Gianlorenzo Bernini: new aspects of his art and thought: a commemorative volume 9780271003870

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page vii)
Preface (page xi)
Themes from Art Theory in the Early Works of Bernini (Rudolf Preimesberger, University of Zurich, page 1)
Bernini Sculptures Not by Bernini (Jennifer Montagu, The Warburg Institute, London, page 25)
A Comedy by Bernini (Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, Carleton University, Ottawa, page 63)
Bernini and the "Fiera di Farfa" (Frederick Hammond, University of California, Los Angeles, page 115)
Divine Reflections and Profane Refractions: Images of a Scientific Impasse in Seventeenth-Century Italy (William Ashworth, Jr., University of Missouri, Kansas City, page 179)
Bernini's Cosmic Eagle (Irving Lavin, The Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, page 209)
Index (page 221)

Citation preview

Gianlorenzo Bernini New Aspects of His Art and Thought

Edited by |

Irving Lavin

Gianlorenzo Bernini New Aspects of His Art and Thought A Commemorative Volume

Published for THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA by

THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS

, UNIVERSITY PARK AND LONDON | 1985

Monographs on the Fine Arts

XXXVII .

sponsored by

THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA Editors, Shirley Blum and Carol F. Lewine

Publication of this book has been made possible by a grant from

. the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title:

Gianlorenzo Bernini : new aspects of his art and thought. (Monographs on the fine arts ; 37) 1. Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 1598—1680—Addresses, essays, lectures.

I. Lavin, Irving, 1927- . Il. Series.

NX552.29B4634 1985 700'.92'4 84-43087 ISBN 0-271-00387-1

Copyright © 1985 The College Art Association of America All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

Preface X1 . List of Illustrations Vil

Themes from Art Theory in the Early Works of Bernini I Rudolf Preimesberger, University of Zurich

Bernini Sculptures Not by Bernini 25 Jennifer Montagu, The Warburg Institute, London

A Comedy by Bernini 63 Introduction 63

Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, Carleton University, Ottawa

The Impresario, by Gianlorenzo Bernini 78 English translation by Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, with the collaboration of James Merrill

Bernini and the “Fiera di Farfa” IIS Frederick Hammond, University of California, Los Angeles

Introduction IIS

“Fiera di Farfa”—Italian Text and English Translation 120

“Fiera di Farfa”—Score 127

Divine Reflections and Profane Refractions: Images of a Scientific Impasse in

Seventeenth-Century Italy 179 William Ashworth, Jr., University of Missouri, Kansas City

Bernini’s Cosmic Eagle 209 Irving Lavin, The Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton

Index 221

Preimesberger, “Themes from Art Theory in the Early 6. Andrea Bolgi, Divine Justice. Rome, St. Peter’s ) Works of Bernini” (photo: De Antonis) 1. Pasquale Cati, Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence. 7. Bernini, design for the decoration of Sta. Maria Rome, S. Lorenzo in Panisperna (photo: GFN) del Popolo, Rome. Leipzig, Museum der 2. Gianlorenzo Bernini, Saint Lawrence on the bildenden Ktinste, Graphische Sammlung Grill. Formerly Contini Bonacossi Collection, 8. Anonymous, copy of a model for an angel.

Florence Leipzig, Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Graph-

3. Simon Vouet, Temptation of Saint Francis. ische Sammlung

Rome, S. Lorenzo in Lucina (photo: GFN) 9. Bernini, drawing for Saint Ursula. Leipzig, 4. Michelangelo, Model of a River God. Florence, Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Graphische

Casa Buonarroti Sammlung

5. Bernini, Aeneas, Anchises, and Ascanius. Rome, ro. Giovanni Antonio Mari, Saint Ursula. Rome,

Galleria Borghese (photo: GFN) Sta. Maria del Popolo (photo: GEN)

6. Bernini, David. Rome, Galleria Borghese Ir. Paolo Naldini, Sarita Prassede, and Lazzaro

(photo: GFN) Morelli, Santa Pudenziana. Rome, Sta. Maria

7. Annibale Carracci, Polyphemus. Rome, Galleria del Popolo (photo: GFN)

Farnese (photo: GFN) 12. Altar in the left transept of Sta. Maria del Popolo, Rome (photo: GFN)

Montagu, “Bernini Sculptures Not by Bernini” 13. Giovanni Battista Gaulli, drawing of angels 1. Gianlorenzo Bernini, Apollo and Daphne. supporting an altar. Berlin, Staatliche Museen

Rome, Villa Borghese (photo: Alinari) Preussischer Kulturbesitz

2. Interior of St. Peter’s, Rome (photo: Alinari) 14. Antonio Raggi, Noli Me Tangere. Rome, SS. 3. Bernini, sketch for a cherub. Leipzig, Museum Domenico e Sisto (photo: GFN) der bildenden Ktinste, Graphische Sammlung 1s. Antonio Raggi, Baptism of Christ. Rome, 4. Giacomo Antonio and Cosimo Fancelli, Clem- S. Giovanni in Laterano (photo: M. Weil) ency. Rome, St. Peter’s (photo: De Antonis) 16. Antonio Raggi, angel supporting an altar. 5. Giovanni Battista Morelli, Innocence. Rome, Milan, Sta. Maria della Vittoria (photo: author)

St. Peter’s (photo: De Antonis) 17. Attributed to Antonio Raggi, angels bearing a

vill LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS tabernacle. Milan, Sta. Maria della Vittoria 3. Frontispiece for Christoph Scheiner, Oculus,

(photo: author) Innsbruck, 1619, unsigned

18. Bernini, drawing for the stuccoes in Ariccia. 4. Geocentric cosmos, from Peter Apian, CosmoLeipzig, Museum der bildenden Ktinste, Graph- graphia, Antwerp, 1550, fol. 3

ische Sammlung . 5. Heliocentric cosmos, from Nicolaus Coperni-

19. Bernini Workshop, drawing for the stuccoes in cus, De Revolutionibus, Nuremburg, 1543, fol.

Ariccia. Windsor Castle (reproduced by gra- Ov

cious permission of Her Majesty the Queen) 6. Tychonic system, from Tycho Brahe, De 20. Paolo Naldini, stuccoes. Ariccia, Chiesa Colle- Mundi Aetherei, Prague, 1603, 189

giata (photo: Anderson) 7. Detail of Fig. 3

21. Antonio Raggi, Angel with the Column. Rome, 8. Title page with vignette for Orazio Grassi,

Ponte S. Angelo (photo: author) Libra Astronomica, Perugia, 1618

22. Cosimo Fancelli, Angel with the Sudarium. 9. Engraved title for Galileo Galilei, I] Saggiatore,

Rome, Ponte S. Angelo (photo: author) Rome, 1623, “F. Villamoena. Fecit”

23. Bernini Workshop, drawing for the Angel with 10. Frontispiece for Christoph Scheiner, Rosa Ur-

GFN) 11. Detail of Fig. 10

the Cross. Rome, Palazzo Rospigliosi (photo: sina, Bracciano, 1626-1630, unsigned 24. Ercole Ferrata, Angel with the Cross. Rome, 12. Detail of Fig. 10

Ponte S. Angelo (photo: author) 13. Frontispiece for Johann Kepler, Tabulae Rudol-

25. Paolo Naldini, Angel with the Robe and Dice. phinae, Ulm, 1627, “Georg Céler Sculpsis

Rome, Ponte S. Angelo (photo: author) Norimberga A° 1627”

26. Paolo Naldini, Angel with the Crown of Thorns. 14. Tychonic system, detail of Fig. 13

Rome, Ponte S. Angelo (photo: author) 15. Kepler and the model of the dome, detail of

27. Statues on the Colonnade of St. Peter’s, Rome Fig. 13 \ (photo: author) 16. Frontispiece for Galileo Galilei, Dia-

28. Bernini, drawing for Saint Mary of Egypt. logo... sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo, Leipzig, Museum der bildenden Ktinste, Graph- Florence, 1632, “Stefan della Bella. F”

ische Sammlung 17. Engraved title for Galileo Galilei, Systema

29. Paolo Romano, Saint Paul. Rome, Ponte S. Cosmicum, Strasbourg, 1635, unsigned

Angelo (photo: Alinari) 18. Frontispiece for Bonaventure Cavalieri, Trigo-

30. Saint Benedict, Colonnade of St. Peter’s, Rome nometria, Bologna, 1643, engraver’s mark “AS”

(photo: GFN) 19. Engraved title for Jacques Grandami, Nova

31. Orfeo Boselli from the designs of Francois du Demonstratio, La Fleche, 1644, “F. Rousseville

Quesnoy, Saint Benedict. Rome, S. Ambrogio fecit”

alla Massima (photo: GFN) 20. Frontispiece for Athanasius Kircher, Ars Magna 32. Attributed to Virgilio Spada, drawing for the Lucis et Umbrae, Rome, 1646, “Petrus Moitte side wall of a chapel in S. Andrea della Valle, Burgundus Sculp”

Rome. Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana 21. Engraved title for Phillip van Lansberg, Tabu-

33. Bernini and Alessandro Algardi, High Altar of lae Motuum Coelestium, Middleburg, 1632, “A.

S. Paolo, Bologna (photo: Alinari) v. venne in. D. Bremden sc.”

34. Attributed to Bernini, drawing for the High 22. Engraved title for John Wilkins, The Discovery Altar of S. Paolo, Bologna. Rome, Archivio di of a New World, London, 1640, “W. Marshall

Stato (photo: I. Lavin) sculpsit” 23. Engraved title for Johann Hevelius, Selenogra-

Hammond, “Bernini and the ‘Fiera di Farfa’ ” phia, Gdansk, 1647, “Adolf Boy delineav.

1. Jacques Callot, The Fair at Impruneta, etching. F. Falck Polonus sculps.” Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art 24. Frontispiece for Giambattista Riccioli, Almagestum Novum, Bologna, 1651, “F. Curtus

Ashworth, “Divine Reflections and Profane Refrac- Bon. Incid.”

tions” 25. Title page with vignette for Nicolaus Coperni1. Engraved title for Johann Bayer, Uranometria, cus, Astronomia Instaurata, ed. Nicolaus Mule-

Augsburg, 1603, unsigned rius, Amsterdam, 1617

2. Engraved title for Frangois Aguilon, Opfico- 26. Frontispiece for Opere di Galileo Galilei, Boyum, Antwerp, 1616, unsigned, engraved by logna, 1656, engraver’s mark “SDB” [Stefano

T. Galle after a design by Rubens della Bella]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1X

Lavin, “Bernini’s Cosmic Eagle” 5. Medal of Ferdinando Gonzaga (d. 1626). Lon1. Gianlorenzo Bernini, frontispiece of N. Zuc- don, British Museum (photo: Warburg Instichi, Optica Philosophia, 2 vols., Lyons, 1652— tute)

56, engraving by F. Poilly 6. Medal of Carlo Spinelli, 1564. London, British

2. Eagle emblems from G. Ferro, Teatro Museum (photo: Warburg Institute) d’imprese, Venice, 1623, Pt. 2, 82 7. Medal of Carlo Gonzaga, 1628. London, Brit3. Emblem of Rudolph II from J. Typotius, ish Museum (photo: Warburg Institute) Symbola divina & humana, 1, Prague, 1601, $6 8. Andrea Sacchi, Allegory of Divine Wisdom.

(detail) Rome, Palazzo Barberini (photo: GFN)

4. Emblem of Philibert II, Duke of Savoy, from 9. Detail of Fig. 8 Typotius, Symbola, m, Prague, 1603, 25 (detail)

Pretace

THESE essays were presented during a series of events I organized in Princeton to commemorate the three-hundredth anniversary of Bernini’s death on November 28, 1680 (he was born December 7, 1598). The series began with a symposium of art historians interested in Bernini held at the Institute for Advanced Study on April 11 and 12, 1981, which included the first two papers published here. During the symposium, the Princeton University undergraduate theater

group, the Theatre Intime, staged a production of Bernini’s only preserved comedy, in an English translation prepared for the occasion.* So far as I know, this was the first translation and the first production of the play in any language. There followed an exhibition of a selection of drawings by Bernini from the Museum der bildenden Ktinste at Leipzig, which opened at the Princeton University Art Museum in October, 1981, and subsequently traveled to five other American museums. The catalogue of the exhibition was prepared under my supervision by a group of graduate students in a three-year-long seminar at Princeton University.** In conjunction with the exhibition, a second symposium was held at Princeton University; the speakers this time were mainly non-art historians and their papers, plus my own small contribution, constitute the remainder of the present volume. The primary intent of the volume is to follow a multidisciplinary path in exploring some little-studied aspects of Bernini’s work and its context. The first two investigations extend our perception of Bernini the sculptor into the realms of art theory and studio practice. Rudolf *Funds for the translation were provided by a grant **]. Lavin, P. Gordon, L. Klinger, S. Ostrow, S. from the Translations Program of the National Endow- Cather, N. Courtright, I. Dreyer, Drawings by Gianloment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency. renzo Bernini from the Museum der bildenden Kiinste, I am indebted to Susan A. Mango of the Translations Letpzig, German Democratic Republic, Princeton, 1981. Program for her thoughtful help and kindness.

Xu PREFACE Preimesberger of the University of Zurich focuses on the relationship of Bernini’s early work to the heritage of philosophical and critical ideas on art and the nature of sculpture as compared with the other arts; Jennifer Montagu of the Warburg Institute, London, considers the ways in which large-scale decorative projects requiring many different executants were carried out under Bernini’s direction.

The following two contributions concern Bernini’s activity in the theater, to which he devoted much thought and energy throughout his life, but about which we have little direct evidence. The only original record of Bernini’s work in this domain is the comedy herein titled The Impresario and translated by Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, respectively of the Departments of English and Italian at Carleton University, Ottawa, with the generous collaboration of the poet James Merrill. Beecher and Ciavolella have added a new, annotated transcription of the Italian text, and an introduction that provides useful background for the play as well

as for the somewhat earlier opera production considered in the next essay. Frederick Hammond, Professor of Music at the University of California at Los Angeles, discovered the first documentary proof of a contribution by Bernini to the staging of one of the court spectacles patronized by the family of Pope Urban VII Barberini. No visual material has come down to us, but contemporary descriptions, together with the music and libretto of the intermezzo in question, give the clearest picture we have had so far of such a production involving Bernini. We are pleased to be able to include with this publication a recording of a live performance of the work at the Frescobaldi quadricentennial celebrations, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1983.

Although some of the major scientific achievements of the modern age took place in Bernini’s milieu, we have as yet no concrete evidence that he understood or was even aware of these developments. In the final papers in the volume, William B. Ashworth, Jr., historian of science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, traces the great heliocentricity controversy through illustrations in the scientific literature, and I offer a tentative speculation on a work by Bernini that may embody his view of the matter. I am indebted to the Director of the Institute for Advanced Study, Harry Woolf, as well as to the faculty of the School of Historical Studies, for according the use of the Institute’s facilities on the occasion of the first symposium. Mary Wisnovsky, Assistant to the Director, and Grace Rapp, her secretary, were extraordinarily helpful and patient in making the arrangements for the meeting. Allen Rosenbaum, Director of the Princeton University Art Museum, and JoAnn Carchman, Director of Community Relations at the museum, were responsible for the exemplary organization of the symposium held at the University. My own secretary, Lynda Emery, contributed in innumerable ways to the preparations for the second symposium and for the present publication. I am indebted to Shirley Blum and Carol F. Lewine, successive Editors of the College Art Association Monographs, for accepting these essays as part of the series and for

helping to shepherd the work through the press. Anne H. Hoy has performed the task of copy-editing with her usual perspicacity and tact. As always, Marilyn Aronberg Lavin has given me much-needed moral support and helped in innumerable substantive ways. I. L. Princeton, New Jersey September, 1985

Themes from Art Theory in the Early Works of Bernini Rudolf Preimesberger

OMETIME before March 28, 1618, a miracle occurred near Rome. An unidentified S blood relic began to liquefy just before the feast day of Saint Lawrence, and hence the blood was judged to be that of the martyr. Pope Paul V, hearing of the event, obtained several drops and added them to the relic collection of his chapel at Sta. Maria Maggiore." It was impossible to doubt the miracle because, in the words of a contemporary, “who does not know, I ask you, that Saint Lawrence is still burning?”—“Quis, inquam, nolit adhoram uri Laurentu igne.”* According to tradition, the young archdeacon of Rome suffered the most painful of all tortures—“extrema omnium”’—on August 10, 258, during the Decian persecutions. After having distributed the treasures of the Church to the poor of Rome, he was roasted to death on a grill over slow coals.* Reportedly, he triumphed over the pain of his martyrdom. The inner fire of his love—“ardor caritatis”—conquered the fire of torture, as the Holy Fathers repeatedly assure us.’ At the climax of the torture, his face was transfigured® and with stoic

irony he told the judge, “On this side I am roasted... turn me over and then eat me!”— “assum est... versa et manduca.”’ The odor of his burning flesh, a stench to the pagans, was “as lovely as nectar” to the Christians: “. . . his nidor, illis nectar est. . . .”* Before his death, he prayed for the conversion of Rome and by his sacrifice prepared the way for the victory of Christendom over the pagan world. He thus became the “heavenly consul of Rome,” a significant figure in the Christian idea of Rome.” Prudentius’s Peristephanon already separates the two realities of this martyrdom: the visible fire is not the true one, “for Christ is the true fire’—“nam Christus ignis verus est.”'° Saint Lawrence burns internally. From there it was only a small step to the view of some of the Holy Fathers, that because of his own “virtus” and the grace of God, Saint Lawrence died almost without pain.'’ No less eminent an authority than Augustine states that the saint, being en-

2 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER flamed with love for Christ, “did not feel the tortures of fire”: “Laurentius enim, dum Christi ardebat ardore, ignis tormenta non sensit.”’* Cesare Baronius, the sixteenth-century ecclesiastical historian, accepted the fictitious Passio Polychronii and Prudentius’s Peristephanon as fact.™3

Concerning Saint Lawrence, the seventeenth century believed itself to be in possession of certified historical truth. In Italian painting from Bernardo Daddi to Bandinelli, Salviati, and Nebbia, the scene gener-

ally depicted was Saint Lawrence’s heroic speech to the judge: “assum est... versa et manduca.”’* It is basically this dialogue that differentiates the martyrdom of Saint Lawrence from another prototype, that of Saint Stephen, who also sees heaven open before him as his martyrdom reaches its conclusion. In the art of the seventeenth century, the expressive dialectic between physical suffering and beatific vision in a single figure experiencing both becomes the most successful and frequently used model for depicting martyrs. In innumerable presentations, the physical phenomenon of martyrdom is given visible, supernatural meaning through the depiction of the beatific vision of the sufferer, which is often intensified by the triumphant elevation of the saint above his torturers. This development may be found in renderings of Saint Lawrence. Titian, in the most influential painting of the subject, ** depicts the saint at the very moment he is being turned over. The saint’s gesture, however, is ambiguous, for it seems to be directed less to the judge than to Heaven. Pasquale Cati’s version of the subject of around 1574-76, painted for the high altar of S. Lorenzo in Panisperna (Fig. 1),’° the historical site of the martyrdom of Saint Lawrence,’’ combines new and traditional features. His tormentors are turning the saint over, none too gently. At that moment, however, Lawrence looks toward Heaven in a beautific vision, and the gesture of his hands expresses both devotion and submission. In criticizing these paintings on theological-moralistic grounds, Gilio da Fabriano accuses the artists of suppressing the physical aspect of the torture for reasons of artistic decorum: “I see Saint Lawrence on the grate, not burned and roasted, but white [i.e., untouched by the flames],

for the sole reason that Art delights in showing muscles and veins.... O error without end. ... Certainly it would be new and beautiful... to see Saint Lawrence on the grate, burned, roasted. . .”—“Lorenzo arso, incotto, crepato, lacero e difformato. . . .”’* Rubens handles the problem of artistic decorum in his painting of Saint Lawrence of about 1615” by emphasizing the moral aspect of martyrdom in the heroic submission of the saint; he alludes by prolepsis to the physical aspect of the torture, depicting exactly the moment before it starts. Bernini’s Saint Lawrence (Fig. 2) was not a commissioned sculpture.*° Domenico Bernini writes that his father created the work “for the veneration of his patron saint.”*' However, the problems inherent in the subject Bernini chose show the real purpose of the work: mostrare Varte. It fulfilled this goal and became a public success.” Since the sculpture was conceived as a collector’s piece—being only a meter wide and treating an eminently Florentine subject—it also reached the right audience, for the exiled Florentine Leone Strozzi bought it.*? Even more important, Cardinal Scipione Caffarelli-Borghese, nephew of Paul V, viewed it twice.** This public test of talent seems to have been an important factor in the Cardinal’s decision to commission the Aeneas group from Bernini in 1618. As befits a work intended to demonstrate its creator’s artistry, the invenzione of Bernini's Saint Lawrence is strikingly new. The saint is not shown in a statuesque pose with the symbols of his passio, as is usual in sculpture, but in the context of his passio, as might be expected in painting. Bernini’s first sacred sculpture is a “sculptured painting.” Indeed, sources for the carving are to be found in painting.** Technically, it is based upon the predominantly Bacchic putti groups by Pietro Bernini, which derive from small Hellenistic and Roman prototypes and

