous materials underneath them. The decision was made to block-lift these areas and remove them intact for examination in the laboratory under more controlled conditions. Standard block-lifting techniques were employed: pedestaling the area, inserting a sheet of rigid support under the block, padding and supporting the sides, and removing (Payton 1992). Examination in the laboratory revealed the blocks contained the remains of children ages 3, 6 and 11. The high degree of preservation, noted in the field, was afforded by virtue of several necklaces, headbands, and belts containing thousands of copper and brass beads. All three skeletons were remarkably well preserved, as were the associated organic funerary objects, such as deerskin, woolen blankets, linen cloth, threads and sinew, where they were in contact with copper-based artifacts. The initial stages of the visual examination of the three burials revealed a complex but potentially discemable array of individual necklaces and wampum belts. Out of respect for the tribe and the three children, it was decided not to excavate the remains but rather to utilize non-invasive techniques to explore the contents of the graves. Although the tribe allowed the analysis of the remains they requested that it be as non-invasive as possible.

A total of twenty-five individuals in twenty intact graves were eventually removed. Preservation of human remains is normally very poor in New England's highly acidic soils making their removal difficult without the addition of modem materials, such as consolidants (Johnson 1994;

Fig.2. - MRI cross-section of a burial block

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Theresa Bell, the tribal member overseeing the project, and the University of Connecticut archaeological team met to discuss various research and excavation techniques and their individual impact on the removed burials, including the three block-lifted burials. A program of scientific analysis was developed to yield the maximum information while disturbing or altering the burials as little as possible. It was decided that this research must take place in a reasonable time frame so reburial would not be delayed any longer than necessary. The research design included non-destructive analysis utilizing visual examination, photo documentation, and radiography of skeletal and artifact material, additionally optical microscopy using minimal sampling, electron microprobe analysis, and wet chemistry testing on micro samples from the associated funerary materials were permitted. Pollen samples and insect remains associated with the burials were also analyzed to address environmental and seasonality issues.

Non-destructive imaging techniques were also employed to aid the analysis. Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) was performed by Dr. Gerald Abbott, of the Brown University Medical School, on undisturbed blocks but was of limited use due to the mineral content of the adhering soil, as well as the rocks and metal artifacts, which were opaque in the images or distorted them (fig.2). The project did not have access to a CAT scanner, however X-radiography proved useful (fig. 3). Radiography has been used to examine historic burials (Brothwell 1968; Price 1975; Davis 1997) and can contribute information regarding skeletal age at death (Walker & Lovejoy 1985), nutrition, health stressors and bone development (Mays 1985; Maat 1984). At Long Pond, poor preservation of the human remains limited the analytical value of the radiographs. However, information on general bone thickness and on the morphology of the bone structure hidden within the excavated block was obtained.

Destructive testing of bone was not permitted. Visual examination and measurements were allowed to the degree possible on the bone still in the blocks and on the disassociated remains that were not block lifted. Richard Wilkinson, a physical anthropologist from the State University of New York-Albany, was able to determine the sex and age of about half the individuals (Wilkinson 1991). Due to poor preservation, rather than excavation restrictions, general stature could be ascertained for only two individuals, both six-foot tall males. Dental disease was assessed in eleven individuals. While the visual techniques employed limited the analytical potential of the skeletal remains, they did allow Wilkinson to draw some conclusions regarding the population. These included: a high mortality rate among young adults, an apparent lack of nutritional and disease stressors, good dental health, and tall stature of males.

To access all the visual information contained in the x-ray images, the film was digitized, imported into an image processing software and manipulated to bring out subtle changes in density of the film (Slack 1994; Higgins 1997; Gillespy & Rowberg 1994) (figs. 4 and 5). The film was scanned on a high-resolution scanner and imported to a PC-based computer. Initially MedIPro 1, medical x-ray software, was tried but its operating capabilities are designed for x-rays of soft organic tissue surrounding bone and could not cope with the film densities of imaged soil and rock from the block lifted structures. In the end, Adobe PhotoShop, a commonly used image processing software, offered the most flexibility when manipulating levels of brightness and contrast, and selectively masking areas for specific alterations or highlighting densities.

Fig. 3 - X-radiograph (B-17) of burial block delineating artifacts of shell, copper and glass (70kV, 300mA).

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MedIPro © Digital Imaging Group, Charles Shrrt University

Currie and McBride: Respect for the Ancestors

Fig. 4 - Digitized image of x-radiograph (B-17) during processing using invert, equalization/contrast level, and erase manipulations. Small rectangle has been selectively re-inverted and levels altered to enhance detail.

Fig.5 - Completed digital processing of x-ray (B-17) to highlight artifacts.

Rhode Island (Welters et al 1996). Textiles in the lifted blocks were left in place, surface cleaned with a brush and examined for weave and structure. Disassociated textile fragments were cleaned with brushes and recorded. No conservation materials for cleaning or consolidating the textiles were permitted. It was permitted to take and analyze small fiber samples using polarized light microscopy for identification. These minimally intrusive techniques permitted the documentation of an extensive variety of textiles used by the 17th century, without the need to further deconstruct the burials.

These imaging techniques were especially useful for recording the artifacts contained in the blocks It delineated the type of manufacture used for elements made from a variety of materials, such as bone, metal, glass and shell. It also clarified artifacts' designs. The combination of the xrays and block lifting enabled the intact beaded belts and sashes to be carefully examined in the lab for differences of color and material and made the analysis of these complex artifacts easier and more accurate than if it had been attempted in the field or from deconstructed elements. A range of other analytical techniques was used which did not affect the human remains at all and had minimal effect on the artifacts. Many of the burials contained textiles, which were studied by Linda Welters and Margaret Ordonez of the Department of Textiles at the University of

Other material culture based research included the use of x-ray fluorescence and electron microprobe analysis to determine the alloys of the metal beads and pendants. The method of manufacture of the metal objects was also

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

studied (Leader 1992). This analysis indicated that the metal artifacts were made locally from European sheet brass. Identification of the glass beads by shape and color, and analysis of glass bottle fragments based on color and bottle morphology type were also carried out. All of these analyses were carried out either on in situ artifacts that were exposed on the block lifted sections or on disassociated materials if they were available.

The research program incorporated an interdisciplinary approach to the study of the Long Pond burials that used standard technical protocols for the most part with minor alterations to accommodate tribal concerns. The exception to this is the osteological analysis where present techniques could have yielded a wide variety of information but would have destroyed portions of the sample. It is true that future techniques may be able to produce more information without damaging the sample and that this possibility has potentially been precluded with the reburial of the materials. On the other hand however, the minimally interventive techniques yielded a substantial amount of information and were completed in less than eighteen months in order to meet reburial demands. This is in direct contrast to many other excavations where materials sit on a shelf or in a drawer for years awaiting analysis.

Environmental research was also conducted. Samples were taken and pollen analysis was conducted to study seasonality issues and attempt an environmental reconstruction (Kelso 1992). Insect remains were analyzed in order to address these same questions (Dirrigl & Greenberg 1995). These investigations indicated that the burials took place between March and October, generally 48 hours after death but occasionally as long as 2 weeks later. The initial excavation lasted two years and the scientific research continued for over a year. Eighteen months after excavation, the Long pond burials with all their associated material were reburied in the tribal cemetery on the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation, which has been used since the early 17th century. The Tribal council and the Elders council directed the reburial in a private ceremony. The Mashantucket Pequot tribe had used archaeology on the reservation for the recovery of their history before the Long Pond cemetery came to light. Northeastern Native American tribes were the first to be impacted by European colonization; their cultures were decimated, so archaeology context can be an important source of history for Native Americans. All the tribal members who saw the research from the burials were overwhelmed by the rich material culture of their ancestors. The tribe commissioned Native American artists to reproduce the exact design of the original artifacts. The designs were considered the more important aspect to "possess", than the historic material itself. The design and workmanship of the belts and jewelry are a tremendous source of tribal pride. Some have been used in the Pequot's new museum, as seen here on the figure of Cassacinamon, who was the Pequot sachem when the reservation was formed in 1666 and headed the tribe around the time of the Long Pond burials. The study of the Long Pond cemetery was a cooperative effort between town and state government, the Mashantucket Pequot tribe, and archaeologists. Connecticut Public Act 89-368 set the framework for Native American participation but the law is vague in areas (or, depending on your perspective, flexible). In this case it was a success for all involved mainly because everyone wanted it to work. It could easily have gone the other way: one must remember that this important find was only several bucket loads away from disappearing. The Pequots set out to establish a precedent on which future cooperation could be based, and to encourage the reporting of other discoveries or pertinent information.

Fig.6 - Life-cast figureof Cassacinamon. Designs in the wampum belt and headband are based on objects from the Long Pond cemetery.

Archaeologists, as anthropologists, must respect the cultural values of the people we study, even when doing scientific analysis. Archaeology does not have an inherent right to cultural material simply because we wish to study it. There are others who are interested in these materials for reasons that differ from archaeological science. Through cooperation and mutual respect, archaeology will

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Currie and McBride: Respect for the Ancestors

remain an important tool in both Native American and historical research.

Kelso, G. K. (1991) Pollen Analysis from 72-200. Unpublished report on file at the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center.

Acknowledgments We would like to thank the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe, in particular Theresa Bell and Charlene Jones, for allowing us to participate in this project. Also Bob Halloran of the Mashantucket Pequot Museum Photography Department and the staff of the Public Archaeology Survey Team of Storrs, Connecticut.

Klesert, A & Powell, S. (1993) A Perspective on Ethics and the Reburial Controversy. American Antiquity 58(2): 348-354. Koob, S. P. (1984) The Consolidation of Archaeological Bone. In: Adhesives and Consolidants: Preprints of the IIC Paris Conference. London: International Institute for Conservation. 98-102.

References Abatelli, C., (1993) Ethics of Reburial: Two cases From Southern New England. Northeast Anthropologist, No. 45: 87-99.

Leader, J. (1992) Alloy Analysis and Method of Manufacture Notes. Unpublished report on file at the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center.

Brothwell, D. R., (1968) Radiological Aspects of Normal Variation in Earlier Skeletons: An Exploratory Study. In Brothwell, D.R., ed., The Skeletal Biology of Earlier Human Populations, Vol. VIII. London: Pergamon.149-172

Maat, G. J. R. (1984) Dating and Rating of Harris Lines. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 63: 291-299. Mays, S. A (1985) The Relationship Between Harris Line Formation and Bone Growth and Development. Journal of Archaeological Science 12: 207-220.

Davis, R. (1997) Clinical Radiography and ArchaeoHuman Remains. In: Lang, J. & Middleton, A, eds., Radiography of Cultural Material. Oxford: ButterworthHeinemann. 115-135

McBride, K. A (1992) Ancient and Crazie: Pequot Lifeways during the Historic Period. In: Benes, P., ed., Algonkians of New England. Annual Proceedings of the Dublin Folklife Seminar. Boston: Boston University Press. 63-75

Dirrigl, F. & Greenberg, B. (1995) The Utility of Insect Remains To Assessing Human Burials: A Connecticut Case Study. Archaeology of Eastern North America, 23: 17.

Meighan, C. W. (1992) Some Scholars' Reburial. American Antiquity 57(4): 704-710

Views On

Dockall, H. (1995) Application ofBement's Spray Sealant Technique to Infant Skeletal Remains. Journal of Field Archaeology, 22: 385-387.

Payton, R. (1992) Retrieval of Objects Archaeological Sites. London: Archetype

Echo-Hawk, W. R. & Echo-Hawk, R.C. (1995) Repatriation, Reburial, and Religious Rights. In: Vecsey, C., ed., Handbook of American Indian Religious Freedom. New York: Crossroad Publishing. 63-80

Poirier, D. A, Bellantoni, N. & Aganstata, M. (1984) Native American Burials in Connecticut: The Ethical, Scientific, and Bureaucratic Matrix. Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of Connecticut 48: 3-12.

Gillespy, T. & Rowberg, A (1993)Radiological Images on Personal Computers: Introduction and Fundamental Principles of Digital Images. Journal of Digital Imaging 6(2): 81-87 Goldstein, L. & Kintigh, K. (1990) Ethics and the Reburial Controversy. American Antiquity 55(3): 585-591.

Price, J. L. (1975) The Radiology of Pathology in Ancient Bones. X-RAY FOCUS 14(1): 14-21 Price, M. H. III (1991) Disputing the Dead: US. Law on Aboriginal Remains and Grave Goods. Columbia: University of Missouri Press.

Gulliford, A (1996) Bones of Contention: The Repatriation of Native American Human Remains. The Public Historian, Vol.18(4): 119-143.

Rosen, L. (1980) The Excavation of American Indian Burial Sites: A Problem in Law and Professional Responsibility. American Anthropologist 82: 5-27.

Higgins, T. (1997) An Introduction to Digital Image Processing. In: Lang, J. & Middleton, A, eds., Radiography of Cultural Material. Oxford: ButterworthHeinemann. 167-182.

Slack, C. (1994) The Enhancement ofRadiographs through Digital Image Processing. In Science and Technology Supplement. November, Issue 3: 8-9. London: English Heritage.

Johnson, J. (1994) Consolidation of Archaeological Bone: A Conservation perspective. Journal of Field Archaeology, 21: 221-233.

Ubelaker, D. & Grant, L.G., (1989) Human Skeletal Remains: Preservation or Reburial. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: 249-287.

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Vecsey, C. ( 1995) Handbook of American Indian Religious Freedom. New York: Crossroad Publishing. Walker, R. A. & Lovejoy, C.A. (1985) Radiographic Changes in the Clavicle and Proximal Femur and Their Use in the Determination of Skeletal Age at Death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68: 67-78. Welters, L, Ordonex, M. T., Tartleton, K, & Smith, J., (1996) European Textiles from Seventeenth-Century New England Indian Cemeteries. In: De Cunzo, L. & Herman, B.H., eds., Historical Archaeology and the Study of American Culture. Winterthur: Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum. 193-232 Wilkinson, R. (1991) Osteological Analysis of the Long Pond (72-200) Human Remains. Unpublished Report on file at the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center. Biographies Douglas Currie is Head of Conservation at the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center. Mr. Currie has worked on Native and European archaeological sites across eastern North America with a focus on 17th century New England.

Kevin A. McBride is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Connecticut in Storrs, and the Director of Research for the Mashantucket Pequot Museum & Research Center. Dr. McBride supervises all programmatic areas and research functions for the museum and oversees ongoing archaeological excavations and ethnohistorical research for the Tribe. Addresses Douglas Currie Mashantucket Pequot Museum And Research Center 110 Pequot Trail Mashantucket CT 06339

Kevin McBride Address same as for Currie

*Author to whom correspondence

should be addressed

68

"LAST WILL, HIDING PITS, HIDING CAVES": INCORPORATING HAWAIIAN FUNERARY PRACTICES INTO ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPATRIATION EFFORTS Susan A. Lebo and Ellen-Rose Savulis Abstract Funerary objects have been identified in Hawaiian archaeological collections using sets of attributes derived from NAGPRA, on-going consultation, the relearning and sharing of traditional funerary practices, and the review and sharing of archaeological findings. The viability of this approach is examined using datasets from the archaeological collections at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in Honolulu, Hawai 'i.

may reasonably be believed to be so on the basis of a preponderance of evidence. That is, a preponderance of evidence must suggest that an object was intentionally placed at the time of death or later with or near human remains of identifiable affiliation at a known site as part of the funerary practices of a group (Federal Register Vol. 60, No. 232, 43 CFR Part 10, § 10.1 and 10.2). Because NAGPRA is designed to be applicable to "lineal descendants, Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations," it provides a broad framework for identifying funerary objects but not explicit classifications for any particular cultural group. Because devising and utilizing classifications for identifying funerary objects is critical to implementing NAGPRA, the necessary and sufficient attributes broadly specified in NAGPRA for identifying funerary objects require assessments of intent, provenience, and provenance. These assessments are subject to modification as additional or alternative perspectives or sources of information are exchanged during the consultation process.

Introduction The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) provides a framework for establishing classifications of certain types of cultural objects and the ownership rights of Native lineal descendants, Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations to objects within those classes. Integral to identifying funerary objects is the concept of context-i.e., the identification of shared relationships between artifacts and human remains. The collection process invariably results in a potential loss of contextual information as decisions are made concerning collection and documentation methods and as objects become disassociated from human remains. Although some artifacts may have been labeled "burial objects" or "funerary objects" when collected, many bags containing cultural materials that were from the burial pit or near human remains on the surface are not explicitly labeled as funerary. Some funerary objects, once associated, may form part or all of a collection, while others are in multiple collections, sometimes distributed among different museums.

Intent is the purposeful placement of an object with human remains as part of the funerary process. Because we cannot excavate intent, we must establish explicit criteria for assessing it on the basis of known funerary practices and contexts. This requires establishing that a specific object was made and used solely for funerary purposes within the culture or was spatially and temporally related with one or more complete or partial sets of human remains. Functional and depositional assessments are sometimes necessary to replace subjective identifications based on relative uniqueness or rarity in a particular context, completeness, or potential for reconstruction. The subjective aspect of specific collections has resulted in objects in some funerary contexts being identified and collected as funerary objects while others were identified as non-funerary and were not collected. Still others may have been identified as funerary, but not collected because they were thought to be insignificant, uninteresting, or too fragmentary to be of research or display value.

Identification of funerary objects for repatriation requires both an integration of indigenous and Western approaches to classifying objects and a means of assessing past funerary relationships between individual objects that may no longer physically be together. Relationships may occur at two scales of analysis-artifact (individual objects) and groups of artifacts (collections)-both of which have defined purposes within NAGPRA (Federal Register Vol. 60, No. 232, 43 CFR Part 10, § 10.2, 10.8). The most comprehensive approach is to consider traditional knowledge, ethnohistorical sources, and archaeological research in order to understand and classify the funerary objects associated with a particular group through time.

These assessments of functional and depositional contexts must address the issue of intentional versus incidental deposition or depositional processes. While most agree that objects in contact with or in immediate proximity to human remains are objects placed with intent, and therefore are funerary objects, some disagreement exists as to what constitutes immediate proximity. Objects from grave fill represent an excellent example of such debate. Additionally, incidental deposition, through natural or cultural processes, is often posited as a mechanism by which objects entered a funerary context. Fragmentary objects thought to be from midden deposits that were disturbed during the excavation of a grave pit are often interpreted as incidental and therefore not funerary objects. Such objects are assumed to have ended up in the pit fill

Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) NAGPRA defines rules, regulations, and procedures for identifying four explicit classes of objects-human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony in the possession of museums or Federal agencies in order to establish rights of ownership to such objects, for conducting consultation with appropriate parties, and for compiling and submitting summaries of collections containing such objects. NAGPRA stipulates that an object is a funerary object if it

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

unbeknownst to the individuals involved in the interment. This assertion has also resulted in objects either not being collected or being collected and labeled as non-funerary objects.

with food, and the area was screened off (Kamakau 1964:34, 40-41). Kaaie (1862a, 1862b) reports that relatives kept part of the deceased, be it a finger, a fingernail or toenail, a tooth, or a lock of hair. This was customary also for the death of children (Kekoa 1865). Sometimes the iwi (bones) were secretly exhumed and the long bones or skull were cleaned and wrapped and taken to bed by a loved one. When these objects became neglected (Malo 1951:99), they may have become part of the habitation record.

Provenience refers to the location of an object at a "specific burial site" at or near the time of "burial." It identifies a particular locus as having served a funerary function, and requires that specific objects at that locus be contemporaneous both spatially and temporally with the human remains in the feature. The relationship between the objects and the remains must also be the result of intentional funerary activities and not post-depositional processes or other activities.

Two critical concepts to discussing funerary practices are burial and huna. Burial refers to the spatial contexts containing either single or multiple sets of human remains. It is not used here to refer to specific sets of human remains or to the disposal method. Huna refers to the process or processes by which Hawaiians hid, concealed, or secreted away the physical remains of the deceased. Huna was carried out according to established practices and prohibitions (Bowen 1961; Buck 1957; Kamakau 1964; Malo 1951). In Kamakau (1964:38) kanu 'ana is translated as disposing of corpses; this concept is termed "disposal" elsewhere (Cleghorn 1987; Han 1986a: 11; Sprague 1968:479).

Provenance (source or origin) specifies that a set of human remains or objects be identified with a particular cultural group. This definition does not require that all objects were produced by that group but does establish a shared relationship between the objects and the affiliation of the human remains based on the preponderance of evidence.

NAGPRA establishes consultation as the mechanism for defining funerary objects. Because the consultation process is continuous in nature and may involve input and consensus among different individuals at different points in time, what constitute a funerary object may be variable within or among collections. A reasonable belief based on a preponderance of evidence is provided as the standard by which assessments are made concerning the above criteria. This standard does not require scientific proof but identifies funerary objects based on probability. The more evidence presented to support a hypothesis, the greater the probability and therefore the more reasonable the belief. A preponderance of evidence may be based on probabilities as low as 51%.

