History of the Lombards 9780812205589

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A NOTE ON THE TITLE OF THIS REPRINT EDITION
EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES
INTRODUCTION
BOOK I
BOOK II
BOOK III
BOOK IV
BOOK V
BOOK VI
APPENDIX. SOME SOURCES 1S9D ANALOGS
A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE, 2003

Citation preview

PAUL THE DEACON

HISTORY OF T H E LOMBARDS '1 K.ASSLyrFIl BY

WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE, LL.D.

ELlI'l'EIl liY

ED\t7ARD PETERS

PENN

U N I V E R S I T Y O F PENNSYLVANIA PRESS Philadelphia

T H E M I D D L E AGES SERIES Ruth Mazo Karras, Series Editor Edward Peters, Founding Editor A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher.

Originally published in 1907 by the Lniversiy of Pennsylvania Press as History of the Lnngobol-ds. Introduction and Appendix copyright 0 1974 Lniversity of Pennsylvania Press. Bibliographical Note copyright 0 zoo3 Universit). of Pennsylvania Press. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Published by Universit). of Pennsylvania Press Ph~ladelphia,Pennsylvania I 9104-401 I Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Paul, the Deacon, ca. 720-799' History of the Lombards / Paul the Deacon ; translated by W~lliamDudley Foulke ; edited, with introd. by Edward Peters. [De gestis Langobardorum. English] 329 pp. ; 2 0 cnl. ISBN 0-8122-1079-4 (pbk.) (Sources of ~nedievalhistory) Translation of De gestis Langobardorum. Bibliography: p. 3 I j-329. 1. Lombards-Italy-Histov-Sources. 2 . Germanic peoplesItaly-History-Sources. 3. Middle Ages-Sources. 4. ItalyHistory-476-774-Sources. I. Title. D G ~ I .P413 I 1974 74-016829 CIP

A SOTE O S T H E TITLE OF T H I S R E P R I N T EDITIOS Although the Latin title of Paul's History is the Histnria Langobardorurrr and J\'illian~ Dudley Foullte translated it as T h e H i s t o r y o f tllp Larigobards, modern usage favors T h e History o f the Lorribards, and I have used the Inore recent style. T h e running heads of the text, of course, retain Foullte's usage, hut this should be a minor inconvenience. For a discussion of the question of L a n g o b a r n / L o n ~ bard usage, see T h o m a s Hodgkin, Italy n17d H e r Inzlatlers, 1'01. V I , T h e Lon16ard Inzlasion ( O x f o r d , 1 8 9 i ) , pp. 174I75

E X P L A N A T I O N OF REFERENCES.

" Waitz" indicates the edition of Pauli Historia Langobardorum" in " hlonumenta Germaniae, Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum," from which this translation is made, and unless otherwise stated, the matters referred to ail1 Ee found in connection n.ith the bock and chapter (the page not being given) corresponding to those of this translation. 6 6 Abel " refers to the German translation entitled " l'aulus Diakonus und die ubrigen Geschichtschreiber der Langobarden," by Dr. Otto Abel." (Second edition revised b y Cr. Reinhard Jacobi, Leipsic, 1888 ; published a s Vcl. I 5 of the series " Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit," and t l ~ er a t t e r s referred to, unless otherwine stated, will Ee found either in the test or notes of the book a c d chapter corresponding to thcse of this translation. " Giansevero " indicates the Italian translation entitled '' Pa010 Diacono, Dei Fatti de' Langobardl," by Prcf. Uberti Giansevero (Cividale, 1899), and the matters referred to uill be found in the book and chapter correspondin: to those cf this translatic n. Bethmann " unless other\vise stated refers to one c f his articles, I ' Paulus Diakonus Lc1:en. " " l'a~111.s Diakcnvs Schriften, " " Die Geschichtschreil~rngder Langobarden," ccntained in the t-nth volume cf the '' Archiv der Cesellschaft fi:r altere deutsche Geschichtkunde " (Hanover, I 849). "Jacobi" refers to ' I Die Quellen der Langobardengeschichte des Paulus Diacon~is. Ein Ceitrag zc-r Ceschichte deutscher Historiographie," b y Dr. R. Jacobi (Halle, 1877). '' Mommsen " to an article " Die Quellen der Langobardengeschichte des Paulus Diaconus " L-y Th. Mommsen in volume V, I'

EXPLANATION O F REFERENCES.

p. 5 j, of the " Necez Archiv der Gesellschaft fiir iiltere deutsche Geschichtskunde " (Wanover, I 879). Hartmann " to the second volt.me of " Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter," by Lrdo A:cl-itz Finrtmann, being the j z d work of the series " Geschichte der eiiropaischen Staaten," edited by Heeren, Vkert, (:iesebrecht and Lamprecht (Cotha, 1903). Dahn " to '' I'aulus Iliaconus," by Felix Dahn, Part I (Leipsic, 1876). Hodgkin " to " Italy and her Invaders," by Thomas Hodgkin (Clarendcn Press, I Sg 5). Zeuss " to Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstamme," by Kaspar Zeuss (Gottingen, 1 9 ~ 3 ) . " Schmidt " to " Zur Geschichte der Langobarden," by Dr. Ludwig Schmidt (Leipsic, I 885). " Pabst " to ' ' Geschichte des langobardischen Herzogthums " in 5'01. 11, p. 405, " F o r s c h ~ ~ n g ezur n deutschen Geschichte," (Gottingen, 1862.) Bruckner to ' ' Die Sprache der Langobarden," by XVilhelm Briickner (Quellen und Forschungen, Part 75, Strasburg, 1895). Koegel" to " Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur," b y Rudolf Koegel, 1'01. I, I'art I (Strasburg, 1894). " \Viese " to " Die aelteste Geschichte der Langobarden," by Robert Wiese (Jena, 1877). 'I

"

INTRODUCTION

PA4ULT H E DELICON, T H E LOMBA4RDS, AND ,1 SOMETIICIE MEDIEVA1,IST FROICl INDIANA " T h e translation of P a u l the Deacon has just come, and I h a l e already begun to read it. I t is such a pleasure to have triends \rho do such things as you do! W h a t a delightful old boy the Deacon \r a s ; and n h a t an interesting mixture of fact and fable he wrote!" -Theodore Roosel elt to W i l l i a n ~Dudley Foulke, 1907

T h e route irom the court o i Charlemagne and the monastery of illonte Cassino, where P a u l the Deacon wrote his History o f the Lor~~bar-AS late in the eighth century, to the circle of government officials and confidants around T h e o dore Roosevelt, where Paul's History found its first English translator, is long, circuitous, oiten improbable, and remarkably ill-lit. T h e r e are few reliable guides to the history o i the idea oi, and interest in, the l l i d d l e Ages. N o r is there much in the may o i explanation, except his o w n , as to w h y W i l l i a m Dudley Foulke, lawyer, newspaper publisher, Progressive Republican state legislator, Civil Service Commissioner, and sometime man o i letters in Indiana and W a s h ington. D.C., decided to t r a n s l a t e P a u l t h e Deacon's remarkable History : I had come across an attractive book written in Latin by P a u l the Deacon, a Benedictine monk, during the reign of

Clinrlemngne. " T h r H i s t o r y oi the Lnngobnrds." I n liis g a r r u l o u s stor!--telling he scernctl to me :I sort me die^-a1 Herotlotus. . . . Quit? ;ip;lrt t r o m its vnlur as ;I source o t metlievnl history. P a u l ' s cjunint ant1 simple n a r r a t i v e lins :I c h a r m o i it> o\\-n :inti is fitted tor tlie r n t r r t ; ~ i n r n e n t o t tlie gencr:ll re;~tler ; I \ \ \ r l l ;Ir o t t h r stuclent.' Foulke'. final ticcision. ;I, tiehcribeci in hi, 1 0 2 2 a u t o b i o g raph!.. \\-;I.; 11i;ldr ;IS ;In ; ~ l t e r n ; r t i \ et o his tirst choice, n histor!- o f i7cnii.e. :I auhject t o o x ; ~ s t;[nil c o ~ n p l i c n t c das Foullce sadl!. obser\-cd. I:acept to]- bonie u n d i s t i n g u i s h e d tl-nnslations o t P c t r ; ~ r c l i ' >I \ sic,, t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o t P;rul t h r I l e a c o n ~ v a a Foul!, unl>redictat~le curiosit! he shared w i t h man!. latc nineteenth-century -41nericnn business,

INTRODUCTION

xix

professional, and political figures, Foulke was led to P a u l the Deacon apparently by sheer accident. H e then translated the worlc and happilj found a publisher in the Pennsylvania series T r a n s l n t i o t ~ s and Reprints, itself begun in 1894. Foulke's autobiograph!, written in 1922, reveals a confidence and discretion that perhaps rnalces his life and career seem less remarkable than the! were. H e moved with ease through ?Jew York, Columbia University, Indiana, IVashington, Paris, Rome, and Venice. Nothing he did appeared to him to call for particular notice, and his o w n account of his translation occupies but a few lines in a minor chapter of his autobiography. H i s translation, however, was good and careful, no small achievement in a period when medieval Latin as still a recondite specialt! and extensive translations from early medieval source materials were extremely rare. I'irtuall!- single-handedly, in a field where even professional scholars were walking gingerly, Foulke picked up an interesting book, decided to translate it and did, displaying in this, as in his many other activities, intelligence, diligence, erudition, and remarkable far-sightedness. No cne has felt the compulsion to improve his work in nearly seventy years. T h a t is eloquent testimony to a translator's work, and with the publication of Professor Katherine Fischer D r e w ' s translation of T h e I,onzbard L n w s in 1973 it seems a useful and enjoyable task to reissue Foulke's translation of the other major literar!- source for Lombard his-

T h i s reprint edition contains the complete translation of the H i s t o r ? of the L o r n b n r d s by IYilliam Dudley Foulke,

published in tlie Cnivessity of Perms!-lvania series Trntrslnt i o ~ r .oird ~ R f ~ p r i ~ rFrr~rii ts ill(>Origi~r(zl&'oi~rrt~,~ of !to this, but most of all in unhappy Italy nllich has felt the cruel rage of nearly all tlicse nations. T h e Goths ii, and Turciindeed, and thc \Vanciais, tile I < ~ ~ g Hcroli, lingi,' and also otlicr fierce 2nd barbarous nations ha\-e come from Germany. I n 1il;c manner also the race o i 1 ' ' Iieyond the Iiliine means in this case 11:i the left b a n k of the Iearded," a n d that the Langobartl name :l~isiy~.ir?iits, ' ' He \\-it11the 1:eard of the (;ads," showed that the Langol~ardshnd this idea of their chief deity. H e further sho\vs that the long halbert or spear u u s not n characteristic weapon of the I.angohar-ds. H e also (p. 3 0 ) considers Ionn, r 868) thinks that Burguntiaib was the territory el-acuated by the Burgundians when , c

BOOK T.

23

can consider are names of districts or of some kinds of places.' they moved westward to the Middle Rhine (Hodgkin, V, p. 142), and instead of the eastern migration he makes the Langobards wander westward toward the Khine, follolving a passage of Ptolemy which places them near the Sigambri. H e believes that this is confirmed by the Chronicon Gothanum which says that they stayed long a t Patespruna or Paderborn and contends for a general migration of the tribe to \ITestphalia, shows the resemblance in family names and legal customs between Westphalia and Bardengau. Schmidt opposes Bluhme's Westphalian theory which indeed appears to have slender support and he more plausibly connects Burgundaib (p. 49) with the remnant of the Burgundians that remained in the lands east of the Elbe. Luttmersen (Die Spuren der Langobarden, Hanover, 1889) thinks that Burgundaib means ' e;gecl for peace which was accorded to them through the intervention of Jtistinian. As a condition the Langobards and the einperor den-iancled the delivcrv of Hildechis. But a s the Gepidae \vere resolved not to \.io!ate the sanctity of a g~:est, and as the Langobards r e f ~ ~ s eto d deli\ er Lstrigotthus, neither of these \\ere surreridered, biit both perished by assassination, not without the knowledge of the two kings (Schmidt, 62 ; Hodgkin, V, 134).

44

HISTORY OF THE LAXGOBARDS.

CHAPTERXXIV When he heard these things from his father, Alboin, taking only forty young men with him, journeyed to Turisind, king of the Gepidae with whom he had before waged war, and intimated the cause in which lie had come. A n d the king, receiving him kindly, invited him to his table and placed him on his right hand where Turismod, his former son had been wont to sit. In the meantime, while the various dishes were made ready, Turisind, reflecting that his son had sat there only a little while before, and recalling to mind the death of his child and beholding his slayer present and sitting in his place, drawing deep sighs, could not contain himself, but a t last his grief broke forth in utterance. "This place," he says, " is dear to me, but the person who sits in it is grievous enough to my sight." Thcn another son of the king who was present, aroused by his father's speech, began to provoke the Langobards with insults declaring (because they wore white bandages from their calves down) that they were like mares with white feet up to the legs, saying: " T h e mares that you take after have white fetlocks." ' Then one of the Langobards thus answered these things: " Go to the field of Asfeld and there you can find b y experience beyond a doubt how stoutly those you call mares succeed in kicking; there the bones of your brother are scattered in the midst of the meadows like those of a vile beast." When they Frtilus for $efihts. T h e white hoof of a horse was 1 Or hoofs. so called. Others make itfl~eh'dar3,"evil smelling." See Gibbon, ch. 45. Hodgkin, \*, 136.

45

BOOK I.

heard these things, the Gepidae, unable to bear the tumult of their passions, are violently stirred in anger and strive to avenge the open insult. T h e Langobards on the other side, ready for the fray, all lay their hands on the hilts of theirswords. T h e king leaping forth from the table thrust himself into their midst and restrained his people from anger and strife, threatening first to punish him who first engaged in fight, saying that it is a victory not pleasing to God when any one kills his guest in his o\vn house. Thus at last the quarrel having been allayed, they now finished the banquet with joyful spirits. And Turisind, taking u p the arms of Turismod his son, delivered them to Alboin and sent him back in peace and safety to his father's kingdom. Alboin having returned to his father, was made from that time his table companion. And when he joj,fully partook with his father of the royal delicacies, he related in order all the things \vhich had happened to him among the Gepidae in the palace of Turisind.' Those who were present mere astonished and applauded the boldness of Alboin nor did they less exto! in their praises the most honorable behavior of Turisind.

CHAPTERXXV. A t this period the emperor Justinian was governing the Roman empire with good fortune. H e was both prosperous in waging wars and admirable in civil matters. F o r by Belisarius, the patrician, he vigorously subdued the Persians and by this same Belisarius he

' Read Tzsrisirzdi 'inith many MSS. instead cf

Tn?-ij.nzodi.

reduced t o utter destruction t h e nation of t h e Wandals, captured their Ici11g Gclismer and restored all Africa to tlle Roman empire a f ~ c l -~ l i n c i \ ~ - s years. is Again by t h e poxver of Bclisarius lic overcame t h e nation of t1:e Goths in Italy and toolc capti\-e IL-itichis their king. I-Ie subdueci also tile hIoors n.ho after'ir.artls infested Africa together with their Icing Amta!as, b y John tlie ex-consul, a Inan of wonderful courage. I11 like manner too, h e subjugated otiier nations b y right of 'ivar. F o r tllis reason, o n account of liis victories over them all, h e deserved to have his surnames and to be called Xlamannicus, Gothicus, I:rnncicus, Gcrmanicus, Anticus, Xlanicus, \Vandalicus, and Africanus. I-Ie aiso arranged in wonderful brevity t h e Ian-:; of t h e I-great ant1 nilosz iaclc of harmony was injurious. F o r all t h e l a x of t!ic cnipcrors w l ~ i c hwere certainly cont;iined in nia:l>- V O ~ C I : ~ C S llc abridged into twelve books, and llc ordcrcd illis \-olunle called t h e Justinian Codc. On tlic otlicr h a n d , tllc laws of special magistrates o r jticigcs n.liic11 n.crc s p r e ; ~ d over almost two thousand b o o l i ~ h, e rcducecl to t h e number of fifty ;i:id callcd that worli by t!ie nanle of " Lligeits" o r 11an d ccts." I l e also coml?oscd alien- four books of .' I n s t i t ~ ~ t e sin" n-hich tllc t e s t t ~ r eof all lan-s is briefly described ; lic also osdercd th,-.t t h e new laws xv!iich h e himself hiid ortlained, n.11~11rccii~ccd to o n e volume, should b e callcd in tllc saint viay tlie '' Kew C o d e " ( S o v e l s ) . Tlle same cr:iperi)r aiso built n-it!:in t h e city of Constantino11:c t o C i ~ s i . ~o tu r L o r d , n.110 is t h e n i s do111 of G o d t h e F;::llcr, a c l i ~ ~ i - c: v! lil i < i i 11cc:licd by the Greek name " I-Iagia Sophia," that is, " Divine Wisdom."

BOOK I.

47

The workmanship of this so far excels that of all other buildings that in all the regions of the earth its like cannot be found. This emperor in fact was Catholic in his faith, upright in his deeds, just in his judgments, and therefore, to him all things came together for good. In his time Cassiodorus was renowned in the city of Rome * for knowledge both human and divine. Among other things which he nobly wrote, he expounded particularly in a most pov7erful way the obscure parts of the Psalms. E e n-as in the first place a consul, then a senator, and at last a monk. A t this time also Dionisius, an abbott established in the city of Rome, computed a reckoning of Easter time by a wonderful argumentation.' Then also, at Constantinople, Priscian of Czsarea explored the depths of the grammatical art, as I might say, and then also, Arator, a subdeacon of the Roman church, a wonderful poet, wrote the acts of the ap3stles in hexameter verses.

CHAPTERXXVI. In these days also the most blessed father Benedict, first in a place called Sublacl~s(Subiaco), which is distant forty miles3 from the city of Rome, and afterwards

'

IIis work was done mostly at Ravenna and 1-iviers in Bruttium (n-here he retired to a monastery). Elis fhnle n-as not confined to Rome but extended throughout Italy, and the entire Rolnan ~\.orld. In his Cyclus Paschalis he also introduced the annunciation of the birth of Christ as the starting-point of chronology. % Roman rnile is 142 yards less than the English statute mile.

48

HISTORY O F T H E LANGOBARDS.

in the stronghold of Cassinum (Monte Cassinol), which is called A r x , was renowned for his great life and his apostolic virtues. His biography, as is known, the blessed Pope Gregory composed in delightful language in his Dialogues. I also, according to my meager talent, have braided together in the following manner in honor of so great a father, each of his miracles by means of corresponding distichs in elegiac meter.' . . . W e have woven also in this manner a hymn in iambic Archilochian meter, containing each of the miracles of the same father.3 . . . I may here briefly relate a thing that the blessed pope Gregory did not at all describe in his life of this most holy father. When, by divine admonition, he had come almost fifty miles from Sublacus to this place where his body reposes, three ravens, \vhom he was accustomed to feed, followed him, flying around him. And at every crossway, while he catne hither, two angels appearing in the form of young men, sllowed him which way he ought to take. And in this place [Cassinum] a certain servant of God then had a dwelling, to whom a voice from heaven said : Leave these sacred spots, another friend is a t hand. I A famous monastery, 45 miles N. XV. of Naples, the cradle ot the Benedictine order. a T h e sixty-four distichs which follow are found in Appendix 111, a s they have no proper connection with the history. They had been written by Paul previously, a n d certain additions to them contained in other 3ZSS. arc published by 13ethmann ( 3 3 1 ) . These verses are also contained in Appendix 111.

49

BOOK I.

And when he had come here, that is to the citadel of Cassinum he always restrained himself in great abstinence, but especially a t the time of Lent he remained shut up and removed irom the noise of the world. I have taken all these things from the song of the poet Marcus, who coming hither to this same father, composed some verses in his praise, but to guard against too great prolixity, I have not described them in these books. I t is certain, however, that this illustrious father came to this fertile place overlooking a rich valley, being called by heaven for this purpose, that there should be here a community of many monks, as has actually occurred under God's guidance. These things, which were not to be omitted, having been briefly told, let us return to the regular order of our history.