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 3

are composed as kinds of living pictures.*° Because Saint Lawrence is presented not as a conventional statue, but, in a new way, as a narrative painting in sculpture, the tnvenzione in itself follows the known principle of difficulta.’? The barriers that separate the arts are knowingly and intentionally transgressed. The invenzione of the Saint Lawrence is the paradigm of an invenzione, because, as Nicolas Poussin remarks in another context, its “novelty does not consist principally in a new subject but in good and new disposition and expression, and thus the subject from being common and old becomes singular and new.”** The Saint Lawrence reflects the same technique of sculptural invenzione that Bernini used in the second of his early sacred figures, the Saint Sebastian commissioned by Maffeo Barberini.”? Here, in the unconscious, limp body of Saint Sebastian, an invenzione in painting found in the Caravaggesque circle around 1600 has been transferred to sculpture. The Caravaggesque invenzione supplements the primary conception of the subject. Only in the second step, the “ordina-

zione delle parti,” as Bernini expresses it,*° is the figure composed in three dimensions, in emulation of Michelangelo. Both invenzioni are adaptations of motifs from painting. Both are strikingly new. Their aim is meraviglia. It would be somewhat difficult to conceive of Bernini’s Saint Lawrence displayed in a church. Its demonstrably artistic character derives from its conception as a collector’s piece. The challenge Bernini undertook in the work suggests the well-known concept in applied art theory, the paragone.?' Using the difficult medium of sculpture, Bernini depicts Saint Lawrence on the grill above the flames, as in painting, and so meets the famous “first argument” by Benedetto Varchi in favor of painting in the paragone, its universalita.3* In Galileo Galilei’s letter of 1612

regarding the paragone, sculpture is credited with being able to imitate tangible nature—“il naturale tangibile.” Sculpture depicts substance, in the physical as well as in the philosophical sense, and, therefore, in contemporary popular opinion, it possesses greater validity than the imitation or even the deception of painting. Painting, however, is capable of imitating all of visible nature—“il naturale visibile.”%? That Bernini intentionally sought a paragone with painting in his Saint Lawrence is shown by

his representation of fire. Fire, the most changeable element, without body or weight, born of the wind according to the opinion of the time,** is visible but not tangible. For this reason, sculpture cannot imitate it, as Dion Chrysostomus and others had already stated.*> Painting, on the other hand, can imitate it quite well. In one of the arguments made by Leonardo, Castiglione, Varchi, Pontormo, Dolce, Pino, and Vasari in favor of painting in the paragone, fire regularly recurs in lists of natural phenomena that are difficult to depict, along with light, air, and smoke.*° If in marble Bernini overcomes a classic difficulta of painting, the intention of a paragone is perfectly clear. Nor is this a simple fire. The martyrdom of Saint Lawrence is not vivicomburium over a wood fire, but a slow death by roasting over glowing coals, legitime coctus.3? Prudentius embellishes this in his account of the venomous speech by the judge: “I shall give you . . . long-lasting pains. Lay the coals not too hot, so that the heat shall not be too fierce. . . .”3* Glowing coals, a basket of coal, and a shovel are therefore constant components in depictions of Saint Lawrence. This shows with full clarity the difficulta undertaken by Bernini’s Saint Lawrence: Painting, which imitates the visible with colors, can depict glowing coals; sculpture cannot. Bernini masters this extreme difficulty by convincing the observer of the probable—by persuasion. He represents coal with white marble, but over it he places pieces of wood, and these help to suggest the fire: If the flames burst from the wood and the coals, then one can imagine that even the white marble is glowing coal. The theoretical basis for this extreme

4 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER difficulta is the assumption in Italian art theory, a commonplace since Alberti, that “imitation is

all the more admirable when the means of imitation are far removed from the object to be imitated”—“quanto pitt 1 mezzi, co’ quali si imita, son lontani dalle cose da imitarsi, tanto piu limitazione é meravigliosa,” as Galileo put it in 1612.39 Are such allusions to art theory historically probable in the work of Bernini, who was then not yet twenty years olde*® One might recall significant figures in Bernini’s early milieu: His father Pietro had a Florentine background and was a student of Ridolfo Sirigatti, who was a protagonist in Raffaele Borghini’s Riposo;*' and the Florentine Cardinal Maffeo Barberini acted as the patron and apparently also the intellectual mentor of Bernini’s early years.** Barberini

was highly knowledgeable about art and, as some of his poems and epigrams show, was interested in the issue of the paragone.* Possibly he was already involved in the genesis of the Saint Lawrence.** Finally, Barberini’s friend Galileo may also have been influential. At the request of Lodovico Cigoli, Galileo had expressed his opinion on the paragone in a letter to Rome in 1612.*° It can be assumed that the occasion for this letter was the combined activities of painters and sculptors working in the Cappella Borghese at Sta. Maria Maggiore. It can also be assumed that Pietro Bernini was involved in this debate of 1612, as evidenced in his reliefs The Assumption of the Virgin and The Coronation of Clement VIII, which united qualities of sculpture and painting.*° At no moment in his life did Bernini have any theoretical or literary ambitions. Yet, the creation and transmission of art theory in Italy existed on three levels in his time: through the rules used and transmitted in the workshop, such as those concerning proportion, anatomy, and foreshortening; through debates and exchanges of letters between artists and critics; and through theoretical writings.*”? It can certainly be assumed that in his youth Bernini was already aware of art theory through at least the first two means. Without any doubt, the most common of all commonplaces in Italian art theory, the antagonistic comparison of painting and sculpture, was familiar to him. How to define the type and rank of his own art might very well have been an existential question for Bernini in his early period. Moreover, it seems that the paragone was one of the conceptual factors in the creation of his individual style as a sculptor. In his latest attempt to formulate his main achievement, Bernini thought in terms of the elementary clichés of difficulta and applied paragone: He “got over the difficulty of rendering marble as malleable as wax”— “vinto haveva la difficulta di render’ il Marmo pieghevole come la cera . . .”——and, in his own

less elegant metaphor, the stone was “like pasta” in his hands. He knew how to “fuse in a certain sense painting and sculpture”’—“. . . accoppiare in un certo modo insieme la Pittura, e la Scultura.”4*

Irving Lavin recognized that Bernini not only eliminated the traditional separation of the two types of sculpture, per forza di levare and per via di porre, but that in doing so he also defined a

new medium.*? This new medium, “malleable as wax” and “pliable as pasta,” is already present in the Saint Lawrence. To a certain extent innovation resulted from the extreme difficulta

of competing with painting in this subject. In this respect, the work is a good example of the complex interaction of theoretical commonplaces and artistic practice in Bernini’s early years.*° . The depiction of physical suffering and spiritual devotion to a single figure is a problem often confronted in images of martyrdom. In Correggio’s Saint Flavia, the martyr lifts her eyes to Heaven in a beatific vision as she receives the death blow.*' The gesture of her outspread hand, with palm up, assured Heaven of her devotion.*” Her right hand, however, is stretched out in a spontaneous gesture of defense. Raphael’s Saint Stephen shows the same conflict of emotions in two contrasting gestures.°? This obvious conflict continued to be consciously expressed in

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 5

[talian art around 1600. The technique of presenting antithetical emotions is used with almost declamatory clarity in the Saint Sebastian of the school of Annibale Carracci.** A gesture of devotion is wrung from the fetterred, suffering body. An intensification of this antithesis is represented in the Saint Sebastian by Pierre Puget in the church of Sta. Maria di Carignano in

Genoa.

It is clear that this antithesis is an essential theme in Bernini’s Saint Lawrence. The body expresses pain in its extreme torsion and in the tensed muscles of the retracted abdomen, like those of the Laocodn.*° The saint’s head, inclined upward at an angle, follows the typology of pain;*” his twisted neck has an extensive history in Italian painting. The observer is persuaded, by the sculpture’s imitation, to picture the flames attacking the body at several points and the flesh of the martyr reddened and burned. In these ways, Bernini fulfills Gilio’s demand for a depiction of the reality of suffering, for a “Lorenzo arso, incotto” in the medium of sculpture. However, in a dialectic between “means” and “imitation”—mezzo and imitazione—that was probably consciously calculated, the materiality of the marble counteracts the drastic effect of the presentation and helps to maintain artistic decorum.** The “Lorenzo arso, incotto” is simultaneously a “Lorenzo bianco.”*?

The moment of Saint Lawrence's physical suffering that. Bernini represents is also the mo-

ment of his spiritual submission. His right hand is spread toward Heaven in a gesture of devotion. Its expression 1s intensified by antithesis: It is chained to the grate. Chains are a rarity in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century iconography of Saint Lawrence. This is the result of

the voluntary aspect of his martyrdom, the motif of his turning—“assum est... versa et manduca”—as well as the historical data that the victim was held down by prongs in this type of execution.®° Probably the chain on Bernini’s Saint Lawrence illustrates a topos from the

epigram about the saint by Damasus: “Only by his faith could Lawrence triumph over the blows, the tormentors, the flames, the tortures, and the chains”—“Verbera carnifices flammas tormenta catenas/Vincere Laurenti sola fides potuit.”°' In fact, the “chains” refer figuratively to

the imprisonment of Saint Lawrence; in the seventeenth century, however, they were not interpreted as a metaphor but literally, because the epigram was believed to be the subtitle of an Early Christian representation of Saint Lawrence. Mafteo Barberini, himself a religious poet using neo-Latin,®* was intensely interested in Early Christian poetry and especially in Damasus. He had an edition of his epigrams prepared by Martius Milesius Sarazani.® It is not improbable that Barberini contributed the detail that seemed to incorporate Early Christian tradition—in other words, historical accuracy. The same criteria of historical decorum are visible in the physical appearance that Bernini has

given the third-century Roman archdeacon. Although the literary as well as the prevailing iconographical tradition depicts Saint Lawrence as “iuvenis, sive in flore aetatis,”°! Bernini endows him with an athletic physique and a bearded face. In this, the sculpture reflects the historically plausible characterization, for example by Cesare Baronius, of the “athleta fidei”® who overcomes the pain of extreme torture, and it also reflects the monuments of Early Christianity, which show a bearded Saint Lawrence. There is no doubt that Saint Lawrence’s head with twisted neck belongs within the expressive tradition of dolor. The facial expression of the saint, however, does not. In an antithesis of emotions, which dramatically reflects the Christian opposition of body and spirit, the familiar expressive details of pain have been erased from the face. There 1s no tension in the muscles, the eyebrows are not drawn together and upward, the corners of the mouth do not turn down, the

upper row of teeth is not visible. Instead, the pained posture of the head is joined to the expression of the Blessed Soul and of Saint Bibiana. Le Brun characterizes the emotional state as

6 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER “Le Ravissement.”°? Together with the gesture of his hands, Saint Lawrence’s expression seems to reflect Bernini’s attempt to illustrate the “inner fire,” the “ardor caritatis,” of the saint. Only

a few years later, between 1622 and 1624, Simon Vouet represented a different, spiritual martyrdom, Saint Francis of Assisi tempted by a woman (Fig. 3). In order to overcome the inner fire of his senses, he prepares a bed of glowing coals, throws himself on it, and invites the woman to share it with him. The woman is converted. Saint Francis does not feel the external fire of the coals. That Vouet borrows the figure of Bernini’s Saint Lawrence for the presentation of this psychodrama is owed to the metaphor of the “external” and the “inner” fire. The demonstrably artful character of Bernini’s work also implies emulation of an important model. In fact, the Saint Lawrence integrates and critically paraphrases a motif from Michelangelo. In 1524, Michelangelo executed the models of two river gods for the Medici Chapel (Fig. 4).°° They greatly influenced Michelangelo’s circle, although of course it is not always possible to differentiate this source from that of Raphael’s related, prototypical river god in The Judgment of Paris.”? Cosimo I gave one of Michelangelo’s models to Bartolomeo Ammanati. He in turn gave it to the Florentine Academy in 1583. There the torso, mounted incorrectly to this day,” served as a teaching model until the eighteenth century. It became a sort of emblem of the Academy, and an exemplum of Michelangelo’s sculpture.” When the poet Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, a friend of Maffeo Barberini, with whom he corresponded and kept in touch all his life, had the Michelangelo Gallery in the Casa Buonarroti in Florence painted by

Passignano and other Florentine painters,’? the torso was depicted. In 1615-16, Nicodemo Feruzzi painted the ceiling representing Florentine artists studying the works of Michelangelo. The inscription, “The highest canon, but not only for one art as Polycletus . . .”—‘‘Non unius

artis summum canona ut Polycletus ...”—implies that the torso embodies Michelangelo’s canon for posterity.” Cristofano Allori and Zanobi Rossi’s Michelangelo Writing Poetry, a painting executed in 1621-22, shows the torso in the same exemplary role.” There are several possible explanations for the fact that Bernini borrowed the famous torso, turned it to the side, fitted it into a narrative context, and completed it, adding a new gesture to

the free arm and turning the head upwards. This borrowing and alteration had an inherent logic. The problem of the reclining figure in itself led Bernini to the Medici Chapel.” Further, the step from there to the subject of Saint Lawrence had already been taken. In his fresco in S. Lorenzo in Florence, Bronzino made the connection between Saint Lawrence and a version of the same motif.”” Even the small bronze group from Florence, dating from the seventeenth century, ascribed to Ferdinando Tacca, uses the river god torso (although it is completed in a way that shows a certain misunderstanding of the piece).”” The torso could have appeared to Bernini as an exemplum aptum in a special way. It can be assumed that he viewed it not only formally, but also emotionally. Since the theory and practice of Italian Renaissance art did not differentiate mozione and emozione,’”? he may have interpreted the extreme torsion as an emotional state. Further, since the emotional interpretation of the figures in the Medici Chapel, with their analogous body poses, as images of dolore and pianto was commonplace,”° he also probably interpreted the torso along these lines. In his poetry Michelangelo himself saw the rivers as tears. If Bernini followed the Neo-Platonic model of interpretation, then the four river gods planned by Michelangelo would have represented the four rivers of Hades according to Plato and Dante, and they would have embodied the four aspects of grief: Acheron—pentimento, Styx—tristitia, Cocytos—pianto, and Phlegeton, the river of fire, whose waves are flames—ardore.**

The precise content of the idea that Bernini connected with the complex, tortured physique of the river god’s torso is not known. It seems probable, however, that the adaptation for the

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 7

subject of the externally and internally burning martyr, Saint Lawrence, fulfills one possible meaning of Michelangelo’s sculpture.

The prerequisites for this undisguised Michelangelism® are to be found in the Florentine background of Bernini’s early years: his father Pietro’s artistic origins were Florentine; Maffeo Barberini was a friend of Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger;*} and finally, there was the

Florentine public in Rome itself. Leone Strozzi,** who bought the work, may have been intended as the buyer right from the start.*5 He was born in 1555, a member of the most famous emigrant Florentine family. Through the mediation of the pope, it had been possible to invest Tuscan wealth in papal territory in spite of the family’s banishment, and thus, Leone Strozzi was very rich. His father Roberto had been the leader of the opposition to the Medici.

His uncle Lorenzo de’ Medici had murdered Duke Alessandro. Michelangelo was closely allied , with the Strozzi. He gave the two Slaves, now in the Louvre, to Roberto. Giambattista Strozzi composed the famous epigram on the Nofte. When Leone Strozzi had the family chapel in S. Andrea della Valle built, legend ascribed the design to Michelangelo.*® In 1612, its intended

sculptures were completed; not surprisingly, all of them were bronze casts of works by Michelangelo.*’

Bernini saw himself as a part of the Florentine tradition: “The cavalier Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini, Neapolitan and not Florentine, as he wants to be known. . .”—‘“Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernini Napoletano, non Fiorentino come egli vuole. . . .”°* The expression “Michelangelo del suo secolo” was current, although it is not known when it was first used. Domenico Bernini and Filippo Baldinucci apply it extremely early, in anecdotal form.*®® That it must also have played a significant part in Bernini’s self-image and artistic practice can be seen in the fact that with his Saint Lawrence, he entered into a competitive relationship with the tradition of Italian sculpture. It should be asked if the explicit Michelangelism of the Saint Lawrence does not also contain an element of criticism of Michelangelo.*° Bernini, who testified that he copied Michelangelo very often in his youth, was certainly familiar with the varying judgments of Michelangelo’s early and late works, of his grazia and terribilita.°' Later he repeated several topoi of Michelangelo criticism in conversation: Michelangelo’s works mastered disegno and anatomia, but not “the appearance of the flesh”; they contained more arte than grazia.® Is it going too far to assert that the intention of the Saint Lawrence was to replace the dry, emphatic muscularity of Michelangelo’s nudes with a different modeling, which Baldinucci later called “tenero e vero,” to add “the appearance of the flesh” to the anatomia of the model? Aeneas, Anchises, and Ascanius (Fig. 5)?} is the first in that series of brilliant, innovative marbles which Bernini executed in very rapid succession between 1618 and 1625 for Scipione Caffarelli-Borghese.** The primary functional significance of the sculpture, which was publicly displayed in the official villa of the Cardinal,’ was historical and theological. Aeneas departs on his flight from Troy to Latium and sets out to establish the Roman people, the Roman Empire, and its future fulfillment, the Church’s “imperium sine fine,” which Virgil only divined in his

poetry. Aeneas is the forefather of the Church and the Papacy.® The fact that the work illustrates precisely this historical-theological commonplace of the Christian conception of Rome is shown by the strong accentuation of the “pledges of rule,” the pignora imperii, in the hands of the figures. They are derived in part from the text of the Aeneid, in part from scholarly

histories. The child Julius Ascanius, predestined to found the Gens Julia and to reign in Latium—the image of the futura vita in Latium, the Church, and Heaven, in the Neo-Platonic interpretation®”“—holds the most important pignus imperii, the eternal fire of Vesta, in his hand.** He also holds the peplum of the stolen Palladium, which is not mentioned directly by

8 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER Virgil, but could be inferred from historical accounts. Anchises, who with his Phrygian cap symbolizes the origins in Asia Minor of the Roman ancestors, carries the urn, the keramos troikos with the bones, as described by Varro, and holds the penates over it. Virgil mentions them, but does not describe them. Ancient Rome had two traditions concerning the penates. According to Varro’s testimony, there were invisible “statuettes of wood, stone or clay” in the temple of Vesta. The second tradition was more vivid. Dionysius of Halicarnassus remarks upon Trojan penates in the temple on the Velia: “. . . two seated youths with lances of an ancient type . . .”——Bernini’s penates exactly.

The veils clearly show the providential sense of the group. They allude to that nocturnal scene in the third book of the Aeneid in which the penates first prophesy Italy, Rome, and the Imperium

to Aeneas: “And we shall bear into the stars thy sons that are to be,/ And give thy city majesty . . .”—“idem venturos tollemus in astra nepotes/imperiumque urbi dabimus. . . .”'°? Aeneas clearly sees their veils: “This is not sleep, but face to face, as one a real thing sees/ I seemed to see their coiffed hair and very visages . . ."—“nec sopor illud erat, sed coram adgnoscere voltus/

velatasque comas... .”'°' This scene, to which Bernini alludes, appears in Pictura 20 of the Vatican Virgil, housed in the Biblioteca Vaticana since 1602. The manuscript, already familiar to Raphael, had been obtained from a poet-friend of Barberini’s, Fulvio Orsini."

Connotations of this type show that someone fully conversant with literary and historical sources was involved in the conception of the Aeneas group. Maffeo Barberini wrote a histori-

cal elegy, “The origins of true religion by the princes of the Apostles Peter and Paul... ,"" which can be dated to the same period as the group. Inspired by the facade of St. Peter’s, just completed by the Borghese pope, Barberini praises the wonderful growth of the Imperium, which became the seat of the Church. Jupiter turns away from the clan of Priamus, symbolizing the Synagogue, and gives the Imperium “from son to son, from generation to generation” to the younger clan of Aeneas, poetically symbolizing the Church. Aeneas finds his way out of the burning city of Troy to the far Hesperia and the Imperium. This is an image of the Church, which flowers in the West after the destruction of Jerusalem—again, well-known motifs of the Christian conception of Rome.*** Although Maffeo Barberini was a Francophile politically, he had good reason to be friendly to Spain. Originally a dependent of the Aldobrandini, he was made a cardinal by the Borghese pope, Paul V.'°5 He found it politically wise to attempt some kind of friendship with Cardinal Scipione during the long Borghese pontificate.°° Their shared aesthetic interests and possibly Barberini’s advice on artistic questions seem to have been a means to this end. Barberini was himself a noteworthy poet and, thanks to his position, he was center of a literary circle. Other members of this circle were Antonio Querengo, Giovanni Ciampoli, John Barclay, Vincenzo Gramigna, Gabrielle Chiabrera, Giacomo Cavalieri, Fabritio Verospi, Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, Paolo Emilio Santorio, and Angelo Grillo, some of them well-known literary figures. '°’

Following Barberini’s return from the episcopate of Spoleto in 1617, his palace in Via de Giubbonari had become a kind of academy. He was in the habit of taking trips to the Villa Borghese and to the Belvedere, surrounded by his literati.’ The roots of Bernini’s Borghese sculptures may be found in these circumstances and in this circle, which occupied itself with poetry, art, and art politics. It is clear that the ecclesiological dimension of Bernini’s group corresponds to the rank and the role of Cardinal Scipione, who shared in the “Imperium” of the Church under his papal uncle. In fact, the sensus moralis of the antithetical configuration of son and father, youth and age, was seen not only in a familial sense, as the emblematic image of “filial love”—“pietas filiorum erga parentes”’°—but also politically, as a union of the strength of youth and the

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 9

wisdom of age, of action and thought, in other words, as prerequisites for good rule.’ Bernini’s group is therefore also an emblematic image of nepotism and belongs to an entire class of representations that celebrate the role of the young nephew who assists the old pope, a relation expressed mythologically in the same metaphor of “support.”'"’ . Bernini’s group alludes not only to the role, but also to the name of Scipione Borghese. Scipio in Latin is the “staff to lean on.” This inspired the argumentum a nomine of the panegyric poets, that the essence of the Cardinal is shown in his name: “In truth he is Scipio, the staff of the Pope. . .”——“Et vere Scipio, et baculus pontificis est ipse. . . .”’’* In this regard, the group is a personal impresa of Scipione and, displayed in a near-public place, it assumes a political role. It is also a demonstration of art, and more specifically of art in competition with poetry. The selection of the subject from Virgil and from that epic “whose actual hero is Rome’’’’’ seems to

be related to the well-known conception of Virgil as a pictorial imagist, with the idea that his poetry is like painting."'* This, as well as the particular difficulta of translating the poetic description of the flight into marble, indicates that the persons commissioning the work intended a paragone between poetry and sculpture, an ut sculptura poesis. This intention becomes perfectly clear when Bernini later on assumes the task in the Apollo and Daphne of representing an essentially poetic theme, that of transformation, showing simultaneously a change of location, of emotions, and—in the metamorphosis—even of physical shape, in the medium of sculpture. The task of depicting three male figures, of different ages and emotional states, fleeing, one

carried by another, touches a whole series of problems in sculptural practice and applied art theory current since the quattrocento. First of all, there is a difficult problem of a group of three, and then the static problem of the “burdened figure,” as formulated by Leonardo and depicted in a series of exemplary battle and Rapimenti groups in Florentine sculpture. Virgil’s statement as to how Aeneas carried his father is not clear, since he uses the artistic plural: “I stooped my neck and shoulders . . . and took my burden up. . .”—“haec fatus latos umeros subiectaque colla.”"’> This is the basis for the different traditions in showing the scene. ''°

Bernini’s Aeneas, who bends his upper body to the side under the weight of Anchises, and is just shifting the weight from his right to his left foot as he walks, 1s intended as a static piece of

art.''? The physical correctness of the “man who carried a burden upon his shoulders” and walks at the same time indicates an application of Leonardo’s “Trattato,” which was circulated in Rome before Francesco Barberini and Cassiano del Pozzo became active. The strict equilibrium of the distribution of the weights of both figures around a single central “linea del peso”. follows Leonardo’s text.!!8 Also in accordance with it, and in contrast to the tradition, Aeneas is just lifting the sole of his foot off the ground. The figure is actually walking. The center of gravity is literally moving forward. A third problem, the appropriate representation of the three stages of life in the physique, gesture, bearing, and facial expression of the three figures, is a famous topos of “appropriateness” or decorum of art theory since the Horatian verse: “So, lest haply we assign a youth the part of age, or a boy that of manhood, we shall ever linger over ©

traits that are joined and fitted to the age”—". . . ne forte seniles/ mandentur iuveni partes pueroque viriles,/ semper in adiunctis aevoque morabimur aptis.”'" The difficultd is intensified by the fact that the figures are nude. This is justified only in part by historical probability, the verisimilitudo, and is essentially artistic license, liceriza del _fingere, which agrees remarkably with Virgil, who himself mixed historical fact with poetic invention. *’°