Kanu 'ana and huna ana (funerary practices) varied within and among the stratified social groups of Hawaiian society, including the ali 'i or chiefs and others of the ruling classes, the maka 'ainana or commoners, and the kauwa or outcasts (Bowen 1961; Buck 1957; Kamakau 1964; Kirch 1985). Malo (1951: 104-107) states that the ceremonies performed upon the death of the king were entirely different from those performed for other ali 'i. A rite called kapa lau (garment of leaves) was undertaken, which involved wrapping the king's kupapa 'u (corpse) in leaves of banana, wauke (paper bark tree) and kalo (taro). The kupapa 'u was placed in a shallow excavated pit and covered by about a foot of earth. A fire was built on the surface over the length of the pit, which was kept burning for about ten days while a pule hui (prayer) was continually recited. The defleshed kupapa 'u was removed and worship was performed to secure the deification of the iwi (bones). The corruptible parts were cast into the sea and the iwi were made into a bundle wrapped in kapa. Following deification, the king's successor built a heiau (religious structure) called a hale poki to house the king's iwi.

Hawaiian Funerary Practices First-hand accounts by early European voyagers and explorers, descriptions by nineteenth-century Hawaiian scholars, and archaeological studies represent the three main sources of information on traditional Hawaiian funerary practices. Excellent summaries of these sources and descriptions are available elsewhere (Bowen 1961; Buck 1957; Cleghorn 1987; Han 1986a; Kirch 1985). This discussion of these descriptions examines funerary practices for which archaeological correlates have been identified and investigated.

The kupapa 'u of chiefs were disposed of at night to keep their resting place secret and their remains protected from being stolen and made into fishhooks or ornaments by their enemies (Buck 1957; Kamakau 1964). Some were placed in natural cavities such as caves until their kupapa 'u decomposed. Nalimu (n.d.) indicates that such decomposition might take one to three months. The defleshed iwi were often then wrapped in kapa bundles. Some were interred in religious structures such as heiau (Bowen 1961; Buck 1957).

Samuel Kamakau, a Hawaiian scholar whose articles on Hawaiian history and culture appeared in the weekly newspapers Kuokoa and Ke Au Okoa from 1866 to 1871, recorded that the deceased were prepared and disposed of in one of several ways. Some were stripped of their flesh and disposed of in the ocean, except for the 'aihau (femur and humerus bones) and the iwi puniu (skull). Others were placed in ana huna (burial caves), lua huna (disposal pits) or nupa (caverns). The deceased was laid, as if asleep, on pillows and piles of matting and neatly covered with kapa (bark cloth). Their possessions were placed there along

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Lebo and Savulis: "Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves"

Maka 'ainana (commoners) were placed as extended or flexed corpses covered or wrapped in matting. Some were placed in canoes or on boards (Bowen 1961). The kupapa 'u was wrapped in a coarse mat, unlike the finer kapa of the ali 'i, laid in a canoe or on a board and placed on a wooden shelf in a cave. If no shelf or canoe was used, then the kupapa 'u was buried in a mat (Nalimu n.d.). Nalimu (n.d.) described the people of Puna placing kupapa 'u in an area cleared of rocks, which were then placed around the deceased. A mat was laid atop the kupapa 'u. Maka 'ainana frequently were placed in caves and other natural cavities with family members, in pits near or under dwellings, or in large cemeteries (Barrera 1971; Bowen 1961; Buck 1957; Cleghorn 1987; Han et al. 1986; Clark 1983). Some individuals of rank were also buried in cemeteries (Buck 1957).

On the basis of these findings, he questioned why the kanu 'ana or huna ana and moepu differed among family members.

Favorite children or children of wealthy parents were afforded a particular kanu 'ana (burial practice). A kukui canoe (made of wood from the candlenut tree) would be hewn into which the kupapa 'u of the child was placed. A small house was erected to hold the kupapa 'u. Food was placed to provide substance for the child's soul (Kekoa 1865).

Moepu, along with the kupapa 'u (corpses) or iwi (bones) they were intentionally placed with, contain mana. They range in scale from individual objects (e.g., an 'umeke (calabash), a piece of kapa (bark cloth), a lei niho palaoa (whale-tooth pendant), or a wa'a (canoe)) to collections of objects (e.g., a group of animal bones and shellfish remains, a mound of cobbles and boulders, a cluster of animal burials). Some objects belonged to the deceased, others were used in preparing or transporting the kupapa 'u for kanu 'ana or huna 'ana, and still others, such as stone monuments, cover, hide, or protect kanu 'ana. Kaaie (1862a, 1862b) indicates that personal items often were placed with the deceased, particularly things they favored in life. Among these moepu were food, water, tobacco, flint, and tools (Kaaie 1862). Kapa, money, and clothing were also placed with kupapa 'u or iwi bundles (Kaaie 1862a). Food was placed to keep the soul from wandering (Kaaie1862b; Kamakau 1964). Some moepu, such as containers of food, were intended to keep the spirit from leaving the body (Kaaie 1862b; Kekoa 1865). Others, including manuports or dike stones, served to weigh the soul down. Traditional containers include 'umeke, ipu (bottle gourds), and poho pohaku (stone bowls). Foods offered to sustain the deceased include dogs, pigs, fish, birds, and various plants; such items have been found in association with iwi, rather than merely in pit fill (Garland 1986a, 1986b). Other objects include kapa (barkcloth) clothing, bedding, and burial wrappings, lauhala matting, pulu pads or pillows, stone tools such as basalt grinding stones, poi pounders, adzes, and flakes, as well as 'iii 'iii or water worn stones, and personal items (e.g., lei niho palaoa, dog tooth pendants, beads). Garland (1986b: 133) describes intentional placement of water worn stones and manuports in association with iwi. Foreign-introduced containers, foods, clothing, tools, and personal items served similar functions in post-contact funerary contexts (e.g., Barrera 1971; Bowen 1961; Buck 1957; Cleghorn 1987; Goodwin et al. 1995, 1996; Han et al. 1986; Ogden 1997). Shellfish and echinoid remains found in association with iwi, rather than in pit fill, provide supportive evidence that these types of food items were purposefully placed with the make (dead). Cowrie lures, toggles, fishhooks,

Irrespective of social group, kanu and huna centered on shared ideas of mana (supernatural or divine power) and 'aumakua (family deity) and were conducted following well-established rituals, rights, and restrictions associated with the kapu (taboo or prohibition) system (Bowen 1961; Buck 1957). Mana, broadly defined, is the power derived from the supernatural which is possessed by humans, physical objects such as rocks or the bones of the deceased, as well as by words or personal attributes (e.g., courage, skill, wisdom) (Pukui 1983:9; Pukui et al. 1972:149-150). The amount of mana possessed by an individual was commensurate with their social position.

Puhi i ka iwi (cremations) were rare and are thought to largely be reserved as punishment for those who violated kapu (i.e., the elaborate rules that surrounded individuals of chiefly rank). Bowen (1961:77-78) mentions that this method appears to be particularly associated with attendants of the high ali 'i (chiefly classes). Such violators or outcasts appear to have been cremated as a kanu 'ana involving a single method, in which the entire corpse was burned in situ. The cremation pits described by Han (1986b) and Reeve (1983) appear to represent this type of kanu 'ana. There is no evidence to suggest that the kupapa 'u was defleshed prior to cremation.

According to Bowen (1961:92) maka'ainana placed in caves often were accompanied by a large quantity of moepu (funerary objects), while ali'i had few. This assumed relationship between status and moepu has also been asserted for subsurface interments (Cleghorn 1987; Han et al. 1986). In order to protect the bones and therefore the mana or supernatural/divine power of male ali 'i, their bones were disposed of in secret and without signs of wealth or status that would alert their enemy or vandals to their identity. Female ali'i kanu 'ana may have been carried out without the same fear of desecration, and therefore their lua huna may contain some moepu (e.g., lei niho palaoa or whale-tooth pendants) indicative of their status (Cleghorn 1987:185-187, 189). Because caves are routinely described as family "burial" caves, variability in the abundance and diversity of funerary objects associated with different sets of human remains in some caves suggests that factors other than status or sex must be considered. Bevacqua (1972) records the kanu 'ana of five individuals in a small cave included two adults wrapped in an extended position, one canoe bier, two adult bundle burials, and a child's coffin with no identifiable remains.

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

echinoid files, food scrapers, and possible gourd stoppers are also known (Garland 1986b: 122).

1986b:81); coffins, which served a similar function as canoes, were introduced in the early post-contact period.

Of the animals offered as moepu and placed with the make (dead) in a lua huna, few are found articulated. Exceptions include a snapper, uku (Aprions virescens), associated with a wrapped kupapa 'u and an iwi bundle (Han 1986b: 93). Sometimes only a portion of the animal was buried, such as the dog cranium found associated with bundled iwi (Ladd 1987:39, 63). However, some animal burials are found in pits with human remains or in pits in close spatial proximity to iwi. Such interments of articulated animals in prepared pits represent part of a funerary tradition that continued from pre-contact times into the early postcontact period. These interments differ from food remains of disarticulated animal bones found in imu (earth oven) or other pits that served primarily domestic functions. Pukui (n.d.) reports that puppies were raised as playmates and guardians of a child. If the child died first, the dog was buried with the child. The dog was placed live with its legs bound into the pit with the child's coffin (Daniela 1862).

Modeling Funerary Contexts Kanu 'ana (burials) identified in the archaeological record of pre-contact or early post-contact Hawai'i are most widely known from investigations of kupapa 'u (corpses) or iwi (bones) placed in what were intended to be protected surface or subsurface loci in natural (e.g., caves, rock shelters, crevices) or cultural (e.g., excavated pits) cavities. Many such loci were altered, either to secure them from being looted or to create prepared spaces for specific human disposals (fig. 1). Some of these alterations involved the construction of stone architectural features prior to (e.g., rock-lined pits or cysts) or after final ana huna or kanu 'ana (e.g., mounds, enclosures, walls).

The surface and subsurface loci of disposals of kupapa 'u or iwi may be defined by a series of cultural deposits associated with the various activities comprising the final funerary processes. While kanu 'ana of kupapa 'u or iwi above ground exhibit a more limited range of depositional contexts, many of these contexts apply to disposals below ground (fig. 2). Above-ground funerary contexts include: ground surface at time of the kanu 'ana, above-ground architecture, fill of above-ground architecture, surface of above-ground architecture, surface architecture, fill of surface architecture, surface of surface architecture, and sediments postdating the final kanu 'ana. Contexts below the surface include: subsurface architecture, fill of subsurface architecture, lua huna (hiding cavity), and fill of lua huna. Contexts which may be above or below surface are kupapa 'u or iwi, wrapping/container, and fill of wrapping/container. The surrounding matrix may be a funerary context for some, but not all kanu 'ana.

Other types of moepu are the tools or items used in preparing or transporting remains of the deceased or in conducting the rituals, which were considered defiled or contaminated and were often placed with the deceased (Buck 1957:570; Kamakau 1964:35). Such contaminated items may be tools of basalt, volcanic glass, or pulu (Cibotium splendens) used to absorb body fluids from the corpse and to stuff the body after the vital organs were removed. Other items are kukui (Aleurites moluccana) nut lamps, bamboo torches, fire lighting sticks, carrying poles, stretchers (manele), canoes or boards, and tying strips of kapa and hau cordage (Buck 1957:570, 573; Han

-

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Fig. 1 - Schematic interior of ana huna (hiding cave)

72

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Lebo and Savulis: "Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves"

Ground surface--this is the uppermost depositional surface exposed at the time of the kanu 'ana (disposal). This surface may not correlate with the ground surface at the time the site was documented or excavated. Ka make (the dead), whether kupapa 'u (corpse) or bundled iwi, frequently were placed on floors of ana huna (hiding caves) (Barrera 1971; Kirch 1979). Some are in shallow natural depressions (Kirch 1979). Social outcasts were left exposed on the open ground (Kamakau 1964).

Surface of above ground surface architecture--the exposed surface of an architectural feature constructed above what was the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana. This surface may be the upper extent of a raised shelf or platform. Kupapa 'u, iwi bundle, and moepii placed on this exposed surface may date to different kanu 'ana, some of which may be earlier or later in time (e.g., Nalimu n.d.). Kirch (1979) describes kanu 'ana and moepii on a platform constructed in the middle of a cave. One kupapa 'u was placed in a canoe atop the platform. Others may have been on boards or with moepii, including gourds. Some of the other kanu 'ana in the cave or rock shelter were in lua huna, on the floor, or on raised shelves.

Above-ground architecture--this is any architectural feature constructed or placed above the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana and used as a prepared temporary or permanent place for the kupapa 'u, iwi, or moepii. Shelves and modified niches in cave walls are excellent examples of above ground surface funerary architecture. Nalimu (n.d.) describes a shelf of wood being built into the ana huna (hiding cave) on which the make (deceased) was laid. Additional dead were placed on the shelf from time to time. After decomposition, iwi and moepii fell from the shelf. The shelf was two to three feet from the cave floor.

Surface architecture--this is any architectural feature intentionally constructed or placed above a wahi huna (hidden place). Such architectural features may include rock piles, uprights, stone mounds, pavements, alignments, platforms, or enclosures (e.g., Clark and Kirch 1983; Han et al. 1986; Ladd 1986a, 1986b; Tuohy 1987). Headstones or footstones of wood or stone and crypts provide examples of similar funerary surface architecture introduced after Western contact (e.g., Goodwin et al. 1995, 1996; Han 1986b; Ogden 1997). Some structures, such as platforms in caves, were constructed not to cover kanu 'ana but to serve as a surface on which to place kupapa 'u, iwi bundles, or moepii. Clark (1983:133) reports that kanu 'ana with surface architecture atop them are in areas where soil accumulation is slight or absent. They have been reported for most of the islands. Of the kanu 'ana with surface architecture described by Clark (1983), all but a few date to the post-contact period. In some areas

Fill of above-ground surface architecture--the fill consists of those sediments (natural or cultural in origin) within an architectural feature constructed above what was the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana. These deposits maybe rock, soil, iwi or moepii that became imbedded in the fill as the kanu 'ana or architecture deteriorate. Other sediments in the fill may date to the construction of the architecture, such as the inclusion of 'ili 'iii, pieces of coral, or pieces of bone or shell food remams.

____,----~~a p

p

Lua huna k

Km,: a Grouno ~1,1rfaCll b Above-ground architecture G Fill of above-ground architecture d su,tacs 01 above-ground architecturr, e Surface arohlteoture f Fill of Surface architecture g S1,1rfaceof surface a rchileclure h Sediments postdatl~g lmmi',im1 i SUb$urface architectme j Fmof subsurlac,;, archit,;,ctur~ k Lua hum, (hicling cavity) I FIii ol/w l111n;; m Kupt1pa'u or iwf n Wra,>ping/container o Fill of wrapping/contarner p 8 urro undin g mairix:

n m,o

(a}

(b)

p

p

.. (c)

(d)

73

Fig. 2 - Depositional contexts ofkanu 'ana in lua huna (a) without architecture, (b) with surface architecture, (c) with subsurface architecture, and (d) with surface architecture and two containers (wrappings and coffin).

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

they cover large cemeteries with lua huna excavated into deep sedimentary deposits (Han et al. 1986). Tuohy (1987) describes a rectangular stone surface structure atop a kanu 'ana in a shallow excavated pit or lua huna. These architectural features date to, or sometimes shortly after, the kanu 'ana. Some surface architecture associated with these types of kanu 'ana may have collapsed (e.g., walls or platforms), may no longer remain (e.g., wood headstones), or may be buried (e.g., pavements). Some hiding places were achieved by walling off the kupapa 'u, bundle of iwi, or moepu, which were placed on the cave floor (Barrera 1971:30). Other kanu 'ana and moepu were placed on raised platforms, heiau, or other structures (Kirch 1979).

placed on this exposed surface may date to the kanu 'ana, while others may reflect more recent natural or cultural processes. Some of these more recent activities may be of a funerary nature (e.g., offerings).

Sediments postdating final hunii--these are the natural (e.g., rock and earth, organic matter) and cultural (i.e., artifacts) sediments that are deposited in, around, or atop the kanu 'ana. They may include (a) infilling of a huna space such as a crevice, sinkhole, or niche, or (b) deposition on the ground surface, surface architecture above a kanu 'ana, or directly atop exposed human remains or moepu placed on a prepared or unprepared surface or floor.

Fill of surface architecture--the fill consists of those sediments (natural or cultural in origin) within an architectural feature constructed on what was the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana. These deposits may be the rock, soil, or artifacts in a stone mound, platform, or pavement and date to the construction of the surface architecture, excluding inclusions from natural or cultural post-depositional activities. Clark (1983:72) described a stone mound with a thick fill layer containing an abundance of charcoal and a midden deposit. At the base of the fill were basalt flakes, a coral abrader, and three large Terebra maculata shells perforated to serve as possible bottle stoppers. These artifacts were interpreted as having been "intentionally left at the time of interment." The fill of some mounds and platforms indicates multiple interments over time. Other mounds contained gravel, charcoal, and midden in the architectural fill, which appears to be related to post-depositional deterioration of the architectural feature (Clark 1983 :72-79).

Subsurface architecture--this is any architectural feature constructed below, around, or above a subsurface kanu 'ana, which was not visible above the ground surface. Such architectural features may include stone alignments, mounds, pavements, and rock-lined cysts. These architectural features generally date to the kanu 'ana, although some earlier features may be incorporated into the kanu 'ana. Tuohy (1987) described several subsurface stone crypts containing either coffin interments or bundled zwz. In one, a coffin was placed in a large vaulted structure, which was described as a subsurface structure covered by a rectangular stone surface. Riconda (1972) describes a nineteenth century kanu 'ana in a stone-lined lua huna, the upper portion of which was visible on the surface as a rock mound. Within this kuna 'ana, moepu were associated with a wrapped kupapa 'u and several iwi bundles. The moepu included metal fragments to a smoking pipe, ceramic tableware sherds, buttons, a rosary, and bottle glass.

Stepped platforms containing multiple kanu 'ana provide an example in which kanu 'ana are part of the fill or construction matrix of an architectural feature constructed over some period of time. One such structure described by Clark (1983) is a stepped platform in which the first kanu 'ana involved the excavation of a lua huna into an abandoned habitation terrace. The excavated trench was partially lined with boulders; soil capped the kanu 'ana to form the upper step of a platform. A more recent kanu 'ana was placed in a trench dug below the upper stone platform. A stone retaining wall was constructed to support an earthen terrace over this kanu 'ana. The second step did not reveal a kanu 'ana, but one was present in the third step (Clark 1983:94-97).

Fill of subsurface architecture--these deposits are within an architectural feature constructed below the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana. They may be the rock and earthen fill of a mound, rock-lined cyst, pavement, or other architectural feature. Excluding natural or cultural post-depositional intrusions, this fill dates to the construction of the subsurface architecture. Kanu 'ana caviry--this is any natural (e.g., crevice, sinkhole) or cultural (e.g., excavated pit, constructed niche) bounded space containing human remains (e.g., Barrera 1971; Clark 1983; Goodwin et al. 1995; Han et al. 1986; Kirch 1979, 1985; Tuohy 1987). Natural cavities predate the kanu 'ana they contain. Cultural cavities may be older than or date to a kanu 'ana depending on whether it was placed in an earlier feature (e.g., imu pit) or in a cavity specifically constructed to contain that kanu 'ana. Subsurface stone architecture is present in some lua huna, while many are simply unelaborated pits dug into the soil. Kaaie (1862a) indicates that the kanu 'ana was done at night. The excavated lua huna was round, like that for bananas. It was dug to a depth equal to the waist. The excavated sediment was carried away in a piece of matting to hide evidence of a newly excavated lua huna. Such lua huna were called pahe'e. Pukui and Elbert (1986:299)

Surface of surface architecture--this is the exposed surface of an architectural feature constructed on what was the ground surface at the time of the kanu 'ana. This surface may be the upper extent of a pavement, wall, mound, enclosure, platform, headstone, or other feature. Wrapped kupapa 'u, bundled iwi, and moepu of a single individual or large numbers of individuals were placed on stone platforms in caves or rock shelters. Some kanu 'ana are in canoe hulls, others are associated with carrying poles or boards (Barrera 1971; Kirch 1979, 1985). Coffins infrequently were placed on such platforms. Some moepu

74

Lebo and Savulis: "Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves"

'ana in discrete pits, but may be older than, date to, or be younger than, kanu 'ana in unconsolidated sediments such as sand dunes. Without clear evidence of discrete pits, it may not be possible to discern the dating of specific sediments surrounding a kanu 'ana. The matrix below a surface disposal (e.g., on a natural or prepared surface such as in a rock shelter) predates the disposal, while those that subsequently accumulate around or cover the exposed human remains or iwi and associated funerary objects postdate the kanu 'ana.

describe this as a shallow hole or grave, as for a flexed burial. Natural cavities utilized for kanu 'ana include depressions in pahoehoe. Some of these are simply covered with stones or soil to conceal the wrapped kupapa 'u or iwi bundles. Others include the construction of rock architecture such as alignments and stone caps (Ladd 1986a, 1986b, 1987; Soehren 1987).