CHAPTERXXVII. Now Audoin, king of tke Langobards, of whom we have spoken, had to wife Rodelinda, who bore him Alboin, a man fitted for wars and energetic in all things. Then Audoin died,' and afterwards Alboin, the tenth king, entered upon the government of his country according to the wishes of all, and since he had everywhere a name very illustrious and distinguished for power, Chlothar, the king of the Franks, joined to him in marriage his daughter Chlotsuinda. From her he begot one daughter only, Alpsuinda by name. Meanwhile Turisind, king of the Gepidz, died, and Cunimund succeeded him in the sovereignty. And he,

' Probably about 565 (Hodglril?, L',

I 37).

50

IiISTORIr O F THE LANGOBARDS.

desiring to avenge the old injuries of the Gepidx, broke his treaty n i t h the Langobards an^! chose tvar rather tlian peace.' But Xlboin entered inco ii perpetual treaty n i t h the i2\7ars, ~vlio\\.ere first calicc: 1 [[Ins, Iurntori Ann., 111, 1). 38s; liodgkin, I-, p. I I ) , but the cI!-sentel.y s\vel)t axvny a third of hi, army, ant1 the clamor of liis o \ ~11 .i~:i;jccts,a s well a s tile representations of 1;elisal-ills, the :;enem1 tf Ji:i.tinian, induced him to return home ((;il;!~on, cli. 4 1 ) . \\-hen lie depaited from italy h e did not relinquish all h c had ~ v o n . 'I'he larger part of T7enetia, x good deal of Liguria a n d the provinces of the Cottian Alps \\el-c retained (Hodgkin, \., 1 I ) . Theudepert died in 538, leaving a s his successor his feeble child Theudel~altl (p. 13). Fil-c )c.:irs later [;\ I). 533), \ \ h e n t l ~ e Goths in Italy I\-e:-eo~.eitiii.in 11 by Xnl-ses, those \\ ho still held out in t h e north l>esought tlie 1-r::nkish king for. aid, and Liuccellinus (Rtitilin) a n d his 1,rother- Le~ltharius,leaders of the barbarot~s Alamanni, rava,ycd northel-n lia!!. I p1). I 6-17!, and then slvept do\vn toward the 5(,t:t11. 'llle ;~i-micsof the t\io lit-others kept together a s far a s Saniniunl, tlien tliey clii iLe~!. 1:ucccllinus ravaged the \vest coast a n d L e c t h a r i ~ tlie : ~ e x t , dov, n to tlie 2nd o i the peninsula (A. 1). 5 5 4 ) I.'i~~ai!yLeutl:::~-ius detcrniined to return w ~ t hhis boot)-, l,ut \\.hen h e n a s allout to cl-oss tlie .Alps a pestilence broke out in his army a n d h e perished (pp. 23-26). Buccellinus was attacked 11). S a r s e s near Capua, his army \vas destroyed a n d h e \vas slnin. This exl~edition of I:uccellinus, therefore, occurred not under Theudepert b::t aftel- his death.

BOOK 11.

55

pert, his king, abundant gifts from the booty of the country, was arranging to ~vinter in Campania, but was overcome at length in disastrous war by Narses at a place whose name is Tannetum,~and was slain. And when Amingus attempted to bring aid to \Vidln, a count of the Goths rebelling against h'arses, both were overcome by Karses. IVidin being captured, was banished to Constantinople, but Amingus, xx-llo had offered him assistance, perished by the sword of Sarses. Also a third duke of the Franks, by name Leutharius, the brother of Bucce!linus, when he desired to return to his country laden with great booty, died a natural death between Verona and Tridentum (Trent), near Lake Benacus (Lago di Garda).l

Narses had also a struggle with Sinduald, king of the Grenti,3 a surviving descendant of the stock of the Heroli whom Odoacar, when he formerly came into Italy, had brought with him. Upon this man, who at first adhered to him faithfully, Narses conferred many benefits, but defeated him in war, captured him and 'This battle occurred near Capua, on the banks of the river Casilinum, another name for the Vulturnus (Volturno) (TVaitz ; Hodgkin, V,36-44.) The name Tanneturn cannot be positively identified. H e died of the pestilence nhich had broken out in his army. See previous note. Perhaps the same as those called Rreones or Eriones, d~:elling in the Alps of Noricum or in the neighborhood of the Crenner in Tyrol (TYaitz: Abel; see Zeuss, 484).

s6

HISTORY O F T H E LAKGOBARDS.

hung him from a lofty beam, when a t last he insolently rebelled and sought to obtain the sovereignty.' A t this time also Narscs, the patrician, by means of Dagisteus, the Master of Soldiers, a powerful and warlike man, got possession of all the territories of Italy.' This Karses indeed was formerly keeper of the archives,3 and afterwards on account of the valuc of his high qualities, h e earned the honor of the patriciate. F o r he was a very pious man, a Catholic in religion, generous to the poor, very zealous in restoring churches,4 and so much devoted to vigils and prayers t!:at he obtained victory more by the supplications n-hich hc poured forth to God, than by the arms of liar.

I n the times of this man a very great pestilence broke out, particularly in the province of Liguria.5 F o r sud' A . L). 56j (Hodgkin, V , 56). Karses took the city of Rome largely through the agency of Dagisteus (Procopil!~,iI7,33\, who thcs became the means of the recovery of Italy (IVaitz). The title Sfaster of Soldiers," ( n ~ n ~ y isfi.r 1>it'Zifii7i?,) \\.as given at the time of Constantine to itnportant ministers of state, and t h c ~ e\\ere then only eight of these in the uhole empire (IIodg'hin, T I , 539); in the time of Theoder~c, the king alone (Hartmanc, I, 99), a n d later, Belisarius, the generalin-chief of Justinian, held this important military ofice (id., p. 258). Afterwards h o w e ~er, the title l~ecarnecheapened, the number of mn~qt'sfri ?lu'Zifitmincreased, and at last the rank became nluch the same as that of i?ir.c or duke (Hodglcin, VI, 540). CjZa~fuZ~zrii/s, see LIuCange. 'After their desecration 11). the A\rian Goths. Probably A . u. 566 (IIodg., \., 166, note 2). 2

"

57

BOOK 11.

denly there appeared certain marks among the dwellings, doors, utensils, and clothes, which, if any one wished to wash away, became more and more apparent. After the lapse of a year indeed there began to appear in the groins of men and in other rather delicate1 places, a swelling of the glands, after the manner of a nut or a date, presently followed by an unbearable fever, so that upon the third day the man died. But if any one should pass over the third day he had a hope of living. Everywhere there was grief and everywhere tears. For as common report had it that those who fled would avoid the plague, the dwellings were left deserted by their inhabitants, and the dogs only kept house. The flocks remained alone in the pastures with no shepherd at hand. You might see villas or fortified places lately filled with crowds of men, and on the next day, all had departed and everything was in utter silence. Sons fled, leaving the corpses of their parents unburied; parents forgetful of their duty abandoned their children in raging fever. If by chance long-standing affection constrained any one to bury his near relative, he remained himself unburied, and while he was performing the funeral rites he perished; while he offered obsequies to the dead, his own corpse remained without obsequies. You might see the world brought back to its ancient silence : no voice in the field ; no whistling of shepherds ; no lying in wait of wild beasts among the cattle; no harm to domestic fowls. The crops, outliving the time of the harvest, awaited the reaper un-

' Read deli'-afioribus in place

of clrZzgation3us.

s8

HISTORY O F TIIE L.lriGOl:.\RDS.

touched; the vinej~ard with its fallen leaves and its shining grapes remained undisturbed ~vhilewinter came o n ; a trumpet as of warriors resouilded through the hours of the night and d a j - ; something lilie the murmur of an army was heard b>. ma:lj-; tllcre n c r e no footsteps of passers by, no murdcscr n.as seen, yet tlie corpses of the dead were more than the eyes could discern ; pastoral places had been turned into a sepulchre for men, and h ~ i m a nhabitations had bcconle places of refuge for wild beasts. iZi:d tlicse evils happened to the Romans only and ~vithin Italy alone, up to the boundaries of the nations of the Alarnanni and the Bavarians. ?,ieanwlli!c, the cnlpcror Justinian departed from life and J~istiilthe j-ounger undertooli the rule of the state a t Constantinople. 111these times also Xarses the patrician, n-hose care was watching e\.crytliing, at length seized Vitalis, bisllop of the city of Altinum (Rltino), who had fled nv,~i)-years before to the kingis, to the city of Aguntum dom of the Franlcs-that condemned him to exile in Sicily. (1nnichen)l-and

C H . ~ T C I1 I'. Now the ~ v l ~ o lnation e of the Goths having been destroyed or overthro\vn, as has been said, and those also of whom we have spoken ' having been in like manner conquered, Narses, aftcr he had acquired ~ n u c h gold and silver alld riches of other kinds, incurred the great envy of the Romans although he had labored much

' .At the headtvaters of the !)rave ' In ch. 2 and 3 supra.

in 'Tytol (I\-aitz).

BOOK 11.

59

for them against their enemies, and they made insinuations against him to the emperor Justin' and his wife Sophia, in these words, saying, "It would be advantageous for the Romans to serve the Goths rather than the Greeks wherever the eunuch Narses rules and oppresses us with bondage, and of these things our most devout emperor is ignorant: Either free us frcm his hand or surely we will betray the city of Rome and ourselves to the heathens." When Narses heard this he answered briefly these words : If I have acted badly with the Romans it will go hard with me." Then the emperor was so greatly moved wit11 anger against Narses that he straightway sent the prefect Longinus into Italy to talte Narses' place. But Narses, when he knew these things, feared greatly, and so much was he alarmed, especially by the same empress Sophia, that he did not dare to return again to Constantinople. Among other things, because he was a eunuch, she is said to have sent him this message, that she would make him portion out to the girls in the ~vomen's chamber the daily tasks of wool.3 T o these words Narses is said to have given this answer, that he would begin to weave her such a web as she could not lay down as long as she lived.4 I'

1 Read Jzdsfi?zo for Jz~stilziano. It n-as Justin I1 who was the husband of Sophia and to whom this complaint was made. 8 The Arian Goths were so considered. In Fredegarius (Epitome, iii, 6 j) it is said that the empress sent him a golden instrument used by women with xvhich he might spin and told him that henceforth he might rule over wool-workers, not over naticns. 'Or, as Fredegarius has it (id.): I will spin a thread of which

60

HISTORY OF THE LAXGOB-~RDS.

Therefore, greatly racked by hate and fear, h e withdrew to Neapolis (Kaples), a city of Campania, and soon sent messengers to the nation of the Langobards, urging them to abandon the barren fields of Pnnnonia 2nd come and take possession of Italy, teeming with every sort of riches. At the same time 1?e sends many kinds of fruits and samples of other things r i t h n liich Italy is well supplied, whereby to attract their minds to come.' T h e neither the emperor Justin nor the empress shall be able to find the e n d " (Hodgkin, V,62). T h e charge that Karses in revenge for his recall (A.D. 566 or 567) invited the Langobards into Italy is subject to grave doubt. Paul's statement that h e sent them the fruits a n d pioducts of that country conta:ns a n 0121 io:~s improbai~ility,since their troops had served i n Italy fifteen )ears b e f o ~ ea n d they needed no information on that sui~ject(Hodghin, IT,62). Pal11 follotred the popular tradition, arid tracing this back, n-e fiild that t h e account occurs in the so-cn!led Fredcgarius (-4. 11. 643 to GjS), but ~vithout the statement concernin:: the fi-uits anti otllzr PI-otiuctsof Italy. Bishop Isidore of Sex-ille, xx-hose chi-cliiicle cniiie cic,'.in tu 61 5 , tells us that Karses, terrified by t h e tht-c'its of Sophia, in\-i;cd the Langobards fi-om 1'annc:nia slid introcl~~ced t!lcm into !taly. Tlie Copenhagen continuer of 1'1osller (n1)out 625) co;lies from Isidore. T h e Liber Pontlfiial~s( I ~ f ecif John i I I , 11. 11. 579-590) "1)s that Karses I\-cnt to C a m ~ ~ a nand i n \vri~tcto the 1.an~oljardsto ~ i60, n , 61). 'I-his come a n d take possession of I t n l y ( ~ i ~ : t l ~ l\', book was neaily conte11lpornl.y anti sho~\.sa popular belief that S a r s e s u a s disloyal to the empire. Keither of the t\vo beit contemporary nutho;-s, Alari~isof ilvenches or (;regr,ry of Toul-s, tho died about 594, speak of Karses' invitation to the Lanqobards, though the fox-mer mentions his recall a n d bc t11 si~eal;of the invasion of Alboin. T h e Annals of Knve~inan ~ - ecquall!. silent. While Karses' recall \ \ a s pr-obably due to t!le e:llpr-ess a n d furnished the Langobards with their oppol.tunit)-, the statement that

BOOK IT.

6I

Langobards receive joyfully the glad tidings which they themselves had also been desiring, and they form high expectations of future advantages. I n Italy terrible signs were continually seen at night, that is, fiery swords appeared in heaven gleaming with that blood which was afterwards shed.

CHAPTERVI. But Alboin, being about to set out for Italy with the Langobards, asked aid from his old friends, the Saxons, that he might enter and take possession of so spacious a land with a larger number of follolvers. The Saxons came to him, more than 20,ooo men, together wit11 their wives and children, to proceed with him to Italy accord~ngto his desire. Hearing these things, Chlothar and Sigisbert, kings of the Franks, put the Suavi and other nations into the places from which these Saxons had c0me.I he invited them is hardly sustained by sufficient evidence to establish the treason of that eminent commander, though it she\\-s that after the i n n s i o n his agency was suspected (Hodgkin, IT, 64, 6j). Certain it is that when his hody x a s brought to Constantinople, the emperor \vhon~he is said to ha\.e betrayed, carried his bier and paid the last honors to his memory (Hartmann 11, 1, 24). Hodgkin believes (V, I 56 note) that the fact that the Suavi, whom he considers the same as thc Alamanni, occupied the homes of these Saxons, indicates that they were located in southern Germany.

62

HISTORY OF T H E LAKGOBARDS.

CHAPTERVII. Then Alboin bestowed his own abode, that is, Pannonia, upon liis friends the Hulls1 on this condition: that if a t ally time it should b e necessary f o r the Langobards to retur~:' they should take back their own fields. T h e n t h e Langobards, having left Pal~nonia, hastened to take possession of Itaiy with their \vi\-es and children and all thcir goods. T h c y d ~ v c l tin Panno~lia forty-two ycnrs.3 T h e y came out of it in tlie m o n t h or' April in the first indiction 4 o n the day after holy Easter, That is the Av;irs (I\-ait~). See S I , ; ~ Y I Z I , 27. At a n y time u ithin t\vo hundred !.ears, ' ' adds the Chronicon Gothanum (PII. G. Leges Il', 644), a n d it wns also provided in the agreement that the A\-XI-sshould aid the Langobards in Italy. "his period is impossible since the 1,angobards entered Pannonia not far from 546, a n d left it in jOS. Probably zz should b e substituted for 4 2 (Hartrnn1111, 11, I , 301. * T h e word ' ' indiction originaliy meant the declaration of the imposition of a tax. \:.hen Const;~ntinethe (ireat reorganized the Roman Empire lie estr~1,lished a fiscal period of fifteen years for this imposition, be~inniii;: A . 1). 313. I-ience tlie \\.ord in cilronology means t h e n ~ : i l i ; ~ eattached r to tlie year sho~vingits place in a cycle of Sfreen )-ears, 11c;inning A. 1). 313. There \Yere three kinds of intiii-tion. T h e original Greek or Constantinopolitan indiction (hel-e rcfei-red to) is reck0ned from September 1st of what we consider the previous year. '1'0 find the indiction. a d d three to [he number of the ) c.Lr in the vulgar era a n d divide it by 15, the renlainder is the indiction. If nothing is lcft over, it is the 15th indiction. T h e year Jvlien Alboin lcft Pannc,nia \\as A. D. 568. Adding 3 a n d dividing by I 5 \ve h a \ - e I I-cnlaining, a n d a s the indiction began in September, 567, tipril of the year 568 was in the 1st indiction, a n d tile 3d indictinn I~:;;I:Iin September of that year. It ail1 be observed that this date is given by Paul for Alboin's a

"

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63

whose festival that year, according to the method of departure from Pannonia, not for his actual entrance into Italy. Paul apparently takes this from the Origo (see Appendix 11): " And Alboin, king of the Langobards, mo\-ed out of Pannonia in the month of April after Easter, in the first indiction. In the second indiction indeed (September, j68, to September, 569), they began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indiction he became master of Italy." A question has arisen whether the actual invasion of Italy occurred in 568 or 569. The edict of Rothari, of Nov., 643, states that it was published (hf. G., LL., ISr, p. I ) in the 76th year after the arrit a1 of the Lanxobards in the province of Italy. This ind~catesthat the invasion niust h a t e occurred before Nov., 5 6 5 But a fragment of Secundus of June, 580, speaks of the Langobards as ' remaining in Italy I 2 years since they entered it in the month of May in the second indiction." In these 1 2 years, according to a common method of computation at that time, the 12th year may not have been completed and Secundus' date for the invasion is clearly Ma), 569 (see &I. G., Script. Rerum Lang. et Ital., p. 2 5 , n. 3 a). hlarius of Avenches says that in 569 Alboin " occupied" Italy, which hluratori thinks (Annals, A. I>. 568) must have been a mistake in the copyist. The Annals of Ravenna (Agnello, a. c. 94) says that in the zd indiction (Sept. I , 568, to Sept. I , 569) Venetia was invaded and occupied by the Langobards. Pope Gregory I \\rote June, 595 (Ind~c.13, lib. V, 2 1 ) that the Romans had been th~eatenedb y the Langobards for 2 7 years, and in Jul), 603 (Indic. 6, 1111.X I I I , 38), for 35 years, but in computing this time the final year is not complete, so that the probable date of the invasion would be 569 (see Roviglio, i j t f r u , p. 12). Cipolla (Atti del R. Istituto Veneto, x, 1889-90, series 7, t. I , pp. 666-688) and Roviglio (Sopra Alcuni Dati Cronologici, Reggio-Emilia, 1899 contend for 569; Crivellucci (Studii Storici, I, 478-497) and Hodgkin (T, I 58) for 568. The authorities are very equally divided. Secundus, a contemporary and considered reliable, would perhaps be entitled to the greatest weight, Tve1.e it not that the official statement in the Edict supports the year given by Paul.

64

HISTORY OF THE LANGOBARDS.

calculation, fell upon the calends (the first) of April, when five hundred and sixty-eight years had already elapsed from the incarnation of our Lord.

CHAPTEI; VIII. Therefore, when king Alboin with his whole army and a multitude of people of all kinds had come to the limits of Italy, he ascended a mountain which stands forth in those places, and from there as far as he could see, he gazed upon a portion of Italy. Therefore this mountain it is said, was called from that time on " King's I1Iountain."' T h e y say wild oxen graze upon it, and no ;l;onder, since at tliis point it touches Pannonia, u-!lich is productive of these anirnals. I n fine, a certain 1-erj. truthful old man related to nie that he had seen tlie hide of a wild o x killed on tliis mountain of such size that in it fifteen men, as he said, could lie o ~ i cagainst the other.

W h e n Alboin xvithout any hindrance had thence 'Including no doubt inhabitants of Noricum a n d Pannonia, Slavs from the East a strong contingent of Saxons, and many others belonging to different German races (Iiartmann, 11, I , p.