It is the license of nudity that makes it possible for the group to become the embodiment of a concept associated with the topic of the flight from Troy, that of varieta. The conceptual clarity

10 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER with which Bernini differentiates the body surfaces from one another is strongly reminiscent of Leonardo’s famous statement in the “Trattato” that varietd is exemplified not by the difference of sexes, as Alberti and Lomazzo define it,'*’ but expressly by the different skin textures of the three male stages of life: the delicate, rosy skin of the child, the taut muscular skin of the young man, and the rather drastically withered, wrinkled skin of the old man.'* Again, the question of criticism of Michelangelo poses itself. The figure of Aeneas openly invokes Michelangelo’s famous Christ from Sta. Maria sopra Minerva. In view of the explicit varieta of the group, the question must be asked: Does it not reflect a famous topos of Michelangelo criticism, the monotony of his muscular nudes, which does not respect any difference in age or sex, and therefore differentiates itself in a negative sense from the bellezza multiforme of Raphael?'* It seems that Leonardo’s “Trattato” had some significance for the Aeneas group. It is fundamental, however, for the figure of David (Fig. 6).'*4 David’s nudity is not derived from the text of the Bible, but is historically probable: verosimile. Strongly emphasized by the counter-figure

of the cast-off armor, in a compositional as well as an expressive sense,'*’ the nude body suggests the biblical paradox that the unarmed man defeats the one who is armed, the humble defeats the proud, “not by tallness, but by virtue”’—“non mole, sed virtute.”'° David is a standard figure, the vir bellicosus of the Bible. Bernini therefore gives him the extreme porportion of a 1:10 head, Albrecht Dtirer’s “Proportio quarta decem capitum,” which Lomazzo ascribes to the martial type and the choleric temperament in his study on proportion and character: “men who are impetuous, choleric, cruel, bellicose, audacious, and irascible”— “uomini impetuosi, colerici, crudeli, bellicosi, audaci e pronti all’ira.”"*’

David is also an emotional figure. He is filled with rage, the “just rage of the young Israelite,” in Baldinucci’s words.'?® His emotional state is shown in his extreme facial expression. The anecdote that Maffeo Barberini held the mirror for Bernini’*? indicates two things: first, Barberini’s role in the creative process, and, second, the connection between interpretative and imitative visual art in the self-reflection of the artist outside the realm of normalcy; in other words, Bernini’s technique of miming emotions in front of the mirror. The mimicry of rage follows traditional rules, “the hair standing on end, the eyebrows low and drawn together, the teeth clenched.”**°

Not every feature of David’s face, however, represents an element of mimicry. The receding forehead, the protruding eyebrows, the curved nose, all follow the traditional animal physiognomy of the facies leonina appropriate to the choleric character of the vir bellicosus and the “Lion

of Judah.”3! The combination of an emotional expression and the traditional animal physiognomy of the character is similar to Bernini’s enigmatic damnation of himself in the self-portrait Damned Soul."%*

The extreme movement of David’s body is commensurate with his temperament and emotional character.'33 Bernini has carefully defined the action, the extreme point to which the arm

is swung back before the throw.‘* In postantique sculpture, there seem to be almost no throwing figures of this type. Even Giambologna did not attempt one. There 1s, however, a tradition of throwing figures in painting, for example in Giulio Romano's Stoning of Saint Stephen in Genoa, with its series of Leonardesque male figures."?> Bernini’s direct source 1s, characteristically enough, an exemplary throwing figure in the Galleria Farnese, that of Annibale Carracci’s famous Polyphemus (Fig. 7).'°° Bernini’s critical emulation of this figure 1s preceded by a process of abstraction that bridges the gap between the monster of the antique fable and the prophet and forefather of Christ. The two figures share, strangely enough, social “appropriateness” or decorum:'*’ Both are shepherds, with a belt and pouch, and half-nude.

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS II

They experience the same emotional state of rage; both Bellori and Baldinucci use the same term, “sdegno,” to characterize both figures; both are depicted in the same action. But what favored Polyphemus as the model for Bernini was its illustration of theory. Bellori, whose sources of information go back to the Carracci circle, explains in detail.that in this figure Annibale was giving an “esempio del moto della forza” from Leonardo’s “Trattato,” and he cites the text concerning the “man who wants to throw a stone with great force.”"* Point by point, however, comparison between the Polyphemus and the David shows that Bernini goes beyond Carracci’s model and appeals directly to Leonardo’s text in his critical emulation in order to simulate the physically correct throwing motion. There is no doubt that his statue is a three-dimensional model according to Leonardo."® Much more radically than Polyphemus, David is a man who “twists and moves himself from there to the opposite side, where... he lets the weight leave his hands. . . .”'#° He is the illustration of Leonardo’s “man who wants to throw a spear or rock or something else with an energetic motion.”

If you represent him beginning the motion, then the inner side of the outstretched foot will be in line with the chest, and will bring the opposite shoulder over the foot on which his weight rests. That is: the right foot will be under his weight, and the left shoulder will be above the tip of the right foot." The first in vigor is figure A, . . . [who,] having turned his feet toward [the weight to be thrown], twists and moves himself from there to the opposite side, where, when he gathers his strength and prepares to throw, he turns with speed and ease to the position where he lets the weight leave his hands. **

More than ten years later, in a by-product of his Leonardo illustrations, Poussin literally illustrated Leonardo’s example of a man throwing a spear or a stone, in two instances placed side by side.’#? In an exact parallel to Bernini, Domenichino, in accordance with a common practice of the Carracci circle, undertook Leonardo’s examples in the Flagellation of Saint Andrew.'**

Bernini’s David is bent so far that the upper part of his body can be seen from the front and back at the same time; the point of the shoulder is perpendicular above the navel, the head is outside the area of the supporting leg. He is an example of that extreme torsion which Alberti

already called “troppo fervente e furioso” and “an impossible and inappropriate thing.”'* While Carracci’s Polyphemus respects artistic decorum, Bernini follows only the thematic decorum

of the physically correct throwing motion. David's stretched-out left leg, which is almost lifted from the ground, and his off-center head clearly illustrate Leonardo’s physical theorem that the body is in “balance above the supporting leg.” David is one of the first throwing figures of post-antique sculpture. The question is, was it possible for Bernini or his circle of patrons, who belonged to the highest social and educational stratum, to ignore the antique prototype of the thrower, the exemplum since Quintilian of the central concept of art theory, of varietas, an image indirectly reflected by Alberti, Leonardo, Michelangelo, and Vasari—namely Myron’s Discobolus?'*° The history of its effect varies according to artistic or literary tradition. It seems that the torsos that were handed down were not correctly identified until 1781. Although significant reflections of the Discobolus are to be found

in the art of the High Renaissance, to the best of my knowledge the athlete was always reconstructed as an example of flexus, but never as a throwing figure."*? On the other hand,

12 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER Quintilian’s and Lucian’s descriptions were very well known. In the famous text of Quintilian, the Discobolus is a figure of extreme torsion: “Where can we find a more extreme and elaborate attitude than that of the Discobolus of Myron?”—“Quid tam distortum et elaboratum quam est ille discobolus Myronis?” “But that curve, I might almost call it motion, with which we are so familiar, gives an impression of action and animation”—". . . flexus ille et, ut sic dixerim, motus dat actum quendam et adfectum.” “The novelty and the difficulty are praiseworthy’ — “ .. laudabilis est illa ipsa novitas ac difficultas. .. .” Lucian is even more concrete: Here is

“the discus thrower, who bends over and turns in the process of getting ready to throw... with his foot slightly turned in, and who will obviously straighten up again after his throw.” Myron’s Discobolus is not only an example of varietd, but also a justification of decoro naturale.

In his ugly contortion, he embodies the aesthetic paradox that ugliness, when beautifully imitated, produces pleasure.'*? Celio Calcagnini’s epigram describes the figure as having limbs that Myron pitilessly contorted: “Who contorted so cruelly your joints? And who bent your

strong limbs? This was Myron. . .”’—“Ah quis distorsit tibi quam crudeliter artus / Quis fregit miseris fortia membra modis. / Ille Myron, fuit ille Myron. . . .” One might think that no monster could be uglier. However, “there are certain things that are beautiful just because they are deformed, and thus please by giving great displeasure”—“Sunt quaedam formosa adeo, deformia si sint: / Et tunc cum multum displicuere, placent.”’*° Bernini’s depiction of David, the future king and ancestor of Christ, as an extremely contorted thrower with a hideously grimacing face, violates decorum and produces pleasure by so doing—the aesthetic paradox of the Discobolus. In 1621, Bernini became Principe of the Accademia di S. Luca. Whatever this honor might have

meant for the status and the self-awareness of the barely twenty-three-year-old artist, it can be assumed it produced an increased interest in the theoretical foundations of his art, in tradition, in competition with tradition, and in innovation. Given this background, it 1s not improbable that Bernini reflected on an antique example and on Myron, about whom Pliny says, in his arthistorical scheme, that “he was apparently the first to multiply truth; he was more productive than Polykleitos, and a more diligent observer of symmetry”—“primus hic multiplicasse veritatem videtur numerosior in arte quam Polyclitus et in symmetria diligentior.”"”' In the functional context of a villa dedicated to cultural activity and owned by a cardinal, the image of David, who enhanced the cultus divinus with poetry and music, is a model of the ecclesiastic princeps litteratus. As a patron of religious cultural activity, David stood in the first

stanza of the villa. The Apollo and Daphne'* stood in the last room, which because of its location next to the chapel, gallery, and giardino segreto seems to have been more private.'*? In contrast to the fatto storico sacro of David, they are a fatto favoloso, negatively accentuated by the - epigram from Maffeo Barberini’s unpublished “Gallaria”: “Whoever, loving, pursues the joys of fleeting forms fills his hands with sprays of leaves and seizes bitter fruits”’—“Quisquis amans sequitur fugitivae gaudia formae / Fronde manus implet, baccas seu carpit amaras.”'*+ Without a doubt, the warning about Apollo’s “bitter fruits” has two meanings. One 1s the brevity and

bitterness of sensual pleasure, the other is the bitter fame that comes from worldly, sensual poetry, notions easily understood in a villa dedicated to cultural activity, by people familiar with Petrarchismo and Marinismo. The David is the positive counterimage. His polemical invoca-

tion is an old Christian tradition from the time of Clement of Alexandria. Jerome writes: “David, our Simonides, Pindar, Alkaios, Flaccus, Catullus and Serenus, lets Christ sound on his lyre.”'55 In the circle of poets and literati around Maffeo Barberini, a poesia sacra was conceived in sharp criticism of the worldly poetry of the time. Giovanni Ciampoli, in particular, wrote a theoretical work along these lines, with the help of Barberini, called “Poetica sacra,” a dialogue

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 13 between poesia and devozione.'*° The work is formally related to Pindarismo. Its animosity 1s directed against Petrarchismo, but particularly against the successful, lascivious poetry of Marino. Since 1622, Marino’s major work, “Adone,” had achieved spectacular success. It was

printed fifteen times in Italy alone. In 1623, Marino returned to Italy in triumph.’*’ The anti-Marinistic intention of a programmatic elegy that Maffeo Barberini later put at the beginning of his “Poemata,” with Bernini’s title page of a battling David, is unmistakable. In this elegy, he enlists support for his concept of a poesia sacra and calls upon the youth of Italy to join him “in taking up David’s lyre and driving out the monster”—“Itala tu mecum pubes cape nobile plectrum / Et monstrum Isaica perge fugere Lyra.”'** Bernini’s David, with the lyre at his feet, seems to be not only an academic piece following Leonardo, and not only an ideal reconstruction of the Discobolus, but also the reflection of a struggle between opposing cultural positions, of an ecclesiastic “Kulturkampf.”

Notes 1. Acta Sanctorum (hereafter A.A.S.S.) Augusti u, 10. Prudentius, 0, 394. For Prudentius’s PertstephaVenice, 1751, 497; the document of the archpriest of Hon as a major example of allegory, see Herzog (as inn. Collegiata Sta. Maria Maggiore in S. Lorenzo in the 9); for the basic idea adopted here of the purifying,

diocese of Ferentino, dated March 28, 1618, and rather than burning, fire, see ibid., 141; see also H.

published in Venice. Kauffmann, Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini: Die figiirlichen 2. P. Aringhi, Roma Subterranea Novissima, Rome, Kompositionen, Berlin, 1970, 21ff.

1651, 149ff. t1. L. de Tillemont, Mémoire pour servir a Vhistoire

3. Prudentius, Peristephanon, v, 206, in Corpus Scrip- ecclésiastique des six premiers siécles, 1v, Paris, 1701, 38. forum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (hereafter C.S.E.L.), ed. 12. Augustinus, Sermo 304 (Pat. Lat. 38, 1387).

J. Bergman, Vienna and Leipzig, 1926, 342. 13. C. Barontus, Annales Ecceltastici, Rome, 1607, 4. A.A.S.S. Augusti u, Venice, 1751, 485-532. For Ann. 261, Nos. vI-x.

the hagiographic tradition, see A. P. Frutaz, in Enciclope- 14. For the iconography, see K. Ktinstle, [konographie dia cattolica, vu, Florence, 1951, 1538-42; S. Carletti, in der christlichen Kunst, 2 vols., Freiburg im Breisgau, Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vu, Rome, 1967, 108-21; for the 1926-28, u, 396-98; L. Réau, Iconographie de lart legendary character of the passio and for the historically chrétien, 3 vols., 1955-59, Wl, 2, 787-92; E. Battisti, in more probable execution per gladium, see P. Franchi de’ Enciclopedia Cattolica, vu, Florence, 1951, 1§42-44; Cavalieri, “San Lorenzo e il supplizio della graticola,” M. C. Celletti, in Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vim, Rome, Rémische Quartalschrift, x1v, 1900, 159-70. 1967, 121-29: G. Kaftal, Iconography ofthe Saints in Central

5s. Ambrosius, De Officiis 1.41 (Patrologia Latina and South Italian Painting, Florence, 1965, 664-80; {hereafter Pat. Lat.] 16, 92), Augustinus, Sermo 303 and L. Petzoldt, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (here-

304 (Pat. Lat. 38, 1394, 1397); Maximus Tauriensis, after L.C.1.) vu, Rome, 1974, 374-80. For the iconograSermo 70 and 71 (Pat. Lat. $7, 675ff., 679ft.); Leo the phy in Florence and Rome, cf. Kauffmann, 1off. Great, Sermo 85 (Pat. Lat. 54, 434ff.); Petrus Chrysolo- 1s. Venice, the Gesuiti, and Madrid, the Escorial;

gus, Sermo 135 (Pat. Lat. 52, 565ff.). Panofsky (as in n.9), §2—57.

6. Ambrosius, De Officiis 1.41 (Pat. Lat. 16, 92); 16. For Pasquale Cati, see M. Trionfi Honorati, in

there are some other versions. Dizionario biografico degli italiani, xxu, Rome, 1979, 7. Prudentius, u, 361ff. 387ff.; J. Gere, Il maniertsmo a Roma, Milan, 1971, 89,

8. Ibid., 388 and 38sfF. fig. 24.

9. K. Btichner, Rémische Literaturgeschichte, Stuttgart, 17. A.A.S.S. Augusti m, Venice, 1751, 496. 19$7, 531. For Saint Lawrence and the Christian idea of 18. G. A. Gilio, Degli errori e degli abusi de’ pittori, in Rome, see R. Herzog, Die allegorische Dichtkunst des P. Barocchi, Trattati d’arte del ciniquencento, 3 vols., Bari, Prudentius, Munich, 1966, r13ff., and E. Panofsky, 1960-62, U, 41ff.; for the tradition of this argument, Problems in Titian, Mostly Iconographic, New York, 1969, especially in Possevino, see ibid., 587.

5sff. 19. Munich, Alte Pinakothek, formerly Schloss

14 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER Schleissheim; H. Vlieghe, Saints, m (Corpus Rubenianum London, 1949; E. Panofsky, Galileo as Critic of the Arts,

Ludwig Burchard, Pt. vit), London and New York, The Hague, 1954, ff; M. and R. Wittkower, The

1973, ll, No. 126. Divine Michelangelo: The Florentine Academy’s Homage on

20. R. Wittkower, Gian Lorenzo Bernini: The Sculptor His Death in 1564, London, 1964, 18-21; J. White, of the Roman Baroque, London, 1966, Cat. No 3, 1743 “Painting and Sculpture,” in Art, Science and History in M. and M. Fagiolo dell’Arco, Bernini: Una introduzione the Renaissance, ed. C. S. Singleton, Baltimore, 1967, al gran teatro del barocco, Rome, 1967, Cat. No. 6: I. 43-110; K. Weil-Garris Posner, Leonardo and Central Lavin, “Five Youthful Sculptures by Gian Lorenzo Italian Art: 1515-1550, New York, 1974; L. O. Larsson,

Bernini and a Revised Chronology of His Early Von allen Seiten gleich schon. Studien zum Begriff der

Works,” Art Bulletin, 1, 1968, 233 and n. 69; C. Vielansichtigkeit in der europdischen Plastik von der RenaisD'Onofrio, Roma vista da Roma, Rome, 1967, 176ff.; sance zum Klassizismus, Stockholm, 1974, 17ff., saff.; D. Kauffmann, 19-24; A. Nava Cellini, “La scultura alla Summers, “Figure come fratelli: A Transformation of Mostra del Seicento Europeo,” Paragone, vil, 1957, 89, Symmetry in Renaissance Painting,” Art Quarterly, 64. For the chronological problem, see the Stockholm N.S.1, 1977, 67; L. Mendelsohn-Martone, “Benedetto manuscript of Bernini’s works, D’Onofrio,” 434: Varchi’s due Lezzioni: ‘Paragoni’ and Cinquecento Art “D’anni 9”; D. Bernini, Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Theory,” Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978;

Bernino, Rome, 1713, 15: “in eta di 15 anni”; F. Lavin, 1980, 7ff. Baldinucci, Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernino 32. Mendelsohn-Martone, 264.

(Florence, 1682), ed. S. S. Ludovici, Milan, 1949, 77ff.: 33. Panofsky, 1ff., esp. 34; Lavin, 1980, 7ff. “in eta di 15 anni”; Wittkower, 174: “1616-17”; Fagiolo 34. A. Lumpe, “Element,” in Historisches Wérterbuch dell’Arco, Cat. No. 6: “ca. 1616”; Lavin, 1968, 233: der Philosophie, ed. J. Ritter, u, Basel and Stuttgart,

“1614”; D’Onofrio, 177: “1618”; Kauffmann, 10: 1972, 439ff.; C. Ripa, Iconologia, Rome, 1603, 120,

“1616-17.” 123ff.; D. Summers, “Maniera and Movement: The 21. Bernini, 15; the information is slightly different Figura Serpentinata,” Art Quarterly, Xxxxv, 1972, 273.

in Baldinucci, 77ff.; for the relation between the two 35. “Twelfth, or Olympic, Discourse,” 81, in Dion texts, see D'Onofrio, “Priorita della biografia di Do- Chrysostomos, Sdmtliche Reden, ed. W. Elliger, Zurich menico Bernini su quella del Baldinucci,” Palatino, x, and Stuttgart, 1967, 248. 1966, 201-8. Wittkower, 174, supposes the work was 36. P. Barocchi, Trattati d’arte del cinquecento, 3 vols., executed without commission. Lavin, 1968, 233, n. 69, Bari, 1960-62, 1, 362ff., 37, 68, 184, 117, 61; for the states the possibility that it was originally planned for sources, see Mendelsohn-Martone (as in n. 31), 265.

the Strozzi Chapel in S. Andrea della Valle. 37. P. Franchi de’Cavalieri, “San Lorenzo e il sup-

22. Bernini, 15. plizio della graticola,” Rémische Quartalschrift, x1v 1900,

23. For Leone Strozzi, see P. Litta, Famiglie celebri 165ff. d'Italia, Milan, 1819, pl. xx. Pietro Bernini had already 38. Prudentius, nu, 340ff. worked for Leone Strozzi; cf. G. Baglione, Le vite de’ 39. Panofsky, 33ff., 6ff.; Kauffmann, 21. pittori, scultori, architetti. .., Rome, 1642, 305; see also 40. For Bernini’s theories of art, see E. Panofsky,

D’Onofrio, 177. “Die Scala Regia im Vatikan und die Kunstanschauun24. Bernini, 15. gen Berninis,” Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlun-

25. Kauffmann, 19; for the narrative conception of gen, XL, 1919, 241-78; E. Barton, “The Problem of

Bernini’s sculptures, see ibid., 105ff. Bernini’s Theories of Art,” Marsyas, 1v, 1945-47, 81-

26. Lavin, 1968, 2209ff. 111; L. Schudt, “Berninis Schaffensweise und Kunstan-

27. J. H. Hagstrum, The Sister Arts: The Tradition of schauungen nach den Aufzeichnungen des Herrn von Literary Pictorialism and English Poetry from Dryden to Chantelou,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, xu, 1949, 74—

Gray, Chicago, 1958, 35, 53. 89; Wittkower, 35ff.; Lavin, 1980, 6ff.