Fill of kanu 'ana cavi(Y--these deposits are within a natural (e.g., sinkhole, crevice) or cultural (e.g., constructed niche, excavated pit) cavity containing human remains. They may include natural (e.g., rocks, earth, organic matter) or cultural (i.e., artifacts) sediments dating to the infilling of the cavity. Such infilling may be intentional, such as the filling of an interment pit, or incidental, such as the infilling of a surface niche by ceiling fall. Intentional infilling dates to the kanu 'ana, while incidental infilling is post-depositional. The natural depressions in caves or lava tubes in which some kanu 'ana were placed have been infilled with rubble (Kirch 1979). This rubble may reflect intentional efforts to hide or protect the kupapa 'u.

Identifying Iwi and Moepii for Repatriation Kupapa 'u and iwi bundles were placed in various depositional contexts, some of which were accompanied by moepii. Identifying moepii in museum collections rests on our ability to reliably establish the depositional context in which they were found and their association with a kanu 'ana. By combining a knowledge of Hawaiian funerary practices and data recorded at the time of collection, we may more effectively identify those objects that may reasonably be believed on the basis of a preponderance of evidence to have been placed with a kanu 'ana, and therefore to be moepii. In this section, we provide a brief discussion of several collections for which completed inventories identified iwi and moepii for repatriation.

Wrapping/container--any artifact or assemblage of artifacts used to transport or encase the iwi or a kupapa 'u during kanu 'ana (the disposal process). These may include cordage and kapa wrappings, boards and canoes, carrying poles, or coffins. Boards and canoes, or the ends of old canoes, were used to hold the kupapa 'u, which were placed in caves (Nalimu n.d.) and other natural cavities. They were covered with matting. Some boards or canoes were placed atop platforms, others on the floor or in niches or lava tubes extending back from the more open area of the cave (Barrera 1971; Kirch 1979, 1985). Kupapa'u or iwi wrapped in kapa, wrapped or covered with matting, and coffins containing kupapa 'u were placed in ana huna (hiding caves) or lua huna (hiding pits). In natural cavities, they are on raised surface architecture such as platforms, on unmodified cave floors, or in shallow lua huna (e.g., Barrera 1971; Bevacqua 1972; Kirch 1979). Most kanu 'ana in open cemeteries are in wrapped containers (either as wrapped kupapa'u or bundled iwi) placed either directly into in excavated lua huna or into coffins in lua huna (e.g., Han et al. 1986).

The four collections selected for discussion are two rock shelters (Makani'olu and Maunalua) on the Island of O'ahu, several open sites on a coastal parcel (Kawailoa) on the Island of O'ahu, and one of a series of rock shelters or caverns (Anaeho'omalu) on the Island of Hawai'i. These archaeological collections were obtained during archaeological fieldwork conducted by either the University of Hawai'i at Manoa or the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum from the early 1950s to early 1980s. The open sites and the two O'ahu rock shelters were utilized for habitation and as a place where the deceased were hidden. The large cavern on the Island of Hawai'i was identified as a burial cave.

Makani'olu. Constructed terraces provide a level floor on the western side of the shelter ledge and the shelter entrance. Lava tubes extending from the back of the shelter were utilized as storage areas. Excavations were undertaken as an archaeological field school by the University ofHawai'i at Manoa in the early 1950s (Emory and Sinoto 1961). Additional site information was obtained from original field notes and artifact catalogs curated in the museum's archives.

Fill of wrapping/container--any natural or cultural sediment in a container. These may include weathered rock or soil, roots, wrapped kupapa 'u, bundle-wrapped iwi, and moepii. Much of the cultural fill represents intentional behavior, while some may reflect post-depositional processes such as decomposition of the container, downward movement of artifacts from other deposits, or disturbance by roots or animals. The fill of some containers, such as canoes, may reflect multiple kanu 'ana separated in time, while some coffins contain several individuals contemporaneously interred together (e.g., Goodwin et al. 1995; Tuohy 1987).

The interior of the cave was gridded into 3-foot squares and a total of 55 units were excavated in 6-inch arbitrary levels. An extensive habitation midden was documented, into which a kanu 'ana was placed in a lua huna. The upper portion of this excavated pit was identified about 12 to 30 inches below surface (Squares H8 and 18). Some large cobbles or boulders were atop the kanu 'ana, but no subsurface or surface architecture was described. Moepii

Surrounding matru:--this consists of the depositional layer( s) that surround the disposal. It may predate kanu

75

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

included shells, fish bone, gourd fragments, charcoal, kukui nut fragments, fiber, and stone artifacts. An inventory was made of all bags and catalogued objects in the collection. All cultural objects identified as moepu from the burial pit were identified for repatriation, along with all isolated iwi found in the habitation deposits.

moepu were associated with the iwi. No dimensions were provided for the lua huna.

All materials from the upper limit of the lua huna to the base of excavation in two units containing kanu 'ana were identified as possible moepu for repatriation; at or below 15 cmb in Bl-B2 and at or below 28 cmbs in E2-E3. Not repatriated from E2-E3 were bags indicated in the field notes as being from the surrounding habitation matrix (ca. 30-40 cmbs), which predated the kanu 'ana and did not contain iwi or moepu. All materials from each of the D1D2 collection bags were treated as possible moepu. The collection bags from C7-C8 were carefully examined to separate materials from the lua huna containing the kanu 'ana and other pit features in that part of the shelter. All collection bags identifiable to the kanu 'ana were identified for repatriation. Those collection bags that could not be identified to specific pits in C7-C8 were also identified for repatriation on the basis of reasonable belief and to insure that no appropriate materials were missed.

Maunalua. Thomas (1995:17) reports that this small rock shelter was excavated in its entirety because destruction by a housing development appeared imminent. Information about the fieldwork conducted by the University of Hawai'i at Manoa in 1962 was obtained from the field notes, artifact catalogs, and several unpublished manuscripts (Solheim n.d.). Copies of some documents available at Department of Anthropology, University of Hawai'i at Manoa, were copied and incorporated with the site documents curated in the museum's archives.

The front of the shelter reportedly was roughly walled to level the floor. The excavation findings revealed deposits thought to represent at least five periods of occupation separated by intervals in which the shelter was not inhabited. Several kanu 'ana dating to Layer A (ca. 20-30 cmbd) are interpreted as post-contact in age. These lua huna intruded into habitation strata containing only traditional cultural materials (Thomas 1995:24). The sediments above the kanu 'ana (Layer X, ca. 0-20 cmbd) included recent materials blown into the shelter and sediments thought to be associated either with a transient occupant or extremely wet conditions (Thomas 1995: 19). The interior was gridded into 1-m square units, which were excavated primarily in arbitrary levels.

Kawailoa. This collection consisted of cultural materials from several residential sites. Whereas no final report was written on the excavation of these sites, original field notes, artifact catalogs, and a draft report (Garland n.d.) were available, and were useful in our efforts to inventory the collection.

Kanu 'ana in lua huna intruded into the habitation deposits in one of the sites. The iwi and moepu from these kanu 'ana were housed separately from the remainder of the collection. Small pieces of iwi, some of which may have been related to specific lua huna, were documented in some collection bags from the habitation midden. Whereas the contents of many of the collection bags had been sorted and analyzed, the collection also contained bags of unsorted and unanalyzed materials.

The field notes indicate four kanu 'ana, three of which were in lua huna abutting the interior walls of the shelter (C7-C8, D1-D2, and E2-E3). The fourth was in a lua huna near the shelter entrance (Bl-B2). No subsurface or surface architecture was reported in association with these kanu 'ana.

We inventoried the collection, comparing each bag with the original field notes and artifact catalogs. We determined that some of the unprocessed bags potentially contained isolated iwi or materials associated with one of the lua huna or burial pits. The highest probabilities were identified for unprocessed bags containing materials recovered in or around the pits, particularly before the pit limits were clearly identified.

The lua huna of one kanu 'ana (Bl-B2) appears to have extended to about 40 cmbs and to have contained moepu of marine shells, charcoal, and possible fish bone in association with the iwi. Rocks were noted above the iwi, possibly correlating with the upper extent of this lua huna near 15 cmbs. These rocks may have been placed to hide this kanu 'ana. Another kanu 'ana (C7-C8) reportedly was in an excavated lua huna, which was interpreted as a "refuse pit" containing pieces of marine shell, fish bone, and other "refuse" in addition to a "burial." The boundaries of the pit were not obtained from the notes. No moepu or architecture were identified with the third kanu 'ana (D1-D2) and the upper and lower limits of the lua huna were not provided. The remaining kanu 'ana (E2E3) was covered by a rock at about 28 cmbs. It was in an excavated lua huna with no visible subsurface architecture. Habitation debris, including marine shell and fish bones, was reported in the matrix surrounding the lua huna. No

While we were conducting our inventory, the accession history of the collection was being reviewed. Before we examined any of the unprocessed bags, a decision was made to return the collection to the landowner. The landowner indicated their intent to identify lineal descendants and to transfer to them the iwi, moepu, and other collection materials. Anaeho 'omalu. This large cavern-and-catacomb complex is one of several natural cavities in the area utilized for habitation or kanu 'anu activities. It is in the smooth pahohoe near the edge of a lava flow. Seventeen kanu 'ana clusters were

76

Lebo and Savulis: "Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves"

identified in this cavern. No evidence of habitation was found and, on this basis, all cultural materials in the inventories were identified as iwi or moepu (Barerra 1971).

archaeological data. The model we proposed utilizes traditional knowledge to define depositional funerary contexts of iwi and moepu. Consultation is pivotal in integrating traditional and archaeological knowledge to create a working model for identifying moepu in museum collections. The utility of such consultations depends in large measure on the role each interested party plays. As Native Hawaiians more actively participate in generating inventories of museum collections, our understanding of, and appreciation of, Hawaiian moepu will be changed forever.

Many of the funerary contexts identified in Hawai'i are represented in this complex: above-ground architecture, surface and fill of above-ground architecture, ground surface, surface architecture, surface of surface architecture, fill of surface architecture, burial wrappings or containers, sediments post-dating final hiinii, and kanu'ana cavity. Within the cavern, some kupapa 'u (corpses) were placed on small ledges or nooks above ground, others were in protected areas on the floor. Several were in spaces under ledges and were covered by rocks. At least one had a low-roofed chamber constructed atop them. Several were placed in canoes. Some had moepu, while others did not (Barerra 1971).

Acknowledgments The authors wish to thank members of the Hawaiian community, including members of Hui Malama I Nii Kupuna O Hawai 'i Nei for their knowledge, guidance, and support. Additionally, we would like to thank members of our professional community who have provided constructive dialogue and review comments, including Deborah Olszewski, John Dockall, John Pretola, and Ty Tengan. Thanks also to Betty Tatar, Valerie Free, and Kevin Montgomery who provided the senior author access to these collections. Special thanks to Bradley Evans for the illustrations.

On the basis of the available data, which indicates that this cavern complex served uniquely as an ana huna (hiding cave), the decision was made to repatriate the entire collection from this site. This repatriation effort utilized the published inventory of the iwi and moepu (Barrera 1971). Iwi and moepu from other burial contexts in the project area were also repatriated.

Glossary (terms ali 'i ana huna 'aumakua

Conclusions In summary, we have presented a discussion of some issues we dealt with in our efforts to identify for repatriation iwi and moepu from several old collections at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. Museum collections offer numerous challenges to NAGPRA compliance, particularly those containing unanalyzed materials or those for which there is incomplete contextual evidence. We offered an approach to identifying funerary objects that may be applicable to museum collections elsewhere.

akua hale poki hau

NAGPRA provides a legal framework for identifying moepu, establishing ownership, conducting consultation, and producing inventories of collections containing moepu. Integral to this broadly encompassing framework is the concept of context-i.e., the association of moepu with kanu 'ana (kupapa 'u and iwi bundles). In our efforts to generate inventories of moepu in museum collections we must review and detail the unique collection history and composition of applicable museum collections. Informed decisions need to be made about how to deal with collections that have not been fully inventoried.

heiau hi5lua huna i'a loa 'ili 'ili iwi

iwipuniu kahuna kanu kanu 'ana kapa

Mai !awe wale i nii mea i ho 'omoepu 'ia, "don't wantonly take things placed with the dead" (Pukui and Elbert 1986: 250). This proverb, referenced in the dictionary under the word moepu -the artifacts placed with the dead - conveys the tremendous cultural significance of moepu. These objects and the kupapa 'u or iwi bundles they were placed with embody the mana of the deceased and bind them to the living. In order to establish the past association of specific objects and iwi, and thereby identify moepu in museum collections, it is essential to develop a contextual model that integrates traditional funerary practices and

kapa lau kauwii

kukui

77

defined usingPukui and Elbert (1986)) chief, chiefess, high chief hiding cave family or personal gods, deified ancestors who might assume animal form god, goddess, spirit, ghost, image, idol shrine where bones of dead chiefs were kept a lowland tree (Hibiscus tilaceus); formerly used for outrigger canes, the bast for rope, and the sap and flowers for medicine a traditional place of worship; shrine sled, especially the ancient sled used on grassy slopes; the sled course to hide, conceal, secret embalmed body, to embalm, human sacrifice pebble; small stone bones; the bones of the dead, considered the most cherished possession coconut shell, skull priest, sorcerer, expert to bury, plant, burial disposal tapa, made from wauke or miimaki (bark); formerly clothes of any kind ti-leaf covering, as placed over a corpse in a pit outcast, slave, untouchable; a caste which lived apart and was drawn on for human sacrifices candlenut tree (Aleurites moluccana); oily nuts used for lighting

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

kupapa'u lauhala lei niho palaoa lua maka 'iiinana make miimaki

mana miinele moepu nupa pahe'e pahoehoe poho pi5haku puhi i ka iwi pulu

sennit tapa ti

wa'a wahihuna wauke

corpse, dead body pandanus leaf, especially as used in plaiting whale-tooth necklace hole, pit, grave, den, cave, crater; a hole with a bottom as opposed to a puka commoner, people that attended the land to die, perish; defeated, dead small native trees (Pipturus spp.); bark used for kapa, similar to that made from wauke but coarser supernatural or divine power litter, stretcher, bier to place artifacts with the dead a deep cave or cavern shallow hole or grave smooth, unbroken type of lava stone bowl cremation, to bum human bones a soft yellow wool on the base of treefem stalks (Cibotium spp.); used to stuff the bodies of the dead after removing vital organs; used as stuffing for pillows and mattresses hi5'aha; 'aha - cord braided of coconut husk, human hair, intestines of animals kapa, made from wauke or miimaki (bark); formerly clothes of any kind ki"; a woody plant (Cordyline terminalis) in the lily family, native to tropical Asia and Australia canoe hidden place, cave paper mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera), a small SE Asian tree or shrub

No. 83-1. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 66137 Clark, J. T. & Kirch, P.V., eds., (1983) Archaeological Investigations of the Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, Island of Hawai 'i: An Interdisciplinary Study of an Environmental Transect. Departmental Report Series No. 83-1. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. Cleghorn, J. N. J. (1987) Hawaiian Burial Reconsidered: An Archaeological Analysis. Master's thesis, University of Hawai'i at Manoa. Daniela, W. P. (1862) Kupapa'u kanu pu 'ia me ka 'ilio ola (Body Buried with a Live Dog). Translated by M. K. Pukui from Ka Hoku o Ka Pakipika. On file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Hawaiian Ethnological Notes, 1862. Department of the Interior, Office of the Secretary. (1995) Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, 43 CFR Part 10, RIN 1024-AC07 [Federal Register] 60, no. 232 (4 December 1995). Emory, K. P., & Sinoto, Y. H. (1961) Oahu Excavations. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 49. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. Garland, A. (1986a). Artifacts and Manuports from the Keopii Burial Site. In Han, T., Collins, S. Clark, S. & Garland, A. Moe Kau a Ho 'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Kei5pu, Kana, Hawai 'i. Departmental Report Series No. 86-1. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 119-164. Garland, A. Appendix C: Tables Cited but not Included in Artifacts and Manuports Section. In Han, T., Collins, S. Clark, S. & Garland, A. Moe Kau a Ho 'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Kei5pu, Kana, Hawai 'i. Departmental Report Series No. 86-1. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 271-290.

References Barrera, W. (1971). Anaehoomalu: A Hawaiian Oasis, Preliminary Report of Salvage Research in South Kohala, Hawaii. Pacific Anthropological Records No. 15. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum,.

Garland, A. (n.d.) A Preliminary Report on Intensive Archaeological Data Recovery at a Coastal Parcel on the Kawailoa-Waimea Boundary in Wailalua, O'ahu." Draft manuscript on file at Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, n.d.

Bevacqua, R. (1972) A Burial Cave on Mauna O Ahi Ridge, Hawaii Kai, Oahu. Unpublished manuscript on file at Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, 1972. Bowen, R. N. (1961) Hawaiian Disposal of the Dead. Master's thesis, University ofHawai'i at Manoa.

Goodwin, C., Pietrusewsky, M., Douglas, M. & IkeharaQuebral, R. (1995) Honoruru to Honolulu: From Village to City, Vol. II: The Burials. Honolulu: International Archaeological Research Institute, Inc.

Buck, P. (1957) Section XIII: Death and Burial. Arts and Crafts of Hawaii. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Special Publication 45. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. Clark, J. T. (1983) Archaeological Investigations in Section 1. In Clark, J. & Kirch, P.V., eds., Archaeological Investigations of the Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, Island of Hawai'i: An Interdisciplinary Study of an Environmental Transect. Departmental Report Series

Goodwin, C., Beardsley, F., Wickler, S. & Jones, B. (1996) Honoruru to Honolulu: From Village to City, Vol. 1: History and Archaeology of a City Block. Honolulu: International Archaeological Research Institute, Inc.

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Han, T. L. (1986a) Hawaiian Mortuary Practices. In Han, T., Collins, S. Clark, S. & Garland, A. Moe Kaua Ho 'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Keopii, Kana, Hawai 'i. Departmental Report Series No. 86-1. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 11-21

Ladd, E. J. (1986b) Test Excavations at Sites B-105, Bl 07, and B-108: Archaeology at Pu 'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park. Western Archaeological and Conservation Center Publications in Anthropology No. 34. National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior. Ladd, E. J. (1987) Excavations at Site A-27: Archaeology at Pu 'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park. Western Archaeological and Conservation Center Publications in Anthropology No. 43. National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, 1987.

Han, T.L. (1986b) Ka Po 'e Kahiko O Keopii: The Ancient People of Keopu. In Han, T., Collins, S. Clark, S. & Garland, A. Moe Kau a Ho 'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Keopii, Kana, Hawai 'i. Departmental Report Series No. 86-1. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 55-117.

Malo, D. (1951) Hawaiian Antiquities. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Special Publication 2. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum.

Han, T., Collins, S., Clark, S., & Garland, A., eds., (1986) Moe Kau a Ho 'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Keopii, Kana, Hawai 'i. Departmental Report Series No. 86-1. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, 1986.

Nalimu (n.d.)Kanu Kupapan (Burial). In: Kaaie, L. W. K. No Ke Kupapau (Concerning the Dead). Manuscript translated by M. K. Pukui. On file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Hawaiian Ethnological Notes, n.d.

Kaaie, L. W. K. (1862a) No Ke Kupapau (Concerning the Dead). Translated from Ka Hoku o Ka Pakipika by M. K. Pukui. On file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Hawaiian Ethnological Notes.

Ogden Environmental and Energy Services Co., Inc. (1997) Archaeological Monitoring and Emergency Data Recovery of One Archer Lane, Honolulu, Hawaii (TMK No. 1-2-1-044:041, 042, and 043). Draft report. Honolulu: Ogden Environmental and Energy Services Co., Inc.

Kaaie, L. W. K. (1862b)No Ke Kupapau (Of the Dead). Translated from Ka Hoku o Ka Pakipika by M. K. Pukui. On file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Hawaiian Ethnological Notes.

Pukui, M. K. (n.d.) Customs: Burial, Dog and Child Relation. Manuscript on file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Hawaiian Ethnological Notes.

Kamakau, S. M. (1964) Ka Po 'e Kahiko: The People of Old. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Special Publication 51. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum.

Pukui, M.K. (1983) 'Olelo No 'eau: Hawaiian Proverbs and Poetical Sayings. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Special Publication 71. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum.

Kamakau, S. M. (1976) Na Hana a ka Po 'e Kahiko: The Works of the People of Old. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Special Publication 61. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum.

Pukui, M. K. & Elbert, S. (1986) Hawaiian Dictionary: Hawaiian-English, English-Hawaiian. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Kekoa, E. (1865) Ka Hoomana Kahiko XXI: Na Oihana Hoomana I Ke Kanu Ana O Ke Kupapau (Ancient Worship XXI: Burial Services). Translated from Kukoa by T. G. Thrum. On file at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum Archives, Thrum Collection.

Pukui, M. K., Haertig, E. & Lee, C. (1972) Nana I Ke Kumu. Vol. 1. Honolulu: Queen Liliuokalani Children's Center.

Kirch, P. V. (1979) Marine Exploitation in Prehistoric Hawai 'i: Archaeological Investigations at Kaliihuipua 'a, Hawai 'i Island. Pacific Anthropological Records 29. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum.