19). Rudolf Virchow said at the meeting of tlie German Anthropological Society, Sept. j, I Sgg (see Correspondenz-blatt of that Society for 1898-99, p. I So) that he had taken a special journey to follow the course of the I.angobards into Itxly a n d was convinced that their irruption \\.as 1). the ro,icl over the Pretlil pass, thence into the valley of tlie Isonzo, a n d that 11ontc 1Iaggior.c (north of Cividale) is the " Iiing's ?>Iountain of Paul. "

BOOK 11.

f35

entered the territories of Venetia, which is the first province of Italy-that is, the limits of the city o r rather began of the fortress of Forum Julii (Civida1e)'-he to consider to whom he should especially commit the first of the provinces that he had taken. For indeed all Italy (which extends toward the south, or rather toward the southeast), is encompassed by the waves of the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic seas, yet from the west and north it is so shut in by the range of Alps that there is no entrance to it except through narrow passes and over the lofty summits of the mountains. Yet from the eastern side by which it is joined to Pannonia it has an approach which lies open more broadly Albion therefore, as we have and is quite level. \&h'en said, reflected whom he ought to make duke2 in these places, he determined, as is related, to put over the city of Forum Julii and over its whole district,s his nephew See, however, Waitz, who thinks Colonia Julia Carnia, north of Osopus, is referred tc. As to the meaning of the word " duke " at this time see note to 11, 32, infra. The district or duchy of Friuli which Gisulf was to rule cannot b e definitely bounded. It reached northward probably to the Carnic Alps, eastyard to the Julian Alps, and southward to a line not far from the coast which was suF;ject to the sea power of the Eastern Empire. Concordia wa.: not won froin the empire until about Grg, and Opitergium in 642. To the west, Friuli was bounded b y other Langobard territory, especially by the duchy of Ceneda from nhich it was separated by the Taglian~ento or Livenza (Hod:. , 1-1, 43, 44). The Bal arians dwelt north15 est of y Slavonians northeast, and behind them the Asiatic the d ~ ~ c hthe Avars (Fiodgkin, VI, 44). Cividale was made the capital instead

66

I-IISTORY OF THE LANGOBARDS.

Gisulf,~who was his master of horse-whom they call man suitable in in their own language "marpahis " '-a every way. This Gisulf announced that he would not first undertake the government of this city and people unless Alboin \rould gi1.e him tlie " faras," that is, the families or stoclis of tlie Langobards that h e hinlself wished t o c!:ocse. A n d this u.as done, and ~ i t hthe approval of the king he took to dwell with him the chief families of the Langobards h e had desired.3 And thus finally, he acquired the honor of a leader.4 H e asked also from the king for herds of high-bred mares, and in this also he was heeded by tlie liberality of his chief.

I n these days in which the Langobards invaded Italy, the kingdom of the Franks, divided into four parts uFon tlit death of their king Chlotar, Lvas ruled b y his four sons. T h e first among these, Aripert (Charibert) had of Aquileia which had been the chief city (Hodgkin, 1'1, 39). Friuli is the first mentioned of the four great dukedoms conspicuous by their size a n d power over all others during tlie period of the Langobards: Friuli, Trent, Spolcto, a n d l3encvento. T h e two last were largely independent of the Langol~ardkinzdom. Trent a n d Frit~linc\.er succeeded in achieving their independence although this \\;IS several tirnes nttelnpted (FIocig., 1-1, 2 3 ) . ' Eethmann belie1.e~that it \ \ a s Grasulf, Gisulf's father (11Tait.z). From ~ ~ n7;ziil.e r , a hor-se and j n i z n ; z to put on the bit, according to Grirnm (Allel, Hodgkin, VI, 4 2 ; \-, 161). Indecd it n-as byftz7.n~or clans that ltalj- in general was first occupied by the Langobards (Nartmann 11, I , 2 1 ) . Read dzcct(ov instead of i,l~-.

BOOK 11.

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the seat of his kingdom at Paris; the second indeed, Gunthram held sway at the city of Aureliani (Orleans) ; the third, Hilperic (Chilperic) had his throne a t Sessionac (Soissons), in the place of Chlotar, his father; the fourth, Sigisbert, ruled at the city of Mettis (Metz)." A t this time, too, the most holy Benedict as pope governed the Roman Church.3 Also the blessed patriarch Paul presided over the city of Aquileia and its people and, fearing the barbarity of the Langobards, fled from Aquileia to the island of Grado ; 4 and he carried away with him all the treasure of his churc11.s I n this year in the early winter a; much snow fell in the plain as is wont to fall upon the summits of the Alps, and in the following summer there was such great fertility as no other age claims to remember. A t this time too when they had learned of the death of king Chlotar, the Huns, who are also called Avars, attacked his son Sigisbert and the latter, coming up to meet them in Turingia, overcame them with great force near the river Charibert in fact had died in 567, just before the Langobards invaded Italy (Hodgkin, V, 199). a See Bzfia, 111. 10, note. The name is there spelled Sigispert. SThis is erroneous. It was John 111 who was pope from 560 to 573 (Jacobi, 48). Benedict was pope 573-578. Paul u a s led into this error by a statement in the Liber Pontificalis from nhich he took che account, that a t the time of Benedict, the Langobards invaded all Italy (Ed L. Duchesne, I, 308; Atti del Congress0 in Cividale, 1899, p. I 18, note.) 'An island near Aquileia and close to the mainland but inaccessible to the Langobards who had no boats. 5 It was Paulinus, not Paul who thus fled to Grado (IVaitz).

68

HISTORY O F TI-IE LANGOBARDS.

Albis (Elbe) and gave peace to them when they sought it. B r u n i c h e l d i ~ coming ,~ from Spain, is joined in marriage to this Sigisbert, and f r o n ~her h e had a son by name Childcpert. T h c A~rars,fighting again with Sigisbert in the sanle places as before, cr~ished the army of the Franks and obtained the victory.

CHAPTERXI. Narses indeed returned from Campania to Rome and there not long afterwards, departed from this life,' and his body, placed in a Ieadcn casket, was carried with all his riches to Constantinople.

CHAPTERXII. W h e n Alboin then came to the river Plavis (Piave), Felix the bishop of the church of Tarvisiuni (Tre\~iso) came forth there to meet him, and the king, since hc was very generous,3 granted to him at his request all the property of his church and confirmed the things asked for by a solemrl document.4

CI~APTER XIII. Becacse indeed, ~ v chave made mention of this Felix, we may also relate a few things concerning the venerOr Brunichildis, Brunihilde, a s I'aul variously spelis it. 'About 573 or perhaps a year or ta.0 earlier (Hodg., I-, 65). His generosity is also extolled in the song of \Vidsith (Hodgkin, I*, I 76). This has been qrlestioi~ed . .Ire 11-ansposecl In some of the manuscripts to

83

BOOK 11.

sleep perceived the evil which threatened and reached his hand quickly for his sword, which, being tightly tied, he could not draw, yet he seized a foot-stool and defended himself with it for some time. But unfortunately alas ! this most warlike and very brave man being helpless against his enemy, was slain as if he were one of no account, and he who was most famous in war through the overthrow of so many enemies, perished by the scheme of one little woman. His body was buried with the great grief and lamentations of the Langobards under the steps of a certain flight of stairs which was next to the palace. H e was tall in stature and well fitted in his whole body for waging wars. I n our own days Giselpert, who had been duke of Verona, opened his grave and took away his sword and any other of his ornaments found there. And for this reason he boasted with his accustomed vanity among ignorant men that he had seen Alboin.' bring the sentence into harmony with what precedes. Agnellus ignores Peredeo altogether and assigns the whole responsibility for the murder to Helmechis, instigated by Rosemund (Hodgkin, V, 170). But after deducting what is undoubtedly legendary we have statements from contemporary sources essentially harmonious. The Annals of Ravenna (Exc. Sang. Agnell., ch. 96) says, " A1boin was killed by his follolvers in his palace by command of his wife Rosemund." John Riclaro: " Alboin is killed a t night a t Verona by his followers by the doing of his wife." M a r i ~ ~ s : Alboin was killed by his followers, that is by Hilnlaegis with the rest, his wife agreeing to it." The Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper: Alboin was killed a t Verona by the treachery of his wife Rosemund, the daughter of king Conimund, Elmigisilus aiding her ' ' (Schmidt, p. 72). Hodgkin (V, 175) notices a reference to Alboin in the so-called I '

84

HISTORY OF T H E I>hSGOBA4RDS.

XXIX. Helmechis then, upon the death of Alboin, attempted to usurp his kingdom, but h e could not at all do this, because the Langobards, grieving greatly for the king's death, strove to make way with him. And straightway Rosemund sent word to Longinus, prefect of Ravenna, that he should quiclily send a ship t o fetch them. Longinus, delighted b y such a message, speedily sent a ship in \I-hich Helmechis with Roserni~ildhis n.ife embarked, fleeing a t night. T h e y took with them Albsuinda, the daugilter of the king, and all the treasure of the Langobards, and came slviftly to Ravenna.' Then CHAPTEII.

Traveler's song or 1Vidsith which was co~nl~oscc! ~)rol~al~l!about the middle of the sisth centurk-. I.ines I 39 to 117 say, ' ' So was I in Eatule lvith Ealfivin, son of Eadlvin, \vho of all mankind h a d to my thinking the lightest hand to \vin love, the most generous hen:.; in the distribution of rings and l~riglitbracelets." It seellls 111-0bable that E a t i ~ l emeans Ital!. ; I,:;~lfivin,rlll~oin; Ead\vin, i\udoin. Probalj1)- to some point on the 1'0 not far from Verona (Hod;. , l', 1 7 2 , note I ) . ZAs to Rosemund's flight to Longinus, the Ravenna Annals (Agnello, ch. 96) shon. that Kosemund with a multitude of ( k p i d a e a n d Langobards c a m e to Kavenna in the month of Aurust with all the royal treasure and was honorably received 11) Longicus the prefect. Alarius sa)-s that Helmegis, \\.ith his uife a n d all the treasure a n d a part of the army, surrendered to the rel)t!blic at Ravenna. John Ijiclnro says: that Alboin's treasure with thc queen came into the polver of the republic a n d t h e Langobal.dr, remained xvithout king a n d treasure. T h e Co1)enh::gen Continile:. of Prosper (p. 34) says she attempted to unite Flelmigis to her self in marriage a n d in the kingdom, but \vlien she perceive:! tliat her treacherous usurpation displeased the !.nn:oljarcls, slic fled with the royal treasure a n d her husband to Ra\-enna (Schmidt, 73).

'

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the prefect Longinus began to urge Rosemund to kill Helmechis and to join him in wedlock. As she was ready for every kind of wickedness and as she desired to become mistress of the people of Ravenna, she gave her consent to the accomplishment of this great crime, and while Helmechis was bathing himself, she offered him, as he came out of the bath, a cup of poison which she said was for his health. But when he felt that he had drunk the cup of death, he compelled Rosemund, having drawn his sword upon her, to drink what was left, and thus these most wicked murderers perished at one moment by the judgment of God Almighty.

CHAPTER XXX. When they had thus been killed, the prefect Longinus sent Albsuinda with the treasures of the Langobards to Constantinople to the emperor. Some affirm that Peredeo also came to Ravenna in like manner with Helmechis and Rosemund, and was thence sent with Albsuinda to Constantinople, and there in a public show before the emperor killed a lion of astonishing size and, as they say, by command of the emperor, his eyes were torn out lest he should attempt anything in the imperial city because he was a strong man. After some time he prepared for himself two smal! knives, hid one in each of his sleeves, went to the palace and promised to say something serviceable to the emperor if he were admitted to him. The emperor sent him tn70 patricians, familiars of the palace, to receive his words. When they came to Peredeo, he a p ~ r o a c h e d them quite closely as if about to tell them something unusually

86

HISTORY OF THE LANGOBAKDS.

secret, and he wounded both of them severely ivith the weapons he held concealed in each hand so that immediately they fell to the ground and expired. A n d thus in no way unlike the mighty Sampson, he avenged his injuries, and for the loss of his two eyes he killed two men most useful to the emperor. All the Langobards in Italy by common consent installed as their king in the city of Ticinum, Cleph, a very noble man among t l ~ c r n . ~Of many powerful men of the Romans some he dcstroycd by tile sivord and others he drove from Italy. iVhen he had held the sovereignty with Masane, his \fife one year and six months, he was slain with the si~orcib!. a scr\.ant of 1:is train.'

CHAPTER XXXII. After his death the Langobards had no king for ten years3 but were under d~1kes,4and each one of the ' I Of t h e race of Ueleo " says the Origo. LIarius of Avenches (Chron., 573, Iionc;xlli, 11. 415,see Pabst, 415, note j) says h e had been one of the dukes. T h e precise clates are uncertain. Jlarius of ,2\,enches sa)-s he vcas elected in the sixth inrli::it,n a n d slain in the seventh, hence both events took place bc;\\-c,n Sept. st, 5 7 2 , a n d Sept. st, j 7 4 (Roviglio, Sopra Alcuni Ijnti Cronologici, p. 28). ' T h e Origo Centis Langobnrdorum, the Chronicon Gothanurn, Fredegarius a n d the Copenhaxcn Continuer of Prosper all give tn.el\.e years a s the period of thls intcri-egnum. X computation of the preceding a n d subsequent rei:;ns appears to sustain Paul's statement (Roviglio, id., pp. 29-31) which, however, is not free froin doubt. 'Duzts. It is not certain what was the Langobard name for

BOOK 11.

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dukes held possession of his own city, Zaban of Ticinum (Pavia), Wallari of Bergamus (Bergamo), Alichis of Brexia (Brescia) , Euin of Tridentum (Trent) ,I Gisulf of Forum Julii (Cividale) .' But there were thirty other dukes besides these in their own cities.3 In these these rulers. Some suggest (Hodgkin, V, 183, 184) Heretoga (the present German Herzog). T h e prefix and suffix mi which occurs frequently i n Langobard names (e. g., Aripert, Arioald, Rothari) may have some connection with this dignity. T h e Latin word d u x was appropriately applied, a s it meant both a leader in the field and a commander of frontier troops and of a frontier district (Hartmann, 11, I , 40). Schmidt (p. 78) insists that the division of Italy into dukedoms was nothing else than the ancient Langobard division of their territory into cantons, only these were now connected with the former city territories of the Romans. 'Duke Euin (569-595) followed by Gaidoald in the latter year, and Alahis about 680 and 690, are the only three dukes of Trent mentioned in Paul's history (Hodg., VI, 23). The duchy of Trent probably ascended by the Central Valley of the Adige a s far northward a s the 21itsnsio of Euna, the modern to~vnof Xeumarkt, and southuard to a point near the present Austro-Italian frontier where the mountains begin to slope down to the Lombard plain (Hodg., VI, 26). a T h e dukes of Friuli were Gisulf (living in 575), Grasulf XI, Taso, Cacco, Ago, Lupus (about 6 6 2 ) , Wechtari (between 662 and 6 7 1 ) Landari, ~ Rodoald, Ansfrit (between 688 and 700), Ferdulf, Corvulus, Pemmo, Anselm, Peter and Ratgaud or Hrodgaud (775 to 7 7 6 ) (Hodg., VI, 36). Pabst (437) gives the list of probable cities referred to: Friuli Parma Cremona Ceneda Piacenza Como Lodi Treviso Modena Vicenza Brescello Vercelli Tortona Verona Asti

88

IIISTORY OF THE LANGOBARDS.

days many of the noMe Romans were killed from Trent Ivrea Alba Pompeia Brescia 'Turin Acqui hlantua Lucca Bergamo iYo\,arn Altino Chiusi RZilan blariana I'erugia Pa\.ia Fcltre Iienevento Spoleto (see p. 439). Iieggio 13ell11no This ~ i i a k e sthirty-six cities instead of the thirty-five, a n d probably I'aiist included one or Illore not yet occupied 11y the Langobards (lIotigkin, V, 188). I'abst also gives a \ ery complete account of this office of duke. At first it was not hcl-eclitary (p. 41;41 j) but was held for life (p. 43". D ~ ~ k e\\ere s n,jt selected on account of their noble birth (though nobles were frccjuently folind amon: them), Ijut on account of their ll:i!itary a n d acllninistrati\ e i i l i t y T h e duice was not c!iosen 11s the lietl!.ic 11i1tappointed by the king (11. 414) 111:1-i1ig thc intcr;e:gnilln of ten )ears \\-hen the d ~ ~ i ; egoverned s different portions of the country, there n-as a grent increase of the ducal pooer. It I ~ e c a m eel-iclent, holyever, that the g:overnment could not continue thus sub-di\ icled. T h e kingl:; pon-el. \)-asrestored b i ~ tin the n ~ e a n t i m csome of the dukedoms, partii.i;l:lrly l:ene\-ento a n d Si,olcta, a n d in a measure Friuli had become so ljo\r.c~f~.i t:!,it thry 11c.1-one\-er again \\holly sul~jectedt:) the king. I ile sut.ce~sii?nin Iiene\-ento and Spoleto becanle hereciitnry, a n d e\ en in 1:ri:lli the rights of the ruling fainiiy \vil-e 1.csl)ec.ted (i1:i;,i, I\-, j g ; l'abst, 432). T h e dtikc's jurisdiction extended, not sii;~!~ly over a particular city, but o\.cr the adjoining district or pro\ ince (pp. 43-1-13;) 1n determining the limits of this district the ancient boundaries were generally observed (435). T h e tirst definite sintenlent uf the powers of the duke is found in t h e Ian-s of li($tharia!>or~tthe middle of t h e 7th century. H e hnd sl~prenlen~ilit~~i-!, jtid~ciitl a n d pt,!:ce jurisdiction in his distl-ict (439, . ~ : o ) . Ilis co~ltiolof thc fin'iniial administration n.:ls 111t so complete (!LO). :it hi; sitlc, a t least in the northern du!;etioms, stoc~tlthe ci::!nts a n d ,yirsi,ziiz'i \vho \\ere the imliiediate rcjiresentati\.es of the king. T h e counts are named.

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love of gain, and the remainder were divided among next after the dukes (441), though their jurisdiction nowhere (442) appears, and Pabst considers that the name is a mere honorary title for a particular gastaldus (or gastaldius). This latter word is derived, in his opinion, from the Gothic gastaldan, to possess, acquire. A better derivation would seem to be from g a s t and aldius, the " guest of the half-free" who settled as a lord on the property of the conquered Italians, and compelled them to serve him and give him a portion of the proceeds of their lands. T h e gasfala? would then be the lords or administrators of thcse Italian d:,mains (Rruckner, 205). IVhen the dukes re-established the kingly power (P. 111, 16) they gave up one-half of their fortun& for royal uses. Paul tells us that a t this time the oppressed people were parcelled out among their Langobard guests, and it is probable that the gastaldi (whose name would appear to refer to such apportionment) were first appointed at that time. In each civifas or city with its adjacent territory there appears to have been a gastaldzrs whose duty it was to look after the royal interests, and especially, the royal domains (p. 443). H e received the king's share of inheritances when heirs were lacking and gradually came into possession of most of the financial adniinistration (444). Dukes, counts, andgnstaiiii, are all designated by the common name of "judges" (347-4~8), and certain police authority is also given them-for example, to remove lepers (349). to arrest fugiti~res,etc. A peculiar provision of Rothari's Edict (23) is, that if a duke shall unjustly injure his soldier thegnsfal~izts shall aid the latter and (24)) if the ~ ~ s f a i i i z shall rs un-iastly injure his soldier, the duke shall protect the injured man (443, note 3). Quite different is the position of the gasfaldi of Benevento and Spoleto where the dukes were practically sovereign (470). W e see at the courts of these dukes the same officials as a t the royal court, the cudicularizrs or chamberlain, the stulesaz, or treasurer, etc. (472). SVe find many royal expedients to limit the ducal power. Territory reconquered from the Greek empire or from rebellious dukes became the property of the sovereign (46j), and gastaldi

9'3

HISTORY O F THE LANGOBARDS.

their " guests " and made tributaries, that they should pay rather than dukes were appointed to administer it. \\.'hen Liut-, prand endeavored to strengthen the royal power, he took advantage in Friuli of a contest between Bishop Calixtus and Duke l'emmo and deprived Pernmo of the dukedom, but appointed Pemmo's eldest son Ratchis in his place (see P., \'I, 5 I). Liutprand also deposed and appointed dukes for Spoleto and Benevento, and set aside for a time the hereditary sc~ccession,but he did not permanently redcce these duchies to sul~jection. In the other parts of the kingdom, immediately subject to him, ho~rever(irhich \rere called Austria, Xeustria and Tuscia), he appointed gizsfLridi in the cities nhere there had been dukes, and greatly strengthened his own power by increasing the polvers and responsil~ilitiesof the gcr.sfii/i?i. In his edicts he does not use the word ' I duke " at all, but continually uses the \rord "judge " in place of it, ~vhichlatter term includes both dukes and g(rsfirhii, and the two are now no longer found side bl- side in a single juriscliction. Pabst (482-48;) has gi\-en a list of the cities I\-hich, under Liutprand, were ruled by dukes and of those vhich were ruled by gnsiuliii: The list is incomplete, and perhaps in part incorrect, yet it shows in a general \ray the extent of the separation of the two offices. There \l.ere also subordinate officials. Among these \yere the acfova, who byere the king's agents in adlninisteririg particular royal domains, and under the j~iclgcsthe srrrliz'irhis, or local magistrates, and the cxvzft~~zani' and lo~-i)josifi,proljaljly of similar grade (500, see I-Iartmann, 11, 2 , 39). In a n ordinary judicial proceeding the complainant betook hiin in the first place to the sruZdu,4isj-, the local civil magistrate. If the cnsc were so inlportant that the ~ i z ~ l i f t ~ could j i i s not decide it, he had to send the (IJal~st, ~SS),but parties to the judge (i. e., the duke or ~(rsfirhi;.ts) if it were beyond the jurisdiction of the latter, the parties had to appear in the king'scourt. If the judge could not act personally he t s )act for hi111 in individual cases. could appoint a deputy ( ~ z l j . ~ z to The party defeated in a legal proceeding had the right to complain to a higher jurisdiction of the decision or the conduct of the magis-

BOOK 11.

the third part of their products to the Langobards.'