28. Quoted in R. W. Lee, “Ut Pictura Poesis”: The 41. Pietro Bernini: H. Hibbard, in Dizionario biograHumanistic Theory of Painting, New York, 1967, 16f., fico degli italiani, 1x, Rome, 1967, 376ff.; Ridolfo and n. 67; for invenzione, see ibid., 16-23, and G. Sirigatti: J. Pope-Hennessy, “Portrait Sculptures by LeCoat, The Rhetoric of the Arts, 1550-1650, Bern and Ridolfo Sirigatti,” in Essays on Italian Sculpture, London

Frankfurt, 1975, 33. and New York, 1968, 162-65. | 29. Wittkower, Cat. No. 4, 2, 174; Lavin, 1968, 42. Maffeo Barberini: L. von Pastor, Geschichte der

233f., 236f., n. 93; D’Onofrio, 178ff.; Kauffmann, 24- Pdpste, seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, xu, 1, Freiburg28; S. Howard, “Identity, Formation and Image Refer- im-Breisgau, 1928, 227ff£; P. Pecchiai, I Barberini,

ence in the Narrative Sculpture of Bernini’s Early Rome, 1959; D’Onofrio, 15ff., 286ff.; F. Haskell,

Maturity: Hercules and Hydra and Eros Triumphant,” Art Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations Between

Quarterly, N.S. 2, 1978, 166, n. 17 Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque, New

30. Baldinucci, 145; I. Lavin, Bernini and the Unity of York, 1971, 24-62; for the relationship between Maffeo the Visual Arts, 2 vols., New York and London, 1980, 1, Barberini and Bernini, see Bernini, r1ff.; Baldinucci,

10, n. 18, points out that here Bernini describes his 74ff.; Lavin, 1968, 230ff.; D’Onofrio, 165ff.; for the

working method in the terms of Rhetoric. hypothesis that it starts only in the second half of 1617,

31. For a history of the paragone, see I. A. Richter, see ibid., 154ff. . . . .

Paragone: A Comparison of the Arts by Leonardo da Vinci, 43. See, for example, “De Picturis Guidonis Rheni in

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS 1§ Sacello Esquilino Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Pauli V. 62. For Maffeo Barberini’s literary activity, see Epigramma,” in Maphaei S.R.E. card. Barberini nunc A. Belloni, Il Seicento. Storia letteraria d'Italia, Milan,

Urbani P.P. VIII. Poemata, Rome, 1631, 194. 1929, 149f.; Pastor, xml, 2, 882ff.; D’Onofrio, 33-48.

44. For this hypothesis and a dating to mid-1618, see 63. Ferrua (as in n. 61), 39. D’Onofrio, 177. In Barberini’s ode on Saint Lawrence, 64. Ambrosius, De Officiis 1.41 (Pat. Lat., 92). which must have been completed before September 30, 65. C. Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastict, Rome, 1607, 1618, there is no allusion to Bernini’s sculpture: “De Ann. 261. Nos. vI-Ix. S. Laurentio Ode,” in Maphaei (as in n. 43), 89-101. 66. D. Summers, “Contrapposto: Style and Meaning

45. Panofsky, 32-37. in Renaissance Art,” Art Bulletin, LIx, 1977, nn.7I-73.-

46. For the decoration of the Cappella Paolina, see 67. Kauffmann, 22; cf. the anecdote in Bernini, Is, A. M. Corbo, “I pittori della Cappella Paolina in which at least seems to reflect Bernini’s technique of S. Maria Maggiore,” Palatino, x1, 1967, 301-13; M. C. simulating the affetti in front of the mirror. Dorati, “Gli scultori della Cappella Paolina di S. Maria 68. S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Rome, Capella Allaleona; Maggiore,” Commentari, XVIII, 1967, 231-60. W.R. Crelly, The Painting of Simon Vouet, New Haven, 47. J. Mtiller Hofstede, “Rubens und die Kunstlehre 1962, 36ff., Cat. No. 128 B, 209-11. The legend can be des Cinquecento. Zur Deutung eines theoretischen found in A.A.S.S. Octobris un Antwerp, 1768, 614ff.

Skizzenblattes im Berliner Kabinett,” in Peter Paul 69. C. de Tolnay, Michelangelo, m1. The Medici Rubens 1577-1640, exh. cat., 1, Cologne, 1977, 54. Chapel, Princeton, 1948, 146-51, figs. 61-64; M.

48. Bernini, 149; Baldinucci, 149; Panofsky (as in n. Weinberger, Michelangelo the Sculptor, London-New 40), 272, n. 1; an analysis can be found in Lavin, 1980, York, 1967, 352-61; for the copies, see ibid. and Tolnay,

I2 and n. 28. 1§1; for the aftermath, ibid., 147, figs. 267, 271.

49. Lavin, 1980, 12ff. and n. 26, with bibliog. 70. Marcantonio Raimondi after Raphael, The Judg-

so. Muller Hofstede (as in n. 47), I, 50. ment of Paris; G. Becatti, “Raphael and Antiquity,” in

$1. Martyrdom of Four Saints, Parma, Galleria Nazio- The Complete Work of Raphael, New York, 1969, 515 ff.

nale; C. Gould, The Paintings of Correggio, Ithaca, N.Y., 71. Tolnay, 147; Weinberger, 352ff., with reference

1976, 78ff., pl. 79. to the original position of the torso.

52. G. Weise and G. Otto, Die religidsen Ausdrucks- 72. Tolnay, 146ff.; for the connection between the gebdrden des Barock und ihre Vorbereitung durch die unfinished Medici Chapel and the early history of the italienische Kunst der Renaissance, Stuttgart, 1938, sft. Florentine Academy, see T. Reynolds, “The Accademia 53. J. Shearman, Raphael’s Cartoons, London, 1972, del Disegno in Florence, Its Formation and Early s6ff.; C. G. Stridbeck, Raphael Studies u. Raphael and Years,” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1974. Tradition, Stockholm-Géteborg-Uppsala, 1963, 70. 73. For Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, see $4. Quimper, Musée des Beaux-Arts: D. Posner, L. Rossi, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, xv, Rome, Annibale Carracci: A Study in the Reform of Italian Painting 1972, 178—81; for the gallery and its sources in the cult

Around 1590, 1, London, 1971, 83, Cat. No. 203 (RB). of Michelangelo, see Wittkower (as in n. 31), 163ff.; U. 55. K. Herding, Pierre Puget. Das bildnerische Werk, Procacci, La Casa Buonarroti a Firenze, Milan, 1965; Berlin, 1970, 74-78, fig. 130; R. Preimesberger, “Zu 173ff.; A. W. Vliegenthart, “De Galleria Buonaroti,” einigen Werken und der ktinstlerischen Form Pierre Ph.D. diss., University Utrecht, Rotterdam, 1969. Pugets,” Wiener Jahrbuch fir Kunstgeschichte, xxl, 1969, 74. Tolnay, 147, fig. 269; Procacci, 12, 176, fig. 29.

89. The inscription runs: “Non unius artis summum canona

56. M. Winner, “Zum Nachleben des Laokoon in der ut Polycletus, sed quot opera picturae sculpturae atque Renaissance,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen, xvi, 1974, architecturae canones posteritati exhibuit.” 107: “. . . contractis visceribus more patientium. .. .” 75. Tolnay, 147, fig. 270; Procacci, 12, 174, fig. 17. 57. H. Ost, Leonardostudien, Berlin and New York, 76. For the connection with the Dawn of the Medici 1975, 54ff.; L. Ettlinger, “Exemplum Doloris. Reflections Chapel, see Wittkower, 2; for an interpretation of it as a on the Laocoon Group,” in De Artibus Opuscula xu. paraphrase in reverse of Michelangelo’s Christ in the Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, 1, New York, 1961, Pietd of St. Peter’s, see D’Onofrio, 176; for connections 111; E. Schwarzenberg, “From the Alessandro morente to with Bronzino, with Michelangelo’s Christ in the Pieta the Alexandre Richelieu: The Portraiture of Alexander of St. Peter’s, and with the Allegories and the River God the Great in Seventeenth Century Italy and France,” of the Medici Chapel, see Kauffmann, 19; a reference to

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xXxu, the tomb figures of the Medici Chapel appears in

1969, 398-405. Howard (as in n. 29), 153ff.

58. For the difference between decoro artificiale and 77. A. Emiliani, I! Bronzino, Busto Arsizio, 1960, decoro naturale made by Lomazzo, see LeCoat, 1o1f.; cf. Soff., pl. 97.

Lee, 34-41. 78. London, Victoria and Albert Museum. J. Pope59. Seen. 18. Hennessy, “An Exhibition of Italian Bronze Statu60. A. Gallonio, De SS. Martyrum Cruciatibus Liber, ettes,” in Essays on Italian Sculpture, London and New

torrebantur. ” 79. LeCoat, rsff. 61. A. Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana, Vatican City, 80. For interpretations of the Medici Chapel, see Cologne, 1602, pl. 16: “A: Martyres in crate ferrea York, 1968, 197, fig. 245.

1942, 167ff., No. 33. Tolnay, 162f{f.; for an emotional interpretation of the

16 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER torsion in Michelangelo’s works, see, for example, the R. Preimesberger, “Pignus imperii. Ein Beitrag zu Bercritical remarks by Dolce, Dialogo, 180, quoted in ninis Aeneasgruppe,” in Festschrift fiir Wolfgang BraunSummers, 1972, 283; G. Vasari, La vita di Michelangelo, jels, Tubingen, 1977, 315-25.

ed. P. Barocchi, 1, Milan and Naples, 1962, 970ff. 94. For Scipione Borghese, see Pastor, xu, 42ff.; 81. Tolnay, 67f., 151, discusses the identification in Haskell (as in n. 42), 27ff.; D’Onofrio, rooff.; the Inferno, x1v, 103ff., of the four rivers of Hades in V. Castronovo, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, xu, Plato’s Phaedo with the tears of humanity and Landino’s Rome, 1970, 620-24; W. Reinhard, Papstfinanz und interpretation of the rivers as the four aspects of grief. Nepotismus unter Paul V. (1605-1621) (Pdapste und Papst-

For the Neoplatonic interpretation, see E. Panofsky, tum, ed. G. Dengler, vi, 1-2), Stuttgart, 1974, Soff., “The Neoplatonic Movement and Michelangelo,” in 106ff.; for a critical judgment of Scipione’s art patronStudies in Iconology. Humanistic Themes in the Art of the age, see ibid., 63ff.

Renaissance, New York, 1962, 174-78, with reference to 95. For the Villa Borghese, see Faldi; C. H. HeilV. Cartari; cf. Weinberger (as in n. 69), 388ff. mann, “Die Entstehungsgeschichte der Villa Borghese 82. For the Michelangiolismo of Bernini's early years, in Rom,” Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 1, 24, see Wittkower, 2; Fagiolo dell’Arco passim; Lavin, 1978, 1973, 97-158; cf. F. Noack, “Kunstpflege und Kunstbepassim; D’Onofrio, 172-87; Kauffmann, passim; Ber- sitz der Familie Borghese,” Repertorium fiir Kunstwissen-

nini’s characteristic remarks in P. F. de Chantelou, schaft, L, 1929, 191-231; Pastor, xu, 636-40; P. della Journal de voyage du Cavalier Bernin en France, ed. Pergola, Galleria Borghese. I dipinti, Rome, 1955-59; L. Lalanne, Paris, 1885, 225f., or his studies of Michel- Reinhard (as in n. 94), 112ff. angelo’s Florentine Pietd in Lavin, 1978, 236 and n. 9o. 96. Kauffmann, 36ff.; Preimesberger (as in n. 93), 83. For the relationship between Maffeo Barberini 321ff. and Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, see L. 97. R. Preimesberger, “Pontifex Romanus per Aeneam Rossi, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, xv, Rome, praesignatus: Die Galleria Pamphilj und ihre Fresken,”

1972, 178-81. Romisches Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte, xvi, 1976, 276ff. 84. See note 23. 98. For the individual pignora, see Preimesberger (as

85. Lavin, 1978, 233, n. 69. in n. 93), 316ff.

86. F. Titi, Ammaestramento ..., Rome, 1686, IIS. 99. S. Weinstock, “Penates,” in Pauly-Wissowa, 87. See S. Ortolani, “S. Andrea della Valle,” in Le Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaften,

chiese di Roma illustrate, 1v, Rome, n.d., fig. 20. x1x, 1, Stuttgart, 1937, 417ff. Professor Howard Hibbard kindly told me that accord- 100. Aeneid m1. 158ff. ing to the documents in the Archivo dello Stato, Rome, 10l. Ibid., 173fE. the chapel was largely finished in 1611, and some of the 102. J. de Wit, Die Miniaturen des Vergilius Vaticanus,

sculpture was being cast by 1612. Amsterdam, 1959, 10ff., 72ff., pl. 12, 2; for Raimondi’s 88. G. B. Passeri, Vite de’ pittori, scultori ed architetti engraving after Raphael, see H. Delaborde, Marc-

che hanno lavorato in Roma, Morti dal 1641 fino al 1673, ed. Antoine Raimondi, Paris, n.d., 214.

J. Hess, Leipzig-Vienna, 1934, 169. For Bernini’s rela- 103. “Maphaei S.R.E. card. Barberini nunc Urbani P.P. tionship to the Florentine tradition, see Lavin, 1978, VIII. Poemata Henricus Dormalius explicabat, Rome,

242, n. 126. 1643, O5ff.; the first reference to the elegy appears in

89. Bernini, 11; Baldinucci, 75; for Bernini as the Kauffmann, 37. “new Michelangelo,” see D’Onofrio, 183, n. 22; for 104. Preimesberger (as in n. 97), 264. Maffeo Barberini’s idea, presented in a letter of October 105. Seen. 42. 12, 1618, to have an unfinished work by Michelangelo 106. In the short and for Scipione Borghese difficult completed by Bernini, see Lavin, 1978, 236ff.; pontificate of Gregory XV (1621-23), Maffeo Barberini

D’Onofrio, 172ff. took a conciliatory position between the Ludovisi and 90. For emulation as eristic imitation, see G. W. the Borghese factions; cf. D’Onofrio, 3off., 286ff. Pigman III, “Versions of Imitation in the Renaissance,” 107. Andrea Nicoletti, “Vita di Urbano VIII,” Renaissance Quarterly, Xxx, 1980, 1, 16ff. Rome, Bibl. Vaticana, Cod. Barb. lat 4730-38, quoted

91. For Michelangelo criticism of the 17th century, in D’Onofrio, s6ff.; for Nicoletti’s handwritten biograsee E. Battisti, Rinascimento e barocco, Turin, 1960, phy, see Pastor, xm, 1045ff., and D'Onofrio, 15, s6ff. 293ff.; idem, “Storia della critica su Michelangelo,” in 108. Ibid. Atti del Convegno di Studi Michelangioleschi, Florence- 109. A. Henkel and A. Schone, Emblemata, Stuttgart, Rome, 1964, Rome, 1966, 177-200; A. Chastel, “Mi- 1967, 1703; A. Alciati, Emblemata, Frankfurt, 1583, 73; chel-Ange en France,” also in Atti del Convegno... , Ripa, 403; the aspect of picty is strongly emphasized by

261-78. Kauffmann, 37; for Pietas Borghesiana, see D’Onofrio, 92. Chantclou 38, 195. For a summary of Bernini's 234.

remarks, see D’Onofrio, 184ff. 110. F. Picinelli, Mondo simbolico, Milan, 1653, 78. 93. I. Faldi, Galleria Borghese: Le sculture dal secolo 111. For the motif of “support” in panegyric poems XVI al XIX, Rome, 1954, Cat. No. 32, 26-29; idem, concerning Scipione Borghese, sce D’Onofrio, 228ff.; “Note sulle sculture Borghesiane del Bernini,” Bollettino for the fountain figures of the Villa Aldobrandini in d’arte, XXXVI, 1953, I40ff.; Wittkower, 3ff., Cat. No. Frascati and the myth of Hercules and Atlas, ibid.; for 8, 177; D’Onofrio, 226-72; Kauffmann, 30-38: the stuccoes of the Villa Pamphilj with the same subject,

THEMES FROM ART HISTORY IN THE EARLY WORKS I7 sec O. Raggio, “Alessandro Algardi e gli stucchi di Villa 133. For the moti gagliardi, see Lomazzo, 136; for the

Pamphilj,” Paragone, CCLI, 1971, 6. direct or indirect connection with Leonardo, see Sum112. D’Onofrio, 228; for further references, 233. mers, 1977, 272 and n. 11; cf. LeCoat, 9sff. 113. F. Klingner, “Rom als Idee,” in Rémische 134. Pomponius Gauricus (as in n. 131), 198.

Geisteswelt, Munich, 1965, 652. 135. Genoa, S. Stefano; F. Hartt, Giulio Romano, 114. Lee, 11ff., nn. 43ff., 3ff., n. 6. New Haven, 1958, 55ff., figs. 95-99; for the Leonar-

115. Aeneid i. 721. desque features of the painting, see Weil-Garris Posner 116. For the iconographic traditions, see Kauffmann, (as in n.3I), 24.

30ff. 136. J.R. Martin, The Farnese Gallery, Princeton, 117. An analysis appears in Kauffmann, 33. 1965, 11off.; cf. the reference to Bellori’s description, 118. References are in Kauffmann, 34, nn. 22, 23; 148; for a connection with Bernini’s David, see A. T.

Treatise on Painting Codex Urbinas lat. 1270 by Leonardo da Fokker, Roman Barogue Art. The History of a Style, 1,

Vinci, ed. A. P. McMahon, 2 vols., Princeton, 1956, London, 1938, 128ff.; idem, “The Career of Gian

fol. 112; for the history of the treatise before his Lorenzo Bernini,” Art Quarterly, WI, 1940, 249; publication, see C. Pedretti, The Literary Works of R. Wittkower, “Bernini Studies 1: The Group of NepLeonardo da Vinci, Compiled and Edited from the Original tune and Triton,” Burlington Magazine, XCIV, 1952, Manuscripts by Jean Paul Richter, Oxford, 1977, 31ff. 72ff.; Wittkower, sff.; other proposals for the descent of

11g. Lee, 34ff., n. 144. the statue appear in Kauffmann, siff. For Annibale

120. Ibid., 39. Carracci’s special importance for Bernini, see Witt-

121. L. B. Alberti, “De Pictura,” 40, in L.B. Alberti, kower, 5; H. Hibbard, Bernini, Harmondsworth, 1965, On Painting and on Sculpture, ed. C. Grayson, London, 62£f.

1972, 79; cf. Lee, 35, n. 146. 137. For the importance of decorum for Bernini, see 122. Kauffmann, 34, n. 23; Treatise, fol. 126. Barton (as in n. 40), 90.

123. Cf., e.g., Bernini's criticism of Michelangelo’s 138. G. P. Bellori, Le vite de’pittori, scultori et architetti

Notte in Chantelou, 38. moderni, Rome, 1672, $9ff.; cf Martin (as in n.136),

124. Faldi, Cat. No. 34, 31-34; Wittkower, Cat. No. troff.; for Bellori, see K. Donahue, in Dizionario

17, 182ff.; Fagiolo dell’Arco, Cat. No. 24; Kauffmann, biografico degli italiani, vu, Rome, 1965, 781-89; for the

51-58; D’Onofrio, 303-12. connections with Agucchi and the Carracci circle, see 125. Kauffmann, ssff., with reference to the Horse D. Mahon, Studies in Seicento Art and Theory, London, Tamers of the Quirinal and a purely allegorical interpre- 1947.

tation of the armor. 139. Kauffmann, $3. 126. F. Picinelli, Mundus simbolicus, quoted in Kauff- 140. Treatise, fol. 106, p. 142, No. 373. mann, §7. 141. Ibid., fol. 128, pp.140f., No. 371. 127. Lomazzo, Trattato, in Scritti sulle arti, ed. R. P. 142. Ibid., fol. 106, p. 142, No. 373.

Ciardi, Florence, 1974, 47. For the relationship between 143. J. Buialostocki, “Poussin et le Traité de la Dtirer and Lomazzo, see J. Ackerman, The Structure of Peinture de Léonard: Notes sur l’état de la question,” in Lomazzo’s Treatise on Painting, Ann Arbor, 1964, 91ff.; Nicolas Poussin (C.N.R.S., Colloques internationaux, Scfor the problem of the proportions in Bernini's works, ences humaines), ed. A. Chastel, Paris, 1960, 1, 133-39. see Lavin, 1980, 8ff.; R. Wittkower, Architectural Princi- The painting Pyrrhus Saved was purchased by a member ples in the Age of Humanism, New York, 1971, 117ff.; of the Barberini circle in 1634. Cf. Bollettino d’arte, rv, and LeCoat, 61ff., 95. Cf. the summary by P. Gerlach, 1979, 69ff. “Schadows Polyclet (1834). Die Bedeutung der Vermes- 144. Flagellation of Saint Andrew, S. Andrea della sung antiker Statuen ftir die Proportionslehre,” in Valle, Rome. Cf. E. Borea, Domenichina, Rome, 1965, Beitrdge zur Theorie der Kiinste im 19. Jahrhundert, 1, ed. 84. H. Koopmann and J. A. Schmoll, Eisenwerth, Frank- 145. Alberti, 96ff., in Grayson (as inn. 121), 83; for

furt, L971, 162ff. Alberti’s rejection of the too-animated movements, see 128. Baldinucci, 78. Summers, 1977, 339ff. and n. 17; for the figure seen 129. Bernini, 19; Baldinucci, 78. simultaneously from front and rear, which Leonardo

130. Treatise, quoted in Kauffmann, $3; cf. Lomazzo, suggests for battle scenes, see ibid., 343 and n.31. 117, and the characteristic description of David’s face in 146. The first comparison with Myron’s Discobolus

Baldinucci, 78. appears in B. Norton, Bernini and Other Studies in the

131. Cf. Ripa, 74; J. Baltrusaitis, “Physiognomonie History of Art, New York, 1914, 16ff. For the Discobolus, animale,” Aberrations, Paris, 1957, 7-46; for the “facies see G. Lippold, “Myron,” in Pauly-Wissowa (as in n. leonina,” see P. Meller, “Physiognomical Theory in 99), 1125-27; P. E. Arias, Mirone (Quaderni per lo studio Renaissance Heroic Portraits,” in Studies in Western dell’archeologia, m1), Florence, 1940; S. Howard, “Some Art—Acts of the 20th Congress of the History of Art, u, The Eighteenth-Century Restorations of Myron’s DiscoboRenaissance and Mannerism, Princeton, 1963, 53-69; cf. lus,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxv, the Summary by L. Defradas, in Pomponitus Gauricus, De 1962, 330-34; F. Willemsen, “Myron,” in Enciclopedia Sculptura (1504), ed. A. Chastel and R. Klein, Geneva, universale dell’arte, 1X, Venice-Rome, 1963, 794-97; see

1969, I1§—27 Summers, 1977, 336-61. 132. Wittkower, Cat. No. 7, 177. 147. For the aftermath, see J. Shearman, Mannerism,

18 RUDOLF PREIMESBERGER Baltimore, 1967, 84ff., 107, with reference to Titian, rooms, but it is probable that the Stanza del Vaso served Pontormo, and Bandinelli; see Summers, 1977, 336-39, as an anteroom when the villa was used by Scipione; cf. with reference to Giulio Romano, Salviati, Rosso, etc.: C. H. Heilmann, “Die Entstehungsgeschichte der Villa cf. H. Ost, “Gottlieb Schick’s Eva,” Zeitschrift des Borghese in Rom,” Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden deutschen Vereins fiir Kunstwissenschaft, XXVU, 1973, 95— Kunst, Ser. m1, 24, 1973, 125ff.