Reeve, R. B. (1983) Archaeological Investigations in Section 3. In: Clark, J., & Kirch, P., eds., Archaeological Investigations of the Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, Island of Hawai 'i: An Interdisciplinary Study of an Environmental Transect. Departmental Report Series No. 83-1. Honolulu: Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 181239

Kirch, P. V. (1985) Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Riconda, D. (1972) Historical Archaeology of Makaha Valley: A Preliminary Report. In: Ladd, E., & Yen, D.,eds., Makaha Valley Historical Project, Interim Report No. 3.pp. 3-21. Pacific Anthropological Records No. 18. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 3-21

Ladd, E. J. (1986a) Ki 'ilae Village Test Excavations: Archaeology at Pu 'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park. Western Archaeological and Conservation Center Publications in Anthropology No. 35. National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior.

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Soehren, L. (1987) Archaeological Excavations at City of Refuge National Historical Park, Honaunau, Kona, Hawai'i." In: Soehren, L & Tuohy, D., eds., Archaeological Excavations at Pu 'uhonua o Hi5naunau National Historical Park, Honaunau, Kana, Hawai 'i Departmental Report Series Report 87-2. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 1-63 Solheim, W. (n.d.) Manuscript on Hawaii-Kai Excavations (05). On file in Archaeology Laboratory, University of Hawai'i at Miinoa. [3 vols.]. Sprague, R. (1968) A Suggested Terminology and Classification for Burial Description. American Antiquity 33(4): 479-485. Thomas, F. (1995) Excavations at Maunalua Cave, Hawai'i Kai, O'ahu. Hawaiian Archaeology 4 (19): 17-26. Touhy, D. R. (1987) Salvage Excavations at City of Refuge National Historical Park, Honaunau, Kona, Hawai'i." In: Soehren, L & Tuohy, D., eds. Archaeological Excavations at Pu 'uhonua o Hi5naunau National Historical Park, Honaunau, Kana, Hawai 'i Departmental Report Series Report 87-2. Honolulu: Department of Anthropology, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. 65-221. Biographies Susan A. Lebo is an Associate Anthropologist and Historical Archaeologist at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Honolulu, Hawai'i. Her research focuses on post-contact change in nineteenth century Hawai'i.

Ellen-Rose Savulis is the NAGPRA Coordinator for the Springfield Science Museum, Springfield, Massachusetts.

Addresses Susan A. Lebo* Associate Anthropologist, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum 1525 Bernice Street Honolulu, Hawai'i, USA

Ellen Rose Savulis Springfield Science Museum *Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.

80

MAKING HUMAN REMAINS TALK: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDY OF A 16rn-CENTURY CRYPT Maria Garcia Rosales and Carmen D. Chinea Brito

research, further studies were considered necessary to answer two important questions: whose bodies were these and when were they buried?

Abstract A crypt containing two unusually well preserved burials was discovered during the restoration of a 16th-century monastery in La Laguna, Tenerife. There were two skeletons in wooden coffins, remains of their clothes and also the partial remains of seven other individuals. No written record of the crypt existed in any of the historical studies of the monastery. Consequently the recovery of the bodies and the associated material was approached in a different way than usual, and focused on the conservation and analysis of the human remains. The results were more encouraging than we expected and several hypotheses were advanced, which helped the historians to determine who was buried in the crypt, when they were buried and new information regarding eighteenth century funerary fashions. Moreover an interesting, intrigue devised by the monks to hide the identity of a benefactor, was brought to light.

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A.-

When written testimonies do not exist or are incomplete, the retrieval and analysis of human remains has provided important clues to understanding the past. However, this method of getting information on the former Canarian Islands population and their habits is rarely used when dealing with historical sites. The excavation of historical sites (16th to 18th centuries) in the Canary Islands is generally confined to rescue excavations, which are carried out only when bones are exposed by accident during restoration work in churches and monasteries. There are no large-scale research projects dealing with human remains from these periods. Therefore the study of the remains, when it takes place, only answers questions formulated in a development-led context. It was within this research framework that the buried entryway to a small crypt was uncovered by a mechanical digger, which was removing the cloister foundation of a sixteenth century monastery located in La Laguna, Tenerife (Spain) to its original level. The crypt contained two unusually well preserved, fully dressed corpses in lined wooden coffins, placed next to each lateral wall, and also the partial remains of seven other corpses in an ossuary perforating the wall of the entrance. Remains of the coffin, linen, leather shoes, button, buckles, and other associated materials were also found to be in quite good condition.

Fig. 1- The burials in the crypt prior to excavation

The Analysis of the Bones The bones were sent to the Canarian Bioanthropology Institute after cleaning and consolidation. There they were examined by current forensic anthropologic techniques and it was determined that the two skeletons found in the coffins belonged to males who were 40 to 44 years old (left burial) and 30-34 years old (right burial) when they died (fig. 1). The older man was a very tall, strong individual (180-182 cm), who suffered several degenerative joint diseases (Osteoarthritis) and dental diseases as well as spondylosis involving the whole spine (Stewart 1979). He also suffered degenerative joint disease in the shoulder, elbow, wrist, hand and sacroiliac joint, right hip, knee and foot, and a cuadriciptal enthesopathy. Antemortem tooth loss due to periodontal disease, dental caries and dental calculus all pointed to poor dental hygiene and a high carbohydrate diet. The younger man was also strong and tall (174 cm), although not as tall as the other one, and suffered from the same types of diseases: spondylosis at the dorsal and lumbar level, joint disease in the shoulders,

The Archaeological Museum of Tenerife was notified of the find and submitted an assessment of the impact of the restoration work to the Government Heritage Board. The report recommended that the bones be collected for further studies and be sent to the Organismo Autonomo de Museos y Centros (OAMC) Conservation Department. The museum intended to stabilize and study the materials from the crypt prior to burying them in its own storage. The burial was not ancient enough to interest the museum archaeologists and, furthermore there was no mention of it in the surviving monastery documents. Although any conservation procedure can be considered a form of 81

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

elbows, hands, knees, lower legs and ankles, an aquilea bilateral enthesopathy and a Kienbock disease. The other remains in the crypt belonged to a child (8-12 years old), a male (25-29 years old) and five females (2044 years old). The condition of the bones allowed for the identification of few pathologies, although periodontal diseases, dental caries, dental calculus and degenerative joint disease were present. The bone sample was too small to produce life tables and demographic profiles but was enough to establish a few hypotheses, which later helped the historians in their search for identities. First of all, the males were all very strong, especially their upper limbs (Kennedy 1989). ~his suggests that they were involved in vigorous physical activity throughout their lives. The joint diseases detected may also be attributed to such activities, since they were present in the males at a very early age. The number and extent of the dental disorders are quite remarkable for a modem population. Nearly 70% of the population showed periodontal disease, resulting in antemortem tooth loss. The high frequency of dental caries demonstrated in the sample indicated high sugar consumption, typically linked to the upper classes. These people were taller than average for the period, whereas their age at death was within the norm (Trotter, 1970). Although age and sex could be established for all the remains in the crypt, the burial date could not be determined from just the bones. Radiocarbon dating of the sample was abandoned because of its high cost and the restricted scope of the study.

Fig. 2- Reconstruction of the garments

British fashion. Other features of the garments allowed the burial date to be estimated more precisely. The older man's breeches were fastened under the knee by a copper alloy buckle and three gilded copper alloy buttons. This particular fashion is found after 1730. The older m~n al_so had a linen shirt, linen underpants and hand-knit silk stockings. Both men's coat collars were embellished with embroidery in gold thread. Their pattern and size pointed to the second half of the eighteenth century (fig.2).

The Study of Associated Materials The two complete male skeletons were covered with quicklime before the coffin lids were secured. This practice was common among the Canarian upper classe~ in the 18th-century to minimize the odor from the decaymg corpses. Quicklime was scarce and expensive on the island, hence its use by only the wealthy. The quicklime set, creating a thick cast in both coffins, on which partial features of the individual costumes were visible. A few textile fragments, two sets of gilded buttons, the leather shoes and garment buckles were also preserved. Both the cast fragments and remaining items were studied under a microscope after cleaning and consolidation. They proved that the bodies wore dress coats, vests and breeches made of a navy blue or brown wool fabric, according to 18thcentury fashion (Yarwood 1988). The use of dark wool fabrics was widespread among the Canarian gentlemen of the second half of the 18th -century and pointed to a gradual change in their tastes. Prior to that, they had preferred the gleaming colors of French silk outfits (Cruz 1995).

The younger man's shoes had pointed toes that turned up and high heels. This was fashionable after 1730 and predates the style of the shoes worn by the older man, which had rounded toes, low heels and large metal buckles. The coffins were made of wood from young pine trees. The use of a softwood instead of a more traditional hardwood dated the burial to the second half of the 18th century. At that time good quality wood began to be scarce after two centuries of intensive deforestation. The planks were roughly smoothed down and the impressions left by the woodworker's chisel are clearly visible. The coffins were probably padded, which explained their coarse manufacture. Although there was no evidence of padding, the remains of both silk and wool fabrics were found under the copper tacks, which adorned the coffin lids and sides. In short, the evidence found in the crypt suggested that the young man probably died before the older one and that they were buried in the second half of the 18th -century. They were probably wealthy gentlemen engaged in vigorous business and possibly members of a Canarian upper class family. The other human remains found in the ossuary were probably buried earlier, since bodies already

Two types of buttons were found: one made of gilded copper alloy, the other made of bone enriched with gold leaf. The former bore a manufacturer's inscription on its back "Treble. Gilt. Strong", which suggests that they were made in England and exported to Tenerife. These buttons corroborate the hypothesis that these gentlemen were wealthy and suggest that their outfits were influenced by

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Garcia Rosales and Chinea Brito: Making Human Remains Talk

present in a crypt were usually swept into a comer when a new body was buried. This information was handed to the curator of the History Museum of Tenerife along with the task of identifying the bodies.

The Crypt We were able to determine not only the old perimeters of the convent but also of the adjacent church, which burned down in the nineteen-sixties. In spite of the architectural changes that had taken place in order to turn the building into a secondary school, the essential structure was not substantially affected. This is evident in the main walls, two cloisters and original arches which are still present and correspond with the original structures and spaces mentioned in the manuscripts. Unfortunately, there was no map from the period the building was an Augustine monastery. The oldest existing one dates back to 1862 and all it shows is the distribution of the aforementioned classrooms. Therefore, we had to rely on the partial descriptions of the building found in documents of the time. Once this information was fit into a plan, the hall, dining room, cells and the chapels with their altars dedicated to different appellations of the church, which were usually associated with confraternities, were gradually located. Only a few chambers were not identified. It was established that the crypt lay under the chapter room (fig. 3). This room was an important part of the convent, since it was where the friars deliberated and cast votes. The fact that it was located there dispelled a concern that had troubled us from the beginning, namely that it did not correspond to the common type of burial vault. The crypt was actually built as a "guarding vault". This type of vault was common in larger monasteries, which is why we were surprised to find it in San Agustin, as it is a fairly small monastery. This was probably an attempt to emulate, with limited resources, larger

Research The initial aim was to learn more about both the crypt structure and its contents by identifying the names of the people whose remains had been found and establishing a date of burial. It took two years of exhaustive research not only in archives and libraries on the island, but also on the mainland. We examined a large number of diverse documents ranging from historical, Church, military, parish and even family archives. These documents were not even in order or catalogued, making the investigation harder

Such an intensive study might not have been rewarded with success, since the sources of documentation on the island's past are, unfortunately, disperse, incomplete and badly preserved. This problem was worsened by the fact that there was such a small amount of published literature on the topic. Regarding the building, the only published monograph was an architectural and historical study on its evolution since 1846, when the monastery became a learning Center, to the present day (Fajardo Spinola 1995). However, the monastery is much older, dating back to the early 16th -century. The information void concerning the distribution and function of the building's various chambers had to be filled in. Nonetheless, the research was eventually fruitful.

Fig. 3 - The Crypt

83

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

continental abbeys and is the only example found in the Canaries. Typically, friar's corpses were placed in "guarding vaults" where they were looked after until they were moved to the burial vault the following day. At San Agustin, the use of the crypt as a guarding vault only lasted a short time, since it then became a free access sepulcher (although it could only be used at the discretion of the prior and his community) and was thus detached from private ownership. Eventually the crypt became a 'provisional depot tomb", while the church's larger chapel was being built adjacent to the convent (fig. 4). The remains found in the ossuary probably date to this period. The situation stayed the same until the middle of the eighteenth century, when the last burials--the two bodies excavated in 1993-took place.

Then wills were studied to determine the occupation and social-economic position of the testators, as well as which chapel they asked to be buried in. Eventually only two individuals remained. They were members of an illustrious Canarian family, which holds the title of Counts of Salazar Valley (Regulo 1959; Regulo 1967). The burial on the right corresponded to Cristobal de Frias, who died in 1744 at age 32 and the one on the left to Ventura Salazar de Frias, who was 47 years old in 1761, when he died. The younger man was buried almost 17 years before the older one. This family had a long military tradition, fighting alongside the king in the European wars of the eighteenth century. Hence they would have been buried in their court uniforms, as the clothing remains suggested. Furthermore, the strength of their upper limbs, recorded in the skeletal analysis, might be expected of soldiers from this period. Funerary Traditions Strange as it may seem, specialized studies on the legal framework encompassing burials in the Canaries were not accessible, although the church produced certain instructions. Each locality was allowed a certain leeway in following the instructions. This forced us to do exhaustive research of the existing documentation, but a clear picture of the rules regulating burials in the city of La Laguna prior to 1814 was eventually established. In 1814 the town's cemetery was opened and burials in churches, convents and hermitages were forbidden. Prior to 1814, the funeral and burial of the deceased occurred in the parish church within the district where the person lived. The parishes viewed this as an honorable right rather than a burdensome obligation and parishes even conducted lawsuits if they were denied such duties. Should a will express a different desire or a specific burial declaration, this was honored, however if one died prior to doing this, the parish would then claim its prevailing right and would decide the burial place within its district. It was able to do so even against the wishes of the partner, parents or children of the deceased. The sole exception occurred when the family of the deceased had a larger communal grave or crypt. The San Agustin convent was under the jurisdiction of one of the two parishes existing in the town at that time. Different types of burials existed, from the simplest graves placed in the church's central nave or in the cloister, (in which the bodies were placed directly in contact with the earth), to the more honorable burials in crypts associated with chapels. As a result of this research, a monastic intrigue was revealed. The patronage of the convent was given to two important families at the same time as a means of securing additional funds. The monks, seeking profit for the impoverished monastery, secretly gave the patronage of the monastery to the Salazar family. Additionally the research helped to push back the construction date of the monastery by proving that the crypt was built along with the main cloister in, at least, 1518.

... ·--- -· . ..,,~~-~::-·.::;_,;

Fig. 4 -The location of the crypt (in black) in the main cloister.

The Bodies Having addressed the question of the probable date of the crypt's construction, we next turned to the identities of the burials found within it. In order to determine who had requested to be buried at San Agustin, a search of the Burial Registers of the two parishes that existed during the 18th -century was begun. The initial number of burials was large (around 300), although it was soon reduced according to the information gleaned from the skeletal analysis. First women and children were excluded, and then all those men whose age at death did not coincide with those in the crypt.

Conclusion A multidisciplinary approach to historical sites containing human remains is very desirable, but it should not be

84

Garcia Rosales and Chinea Brito: Making Human Remains Talk

confused with approaching them from different disciplines and stitching the information obtained together. The later approach produces interesting and revealing data, but it is frequently disconnected and cannot give a whole view of the site. The results of the research into the crypt, and its contents, reinforced this view. Since this research began as a simple context-led study common to all archaeological rescues, its intended goals were limited (specifically, to discovering the burial date and the identity of the bodies.) That information was considered essential for the appropriate curation of the finds. The way to achieve these goals was carefully discussed by the conservator, the curator of the History Museum and the head of the Bioanthropological Institute and a global approach was designed. The results surpassed all expectations and important information on the lives and deaths of La Laguna's upper class families was revealed. Moreover, light was shed on 18th -century Canarian funerary costumes.

she has worked as a conservation adviser for the Organismo Autonomo de Museos y Centros (OAMC). Carmen D. Chinea Brito has a degree in Education and a BA in History and Geography from La Laguna University. She worked for the Archaeological Museum of Tenerife as a curatorial assistant. Since 1993 she has held the position of curator at The History ofTenerife Museum.

Addresses Maria Garcia Morales O.A.M.C. Conservation Department Fuente Morales s/n Santa Cruz de Tenerife 38003 Canary Islands, Spain. Carmen Chinea Brito O.A.M.C. Tenerife History Museum C/ San Agustin 22 La Laguna 38201 Canary Islands, Spain.

References -- (1737) Constituciones y Nuevas Adiciones Sinodales del Obispado de las Canarias. Madrid. Cruz, J. de la. (1995) Textiles e Indumentaria de Tenerife. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Aula de Cultura. Fajardo Spinola, F. (1995) Historia def Instituto de Canarias. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria. Kennedy, K., (1989) Skeletal Markers of Occupational Stress. In: Iscan, M. & Kennedy, K., eds., Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton. New York: Allan R. Liss. 129160. Regulo, J., ed., (1959) AAVV Nobiliario de Canarias. Vol. III. La Laguna Regulo, J., ed., (1967) AAVV Nobiliario de Canarias. Vol. IV. La Laguna Stewart, T.D., (1979) Essentials of Forensic Anthropology, Especially as Developed in the United States. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Tomas. Trotter, M. (1970) Estimation of Stature from Intact Long Limb Bones. In: Stewart, T. ed., Personal Identification in Mass Disasters. Washington: National Museum of Natural History. Smithsonian Institution. 71-83. Yarwood, D. (1988) The Encyclopedia of World Costume. London: B.T. Batsford.

Biographies Maria Garcia Morales graduated from La Laguna University in 1995 with a BA in History and Geography. She worked for the Archaeological Museum of Tenerife as a curator assistant and achieved a Diploma in Archaeological Conservation from the Institute of Archaeology, London University in 1994. Since that time

85

Conservation

THE CONSERVATION OF TA-SENET-NET-HOR, A XXII DYNASTY EGYPTIAN MUMMY Ronald S. Harvey and Rika Smith McNally

Abstract: The authors were contracted to conserve and stabilize TaSenet-Net-Hor, a female, Egyptian, XXII Dynasty (1070945 B. C.) mummy in a cartonnage and coffin. The cartonnage and mummy were severely damaged by grave robbers resulting in losses, deformation of the cartonnage and damage to the human remains making the mummy previously unexhibitable. The mummy, from the permanent collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, was to be loaned to the Los Angeles County Museum of Art and required conservation prior to travel or exhibit. The authors will present the conservation goals, materials used and the strategies for the treatment.

History and Condition Prior to Treatment The coffin and mummified human remains of Ta-SenetNet-Hor were originally part of the C. Granville Way collection, which was given to the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston in 1872. Mr. Way purchased the Egyptian materials from the Scottish antiquarian Robert Hay, who built his collection while on expeditions to Egypt between 1824 and 1838. Another portion of Mr. Hay's collection was donated to the British Museum. Thus the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and the British Museum share a related collection of Egyptian coffins and mummified human remains, as well as associated funereal objects (D'Auria et al 1992).

Introduction The Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) negotiated a long term loan agreement with the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (MFA) for the mummy, cartonnage and coffin of Ta-Senet-Net-Hor (fig. I), a XXII Dynasty (945745 BC) female (MFA accession number 72.4835) to complement an exhibit of African and Egyptian materials called Ancestors: Art in the Afterlife.

The cartonnage and mummy were damaged when grave robbers looted the site at an unknown date. The damage to the cartonnage included losses and deformation, with entry holes at the face, the proper right shoulder, the proper right torso and the proper right thigh. The foot of the cartonnage was deformed and the footboard was missing. The damage to the facial area of the cartonnage included destruction of the painted face, leaving no visible traces with which to reconstruct it, as well as exposure of the mummy's head, and damage to the skull, jaw, and teeth. The looting also resulted in damage to the upper section of the spine, collarbones, ribs and toe bones. The deformation of the cartonnage's foot may have been the result of exposure to water. There was some visible debris at the perimeter of the cartonnage in the wooden coffin. Exposed linen was brittle and fragile. There were insect exit holes and frass was noted at the feet and at the base of the skull, indicating a previous infestation.

The conservation of the coffin, cartonnage and human remains was contracted to private conservators under the direction of Pamela Hatchfield, the Head of Objects Conservation, in consultation with curators from both the Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubian and Near Eastern Art at the MFA and the Department of Ancient and Islamic Art at LACMA. The goal of the conservation treatment, as outlined by the Head of Objects Conservation, MFA were to stabilize the coffin, cartonnage and human remains and to bring the cartonnage to an appropriate and exhibitable level. Another goal was to prepare the object for travel and to minimize the potential for damage during transit.