9I

By

trate who decided against him (Hartmann, 11, 2, 41), and if it were found that the judge had failed in his duties he was punished (at least until the time of king Ratchis), not by dismissal, but by a fine (Pabst, 487). In their powers, duties and responsibilities dukes and gastaZiZi at last appear to be quite alike, and while a larger domain generally appears annexed to the office of duke, the gasfaZdi usually have the administration of the royal estates (489). Possibly the king could change the gastizZdi more quickly than the dukes whose term of office lasted for life, but this appears to be the only point in which the duke had the advantage. These arrangements suffered little change during the latter days of the kingdom. There is much controversy as to the meaning of this sentence, Does the I ' remainder " who were divided, refer to all the liomans, or merely to the nobles who were not killed ? Hodgkin (VI, 58 I ) believes it refers to the rest of the Roman inhabitants. Villari (Le Invasioni Barbariche, 11, 32) insists that it refers grammatically to the nobles only, and asks ho\v it would ha\ e been possible to render tributary all the Romans, thus obligicg those who possessed nothing to pay one-third of the fruits of the earth ? It would seem that it must b e limited a t least to the Roman landed proprietors who might well a t this time have been roughly designated a s nobles in this connection. The word "guest " (hnsjes) expressed a relation that could exist only between the Langobard and the Roman proprietor. That of *'patron" existed toward the peasants and cultivators of the lands (t'illari, pp. 272, 273). T h e relation of guests " also existed elseivhere between Burgundians and conquered Romans. The Roman whose land n-as assigned to a Burgundian was called hosjrs and vice versa. T h e land thus assigned was called s o n , and the right to it hos$ifaZifas (Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, I, p. 298). T h e whole free Roman population was treated by the Langobards quite differently from the manner in which they had been treated by Theodoric and the Ostrogoths, who simply took one-

92

IIISTORS OF THE LANGOBARDS.

these dukes of the Langobards in the scventh year from third of their land and left them as independent as before. The Langobards took one-third, not of the land, but of its products, and there is much dispute a s to the status in n-liich they held the Roman population. Although X7illari (Le In\-asioni Barbariche, pp. 265, 266, 2 7 1 - 2 7 2 ) and others deny that this ponulation was reduced to slavery, the better opinion seems to b e that during the wars of conquest and the earlier period of Langobard domination, the Romans were regarded a s conquered enemies destitute of all rights (Hartmann, 11, 2 , 2 ; see, also, Hegel, Stidteverfassung von Italien, ch. 111, p. 355, and authorities there cited,) and that they very generally became ul~fli'or serfs of the 1.angc1bards just as other subject-peoples had been cl~~ringthe previous wanderings of that nation. Aitiiit.s first meant man," then " common man." then the " half free " man, bound to the soil (tiartmann, 11, I , 8). Rothari's Edict, though it scarcely mentions the Iiomans as such, contains many enactments concerning the aldz'zts, who apparently did not differ greatly from the Roman colo~zus\vho cultivated the ground for his master and could not change his condition or his home, but could not have his rent raised arbitmrily, nor be sold as a slave apart from the land. IVe are not espressly told in the Edict that the Romans nere aliiii but this seems implied. The fine i ~ i rkill-, ing or crippling a n czirfi~as\vas pny;li~leto his master, proi~nl;!y to indemnify him for the loss of a \.alu;~lilefar111 lalx~rer. The condition of the xvorkmen in the cities however is more doui-iiful and also the condition of the liomans of the higher class, if any, \\lit) survived (Hodgkin, VI, 5 8 6 5 9 2 ) . T h e third exacted b y the Langobards may have been one-third of thegross protii~i-tof the land, ~vhichwould be more than half the net product and ~vouldleave a slender margin for the cultivator and his family (Hodgkin, 1-1, 587). This \vns the vielv orit:inally taken by Savigny ((;eschichte des R6misclien Reclits, I, ch. V, p. 400)) but he afternards changed his opinion and considered that the tribute was one-third of the net produce of the land (see Hegei, Stidteverfassung von Italien, I, ch. 3, p. 356, note). ' I

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93

the coming of Alboin ' and of his whole people, the churches were despoiled, the priests killed, the cities overthrown, the people who had grown up like crops annihilated, and besides those regions which Alboin had taken, the greater part of Italy was seized and subjugated by the Langobards. The Langobards were thus exempted from agricultural labor and a s absentee landlords, could live in the cities or a t the court on the tribute thus paid by their "hosts." This idleness on the one side and servitude upon the other exercised a demoralizing influence, and the Langobard system was much more injurious than the a c t d division of land under Theodoric a n d Odoacar where the substantial lii~ertyof the Romans might still b e preserved. Hartmann (11, I , j r , 42) believes that the payment of onethird the produce of the land was a mere temporary arrangement while Alboin and the Langobards \yere acquiring possession of the country, and that aftenyards, when they were permanently settled in the country, the Langobards took the places of the former proprietors and received all the profits of their estates. There seems no good reason to think, however, that such complete expropriation was universal. ' Paul scarcely means that all this occurred in the seventh year alone but during the seven years of Langobard occupation. This was the statement of Gregory of Tours whom Paul followed (IV, 41)) see Jacobi, 34.

BOOK 111.

S o m e of the dukes of the Langobards then, with a strong army invaded Gau1.l Hospitius, a man of God, who had been cloistered a t Kicca (Nice), foresaw their invas~ona long while beforehand, b y revelati011 of the Holy Spirit, 2nd predicted to the citizens of that city what calamities were impending. F o r h e )ins a man of the greatest abstinence and of prai,c\vortlly life, n h o , bound by iron chains upon his flesh and clad with goat's hair, used bread alone and a few dates for his food. But in the days of Lent h e mas nourished b y the roots of Egyptian herbs which hermits use, the gift of some merchants. T h e Lord deemed it fitting t l l , ~ tgreat and excellent by l i ~ mwhich , are \i ritten things should b e ~ccoiil;~lished n bishop of in the books of the i e c~t ~ . n dm ~ Gregory, Touis. T h ~ sholy n;,iil then, prcii~cicd the coming of the Langob'lrds into Gaul in this manncx : * ' T h e Langobards," h e s'lys, ' c ~ \ ~come ll into Gaul and mill lay waste seven cities bcc'iuic their wickedness has waxed great in the sight of the Lord, for all the people are addicted to perjuries, guilty of thefts, intent upoil plunder, ' A n invasion of ( ; a d , probably a mere foray, is mentioned by Marius of Avenches a s having occurred in 569, immediately after Alboin's invasion of 1t;ll~-. It was e\.idently n failure, for it was stated th:~t m a n y Langobal-d cnptiies were sold into slavery (Pabst. 410, note 2 ) . T h e j~artictilar invasion mentioned in the test occurred no: e;ll.licr t1lcln ;;o ( I Iodgliin, Y , 216).

(94)

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95

ready for murders ; the fruit of justice is not in them, tithes are not given, the poor man is not fed, the naked is not clothed, the stranger is not received in hospitality. Therefore is this blow about t o come upon that people." Also advising his monks, he said : " Depart also from this place, taking away with you what you have, for behold, the nation I foretold is approaching." And when they said, " W e will not abandon thee, most holy Father," he replied, " Fear not for me, it will come to pass that they will inflict injuries upon me, but they will not harm me to my death."

And when the monks had departed, the army of the Langobards drew near. And while it was destroying all it found, it came to the place where the holy man was cloistered. H e showed himself to them through the windowof a tower. But when they, going around the tower, sought an entrance through which they could pass in t o him, and found none a t all, two of them climbed upon the roof and uncovered it. And seeing him bound with chains and clad in goat's skin, they said : " H e is a malefactor and has committed murder, therefore he is held bound in these fetters,' and when they had called an interpreter they inquired from him what evil deed he had committed that he was bound in such punishment, and he declared that he was a murderer and guilty of all crimes. Then one of them drew his sword to cut off his head, but straightway his right hand stiffened while suspended in the act of striking, nor could he draw it back. So he let go of the sword and

96

HISTORY O F 'THE LANGOBARDS.

dropped it upon the ground. His companions seeing these things raised a cry to heaven entreating the saint that h e would graciously make known what they should do. A n d h e indeed, having made the sign of salvation, restored the withered arm t o health. And the Langobard who had becn healed was converted to the faith of Christ and was straightway made a pricst and then a monk, and remained in that same place u p to tlic end of his life in the service of God. But url?en the blessed Hospitius had spoken the word of God to the Langobards, t n o d~ilieswho heard him reverently, returned safe and sound t o their own country, but certain ones who had despised his words perished miserably in that same Provincia.'

CHAPTER111. Then while the Langobards were devastating Gaul, Amatus, the patrician of Provincia, a subject of G u n thram, king of the Franks, led a n army against them, and when the battle began, h e fled and was there killed. A n d the Langobards made so great a slaughter of the Burgundians that the number of the slain could not be reckoned, and enriched with incalculable booty they returned to Italy. CIIAPTER IV. When they had departed, Eunitis, who was also called Mummulus, being summoned by the king, acquired the

' Provence, a district on the RIediterranean at the mouth of the Rhone, the first part of Gaul to become, and the last to remain a Roman province (Hodgkin, IT,zoo).

97

BOOK 111.

honor of the patriciate, and when the Langobards again invaded Gaul I and came as far as Mustiascalmes (&IOUtiers)," which place lies near the city of Ebredunum (Embrun), Mummulus moved his army and set out thither with the Burgundians. And when the Langobards were surrounded by his army and trees were felled in their way3 among the winding paths of the woods, he rushed upon them and killed many of them and captured some and sent them to Gunthram his king.' And the Langobards, when these things were done, returned to Italy.

CHAPTER V. Afterwards the Saxons who had come with the Langobards into Italy, broke into Gaul and established their camp within the territory of Regia, that is, at the villa Stablo (Establon) ,5 dispersing themselves among the villas of the neighboring cities, seizing booty, taking off captives and laying all things waste. When Mummulus learned this, he attacked them with his army and killed many of them, and did not cease slaying them until night made an end, for he found men ignorant and understanding nothing of what had come upon them. But when morning came, the Saxons put their army in By way of the Col de Genevre (Hodgkin, 57,

2 I 7).

* In the department of the Basses Alpes. 'Factis concisis-See Du Cange, concisa. In this battle, Salonius, bishop of Embrun, and Sagittarius, bishop of Gap, two brothers, fought and slew many (Hodg., V, 217).

Near Moutiers (Abel).

98

HISTORY O F T H E LANGOBARDS.

order, preparing themselves bravely for war but b y means of messengers they made peace, presents were given to Mummulus, the captives and all the booty were abandoned, and they returned to Italy.

After the Saxons had returned to Italy and had taken with them their wives and children and all their household goods, they planncd to go back again to Gaul, in order that they might be received b y king Sigispert and b y his aid might return to their own country. F o r it is certain that these Saxons had come to Italy with their wives and children that they might dwell in it, yet as far as call be understood they were unlvilling to be subject to the commands of the Langobards. But it was not pernlittcd to t h e ~ nb y the Lango, ~ therebards to live according to their o1vn l a ~ \ - sand fore they determincd to go back to tlicir own country. When they ~vel-eabout to entcr Gaul thcy formed themselves into two troops, and one troop indeed entered through the city of Nicea ( S i c c ) , but the other, through l!most all the cities of the I-ou know that after n-e conferred about t1ic.i~things 1 did not go out of your presence and hon. corild I hn\.c said this to any o n e ? " Then tlie Icing sent to Aldo and Grauso, asking them why tliey had ta1ii.11 refuge in the holy place. And they ans~veriiigsnitl : * ' liccause it mas reported to us that our lord the Icing wished to kill us." Again the king sent to them, seeking to knolv who he was who had ' I

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257

given them the report, and he sent them word that unless they would report to him who had told them, they could not find favor with him. Then they sent word to the king as it had occurred, saying that a lame man had met them upon the way who had one foot cut off and used a wooden leg up to the knee, arid that this man had been the one who told them they would be killed. Then the king understood that the fly whose foot he had cut off had been a bad spirit and that it had betrayed his secret designs. And straightway he took Aldo and Grauso on his word of honor from that church, pardoned their fault and afterwards held them as faithful subjects.

CHAPTERVII. A t that time Felix, the uncle of my teacher Flavian was renowned in the grammatical art. T h e king loved him so much that he bestowed upon him among other gifts of his bounty, a staff decorated with silver and gold.

CHAPTERVIII. During the same time also lived John the bishop of the church of Bergona (Bergamo), a. man of wonderful sanctity.l Since he had offended king Cunincpert while they were conversirg at a banquct, tke king commanded to be prepared for him when he n-as returning to his inn a fierce and untamed horse w h a \!-as accustomed to dash to the earth with a great snorting those who sat upon him. But when the bishop mounted him he was 11-Ie took rart in the council a t Rome under Pope Agatho against the hlonotheletes (Waitz).

258

HISTORY OF THE LANGOBARDS.

so gentle that he carried him at an easy gait to his own house. The king, hearing this, cherished the bishop from that day with due honor and bestowed upon him in gift that very horse, which he had destined for his own riding. CHAPTERIX. A t this time between Christmas and Epiphany there appeared at night in a clear sky a star near the Pleiades shaded in every way as when the moon stands behind a cloud. Afterwards in the month of February at noonday there arose a star in the nest which set with a great Aash in the direction of the east. Then in the month of March there was an eruption of Bebius (Vesuvius) for some days and all green things growing round about were exterminated by its dust and ashes. CHAPTERX. Then the race of Saracens, unbelieving and hateful to God, proceeded from Egypt into Africa with a great multitude, took Carthage by siege and lvhen it was taken, cruelly laid it waste and leveled it to the ground. CHAPTERXI. Meanwhile the emperor Constantine died at Constantinople and his younger son Justinianl assumed the sovereignty of the Romans and held the control of it for ten years. H e took Africa away from the Saracens Here Paul misunderstands Bede from whom he took the statement. Bede (A. M. 4649) speaks of "Justinian the younger, a son o f Constantine." H e succeeded to the throne in 685.

BOOK VI.

259

and made peace with them on sea and land. H e sent Zacharias his protospatarius ' and ordered that Pope Sergius should be brought to Constantinople because he was unwilling t o approve and subscribe to the error of that synod which the emperor had held a t Constantinople." But the soldiery of Ravenna and of the neighboring parts, despising the impious orders of the emperor, drove this same Zacharias with reproaches and insults from the city of Rome.3 CHAPTERXII. Leo seizing the imperial dignity, in opposition to this Justinian, deprived him of his kingdom, ruled the empire of the Romans three years and kept Justinian an exile in Pontusf CHAPTERXIII. Tiberius in turn rebelled against this Leo and seized Captain of the imperial body guard, a high Byzantine dignity. The Quinisextan (Fifth-Sixth) council summoned by Justinian I1 in 691 (Hodgkin, VI, 354-356). A. I). 69 I (Giansevero). 'The reign of Justinian I1 had been marked by oppressive exactions and great cruelties. After ten years' misgovernment Leontius (the Leo mentioned in the text) a nobleman of Isauria, commander of the armies of the East, a ho had been imprisoned by the tyrant and then released, was proclaimed emperor in 695. A mob assembled in the Hippodrome and demanded Justinian's death. Leontius spared his life, but mutilated him by slitting his nose (whence h e was called Rhinafnzefz~s) and banished him to Cherson on the southwest coast of the Criinea (Hodgkin, 1'1, 359-3611.

2 60

HISTORY O F THE LANGOBARDS.

his sovereignty and held him in prison in the same city all the time he reigned.I

CHAPTERXIV A t this time2 the council held at Aquileia, on account of the ignorance of their faith, hesitated to accept the Fifth General Council until, n hcn instructed by the salutary admonitions of the blessed pope Sergius, it also with the ot!ier churches of Christ consented to approve of this. For that synod was held a t Constantinople at the time of pope Vigilius under the emperor Justinian against Theodorus and all the heretics who were asserting that the blessed Mary had given birth to a man only and not to a God and a man. I n this synod it was established as a Catholic doctrine that the blessed Mary ever virgin should be called Rlother of God since, as the Catholic faith has it, she gave birth not to a man only, but truly to a God and a rnan.3 A naval armament under the command of the patrician John had delivered Carthage frcm the Saracens but the latter had retaken the city a n d the imperial troops on their return to Constantinople bl-oke out in a mutiny agaii:st both their general and Lecntins, slid a na\ a1 oEcer named Apsimnr was rroclai~r.edemperor. \$'lien the flcet reached Ccnstantinople, Leontius was dethroned a n d Apsin-ar vnder the name of 'I'iberi~is 111, reigned seven years, frcm 658 to 705 (Hcdgkin, TI, 362, 363). ' A . D. 698 (Giansevero). Paul is in error in saying that it was the Synod of Con~tantinople a t the t h e cf pore S'igilius u.hich declared the Virgin Mary the Mother of Gbd. Si.ch Ceclaraticn \ \ a s n a d e a t Ephesus. T h e Council of C i n s t a n t i n ~ ~r~. al es t h e one that ccndemned the Three Chapters a n d led to tlie 1 ~ n gscki:iu described in the previ-

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26 I

CHAPTERXV. I n these days I Cedoal king of the Anglo-Saxons who had waged many wars in his own countrya was converted to Christ and set out for Rome, and when on the way he came to king Cunincpert he was magnificently received by him, aild when he had come to Rome he was baptized by pope Sergius and called Peter and while dressed in white3 he departed to the heavenly realms. His body was buried in the church of St. Peter and has inscribed above it this epitaph : 4 Cedoal, mighty in arms, for the love of his God has forsaken Eminence, riches and kin, triun~phsand powerful realms, Arms and nobles and cities and camps and gods of the household, Things that the thrift of his sires gathered, or he for himself, 011s notes (111, 2 0 , 26; IV, 33 supra). The return of the schismatics to the church took place according to other authorities not a t Aquileia but a t Pavia (IVailz, Appendix, p. 245, 248), when they declared with shouts of triumph that they renounced the heresy of Theodore a n d his companions and asked to be restored to the church. Legates were sent to bear the news to Pope Sergius who ordered that the manuscripts of the schismatics should be burned (Hodgkin, V, 483, 484). Possibly one council was held at Aquileia and another a t Pnvia. Thus all the kingdom of the Langobards 1% as now restored to full Catholic communion. 1 This journey and conversion of king Cedoal (or Ceadwalla of Wessex) is incorrectly placed by Paul at the time cf the synod at Aquileia, 698. It actually occurred in 689 (Hodgkin, VI, 318; V, 483). ' He had annexed Sussex, ravaged Kent and massacred the inhabitants of the Isle of VLight (Hodgkin, VI, 318). The garment of the neophytes, worn by those just baptized. 'The author of this epitaph was Archbishop Benedict of Milan, A. D. 681-725 (Waitz, p. 225).