LOQ. 154. D’Onofrio, 307, shows that Maffeo Barberini’s

148. Quintilian, Inst. orat. 11.13.8—12, quoted in Arias distich appears for the first time—together with an (as in n. 146), “Fonti e Testimonianze,” No. 22, 13; ekphrasis in prose—in his handwritten “Dodici distichi Lucian, Philopseud. 18.45—46 (also in Arias), No. 21, 13; per una Gallaria,” Rome, Bibl. Vaticana, Cod. Barb. cf. J. Overbeck, Die antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte lat. 2077. der bildenden Kunst bei den Griechen (repr.), Hildesheim, 155. For David, see J. Daniélou, in Reallexikon ftir

1959, Nos. 544, $45. Antike und Christentum, ut, Stuttgart, 1957, 594-603; H.

149. Shearman, (as in n. 147) 156; Summers, 1972, Steger, David Rex et Propheta, Nuremberg, 1961; K. 277, and n. 29, with reference to G. B. Giraldi Cinzio, Wessel, in Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, 1, Lettere a Bernardo Tasso sulla poesia epica (1557). Stuttgart, 1966, 1145-61. 150. Celio Calcagnini, In Statuam Discoboli, in G. B. 156. For Giovanni Ciampoli, see A. Belloni, I!/ Pigna, Carminum Libri Quattuor, Venice, 1553, 198ff. Seicento, Storia Letteraria d'Italia, Milan, 1929, 144ff. Is1. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiv, 57-58, quoted in Arias 157. For Marino, see F. Nicolini, in Enciclopedia

(as in n. 146), 9, with commentary. italiana, Xxu, Rome, 1951, 350-52; G. Ackerman,

1§2. Faldi, Cat. No. 35, 34-37; Wittkower, 6, Cat. “Gian Battista Marino’s Contribution to Seicento Art

No. 18, 183ff.; Kauffmann, 59-77. Theory,” Art Bulletin, xi, 1961, 326-36.

153. For the position of the statues in the 17th 158. “Poesis Probis et Piis ornata documentis pri-

century, see Faldi, Cat. No. 34, 33, and Cat. No. 35, 35, maevo decori restituendae,” in Maphaei (as in n. 43), Little is known about the original function of the several n.p.

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rum Lomazzo, G. P. Scritti sulle arti, ed. R. P. Giardi, 2 vols.

L.C.1I.: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie Florence, 1973-74.

Baldinucci, F. Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernino Panofsky, E. Galileo as a Critic of the Arts. The Hague,

(Florence, 1682), ed., S. S. Ludovici, Milan, 1954.

1948. Pastor, Ludwig von. Geschichte der Pdpste seit dem

Barocchi, P. Trattati d’arte del cinquecento, 3 vols. Bari, Ausgang des Mittelalters xu, x1, 1, and xm, 2.

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Bernini, D. Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernino. Procacci, Ugo. La Casa Buonarroti a Firenze. Milan, Chantelou, P. F. de. Journal du voyage du Cavalier Bernin Prudentius. Peristephanon, in C.S.E.L., ed. J. Bergman.

en France, ed. L. Lalanne. Paris, 1885. Vienna and Leipzig, 1926.

D’Onofrio, C. Roma vista da Roma. Rome, 1967. Ripa, C. Iconologia. Rome, 1603. Fagiolo dell’Arco, M. and M. Bernini: Una introduzione Summers, D. “Maniera and Movement: The Figura

al gran teatro del barocco. Rome, 1967. Serpentinata.” Art Quarterly, XXXV, 1972, 269Faldi, I. Galleria Borghese: Le sculture dal secolo XVI al 301.

XIX. Rome, 1954. ———. “Contrapposto: Style and Meaning in Renais-

Kauffmann, H. Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini: Die figtirlichen sance Art.” Art Bulletin, Ltx, 1977, 336-61.

Kompositionen. Berlin, 1970. Tolnay, C. de. Michelangelo, 11, The Medici Chapel.

Lavin, I. “Five Youthful Sculptures by Gianlorenzo Princeton, 1948.

Bernini and a Revised Chronology of His Early Treatise on Painting (Codex Urbinas lat. 1270) by Leonardo

Works.” Art Bulletin, L, 1968, 223-48. da Vinci, ed. A. P. McMahon, 2 vols. Princeton, ——. Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts, 2 vols. 1956. New York and London, 1980. Wittkower, R. Gian Lorenzo Bernini: The Sculptor of the LeCoat, G. The Rhetoric of the Arts, 1550-1650. Bern and Roman Baroque. London, 1966. Frankfurt, 1975.

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A Comedy by Bernini

Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella

ONTEMPORARY letters, journals, and biographies testify that Gianlorenzo Bernini

( found the time during a busy career as artist, architect, sculptor, and professional

scenographer to compose for a coterie audience of friends and associates as many as twenty plays for performance at his own home and at his own expense, a pastime and accomplishment of which he spoke with some pride and satisfaction in later years." But until recently, this side of Bernini could be the subject of little more than speculation; the records were thin in

detail and none of the original texts was thought to have survived. The case was altered considerably, however, by Cesare D’Onofrio’s publication in 1963 of a Bernini play under the title Fontana di Trevi, commedia inedita, so named because the original appears in a fascicule inscribed “Fontana di Trevi MDCXLU,” an account book on repairs carried out on the famous Roman fountain.* This is the play that we have called The Impresario; it appears translated into English for the first time in the following pages.’ This short and apparently unfinished comedy is the only surviving text upon which to base a judgment about Bernini as playwright.

Such judgment is not easily formed from a cursory reading of the play, however, since neither what the play is about nor, indeed, how the play is to be classified is immediately clear. Or, more accurately, so much of what seems familiar about the play—the commiedia dell’arte characterizations, the stock plot of the commedia erudita—is precisely what turns out to be the most deceptive. Such associations raise conventional expectations, but these are never fulfilled. For his constant support and encouragement, we the National Endowment for the Humanities, for which Wish to express our deepest appreciation to Irving we are most grateful. The English version was perLavin, who first proposed that we undertake an English formed by the Theatre Intime of Princeton University translation and annotated edition of the play. The work in April 1981—in the world premiére of the play, as far was assisted by a grant from the Translation Program of as we know.

64 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA Nor are we certain about what can be known through the play of the man Bernini, his creative genius, his attitudes toward the theater, his sense of humor, his aesthetic doctrines. Gratiano, as the persona of the creator in the play, represents Bernini, but as if reflected in a series of mirrors. Even Gratiano is distanced from us by his mask, his play upon philosophical concepts, and his enigmatic aloofness. That Bernini intended this deception becomes clearer as the play pro-

gresses, as though he were writing a play in which he reveals himself and yet confesses nothing, making us his dupes for our failure to understand. It is as though he must hide his own artistic greatness, trivialize his own stature, yet at the same time provide a work worthy of his genius by intimating far-reaching insights through the simple patterns of the play. The Impresario is a bagatelle of Bernini’s middle age, an unfinished and, in all likelihood, unperformed piece written for private performance during Carnival, and yet there is a striking originality about the play’s “subject” that recommends the work as one having surpassed in wit and perception the hundreds of conventional plays it resembles. The analysis to follow seeks to identify that “subject” and the major themes and theories of art to which it refers. Yet, at the outset, we wish to establish a sense of the distance between what the play is at first glance and what it can become after a period of reflection. Initself, the play is but a toy, an entertainment that teases rather

than declares, making its contact with the audience in the spirit of deception and play. As a theatrical “artifact” critically examined in light of its unconventional patterns, artistic dicta, self-conscious manipulation of illusions, word play, and its presentation of the artist's persona, the

play becomes a witty manifesto of Baroque art and an ironic revelation of the artistic ego. The few external facts known about Bernini’s life in the theater have been passed on from biographer to biographer with little alteration.* If D’Onofrio’s dating of the play is correct (it cannot be more than a year or two before or after 1644), The Impresario came at the end of a decade during which Bernini had worked intermittently as scenographer and capomaestro delli theatri for the Barberini.’ By that time, he had gained an enormous reputation as one of the great scenographers of his day, a man whose sophisticated machinery and novel designs had awed and intrigued the court. Baldinucci, in his well-known biography of Bernini, offers several insights into Bernini’s work in the theater: He was excellent in the field because it was closely related to the art of drawing; he put on “many productions” full of “scope” and “creativity” during the time of Urban VIII and Innocent X; he created parts both serious and comic in all styles.© Contemporary documentation on his theatrical output and on his popular reputation is spotty, but there is enough from which to draw general conclusions. One of Bernini’s most celebrated court spectacles was the Inundation of the Tiber (1638), in which boats plied back and forth on a flooded stage. At a given moment, the retaining walls are

allowed to break, sending the water rushing toward the audience. The “catastrophe” was averted by means of a barrier which emerged suddenly, draining the water off below stage, a mechanism owing its origins to the hydraulic engineering of Giovanni Battista Aleotti.’ Another spectacle, related in purpose and effect, was The Fair (before 1645), in which Bernini once again wrenched a conventional device from its usual context in order to thrill and frighten the audience with a direct and immediate experience. A torchbearer, in a procession on stage, “accidentally” set the surrounding scenery ablaze. The spectators, jolted from the imaginary reality of the play, attempted to flee for their lives. Before they could escape, however, the fire

was put out and the scene was changed to a “noble and beautiful” garden. Bernini is also known to have designed a comedy (1637-38) in which there were two audiences, two theaters, and two sets of actors, again a sortie into actions-within-actions and stage illusions. During the reign of Urban VIII, Bernini contributed to the staging of at least two operas, the “Fiera di Farfa” intermezzo in Chi soffre speri, 1639, and L’innocenza difesa, 1641. This brief record of

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 65 Bernini’s exploits as a master of Baroque staging reveals his concern with marvelous effects and

the element of surprise which he achieved through a manipulation of reality and illusion possible only within the theater. Such effetti were based on contemporary theories dealing with the creation of wonder through artifice and the powers of theatrical illusion—theories which influenced the “subject” of The Impresario, since the play itself is concerned with how to create a theatrical piece in the Baroque style. Following a visit to Rome in 1644, John Evelyn describes in his Diary his admiration for Bernini’s versatility in play production. He reports that Bernini gave a “Publique Opera... wherein he painted the scenes, cut the Statues, invented the Engines, composed the Musique, writ the Comedy and built the Theater all himselfe.”* Certainly this is a testimony to Bernini’s reputation as a man of universal talent in matters theatrical, although Evelyn’s remark indicates that he is clearly predisposed to eulogy. The statement is out of harmony, however, with Bernini's own reflections on the role of the impresario. In later years, he explained that the

“subject” of the play was the most important element, and that the machines and scene painting should be left to painters and theatrical engineers. The impresario in the play we present here conforms to Bernini’s statement: Gratiano searches for the “subject”; carpenters and painters have been hired to prepare the sets and machines. The versatility that Evelyn admired was not of course unique to Bernini. England boasted its Inigo Jones and the court of Savoy its Count Filippo Aglié; both were celebrated, multitalented impresarios.® Lesser versions of the theatrical factotum appeared in scores of European courts and households in the seventeenth century. The Impresario is of special interest not only because it is Bernini’s only surviving play, but because it is a play about the theater in which he makes ironic reflections on the impresario’s profession. Given Bernini’s reputation, the presentation of Gratiano as a celebrated capomaestro delli theatri invites an identification of the real maker with the imaginary one. Bernini further

encourages this by having his character Gratiano, as a playwright, create within the play another Gratiano in his own image. Moreover, if Bernini himself acted Gratiano, as we might

expect from his practice of acting in his own plays, then the identification of author with character would become inescapable. Much of our pleasure in the play derives from recognizing the wit that allowed Bernini to represent himself not autobiographically, but as a comic caricature of himself, reflecting from a “comic distance” upon his professional life as a playwright. Typically, Bernini delights in the irony and the deception. The play is never about the man, but about the theater’s capacity to create illusions redolent of the man, but illusions which, in the final analysis, remain teasingly evasive. The Gratiano/Bernini identification would have seemed particularly ironic to an audience of friends and associates. In 1644, Bernini was forty-six years old and had entered one of the most devout periods of his life. (He was reportedly a fiery man with a bad temper who lived a semi-ascetic existence on a diet largely of fruit.) Gratiano engages in a flirtation with a naive and attractive housemaid; and in the creation of the play-within-the-play, who should he find but a Gratiano in love with a Rosetta—a scenario, in short, that parallels the situation in the main play. Gratiano thus establishes a precedent for using the work of art to express lecherous impulses that he cannot bring himself to act out directly. Rosetta catches on quickly and asks whether this new Gratiano will have a wife (Bernini was married in 1639 to Caterina Tezio, then a girl of twenty or twenty-one and but half his age, who was eventually to bear him eleven children). “He'll have a wife, yes, but she'll be an old piece of rancid meat,” says Gratiano, to which Rosetta replies that before his wife is dead, “Gratiano will be a senile old fool, and Rosetta will have wasted the flower of her youth” (II.ii). It would be supererogation

66 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA to sort out all the ironies and innuendoes in this multifaceted situation. Since Bernini wrote his plays to be performed by members of his family, what if the part of Rosetta had been intended

for Caterina herself? We can never know, of course, but the mere possibility suggests the additional opportunities for irony and allusion in the play as performed for a coterie audience. In all probability, this was a piece written for Carnival, and in the spirit of that occasion even the austere and pious Bernini was willing to turn his own world upside down and put it into masks for the amusement of his friends. Yet the distancing of Carnival and dramatic illusion

leaves us no less complex a view of the maker behind the play. Although a contemporary audience may have been in a better position to reconcile the two than we are, the disparity between the devout Catholic and the ironic playwright is not easily resolved.

There is ambiguity in the presentation of the character of the impresario; his position of authority and his domineering ways make him a tyrant while the drift of the plot marks him for a fool, ambiguities that Bernini undoubtedly cultivated in presenting himself in a lighthearted way, through Gratiano, as a harried man of the theater. On the one hand, there are, in Gratiano’s household, servants who coax and wheedle him, stagehands who betray him, and a daughter who disobeys him in her wishes to marry Cinthio (although the subject is never discussed between father and daughter—only convention dictates that he object). On the other hand, there are courtiers who practice schemes against him, rivals who attempt to steal his secrets, and patrons who exploit his talents for their amusement without appreciation or adequate remuneration. In keeping with the commedia dell’arte mask, Gratiano should be the master outwitted by his servants, the father tricked by the lovers, the universal dupe of the play. And

yet he speaks with authority throughout. He remains in command of his household and supreme in his position as artist and intellect. He is never compromised by the action of the plot.

Even the impresario’s attitude toward the work he will create for his prince within this play is laden with ironic overtones. Gratiano is the victim of a courtier’s scheme that fuses flattery with political bribery to force the artist into productivity against his will. Domenico Bernini’s biography of his father confirms the fact that Bernini was sometimes “persuaded or compelled” to stage his comedies at the behest of such figures as Cardinal Antonio Barberino.'° No doubt a coterie audience would have been aware of the complaint and would have relished, in a special way, the plight of Gratiano, who is threatened with a prince’s disfavor should he refuse to produce a comedy: “I can’t possibly put on this play. Such projects require all a man’s time and

thought. I’ve other matters in hand, I’d need a whole extra head or two...” (I.v). In such lines, we hear echoes of Bernini’s own voice. Yet after a moment’s cajoling from Rosetta, Gratiano makes a volte-face, anxious to undertake the project for the sake of the honor it will bring him. “If Messer Gratiano does this play, he’ll please the Prince and the whole city, and he’ll get all those pretty things that people win in praise” (I.v). Further irony can be found in light of the comments Bernini made to Chantelou in later years about his personal distaste for the elaborate and cumbersome machinery of court spectacle. He preferred small stages, no more than twenty-four feet deep, and he took pleasure only in the small-scale, low-budget productions he had staged in his own home and at his own expense."

The Impresario promises its audience a grand staging effect at the end of the second act, a product of the combined skills of carpenter, engineer, and painter. Instead, the audience is given a pathetic cloud machine dumped down on a counter-weight, a machine that Rosetta had toyed with earlier in an effort to make it open. The master’s comments on the paltriness of the spectacle reveal how hollow were the praises of Coviello and the others. The play, in fact, deals with machines that do not work and effects that do not amaze, indicating Bernini's ironic view

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 67 of the scenographer’s art. The failure of the spectacle in the piece stresses the importance of its idea or “subject” and wittily underscores Bernini’s preference for small-scale and low-budget plays, at the same time making fun of the audience for expecting the contrary. Here Bernini reveals both his personal aesthetic preferences and his reaction to the gratuitousness and politics of court spectacle. Yet the spectacle, as explained to Sepio at the end of Act II, is the supreme goal; the “ingenuity and design” with which one creates those machines capable of deceiving the eye and of making the audience gaze in wonder are the mark of the impresario’s success (Il.iv). The degree to which spectacle was desirable and important to Bernini, however, remains ambiguous. The devout Bernini also had a record of writing obscene plays—more signs of his wit—this time expressed through ambiguous words and double entendres. In a letter to the Duke of Mantua (February 13, 1646), Francesco Mantovani speaks of a comedy twice staged at Lady Olympia’s residence that was full of scandalous equivocations.’* Domenico corroborates the fact that his father’s plays were full of scatological humor, word play, and pointed satiric references to people in the audience, and that, moreover, he escaped all reprisals because he was well known, admired, and protected by powerful patrons.'? Even Zanni, Gratiano’s servant, reminds him to contain himself in writing the Prince’s play. “Don’t forget, people called your last play too gross” (I.iii)—no doubt alluding to incidents that a contemporary audience would have recognized. Again, one may plead, on Bernini’s behalf, that these plays were for the most part written for Carnival. Or, in defense of the complex man, one may argue for the rich juxtaposition of the sacred and the profane in his own personality, or that such a juxtaposition

was endemic to the age—typifying the prelates who were in the audience as well as the playwright. In fact, it is our overwilling imaginations that create much of the scatological innuendo out of minor inflection in the play. The play promises to be indecorously racy, but is Rosetta’s cloud,

which “would spread and spread till it was big, big, big!” (II), a revelation of the playwright’s mind or of the audience’s? “Hands ready!” says Gratiano, and we all laugh, proud of our wit. But we have no proof of double entendre in the text. Where Gratiano speaks out in favor of the married man who makes children with his maid, his alter ego rebukes him in a sermon. Iacaccia makes signs and noises of abuse, but he is the stock Roman bully and such behavior is appropriate to his mask. Alidoro has “played the leading lady several times” and has done some scene painting, too—nothing to take exception to, although the comic foreigner Cochetto does. Zanni: “. . . he’s one of your cohorts.” Cochetto: “My co-hore? Care you take of your own co-hores! I want nothing to do wiz you, you comprehend? Grace au ciel, I have no such vices” (III.i). Zanni dismisses him as a “nut.” For grossness, this is very pale, especially by comparison with the earthy humor of the commedia dell’arte. The audience itself, however, may well be the target of these false promises, the victim of its own expectations of a play that refuses to be

what it claims to be. In Conte’s words, “‘deception’ is one of the most typical figures in Baroque poetics; undoubtedly through its connection with the deserngano, it is a central theme, an institution of poetry—and not only of poetry, but of art, of culture—of the Baroque Age.” Cochetto’s comment on perspective could serve as the motto of the entire play: It “is nothing but someting seem to be dere dat is not dere” (II.11). The more we realize how much there is that seems to be there that is not there, the better we recognize that deception, including the playful use of theatrical illusions, is one of the principal themes of the play. Its many ambiguities and ironies, especially those related to its portrait of an author and impresario, are part of a presiding pattern of wit, of inversions and mirrors. A central invention that will make Gratiano’s play unique, intellectually engaging, and provoca-

68 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA tive is precisely what he is seeking when, in setting out to compose his play-within-the-play, he complains that “the real difficulty is in finding a subject” (I.i). The invention of the “subject” was for Bernini the most challenging and also the most satisfying aspect of writing a play— locating that witty idea that would exploit the powers of theatrical illusion, reveal the author’s cunning, and challenge the audience’s perceptions. For Bernini, the “subject” was something quite apart from narrative or spectacle: It was not an imitation of reality, but a construct of the intellect related more to concepts than to nature. Of special relevance to The Impresario is Bernini’s declared intention of writing a play in which “all the errors that arise from running stage machines would be revealed, together with the ways in which these errors could be rectified.”’> If the present work is not a direct result of this proposal, it was certainly born of a closely related idea. In this “subject,” we see all the

conditions necessary for the ironic treatment of the maker and the court spectacle in The Impresario. When Bernini creates a series of puns on the concept of a finely woven device that Rosetta mistakes for braiding, he is speaking not only of intrigue in the conventional sense, but

of the witty scheme of artifice that creates the dramatic “artifact.” Progressively, we are encouraged to see that the play is really about its own conception and making, and that a performance is but a realization of the ingenious idea that Bernini counted as the essence of the creative act. Such an orientation to the work of art is supported by numerous contemporary statements on Baroque aesthetics, which we will touch upon in the last section of our introduction. In keeping with this orientation, the play must be viewed both as an illusion of reality and

as an elaborate riddle in which the creation of the illusion itself plays a part, all of which re-evokes the paradox expressed about the play at the outset, that it is both a trifling entertainment and an artist’s manifesto disguised as a witty representation of those principles. The play, in effect, challenges the viewer to see into its making in order not to be deceived by it. Just such a double focus and appeal, such a degree of artistic self-consciousness, leads to the difficulties we face in seeking to classify the play according to the conventional genres of the day. The Impresario invites classification as a play in the tradition of the commedia dell’arte, especially because all the masks for the characters are drawn from the familiar roles of the popular theater. The dramatis personae include: Gratiano, the Bolognese academician and pedant; Zann, the once good-naturedly dim, but now crafty and worldly-wise Bergamask peasant-turnedservant; Cinthio and Angelica, the lovers present in one form or another in a vast proportion of the commedia dell’arte scenarios of the period; Coviello, the shrewd, hearty Neapolitan servant; Rosetta, the chambermaid and confidante; Cochetto, the stage Frenchman with his lisping accent; Iacaccia, the Roman bully turned stagehand, joined by Sepio and Moretto. We would expect that the characters would take on the powers and personalities of their stock

identities, the accents, habits, gestures, and attitudes that are inherent in the masks themselves.'® But, in fact, this is not the case. The words and actions specified in Bernini’s play do not exploit the repertoire of behavior characteristic of these masks, each one harboring a cumulative tradition of antics, mime, farcical set speeches, lazzi and burle. Again it 1s the audience that is deceived; the “subject” of the play determines the intent of the characterizations and the qualities they possess. The masks do not give new identities, as we would suppose, but set up ironic differences between the feigned and the real; they do not re-create the actions and ambience of the theatrical tradition from which they are derived, but contribute rather to Bernini’s play upon disguise and misplaced expectations. Gratiano is a dupe according to the conventions of his role, yet he never loses his dignity and

self-respect. Bernini may wish to draw attention, through this characterization, to the paradoxical nature of the impresario’s profession, but he never brings Gratiano to ridicule or