In 1983 the mummy had been removed from the coffin and analyzed by x-radiography and computer tomography

Fig. 1 - Mummy, cartonnage, and coffin prior to treatment

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Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

(CT scanning) at the Brigham and Women's Hospital, Boston. The examination identified the mummy as female, but could not reveal any indication of the cause of death. The mummy was described in the CT report as in poor condition with the majority of facial bones, mandible and cervical spine missing. Fractured and loose bones were also noted in the wrappings. The report suggested that the foot bones might have been broken to fit into the cartonnage prior to burial (MFA 1985). Curators at the MF A confirmed that the practice of bone breaking and or removal, in order to fit a body into a cartonnage or coffin, had existed in Ancient Egypt.

with mulberry paper and methyl cellulose adhesive in distilled water. The gap at the base was further supported with a fill made of alpha cellulose and 15% Acryloid B-72 in ethanol/acetone. A final layer of mulberry paper toned with Golden TM acrylic emulsion colors was applied and attached with 3% methyl cellulose. A series of discussions with the curators and the Head of Objects Conservation focused on the aesthetics of the materials to be used in the treatment of voids throughout the cartonnage. Japanese mulberry paper (kozo shi) fills were toned to a neutral brown to suggest the linen subsurface rather than the white ground of the cartonnage. This allowed the fills to be easily identified. It also allowed fills to be reversible and covered any exposed human remains. All the loss edges were consolidated with 3% Acryloid B-72 in ethanol/acetone. Paper fills were adhered to the edges of the losses using a 2-3% solution of Methocel™ A4C in distilled water. Large losses were filled first with a heavy weight mulberry paper as a substrate, and were then surfaced with a thin, soft mulberry paper. The paper was toned with Golden™ acrylic emulsion colors and dry pigments.

Conservation Treatment The cartonnage and human remains were removed from the coffin for further examination, revealing scraps of loose linen, loose bones and the footboard. All cartonnage fragments, fiber fragments and human remains were separated by material, retained, labeled and placed in acid free boxes. Loose textile, identified as modem by Meredith Montague, Associate Conservator of Textiles, MFA, was also removed and retained. Removing the modem textile exposed fragments of the painted cartonnage within the original linen. These elements were retrieved and examined and found to be five fragments of the facial area. The interior of the coffin was vacuumed using a Nilfisk HEP A (High Emission Particulate Absolute) vacuum with a fine nylon screen over the micro vacuum attachment.

The conservation of the facial area of the cartonnage and the internal support structure for the skull required the use of materials and techniques that provided structural support as well as visual integration. The curator suggested that a cast be made of the facial area of a carved wood head (MFA #08263), from the same period and of approximately the same style as Ta-Senet-Net-Hor. The cast was made using Rigid-Wrap®, a cotton gauze fabric impregnated with plaster, over an isolating layer of flexible polyvinylidene chloride (PVDC) barrier film (Reynolds® 914 food wrap). The replacement mask was surfaced with thin mulberry paper and adhered to the surface with methyl cellulose over an isolating layer of 3% Acryloid B-72 in acetone. The original cartonnage face fragments were lightly dusted with a soft brush and consolidated with 3% Acryloid B-72 in ethanol/acetone 3:1. Distortion of the cartonnage pieces was reduced by gently relaxing them in a humidity chamber, and then the reverse of the fragments was lined with the lightweight mulberry paper and methyl cellulose adhesive. The appropriate locations of the fragments were identified and the fragments were then attached to the replacement mask substrate using 15% Acryloid B-72 in acetone bulked with fumed silica. Gaps in the jaw area, between the substrate and mask, were filled with alpha cellulose in 15% Acryloid B-72 in acetone. Small gaps between the fragments and cartonnage were filled with Acryloid B-72 and micro balloons, and the mask substrate was covered with light weight mulberry paper adhered with methyl cellulose adhesive. The paper was toned with Golden™ acrylic emulsion colors mixed with dry pigments. Fumed silica was used as a matting agent. Supports for the facial area and the feet were made using X-Lite™, a polymetric mesh material created for use as an orthopedic bandage. The mesh softens when exposed to

Further examination of the cartonnage and the human remains revealed gaps between inner surface and the linen wrapped human remains. A system was developed and installed to reduce the gaps and reduce the potential for movement during transport. Fabric grade Tyvek® 1443 R, a spun bound olefin fabric, was hand washed in distilled water and air dried to reduce or eliminate any static charge associated with the fabric. Tubes of Tyvek® were made using cotton thread and a sewing machine. These were carefully inserted into the voids along the proper right leg and side of the mummy. Polyester batting was inserted into the tubes to create a "pillow" that would fill the voids. After the tubes were sufficiently filled, the open ends of the tubes were sewn closed by hand. Similar "pillows" were created to fill other voids throughout the cartonnage. Smaller "pillows" were created to fill voids at the toes of the mummy. The exposed linen and foot area of the mummy was covered with a toned silk crepeline, which was stitched to form a bag that contained the loose and fragile elements. The loose skull was removed and a support was created using a polyester batting filled Tyvek® tube in the form of a "donut" which would support the skull and eliminate the potential for shifting when placed within the cartonnage. There was an approximately two-inch wide split in the cartonnage at the top of the head. The head was realigned and held in place with expanded polyethylene foam (Ethafoam®) blocks as supports. The split was repaired

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hot water or heat and it becomes extremely malleable. The mesh has a heat activated surface adhesive that adheres to itself and upon cooling, becomes rigid. The Department of Scientific Research at the MF A characterized a sample of the mesh as a cellulosic base. The polymer corresponds to the family of polyesters (Derrick 1998). The material passed the Oddy test after a 30 plus day exposure, suggesting that it was safe for use as an exhibit material (Bamberger et al 1999).

the five original facial fragments was attached in place with small strips of X-Lite™ covered with Japanese mulberry paper and adhered to the cartonnage with 5% methyl cellulose adhesive (fig.4). Gaps along the joint edge were also filled with mulberry paper. The entire surface of the mask was given a final coating of 3M glass micro balloons mixed with Acryloid B-72 in acetone, toned with Golden™ acrylic emulsion colors.

Fig. 3. - Detail of the head with partial paper fills (not toned).

Fig. 4 - Detail of the head with the cast mask in place

The X-Lite™ mesh was heated in a hot (140°F) water bath, removed, covered with Reynolds® 914 food wrap and formed to the opening of the foot (fig. 5). After cooling, the clear wrap was removed, the edges of the mesh was trimmed and then faced on all sides with a heavyweight mulberry paper. The paper was adhered to the mesh by heat. A second layer of lighter-weight mulberry paper was attached to all faces of the support using 5% methyl cellulose adhesive in distilled water and allowed to air dry. The support for the feet required two sections of faced XLiteTM to provide greater physical and structural support. The two sections of the support were attached to one another using suture-weight cotton thread and a single application of methyl cellulose adhesive between the overlaps of the form. The support was inserted into the area between the cartonnage and the mummy. Strips of multi-layer mulberry paper were inserted through the holes in the cartonnage at the foot, worked through the support

Fig. 2 - Detail of the skull covered with X-lite and mulberry paper, with one of the Tyvec pillows visible.

Once the mask had been made, the skull was dusted with a soft brush and placed on the polyester batting filled Tyvek® "donut" within the cartonnage cavity. A support system was made using X-Lite™ to bridge over the skull, to reduce movement of the skull and isolate it from the restoration (fig. 2). The X-Lite™ was then faced with mulberry paper (fig. 3). After consolidation of the cartonnage edges with 3% Acrylic B-72 in 4: 1 ethanol/acetone, mulberry paper fills were adhered to the edges of the cartonnage using a 2-3% solution of methyl cellulose in distilled water. Large losses were filled first with a heavy weight mulberry paper, followed by a covering of thin, soft mulberry paper toned with Golden™ acrylic emulsion colors and dry pigments. The mask with 91

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and secured in place using 5% methyl cellulose adhesive in distilled water. Single elements of X-Lite™ were cut out of the mesh and covered with lightweight mulberry paper secured with a 5% methyl cellulose adhesive in distilled water and allowed to air dry. The paper-covered elements were toned with dry pigments in 3% Acryloid B-72 and allowed to air dry. The wooden footplate was repositioned and the paper covered X-Lite™ elements were bent, using heat to conform to the holes in the cartonnage and the footplate. The attachment elements were secured to the wooden footplate using alpha cellulose fibers in a 5% methyl cellulose adhesive. The cellulose/adhesive mixture was inserted into the holes in the wood and allowed to air dry. The projecting ends of the multi-layered mulberry paper strips extending out of the holes along the cartonnage were trimmed, fanned out and secured to the X-Lite™ elements using 5% methyl cellulose adhesive in distilled water. The paper attachments were toned using Golden TM acrylic emulsion colors and dry pigments.

of nylon webbing were attached to the underside of the aluminum support for use when removing the support panel with the cartonnage and mummy from the coffin base.

Fig. 6 - Photo of the mummy, cartonnage and coffin after treatment.

Conclusion The coffin and cartonnage containing the mummy of TaSenet-Net-Hor was displayed for nine months in the Ancestors: Art in the Afterlife exhibit. At the close of the exhibit, the coffin, cartonnage and mummy were moved into the Egyptian Gallery at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art where they will remain on exhibit. The exhibit served as a catalyst through which to realize a duty of care for these remains, resulting in the treatment, through which the mummy, cartonnage and coffin of TaSenet-Net-Hor were stabilized, made exhibit ready and prepared for travel (fig. 6). Information was gained as a result of the recovery of cartonnage facial fragments and footplate. This information along with the cultural context of the mummy was presented to the public both through the exhibit labels and to the general public through the LACMA web site. The web site also addressed the conservation of the cartonnage and of the mummy.

Fig. 5. - Detail of the feet, X-lite support, Tyvec pillows and silk crepeline covering.

Supports Customized aluminum faced honeycomb supports were created by SmallCorp of Greenfield, MA, so as to be lightweight. The support for the cartonnage and human remains was fabricated so as to fit within the coffin base. The edges and upper surface of the support were covered with polyethylene foam (Volara®) and attached using a 3M® Jet Melt™ adhesive. The support was covered with washed cotton muslin, so as not to snag on either the mummy or the cartonnage, which was secured to the underside using the 3M® Jet Melt™ adhesive. Two strips

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Derrick, M. (1998) Unpublished Analytical Report. Boston: Department of Scientific Research, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, June 12,1998.

Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Dr. Rita E. Freed, Norma-Jean Calderwood Curator, Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubian and Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Nancy Thomas, Curator, Co-Chair and Department Head, Ancient and Islamic Art, Los Angeles County Museum of Art; Arthur Beale, Chairman, Conservation and Collections Management, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Pamela Hatchfield, Head of Objects Conservation, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and Dr. Peter Lacovara, currently Curator of Ancient Art, Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, for their constructive dialogue and support throughout the project.

D'Auria, S., Lacovara, P., & Roehrig, C. (1992) Mummies & Magic. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art Hatchfield, P. & Svoboda, M. (1999) A Summary of Recent Information on the Uses and Testing of Resin Impregnated Gauzes. AIC News 38 (1): 14-14. Hutchins, J. K. (1996) Personal communication with author. Tideview Conservation, 6555 Tideview Rd., Sooke, BC, Canada VOS INO.

Materials

Acryloid B-72: Rohm & Haas Co., Independence Mall West, Philadelphia, PA 19105 Alpha cellulose: Sigma P.O. Box 14508, St. Lewis, MO 63178 Aluminum faced honeycomb supports: SmallCorp P.O. Box 948, Greenfield, MA O1302 Glass microballoons: 3M Cl5-250: 3M Corp. P.O. Box 33211, St. Paul, MN 55133 Golden™ acrylic emulsion colors: Golden Artist Colors, Inc. New Berlin, NY 13411 3M Jet-Melt® #3764-AE: 3M Corp. P.O. Box 33211, St. Paul, MN 55133 Japanese mulberry paper: provided by the Paper Conservation Lab, MF A. Methyl cellulose: Methocel A4C: Dow Chemical Co. Midland, Michigan 48674 Rigid-Wrap®: Activa Products, Inc. P.O. Box 1296, Marshall, TX 75670 Silk crepeline: Talas 568 Broadway, Suite 107, New York, NY 100012 Tyvek® 1443 R: DuPont TYVEK P.O. Box 80,705 Wilmington, DE 19880-0705 X-Lite™ Orthopedic Bandage: Kirschner Medical, 10-T Westbury Road, Timonium, MD, 21093

Ikram, S. & Dodson, A. (1998) The Mummy In Ancient Egypt. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. Lambert, J.B. (1997) Traces of The Past. Reading: Perseus Books. Lucas, A. (1999) Ancient Egyptian Materials Industries. Minneola: Dover Publications, reprint.

and

Mills, J. & White, R. (1994) The Organic Chemistry of Museum Objects. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, Ltd. Taylor, J.H. (1996) Unwrapping A Mummy. London: The Trustees of the British Museum. Watkins, S. & Brown, C., ed., (1988) Conservation of Ancient Egyptian Materials, London: United Kingdom Institute for Conservation Archaeology Section. Biographies Ronald S. Harvey has a B.A. in fine arts from Monmouth University and an M.F.A. from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. He completed a three-year formal apprenticeship in conservation at the Milwaukee Public Museum with advanced training at the Peabody Museum, Harvard University. Previously he was the assistant conservator and then the senior conservator at the Milwaukee Public Museum. In 1990 he opened a private conservation practice, Tuckerbrook Conservation.

References --(1985) Unpublished CT Scan Report. Boston: Department of Conservation and Collections Management, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, March 31, 1985.

Rika Smith McNally has a B.F.A. from the Rhode Island School of Design, an M.S. from the University of Delaware/ Winterthur Art Conservation Program, and a certificate in conservation from the Harvard University Art Museums. Previously a conservator at the Harvard University Art Museums, she has a private practice in objects conservation. She served as the primary contract conservator for the treatment of Ta-Senet-Net-Hor at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Andrews, C. (1984) Egyptian Mummies. London: British Museum Publication. Bamberger, J., Howe, E. & Wheeler, G. (1999) A Variant Oddy Test Procedure for Evaluating Materials used in Storage and Display Cases. Studies in Conservation 44: 86-90. Brown, C., Macalister, F. &. Wright, M., eds., (1995) Conservation of Ancient Egyptian Materials.. London: Archetype.

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Addresses Ronald Harvey* Tuckerbrook Conservation RR2 Box 589 D Lincoln, ME. 04849 Rika Smith McNally Conservator of Objects and Sculpture 8 Morse Lane South Natick, MA O1760 *Author to whom correspondence should be addressed

94

THE INFLUENCE OF CONSERVATION TREATMENTS ON PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY RESEARCH Georgios Panagiaris

According to this: "Conservation includes all actions aimed at the safeguarding of cultural property for the future. The purpose of conservation is to study, record, retain and restore the culturally significant qualities of the object with the least possible intervention. Conservation includes the following: examination, documentation, preventive conservation, preservation, restoration and reconstruction".

Abstract Human remains are the only materials that can lead to the biological and -in some cases- to the social reconstruction of man in the past. They vary in composition, in structure, in preservation and in their informational content. Their main users are researchers, the scientific community in general and through them all society. Their conservation treatment either accomplishes an important part of the research into the information content (i.e. taphonomy, diagenesis, study of customs) or determines to a high degree the success of the other research approaches. The science of Conservation has to plan and execute conservation projects on human remains, aiming mainly at the preservation of their information content. For this reason it is necessary to establish -from the first- a close collaboration between the conservator and the researcher.

Why Do We Preserve Human Remains, How and for Whom? Prior to addressing the above questions, we should start with the most fundamental one: what are Human Remains? Human remains are proteinaceous organic materials that have not been elaborated. Like all organic matter, they may be decomposed by biotic factors or through physicochemical processes (Papagrigorakis et al. 1998). These mechanisms are complex and multivariable (O'Connor 1987) and may be influenced by either genetic or environmental factors. The change in environment, which occurs when human remains are excavated, can result in significant changes that may ultimately lead to complete deterioration.

Introduction Archaeological Conservation utilizes information from many fields and the successful outcome of its applications presupposes an integrated scientific research approach to such a degree that the following statement can be made: 'successful conservation results from combined research'. Conservators need training in archaeology and the fine arts as well as theoretical, technological and scientific knowledge in order to plan and carry out conservation treatments. Conservation research as defined by R. Larsen (1998) may include: studies of the fundamental nature of materials used both in manufacture and conservation, and their behavior; fundamental studies of the environment and its influence on manufacturing materials; fundamental studies of deterioration and breakdown mechanisms; accelerated aging studies and correlations to real life situations; modeling of material behavior and deterioration; and fundamental studies in the history, ethics and philosophy of conservation-restoration. Applied conservation research may include: investigations into conservation materials and methods; investigations into methods for the control of the environment and storage conditions; investigations into accelerated aging systems for testing and control; investigations into methods of analysis and diagnoses, e.g. for measurement of deterioration state, product quality etc; investigations into operational models of deterioration, environment control etc; and investigations into the application of history, ethics and philosophy of conservation-restoration. The development of Conservation as a distinct field came about through the evolution of an existing area of practice, in a changing conceptual climate, which increasingly acknowledged the necessity for, and the legitimacy of, the scientific model. The definition of the profession as well as the ethics and practices of the Conservation field are well documented in its literature.

In most cases, this requires the direct intervention of a conservator, in order to achieve the preservation of the finds. Transport, storage and display may require further intervention. Given that the need for the sample's conservation and its information potential must be balanced, all of these situations render the choice of materials and methods for the conservation of human remains a particularly complex task. Human remains may be used for the following studies: determination of sex and age, paleodietary and paleopathology studies, paleodemography and dynamic and population evaluation, the study of customs, taphonomy and diagenesis and finally, for dating. Through these fields human remains can contribute to the biological and social understanding of humanity's past. The scientific community is often more interested in the results of the research than it is in the finds themselves. Conservators working with human remains must bear in mind the importance of preserving their information potential. Having said this however, significant information may also be lost without the intervention of a conservator. This poses an ethical question: when the conservation treatment that secures an extension of the object's life is weighed against the preservation of the contained information, which decision should a conservator make?' This dilemma occurs often. This author's opinion (Panagiaris 1996) is that the necessity of preserving the informational content of the organic finds, should have priority over the preservation of their morphology. This is based not only on the rarity and the variety of the retrievable information but also on the potential that new and developing technology offers for preserving and

For the purpose of this paper we are going to use the definition of conservation taken from the Canadian Association of Conservators' code of ethics (1989).

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recording morphology.

occurs more often in laboratories where the situation may be carefully controlled. Therefore in situations where the burial is particularly fragile or complex, it may be preferable to block-lift the burial and excavate it in the laboratory. If dating will follow, contamination of the samples with additional organic substances must be prevented. It is also necessary to take soil samples from the grave, particularly the area where the skeletal remains were found.. These samples may be useful for paleodietary research (through trace element studies).

The Relationship Between Conservation and Research. It is obvious that the quantity and the quality of the information coming from human remains depends greatly on the compatibility of the conservation treatment and materials with the research that is to follow. Many cases have been reported regarding the influence of conservation treatments upon consequent research. Paleodietary research is based on the analysis of trace elements or on isotopic ratios of carbon/nitrogen found in skeletal remains. This research may be significantly affected if the material has been consolidated.

Cleaning Cleaning is a useful but non-reversible step that must be undertaken with care. Its benefits lie in its ability to aid examination both microscopic and macroscopic, and reconstruction, which can help with the collection of biometric data. In some cases however, soil acts as a support or a consolidant and its removal must be carefully considered. Excess water should be avoided when cleaning bone as it can contribute to the loss of inorganic elements useful for paleodietary and diagenesis studies. It can also cause collagen to swell and lead to loss of strength. Organic acids should not be used to clean hard, compact deposits as they can affect the composition of the object and any trace element analysis which may be undertaken. The use of sharp or pointed tools must also be avoided due to the potential for damage to the surface of the object. When working with a blocklift - particularly one containing fragile bone - it is often necessary to Xradiograph the earth block before any attempt of cleaning is made in order to reveal details such as the shape of the bones, their direction within the block, etc. Collaboration with a palaeontologist may be very helpful at this point.

Hedges (1987) attempted to systematically record the information that can be obtained from archaeological bones as well as the influence of conservation treatments on that information. Moore et al (1989) documented the effects of consolidants on paleodietary research. They listed the consolidants that may have been used on archaeological bones and suggested several spot-tests for their identification as well as described methods to remove and or avoid them. Ioannidis et al reported the effects of consolidants used in preserving archaeological human tissues on further study and conservation (1994). They analyzed archaeological samples of preserved soft tissues from human skin using Solid State NMR. The resulting spectra contained peaks that did not correspond to collagen. The peaks were eventually identified as corresponding with those of Mowlith 50 a Polyvinylacetate based consolidant that was used heavily at the time the materials were conserved. The use of organic materials should be avoided if the samples will be used for radiocarbon dating. It is suggested that only materials free from 14C (i.e. petrochemicals) be used to avoid such a contamination. If consolidants or adhesives must be used, they should be carefully documented and that information must be available to any one wishing to study the material.

Reassembly/Reconstruction Since a significant amount of research on human remains research utilizes the results of measurements, errors in the reconstruction of skeletal elements may lead to lost or erroneous data. An example of this is the reconstruction of Grimaldi man. After initially being identified as of Negroid origins the skull was reconstructed a second time and determined to be Cro-Magnon in origins (Olivier & Mantelin 1974). Conservators should therefore consult with bioarchaeologists or physical anthropologists prior to undertaking such repairs. Alternatively conservators may leave such repairs to the phyical anthropologists but provide information to aid them in their choice of adhesives.