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So that a s king and a guest he might gaze on Peter and Peter's Chair, and propitiously quaff waters unstained from his spring, Taking in radiant draught the shining light whose refulgence, Giving immortal life, floweth on every side! Swift to perceive the relvards of a life restored by conversion, Joyful, h e casts aside heathenish madness, and then Changes his name a s well, a n d Sergius the pontiff commanded Peter h e should be called; until the Father himself, Making him pure by the grace of Christ in the font of the new birth, Lifted him, clothed in Ivhite, u p to the stronghold of heaven! Wonderful faith of the king, and of Christ the astonishing mercy! His is the perfect plan-counsel that none can approach! Coming in safety indeed from remotest regions of Britain, Through many nations, along lvays many, over the straits, Bringing his mystical gifts, h e gazed upon Romulus' city Looked upon Peter's church, ivorthy of rel-el-ence due; Clad in white will he go, in the flocks of Christ a corr.panion; Earth his body may hold, heaven his spirit \vill keep. You may the rather believe he has changed the mere badge of the scepters He whom your eyes have seen winning the kingdom of Christ.'

CHAPTERXVI. A t this time in Gaul ~r-henthe kings of the Franks were degenerating from their n onted courage and skill, those who were regarcled as stewards of the palace began to administer t h e kingly p o n c r and to cto uhatever is t h e custom for kings, since it mas ordaincd from heaven that the sovereignty of the Fran1.s should b e transferred to the race of these men. A n d Arnulf was at that timez steward of the royal palace, a man, as was A version in rhyme, less literal than the foregoing, is found in Giles' translation of the Ecclesiastical History of Bede,Vol. I, p. 278. 'I'aul is in el-ror in making Arniilf, n h o died August 18, 641, contemporary with Cunincpert (Jacobi, 42).

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afterwards apparent, pleasing to God and of wonderful holiness, who, after enjoying the glory of this world, devoted himself to the service of Christ and was distinguished in the episcopate and finally, choosing the life of a hermit, rendered all kinds of services to lepers and lived in the greatest abstinence. Concerning his wonderful doings at the church of Metz where he carried on the bishopric, there is a book containing an account of his miracles and the abstinence of his life. But I too, in a book which I wrote concerning the bishops of this city, at the request of Angelramnus, archbishop of the aforesaid church, a very gentle man and distinguished by holiness, have set down concerning this most holy man Arnulf, certain of his miracles which I have considered it merely superfluous to repeat here. CHAPTERXVII. During these occurrences Cunincpert, a ruler most beloved by all, after he had held for twelve years alone, succeeding his father, the kingdom of the Langobards, was finally withdrawn from this life. H e built in the field of Coronate where he had waged war against Alahis, a monastery in honor of the holy martyr George.~ H e was moreover a handsome man and conspicuous in every good quality and a bold warrior. H e was buried with many tears of the Langobards near the ' T h e city of Modena, half ruined during the insurrection of Alahis, was also restored b y him (Hodgkin, V1, 314, note 2 ) . Cunincpert was the first Langobard king whose effigy is found upon the coins (id., p. 317).

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church of our Lord the Saviour which his grandfather Aripert had formcrly built.' A n d he left the kingdom of the Langobards to his son Liutpert who was yet of the age of boyhood, to whom h e gave as his tutor Ansprand, a wise and d~stinguishedman.

CHAPTER XVIII. W h e n eight months had elapsed from this time,' Raginpert, duke of Turin, ~ v h o mformerly king Godepert had left as a litt!e boy n h e n he was killed b y Grimuald, of \vhich n e have also spoken above,3 came with a strong force and fought against Ansprand and Rotharit, duke of the Bergamascans a t Kovariae (Novara), and defeating them in the open field took possession of the kingdom of the Langobards. But he died the same year.

CI-IAI'TERXIX. T h e n his son Aripert, again making ready for war, fought a t Ticinum with king Liutpert and with Ansprand and A t o and Tatzo and also Rotharit and Farao ; but overcoming all these in battle I:e took the child Liutpert alive as a prisoner of mar. Ansprand also fled and fortified himself in the island of Commacina.4

' In Ticin~nn,\\here there was a n e7i:aph upcn his tonb, referred to by PvI~~ratoliin his book cn the Antiquities cf Este, Chapters 1-10, p. 73 (Waitz). ' A . D. 701 (Giansevero). ' IV, Ch. 5 1. Spelled elsewhere Comacina.

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CHAPTER XX. But when Rotharit indeed returned to his city of Bergamus (Bergamo) he seized the kingly power. King Aripert marched against him with a great army, and having first attacked and captured Lauda (Lodi) he beseiged Bergamus, and storming it without any difficulty with battering rams and other machines of war, presently took it and seized Rotharit the false king and shaving his hair and his beard, thrust him into exile a t Turin, and there after some days he was killed. Liutpert indeed whom he had taken he deprived of life in like manner in the bath. CHAPTERXXI. H e also sent an army into the island of Commacina against Ansprand. When this was known Ansprand fled to Clavenna (Chiavenna), thence he came through Curia (Chur) a city of the Rhaetians to Theutpert, duke of the Bavarians, and was with him for nine years. But the army of Aripert indeed toolc possession of the island in which Ansprand had been and destroyed his town. CHAPTERXXII. Then king Aripert when hc was confirmed in his sovereignty, tore out the eyes cf Sigiprand, the son of Ansprand, and afflicted in various ways all who had been connected with the latter by the tie of blood. H e also kept Liutprand the younger son of Ansprand, in custody, but because he regarded him as a person of no importance and as yet a mere youth, he not only inflicted no punishment at all upon his body, but let him

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depart so that he could go to his father. There is no doubt that this was done by the command of God Almighty who was preparing him for the management of the kingdom. Then Liutprand proceeded to his father in Bavaria and caused him incalculable joy by his coming. But king Aripert caused the wife of Ansprand, Theodorada by name, to be seized; and when she with her woman's \vilfulness boasted that she would get to be queen, she was disfigured in the beauty of her face, her nose and ears being cut off. Also the sister of Liutprand, Aurona by name, was mutilated in like manner.

CHAPTERXXIII. A t this time in Gaul, in the kingdom of the Franks, Anschis,' the son of Arnulf, who is believed to be named after Anchises the former Trojan, conducted the sovereignty under the title of steward of the palace.

CHAPTER XXIV. When Ado who we said was caretaker2 had died at Forum Julii, Ferdulf, a man tricky and conceited, who came from the territories of Liguria, obtained the dukedom. Because he wanted to haire the glory of a victory over the Slavs, he brought great misfortune upon himself and the people of Forum Julii. H e gave sums of money to certain Slavs to send upon his request an army of Slavs into this province, and it was accord-

' Or Ansegis. H e is to be referred however to an earlier period (Waitz). l V I , Chap. 3, sz*pa.

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ingly done. But that was the cause of great disaster in this province of Forum Julii. T h e freebooters of the Slavs fell upon the flocks and upon the shepherds of the sheep that pastured in their neighborhoods and drove away the booty taken from them. The ruler of that place, whom they called in their own language " ~ c u l d a h i s , "a~man of noble birth and strong in courage and capacity, followed them, but nevertheless he could not overtake the freebooters. Duke Ferdulf met him as he was returning thence and when he asked him what had become of these robbers, Argait, for that was his name, answered that they had escaped. Then Ferdulf in rage thus spoke to him: "When could you do anything bravely, you whose name, Argait, comes from the word coward," I and Argait, provokcd by great anger, since he was a brave man, answered as follows: " May God so will that you and I, duke Ferdulf, may not depart from this life until others know which of us is the greater coward." When they had spoken to each other 'See the German, ScBuZtBeiss, local magistrate. They were subordinate to the judges (i. e., the dukes or the gastaldi). See 11, 3 2 , note 4 (pp. 86-91), SUM; Pabst, 499. 'Arga, a Langobard word, meaning cowardly, inert, worthless. See Rothari, Edict, Chapter 381 (LI. G. LL., IV, p. 88), where the word is reccgnized as conveying a particular insult. ' ' If one in rage calls another a n arga, and he cannot deny it, and says he has called him so in rage, he shall declare upon oath that he does not hold him for a n a l g a , and thereupon he shall pay twelve solid2 for the offensive word. But if he insists upon it and says he can prove it in a duel, so let him convict him, if he can, or let him pay a s above."

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in turn, these words, in the vulgar tongue,= it happened not many days afterwards, that the army of the Slavs, for whose coming duke Ferdulf had given his sums of money, now arrived in great strength. A n d when they had set their camp upon the very top of a mountain .L'z~&ank verbn." Hartmann (11, 2 , 58) regards this passage as presupposing that Ferdulf and Argait could speak Latin with one another. After the permanent settlement of the Langobards in Italy the current Latin language of the time (~vhich\vas the only written language, and the only one fitted to many of the new relations imposed by their intercourse with the Roman population) gradually superseded their own more barbarous tongue. (Hartmann, 11, 2, 2 2 . ) It is evident, however, from the German words used by Paul, a s well as from his description of this controversy between duke Ferdulf and Argait, which must have occurred not far from A. D. 700 (Hodgkin, VI, 338, note 3), that the Langobard language was spoken in the eighth century, and there a r e traces of its continuance even after the Frankish invasion, A. D. 774. In a document in upper Italy the pronoun ih introduced by mistake before the Latin words "have subscribed myself" indicate the existence of the Langobard a s a spoken language in the latter half of the ninth century. T h e Chronicle of Salerno, composed in 978 (Ch. 38, hlGH. SS., 111, 4Sg), rcfers to the German language a s " formerly " spoken by the Langobards, from which it would appear that in that regicn at least it had then Eecome extinct. But it is quite uncertain jcst when it ceased to be used. Probably the language continued longest uhere the German population was most dense, and the pericd \\here it dled o ~ :as t a living language must have been preceded by a considerable time, in ullich thcse who spoke it also understood and spcke the Latin tcngue. The period of its decline can be traced by numerous Latin terminations of German words and the additicn of German suffixes (fcr exam, nifo- rt:o- offo) to Latin words, combinaple, engo, i ~ g o rsco-nst-otions lvhich have been important ingredients in the frrmntion of modern Italian (Bmckner, Sprache dcr Langobarden, pp. I 1-17). l'

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and it was hard to approach '.,iem from almost any side, duke Ferdulf, coming upon them with his army, began to go around that mountain in order that he could attack them by more level places. Then Argait of whom we have spoken thus said to Ferdulf: " Remember, duke Ferdulf, that you said I was lazy and useless and that you called me in our common speech a coward, but now may the anger of God come upon him who shall be the last of us t o attack those Slavs," and saying these words, he turned his horse where the ascent was difficult on account of the steepness of the mountain, and began to attack the fortified camp of the Slavs. Ferdulf, being ashamed not to attack the Slavs himself, through the same difficult places, followed him through those steep and hard and pathless spots, and his army too, considering it base not to follow their leader, began also t o press on after him. Consequently the Slavs, seeing that they were coming upon them through steep places, prepared tllemsclves manfully, and fighting against them more with stones and axes1 than with arms they threw them nearly all from their horses and killed them. And thus they obtained their victory, nct by their own strength, but by chance. There all the nobility of the Friulans perished. There dtllie Fcrdulf fcll acd there too he who had provclied him n.as killed. And there so great a number of brave men were vanquished by the tviclxdness and thoughtlessness of dissension as could, with unity and tvholesome counsel, Hodgkin translates tree trrnks," believing that I Secudus. the axes were used in felling trees to cast down upcn them (VI, ' I

330, and note 3).

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overthrow many thousands of their enemies. There, however, one of the Langobards, Munichis b y name, who was afterwards the father of tile dukes Peter of Forum Julii and Ursus of Ccneta (Ceneda), alone acted in a brave and manly manner. Whcn h e had been thrown from his horse and one of the Slavs suddenly attacking him had tied his hands u ith a rope, he ~vrested with his bound hands tlie lance from the right hand of that same Slav, pierced hirn with it, and ticd as he was, threw himself down through t h e steep places and escaped. W e put these things into this history especially for this purpose, that nothing further of a like character may happen through the evil of dissension.

CHAPTER XXV. A n d so duke Ferdulf having died in this way, Corvolus was appointed in his place, but he held the dukedom only a little while, and ~ v h e nhe had offended the king, his eyes were torn out and he lived ignominiously. CHAPTER XXVI. Afterwards indeed Pemmo acquired the dukedom.= H e was a man of talent and useful to his country. His father was Billo who had been a native of Bellunum (Belluno), but on account of a sedition he had caused at that place h e afterwards came to Forum Julii, and lived there peacefully. This Pemmo had a wife, Ratperga b y name, who since she was boorish in appear1 De Rubeis (3 19) thinks this was in 705. H e held the dukedom about twenty-six years (Hodgkin, VI, 3 3 2 ) .

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ance often asked her husband to send her away and take another wife whom it would befit to be the spouse of so great a duke. But as he was a wise man he said that lier behavior and humility and reverent modesty pleased him more than beauty of body. From this wife then Pemmo begot three sons, Ratchis and Ratchait and energetic men, whose birth raised the humilAl~istulf,~ ity of their mother to high honor. This duke collected all the sons of all the nobles who had died in the war of which we have spoken, and brought them up in like manner with his own children as if they themselves had been begotten by him.

CHAPTERXXVII. At this time then, Gisulf the ruler of the Beneventines took Sura (Sora), a city of the Romans, and in like manner the towns of Hirpinum (Arpinc) and A r x (Arce).' This Gisulf at the time of Pope John 3 came to Campania with all his forces burning and plundering, took many captives and set up his camp as far as in the place which is called Horrea,+ and no one could resist Ratchis and Aistulf were afterwards kings of the Langobards. Three towns on or near the river Liris or Garigliano and something over fifty miles southeast of Rome. 8 John VI, A. D. 701-704. Others think, John V, A. D. 685 (Waitz). 4 Hodgkin (VI, 336, note z ) believes that Puteoli is intendedDuchesne, followed by Hartmann (11, 2, I 16), says it was a place at the fifth milestone of the Via Latina. I t seems uncertain whether one incursion or more was meant by this chapter of Paul (Id).

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LANGOBARDS.

him. The Pontiff sent priests to him with apostolic gifts and redeemed all the captives from the hands of his troops, and induced the duke himself to go back home with his army. CHAPTERXXVIII. A t this time I Aripert king of the Langobards made restitution by gift of the patrimony of the Cottian Alpsz which had formerly belonged to the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See but had been taken away by the Langobards a long time before, and he dispatched this deed of gift written in golden letters to Rome. Also in these days3 two kings of the Saxons4 coming to Rome t o the footsteps of the apostles, died suddenly as they desired. CHAPTERXXIX. Then also Benedict archbishop of Mediolanum (Milan) came to Rome and conducted his lawsuit for the church of Ticinum, but he was defeated because from early times the bishops of Ticinum had been con' A . D. 70: (Giansevero). 'Paul does not intend to say that this patrimony included the whole province of the Cottian Alps, but simply that part of the papal patrimony was in that province (Hodgkin, VI, 324. note 2). SThis is erroneous, the king's pilgrimage did not occur during the papacy of John VI (701-jos),to whom Aripert made this gift, but in 709 under Constantine I (Jacob~,p. 50; Hodgkin, V i , 323). 4Coinred king of the hlercians and Offa prince of the Easr Saxons (Hodgkin, VI, 3").

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secrated by the Roman Church.l This venerable archbishop Benedict was a man of eminent holiness, and the fame of good opinion concerning him shone brightly throughout the whole of Italy. CHAPTER XXX. Then when Transamund, the duke of the Spoletans had died," Faruald his son, succeeded to his father's place. hloreover, Wachilapus was the brother of Transamund and governed that same dukedom equally with his brother. CHAPTERXXXI. But Justinian, who had lost his imperial power and was in exile in Pontus, again received the sovereignty by the help of Terebellus, king of the Bulgarians, and put to death those patricians who had expelled him. H e took also Leo and Tiberiuss who had usurped his place and caused them to be butchered in the midst of the circus before all the people.' H e tore out the eyes of Gallici1

The date of this is fixed by Paul a t too early a period (Jacobi,

56). ZHe appears to have reigned forty years from 663 to 703 (Hodgkin, VI, 337). 3 Paul has here misunderstood the language of Bede from whom he took this statement and who said that Justinian executed Leo (Leontius) and Tiberius (Apsimar) t h e patricians who had expelled him. No other patricians are referred to (Jacobi, 50). 4 Justinian 11, who had been exiled to Cherson (see ch. 1 2 , note sujra), was rejected b y the citizens of that lace, whereupon he roamed through the southern part cf Kussiz and took refuge with

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nus the patriarch of Constantinople and sent him to Rome and he appointed Cyrus the abbot who had taken care of him when he was an exile in Pontus, as bishop in the place of Gallicinus. H e ordered Pope Constantine to come to him, and received him and sent him back with honor. Falling upon the earth he asked the Pope to intercede for his sins and he renewed all of the privileges of his church. 3 When he sent his army into Pontus to seize Filippicus, whom he had held there in bondage, this same venerable Pope earnestly forbade him from doing this but he could not, however, prevent it. the Cagan of the Khazars, a Hunnish tribe settled around the sea of Azof, and the Cagan gave him in marriage his sister Theodora. T h e reigning emperor Tiberius sent messengers to the Cagan offering him great gifts to kill or surrender Justinian. T h e Cagan listened to t h e tempting proposals, but Theodora warned her husband, who fled to the Danube, where Terbel or Terebellus joined him i n a n effort to regain the throne. With the aid of the Bulgarians h e attacked and conquered Constantinople. His two rivals, who had successively reigned in his absence, were now both loaded with chains and brought before his throne in the Hippodrome where he placed his feet upon their necks before causing them to be beheaded at the place of public execution (Hodgkin, 365-368). 1 Callinicus (not Gallicinus) had preached a sermon rejoicing at the overthrow of Justinian ten years before (Hodgkin, VI, 361). Constantine left Rome October, 710 (Hodgkin, VI, 375) and returned October, 7 I I (id., p. 379). 8 It is probable that the decrees of the Quinisextan Council were now accepted by the pope (Hodgkin, VI, 378-379).

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CHAPTERXXXI I.

The army too which had been sent against Filippicus joined Filippicus' side and made him emperor. H e came to Constantinople against Justinian, fought with him at the twelfth milestone from the city, conquered and killed him, and obtained his sovereign power. Justinian indeed reigned six years with his son Tiberius in this second term. Leo in banishing him cut off his nostrils and he, after he had assumed the sovereignty, as often as he wiped off his hand flowing with a drop of rheum, almost so often did he order some one of those who had been against him to be slain. 1 In his insane fury for revenge against the people of Cherson who had rejected him when he was exiled, Justinian sent three expeditions against that city to destroy it. In the first of these its leading citizens were seized and sent for punishment to Constantinople, where some were roasted alive and others drowned ; but Justinian still accused his generals of slackness in executing his orders and sent others in their places, who were, however, compelled to give up the bloody work, and then for self-protection to join the party of revolt which gathered around one Bardanis, a n Armenian, who was proclaimed emperor under the name of Filippicus, whereupon a n expedition set out for Constantinople to dethrone Justinian. It was entirely successful. T h e tyrant was deserted by his subjects, a n d with his son Tiberius was captured a n d slain (Hodgkin, 379-384). A reign of terror had followed the restoration of Justinian and innumerable victims perished. Soi-ile were sewn up in sacks and thrown into the sea, others invited to a great repast and when they rose to leave were sentenced to execution (Hodgkin, VI, 369). He was specially infuriated against the city of Ravenna and sent a fleet thither under the patrician Theodore, seized the chief men of the city, brought them to Constantinople, blinded the arch-

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CHAPTERXXXIII. I n these days then, when the patriarch Peter was dead, Serenus undertook the government of the church of Aqui1eia.l H e was a man endolved wit11 a simple character and devoted to the service of Christ.