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 69 exposure. The Gratiano of the commedia dell’arte brings derision on himself with every gesture. Typically, he swings his arms as he walks, shrugs his shoulders, “moves his lips as he mumbles and pants, betraying his usual absurdity in expounding and arguing.”’” There is jest and irony in superimposing this caricature of outmoded learning, this purveyor of tongue-twisters and breathless tirades, upon the impresario. But there is nothing in our Gratiano’s part to suggest that he should conduct himself with the same degree of slapstick as his namesake. Bernini's characters are too dignified and reserved to be representatives of the commedia dell’arte. In the commedia dell’arte, “everyone” spies and eavesdrops, all the old men are miserly and besotted, all their wives have lovers, all the servants are roguish knaves who pommel and roughhouse. Intellectually, Bernini delighted in the sustained conceit that embraced the entire action of his plays. The commedia dell’arte consisted essentially of sequences of isolated comic routines and individual strokes of verbal and visual wit, with a minimum of narrative coherence. Improvisatory acting based on brief scenarios was the salient feature of the professional theater, and although the spontaneous dialogue of those actors was imitated in plays of the period with full scripts, the very act of writing the dialogue disqualified a play for membership in the commedia dell’arte tradition. The Impresario thus stands outside that tradition, for there is no evidence that Bernini's play calls for improvisation, and its speeches do not echo the farcical routines of professional comedians. Moreover, Bernini was temperamentally disinclined to leave anything up to chance. He was known to begin the rehearsals of his plays a month or more in advance of the performance, during which time he would act out the parts of all the

characters in order to teach the effect he wanted from every word. Nothing could be more inimical to the spirit of the professional theater. Equally deceptive, for purposes of classifying the play, are its associations with the commedia

erudita. The plotting elements involving Cinthio and Angelica (the courtier in love with a citizen's daughter whose father opposes the marriage) undoubtedly have their origins, at several removes, in the regular or learned comedy. Allardyce Nicoll classifies the three plotting types that were repeated with variations ad infinitum throughout the sixteenth century: cuckolding, “confusions and misunderstandings of lovers,” and plots with romantic elements and strange adventures.'* By 1600, however, the commedia erudita had been first transformed by novelty and innovation and then abandoned—perhaps because of a lack of interest in observing the restrictive conventions of the genre: the fixed settings, the stock characterizations, and the unities of time and place. The most useful qualities of characterization and plotting had long since passed into the commedia dell’arte and the commedia ridicolosa.'? Historically, The Impresario was written too late to qualify as a commedia erudita, but more important, Bernini, in spite of the conven-

tional employment of lovers, witty servants, and an intrigue to catch the parent, has slipped from the ethos of the learned comedy to a new type we have called “Baroque.” The love plot provides a familiar substructure to a play that otherwise manifests no interest in the lovers or the outcome of their actions. Our attention is drawn, rather, to the matters already discussed: the character of the impresario, the allusions to aesthetic doctrines, the malfunctioning stage

machines, and the structure itself as a playful series of illusions. |

Even Angelica states that she exists in a comedy and that her marriage will be brought about by a comedy, fusing in a word the possible results, for her, of the successful production of the comedy her father is writing and her own destiny as a character in a work of art. When she says, “It’s a good omen—all comedies end with a wedding” (I.vii), she refers vaguely to both meanings at once. Plots of intrigue are, by definition, teleologically oriented. They find their raison d’étre in the dénouement; no matter how hackneyed or clichéd the plot, an intrigue moves toward a solution and thus a kind of meaning, whether in union, reconciliation, the completion

70 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

of an ordeal or rite, banishment, or reward. Bernini’s play is not driven by the sense of an ending in the conventional way, at least not with regard to the lovers. That alone is sufficient to distinguish it from the commedia erudita and the more contemporary commedia ridicolosa, and to suggest some other more apposite classification. We will never know with certainty whether Bernini’s play is incomplete by accident or by design; the problem of the ending remains a perplexing one. Cinthio’s lackey masterminds a complex scheme whereby his master can win Angelica. Cinthio’s favor with the Prince is all he needs to compel Angelica’s father, Gratiano, to mount a play. Although a production would accomplish little in itself, it provides Coviello with an opportunity to collect a thousand scudi from Gratiano’s rival, Alidoro, who would willingly pay that sum in order to gather firsthand information about how Gratiano’s marvelous scenic effects are created. This money will allow

the indigent courtier to masquerade in affluence long enough to gain the pragmatic father’s consent to the marriage. As the text breaks off, there is nothing to suggest that the scheme is not progressing as planned: following stock patterns, the lovers will prevail, trickery will win the day, the servant-accomplices will escape punishment for their collusion, and perhaps the old

man will be humiliated or Alidoro exposed. But in all this, we could as easily be deceived. Bernini may have considered the want of an ending his best trick. As the text breaks off, nothing has been accomplished: no gains have been made, no secrets revealed, no significant quantities of money have changed hands, no play has been written, no marriage has been negotiated, no machines have been made to work. That Bernini would raise our expectations with regard to an anticipated ending, allow them to become less relevant as the play progresses, then cut the play short, depriving us of our satisfactions predicated on a belief in the “reality” of the events of the play, is in keeping with the spirit of illusion and deception he sports with in the play. Our willing belief in the fragments of meaning we associate with the order implicit in plot is perhaps the supreme illusion. If indeed the reality 1s created by the artifice, if the creator creates himself in a play, then Bernini/Gratiano cannot indulge in endings, for that is to put an end to his own existence.

The question of genre ultimately turns attention back to the “subject” of the play, that inventive idea which gives the play its direction, definition, and uniqueness. If Bernini was interested primarily in theater itself and the relationship of the work of artifice to the viewer, then all elements of conventional theater, even the most deceptively familiar, would become a part of that new theatrical “artifact” created to function according to its own rules. The “conventional” becomes part of the deception; to the degree that we are led to believe in those allusions to conventional genres, to that degree we are tricked by the play. The only measure of the actual is the measure of the artifice that creates it. Gratiano proposes to his maid in a play and she refuses him in a speculation upon that play; in such instances, art arranges life and not life art. Therein lies the essential difference between the theater of the sixteenth century and the new theater of illusion to which this play belongs. Bernini makes use of much that pertains to earlier drama, but he transforms it entirely for his own unique ends. In the final analysis, the genesis of Bernini’s play lies in a witty defiance of all that was fixed by convention. Gratiano’s doctrine of aesthetics is that ingenuity and design are the principles of effective stagecraft. Gratiano wants his clouds, the most artificial of machines, to have a “completely natural” appearance, a capacity to float with a “natural motion,” thereby deceiving the eye of the beholder (II.iv). Yet the audience must not take them for literal clouds, for then it would not gaze in wonder. That quality of meraviglia comes only when the viewer recognizes the degree to which man’s ingenuity and artifice is responsible for the “real.” It is art that seeks to deceive with illusions, yet to call attention to itself and to its maker. In every act of wonder is

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 71 an act of praise, pointing back to the creator as a master of trompe l’oeil, of trickery. Domenico

Bernini documents his father’s preference for artifice above simple reality. “Art consists of everything being simulated although seeming to be real.”?° Gratiano echoes this voice of the court scenographer. To deceive and amaze with artifice, through the semblance of reality in the effects achieved, is the means by which the creator wins honor and praise. ) Of course, no such praise can be derived from a work featuring failed effects, unless that failure itself becomes a part of the trickery and deception of the play. Bernini the professional scenographer confronts Bernini the creator of the miniature witty piece in which the scenographer is represented. With regard to the plays designed for his own household, Bernini took a special pride in the insignificant sums (tre baiocchi) they cost him to produce, no doubt in contradistinction to the lavish expense of his patrons. It was in the idea rather than the machinery that he found pleasure. The Impresario opens with the most conventional of settings, a street

Or piazza requiring only a few painted flats. The second and third acts move indoors to Gratiano’s workshop, where cloud machines and other properties are under construction—no easy setting to create artificially. Yet the solution for Bernini would have been relatively simple if he designed the action to be staged in his own workshop in the Vatican. It is in keeping with the play to offer the real as the perfect illusion. Just as the roles of his stagehands may have been filled by his own shop workers, the real again creating the illusion, and just as Bernini himself

may have played the impresario, so his atelier may have been perfect illusion because no illusion at all, and would have cost him nothing into the bargain. There is something egotistical about creating artifice that serves ultimately to point to the genius of the maker, and something narcissistic about creating oneself as the protagonist of one’s own play. Bernini is careful to soften the effect with humor and self-mockery. Deflation, even victimization, is a necessary expiation for so much self-celebration; laughter alone makes such a situation tolerable. That end is served by Gratiano’s double, who is made to dispute with his maker, questioning the propriety and direction of his part: “Who is this Gratiano who’s in love with his maid? Who is he?” “Who is he? Why, he’s the fool of this play, that’s who he is.” “I see,” says the second Gratiano, “and if the world’s nothing but a play, then Gratiano’s the biggest fool in the world” (II.i1). Gratiano can bend to the humiliation of declaring himself a

fool, the “fool of the play.” But when his alter ego attempts to push the ridicule to global dimensions by an allusion to the common Baroque metaphor of the theatrum mundi, there is an instant ambiguity.*' As a moral trope, the world becomes as false as fiction, but as a figure explaining the relationship between art and reality, the play becomes the world, and by dint of that reversal the self-declared fool is planted squarely in the center of that world and very much in control. Not only is Gratiano the supreme artificer, but he is one sufficiently sure of himself that he can sport with his own stature within that creation. It is he who compels the others by assigning the masks, handing out the roles, and fitting the dialogue to their characters. His art creates, defines, and circumscribes them. All this is the work of his artifice; the world as a play is his own trompe loeil; he remains the supreme trickster. In a few words and brief allusions, Bernini superimposes upon the divine artificer the necessary trickster and the necessary fool—a complex of attitudes and posturings that takes us, at once, to the vortex of the Baroque creative psyche.

On matters of aesthetics, Gratiano’s word is authoritative. His act of creation, trivial as it is in itself, coupled with the aesthetic dicta contained in the play, urges an awareness of the work of art as a human feat, a matter of mind over machinery, a matter of a physical world moving according to the biddings of the engineer. The impresario is the only true god of the machine— indeed, he is the demiurge of the play—because the play exists and is significant only in terms

72 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

of what he has made it to be. Proof of his supremacy is in his capacity, not to escape an intrigue’s machinations, even those machinations of his own devising, but to dominate our imaginations with the fertility of his wit. Nevertheless, the perplexity of the creator is confirmed by the dialogue of the doubles—he is aloof, caught in a solipsistic predicament of his own making, an isolation that implies both the triumph and penalty of the grand machinatore. The entire construct, as a dramatic idea, reminds us how much the Baroque artist is preoccupied with the projection of the creator in his creation: his ego, his anxiety, his quest for praise, his need to dominate, and his need to confess his weaknesses. In The Book of the Courtier, Castiglione considered the dangers of the artifices that allow the counselors of princes to deceive, and the concern did not seem allayed by his declaration that such counselors are not true courtiers. The study that defined the complete courtier, allegedly teaching him honesty, intelligence, and self-control, and how to be at home with himself and the court, was, paradoxically, a study in appearances, in assuming talents requiring no core of true integrity for their efficacy. Bernini’s opinion of the type goes beyond a mere association of the courtier with flattery and decadence: Zanni calls them “riff-raff,” and Cinthio a “longhaired wastrel.” The arts of the courtier, the play assumed, would be used exclusively for self-interest. “When courtiers get hold of a ball they start playing games” (I.v). Cinthio does, in fact, deceive Gratiano and his prince in entangling them in a stratagem to have Gratiano write a play as if it were the prince’s own idea. Coviello celebrates Cinthio’s success upon his return from court, “Ah, now you’re learning the tricks of your own trade” (I. vi), namely, that of being a courtier. To manipulate and to fleece, trimming others as a professional, “There are your courtly arts. Without them, how is a poor courtier to survive?” ([.11). Coviello urges Cinthio on by citing the precedent of the corruption at court, the frauds of the court barber and the court secretary. The courtier has become, in Bernini’s play, the subject of satiric reflection because of his association with intrigues and trickery. “A swindler and a courtier hand in glove, and good night all” (IL.1). The repeated pun on the word machinatore, one who is the creator of stage machinery and one who is an intriguer, a trickster, juxtaposes the illusion-creating arts of the playwright with the

roguery of the stock comic intriguer and with the deceitful arts of the courtier. All three are revealed in the wordplay as deceivers. Zanni, at one point, suggests that he too understands the secrets of Gratiano’s machines, to which Gratiano replies, “It’s no surprise when a Zanni becomes an operator [machinatore] in my household, but when an operator becomes a Zann,

look out!” (ILii). Paraphrased, the line suggests that it is not too suprising if his servant becomes knowledgeable in scenography, but beware of the scenographer who becomes a Zanni. The key to the wordplay lies in an understanding of the traditional role of Zanni as machinatore or trickster in the comedia dell’arte, the schemer who, for good or ill, exercises his superior wits over the others, his unsuspecting dupes, in order to achieve his usually greedy and unscrupulous ends.” (The Zanni of this play becomes active as a schemer to betray the lovers and to beat out Coviello in the race for Alidoro’s money.) In effect, Zanni, as conventional trickster and plot-maker within the play, is Gratiano’s alter ego as the trickster of the stage machines. Machinatore defines them both, each ironically in relation to the other. Earlier in the act, Zanni recites, for his own purposes, the aesthetic formula that Gratiano subscribes to: “when a thing looks truly natural, there’s got to be some craft behind it” (1.1). The two tricksters cite the same doctrine, Gratiano in reference to clouds, Zanni to the intrigue. Zanni detects that the pressure upon Gratiano to do this play is a plot, and asserts that it is not “natural” that a prince should bully such a fine artist. There must be some “craft” in it. The principle of artifice and the natural is brought in to explain the deception behind what appears

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 73 natural in the behavior of Cinthio and Coviello. “Somebody’s working the machinery,” Zanni concludes, and as an audience to their machinations, he is eager to decode their artifice and to steal their secrets, much as Alidoro is eager to steal Gratiano’s secrets, and as we are eager, as members of the audience, to decipher the play. (We run the risks of deception as part of the pleasure in exercising our wits against the deceiver as playwright.) Through a play on words, Zanni joins the artifice of the machinatore with the craft of the courtier and the trickery of the witty servant. The machinatore, in all of his guises, is a trickster and, by association, a swindler or a cheat in simply studying to appear to be what he is not and in directing all his energies to deceiving others. The plot elements from the learned comedy are employed expressly to call attention to the trickster qualities in all art. The cause of love was ever advanced by trickery, the grandchild of magic, which comes to the defense of sacred causes. The trickster serves in a double capacity as animateur of an action that leads to union, and of an action, satiric in intent, that leads to the comic exposure of the foolish—those whose follies defy social mores. His justification was traditionally in the dénouement, where the extremeness of the deception is vindicated by the justness of the rewards and punishments that are meted out to the members of the trickster’s society. The trickster is a comic legislator. Bernini employs Coviello in this conventional role

as intriguer in the cause of love. But the competing dimensions of the trickster character subordinate the love intrigue to the theme of the artist as trickster. Such new adjustments inevitably affect the orientation of the audience to the play, and Bernini, true to his principles of art, compounds the trickery, not to commend the action to our sense of belief and morality,

but to commend the dramatic performance to our intellects and to our appreciation for the well-made object.

Once again the interpretation comes full circle. It is Gratiano who is the target of trickster practices, the man whose reservoir of talents incites the many attempts to exploit him. Ironically, the most successful machinatore of this play is he who is most knowledgeable in the arts required for creating scenic spectacle. Beware of the scenographer (machinatore) who turns Zanni—a trickster! A complete metamorphosis has taken place. He who knows how to please a prince and all the city with feigned realities made of canvas, glue, and paint is the greatest of all the tricksters, perhaps of all the swindlers. Alidoro seeks to know these secrets because they are the key to power. Zanni pretends to know the trade: “Now even the Zanni think they can make these machines, Messer Gratiano” (II.ii). Even Rosetta, in her modest way, cannot resist a flirtation with the fount of power. “I know how the lightning’s done already,” she boasts, making the others think that she had courted Gratiano just to get his secrets. The play ends as they all attempt to bribe her for information. To make scenery, the kind in which Bernini claims to have had little personal interest, is the highest form of deception and the one to which all the would-be tricksters aspire. What Gratiano alone can perform, Sepio refers to as “doubletalk” and “magic.” The ultimate trick belongs to the impresario, who treats even this with a certain disdain, if not with indifference. In this play, Bernini goes beyond the meraviglia of extravagant spectacle. The achievement is not in the mechanics of a setting, but in the subject itselfi—pure matter in a spirit of play born of the intellect. The employment of the machinatore as one of the presiding concetti is the avenue to a major theme in the play—the artist’s quest for fame and the adulation of an entourage of connoisseurs. No other period celebrated its artists with greater enthusiasm, and the heady praise served to increase the display of egoism and studied eccentricity that passed for genius and inspiration.*? Gratiano is a portrait in contrasting moods and incontinences of feeling as he vacillates between his godlike stature and his lust for a serving maid. “Centuries pass, Messer Gratiano, before

74 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

Nature gives birth to a man of your parts.” To those at court “you are no man but a god!” (liv). Such words reflect the milieu of flattery in which he lives. The machinatore, moreover, alludes both to trickery as a technique of power wielded by the true artist and to the intrigue and treacheries of the would-be great man. The play offers remarkable insights into the mystique of the grand Baroque artist, his psyche, and his egocentric predicament as one of the phenomena of that age. What ultimately distinguishes the play is Bernini’s show of wit in assembling the stereotypes of theatrical art into new and searching patterns. He strives for a degree of surprise and novelty in the play through his handling of concetti, turning these personal insights into reflections upon universal truths.** The play is, in fact, an application of Baroque aesthetic theory. The emphasis is no longer upon the story but upon wit, the play’s indwelling idea seeking recognition in the audience’s intellect rather than its feelings. The play breaks with both the narrative orientation of the commedia erudita and the external and cumulative farcical routines of the professional mimic drama. The Impresario belongs to that species of Baroque theater which Warnke describes as “illusionary, quasi-ritualistic and consistently concerned with the dramatic mode as a form of experience rather than as a form of instruction.”*’ For Bernini, the “subject” is not a question of matter but of manner, the way in which conventions, language, allusion, masks, and wit can create a toy to amuse the spectator’s mind. It is the ingegno itself that is of importance, an appreciation of the play’s process and idiosyncratic qualities. More and more, the play takes on the appearance of a total artifice, a work referring only to its own parts in the spirit of a game between the writer and the receiver. The teleology of the play is the play itself: Its purpose for the playwright is the pleasure of writing a clever play; for the audience, it is the pleasure of unveiling the craft of the writer. Such an idea was commonplace in Baroque treatises on art. Emanuale Tesauro (1592-1675) states: “Hence comes the double pleasure of him who forms a witty concept and him who hears it. For the former takes pleasure in giving life, in another’s intellect, to a noble birth of his own, and the latter rejoices in abducting with his own wit [ingegno], what the other’s wit stealthily hides, for no less sagacity is required in comprehending than in composing such ingenious emblamatic designs.””° Out of situation, character, and convention, Bernini creates not a meaning so much as a process that is designed to hide itself from the audience, yet tease it into discovering the play’s essence. The theatrical process becomes metaphor in action, preoccupied with the meanings implicit in the modes of its own existence and its relationship to the audience. Stated in different terms, there is a gamesmanship about the play which incorporates deception and trickery as part of its sport. Huizinga explains that “Pojesis,” in the broadest sense, “1S a play-function. It proceeds within the playground of the mind, in a world of its own which the mind creates for it. There things have a very different physiognomy from the one they wear in ‘ordinary life,’ and are bound by ties other than those of logic and causality. ”°’ Every reference drawn from the world outside of the play is created, not to represent itself, but to contribute to the making of the work of art which contains within its state of becoming its own purpose for being. This “endogenesis” of the work is a principle belonging to Baroque aesthetics in general. “Clearly craftiness does not concern the object, but its formulation, and equally clearly, aestheticism resides in the artifice that informs the linkage,” the connecting of words with words and things with things in the formation of the “pure matter” of art.** The Baroque play becomes nonreferential and self-defining. ‘The delight it takes in itself is the delight in the assembling of its own parts in light of the responses it 1s capable of provoking in the audience. Bernini’s sport in The Impresario is largely the intellectual titillation of his audience through the mechanics of deception that he extracts from the variables of the theater of his day.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 75 The spirit of dialogue with the audience concerning the orientation of the viewer to the viewed is endemic, certainly, to this play and its principles of structural coherence. Virtually all responsibility to verisimilitude, meaning, or social criticism is abrogated in favor of the autonomy of the work of art. With appropriate reservations, the projection of the artist in the work brings us a little closer to the man Bernini; the patterns of “play” that he develops in this verbal context reveal an engaging dimension of his intellect. The play offers the portrait of the artist as a man isolated by his own mystique, as a victim of his own innate superiority, but, at the same time, as a man capable of bridging that gap through an ability to reduce everything in his world to the level of a serious game. The play is a celebration of the fertility of wit that contrives to

create comic laughter out of an encounter with the incongruous and unexpected, and the distancing of artifice that will allow us to tolerate the artistic ego. Our own preface to this play risks the fallacy of attributing meaning in abstract terms and propositions to a work of art that, in its pastiche of genres and conventions, its masks , puns, and paradoxes, insists on the importance of process, of irony and equivocation. The machinatore in the play alerts us to the machinatore behind the play. The work was designed foremost as an elaborate riddle giving delight to the maker who creates it in order to compel our attention, yet tease our understanding, a riddle delighting the viewer who is at first sure he 1s in possession of the secrets. Deception may, indeed, be the ultimate figure of the play (and of the age), one which is “truly captious . . . but extremely pleasing—in brief, the mother of all witticisms and humour. Its power consists in the fact that it takes your thoughts by surprise, leading you to believe that he [the author] wants to finish in one manner when he unexpectedly finishes in another. Hence the novelty . . . and while in other forms of witticisms you laugh at the object [that is, the means and techniques for creating that wit], in this one alone you laugh at yourself and at your deception.”’?