Conservation is not however solely limited to the application of consolidants. Returning to the Canadian Association of Conservators' code of ethics, we may examine the role conservators may play in the recording, handling, analysis and understanding of human remains, particularly those who may work on a small or isolated site.

Examination, taking photographs and making a plan of the finds in situ Conservators may take part in the documentation of the burial. Not only is this helpful for conservation purposes but it is also useful for the study of customs, taphonomy and diagenesis. It is important to document as much as possible.

Filling It is better to avoid filling bones when reconstructing the skeleton as there is always the risk of covering details of the surface that may be useful for microscopic and macroscopic observations or of destroying data useful to the physical anthropologist. In exceptional cases, filling can be done for static or educational purposes. But it should always be carried out with the collaboration of a physical anthropologist.

Collection, labeling and transportation of the finds Although conservation often takes place in the field, it

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found in the burial environment and the materials from which they are made, has an additive value that should be encouraged by all fields.

Storage The exposure of human remains to chemicals should be avoided because it can affect unstable biomolecules (Hedges 1987). Actions that may significantly change the pH from that of the burial environment should on the whole be avoided although there are some important exceptions such as the retrieval and desalination of bones from a marine context. Although exposure to sunlight is sometimes inevitable on site, care must be taken to limit it as much as pssible because exposure to radiation can affect analytical techniques. Thermoluminescence and Electron Paramagnetic Resonance/Electron Spin Resonance Spectroscopy are particularly affected. Human remains should not be stored above 20°C (68F). The use of biocides can affect the results of many research methods. If it is not possible to avoid using a biocide, then it should be documented as carefully as possible so that it can be taken into account in the final results.

References Allsopp, D. & Seal, K. J., eds., (1986) Introduction to Biodeterioration. London: Edward Arnold Ltd. Canadian Association of Conservation (1989) Code of Ethics and Guidance for Practice. Available at http/ /www.cac-accr.ca/ ecodeth Child, A M. (1995a) Microbial Taphonomy of Archaeological Bone. Studies in Conservation, 40: 19-30. Child, A M. (1995b) Towards an Understanding of the Decomposition of Bone in the Archaeological Environment. Journal of Archaeological Science, 21: 165174.

It is clear that physical anthropologists and conservators must work together to further document the types of research that may be performed on human remains and the effects of treatments on these activities. Since it is not always possible to know the requirements or sensitivities of new scientific techniques ahead of time, or the research questions that may be asked, it is always sensible to leave a sample of each burial untreated. This may be represented by one bone or several.

Collins, M. J., Riley, M. S., Child, A M. & TurnerWalker, G. (1995) A Basic Mathematical Simulation of the Chemical Degradation of Ancient Collagen. Journal of Archaeological Science, 22 (2): 175- 184. Collins, M. J., Nielsen-Marsh, C. M., Gemeay, A M., Smith, C., Roberts, J., & Riley, M. (1999) Modelling Bone Collagen Degradation. In: Preprints of the 'Advance study course 1999: Methods in the Analysis of the Deterioration of Collagen Based Historical Materials in Relation to Conservation and Storage. 6-10 July 1999. Copenhagen. 199-216.

Conclusion According to the Canadian Association of Conservators' code of ethics, Conservation includes (among other things) the examination, documentation and preventive conservation of the human remains. Two specific areas of study, where conservation activities are of use to other fields are in those of the study of customs and taphonomy - diagenesis. During the examination and documentation of human remains, conservators record information related to the method of preparation and burial (Johnson &Wills 1988; Laurin 1988) that can contribute particularly into the study of the burial customs. Returning to Larsen's description of basic and applied conservation research, we are reminded that it includes the following areas: studies of the fundamental nature of behavior and type of object materials, fundamental studies of environment and its influence on object materials, fundamental studies of deterioration and breakdown mechanisms, accelerated aging studies and correlation to real life situations and investigations into methods of analyses and diagnoses i.e. for measurement of deterioration state. Conservation research can therefore provide information that is useful not only for the preservation of human remains but also for some of the other fields working on this material. The rather significant conservation literature points to the symbiotic relationship that can develop between the many fields interested in human remains (Child 1995a, b; Collins et al 1995; Collins et al 1999; Von Endt 1984; Von Endt & Hare 1996 a & b; Nielsen-Marsh et al 1999; Henderson 1987). This relationship, which is amplified when one also factors in materials research needed to understand artifacts

Hedges, R. E. M. (1987) Potential Information from Archaeological Bone, its Recovery and Preservation. In: Starling, K. & Watkinson, D, eds., Archaeological Bone, Antler and Ivory. UK.IC Occasional Paper 5 London: The United Kingdom Institute for Conservation of Historic and Artistic Works of Art. 22-23. Henderson, J. (1987) Factors Determining the State of Preservation of Human Remains. In: Boddington, A, Garland, A, & Janaway, R., eds., Death, Decay and Reconstruction: Approaches to Archaeology and Forensic Sciences. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 127148. Ioannidis, I. A, Burns, S., Papathoma, E., Salvara, H., & Panagiaris, G. (1994) Natural Abundance Carbon-13 Solid State Nuclear Magnetic Resonance Assisted Static and Dynamic Spectroscopic Study of Preserved Human Soft Tissue: Classic Samples from the Excavation Sites at Velestino, Ancient Thessaly, (4th Century BC). Athens: TEI-A, Dept. of Antiquities & Works of Art. Unpublished data. Johnson, C. & Wills, B. (1988) The Conservation of Two Pre-Dynastic Egyptian Bodies. In: Watkins, S & Brown, C. E., eds., Conservation of Ancient Egyptian Materials. London: Archetype Publications. 79-84.

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Larsen, R., (1998) The Science of ConservationRestoration. In: Preprints of the Jubilee Symposium of School of Conservation 18-20 May. Copenhagen: Det Koneglige Danske Kunstakademi. 77-78.

Von Endt, D. & Hare, P. (1996) The Stability of Bone: Some Nitrogen Containing Heterocycles Produced at High Temperature. Personal Communication. Biography Georgios Panagiaris was born in 1959 in Athens. He studied Biology at the University of Athens, BSc 1983. He became a university doctor of Biological Sciences in 1992 and has a PhD on Physical Anthropology. He specialized further in diagenesis and the conservation of excavated proteinaceous materials and of natural history specimens. He has taught General Biology and Conservation of archaeological proteinaceous materials in the Dept. of Conservation of Antiquities & Works of Art, Technological Educational Institution of Athens since 1989. He has broad experience in research and the administration of research and educational projects.

Laurin, G. (1988) 'Conservation of an Egyptian Mummy from Swindon', In: Watkins, S & Brown, C. E., eds., Conservation of Ancient Egyptian Materials. London: Archetype Publications. 85-94. Moore, K. M., Murray, M.L. & Schoeninger, M.J., (1989) Dietary Reconstruction from Bones Treated with Preservatives. Journal of Archaeological Science, 16: 437446. Nielsen-Marsh, C., Gernaey, A., Turner-Walker, G., Hedges, R. E. M., Pike, A. G. & Collins, M.J., (in Press) The Chemical Degradation of Bone. In: Osteology Current Practice and Future Prospects.

Address George Panagiaris Dept. Conservation of Antiquities & Works of Art TEI of Athens Ag. Spyridonos str. GR- 122 10 Egaleo, GREECE.

O' Connor, T. P. (1987) On the Structure, Chemistry and Decay of Bone, Antler and Ivory. In: Starling, K. & Watkinson, D, eds., Archaeological Bone, Antler and Ivory. UKIC Occasional Paper 5 London: The United Kingdom Institute for Conservation of Historic and Artistic Works of Art. 6-8. Olivier, G., & Mantelin, F. (1974) Nouvelle Reconstitution du Crane de l' Adolescent de Grimaldi. Bulletin du Musee d' Anthropologie Prehistorique de Monaco. 19: 67-82. Panagiaris, G. (In Press) The Conservation of Organic Materials as a Presupposition of Archaeometric Research', (in Greek), in Proceedings of the 3rd Congress of Archaeometry, Athens: Greek Association of Archaeometry. Panagiaris, G., Gioni, P., Malea, E., Papadimitriou, M. & Ioakimoglou, H. (1996) Estimation de l'etat de Preservation d'ossements Archeologiques en Grece, Basees sur la Presence des Elements Calcium et Azote. T.D. News. Taphonomy and Diagenesis Newsletter. No.5 Special Issue. 54. Papagrigorakis, M., Panagiaris, G., Vossou, A. & Bassiakos, Y. (1998) From Diagenesis to Fossilization of Buried Human Teeth. Abstracts of 3J81 International Symposium on Archaeometry, Budapest. 108. Von Endt, D., (1984) The Deterioration of Proteinaceous Material/bone. In: Rose, C. & Von Endt, D., eds., Protein Chemistry for Conservators. A.LC. Publication. 31-35. Von Endt, D., & Hare, P. (1996a) High Temperature Experiments Concerning the Stability of Bone. In: Second World Congress on the Preservation and Conservation of Natural History Collections (Abstracts), 20-24 August. Cambridge. 63.

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A LONG-TERM LOOK AT POLYMERS USED TO PRESERVE BONE Jessica S. Johnson

concerns) can lead to failure of the treatment in the short or long-term.

Abstract A wide variety of polymers have been used for the consolidation (preservation) of bone excavated from archaeological sites. The choices have evolved as old materials were no longer manufactured and new materials became available, through experimentation with alternative polymers produced for other markets, and through word-of-mouth recommendations. An overview of materials commonly used historically will be provided to give researchers information about what may have been used on materials now deposited in collections. Pros and cons of various currently popular alternatives (Acrysol (Primal) WS-24, Rhoplex AC-33, Acryloid B-72, Poly(vinyl) acetate, cyanoacrylates) are described. Taking a long-term view of the technique can allow researchers to make reasoned decisions about when and how to use polymers for preservation of morphological structure so that other types of analytical data can be preserved as well.

This paper examines four alternatives in common and current use, to illustrate why choosing a consolidant is not a simple choice. There is no silver bullet. A framework will be presented that helps evaluate pros and cons of various alternatives in a logical manner. Using this framework can help make a sensible choice, and if documented, explain that choice to individuals who will work with the material in the future. Definition of Terms First, several terms are defined here, as the three different professional fields tend to use these words a little differently.

•

Introduction In the fields of conservation, archaeology and paleontology there are a variety of alternative polymers that have been promoted to give structural stability to excavated bone. New alternatives are regularly being brought out as curealls or better choices. Some of these products are introduced informally by practitioners (conservators, physical anthropologists, archaeologists); others are marketed by private companies to specific professional fields (Johnson 1994; Shelton and Johnson, 1995; Elder et.al. 1997).

•

•

•

Over time, different materials become trendy and are tried out on excavated material by many people. Some products become standards; others are abandoned depending on their perceived characteristics (Sease 1981). One of the earliest examples of a published recommendation for the in situ consolidation of bone comes from the famous British archaeologist Flinders Petrie. He worked for many decades in Egypt and was one of the first archaeologists to write about field conservation techniques. In a publication early in the last century, he recommended wax for the consolidation of bone and most other materials (Petrie, 1904). Currently, cyanoacrylates are enjoying emerging popularity and are being tried and more formally tested in archaeology and paleontology (Elder, 1998).

Preservative or Consolidant. Alternative terms used for the same thing - polymers that are applied to bone to give them structural strength. Conservators generally use the word consolidant, and this term will be used through the paper. Polymer - a long molecule made up of many small molecules (called monomers) joined together. All consolidants commonly used for strengthening subfossil and fossil bone are polymers. Resin - simply put, plastic dissolved in a solvent - for example poly(vinyl) acetate dissolved in acetone. In this case the solvent and the resin are completely mixed together. Emulsions/dispersions - polymer molecules dispersed or floating in the water. The polymer module is not dissolved in water; to remove these materials after application, a different solvent must be used, for example, ethanol, or acetone. Some of the additives in these products may be water soluble - but these same additives are often the less stable portion of these products. Dispersions have a much smaller particle size than emulsions.

Pros and Cons of Some Popular Polymers If the pros and cons of commonly used resins are examined, it becomes clear that there is no "right" choice for all situations. The choice must be resolved in a more holistic manner beginning prior to excavation, continuing through preliminary analysis, to the deposition of the artifacts in a repository. Where possible, the choice should also allow reanalysis of the bone in the future.

Anthropology, paleontology and conservation, three different professional fields that are all concerned with improving the structural stability of subfossil and fossil bone, tend to use different materials for very similar problems because of the informal way new materials are introduced. However, using the most popular alternative, without a good understanding of various physical factors such as a polymer's working properties, stability, and its effects on later analysis (among a number of other

Poly(vinyl) acetate (PVA) resins PVA resins such as Vinylite A, and Union Carbide's AYAT and AYAF have been discussed in the professional literature since the mid-1930s (Keel, 1963). PVA resins are usually used in solutions of acetone or ethanol. The Union Carbide resins have been tested and found to have good long-term stability (Feller 1978). Depending on

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which resin is used, however, they may vary from soft and sticky, to hard and brittle at normal room temperature. This property is dependent on the glass transition temperature (roughly, the point where a resin goes from soft to brittle). In a hot field situation, some PVA resins may be so soft they do not afford good support. Poly(vinyl) acetate resins work by being dissolved in a solvent which carries the resin molecule into the bone and then evaporates. If the solvent evaporates too quickly there may be poor penetration of the resin, leaving a strong skin of harder consolidated bone covering a softer, more fragile interior. Some individuals have decided against using these materials in field situations because of concerns about the toxicity of the solvent.

Choosing the Best Option All consolidants can fail if the physical properties of the material and its behavior in a specific situation are not considered. For example, if Acryloid B-72 is used on very damp or wet bone the polymer will emulsify and will not penetrate. There are ways to adapt this technique by first introducing a solvent to remove the water. Or instead, a different (though perhaps less stable) alternative such as Acrysol WS-24 or Rhoplex AC-33 can be used.

Acryloid B-72 Acryloid B- 72 (Paraloid B- 72 in Europe) is produced by Rohm and Haas. It is a methyl methacrylate/ethyl acrylate copolymer resin and is considered a standard for stability in conservation. Testing has indicated that it should maintain its properties for up to 100 years in a museum environment (Feller 1978). It is usually dissolved in acetone, an acetone/ethanol mix or toluene when used as a consolidant. The pros and cons of application and effectiveness are similar to PVA resins. Acryloid B-72 tends to hold its solvent for a long time, which may make it more plastic and less brittle.

• • •

When considering the need to apply a consolidant to bone, first consider: is consolidation really needed? Could excavation techniques be adapted so that application is not required? Also consider: slow drying in situ and immediately after excavation block lifting other structural support such as facings, wrapping, or storage mounts

If a consolidant must be used, consider the following

issues to evaluate the consolidant and a proper application technique: •

•

Acrysol WS-24 Acrysol WS-24 (Primal WS-24 in Europe) was introduced to archaeology and conservation in the mid-1980s (Koob 1984). It is an acrylic colloidal dispersion, so the particle size of the molecules is quite small. This small size may mean it penetrates more effectively than acrylic emulsions or resin. The British Museum has done some limited testing on the material and shown that it remained 90% soluble after aging (Shashoua 1989). Many people have chosen to use this material because it is applied in a water carrier, making it less toxic than other choices. It can also be more easily used for damp and waterlogged material than the resins.

•

•

•

•

Cyanoacrylates Cyanoacrylates began to be identified as a useful material for the consolidation of bone in the 1980's (Howie 1984). Since their introduction, different formulations have been tried by practitioners in the field. These materials have received wide, if controversial acceptance in palaeontology and there are cyanoacrylates marketed specifically for fossil preparation. Thin pure ethyl cyanoacrylates penetrate well because of low viscosity. They can be used on damp material and have high tensile strength. If accelerants are used to speed curing of the resin, they may not penetrate as well (Elder 1998). These accelerators can also stain if there is iron deposition in the bone (Horie 1987). The long-term stability of these materials is unknown.

•

• • • • •

100

temperature. The glass transition temperature of the material must be below the ambient temperature during application and later in storage. pH of soil. The consolidant must be stable in the pH of the excavation environment. amount of moisture in the soil and bone. The consolidant must be able to either disperse within the water, or remove the water so the polymer can penetrate. soluble (deliquescent) salts in the bone. Poor consolidants may create a hard 'skin' on the bone, exacerbating the damaging effects of crystallizing salts. insoluble salts. Salts such as carbonates may fill the pores of the bone, making it hard for a consolidant to penetrate. experience of the excavators. Some materials are harder to use and require more experience. Workers should also be made aware of the health and safety issues when using toxic substances (such as solvents). size of the treatment project. You may make different choices depending on if you have a few bones, or an entire site to treat. availability of materials/solvent. Do you have to import materials or can you buy them nearby? later analytical work. Consult with others who will be working with bone before treating any objects sampling strategy. Develop and record a sampling strategy so that some material is left untreated minimize the quantity of consolidant. Adjust your technique so that as little polymer is used as possible. application techniques. Evaluate various application techniques, dripping, brushing, soaking, and ''wicking", to get the best results.

Johnson: A Long-Term Look at Polymers Used to Preserve Bones

drying techniques after application. Adjust your drying technique (usually slowing it down) to get better penetration.

Keel, B. (1963) The Conservation and Preservation of Archaeological and Ethnological Specimens. Southern Indian Studies, 15.

Effects on Later Analysis Little is known about the effects of consolidation on later chemical analysis. Moore et.al. (1989) published a paper showing that a PVA could be successfully removed and allow isotope analysis to be carried out. Tuross and Fogel (1993), published an article showing that some consolidants made DNA analysis impossible. Two Master's theses (Unruh 1994; Robertson 1997) have also examined the effects of common consolidants on isotopic contamination on bone. Clearly, more research is needed on individual consolidants, and their specific effects on different types of chemical analyses.

Koob, S. (1984) The Consolidation of Archaeological Bone. In: Brommelle, N., Pye, E., Smith, P. & Thomson, G., eds., Adhesives and Consolidants. Preprints of the Contributions to the Paris Congress, 2-8 September 1984. London: IIC. 98-102,

•

Conclusion Every situation where bone must be consolidated is unique. Every time application is contemplated, the approach should be reconsidered. Just as an excavation strategy must be adapted to the particulars of every site - the need for and use of individual preservation techniques must be evaluated and adapted with an understanding of the underlying theory and techniques involved. Use of the framework presented here, and a broad and deep understanding of the alternative materials will help professionals make a thoughtful and responsible choice.

Moore, K., Murray, M., & Schoeninger, M., (1989) Dietary Reconstruction from Bones Treated with Preservatives. Journal of Archaeological Science, 16: 437446. Petrie, F., (1904) Methods and Aims in Archaeology. London: Macmillan. Robertson, E. (1997) The Effect of Historically Used Consolidants on Paleodietary Analysis of Skeletal Material: A Preliminary Study. Paper Presented at the Twenty-Third Annual AGPIC Student Conference, April 24-26, 1997. Robertson, E. (1997) The Effect of Shellac on Stable Isotope Analysis of Archaeological Bone. MSc. thesis, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. Sease, Catherine (1981) The Case Against Using Soluble Nylon in Conservation Work Studies in Conservation, 26: 102-110.

References Elder, A., Madsen, S., Brown, G., Herbel, C., Collins, C., Whelan, S., Wenz, C., Alderson, S., & Kronthal, L. Adhesives and Consolidants in Geological and Paleontological Conservation: A Wall Chart. Society for the Preservation of Natural History Collections Leaflet 1(2): 1-4.

Shashoua, Yvonne. (1989) Evaluation of Acrylic Resins for Use as Consolidants for Porous Substrates on an Archaeological Site. London: Department of Conservation, The British Museum, Internal Report.

Elder, A., Wenz, C., & Madsen, S. (1998) Understanding cyanoacrylates and their use in vertebrate paleontology. In: Benton, R., ed., Dakotterra vol. 5. Museum of Geology, South Dakota School of Mines.

Shelton, S., & Johnson, J (1995) Conservation of Subfossil bone. In Collins, C., ed., The Care and Conservation of Palaeontological Material. London: ButterworthHeinemann.

Feller, R. (1978) Standards in the Evaluation of Thermoplastic Resins. In Preprints of the ICOM Committee for Conservation, 5th Triennial Meeting, Zagreb.

Tuross, N., & Fogel, M. (1992) The Archaeological, Conservation and Scientific Challenge of Exceptional Molecular Preservation in the Fossil Record. In Scott, D., & Myers, P. Archaeometry of Pre-Columbian Sites: Proceeding of a Symposium Organized by the UCLA Institute of Archaeology and the Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, California, March 23-27, 1992. UCLA Institute of Archaeology and the Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles.

Horie, C.V. (1987) Materials for Conservation. London: Butterworths. Howie, F.M.P. (1984) Materials used for conserving fossil specimens since 1930: a review. In: Brommelle, N., Pye, E., Smith, P. & Thomson, G., eds., Adhesives and Consolidants. Preprints of the Contributions to the Paris Congress, 2-8 September 1984. London: IIC .. 92-97.