CHAPTERXXXIV. But Filippicus indeed, n 110 \\as called Bardanis, after he was confirmed in the imperial dignity, ordered that Cyrus, of whom v e have spoken, should b e turned out of his patriarchate and return to Pontus, to govern his monastery. This Filippicus dispatched letters of perverted doctrine to pope Constantine nliich he, together bishop Felix, a n d put the rest to death (pp. 373-374). Justinian then sent a s cxarch to Italy Jbhn Kizokopus, s h o went first to Rome a n d put to death a ncmber cf papal dignitaries a n d then proceeded to Ravennn, X+ h r r e in a str-uggle n ith the local forces h e was killed. T h e people of Ra\.ennn r e f ~ ~ s etod recognize Justinian, a n d chose a leader of their on-n in the person of Georgius, who organized a n autonomous government ar.d established a military organization in Italy independent of Liyzantium (Hartmann, 11, 2 , 78-81). 1 I t was afterwards, a t the request of king L~utprand,that pope Gregory I1 sent t h e pallium of a metrc.polit,ln to Serenus, bishop of Aquileia (Ilandolo, 1-11, 2 , 13, see LIurato:.i Rer. Ital. Script. XII, 131 ; Chronicle of John t h e Deacon, p. 96, hlonticolo). Dissensions arose bet\\ een the patriarchs of Aquilcia a n d Grado, a n d Gregory wrote to Serenus warning him not to pass beyond the bounds of t h e L a n ~ o b a r dnation anti tresp'iss upon Grado (Hodgkin, 466-467). T h e seat of the patriarch was subsequently removed, first to Cormons, a n d after Serenus h a d died and Calistus had succeeded him (see Ch. 5 I , infya), to Cividale. -

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with a council of the Apostolic See, rejected,' and on account of this affair he caused pictures to be made in the portico of St. Peter representing the transactions of the six holy general councils. F o r Filippicus had ordered that pictures of this kind which were in the imperial city, should be carried away. The Roman people determined that they would not take the name of the heretical emperor upon their documents, nor his likeness upon their coins. Hence his image was not brought into the church, nor was his name mentioned in the solemnities of the mass. When he had held the sovereignty one year and six months, Anastasius, who was also called Artemius, rising against him, expelled him from the sovereignty and deprived him of his eyes, but did not however kill him." This Anastasius sent letters to Rome to pope Constantine by Scolasticus, the patrician and exarch of Italy, in which he declared himself to be an adherent of the Catholic church and an acknowledger of the Sixth Holy Council. CHAPTERXXXV. Then after Ansprand had been in exile in Bavaria for now nine full years, in the tenth year, after Teutpert was at last prevailed upon, (to make war) the commander of the Bavarians came with his army to Italy 1 The authorities disagree and the passage is not clear. Perhaps a partial council, summoned by the Pope, is meant. Filippicus declared in favor of the hlonotheletes, who had been condemned by the Sixth Ecumenical Council at Constantinople (Giansevero). 'A. D. 713 (Hodgkin, VI, 386).

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and fought with Aripert and there occured a great slaughter of the people on both sides. But although at last, night broke off the battle, it is ccrtain that the Bavarians had turned their backs and that the army of Aripert had returned as a victor to its camp. But since Aripert was unwilling to remain in camp and preferred to go into the city of Ticinuni, by this act he brought despair upon his own people and boldness upon his adversaries, and after he had returned to the city and had felt that he had offended his army by this deed, he presently took advice that he sllould flee to France and carried with him from the palace as much gold as he thought useful to him. And ivhcn weighted down with the gold, he attempted to snini across thc river Ticinus, he sank there and, choked uith the Raters, expired. His body was found on the following day, was cared for in the palace and a a s thence brought forth to the church of our Lord the Saviour uhich the former Aripert had built, and n a s there buried. I n the days when he held the bingly power, At ipcr t, going forth at night, and proceeding to oile place and another, inquired for himself what was said about him by particular cities, and diligently investigatrd what kind of justice the various judges rendered to the people. IVhen the ambassadors of foreign nations came to him, he wore in their presence mean garments al:d those made of skins, and in order that they should not form designs against Italy he never offered them precious wines nor delicacies of other kinds. H e reigned moreover with his father Ragimpert, and alone, up to the twelfth year. He was also a religious man, given to charities and a lover of

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justice.' In his days there was very great fertility of the land, but the times were barbarous. His brother Gumpert then fled to France and remained there to the day of his death. H e had three sons, of whom the eldest one, Ragimpert b y name, governed the city of Aureliani (Orleans) in our own days. After the death of this Aripert, Ansprand obtained possession of the kingdom of the Langobardsz but reigned only three months. H e was a man distinguished in a11 ways and very few were to b e compared with him in wisdom. When the Langobards become aware of his approaching death they set his son Liutprand on the royal throne 3 and when Ansprand, while he was living, heard this he greatly rejoiced.4

CHAFTER XXXVI. A t this time the emperor Anastasius dispatched a fleet to Alexandria against the Saracens. His army was turned to another purpose, and in the midst of its journey came back to the city of Constantinople, and hunting up the orthodox Theodosius, chose him as emperor and when he was put by force upon the throne of the empire, confirmed him. This Theodosius conquered Anastasius in a severe battle at the city of Nicea, Paul's estimate of Aripert's character is evidently too favorable. 'Thus a new dynasty came to the throne. The descendants of Theudelinda were set aside and ended their lives in the kingdom of the Franks (Hartmann, 11, 2, 1 2 5 ) . June I 2, 7 1 2 (Pabst, 474). &Ansprand was buried in Pavia in the chapel of Adrian the martyr which he is said to have built. Waitz gives his epitaph.

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HISTORY OF THE LAXGOBARDS.

and having imposed an oath upon him, caused him to be ordained a cl~urchmanand a presbyter. When Anastasius r ~ c e i v c dthe sovereignty, he presently put u p in its former place in tile imperial city that revered picture in which tlic holy ccancils were painted and which had been torn cloun b y F~lipl~icus.I n these days the river Tiber had such an inundation that ha1 ing overflowed its bed it did many injuries to the city of Rome so that it S ~ J Cin the Via Lata t o one and a half timcs the height of a man, and from the gate of St. I'eter to the ILIolvian bridge ' the waters all mingled together as they flolvzd do15n.

CHAPTERXXXVII. I n these times, by the inspiration of Divine Love, many of the nobles and common people, men and nromen, dulies and private persons of the nation of the Angles were in the habit of coming from Britain to Rome. Pipin2 a t that time obtained the sovereignty in the kingdom of thc Franl\s. FIc n a s a man of astonishing boldness n h o instantly cruslied his foes in attacking thcm. F o r he crosscd the Rhine and nit11 only one of his attcnddnts he fell upon a certain adversary of his and killcd him with his follo~versin his bedchamber where he lived. H e also courageously nagcd many wars with the Saxons and especially with Ratpot, king of the Frisians. H e had also a number of sons but ' T h e Pons ?Iulvius (now the Ponte AIolle) n a s built 1)censor h1. Xmilius Scnurus, I;. C. 109. 2 T h e father of Charles 1Iartel (..\bel).

the

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among these Charles, who succeeded him afterwards in the sovereignty, was the most distinguished. CHAPTERXXXVIII. But when king Liutprand had been confirmed in the royal power,' Rothari, a blood relation of his, wished to kill him. H e prepared therefore a banquet for him in his home at Ticinum, in which house he hid some very strong men fully armed who were to kill the king while he was banqueting. When this had been reported to Liutprand he ordered Rothari to be called to his palace, and feeling him with his hand he discovered, as had been told him, a cuirass put on under his clothing.' When Rothari found out that he was detected, he straightway leaped backwards and unsheathed his sword to strike the king. O n the other hand the king drew forth his own sword from his scabbard. Then one of the king's attendants named Subo, seizing Rothari from behind, was wounded by him in the forehead, but others leaping upon Rothari killed him there. Four of his sons indeed who were not present were also put to death in the places where they were found. King Liutprand was indeed a man of great boldness so that when two of his armor-bearers thought to kill him and this had been reported to him, he went alone with them into a very deep wood and straightway holding against them A . D. 712 (Hodgkin, VI, 389). By this confirmation the usurpation of the new dynasty of Ansprand was recognized (Hartmann, 11, 2, 1 2 5 ) . ' The story of Grimuald and Godepert seems to be here repeated with a slight variation.

282

HISTORY O F THE LANGOBARDS.

his drawn sword he reproached them because they had planned to slay him and urged them to do it. And straightway they fell at his feet and confessed all they had plotted. And he also did this thing in like manner with others, but nevertheless he presently pardoned those who confessed even a crime of such great wickedness. CHAPTERXXXIX. Then when Gisulf, the duke of tlie Beneventines had died, Romuald his son undertook the government of the people of the Samnites. CHAFTER XL. About these times Pctronax, a citizen of the city of Brexia (Brescia) spurred by tlie love of God. came to Rome and then by the exhortation of Pope Gregory of the Apostolic See, proceeded to this fortress of Cassinum ; and when he came to the holy remains of the blessed father Benedict he began to dwell there with certain honest men who were already living there before. And they appointed this same venerable man Petronax as their superior, and not long afterwards, with the aid of Divine Mercy and through favor of the merits of the blessed father Benedict, after the lapse of about a hundred and ten years from the time when that place had become destitute of the habitation of men, he became there the father of many monks of high and low degree who gathered around him, and he began to live, when the dwellings were repaired, under the restraint Paul wrote this at Monte Cassino.

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of the Holy Rule of the Order and the institutions of the blessed Benedict, and he put this sacred monastery in the condition in which it is now seen. A t a subsequent time Zacharias, Chief of Priests and Pontiff beloved by God, bestowed many useful things upon this venerable man Petronax, namely the books of Holy Scripture and all sorts of other things that relate to the service of a monastery and moreover he gave him with fatherly piety the Rule of the Order which the blessed father Benedict had written with his own holy hands.' The monastery indeed of the blessed martyr Vincent, which is situated near the source of the river Vulturnus and is now celebrated for its great community of monks, was then already founded by three noble brothers, that is, Tato, Taso and Paldo, as the writings of the very learned Autpert, abbot of this monastery show, in the volume which he composed on this subject. While the blessed Pope Gregory indeed ' of the Roman See was still living, the fortress of Cumae was taken by the Langobards of Beneventum, but when night came on, certain of the Langobards were captured and others were killed by the duke of Naples; also the fortress itself was re-taken by the Romans. F o r the ransom of this fortress the Pontiff gave seventy pounds of gold as he had promised in the first place.3 'Afterwards burned A. D. 896 (Waitz). a Gregory 11. a A. D. 7 I 7 T h e recapture of this place did not occur a t once as Paul's account seems to indicate, but the duke of Naples was urged to the act by the Pope ~ v h opromised and paid him the socalled ransom (Hodgkin, VI, 442).

~84

H I S T O R Y O F TI-IE LAh'GOB:1RIl!:.

CIIAPTER XLI. Meanwhile t!ie emperor Theodosius, who had ruled the empire only one year, having died,' Leo was substituted as emperor in his place.'

CHAPTERXLII. Among the people of the Franks, after Pipin had been released from life, his son Charles 3 of whom we have spoken tool; the sovereignty from the hand of Raginfrid only by means of many wars and struggles. F o r when h e was held in prison he was set free b y God's command and escaped and at first 'he began t n o o r three times a struggle against Raginfrid xvith a few men and at last overcame him in a great battle at Vinciacum (Vincy).4 S c \ ertheless 11e ga\ e liinl one city t o dwell j he himself underin, that is, Andegavi ( A n g c r ~ ) n.hile took the government of the n hole nation of the frank^.^ ' A n error. Theodosius did not (lie b ~ \ \t a s deposed (LYaitz). Leo the I s a ~ ~ r i a the n , great iconoclastic emperor, born about 670, was appointed to a place in the life-guards of Justinian 11, a n d \vas'after\vards sent o n a clcsperate niission to the Alans in the Caucasus \there he she\\-ed great courage a n d ingenuity. Anastasius, the successor of J ~ ~ s t i i l iappointed a~l hini general of t h e forces of Anatolia in llsia LIinor \\here h e kept the Saracens a t bay. T h e o d o s i ~ !111 ~ \vho s~:cccecledilnastasius was considered incompetent to defend Constant~nopleagainst the Saracens a n d in 716 Leo was 1.1ised to the throne (Hodgkin, Y I , 425, 426). Charles 1Iartel. ' ?;ear Cambray. In this statelnenf PTLIII is not supported by other authorities a n d h e is not well infornled in Frankish history (Jacobi, 43). His title was not that of king but ma) or of the palace: during a

BOOK TrI.

CHAPTERXLIII. A t this time king Liutprand confirmed to the Roman Church the gift of the patrimony of the Cottian Alps, and not long afterwards the same ruler toolc in marriage Guntrut, the daughter of Teutpert, duke of the Bavarians with whom he had lived in exile, and from her he begot one daughter only. CHAPTERXLIV. During these times Faroald, duke of the Spoletans, attacked Classis, a city of the Ravenna people, but by command of king Liutprand it was restored to these same Romans. Against this duke Faroald his own son Transamund revolted and usurped his place and made him a cl~urchrnan.~In these days Teudo, duke of the latter part of his life however there was no king. H e was the real founder of the Arnulfing or Carolingian dynasty, and his son Pipin assumed the title of king (Wodgkin, 1.1, 421, 422). ' T h e policy of the Ca\.-arian dynasty, a s to friendly relations with the Catholic church and with the neighboring Bavarians was continued by Liutprand. Thismarriage hcc.e\.er afterwards led to other complications. After Teutpert's death, his brother Grimoald attempted to rc,b h ~ sson Hucbert of the sovereignty. Charles hlartel, who had established his dominion over the Frankish kingdom, now seized the opportunity to restore his own suzerainty over the Bavarian dukedom, while Liutprand (probably about 725) invaded the Bavarian territories and pushed fbrxvard the boundaries of the Langohard kingdom cp to AIa~insor JIais, by hIeran. Charles also married Suanahild, a 13avarian princess, and thus became the brother-in-law of Liutprancl, and the friendship between these sovereigns was firmly established (EIartmann, 11, 2, 1 2 5 ) . PA. D. 724 (Waitz; Pabst, 469, note 2 ) .

2 86

HISTORY OF THE LANGOBARD~.

the nation of the Bavarians came for the purpose of devotion to Rome to the foot steps of the holy apostles.' CIIAPTERXLV. When then at Forum J u l i i (Cividale) the patriarch Serenus had been talicn away from human affairs, Calixtus, a distinguished man who was archdeacon of the church of Tarvisium (Treviso) received through the efforts of king Liutprand the government of the church of Aquileia. r2t this time as n-e said, I'cmmo ruled the Langobarcls of Forum Julii. \Then hc hnd now brought to the age of early mal:liood those sons of the nobles whom he had reared with his own children, suddenly a messenger came to him to sajr that an immense multitude of Slavs was approaching the place which is called L a ~ r i a n a . ~IVith those ~ - o u i : gmen, he fell upon the Slavs for the third timc, and ol-crtlirc~v them with a great slaughter, nor did an>-onc else fall on the part of the Langcbards than Sicuald, \ ~ l ; on-as ~.lrcaclymature in a . F o r he hni! 1o;t t11.o .ions in a forrncr battle, ~ v h i c hoccurcd unc!cr Fi.rcl~!lf,i:nd when hc had avenged himself upon the Sla~.sa first and a second time according to his desire, tlic thircl time, :tlthough both the duke and the othcr Langobards forbade it, 11e could not be restrained but thus anslr-ercd them : ' ( I have already revenged sufficiently," 1-c saps, " the death of m y sons A. L). 716 (lf'aitz). I Ic had dit-ided his doininion among his four sons. One of his grancldaughters had married Liutprand a n d another Charles ;iIartel (IIodxXin, 1-1, 440). Supposed to 13e the vi!lqe of Spitn! near lTillach(Waitz) on the Drave in Carinthia (1Vaitz). This seems quite uncertain.

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and now if it shall happen, I will gladly receive my own death." And it so happened, and in that fight he only was killed. Pemmo, indeed, when he had overthrown many of his enemies, fearing lest he should lose in battle any one more of his own, entered into a treaty of peace with those Slavs in that place. And from that time the Slavs began more to dread the arms of the Friulans.

CHAPTER XLVI. A t that time the nation of the Saracens, passing over from Africa in the place which is called Septem (Ceuta), invaded all Spain.' Then after ten years they came with their wives and children and entered the province of Aquitaine in Gaul so as to inhabit it. Charles,' indeed, had then a quarrel with Eudo, prince of Aquitaine, but they joined together and fought by common consent against those Saracens. The Franks attacked them and killed three hundred and seventy-five thousand of the Saracens, while on the side of the Franks only fifteen hundred fell there. Eudo also with his followers fell upon their camp and in like manner killed many and ravaged everything. 3 1The first invasion of Spain by Tarik was in the year 7 1 I , before Ansprand returned from his exile in Bavaria. It was in 7 2 1 , nine years after the accession of Liutprand, that having conquered Spain, the Saracens were defeated by Eudo of Aquitaine at Toulouse (Hodgkin, VI, 4 1 8 , 419). Charles Martel. Jacobi (43) believes that Paul has here combined two battles in one, the victory of Eudo over the Saracens a t Toulouse in 721 and the battle of Poictiers in 732. T h e latter battle, however,

288

HISTORY O F THE LANGOBARDS.

CHAPTER XLVII. Also at this time this same nation of Saracens came with an immense army, surrounded Constantinople and besieged it continually f o r three years but n h e n the citizens with great fervor cried to God, many (of the invaders) perished b y hunger and cold, b y war and pestilence, and thus, esllausted b y the siege, they departed. IVhen they had gone thence they attacked in n a r the nation of the Bulgarians beyond the Danube but they were overcome a!so b y them and took refuge in their ships. \\'hen they sought the high sea a sudden tempest attacked them and very many also perished b y drolvning and their ships n e r e dashed to pieces. Within Constantinople, indeed, three hundred thousand men perished b y pestilence.

CHAPTER XLVIII. Liutprand also, hearing that the Saracens had laid waste Sardinia and were eLren defiling those places where the bones of the bishop St. Augustine had been formerly carried on account of the devastation of the barbarians and had been honorably buried, sent and gave a great price and took then1 and carried them over to the city of Ticinunl and there buried them with the honor appears to be indicated, for Euclo after his victory a t Toulouse, h a d been vanqi~ished1). the Saracens, a n d it ivould seem that t h e remnant of his troops shared \\ ith those c ~ fCharles hlartel t h e victory of Poictiers (Hodgkin, 1-1,419, 420) ' H a r t m a n n says (11, 2 , 85) the siege lasted one year, A. D.

717-718.

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due to so great a father. In these days the city of Narnia (Narni) was conquered by the Langobards. '

CHAPTER XLIX. A t this time king Liutprand besieged Ravenna and took Classis and destroyed it.' Then Paul the patrician sent his men out of Ravenna to kill the Pope, but as the Lapgobards fought against them in defense of the Pope and as the Spoletans resisted them on the Salarian bridge 3 as well as the Tuscan Langobards from other places, the design of the Ravenna people came to nought. A t this time the emperor Leo burned the images of the saints placed in Constantinople and ordered the Roman pontiff to do the like if he wished to have the emperor's favor, but the pontiff disdained to do this thing. Also the whole of Ravenna and of Venetia4 resisted such commands with one mind, and if the pontiff had not prohibited them they would have attempted to set up an emperor over themselves. 5

' Probably by the duke of Spoleto (Hodgkin, VI, 444). Probably not later than A. T I . 7 2 5 (Hodgkin, 1.1, 444, note 3). % bridge on the Salarian n a y , 07 er the Anio (Hodgkin, VI, 448). This word is the plural, " the T7enices," for there were then two, land Venice, nlostly 1:nder the Lhn;.obards, a n d sea Venice, under Ravenna. (See opemng nords of the Chronicon Venetum by John the Deacon, LIonticolo's ed., p. 59.) To understand this controversy we must return to the time of Gregory I. T h e weakness of the Byzantine empire and its inability to protect its Italian subjects from the Langobards, combined with the growth of the administratii-e powers of the Pope throughout the extensive domains of the church, gave the papacy

2go

HISTORY O F T H E 1,ANGOBARDS.