Notes to Introduction 1. The most important and most frequently cited and M. Fagiolo dell’Arco, Bernini: Una introduzione al 17th-century sources on Bernini’s life are D. Bernini, gran teatro del barocco, Rome, 1967, 179-212; I. Lavin, Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernini, Rome, 1713; F. Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts, New York and Baldinucci, Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernini, in London, 1980, 1, 146—-§7: “Bernini and the Theater” Notizie dei professori del disegno da Cimabue in qua, v (but see also his critical review of D’Onofrio’s edition of (Florence, 1847), 579-700, trans. C. Enggass, The Life Bernini’s comedy, in the Art Bulletin, XLVI, 1964, 568—

of Bernini, University Park, Pa., 1966; and P. F. de 72). The present introduction is much indebted to Chantelou, Journal du voyage en France du Cavalier Lavin's work, which includes extensive notes and a Bernini, New York, 1972. Very little has been written survey of what is known of Bernini’s work as a on Bernini as a playwright in modern criticism. In professional scenographer. general, and on this play in particular, see V. Mariani, 2. The “Fontana di Trevi” ledger, containing the “Bernini regista e scenografo,” in Studi di bibliografia e di unique text of the play, is in the Bibliothéque Nationale argomento romano in memoria di Luigi de Gregori, Rome, in Paris and forms part of the three large collections of

1949, 254-64; C. Molinari, Le nozze degli Dei, Rome, Bernini's papers in the library. These documents have 1968, 105—20; F. Angelini, I/ teatro barocco, Rome-Banri, been known to scholars for many years, but the play 1975, 276ff., which also includes two samples of the appears to have escaped serious notice until it was edited comedy taken from D’Onofrio’s edition (act IT, scene ul, in Italian by C. D'Onofrio (Rome, 1963). The Ms (2084) and act II, scene iv); S. Carandini, “La festa barocca a contains matters relating to work done on the basilica of Roma,” Biblioteca teatrale, XV—XVI, 1976, 276-308; M. Sta. Maria Maggiore, in which Gianlorenzo Bernini's

76 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA son, Domenico, was prior; scattered writings by the “architect, painter, engineer, designer, connoisseur, same Domenico; letters written to Mons. Bernini by F. collector, author, theoretician”: Splendor at Court: ReBaldinucci (dated a few months after the death of naissance Spectacle arid the Theater of Power, Boston, 1973, Gianlorenzo Bernini) concerning the biography that 213. Of Count Filippo, he states: “Year after year, Aglié

Baldinucci was writing for the Queen of Sweden; the presided over these entertainments, devising the contract dated 1660 between Bernini and the stonecut- themes, writing the verses, composing the music, ters for the Colonnade of St. Peter’s, and the contract supervising the vast team of designers, artists, sculptors, dated 1658—59 for renovations to Bernini’s house in Via actors and singers which made up each spectacle. He della Mercede. The ledger contains forty-four folios, all himself was celebrated throughout the Europe of his having the same filigree and the same watermark. The day as a brilliant choreographer” (p. 13).

first folio of this ledger bears the inscription FON- 10. Bernini (as in n. 1), 73. TANA DI TREVI MDCXL II. D’Onofrio (p. 27) 11. See Lavin, 1980, 149. concludes that this booklet was meant to contain the 12. Fraschetti (as in n. 4), 268-70. accounts for the removal of the fountain from its ancient 13. Bernini, §3f. ) site and its rebuilding on its present site on the other side 14. A. Conte, La metafora barocca, Milan, 1972, 114. of the square. The comedy takes up twenty-five folios 15. Baldinucci (as in n. 1), 669 (English ed., pp. 84and is followed by several blank sheets. Near the end a 85). See also Bernini, 56. few additional notes appear, in Bernini's hand, concern- 16. The masks are so central to the commedia dell’arte ing repairs to the Trevi Fountain, dated August 13, that none of the professional theaters in the 17th century

1642, and April 4, 1643. It is the date of 1643 that could ignore them. “Each of the Masks has its own D’Onofrio considers the terminus post quem for the characteristic style of performance. They speak in the composition of the play (pp. 28-29). As for the terminus most varied dialects, in standard Italian or in a medley of

ante quem, D’Onofrio suggests no later than July 1644, dialects and idioms. The suggestive and highlythe death of the Barberini Pope, because of the joke at coloured phantasmagoria of the costumes correspond to the expense of the Spaniards spoken by Cochetto in act these contrasts of mime and voice and the whole is II, scene ii, and the well-known dislike Urban VIII had balanced and harmonized by the counterpoint of the

for the Spaniards (p. xxx and also n. 27). actual performance”: G. Oreglia, The Commedia

3. The play is untitled in the manuscript; the title we dell’Arte, trans. L. F. Edwards, New York, 1968, 3. have adopted was a felicitous suggestion by Irving 17. K. M. Lea, Italian Popular Comedy: A Study in the

Lavin. Commedia dell’Arte, 1560-1620, 2 vols., New York, 4. The information on Bernini’s theatrical life is 1934, I, 25. derived almost exclusively from his son’s and Baldi- 18. Allardyce Nicoll, The World of Harlequin: A

nucci’s biographies, from a few remarks in Chantelou’s Critical Study of the Commedia dell’Arte, Cambridge, Journal, and from a handful of letters in S. Fraschetti, I! 1963, 127-35. Bernini: La sua vita, la sua opera, il suo tempo, Milan, 19. Commedia ridicolosa flourished in the 17th cen1900, re-edited by D’Onofrio in an appendix to his tury, principally in Rome and the papal territories, but edition of Bernini’s comedy, and in Lavin, 1980 (as in also in Venice. The structure of this often underesti-

n.5. According I). mated genre is very similar to that of the commedia to his son, Domenico Bernini, Gianlo- dell’arte: the characters conform to the types of masks of

renzo began writing plays during an illness at age the commedia dell’arte and speak the stage dialects in an thirty-seven: Vita, 47f., 53; there are, as cited in Lavin, exaggerated way, often mixing them together. The 1980, 147, n. 2, references to his playwriting prior to action is determined by puns, jests, misunderstandings, 1635, such as the letter of 1634 by Fulvio Testi in which disguises, recognitions; the main theme is love, espehe “speaks as if Bernini has been giving comedies for cially that which leads to marriage; plays are divided some time (‘conforme al solito degli altri anni’: Fra- into three acts, and each act presents a major character. schetti, Bernini, 261, n. 3).” The earliest reference is to a The main difference between commedie ridicolose and play in February 1633: Fraschetti, 261, n. I. commedie dell’arte is that the ridicolose were printed (often 6. Baldinucci (as in n. 1), 667 (p. 83 of the English in runs of over two thousand copies), although fre-

translation). quently they were nothing but the codified texts taken 7. Bernini was not the first to use flooding tech- from the commedia all’improvviso. Bernini’s comedy 1s

niques inside a palace in order to create marine clearly related to both genres, and yet it belongs to spectacles, but he seems to have been the first to break neither: the text was written, but it was never printed; the play’s illusion of reality in order to threaten the not all the characters are masks, and even the masks audience with a scenic “trick.” Lavin states that in 1628 (with perhaps the exception of the two innamorati, Francesco Guitti, Alcotti’s successor, had the Farnese Cinthio and Angelica) are rather out of character with theater in Parma flooded in order to present a “mock their counterparts in the commedie all’improvviso and naval battle.” Guitti also designed for the Barberini: ridicolose; the division into three acts is traditional for

Lavin, I, 1§0. both genres, but the theme of love and marriage in

8. Diary, ed. E. S. de Beer, 6 vols., Oxford, 1955, U, Bernini’s play is perfunctory and subsidiary to the 261. theme of staging a comedy. For these reasons, it is 9. Inigo Jones, in the words of Roy Strong, was an impossible to classify the play categorically. The Impre-

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 77 sario remains one of the most original creations of in some detail by anthropologists. The trickster has

17th-century Italian comic theater. been recognized as an archetypal figure and one of the

The most comprehensive study of the commedia founding principles of civilization. The Trickster: A ridicolosa in Rome is that by L. Mariti, Commedia Study in American Indian Mythology, ed. Paul Radin, ridicolosa, Rome, 1978, which also includes a critical New York, 1956, is a seminal work which contains, in edition of five ridicolose (G. Briccio’s La Tartarea and addition to Radin’s own writings, essays by Karl L’Ostaria di Velletri; V. Verucci’s Li diversi linguaggi; F. Kerényi on the trickster in Greek mythology, and by Righelli’s IJ Pantalone impazzito; G. B. Salvati’s Il Carl Jung on the psychology of the trickster. As yet, tesoro). Still very valuable are the studies by G. Caprin, however, little has been done to trace the patterns of “La Commedia Ridicolosa: Appunti di critica storica,” trickster behavior in literature. The study most closely Rivista teatrale italiana, xl, 1907, 75—83 and 330-35; XIU, relevant to this play and period is Leo Salingar’s 1908, 207-16; K. M. Lea, Italian Popular Comedy: A Shakespeare and the Traditions of Comedy, Cambridge, Study in the Commedia dell’Arte, 1560-1620, 2 vols., New 1974, esp. “The Trickster in Classical Comedy,” 88-

York, 1934, 1, 212-20; B. Croce, “Pulcinella e le 128. The trickster provides a pattern of action and relazioni della Commedia dell’Arte con la commedia behavior in The Impresario, and, moreover, the topic is popolare romana” and “Il tipo del Napoletano nella raised to the level of a theme in the play. The play deals commedia,” in Saggi sulla letteratura italiana del Seicento, not only with trickster-motivated action but with the 3rd ed., Bari, 1948; P. Spezzani, “I] linguaggio del courtier and the impresario as trickster. Pantalone pregoldoniano,” Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di 23. In 17th-century theory, much of what constitutes Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, CXXI, 1962-63, 643-710; C. Mannerist style is to be traced to the “idea,” which in Jannaco, Il seicento, Milan, 1963, 304-7; F. Angelini, turn creates the design leading to the desired effetti. The entry preparation for the Enciclopedia dello spettacolo, vim, Capacity to discover these ideas was thought to belong

1961, cols. 968—69. to a few rare geniuses, a faculty that Zuccaro calls 20. Bernini, $6. disegno interno, and which is in turn to be identified with 21. Bernini invokes the concept of the theatrum mundi divine inspiration. The period’s concomitant reverence

as a metaphor explaining the ironic relationship between for wit accounts for the search for the fantastically : the world called real and the product of the imagination artificial design which constitutes maniere. It also accalled real, played out within the play in the relationship counts for the extraordinary stature and reputation of between the stage world in which Gratiano creates the artist in his society, and for the artist’s arrogance and himself as the fool of the play and the primary fiction in the flattery that surrounded him, as seen in this play. See which he appears as the impresario. This is a very Federico Zuccaro, L’ideal de’ pittori scultori e architetti,

special and “modern” use of the metaphor, which Turin, 1607, esp. chaps. 3 and 7. This interpretation of derives originally from reflections upon the general the Mannerist artist is developed at greater length by M. malaise of the human condition—that the world is a Rika Maniates in her introductory chapter to Mannerism cheat, a place of illusions from which men attempt to in Italian Music and Culture, 1530-1630, Chapel Hill, escape, but without success, a place as illusory and 1979. slippery as the fictions of the theater. Bernini turns these 24. The concetto in this context is used nearly synony-

connotations upside down, celebrating through the mously with the concept of “idea,” or “subject,” but metaphor, the powers of the imagination expressed the speaker emphasizes not only the ability-to grasp an through the theater as a microcosm. Such a view of life, instinctive perception, but also the discovery in such seen through the illusion-making of the theater, lends ideas of the correspondences between unlike things. The itself to different kinds of application: the reconciliation concetto as a Baroque commonplace was discussed by E. of man to what is equivocal and paradoxical in his life; Tesauro and esp. Baltesar Gratian in Agudeza y arte de the perplexing of man by play and deceit which result Ingetito, 1642 (see the Madrid, 1929 edition, a reprint of from the ambiguity of the relationships between the real the revised edition of 1648).

and the illusory. Consequently, the play can be seen as 25. Warnke (as in n. 21), 82. an integration of opposites or as a deception, a puzzle. 26. E. Tesauro, Il cannocchiale aristotelico, Turin, For further references to this theme in 17th-century 1670, 17. literature, see F. J. Warnke, Versions of Baroque: European 27. J. Huizinga, Homo Ludens (1949), London, 1970,

Literature in the Severteenth Century, New Haven and I4l. London, 1972, 66-89; F. Yates, Theatre of the World, 28. M. Peregrini, Delle acutezze, Genoa, 1639, 30London, 1969, and A. A. Parker, The Allegorical Drama 33.

of Calderon, Valencia, 1968, esp. 110-55. 29. Tesauro (as in n. 26), 290. 22. The concept of the trickster has been worked out

THE IMPRESARIO by Gianlorenzo Bernini English translation by Donald Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, with the collaboration of James Merrill

List of characters in order of appearance Jews Coviello, servant to Cinthio Cinthio, courtier in love with Angelica Zanni, servant to Gratiano Angelica, Gratiano’s daughter, in love with Cinthio Gratiano, the impresario and father to Angelica Rosetta, maidservant to Gratiano Iacaccia, head stage carpenter Sepio, stage carpenter Stage carpenters Cochetto, French painter 2nd Gratiano, Gratiano’s double Moretto, stage carpenter Alidoro, rival impresario attempting to steal Gratiano’s secrets

ATTO PRIMO ACT I Scena Prima: Giudei, e Coviello Scene 1: Jews, Coviello GIUDEI: Servitori di Vossignorie Illustrissime. JEWS: Your Lordship’s most humble servants. '

COVIELLO: Mille malanne te venga. COVIELLO: A thousand curses on you all. GIUDEI: Scuseti le bisogni. Semo steti tanti li JEWS: Our needs oblige us to intrude. We have volti dal signor Cinthio per li rostri noli, ci ha called many times upon Messer Cinthio for our detto che venimo da Vossignorie I]lustrissime che money. He now sends us to Your Excellency with

ce li dara. assurances that you will repay us.

COVIELLO: A’ voiautre bestie é peccato fareve COVIELLO: It’s madness to help asses like you. bene: tante vote lo signdé Cinthio m’ha voluto dare How many times has Messer Cinthio asked me to li denare perche ve li dia, é io non l’haggio mai pay you back on his behalf? But I wouldn’t do it.

volute pigliare perche ncagno de chille quatto Why? Because instead of giving you the four tornise che v’ha da dare volevo ca ve facesse no miserable tornese* he owes you, I wanted him to servizzio da fareve buscare chit de ciento scute do you a favor that would earn you a hundred Anno. Ma é proprio peccato a fareve bene. Vul scudi? a year. It’s such a crime to do the likes of sapite che lo signor Cinthio é patrone della grazzia you a good turn. I suppose you know that Messer

de lo Prencipe. Cinthio has the Prince’s ear?

GIUDEI: Scuseti li nostri ignoranzi. JEWS: Forgive our ignorance, we didn’t realize. COVIELLO: Chit. Voleva che ve facisse havé na COVIELLO: What’s more, he wants me to havea

Licienza da potere ire’n Carrozza co le voste license issued to you so you can wear black hats femmene; portare lo cappiello nigro; e annare a and drive horse-drawn carriages with your womvedere tutte ste chille, sti Palazzi e Giardini. Ma é enfolk to see all those palaces and gardens.‘ It’s a proprio peccato a fareve bene; Ve darraggio sti positive sin to do you a favor like that. Here, take

quatto tornise, e iate alle fuorche. your four filthy tornese and get out of my sight. GIUDEI: Non li volemo signore. Vossignoria JEWS: We don’t want them. May Your Lordship

Illustrissima ci perdoni. forgive us.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 79 COVIELLO: Se ve capeta nauto ferraiuolo no COVIELLO: Well then, if you can get your hands

poco chit: longo de chisto portatemello. on another silk cape a little longer than this one, bring it around.

GIUDEI: Lasseti feri a noi. JEWS: Leave it to us. . Scena Seconda: Cinthio e Coviello Scene 2: Cinthio, Coviello CINTHIO: Bravo signor Coviello, bravo; non si CINTHIO: Bravo, Messer Coviello, bravo. You

poteva trovare pit bella inventione. couldn’t have invented a more ingenious scheme. COVIELLO: Besogna trovarele ste ’nbenzioni. COVIELLO: You’ve got to make them up as you Cinthio mio io te la dico a lettere de scatola. Se voi go, these little ruses. Let me spell it out in block stare a sta Cetta, e vuoi che Gratiano te dia letters, my dear Cinthio. If you want to survive in

Angelleca pe Mogliére, denare nce vud. Tu non this city, if you want Gratiano to give you hai autre denare ne valsente in chesta Cetta che la Angelica for a wife, money’s the only answer. But

grazzia de lo Prencipe. E quanno te vene you, dear boy, are broke. You’ve nothing left but l"occasione sappila vennere, ca puozzi essere acciso the Prince’s favor. When opportunity comes your tu, e isso. O’ se Coviello potesse chillo che puoi way, seize it. But you and that prince of yours! If tu; no Pert a chest’hora m’ havarria abbuscato. Coviello were as well placed as you are, he’d have Sentite: Chi non arrobba non ha robba é chi non himself a goldmine by now.?* Listen, unless you

have niente se po bello spizzola li diente. steal, you won’t get a square meal. If you can’t play a trick, go chew_on a toothpick.

CINTHIO: Io son risoluto di non voler doman- CINTHIO: The only favor Pl trouble the Prince dare altra gratia al Padrone che di farmi havere la for is to help me marry Angelica. Once I have her, signora Angelica per Moglie. Quando io haveré I'll want for nothing else in this world. Ottenuto questo, sarod arrivato a quanto desidero in

questo Mondo.

COVIELLO: E’ se Coviello te facesse venire lo COVIELLO: What if Coviello could arrange to signor Gratiano co lo cappiello in mano e prega- have Messer Gratiano come to you, hat in hand, rete de pigliare Angeleca pe Mogliere senza restare begging you to marry his daughter, with no obblegato co lo patrone, non sarria meglio? obligation whatever to the Prince? Wouldn't that be better yet? CINTHIO: Non pol’ essere questa cosa, perche io CINTHIO: Out of the question. I haven’t a julius®

non ho un giulio, e il signor Gratiano lo sa. to my name, and Messer Gratiano knows it. COVIELLO: Se be non cé no giulio polessere, se COVIELLO: Julius or not, it will happen if you

farrai chillo che te dico io. do what I say.

CINTHIO: Che ho da fare? CINTHIO: What must I do? COVIELLO: Voglio che tt vieste quatto Staffieri COVIELLO: I want you to dress four lackeys in co na livrea de spanto, no Carrozzune de velluto spotless new livery. A fine velvet-lined coach can co cinquata scute lo Mese s’ha, no Cammariero, e be had for fifty scudi a month. And you'll need a

dare voce che hai havuto na Redetate de ciento valet. Then spread the word that you've just milia scute. Se non fai correre Gratiano tagliame inherited 100,000 scudi. If this doesn’t bring sto cuollo. Basta farelo pe tre Misi co seiciento Gratiano running, you can chop off my head. scute fai tutto chesto, senza restare obblegato allo Three months and 600 scudi will do the job, and

padrone. you needn’t pester the Prince.

CINTHIO: Benissimo: se si puol fare con seicento CINTHIO: Splendid. Only 600 scudi? PH do it! scudi di debbito lo fard io.

scute. are.

COVIELLO: Me dirrai dove sono sti seiciento COVIELLO: Now tell me where those 600 scudi

CINTHIO: Si dove sono? CINTHIO: Yes, exactly, where are they?

80 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA COVIELLO: ’N saccoccia ti: haie mille scute COVIELLO: In your pocket, you’ve as good as a d’oro, ’n saccoccia, se li vuoi. Ma siente. Ncie no thousand, in your pocket, if you work it right. Gentelhuommo forastiero ricchissimo, e virtuo- Listen to me: those gorgeous stage perspectives

sissimo, lo quale ha no golio de vedere na that Messer Gratiano alone knows how to conCommedia con chelle belle Prospettive che sole struct? There’s a gentleman, a very wealthy and fare lo Segnor Gratiano. Che vole dare mille scute talented foreign gentleman,’ who'll give anything d’oro a chi ncie basta l’anemo. Voglio che tu vada to see them in a comedy. Whoever satisfies his

da Graziano. Siente. .. . craving will pick up a tidy 1,000 gold scudi. I want you to go to Gratiano. Listen...

CINTHIO: E’ se il signor Gratiano CINTHIO: But what if messer Gratiano... ? COVIELLO: No, siente. Tu haie l’orecchia de lo COVIELLO: Listen to me. It’s you who have the Prencipe, e Graziano non !’ha peré se ponno fare Prince’s ear, not Gratiano, and big ears can be

ste mozzarecchiarie. Chesta é l’Arte che se fa n trimmed by a professional.” These are your Corte; commo potriano campare li poveri Cortig- courtly arts. Without them, how is a poor courtier

giani. Lo Barbiero non busca 500 scute pe...elo to survive? Doesn't the court barber make 500 Segretario non sé fatto cinquanta milia scute. . . . scudi for... ? And the court secretary, hasn’t he Allo Padrone mo voglio che nce dice. . . . picked up 50,000 scudi for. . . ??So I want you to tell the Prince...

CINTHIO: Si si si; bono. CINTHIO: Yes... yes...Isee... very good. COVIELLO: E’ te restera obblegato; chesto vol COVIELLO: Then he’ll be in your debt. Being an dire essere Corteggiano forbito: buscare mille accomplished courtier’ means just this: 1,000 gold scute d’oro, dare gusto allo Padrone é a tutta sta scudi in your pocket, pleasure for your Prince, and

Citta. diversion for the entire populace.

CINTHIO: Guardate se vi é il signor Graziano— CINTHIO: See if Messer Gratiano’s at home. COVIELLO: (V4, pensa, e poi torna) Io co Grati- COVIELLO: (Starts off, thinks, returns) You unano voglio mostrare d’essere n’zhommo semprece derstand, I want to present myself to Gratiano as no ianne femmenella, e mettereme accudi na vacca an innocent peasant girl leading her cow around. ve ne m’entienne? Sarraggio chit creduto che se You know what I mean? I shouldn’t look crooked

m‘havisse nconcietto de tristo. Se me vede. to him, that’s all. Pll be more convincing that way.

CINTHIO: Bene, bene; lo dird ancor’io. CINTHIO: Don’t worry, Vl speak up for you

COVIELLO: (Bussa) Tich, toch. myself. (COVIELLO knocks.)

Scena Terza: Zanni. Coviello, e Cinthio. Angelica Scene 3: Coviello, Cinthio, Zanni, Angelica

ZANNI: (alla finestra) Che voli? ZANNI: (At the window) What do you want?

COVIELLO: COVIELLO: [Doesn’t answer}"

ZANNI: Chi ha bussat a la porta? ZANNI: Who’s that at the door?

COVIELLO: Io. COVIELLO: Me.

ZANNI: Che voli? ZANNI: What do you want? COVIELLO: Io non voglio nient. COVIELLO: Me? Nothing.

ZANNI: Oo. .. Mo’ perche bussé? ZANNI: Oh. Why’d you knock, then? COVIELLO: E’ se io nonte vedeva, come vuoi COVIELLO: How else could I find out if Messer che te dicesse se nciera lo signdé Gratiano n casa? Gratiano’s at home? ZANNI: Gran carestia de zervello ché per ol ZANNI: We seem to be running low on brains in

Mond; ol signor Gratian voli? this world of ours. It’s Messer Gratiano you want?