Unruh, J. (1994) The Removability and Potential for Isotopic Contamination of Five Consolidants Commonly Used on Archaeological Bone. MSc. thesis, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario.

Johnson, J. (1994) Consolidation of Archaeological Bone: A Conservation Perspective. Journal of Field Archaeology, 21: 221-233.

Biography Jessica S. Johnson received an M.A. in Anthropology from the University of Arizona and an MSc (Hons) in

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Archaeological Conservation from the Institute of Archaeology, University College London. She has been the Head Conservator for the Gordion Project in Turkey since 1991. Previously the Conservator for the Museum Management Program, National Park Service, she is currently the Senior Objects Conservator, National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution. Address Senior Objects Conservator National Museum of the American Indian Cultural Resources Center 4220 Silver Hill Road Suitland, MD 20746-2863

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Analysis

PLACING A FACE IN HISTORY: EXCAVATION, FACIAL RE-CONSTRUCTION AND DNA ANALYSIS OF SKELETAL REMAINS FROM LA SALLE'S VESSEL, LA BELLE C. Wayne Smith, Ellen M. Heath, D. Andrew Merriwether, and David Reed

Abstract The nearly complete remains of an individual were recovered from excavations of La Belle, the smallest vessel in La Salle's last campaign to establish a colony in the New World. In close association, a pewter cup, inscribed with what could be the surname of the deceased, was recovered.

DNA was isolated from two separate sections of the right fibula of the skeletal remains at Gentra systems. The yield from these specimens is an order of magnitude lower than research conducted by Hagelberg and Sykes in which they reported yields of 5-10 µg from 2 g bone. This indicated that there was extensive loss of DNA either through longterm submersion in Matagorda Bay or through subsequent processing during and after excavation. Ancient DNA (aDNA) extraction and analysis was then attempted by the Merriwether Lab at the University of Michigan under the direction of Dr. D. Andrew Merriwether. Dr. David Reed performed the laboratory work and analysis presented here. Our goal was to determine the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) hypervariable region I (HVRJ) sequence of the La Belle skeleton. Multiple attempts were made to extract uncontaminated mtDNA fragments from three bone specimens. No authentic aDNA could be verified. However, because of the difficulties of aDNA work, extraction of other samples might yield results or alternative methods might overcome existing inhibition to PCR amplification. Details of the excavation process, stereolithographic skeletal modeling, facial reconstruction, establishment of protocols and subsequent DNA analysis are discussed by the authors.

Fig. 1. - Texas Gulf Coast and location of La Belle in Matagorda Bay.

Introduction In the fall of 1686, one of four ships bringing supplies and colonists from France to settle the New World in the name of Louis XVI, sank in Matagorda Bay (fig. 1), off the coast of Texas. Heavily loaded with provisions, La Belle sank in 3.6 meters of water, with few hands on board. The murky water and fine deep silts of the bay provided the perfect anaerobic environment, preserving approximately 40 percent of the vessel and nearly one million artifacts. Because it would be a daunting task to excavate this artifact-rich site in the heavily silted waters of the bay, the Texas Historical Commission chose to erect a double walled cofferdam around the site. The enclosed area was then pumped dry, allowing archaeologists to excavate, much as they would on land (fig.2). Sump pumps were used to maintain the water level in the sediment within the excavation area, ensuring that the artifacts did not dehydrate during excavation. Fig. 2. - The outline of La Belle during excavation

As overburden was removed, it was apparent that the hull was heavily laden with supplies and personal items, sufficient for starting a New World colony. Trade goods including glass beads, iron axe heads, brass rings, hawk

bells, mirrors and combs were plentiful. Larger crates filled with flintlock rifles, chests of trade goods and supplies were also recovered from excavations.

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were collected from the right fibulae. Harvested samples were packed in sterilized containers and shipped to Gentra Systems for analysis. Figure 4 is a view of the fibula and location of sampling.

Retrieval and Analysis of Human Remains The nearly complete remains of one individual and the fragmentary remains of a second were recovered from on top of a coiled anchor line in the forward hold of the vessel. Accounts from the journal of a crewmember named Henri Joutel reveal that the crew had run out of drinking water, and like many others, these individuals might have died from dehydration. It is also a possibility that these individuals died before the sinking of the vessel. Typically, the dead were stored in the hold of a vessel until they could be buried in consecrated ground. It is also possible that their deaths occurred as a direct result of the vessel's sinking. After more than 3 centuries of burial in the silty, anaerobic environment of Matagorda Bay, a large proportion of partially calcified brain and small bits of cartilage and tendons were recovered from the most complete skeletal assemblage. A small wooden cask and a pewter bowl, inscribed with the surname 'Barange' were found closely associated with the human remains and a bronze ring was recovered near the skeleton's hand. As in the seventeenth-century, families with the surname Barange still live in the vicinity of La Rochelle, France, the port community from which La Salle's small fleet set sail on the 1st of August, 1684.

Fig. 3 - View of dental arcade during initial cleaning.

Skeletal Analysis Skeletal analysis by Dr. Gentry Steele of Texas A&M University indicates that this individual was between the ages of 35 and 45 at the time of death. He was a robust individual who stood between 1.6 and 1.7 meters in height. His right humerus was more stout than his left, suggesting that he was right handed. Cranial features suggest that he was European. The left nasal bone had been broken and completely healed, long before the time of death. Bone spurs below the condyles, where muscles attach, suggest that he had pulled muscles in his right calf at some point in time. Additionally, he had severely twisted his right ankle, causing damage where the ligaments bind the fibula to the tibia. A small patch of infective bone was noted on the left tibia, just below the knee. This was probably the result of a localized infection. None of these injuries however, appear to have contributed to the cause of death.

Fig. 4 - Right fibula and location of sampling.

Tissue Collection and Conservation Once recorded in situ, the remains were removed from the site and transported to the Conservation Research Laboratory at Texas A&M University where tissue collection and preservation were carried out. Desalination of the skeletal material was first conducted using baths of de-ionized water. For purposes of tissue harvesting and desalination, all skeletal material was stored in fresh water. After 8 weeks of desalination in a continuous flow of fresh water, the skeletal material was immersed in an equal parts solution of reverse osmosis-purified water and ethanol, to prevent microbial activity. Additional desalination was conducted over several more weeks and then the skull was transferred into a bath of 100% ethanol.

Inspection of his teeth indicated some serious problems. He had lost his right first and second cheek molars before death. His right first molar had an apical abscess and his left second molar was badly decayed. His upper canines were very worn, suggesting that he had been chewing with these teeth to avoid chewing with his cavity-filled molars (fig. 3).

CT Scanning and Stereolithographic Imaging The presence of brain posed some interesting questions for conservators regarding the volume and state of preservation of the tissue. A unique method was designed in conjunction with CyberForm International in Richardson, Texas, to address these questions and assist in the collection of digital data for reconstruction purposes. Stored in an inverted position, in a solution of ethanol and water, Computed Tomography (CT) scanning of the skull and brain was conducted at Scottish Rite Hospital, in Dallas, Texas. For purposes of accurate reproduction, a

Flotation was used to remove the remaining brain tissue. The skull was moved from the ethanol bath into an equal parts bath of ethanol and reverse osmosis water. Because the brain tissues were saturated with ethanol, they freely floated out the foramin magnum when immersed in the solution. The remaining skeletal material was cleaned in baths of fresh water and dried. For analysis purposes, bone samples

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Smith et al: Placing a Face in History

scan or slice resolution of 0.6 mm was used. At this resolution, it would be possible to reproduce accurately the fine details of the skull (fig. 5). Data were stored on optical disc for purposes of rapid-prototype modeling.

reconstruction is probably accurate enough that his friends and family would be able to recognize him.

Fig. 5 - Placing the skull in preparation for CT scanning.

Fig. 7. - Denis Lee with completed model of the face.

DNA Analysis With the development of high purity DNA isolation methods and high sensitivity DNA analysis techniques it has been possible to analyze DNA from ancient tissues (Cherfas, 1991). Typically, bones and teeth offer the best preserved and least contaminated DNA sources (Hagelberg & Sykes, 1989). In addition, environments that have maintained cold, arid and/or anaerobic conditions provide the best conditions for preservation of ancient tissues. Because the skeletal remains discovered during the La Belle excavation were in an anaerobic environment, they offer a potential source of ancient DNA for lineage analysis. Examination of DNA sequence has allowed lineage analysis of several human populations. In one such study, New World migration patterns were traced by comparing ancient and extant Native American mitochondrial DNA profiles (Merriwether et al., 1994). Typically mitochondrial DNA is used for analysis due to its high copy number relative to nuclear DNA, its fast evolution rate and its maternal inheritance (Paabo et al, 1989). IfDNA can be recovered that is uncontaminated by modem DNA and of high enough quality to be sequenced, it may be possible to show a relationship between the La Belle remains and modem day descendants living in the

Fig. 6. - Completed three dimensional computer model

Data from the CT scan were saved as a set of threedimensional computer graphic slices of the skull and brain. Through a rapid prototyping technique known as stereolithography, computer data were transformed into an accurate, three-dimensional model (fig. 6). The process transformed a liquid photo-polymer into a solid state, using ultraviolet radiation supplied from a laser. Each layer of the original CT scan was reproduced in solid resin form. Consecutive layers were reproduced until the entire scan was reproduced in resin. A polymer reproduction of the skull and mandible were sent to Dr. Denis Lee, of the Medical & Biological Illustration Program, School of Medicine, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Using osteological data and standardized tissue depth measurements appropriate for a European male, a face was sculpted using modeling clay. Although it is impossible at this point to know the eye and hair color of this sailor, the completed facial

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vicinity of La Rochelle, France.

Protein Precipitation Solution was added and the samples were vortexed for twenty seconds before incubating on ice for ten minutes. Precipitated proteins and other contaminants were removed by centrifugation at 14,000 x g for 3 minutes. Each supernatant fraction was carefully pipetted into a 1.5 ml tube containing 300 µL 100% isopropanol plus 0.5 µL Glycogen Solution (20 mg/mL). Glycogen was added as a carrier to assist in precipitating the very low quantities of DNA. After inverting 50 times to mix, the samples were incubated on ice for 10-60 minutes and then centrifuged at 14,000 x g for ten minutes to pellet the DNA. The supernatant fraction was removed and discarded by pipetting and then 300 µL 70% ethanol was added to wash the DNA pellet. The samples were centrifuged again at 14,000 x g for one minute and the 70% Ethanol was removed by pipetting. The DNA pellet was allowed to air dry for 10 minutes in a laminar flow hood before re-hydrating the DNA by adding 20 µL DNA Hydration Solution. The samples were incubated at 65°C for one hour and vortexed gently to assist in DNA rehydration. Before each use in DNA amplification, the tubes were centrifuged for five seconds to collect the contents in the base of the tube.

Bone Preparation To avoid contamination by modern DNA sources, technicians at Gentra Systems prepared the ancient bone samples for DNA isolation in a laminar flow hood (NU201-430, NuAire, Plymouth, MN). All hood bench tops, equipment, and gloves were decontaminated by rinsing with 10% commercial bleach, ultrapure water and 70% ethanol. In addition, UV irradiation from the hood lamp and from a UV crosslinker at 60,000 µj/cm 2 (FB-UVXL1000, Fisher Scientific) was used to destroy DNA contaminants. As an added precaution, disposable plastic wrap was placed on all work surfaces. Disposable lab wear including lab coats, hair nets, gloves, and face protection was used by personnel handling the specimens. All DNA purification reagents and amplification mixtures were UV irradiated prior to adding enzymes, primers or target DNA. Aerosol resistant pipette tips were used for all pipetting steps. To remove contaminants from the surface of each bone fragment, it was swabbed with 70% ethanol, sanded, and then swabbed again with ultrapure water. Bone fragments were sanded using a silicon carbide grinding stone (#83322, Dremel, Racine, WI) treated as described above and attached to a Dremel Moto-Tool Model 595. A new grinding stone was used for each bone specimen. To allow DNA isolation in a microfuge tube format, each bone sample was crushed; it was placed in a sealed plastic pouch, wrapped in aluminum foil, and frozen in a liquid nitrogen bath. The bone was pulverized with a hammer and 0.1 to 0.3 g of the small fragments were placed into each basket of a microfuge tube filter unit (Ultrafree-MC 0.45 µm Cat. No. UFC30HV25, Millipore, Bedford, MA).

To be able to distinguish ancient from modern DNA sequences, DNA was also isolated from all individuals who had come in contact with the skeletal remains. Buccal cell samples were collected using a cytology brush and DNA purified using a commercially available kit (Puregene Buccal Cell Kit, Cat. No. D3300A, Gentra Systems, Inc., Minneapolis, MN) using a method similar to the one described. Initial DNA Analysis At Gentra Systems, samples were processed using a DNA detection kit and PCR amplification. A commercial kit (DNA Dipstick, Invitrogen, Carlsbad, CA) was used to test for the presence or absence of DNA in each bone sample and each reagent blank sample. To determine whether the DNA was of human origin, the samples were also evaluated using PCR amplification followed by analysis using agarose gel electrophoresis. Samples were amplified in a 25 µL volume using primers specific for the D-loop region of human mitochondrial DNA: L16209 5'CCATGCTTACAAGCAAGT-3' and H16410 5'GCGGGATATTGATTTCACGG-3' (Handt et al, 1996). The reaction mixture contained: IX Taq Polymerase Buffer, 0.05 U/µL Taq Polymermase, 1.5 mM MgCb, and 0.2 mM each dNTP (Promega, Madison, WI) as well as forward and reverse primers at 1 µM (Research Genetics, Huntsville, AL). The amplification conditions were: 94°C for 5 minutes; 35 cycles of94°C for 30 seconds, 55°C for 30 seconds, 72°C for 30 seconds; 72°C for 7 minutes, 4°C hold. Following amplification, 10 µL of each sample were loaded into a 2% gel and electrophoresed at 80 volts for 60 minutes with buffer recirculation. Both gel and running buffer contained ethidium bromide at 0.125 µg/mL to allow visualization on a UV transilluminator (312nm Transilluminator, Cat. No. PBTl 819. Fisher Scientific, Pittsburgh, PA).

DNA Isolation DNA from bone was isolated, using reagents from a commercially available kit (Puregene DNA Isolation Kit, Cat. No. D-5500A, Gentra Systems, Inc., Minneapolis, MN). For each sample set processed, a reagent blank was carried through the entire DNA purification process. A volume of 300 µL Cell Lysis Solution containing 30 µg Proteinase K was added to immerse the bone fragments and the tube filter was weighed. Each filter unit was wrapped with clean Parafilm to reduce evaporation and to eliminate contamination during subsequent centrifugation. The samples were incubated at 55°C for 24 hours to allow protein-digestion and partial decalcification of the bone fragments by the ethylene diamine (EDTA) in the lysis solution. To remove the bone DNA dissolved in the Cell Lysis Solution, samples were spun for one minute at 14,000 x g in a microfuge to collect the lysate from the bone fragments. The tubes were re-weighed and additional Cell Lysis Solution was added to the basket to bring the volume back to 300 µL. After centrifuging as before to remove the lysis solution from the bone fragments, the basket was removed. The samples were then RNasetreated by adding 1.5 µL RNaseA Solution (4 mg/mL) and incubating at 37°C for 15-60 minutes. A volume of 100 µL 108

Smith et al: Placing a Face in History

Table 1

Consensus

gaa GCT Ace aaa CTA TAC TTA TGA

sequence

gca gat ttg ATG TAT TTC ATA AAT ACT ace CCC tee TCA CAC ATC CAA CAA ACC CCG TAC ATA Ccc CCC tea

for

ggt GTA TGA cca AAC TAC GCA gat

extract

ace CAT CcA TGC TGC CCA CAT agg

ace TAC CCT TTA AAT TCC TAC ggt

control

with

caa gta ttg TGC CAG Cea GTA GTA cat CAA GCA AGT TCC AAA GCC TTA ACA GTA AGT CAA ATC CCC ttg ace

act cca aaa ACA ACC CAT CCT ace

second

cac tga aac GCA CCT AGC TCT a

tooth

cca ata cca ATC CAT ACA CGT

(16036-16405):

tea ttg ate AAC CCA TAA CCC

aca tac cac CCT CCA AGC CAT

ACC ggt ate CAA GGA CAT GGA

TCA TTG ate aac CCA TAA CCC

ACA TAC cac cct CTA AGC CAT

ACC GGT ate caa GGA CAT GGA

The extraction control differs from the CRS as follows: Base-to-base

variations

at

CRS positions.

C - T @ 16248 C - T @ 16266 T - C @ 16271

C - T @ 16294 T - C @ 16311

Consensus

GCT ACC aaa eta TAC TTA TGA

sequence

-ca gat ATG TAT ATA Aat ace CCC tea cac CAA CAa CCG TAC Ccc CCC

ttg TTC act tee aTC ACC ATA tea

for

ggt GTA tga cca AAC TAC GCA gat

the

ace CAT cca tgc TGC CCA CAT agg

second

ace TAC cct tta AAC CCC TAC ggt

tooth

CAA GTA TTG TGC CAG CCA gta gta cat caa gca agt TCC AAA GCC TTA ACA GTA AGT CAA ATC CCC ttg ace

DNA was isolated from two separate fibula samples from which two sub-samples were processed in parallel. The sub-samples ranged in weight from 0.173 to 0.313 g. DNA yields were estimated very roughly by using a DNA detection kit designed for low concentration DNA samples. This estimate of DNA yield was 20 ng DNA per 0.2 g bone tissue. The yield from these bone specimens is an order of magnitude lower than reported previously, which was 5-10 µg from 2 g bone (Hagelberg and Sykes, 1989). DNA yields are highly dependent upon the burial and subsequent excavation conditions used to retreive the tissues (Hagelberg and Sykes, 1989; Paabo, et al., 1989). Although the anaerobic conditions in Matagorda Bay may have favored preservation of the DNA, it is possible that the desalination process may have caused DNA loss or damage. Fortunately, the polymerase chain reaction technique is able to selectively amplify intact DNA fragments (Paabo, et al., 1989).

(16036-16405):

ACT CCA aaa aca ACC CAT CCT ace

CAC TGA aac gca CCT AGT TCT a

CCA ATA cca ate CAC ACA CGT

Additional Analysis at the Merriwether Lab Eight 10 µL DNA samples, consisting of six people who had handled the La Belle skeletal remains and two samples prepared from a long bone fragment were sent to the Merriwether Lab from Gentra Systems. We later received four 10 µL DNA samples purified from a long bone fragment. Two samples were reagent blanks and two samples were bone extracts. After several PCR attempts it was determined that the blank was contaminated and thus the whole set of samples had to be considered contaminated as well.

Next, an intact incisor was processed following Protocol C from Yang et al. 1998. The sample appeared uncontaminated under a 9-base pair deletion PCR (primers: 8196F -8316R) and was determined to be nondeleted. However, after several PCR amplifications with aDNA HVRl primers, it was determined that the extraction control was contaminated. Thus, none of these results could be trusted to represent authentic aDNA. The entire 109

Human Remains: Conservation, Retrieval and Analysis

tooth was destroyed during the extraction process. A section of a second tooth was then processed with the Yang Protocol C. Again, the extraction control was found to be contaminated. The remaining portion of the second tooth was processed following Yang Protocol C. The extract control showed positive amplification. However, the samples were sequenced in an attempt to determine the source of contamination. Results of the sequencing are in the Table 1 above.

to secure tissue samples, prior to analysis. Radiographic evaluation of the skull was conducted prior to DNA testing. This would account for the inability to identify authentic DNA from tooth extractions. Bone samples however, were not exposed to X-rays, thus increasing the chances of successful DNA retrieval. Currently, additional testing is being conducted on brain tissue and a few additional tests will be performed with the final extractions to determine if PCR inhibitors are preventing amplification ofretrieved DNA.

Capital letters indicate that both forward and reverse sequence reads were of high quality and matched. Lower case letters indicate that only one direction was of high quality and remains unverified for the opposite read. Bold print indicates Cambridge Referencing Sequence (CRS) differences.

Archival data regarding the inscription of sailors for La Salle's expedition, the inscription on the pewter cup associated with the remains and the reconstruction of facial features may provide enough information to identify these human remains. Placing a face and name in history may not be the primary task of archaeology, but our collective DNA and facial reconstruction efforts have generated tremendous enthusiasm from the public.

No match in our HVR database was found for the contaminated extraction control. No body in our lab matches all of the variations found. The only French sample in the database is the same as CRS. However, a recent publication, which reports on mtDNApolymorphisms in 50 French Caucasians, does show these variations, but not all in one individual (Rousselet and Mangin 1998).

Acknowledgments We would like to thank Professor Denis Lee willingness to undertake the task of facial reconstruction. His artistry is an invaluable tool in our continuing efforts to identify these remains. We would like to thank Dr. Jim Bruseth of the Texas Historical Commission for his support of this project.