Also king Liutprand attacked Feronianum (Fregnano) more a n d more a political character. Gregory extended this influence ; h e even attempted to make a separate peace \vith the Langobards, a n act \\-hich \vas resented by the emperor ILIaulice. T h e people of Italy began to look to the Pope for protection, and there were aspirations for independence from t h e Eastern Empire a n d for a re-establishment of the Empire of the \Vest. T h e usurpation of the e.urch Eleutherius a n d the subsequent re!)ellion of Olympius \vhich wxs supported by Pope Xlartin I, a s a e l l a s the revolt of Ravenna under (;eorgius, all show this se::aratist tendency. Ecclesinstical differences such a s the assumption of the title of Universal Bishop by the patriarch of Constantinople, the hlonothelete controvers:;, the i'j;nr, the in~prisonmentof Pope Martin, etc., a(-centuatetl the irritation of the SVest. Constantine Pogonatus, indeed, like some rf his predecessors, had adopted a policy of friendship ~viththe papacy, and also ccncluded a definitive treaty with the Lnngohards, fixing the boundaries of the Langobard a n d Roman dominions. liut after this peace was made, the Langobards became sul~jectto the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the I'ope and it became the interest of the Iioman See to play the empercr and the Lsnxo1,ard king against each cther in favor of its own greater pobver and independence. (H-rtmann, Atti del Congresso in Ci\-idale, 1899, pp. I 53 to I t i ? ) . IVhen Leo the Isaur-ian mounted the throne, h e was recogniicd a t Ravenna, but a n insurrection brc,ke out against him in Sicily, \vhich, however, was soon suppressed. Cut his heal-)-hand \\ a s felt in Rome in his efforts to collect fr-on1 church property the mcans for carrying on his contests a:;ainst the Saracens. Gregory 11, a m a n of great ahilit!., then occupied the papal chair and resisted his exactions, whereupon plots u-ere laid by imperial officers to depose and perhzps to assassinate the I'ope. Then came the ccmflict in regard to the worship of images, a practice ~vhichl i ~ dgradually grown in the church a n d which Leo determined to eradicate. In 725 h e issued a decree f ~ their r destruction. T h e v,.ork \\-as begiin with energy a t Constantinoplc, all opposi!i~ n \\.as stamped out with great severity and a pnplilx:. insurrecticn, a s \:.ell a s a n attack

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29 I

Mons Bellius, (Monteveglio) Buxeta (Busseto) and upon the city by a rebellious fleet was suppressed with a strong hand. I n Rome, however, his efforts were not successful, and when in 727 the order for the destruction of the images was rene~ved,Cregory arrned himself against the emperor. The people now elected dukes for themselves in different parts of Italy and proposed to elect a new emperor, but the Pope restrained them, not wishing perhaps to have a n emperor close at his side or possibly fearing a greater danger from the Langobards. Italy was distracted by internal struggles, the Pope, aided by the Spoletans and Bene~entans, prevailed, and the exarch Paul was killed. Upon his death the eunuch Eutychius was appointed to succeed him. H e landed a t Naples and sent a private messenger to Rome instructing his partisans to murder the Pope and the chief nobles, but the people assembled, anathematized Ect)-chius and bound themselves to live or die wiih the Pope. Then Eutychius t u n e d for aid to the Langobards, and Liutprand, who had at first favored the Pope and the Italian revolutionary movement and had improved the occasion to seize a number of the possessions of the empire, now changed his policy and formed a league with the exarch to subject Spoleto and Benevento to his own dominion and enable the exarch to control the city of Rome. The king first marched to Spoleto where he took hostages and oaths of fidelity, then he moved to Rome and encamped on the plain of Sero close to the city. The Pope came forth to meet him, attended by his ecclesiastics and Lictprand fell before him and took off his mantle, his doublet, his sword and spear, cro\vn and cross, and laid them in the crypt belore the altar of St. Peter. In spite of these manifestations of reverence, hc.\~-ever,Liutprand insisted upon a reconciliation between the 1'o;:e and the exarch which put a limit to the Italian movement toward independence and to the political aspirations of the papacy, and in great measure restored the power of the exarch-although in the controversy regarding the destruction of images, in which the people tool; a passionate interest, the emperor Leo was never able to impose his will upon his subjects in Italy. In other matters too, local self-government had made

Persiceta (San Giovanni in Pcrsiceto) Bononia (Bogreat progress during the various revolutionary movements a n d no\%-heremore than in tile is1,inds of the 17enetian lagoons, where the new settlements ~nai!e11)- tlie f~:;,i\ics fro~ilthe mainland, h a d c~. the dojies or now assumed a se:ni-indc,~c::c!cnt c l ; ~ : - . ~ c t ucc!cr dckes of Venice, who in Liatpr::nd3s time matie treaties n i t h t h e Langobard king (clefinin; the l>.~!ind,irlesof ench) anti ( r e ~ u l a t i n g the intercoi~rsebetween the t\ro commtiniiies. ) Liuil~randalso m a d e a treaty \vith Comacchio, the I-ivnl of \.ciii;e in the commerce on the 1'0. It is surpriin; that these c\-ents should h a v e been omitted by Paul, especially as they are referred to in t h e Liber Pontificalis, one of his sources. It shows the incomplete character of this last book of l'aul's unfinished history. Gregory I1 died in ;- 31, 1~t.t111s successor Gregory 111 pursued the same policy in respect to the emperor's edict for the destruction of the images. l i e cin\.ened a council attended 1:y the archbishops of Grade a n d 1-,1:lore directly subject to the central :~uthorityof Con>tantinople ; znd, the duchy !'f iiero\.i:~,:i;~ns, ancl the kin;: pronlised tile I'ope the territories \vliich 11;id belonged to the e i e e l x i x i . T h e king ac:coi-~linglyset out ~vith his arm)- for I t a l y ; defeated Aistuif near tlic foot of tlie "Llps a n d laid siege to I'avia, IT hereupon the I.angoljard kin;: n;:reed to restcre Ra\-ennn and the rest of the concji~eredterritory a n d to 's 1,c:t >cartel! hat1 the Franks comply with tlie I ' L ) I I ~tleinands. left Italy \\i:en 11e i - c p ~ l d i ; ~ i1,ii e ~ l~)l-iilriise.i,311d in J,lnu,ir!-, 7 j 6 lie reneived his nt:-xi.k ci>oii I . .Anti w i t h t h e m w a s ;I n-orn;in, (;arnb;ira h! n:lme. a n d s h r 1i;ld two son.;. N o r Ira.; t h e riarne of o n e anti A g i o t h e n a m e o i t h e o t h e r . T h e y . 1%-itli t h e i r mother-, G;irnb;~t-;~ 11)- n a m e , h e l d t h e sol-ereigntl- o v e r t h e IVinriile.;. 'The11 t h e leader-s of t h e Tl'andals, t h a t is. A r n h r i a n d -As>i, mo\,ed \\-it11 t h e i r ;irrn!-, ant1 said to t h e 1 t 7 i n n i l e s : " l i t h e r pa!- us t i - i l ~ u t e so r p r e p a r e !-ourselves f o r h a t t l e a n d f i g h t w i t h 11s." 'I'llen a n s w e r e d Y b o r a n d A g i o . w i t h t h e i r mother- ( ; ; ~ r n b a ~ - a :" I t is b e t t e r i o r 11s t o rnake rend! t h e h a t t l e t h a n t o pa!. t r i h u t e s to t h e \ ~ T a n t l a l s . " T h e n A r n h r i a n d Assi, t h a t is, tire leader. of t h e \S'nritinls, asked G o t l a n t h a t h e shonlti gi\.r t h e m t h e \ ictor!- o\.er- tile l V i n n i l r > . (;atian a n s w e r e d , >;I! in;.: "TVhoni I s h a l l i;r>t > r e m-he11 a t s u n rise, t o t h e m \ r i l l I cil-e t h e \-ictor!.." ,At t h a t t i m e (;;~rnbara w i t h h e r t w o sons, t h a t i h . k-boi- ;iritl A g i o , w h o n - e r r chiefs o\.er t h e ItTinnrIe.;, hesou;iht I;re;i, t h e w i f e of (;od:~n, t o be propitious t o tlie I17innili\. 'I'hrn F r c n g : ~ \ - ccounsel t h a t ;it s u n r i s e t h e \5-inniles .houltl cclrne. ;111dth;it tlieil- woriien, w i t h t h e i r h a i r l e t don-11 ; ~ r o u n t lt h e face in t h e likeness o t ;I b e a r d . i h o u l t l also coliic w i t h thcii- 1iu~h:untis. 'J'hen w h e n i t h e c ; ~ m e .. 1)1-ight, n-11ile tlic s u n TI-;I.; i-I.;lng, F r - e ; ~ ,t h e ~ r i f rof G o d a n . tur-net1 :iround t h e Iietl 11.11cr-r 1 1 ~ 1 . hushnntl \\-ah 11-ing ;inti P L I ~his f ; ~ c rt o ~ v : ~ i - ttlh e c ; L > ;ind ~ an-;iI:In- t h c \ITinnilc> ;~ritlt l ~ e i rw o r n e n h a v i n g t h e i r h a i r l e t do\\-n a r o u n d t h e face. ,Anti h e .;;I!.;, "TVho "I.:xsriiii(r (1Iotien;i J I S S . ) . .4 ( i ~ r i ~ n t i o I)ointirig ll to the (;otl~ic x\.orcl .r.htittiqnrz, to injure. (;ernl;~ri Scliotl~~rr,Englisll srtitkc ( H o t i g . , 1.1, g o ) . \Iornrnsrn consitier.; tl~i.; ;i l a t e r interpolation to hc reiectcti ( p . 60, not? 3 ) .

are those Long-beards?" A n d Frea said to G o d a n , "As you have given them a name, give them also the victor!-." And he gave them the victory, so that the!- should defend themselves according to his counsel and obtain the victory. F r o m that time the IVinniles were called Langobards. 11. A n d the Langobards rnoved thence and came to G o laida and afterwards the! occupied the aldionates of Anthaib and Bainaib and also Burgundaib. A n d it is said that the!made for thernselves a Icing, Agilmund by narne, the son of Agio, of the race of Gugingus. A n d after him reigned Laiamicho of the race of Gugingus.-' A n d after him reigned Letliuc and it is said that he reigned about fort!>-ears. A n d after him reigned Aldihoc the son of Lethuc. A n d after him reigned Godehoc. 111. A t that time king Audoachari w e n t forth from R a venna with the arm!- of the Alani and came into Kugiland and fought with the Rugians and killed T h e u v a n e lcing of the Kugians, and led many captives with him into Italy. T h e n the 1,angobards departed from their own territories and dwelt sorne years in Rugiland. I\'. Claffo, the son of Godehoc reigned after him. A n d after him reigned T a t o the son of Claffo. T h e Langobards settled three !-ears in the fields of Feld. T a t o fought with Rodolf lcing of the Heruli and killed him and carried off his banner ( t ' c l ~ ~ d oand ) helmet. After him the Heruli had no ItinglJ- oAce. A n d JVacho the son of Unichis killed Icing T a t o his paternal uncle together with Zuchilo. A n d IJTacho ' T h e \r-ords "Oithe race of Gugingus" a r e omitted in t h e l l o d e n a 1ISS. and 3'Ir~mrnsrn regards thern ( p . 68) as at1 interpolation (see also Hruckner Zeitschriit f u r deutsches A l t e r t h u m , p. 56).

3I S

IIISTORT

Or

T I I T : 1 . 0 l I K \RI)S

f o u g h t , and Ildichis t h e son of '1';lto fouglit, a n d Ildichis fled t o the (;ippitii w h e r e he ciied. A n d t o ;ivenge his w-rang t h e ( -r!pidl~ . ' . nlntie w a r w i t h the L;~ngol)nrds. 'At this time 11;;icho hent t h e Sunbians under- t h e doniinion of t h e I>angobards. 1V;icho li;ltl three wi\.es: i first) Rnicuntla, tl:iughter of Fisud Icing of tlic 'I'usingi. A f t e r her he took :is his w i f e A l ~ i t r i f u s a n girl t l ~ e(;ippidi.' A n d 1V;icho h ; ~ df r o ~ nA u s t r i gusa t w o d a u g h t e r s ; the nanie of one w;is \Visigardn whom he gave in ~ n a r r i n g eto l'hrlltiipert king " of the I;rnnk.i, a n d the n a m e of t h e secorld n-ah \Valtler;idn who111 S c u s ~ ~ : ~Icing ltl of t h e I:sanl!n a m e . 1;roln hcr- he Ii:iti :r son, \Valtnri h!. name. I Y a c h o died a n d his >on \Vnlt:~ri reignrd >even \ e a r > n-ithout posterit! .' 'I'hese Ti-cre all 1,ethinges. \'. Ant1 ; i f t r ~ -1Vnlt;iri. rrigneci Auduin.' H e let1 the Langchardh into I'annonin. A n d there r e i ~ n e d a f t e r h i m A l b u i n , his son, ~ v h o s en i o t h r r is Kodelenda. A t t h a t tirne Albuin fouglit ~ v i t l it h e king of t h e Crippidi. C u n i m u n d h!. n a m e , ;ind Cuninluntl clirtl in t h a t brittle : ~ n d t h e Gippidi w e r e subjugnted. .;\lbuin tool< as his \\if? Cunirnund's (laughter Knseniunil, who111 he h a d c;iptured :is hoot!.. since his wife E ' I u t s ~ ~ i n d ;\v110 l, w a s t h e t1;lugIitrr of Flotlial.. Iiing oi t h e Fr-:inks, had al~-e;~d!. died. 1;1.oin her he had :I d a u g h ter b!- n a m e Albsuinda. ,And t h e I J a n ~ o h a r t l sd w e l t forth-

' Jncohi.

n o t e 4. Xlodenn 11s. in place o t rragis. ; "Farigclidzts" (Rruckner, pp. 19, 203). ' "Of the stock o i (;nusus" says the list o i kings in K o t h n r i ' s Prologue (;\lot]. (;erm. Hist. Leges. IV, 2 ) . 20,

" Read r p q i w i t h

APPENDIX

3 '9

t w o years' in Pannonia. T h i s Albuin led into Italy the Langobards w h o were invited by Narses (chief) of the secretaries. A n d Albuin, king of the Langobards, moved out of Pannonia in the month of April after "I Easter in the first indiction. I n the second indiction, indeed, they began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indiction he became master of Italy. Albuin reigned in Italy three years, and was Itilled. in Verona in the palace by R o s e ~ n u n dhis wife and Hilmichis upon the advice of Peritheo. Hilrnichis wished to be king and could not because the Langobards wanted to slay him. T h e n Rosemund sent word to the prefect Longinus that he should receive her in Kavenna. W h e n Longinus presently heard this he rejoiced; 11; sent a ship of the public service and they brought Rosemund and Hilmichis and Albsuinda, king Albuin's daughter, and conducted a11 the treasures of the Langobards with them to Ravenna. T h e n the prefect Longinus began to persuade Rosemund to kill Hilmichis and become the wife of Longinus. H a v i n g given ear to his counsel, she mixed poison and, after the bath, gave it to him (Hilmichis) to drink in a goblet." R u t when Hilmichis had drunk, he knew that he had drunk something pernicious. H e commanded that Rosernund herself should drink, although unwilling, and they both died. T h e n the prefect Longinus took the treasure of the Langobards and commanded Albsuinda, the daughter of king Albuin, to be put in a $hip, and sent her over to Constantinople to the emperor. " T h e Modena MS. says twelve. Neither number is correct. They probably remained there about tlventy-two years. '"A Pnsclza, ( W a i t z , p . 11, 7, note.) l l T h u s Abel translates in raldo (p. 6 ) , or perhaps it is "In a hot potion."

\-I. 'The rest of t h e l,:~ngobnrtis set o v e r tliemielve; a Iiing nnrneti C l e p h , ot: t h r ,tack of 13eleos. a n d Clepli reignetl tn--o ~ e a l - s:uiti d i e d . -\ntl t h e tiuke, of tile J,a~lgir~h;~rdh adn ~ i n i s t e r e t ijuhtic.c tor- tn-rl\-r !-e:ir; :inti ;liter these thi~ig.; the!set u p o ~ . tthrlliselvei ~. ;I Icing ~ i a r n e t i*Autnri, t h e son of C l e p h . A n d r-\ut:l~-itool< ;is hi, 11-ite ~ l ' h e u t l e l e n t l : ~:I. ti:iugliter of ( h r ipnld nntl o t \ \ T n l d e ~ - a t l t; r~o l n H n v ; ~ i - i : ~ ..And ~ r i t h'I'heutlel c n d a can)? 1 1 ~ 1 -brotlirl. n:irnrti (;r~ndoniti, ; i r i t l 1;ilig - 1 u t a r i : ~ p p o i n t e t ih i m d i ~ k ein t h r cit! of X5t:i. :11:ti A u t n r i veigneil seven !ezirs. -Ant1 A c q u o . ~tlir 'Thusingi;~n du1te.l' depnrtetl troiii ?17urin :incl uniteti hinliclf wit11 clueen 'I'lieudelentln :lnd l)ecnr~iek i n g of tllc I d ; ~ n ~ o l ) a r t l s .Ant1 . h e killeti his 1.ebc1 d u k e s Z a n g r o l t o t \+r'i-c~ci;i.I \ I i r l ~ u l t of t h r islantl o t S t . J u l i a n ant1 (;aitiulf of 13c1-g:irno,:lnd other4 ~ v h o11-ei-c rebels. And .Accluo hegot of ' I ' l ~ e u t l e l e n d : ~;I tI;lughter-. (;[lnperga " 11). n a m e . L4nti A4ccluoI - r i g ~ i r dsix !-ears. ;111ti ;titer h i m r \ ~ - o a l e i e e l : r l *Anti ~ ; l i t e r liiln reigned l i o t h n r i , of t h e race of A 4 ~ - o ~ l tal ns ,d 11c tiestr-(I!-eti t h c cit! ;111(l iortresseb t h e Rociianh n-hicli ~ \ - r i - ;irourid e thr' co;i>tx f r o m tile ncighb o r h o o d o t I,un;i '" 11p to tlir l a n d of tlic 1;rnnks n ~ i di11 t h e east u p t o L71>ite~.ciurn( ( )cIcr.r;o). .And hc. t o u g h t near- t h e 'I

Aggo

it1

RIoiiena 115s.

. P e r h a p s this merely rneans t h a t he \\.:is d u k e of T u r i n . "Of the stock of Xna~r.ns" :tdds the Prologue to Rotlinri's Etiict ( I r o n . (;erm. H i s t . Lege.;, T'ol. IT'. 11. 2 ) . " "And :I son n : ~ ~ n eAdn.al(l" ti ;rdtls the l l o d e n a R I S S . '' I n the P r o l r ~ g u c ,".4rionlci oi: t h e race oi: Cnupus." T h e tevt here seerns greatl!- corruptetl. P a u l ;1nt1 the C'hronico~l Gothnnunn gi\ c .\giluli'.; reign a t 2 5 I-e:irs :inti t h a t uf liis so11 A d a l ~ v a l t l( h e r e ornittetl) :tt r o years. S o r t h \ t . e s t o t Lucc:~. '

'I'

T

i

i

APPENDIX

321

river Scultenna," and there fell o n the side of the Romans the number of eight thousand. YII. A n d Rothari reigned seventeen !-ears. A n d after hirn reigned A r i p e r t nine !-ears. A n d after him reigned Grimoald.li A t this time the emperor Constantine departed from Constantinople and came into the territories oi Campanin a n d t u r n e d back t o Sicill- and w a s killed by his o w n people. A n d Grimoald reigned nine years, and after him Berthari reigned.'!' I n Xlodena.

" T h e iLlode11a XISS. adds "seventeen years." I q T h e lZIodena RISS. omitc the sentence regarding Berthari.

T h e Codex

got ha nu?^

T h e condensation and translation beloxv is from Thomas Hodgkin, It011 nnci Her Int8(id?rs, Vol. V, T h e Lombard Inxnsion ( O u f o r d , 1 8 g j ) , pp. 146-1 jo. T h e notes and editorial comments are Ilodgkin's.

I he cpening and closing paragraphs of the Codex G o t h anus (described a t the beginning of chap. iii) are so utterly different from the O r i g o a n d t h e history of Paulus, t h a t , instead of attempting t o weave them into one narrative therewith. I prefer to give a separate translation o i them here. ? 7

I . T h e fore-elders of the L j n g o b a r d i assert "per (>an]baram parentem suam pro quid exitus a u t m o ~ i c i oseu visitatio eorum fuisset, deinter serpentibus parentes eorum breviati exissent," a rough and bloody a n d lawless progeny. Hut coming into the land o t Italy the! found it flowing w i t h rnillc

I cannot pretend to translate this sentence.

ant1 hone!. a n d , w h a t is more, the!- found there t h e salvation of baptism, a n d r e c e i ~ i n gt h e rn:~rks o i t h e H o l y rl'rinit!, they w e r e 1n;ltle of the nuinbel- of t h e good. I n t h e m \%-;IS fultilled t h e s ; ~ y i n g ."Sin is not i r l ~ p u t e d\vhere there is n o law." A t first the!. w e r e I-nve11in;c\valves, a f t e r w a r d s the! became 1;umbs feeding in t h e 1,ortl's floclc: therefore shoul(1 g r e a t praise ;ind tllank.; he brought t o G o d w h o h a t h I-aised them frorn the (lung-hill ;und set t h e m in the n u m b e r of the just, therch!- fulfilling t h e prophec! of 1)avitl. "He raiseth t h e need!- froln the tIunK-hill, anti ~ n a k e t hhim t o sit w i t h the princes of t h r earth." '1'hu.- tiitl the ;~foresaiti (;a~nbara assert conccsninK t h e m ' ( not prophes!.ing things n-hich she k n e w n o t , h u t , like the P! tllonebs or Sib!-1,': spealting I)ec;luse :L divine r,iiit;ltion nlo\-ecl I l e r ) , t h a t "the t h o r n shotiltl br t u r n e d into ;l I-ow." f l o j r this coultl be she k n e w lot, unless it w e r e s h o w n t o her 1)) (;oti.' She asserts, therefore, t h a t the!- ~ v i l lgo t o r t h , nlovcti not h! neccsait!., nor I)! hardness of heart,' n o r b!. the o p p s e b ~ i o nof pcirents, but t h a t t l ~ e !ma! obtain salvation fr.oni on h i ~ l l . I t i i ;I 11-onderful a n d unheard-of-thinE t o beholtl sucll balvation shining f o r t h , w h e n there \vab n o m e r i t in t l ~ e i rparents. bo t h a t f r o m Lirnong the s h a r p bl;tdes of t h e tllorns the odor or^.; flo\vcl-h of the churches w e r e found. E:ven thr comp;ission;~tr Son of (;od had preached i~efol-r." 1 c;imc riot to call the righteous, I ~ u tbinners" [to r.epent;unce]. Fl'l~e>cxver-r the! o i w h o m the Saviour. Himself spakr in p r o v r r t ) ~[ ~ ; I I - n b l r s t]o t h e Jew.,

' 'Curn eisdeni movit:~( I ) :itlserebnt.' .' 'Sed phitonissn inter

Sibillne cognomina.' 'Nesciens in c1ualin, nisi divin;~nduniperspicerit.' " 1.e. not bJ- oppressors driving tliem iorth from their own land.

"I have other sheep, which are not of this fold: them also I must bring to seek for the living water." 2 . H e r e begins the origin and nation or parentage of the Langobardi, their going forth and their conversion, the wars and devastations made by their kings, and the countries which they laid waste. T h e r e is a river which is called Vindilicus, on the extreme boundary of G a u l : near to this river was their first dwelling and possession. A t first they were Winili by their own their proper name and parentage: for, as Jerome "asserts, name was afterwards changed into the common word Langobardi, by reason of their profuse and always unshaven beards. T h i s aforesaid river Ligurius flows into the channels of the river Elbe, and loses its name.' After the Langobardi went forth, as has been before said( ? ) , from the same shore, the!. placed their new habitations a t first at Scatenauge on the shore of the river Elbe: then still fighting, they reached the country of the Saxons, the place which is called Patespruna. where, as our ancient fathers assert, they dwelt a long time, and they encountered wars and dangers in man!- regions. Here too they first raised over them a king named Agelmund. W i t h him they began to fight their way hack to their own portion in their former country, wherefore in Reovinidis the!- moved their army br the sound of clanging

" Really Isidore in his Etymologica, ix. 226. I t a k e t h e reference f r o m W a i t z . "Hic supradictus L i g u r i u s fluvius Albiae fluvii canalis inundans, e t nomen finitur.' Evidently something is omitted, as t h e L i g u r i u s has n o t been mentioned before.

t r u m p e t s t o t h e i r o w n PI-opest! : ' ~ r h e n c e to t h e p r e s e n t daj- t h e house ;inti d n - e l l i n g o i t h e i r k i n g L'\Vncho still a p p e a r ;IS signs.!' 'l'hrn I - e q u i r i n g :I counts!- of g r e a t e r tcrtilit!. the!. crossed o \ c r t o t h e province of 'l'hr:icc, and fixed theiri n h e r i t a n c e in t h e countr! o i tile cit! ( s i c . ) of: Pannonia.'" H e r e the!. > t r u g g l e t i \vith t h c AT:II-5. ;lnd ~ v n g i n grnanj- wars 11-ith t h e m w i t h niost :~rclrrittiiind, the! concluered P:lnnonia itself. A n d t h c AT:II-.;i ~ i ; ~ t ln-it11 c t h e m :L l e a g u e 'iriendship. :ind iol- t\\-enth--t\vo !c:irs the!. these.

;Ire >:lid tci h a v e liveti

F r o m this p o i n t t o t h r :~cccssionof Rotliar-i, .\.LI. 63h, tlie t e x t of tlir Cociex (;othnnus coincides ver!- nenrl!. w i t h t h a t of t h e ( I r i g o .

I t t h e n pl-o~.eed.;as follo\vs :--

7 . Kothar-i reigncti i x t c e n ! e a r s : b!. \ ~ h o r n 1:1~vs a n d j i ~ s t i c ew e r e b e g u n iol- t h e Idnn;_rol~:rrdi:and f o r t h e f;rst t i m e t!le judges \ r e n t I)! ;I T\-I-itteiicode, tol- p r e v i o u s 1 ~ -a l l causes \\-ere d e c i J r d I)!- c.u>tom i ~ N ~ / I I . ~ ( I I / N:111d ) t h e judge's TI-ill, 01h!. o r d e : ~ l i ? ) ( r i t l i , , )." 111 t h e ti;~!.; of' t h e s a m e Iring Kot h a r i , l i g h t :II-O>(. i n tile ti:irkne\s : I,!- \\ l l o r ~ i t h e nior-esnici

' ' U n d e in 13covinidis :lcirm e t clauses (c1:isses ? ) seu t u b a cl;~ngencium ;1(1 sunm p r o p r i e t : ~ t e m perdu\;erunt.' Quitr urltrntisl;lte:thlr. See reference t o 13eotr inidis in S 9. " 'Uncle usque liodie psarsentem diern SVnchoni regi e o r u m dornu.; e t hnbit;itio apparet sigtin.' A most incomprehensible sentrnce: niltl \\-11)- intruducctl lierr ? F o u r kings a r e Inentioneti ;liter this h r t o r e \V:~clicl nppe;irs oti tile scene. "''In P;innoni;~eiirhis p:itriaiii 5u;lili Iieretlit:itril~ :~fliserunt.' l 1 ' P e r quem leges et justiciarn r,;ingobnrdis est incho:~t;i: e t per conscriptionem primis jutlices p e r c u r r e r u n t : IlnIll :it~te:l pcr c;idnri:id;l e t : ~ r b i t r i oseu ritus tierutit causationrs.'

Langobardi directed their endeavours to the canonical rule,'" and became helpers of the priests.

[8 contains the durations of' the Icings' reigns f r o m Rodwald t o Desiderius]. 9. H e r e was tinished the ltingdom of the Langobardi, and began the ltingdorll of Italy, by the niost glorious Charles, lting of the Franks, who, as helper and defender of lord P e t e r , the prince of the Apostles, had gone to demand justice for him f r o m Italy. F o r no desire of gain caused him to w a n d e r , hut he became the pious and compassionate helper of the good: a n d though he might have desnolished a11 things, he became their clement and indulgent [preserver]. A n d in his pit!- he bestowed o n the Langobardi the laws of his native land, adding laws of his o w n as he deemed fit for the necessities of: the 1,angobardi: and he forgave the sins of innume[-able rnen w h o sinned against him incessantly. F o r which .Almighty G o d nll~ltipliedhis riches a hundredfold. A f t e r he had conquered Italy he made Spain his boundary: then he subdued Saxony: afterwards he became lord of Bavaria, and over innumerable nations spread the terror of his name. B u t a t last, as he w a s xi-orth!- of the Empire's honour, he obtained the Imperial crow7n; he received all the dignities of the Kornan power, he w a s ~ n a d ethe most dutiful son of' lorti f'eter, the apostle, and he defended Peter's propert!- iroln his foes. B u t after all these things he handed over the Itingdom of Itnlj- to his great and glorious son, lord Pippin, the great Icing. and as LAln~ightyG o d bestowed the grace of fortitude on the father, so rlid it a h o u ~ l din the son, through w h o m the I'

'Ad cannonicam

(.TIC)

tenderunt certamina.'

province of 'I'hrace( ! ) , together w i t h the A v a r s , w a s brought into subjection to the F r a n k s . Tile!., the aforesaid Avars. wllo w e r e sprrlng i r o m ;I stock which is the root of 2111 rvil, who had ever been enelllies of the churches and pel-secutor-s o t the Christians. w e r e , ;13 \ve have said, by the same lord Pippin, to his o w n gre:it conifort :ind t h a t of his f a t h e r , expelled :i~ld overcollie: the hol!. churches w e r e defended, ;itid Inan! ~ e s s e l sof the saints which tho.;e cruel and impious Inen h;ld carried off, \yere b!- the s a m r defender restored to their proper homes. '['hen the cities of the Reneventan pro\ince. :IS the!. deserl-etl for their violation of their plighted o a t h , 11-err wasted and 1n:idr desolate b!- fire, ;lnd their inhahitants u n d e r w e n t the capital sentence. A f t e r these things, h r also w e n t to 13eon-inidis( 7 ) w i t h his ;ir-In! and wasted it. a n d ~ n a t i ethe people of t h a t lantl :I prrj-. :inti caarieti theln captive. T h e r e f o r e also I)! his orders his ;lr-m!. l i b e r a t ~ dthe island of C'orsic;~,which w ; ~ soppressed I)!- the 3 I o o r s . A t the present tl:iy hy his ;lid Tt;il!. has shone forth as she did i11 the most ancient (la!-b. She has had laws. ;ind fertilit!., a n d quietness, b!- the deserving of our. lorti [the E ~ n p e r o r ] , through the xr;lce of oul- I,ord Jes~ih Christ. A m e n .

,-In A l c c o u n t of t h e Provinces of Italy r.

I h e list, printeci 11). 1V;iitz irom ;I tenth-cetitury m;unuscript in I f a d r i d , is f r o m thc. original edition of this book, pp. 38+ 382, notes by Foulke. T h e first province is \-enetia. 'l'liis i7eneti;l contains I7erona, 1-incentia, P a t a v i u m , 1Iaritu;i a n d other cities, h u t ;ilnong all, the cit! of A q u i l e i ; ~w a s the capital, in place of which just no\%-is F'oruin Julii, so called becalise Julius C z s a r had established :I market there for business.

APPENDIX

327

T h e second province is Liguria, in which is Rlediolanum and Ticinum, which is called by another name, Papia. I t stretches to the boundaries of the Larzgobards. Between this and the country of the Alamani are two provinces, that is First Reptia and Second Reptia lie arnong the Alps, in which proper11 the Reti are known to dwell. 1he Cottian Alps are called the third province. T h i s eutends from Liguria in a southerly direction up to the T y r r e n ian Sea, and on the west it is reckotrerl from the boundaries of the Gauls. I n it are contained Aquis (where there are hot springs) and the cities of Dertona, Genua and Saona and the monastcr! of Rovium. T h e fourth province is Tuscia. T h i s includes Aurelia toward the northwest and Umbria on the eastern side. I n this province Rome was situated, which was a t o n e time capital of the whole world. I n Umbria are Perusium and Lake C'litorius and Spoletium. Campania, the fifth province stretches from the city of Kome to the Siler, a r i ~ e rof Lucania. I n it the very rich cities of Capua, Neapolis and Salernum are situated. T h e sixth province, Iiucania, begins at the river Siler and extends with O r i t i a ' as far as the Sicilian strait along the coast of the Tirrenian Sea, like the two last named provinces, holding the right horn of Italy. I n it cities are placed, t h a t is, Pestus, l , a ~ n u s , Cassanus, Cosentia, ki'fll.z~itz~sand Reglum. T h e seventh province is reckoned in the Apennine Alps, which take their origin from the place where the Cottian Alps terminate. These Apennine Alps, extending through the middle of Italy, separate Tuscia from Emilia, and Umbria P 7

Evidentlv a mistake for Rritia (Rruttium).

is0111 1'lamine;l. 111 it ;lr-c t h e cities of I.'croninnl~m ;inti .\Iorltebelli~unand I41ps :inti the ~ t - ; i t e r so t thc Patlu?. I t otrtrritrs wealth! cities: I'lngrntia, Kegio, 13ooni;i ;lnd t h e Pol-urn of C'orneliu;. t h e iol-tress o t ~ r h i c hi t called 11nol:i. l ' h e ninth ~ I - ( I \ince. Fl;imine;l, is pl;iced betn-een the Xpenninc *Alp. ;ind the -4tiri;ltic. Sea. I n it :11.e Knvrnn:r, niost noble o i citie:., ant1 i i ~ eo t l ~ c r citieb n-hich in the (>reel; to11,yue ; l ~ - callctl e Pent;lpoli\. ?

I he tenth pl.o\-incc, I'icenun?, conies after. F l a l n i n e ; ~ . I t 7

has on t h e south thc =\pennine mountain.;, o n the o t h e r sidt., I n it :ire t h e A d r i z ~ t i cSea. I t estcntis to t h e river I'iscarin. the cities Fil-mu,. A s c u l ~ t i:ind Penllis, :il;o f H n d r i a e ) con< u ~ n r wit11 d old age.' \?:~lesia,the eleventh pro!-ince, to ~ v h i c l iS ~ r r s i : lis ;ttt:lched, i i t u a t e d i>et\vren I;nibr.ia ;inti Campnnin, anti I'icrnurn, anti it tonche; on the cast the 1-cgion of S:~mnilini. T h i s contains t h e citir:. oi: 'l'ihur, C';~riiolia. 1ie;ite. Fol-co11i5 ;uici L4miternurn. ;unti thc rcgioc~h o t t h e \ I a r i i a n s ;lnd their lake \vhich i h cnlletl F o c i ~ i u , .

ih

'I'he t ~ v e l f t hpsox.ince, S ; i ~ n n i u m is , h e t ~ r e e nC a m p a n i n and the Adri;itic Sex ;111tl *4pulia. '2'his hegins a t the Piscarin. I n i t ;ire tile cities of 'l'hentc, r-\utitlinnuni, Hisernia ; ~ n t l S a m p n i u m , consumed b!. its olti age, from xvhich t h e \vliolr pro\.ince i, narned. ; ~ n t itlir no st wealth! 1 3 r n e ~ . r n t u m ,thc capital of this province.

' \Vaitz

supplir, here "H:tdriacU troru Paul's Histar!

APPENDIX

329

T h e t h i r t e e n t h province is A p u l i a , united w i t h it C a l a b r i a .

It contains t h e tolerabl!- rich cities of L u c e r i a , S i p o n t u m , C a n u s i u m , A c e r e n t i a , B r u n d i s i u m . T a r e n r u m , a n d in t h e left h o r n of I t a l y , I ~ , i t i gdistant fifty miles, Y d r o n t u m , fitted f o r commerce. T h e island of Sicil! is reclconed t h e f o u r t e e n t h province. I n this proz'ir~cc, are e.er!. rich cities, arnotlg 7 ~ h i c l r is t h e great city o f S ~ ~ C I C I I S P . T h e fifteenth province is t h e island of Corsica, whic11 is f111l o f corners w i t h I I I C ~ I I Jprottiontories. T h e sixteenth province is t h e island of Sardinia. B o t h of these a r e g i r t by t h e n-aves of t h e T i r r e n i a n Sea. T h i s e x terlrls i n t o t h e ,4frican sen i t ~t h e ~ 1 1 a p eof t h e hurrrnn foot, t n o r ~b r o n d l ~ i, n t h e w ~ s as t zc~rllczs i n t h e east, its sides being alike i n shape. I t e x t e n d s i n l e n g t h n o r t h a n d south 140 tniles, i n b r e a d t h 10 mziles.' " T h e first province, Venetia, is mentioned in language quite different from the description of Paul-otherwise the resemblance of the above catalogue t o Paul's account of the provinces of Italy is very close. T h e r e a r e a number of grammatical e r r o r s in this catalogue where the corresponding sentences a r e written correctly in P a u l . T h e names of many of the places are spelled differently, the First Raetia and Second Raetia, although named, a r e not enumerated here, but are included in Paul's enumeration, hence the numbering is different after the second province, and there a r e a fen- matters (printed above in italics) which a r e not found in P a u l , or where Paul's statement differs from the catalogue. Alany additional matters a r e found in Paul.

A B I B L I O G R A P H I C A L NOTE,

2003

Scholarly research on both Paul the Deacon and the Lombards has advanced considerably since the appearance of this book in 1974,particularly in the areas of archaeology, ethnogenesis and early Germanic kingdoms, and the life and work of Paul the Deacon himself. much of the archaeological research is sun~~llarized in Neil Christie, The Lonlba~-a?:T l ~Ancie~z e t Lowbards (Oxford: Blachvell, 1995),with references to the often richly illustrated publications of German and Italian archaeologists. Much of the recent and extensive literature on ethnogenesis is su~nrnedup in Patrick J. Geary, The ~Zlyth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2oo2), Patrick h l o r y , People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489-jj4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997),esp. 1-42,and Walter Pohl and Helmut Reinlitz, eds., S~ategiesof Distii~ction:The Cons~-z~ction of Ethnic Conzmunities, 300-800 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 1998),for the Lombards, see the essay in this volume by D. Harrison, "Political Rhetoric and Political Ideology in Lombard Italy," 241-254. O n the Lombards, P. S. Barnwell, Kings, Courtiers, and Imperi~~nz: The Barbariaiz West, j6~-727(London: Duckworth, 1997),91-1 3 2, Paolo Delogu, "Lombard and Carolingian Italy," in Rosamund I\/lcKitterick, ed., The i\'eil Cnn?brirlge:Wedievnl Histo??, \rol. 11, c. 700". 900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 199j),290-3 19,Dick Harrison, The Early Tozcr~sand the State: Fol-nls of'Integ1.ati07zin Lonzbilizl Itil()j, 568-774,Lund Studies in International History 2 9 (Lund: Lund University Press, ~ggj),Walter Pohl, "~Memor):Identity and Power in Lombard Italy," in Yitzhak Hen and Matthew Innes, eds., The Uses of the

Past in the Early lWi&le Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, zooo), 9-28, idem, "The Empire and the Lombards: Treaties and ATegotiations in the Sixth Century," in idem, ed., Kingdonzs of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity, The Tran$omzation of the Ronzan World, Vol. I (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 1997), 75-134, and Jorg Jarnut, "Gens, rex, and regnvm of the Lombards," in Hans-Werner Goetz, Jorg Jarnut, Walter Pohl, with Soren Kaschke, eds., Regna and Gentes: The Relationship between Late Antiqzre nrld Early ~VedimalPeoples and Kingdonzs iz the Tran$omation of the Roman World, The Tmn$o~-nriztion of the Ronla?~World, 1'01. 13 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2003), 409-428. On Paul the Deacon, the best study is Walter Goffart, The Nar-rators of Barbarian Histoly (A.D. jjo-800): Jordanes, Gregory of Eurs, Bede, and Pazll the Deacon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 329-431, and Paolo Chiesa, ed., Paolo Diacono: U770 scritto7-e ji-a wadizione 1orzgoba~-dae rinouamento car-olirzgio (Udine: Forum, zooo), which contains two essays in English. There is a splendidly illustrated and annotated Latin-Italian text of The Histmy of'the Lonzbilr-(ls, edited by Claudio Leonardi and Roberto Cassanelli (Milan: Electa, 198j).