The remainder of the second tooth was used for another extraction. A filtered sample of the extraction solution and the extraction control showed contamination. No further work has been performed on this extraction set. A metacarpal bone was received this summer. One Yang Protocol C extraction was performed on an internal portion of the sample. Three PCR amplifications were performed, but showed contaminated negative controls. A second extraction was performed with the remaining bone fragment. This attempt was made following a different protocol which combines an EDT A dissolution, a phenol-chloroform extraction, and trapping of DNA with glassmilk (Burger et al. 1999). Six PCR amplifications of different dilutions of the extract have failed to yield a definitive indication of the presence or absence of DNA. Conclusion Two samples of bone from the right fibula were processed by Gentra Systems. These samples yielded lower magnitudes of DNA than expected. A total of 6 extractions on 2 teeth and 1 bone, 40 PCR amplifications, and 2 sequencing runs were conducted by the Merriwether Lab. To date, it appears that no authentic DNA has been retrieved from the La Belle bone samples.

Several factors may account for the inability to identify authentic DNA. Although organic materials survived in good condition in the anaerobic silts of Matagorda Bay, the organic nature of the shipwreck, cargo and intrusive materials may have contributed to DNA contamination. Necessary delays in documenting, excavating and shipping the human remains to the Conservation Research Laboratory were minimal and conservators acted quickly

References Burger, J., Hummel, S., Herrmann, B., & Henke, W. (1999) DNA Preservation: A Microsatellite-DNA Study on Ancient Skeletal Remains. Electrophoresis, 20: 17221728.

Chervas, J. (1991) Ancient DNA: Still Busy after Death. Science, 253: 1354-1356. Hagelberg, E. & Sykes, B. (1989) Ancient Bone DNA Amplified. Nature, 342: 485. Handt, 0., Krings, M., Ward, R.H. & Paabo, S. (1996). The Retrieval of Ancient Human DNA Sequences. American Journal of Human Genetics, 59: 368-376. Merriwether, D. A., Rothhammer, R. &Ferrell, R. E. (1994) Genetic Variation in the New World: Ancient Teeth, Bone, and Tissue as Sources of DNA. Experientia, 50: 592-601. Paabo, S., Higuchi, R. G., & Wilson, A. C. (1989) Ancient DNA and the Polymerase Chain Reaction. Journal of Biological Chemistry, 264: 9709-9712. Rousselet, F., &. Mangin, P. (1998) Mitochondrial DNA Polymorphisms: A Study of 50 French Caucasian Individuals and Application to Forensic Casework. International Journal of Legal Medicine, 111: 292, 298.

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Yang, D. Y., Eng, B., Waye, J., Dudar, J.C. & Saunders, S., (1998) Technical Note: Improved DNA Extraction from Ancient Bones using Silica-based Spin Columns. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 105: 539-543. Biographies Wayne Smith received his Ph. D. (1995, Anthropology) from Texas A&M University where he is currently an Assistant Professor in the Nautical Archaeology Program, Anthropology Department. His research includes artifact conservation and he is director of the Archaeological Preservation Research Laboratory (APRL). He holds patents related to the preservation of organic materials using silicone oils. Postdoctoral research, involving the development of polymer preservation technologies for archaeological, medical and industrial applications, was conducted through Dow Corning Corporation, Midland, MI.

Ellen M. Heath earned her MS (1975, Marine Biology) and PhD (1988, Molecular Genetics) degrees from the University of Delaware and the University of Minnesota, respectively. She also completed post-doctoral work at Duke University in Molecular Genetics from 1988 to 1989. Since then she has worked at Gentra Systems, Inc. where she currently holds the position of Vice President of Research and Development. Through he research, she has developed DNA and RNA purification kits and instrumentation. Andrew Merriwether received his MS (1989) in Genetics from Pennsylvania State University and his Ph. D. (1993, Human Genetics) from the University of Pittsburgh. He is currently an Assistant Professor of Anthropology and Biology at the University of Michigan and an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Ohio State University. His research is focused on the recovery, amplification and sequencing of ancient human DNA samples, and the application of DNA evidence to the interpretation of archaeological histories around the world.

Addresses Wayne Smith* 31 lA Anthropology Building 4352 TAMU College Station, TX 77843-4352 *Author to whom correspondence should be addressed

111

MICROFOSSILS IN DENTAL CALCULUS: A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON DIET AND DENTAL DISEASE Karl Reinhard, SheilaMaria Ferraz De Souza, Claudia Rodrigues, Erin Kimmerle and Sheila Dorsey-Vinton

burials retain some dietary evidence in the sediments of the pelvic girdle.

Abstract The analysis of dental calculus is a new approach to dietary study and activity pattern reconstruction. The method is in an experimental stage. We present the results of our past and current projects. From analyses of dental calculus from Peruvian and Brazilian archaeological teeth, several generalizations can be made about the study of dental calculus. Small fragments of calculus weighing 0.1 grams or less can yield thousands of microfossils. The most common microfossils are plant phytoliths, fibers, starch granules, epidermal cells, and epidermal derivatives such as cotton strands. The calculus components are not all derived from diet. Some components such as cotton, certain phytoliths, and fibers are derived from processing plants for textile manufacture. Scanning electron microscopy and light microscopy are both useful in the identification of microfossils.

In recent years, the search for dietary residues in recent years has turned to a different region of the skeleton. The discovery of dietary residues in dental calculus of skeletons signaled the potential of dental calculus as a source of microfossil evidence of diet (Fox et al. 1996). During the past three years, we have been experimenting with techniques for the recovery of dietary residues from dental calculus in Peru and Brazil. We are summarizing the general results of these experiments below. Roca Verde, Peru The excavation of several well-preserved skeletons from the site of Roca Verde near Ilo, Peru provided an opportunity to examine dietary remains from dental calculus. The original goal of this study was to relate the dental processing of totora grass to dental wear among women at the site (Nelson 1997a, 1997b). Of the 130 deposits of skeletal material from the site, 22 contained teeth. From these 22 deposits, Nelson examined a total of 418 teeth (1997a, 1997b). Of the 22 deposits with teeth, 14 were complete skeletons that could be analyzed with regard to age, sex, and skeletal indicators of activity patterns. Analysis ultimately focused on these individuals. Mandibles and maxillae were examined for the presence of alveolus resorption, abscesses, premortem tooth loss, and postmortem tooth loss. The teeth were examined for evidence of caries, abscesses, hypercementosis, wear, premortem fracture, postmortem fracture, linear enamel hypoplasia, and build up of dental calculus. The examination was done with the naked eye, with a tenpower hand lens, and with an Olympus binocular microscope that had been specifically adapted for cranial study.

The nineteen-eighties and nineties saw an explosive growth in methods of dietary reconstruction from corporeal remains (skeletons, mummies, coprolites, and hair). The most extensive growth was in the development of trace element analysis and stable carbon and nitrogen analysis of corporeal remains (Gilbert & Meilke 1985; Sanford 1993; Lambert&Grupe 1993). However, the chemical analysis of diet provides a picture painted in broad brush strokes. Although the general type of food can be discerned (plant versus animal, C4 pathway foods versus C3 pathway foods), a detailed picture of diet can only come from the recovery of direct evidence of foods. The combination of chemical analysis of bone and biological analysis of food residues has a great potential for integrated dietary reconstruction. The bone chemistry provides an idea of the general types of foods eaten and the biological analysis provides a list of species of plant and animal that were eaten (Armelagos 1994; Reinhard 1998; Reinhard 2000). The recovery of biological evidence is dependent on the preservation from site to site, and from region to region. Certainly, mummy studies provide the greatest opportunity for integrated corporeal reconstruction of diet through biological identification of food species from the intestinal tract and chemical analysis of bone from the same individuals. However, mummies are a rare find in most parts of the world. Skeletons provide the bulk of corporeal remains in most regions.

When they first examined the skeletons from this site, Reinhard and Nelson were impressed by the profound dental wear and polishing of the lateral dentition. Indeed, the polishing of the teeth was similar to the "phytolith polish" on stone tools in certain regions of the world where phytolith-rich succulent plants were harvested. Danielson and Reinhard (1998) related heavy dental polishing and wear of Archaic hunter-gatherer teeth in Texas to phytolith content of the diet. Danielson (1993) found that as much as 20% of the volume of coprolites from the Southwest was composed of calcium oxalate crystals which he demonstrated were harder than tooth enamel. High dietary use of phytolith-rich plants resulted in dental wear and loss of teeth early in adulthood for Texas hunter-gatherers.

Strides have been made in the recovery of food remains from skeletons. Reinhard and colleagues (Reinhard & Hevly 1991; Reinhard et al. 1991; Reinhard et al. 1992) developed methods for field recovery and laboratory analysis of sediments and coprolites from the pelvic region of skeletons. This line of research proved to be effective in the recovery of microscopic food residues such as pollen and macroscopic food residues such as seeds. Berg (1997) formalized these methods and discovered in his analysis of sediments from burials in Arizona and Denmark that most

The dental wear in the Roca Verde skeletons occurred in different regions of the mouth than the dietary-induced phytolith wear in Texas. The wear occurred primarily in the region of the premolars and anterior molars (fig. 1). Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) examination of the 113

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recommended at the end of this article). Phytoliths were extracted from the matting with a dangerous, but effective solution of 50% hydrogen peroxide and potassium dichromate. Both SEM and light microscopy were used to examine the microfossils recovered from the calculus and matting. The result of this analysis was the identification of five phytolith morphologies in the matting. Extensive scanning of the calculus microfossils eventually revealed that these five types were present in the dental calculus. Therefore, the analysis supported the hypothesis that dental wear was caused by dental processing of coarse plant fibers for textiles. This conclusion gained even more credibility with the discovery of cotton fibers in the dental calculus. To insure that this cotton was not a modem contaminant, the initial discovery of cotton fibers by Nelson was verified by later work by Reinhard and Kimmerle who processed a dental calculus sample that was checked before extraction for cotton contaminants. This sample exhibited no cotton fibers adhering to the surface. However, many fibers were liberated when the sample was dissolved. Therefore, it is certain that the cotton was integrated into the dental calculus matrix by prehistoric activity. As a side benefit of this study, dietary microfossils were recovered from the dental calculus. These fall into several categories. The most surprising discovery was of starch granules. Fortunately, at the time Nelson was doing her thesis research on dental calculus, Sheila Dorsey Vinton was doing her thesis research on starch identification from Andean coprolites with tuber collections made by Reinhard (Dorsey Vinton 1997). Thus, we were well prepared to recognize the starch when it was discovered in the dental calculus. The presence of starch granules was surprising to us because the production of amylase in the mouth should denature starch. However, once incorporated in the calculus, the starch is apparently unaffected by amylase. It is noteworthy that starch granules were especially abundant in the dental calculus samples from males. The starch granules occurred in two types. The first type were starch aggregates such as those recovered from manioc (fig. 3). The second type were solitary starch grains similar to those of maize in that they refract light in a cross-shape pattern under polarized light or differential interference contrast light. However, the maize-like starch was rare. Thus, there was not a sufficiently robust case for identification of maize from the dental calculus. It remains, however, a tantalizing possibility. The grains were unlike the starch from potato, oca, or other uncultivated starch sources.

Fig. 2 - Roca Verde, Peru. SEM micrograph of the edge of a molar under low and high magnification. The length of the bar in the upper image is 50µm and the bar in the lower image is lOµm. The parallel striations are consistent with the orientation of phytoliths in plant vascular bundles.

surface of these teeth showed that they were covered with tiny striations, some of which were parallel (fig. 2). Also, female mandibles exhibited more profound wear than male mandibles as presented by Nelson (1997a, 1997b). In 1997, Rodrigues reanalyzed the Roca Verde dental wear and confirmed that the pattern of wear was slightly different between males and females. This indicated that the wear may have been due to sex differences in occupation. Sonia Guillen suggested that processing plants might have accounted for dental wear. Nelson noted that a local Peruvian weaver had dental wear distribution similar to that of the Roca Verde skeletons. This suggested that processing fiber with the teeth caused the wear. It was hypothesized that fibers were drawn laterally across the premolars to strip long leaves of epidermis in order to prepare them for textile manufacture. Dental calculus was present in thick deposits on both male and female mandibles. We removed samples from seven individuals. We also sampled fibers from burial matting made of what was identified as totora. In the laboratory, the calculus was dissolved in weak hydrochloric acid (methods are

Phytoliths were a second type of microfossil. In addition to phytoliths consistent with those from the matting, dietary types were also found. Silicified hairs consistent with legumes were identified. Silicified spheres with indentations consistent with cucurbits were found. Finally, silicified coils from xylem tissue and phloem sieve plates were also noted (fig. 4). In addition, silicified net-like structures, which we have recently recognized as secondary thickenings in certain plant stems, were present

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in the calculus.

coating specimens in gold palladium. Thus, we were able to put samples directly in the ESEM chamber. With this technology, it is possible to examine the dental calculus before processing. It is then possible to dissolve the calculus slowly on the SEM stub and "excavate" the microfossils chemically. At any time in this process, the stub can be re-examined with the ESEM to evaluate the association of microfossils in the calculus matrix. The trade-off for the ESEM ability to image objects without coating is a loss in resolution at high magnification. However, high magnification is not critical in dental calculus analysis. Therefore, we think that the ESEM technology is ideal for the analysis of dental calculus

Suggested Methods We are in the earliest stages of developing methods for the analysis of dental calculus. Presented below are some of the methods we have used, with comments on their effectiveness. Recovery of Microfossils from Dental Calculus Dental calculus samples can be removed from teeth without damaging the enamel. This can easily be done by applying gentle pressure with a pointed object at the calculus-enamel juncture while pushing slightly away from the tooth itself. The calculus separates from the tooth without breaking. Once separated from the tooth, the calculus fragment should be transferred to a vial for storage and transport.

Fig. 3 - Starch granule aggregates consistent with manioc. The largest object is 4µm in width.

Plant fibers, sometimes in association with phytoliths (fig. 5), were present. This association is common with fibers found in dental calculus and fibers in prehistoric textile mats. In addition to the identifiable plant structure from the calculus, there were unidentifiable structures that are of an unknown origin (figs. 6 and 7). These are perhaps derived from fish or marine invertebrates. Future work must include comparative collections of macerations of marine invertebrates and fish.

Importantly, it is not necessary to remove calculus from more than one tooth in the dental arcade, especially if the calculus deposits are large. An effective analysis can be done with just a single calculus deposit from one tooth. We suggest photographing the calculus deposit before removal to document its presence.

Forte Marechal Luz, Brasil In 1998, we began applying dental calculus analysis to skeletons from Brazil. The goal of this work was to define methods using more evidenced laboratory technology than that available at the University of Nebraska. The analysis was done in the Escola Na9ional de Sau.de Publica at the Funda9ao Oswaldo Cruz (ENSP/FIOCRUZ) in Rio de Janeiro. We selected skulls with dental calculus from several sites. At this time we have analyzed three samples from the site of Forte Marechal Luz. The microfossils are dominated by phytoliths, starch granules, and plant fiber fragments (figs. 8-9). The phytoliths and fibers are from unknown plants. Thus, one aspect of future research in Brazil is the collection of comparative plant material from Brazil.

Once the calculus sample is in the laboratory, it should be weighed. If available, one or two Lycopodium spore tablets should be added to the calculus deposit before chemical processing. Lycopodium spore tablets are widely used in palynology to quantify the number of pollen grains present per unit measure of sediment (Pearsall 1988). This method is also applied in archaeoparasitology (Warnock & Reinhard 1994). The tablets contained a known number of spores. One can calculate the number of microfossils present in calculus by counting the number of added Lycopodium spores while counting calculus microfossils. By deriving a ration of spores to microfossils, one can calculate the number of microfossils that are present per gram of calculus. The addition of the spores has an extra advantage in that the spores help make a firm plug in the centrifuge tubes, thereby reducing the risk of pouring away microfossils as the tubes are decanted.

Different instrumentation available at ENSP/FIOCRUZ permitted a more refined analysis of dental calculus. The processing laboratory has a microcentrifuge with onemilliliter centrifuge tubes. With this centrifuge, we were able to analyze samples weighing less than 0.10 gram. The SEM lab at FIOCRUZ was equipped with an environmental SEM (ESEM), which does not require

The calculus sample and spore tablets can then be processed in a centrifuge tube. If one is using 12-milliliter or conical bottomed 50-milliliter tubes, add the calculus and spore tablets to the tube first, and then add 10% hydrochloric acid. (Never use round-bottomed 50-

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Fig. 5 - A fragment of a plant vascular bundle. The arrow points to a phytolith projecting from the bundle.

Fig. 4 - Vascular bundle tissue. The arrow points to a sieve tube plate of a phloem vessel. The identification of such plant structures clearly demonstrates the presence of plant stems in diet or their maceration for textile manufacture.

Fig. 6 - This very interesting structure is composed of three layers. There are two compact layers enclosing a space filled with spicules. The origin of this is unknown. The bar is 5µm.

Fig. 7 - This interesting structure is also unidentified. The bar is lOµm.

Fig. 9 - Plant fiber fragment recovered from dental calculus

Fig. 8 - These phytoliths are seen imbedded in a dental calculus fragment.

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milliliter centrifuge tubes. The round surface does not hold a small plug of deposit well). The calculus will slowly dissolve between 30 and 60 minutes. Once the calculus is dissolved, centrifuge the tube at 1200 to 2000 rpm (depending on the centrifuge model) for 2 minutes. Decant the acid and add distilled water. Repeat the centrifuge process twice with distilled water only. Once the water washes are complete, rinse the sediment out of the tube with 95% ethanol and transfer into 2-dram vials. If one is using a I -milliliter microcentrifuge tube, fill the

centrifuge tube with acid and add the calculus to the acidfilled tube. If using Lycopodium spore tablets with microcentrifuge tubes, dissolve the tablet separately from the tube containing the calculus. The spore tablets react vigorously with the acid and will make a mess if one is using small tubes. After dissolving the calculus, repeat the centrifuge process two times with distilled water to eliminate the acid from the micro residues.

calculus were pipetted onto glass microscope slides. A drop of glycerine was added to the preparation and mixed with the sediment. Examination was done under 25x and 40x magnification.

SEM Examination of Unprocessed Dental Calculus on Teeth In some cases, we have found that the deposits of dental calculus were too small to be removed. The surfaces of dental calculus deposits on seven teeth were examined by scanning electron microscopy (SEM). The calculus was adherent on the tooth crowns. The teeth were mounted on SEM stubs with double sided adhesive tape and sputter coated with gold palladium at a 2-angstrom thickness. The calculus was then scanned for any foreign particles incorporated in the calculus matrix. Starch and phytoliths were observed in this experiment. Discussion We believe that our limited work shows that the analysis of dental calculus has considerable potential. As a nondestructive method of skeletal analysis, it provides unique insight into what species of plants were consumed and what plant structures were consumed. This sort of detailed dietary data compliments dietary data that can be recovered by stable isotope analysis, gut content analysis, and other methods of corporeal dietary study.

We feel that a milder reagent should be found for dissolving dental calculus. Hydrochloric acid does not damage plant microfossils, but it does dissolve calcareous microfossils. Therefore, some types of micro fossil may be lost by using hydrochloric acid.

SEM Examination of Extracted Microfossils We tried two simple methods were used for SEM analysis. One was effective and the other was ineffective.

The dental calculus also contains microfossils derived from activities such as fiber processing. Thus, activity patterns that relate to the use of teeth as tools for processing fibers can also be illuminated by calculus analysis. In combination with dental wear study, the microfossils from dental calculus can be particularly useful in explaining activity-related dental pathology associated with extreme dental wear. One obvious application of this type of analysis lies in verifying that coca leaf chewing in the Andes caused dental wear and pathology (Langsjoen 1996). Phytoliths are present in coca leaves. We suggest that future dental calculus work in the Andean region should include searching dental calculus for coca leaf phytoliths.

The ineffective method involved pipetting small samples of the microfossils from calculus onto SEM stubs prepared with double sided adhesive tape. The stubs were then dried using a commercial hair drier. These stubs were then sputter coated with gold palladium and examined with the SEM. Unfortunately, with this method the mild heat from the drier melted the adhesive of the tape and the microfossils sank into the adhesive. We do not recommend this method. An alternative method was chosen. The alcohol in the vials was allowed to evaporate in the vial. The dry microfossils were then loosened with a biological probe and scattered onto microscope stubs with adhesive. The stubs were then sputter coated and examined.

Light Microscopy The SEM and ESEM are wonderful tools for looking at the surface features of microfossils. However, transmitted light microscopy is preferable for seeing internal structures and for identifying the taxonomic origin of certain microfossils. Polarized light is very useful for identifying which plants were the origin for starch granules. Differential Interference Contrast (DIC) light is useful for looking at the association of certain microfossils with each other. Simple bright field reveals the structure of silicified structures within plant tissues. Therefore, light microscopy is a very useful tool. For light microscopy, small samples of the dissolved

We believe that dental calculus analysis may be especially important for certain coastal sites that have poor or no preservation of botanical food residues. In such sites, dental calculus may hold the only direct evidence of diet. Acknowledgements The microscopy was done at the SEM facility in the Department of Biological Sciences, University of Nebraska - Lincoln with Dr. Kit Lee and at the SEM facility at Funda