COVIELLO: Io te dico che non voglio niente; lo COVIELLO: Like I said, I don’t want anything.

signd Cinthio lo vo. It’s Messer Cinthio who wants him.

ZANNI: Non ghé, non ghé ol sior Gratian. ZANNI: He’s not in. Messer Gratiano’s not in.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 81 ANGELICA: (Alla finestra) Chi vole il signor ANGELICA: (At the window) Who’s asking for

Gratiano. Messer Gratiano?

CINTHIO: Io signora lo voleva. CINTHIO: It’s I who wish to see him, my lady.

ANGELICA: Il signor Gratiano vi e—adesso la ANGELICA: Messer Gratiano’s at home. I'll fetch serviro. (li fa zenno che stia cheto) che modo di him right away. (To Zanni giving him a sign to keep

scrvire é questo; viene un Gentilhuomo per parlare quiet) Is this how you serve my father? A al signor Padre, e dirli che non vi é, e vi é—e gentleman comes to speak with him, and you say

perche? he’s out, when he’s in? Why?

ZANNI: Perche in quest mod pretend de servir ZANNI: Poor service to take Messer Gratiano bene ol signor Gratiano levandol da studiar cose away from important matters just to waste his d’importanza per perder’ol temp dré a sti mozzio- time with riff-raff.”* recchi.

ANGELICA: Che mozziorecchi, che mozziorec- ANGELICA: Riffraff? What do you mean riff chi é tu voi metter bocca a un Cavaliero di questa raff? How dare you sass a Cavaliero of his rank? sorte eh! bisognarebbe che lo sapesse, e imparartia Answer me! My father should hear about this—

parlare. there’d be a lesson in it for you.

ZANNI: Fasi che Rosetta faga lei quest’offitio si ZANNI: Then let Rosetta do this little errand; come n’ha fatti de i altri; za se sa che si inamorada she’s done your other ones. The whole world de quella bella zazzera, e che *] vorest per Marid. knows you're in love with that long-haired Ma ol sara vizilia; ol sior Gratian non lé menchion; wastrel’? and want him for a husband. But it will

uol zent ch’habia, o Virtt, o quadrin. be a long wait. Messer Gratiano’s no fool. He's looking for a son-in-law who’s either talented or rich.

CINTHIO: Sempre mi é stato contrario costui 6 CINTHIO: [Aside] That scum-face—out to get

le il mal pezzo di carne. me every time.

[Rosetta] [ Rosetta]" GRATIANO: Che rumor é quest. GRATIANO: What’s all this racket?

Scena Quarta: Graziano Angelica. Zanni. Cinthio Scene 4: Gratiano, Angelica, Zanni, Cinthio,

ANGELICA: Il signor Cinthio vuol dire una ANGELICA: Messer Cinthio would have a word parola a Vossignoria. Lui ha risposto che Vossi- with you, Father, but he told him your Lordship

gnoria non ci é. wasn't at home.

GRATIANO: L’ha anc fatt ben. GRATIANO: And right he was.

ROSETTA: Lo sapevo io che Vossignoria havaria ROSETTA: I knew his Lordship would contradato torto alla sua figlia, e ragione al giottone. dict his own daughter to back up this dolt.

ZANNI: Sta git non vegnir fora. ZANNI: You be quiet and stay out of this.

GRATIANO: Dov’el costui? GRATIANO: Where’s that fellow?

CINTHIO: Fo riverenza a Vossignoria. CINTHIO: With all due reverence I salute your Lordship.

GRATIANO: Che me comanda? GRATIANO: Speak your wishes. CINTHIO: Sicuro che ’haverd incommodata ma CINTHIO: No doubt I am incommoding you, é bene qualche volta distoglierlo; la tanta applica- but the odd distraction can be a boon when tione é molto dannosa per conservare l’individuo. overwork threatens to undermine a _person’s Passano de secoli signor Gratiano avanti che la health. Centuries pass, Messer Gratiano, before Natura dia al Mondo de pari suoi, e pero hoggi Nature gives birth to a man of your parts. [say so che habbiamo questa fortuna bisogna che tutti without flattery. This treasure lives among us here cerchiamo di conservarlo: queste non sono adula- and now—we must do our utmost to conserve it.

tioni. Bisognarebbe che Vossignoria sentisse You should hear what is said of you at court

82 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA quello che sento io lassi dove capitano e thede- where Germans, French, Spaniards, men of all schi, e francesi, e spagnuoli, e d’ogni natione; in nations congregate. To them you are no man but a

quelle parti lei non é in concetto d’un huomo, ma god! While to us, who have you continually d’un Dio—a noi altri perche ’havemo continua- before us...

mente avanti a gli occhi |

GRATIANO: Me comand altr! GRATIANO: Anything else? CINTHIO: Sua Altezza l’altro giorno, entrandosi CINTHIO: His Highness the other day, entering a ragionare delle sue Comedie e benche lei lo into a discussion of your comedies—but surely

sappla you've heard... ? GRATIANO: Ohime GRATIANO: Oh lord in heaven. CINTHIO: Che si sente CINTHIO: Is something wrong?

GRATIANO: A sent zerti preamboli, ai ho la GRATIANO: Certain kinds of preambles make bella paura de non haver da far qualche calculo. me shudder for my budget.

CINTHIO: Non sara nient. Dico entrandosi a CINTHIO: Nothing of the sort. As I began to ragionare delle sue belle Comedie Sua Altezza fece say, entering into a discussion of your illustrious

un’encomio in lode di Vossignoria tanto grande comedies, His Highness paid great homage to che 10 non gli ho mai sentito parlar cosi di Your Lordship. I’ve never heard him speak so nessun’altro virtuoso; e ben vero che un’altro par glowingly about any other man of talent, not that

di Vossignoria non vi é. there is another like Your Lordship. (GRATIGRATIANO: (Crolla la testa) ANDO shakes his head)'*> You must realize, sir, your CINTHIO: Averta che Vossignoria é in obligo di obligation fo respond to this love he bears. you. corrispondere a questo Amor che gli porta. Sua His Highness 1s your passionate admirer. Were | Altezza € inamorato di Vossignoria veda é€ se io you, sir, I should make my gesture in the form of fossi in lei vorrei incontrare il suo gusto, e fargli a comedy.

una Comedia.

GRATIANO: Amor non se contracambia con GRATIANO: Love deserves payment in kind. altro che con Amor. Oh: ghe faria un tort grand se How I should wrong him by returning my voless contracambier Amor che me porta Sua Prince’s love with a mere comedy. No, no, you Altezza con una Comedia. No, no. An voi che lie can’t tempt me into such rudeness. I don’t want me faga far sta mala creanza; non voi fastidy mi. repercussions. CINTHIO: E’ se io dicessi m6 a Vessignoria che CINTHIO: But if I told you I’d taken the liberty

mi sono preso licenza di accennarglielo. of mentioning it to him already? GRATIANO: Maa si, per dirghela am per che li¢ GRATIANO: Well, frankly, that was one liberty

sia. un po’ trop licenzios. Lie non sa de too many. You’ve no idea what trouble it is to put

ch’incomodo sia ol fer una Comedia. on a play."®

CINTHIO: Credo che sia d’incomodo veramente, CINTHIO: [ve no doubt it’s troublesome, yet to ma credo per6 che molto pit d’incomodo sia per fall out of favor with our Prince would be even essergli il ritrovarsi in disgratia del Signor Pren- more so, would it not, Messer Gratiano? cipe; intende Signor Gratiano? GRATIANO: Ma: lo comanda Sua Altezza che mi GRATIANO: So this is a command performance

faga sta Comedia? for His Highness?

CINTHIO: Signor si che lo comanda, e m’ha CINTHIO: Yes, Sir, he commands it. And he detto che quando lei non voglia intendere come si added that, if at first you chose not to understand deve intendere il Prencipe, che chiaramente gli his princely meaning, I was to tell you plainly: he

dica che comanda cosi. commands it.'’

GRATIANO: A’ mel poteva dire a la prima. GRATIANO: You could have said so at the outset.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 83 CINTHIO: Eh, io volevo poter riferire 4 Sua CINTHIO: Eh! I wanted to report to His HighAltezza che non solamente non ho _ havuto ness that there was no need to speak of command, neccessita di farli questo comandamento, ma che that you freely offered your talents, in gratitude di pitt hé scoperto che gia Vossignoria haveva for His Highness’s munificence. That way your ambitione di farla per corrispondere in parte alle Lordship wins favor; the other. way gets you gratie ch’ei riceve da Sua Altezza. In questo modo nowhere at all. Vossignoria haverebbe guadagnato assai—che in quest’altra maniera non glie n’have gratia nessuna.

GRATIANO: Horsti la Comedia se fara. GRATIANO: All right, he’ll have his play. CINTHIO: Et io che professo essergli buono CINTHIO: And I, then, as a sincere friend of the Amico rappresentarO a Sua Altezza il molto Prince, will carry word of your great zeal to serve

desiderio che Ella ha di servirlo. him.

Scena Quinta: Gratiano Zanni Rosetta Scene 5: Gratiano, Zanni, Rosetta GRATIANO: Quand’am son senti gonfier, GRATIANO: Pumped up like this, by: God, I'll

ohimé i me voran fer salter. have to burst into action.

ZANNI: Quand ai Cortizzan ghe capita ballon a ZANNI: [Aside] When courtiers get hold ofa ball,

proposito i fan de le partite lor. they start playing games.

GRATIANO: El Prenzip lé inamora de mi; furb. GRATIANO: The Prince is my passionate admirer. Very sly.

ZANNI: Che i Prenzipi s’inamorin de 1 gratian, ZANNI: Princes falling for Gratianos—big deal! non lé gran cosa.*

GRATIANO: Lé impossibel a poter fer sta GRATIANO: I can’t possibly put on this play. Comedia. Lien cos che rezercan tutt Phom, e Such projects require all a man’s time and molto tempo mi son aplicat a materie divers. thought. I’ve other matters in hand, I'd need a Bisognaria haver do, o tre test... comuod se whole extra head or two. .. . How can I wriggle poria fer per non farla? finzer de ster mel! out of it? Pretend [’'m sick? ZANNI: Una cosa sola ol se potria fa, e cred che la ZANNI: There’s only one way out—and so rluscirebb perche ghe ol natural. La sioria vostra natural, it can’t help but work. At your age, per l’eta, e per ol gran studi verisimilment l’havera Master, all that reading you do weakens your debilita la testa; metterghe mo ados un’altra soma mind. Add more work and, by God, you ll go off de sta sort, canchér, ol zervel ha da la volta 1d; e the deep end. So pretend a madness!" I don’t finzer d’esser matt, e cominzar a far de le pazzie know—dye your beard young again, give up

che sO mi—tinzersi la barba per parer d’esser food and sleep, waste away for passion, your zovane; non manzar, non dormir per passion dei French vice or your Spanish pox. Punish your franzesi 6 dei spagnol; Anda in colera con la Moie wife for her pious ways. quand fa la pia femena.

GRATIANO: I conosc. GRATIANO: There’s nothing new in all that. ZANNI: Non voler bever vin per guarir da la ZANNI: Give up your scurvy-curing wine. Or pedagra. Creder che sol l’aria de la so Vigna sia insist on your own vintage, and erect and stock a perfetta, e farghe una Palazzina adobbata per dar villa for your friends’ amusement. gust al amisi. *Just following in the manuscript, but erased by a stroke of pen:

GRATIANO: Com se poria mo fer a non farla sta Comedia.

ZANNI: Non farla.

84 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

nat. can laughe compagn. top by stepping on your best friend’s head. Mond. world.

GRATIANO: E’ spender | suo per esser minchio- GRATIANO: Spend my money so my friends ZANNI: Siorsi. Creder d’inalzars con l’anichila ol ZANNI: Yes, sir. Then think you can climb to the

GRATIANO: Pazzia grand. GRATIANO: Fine madness.

ZANNI: Creder de poter viver content in quest ZANNI: And think that you can be happy in this

GRATIANO: Pazzia grandissima, ma pian un GRATIANO: Pure insanity. But no. Such behavpo’; le non saran recognosciud per pazzie queste ior would never pass for madness. This is how the perche ien cos che hozzidi se vedon fer ai piu most prudent men in the world act today. To be prudent homini del Mond. Per voler esser tegnti thought truly mad, one must do good to one’s matt bisognareb piu prest far del ben aiso nemis, enemies, and love one’s neighbor more than

amare | prossimo piti de se stess. oneself.

quest. madness!

ZANNI: Pit de se stess; 6 son pazzie format ZANNI: More than oneself? Now that’s true GRATIANO: E’ perd quest bisognareb far per GRATIANO: So to be thought mad, that’s how esser tegnud matt. to behave. ROSETTA: Signor Gratiano. Sentiressivo un po ROSETTA: Messer Gratiano, would you just

una volta un’ignoranta. once listen to a simple girl?

GRATIANO: A’ ignoranta bella. Si che te voi GRATIANO: Ah, charming simplicity, of course senti, si. Di su, di su la mé Rosettina, che con I will. Speak up, my pretty Rosetta, whose very odorarte solamente ve, el mio cor se consola: fragrance sweetens this old heart. Speak up, advise

conseia, conseia un po’ | Patronzinone. your poor loving Master. ROSETTA: Gia, gia. Gia so che non hé m6 tanta ROSETTA: Well... Oh, I don’t have the thing

quella da potevve conzigliane. it takes to advise you.”

GRATIANO: Ti n’ha tanta de quela quella, che GRATIANO: You've got-plenty of the thing it me basteria a mi; 6 se ghe potess der un basin st takes. If only I could plant a kiss on that thing of

quela quella. yours!

ZANNI: Lei ch’e vecch finzer de far l’amor con ZANNI: An old man like you pretending to make

una Zitella. Questa pur lé una pazzia. love to a young unmarried thing? That’s madness too.

ROSETTA: Uh sete pur bono Vossignoria a ROSETTA: Your Lordship is generous to take volene piglia conziglio da uno scimentito come advice from an imbecile like him. But where’s his questo; e dové ‘| giudizio a dov’é la coscienza a good sense, where’s his conscience, if he ruins ruvinare quella povera figlia. Che s’habbia a dine é poor Miss Angelica’s life? Who’d ever marry her, figlia d’un Matto, e chine la vorrane piglia piu per once she’s known as a madman’s daughter? Moglie.

ZANNI: Quadrin se zerca hozzidi, e non zervell. ZANNI: People look for money nowadays, not brains.

ROSETTA: Non é mica vero ve: li pari tue fanno ROSETTA: That’s not true, not at all! Only your piu conto de li quatrini che del cervello (piagne) che sort values money more than brains. (Weeps) To

habbi da vedere il mio padroncino bello che’l pit see my darling little Master, the most virtuous vertuloso homo che sia n tutto quanto l’universo man in the whole world, tied up in the madhouse” Monno a li pazzarelli, legato come le bestie, con like a wild animal wearing that awful green hat, quel Cappellaccio verde, e una mano de baroni with a team of musclebound orderlies feeding him attorno con le pere cotte, e falli cuccabragon, mush and groping him for sport! And what for?

perche poi per non fane na Commedia. Just to avoid putting on a play. GRATIANO: Non pianzer Rosettina mia bella, GRATIANO: Don’t cry, my darling Rosetta, non pianzer perche ti me farai impazzir daver. hush, or you’ll drive me truly mad.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 85 ROSETTA: E’ poco honore questo, che’l Pren- ROSETTA: But is this such a small honor? The cipe te manni a pregane con tante quelle pel suo Prince sends one of his most trusted friends to pit, pit favorito de fane una Commedia. Che te compliment you and ask you to put on a play. Is manna forze a domannare, la robba 6 l’honore? Se he sent to take away your money or your good il signor Gratiano fara sta Commedia dara gusto al name? If Messer Gratiano does this play, he’ll signor Prencipe e 4 tutta sta Citta, e gli saranno please the Prince and the whole city, and he'll get fatti delli belli quelli come s’addimanna in laude. all those pretty things that people win in praise. GRATIANO: A la voi fer—porta git ol tavolin, e GRATIANO: Ill do it. Hurry, bring down my

daaa. . . (adess) scriver. desk and something to write with.

ZANNI: Se fasi sta Commedia andari a risegh. ZANNI: You're running a risk, you know. GRATIANO: Non voi saper altr che la voi fer. GRATIANO: The one thing in my head is to get it done.

ZANNI: Quand nei negoty gh’entra la passion ZANNI: A pox on it. When feelings mix with

cancar la razon no |’ha piu log. business, out goes reason.

GRATIANO: Quel che me dira la me Rosettina GRATIANO: Whatever my darling Rosetta de-

quel se fara. cides, that’s what we'll do.

ROSETTA: Quel che ho detto lho detto de ROSETTA: What I said just now came from that quella. Mica non me l’ha fatto dine la signora thing, you know. (Tapping her brow) Angelica

Angelica. didn’t make-me say it.

ZANNI: Gia, gia. ZANNI: Sure, sure, we know.

SOzzett. subject.

GRATIANO: La mazzor difficulta 1é ’] trovar un GRATIANO: The great difficulty is finding a

ROSETTA: E che parte fan ’] soggetto? ROSETTA: What role does subject play? ZANNI: La part che f6 mi ch’el me bisogna esser ZANNI: The role that I play; I’m subject even to

sozzett sin a le serve. the housemaids.

GRATIANO: EI suzzett vol dire una bella intrez- GRATIANO: The subject, my sweet Rosetta, zadura intend la me Rosetta; aiuta un po ‘I to must be a finely woven intrigue. Help your poor

padronzino. dear Master a little.

ROSETTA: Si non volete altro che una bella ROSETTA: If you just need something stitched ntrecciatura, lassate fa a me, e che ce vo a falla, or braided, there’s nothing to it. Now they all do massimamente adesso che s’usano tutte a la it in the French way, without clasps. francese senza presa.

GRATIANO: Me per che 1 franzesi ades a tutte le GRATIANO: Really? They clasp in all the French

sO intrezzadure ghe voion la presa. plots I know.

grassa. too gross.”

ZANNI: Recordev che I’altra volta disser che fu ZANNI: Don’t forget, people called your last play

ROSSETTA: Grassezza fa bellezza. ROSETTA: But plump is always pleasing. GRATIANO: Bon. Questa le compagna de la GRATIANO: Yes, dear heart, especially when ‘ntrezadura. Dov sei ti. Chiama un po Jacazza. braided.— Where’ve you gone to? Go call Iacazza.

Sceria Sesta: Gratiano Iacaccia Rosetta Scene 6: Gratiano, Iaccacia, Rosetta IACACCIA: Servitore al sior Gratiano. Sanita, e IACACCIA: Messer Gratiano, your humble ser-

briccoli. vant. Health and wealth to you.

GRATIANO: Va, non lavorassev la quand se fez GRATIANO: Didn’t you work with us when we

quela gran Comedia? put on that grand comedy?”

IACACCIA: Gia, gid ho magnato io; é chi fece ’ T[ACACCIA: Damned right I did. Who else made parasecolo da fa sbuca st quei Diavolacci altro che your backdrops with those demons and devils

sto fusto. popping up, who else but this handsome devil here?

86 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA GRATIANO: AI riusci ben un parasecolo del GRATIANO: It was a very devil’s invention, too. Diavol.

IACACCIA: E’ Dio sereno non me fate biastema IACACCIA: Heh! Good God, don’t make me se volete. Se m’havesser lassato fa quel ch’havevo swear. If they’d have let me use my own ideas, nte la gavagna giuramacone che li voleva fa hell’s bells, I'd have had them all gaping, I mean it. stravede li voleva. Ma che volete, ognuno voleva But what could I do? Everyone wanted my job, fa 1 meo, e non c’era nisciuno che sapesse de but nobody knew beans about wood.

ravarre. GRATIANO: But... GRATIANO: Maa. . . IACACCIA: Those blackguards! Those thieving IACACCIA: Gazza, gazza si. rascals!

GRATIANO: Ve dar6o le piant i profil e l’alzat; ve GRATIANO: I'll give you the plan, the sketches,

basta l’animo de sopraintender? the elevations. Can you take it on?

IACACCIA: Se me basta l’animo! azzennateme a IACACCIA: Can I ever? Just give me a clue to mé un po’ de commosadimanna e po se non ve f6 what it’s all about, then if I don’t amaze you with strasecola mi danno; facemoce una volta un po’ de something, [ll be damned. Hey, let’s put some

parasecolo per aria. scenery in the heavens, too!

GRATIANO: Chiama quel falegname da zitta di GRATIANO: Call the carpenter from Citta del Castello. Cochetto Pittore, chel venga adess. Castello, and have the painter Cochetto sent here at once.

JACACCIA: Mo, mo li svicolo quaut io. IACACCIA: Pll hunt them down for you. GRATIANO: A’ voi trova zerti schizzi che feci GRATIANO: I want to look up some of my old

una volta; se i vegnon avisam Rosetta. sketches. Let me know when they arrive, Rosetta. Scena Settima: Rosetta fa li cordoni Angelica riccama Scene 7: Rosetta (braiding) Angelica (embroidering)

lacaccia e Sepio Gratiano Tacaccia, Sepio, Gratiano

ROSETTA: Diceteme un poco a mene, ho saputo ROSETTA: Now tell me, didn’t I bring that off? di bene? Non so state fatte a tempo quelle quattro Weren’t those four little tears shed exactly on cue? lacrimuccie?

ANGELICA: Ne il dir bene, ne le lacrime ANGELICA: Neither tears nor words by themhaverebbono potuto far risolvere il signor Padre. selves could have swayed my father. He’s fond of

Ma é che ti vuol bene; ti sente volentieri, e you; it’s you he’s happy to listen to and wants to desidera di darti gusto. O’ quanto importa far please. News fares better when we love the bearer. portare il negotio da persona amata. Se io parlavo Now if I had spoken to Father, I'd have ruined

ruvinavo ogni cosa. everything.

ROSETTA: Sicuro perche gia lui si é accorto che ROSETTA: True, because he knows that your Vossignoria é inamorata del signor Cinthio, e¢ la Ladyship’s in love with Messer Cinthio, and that quella de sta Comedia é cosa del signor Cinthio. this play is Cinthio’s idea. ANGELICA: Io hd havuto gran gusto che i ANGELICA: I’m so happy that my noble father signor Padre se sia risoluto a farla; perche ho decided to do it, because I noticed how strongly osservato, che quando il signor Cinthio ne parlava Cinthio pressed his case. The more Father rea mio Padre, ci premeva molto, e quanto pit lui treated, the more he pushed. I can’t help thinking sfuggiva, tanto maggiormente il signor Cinthio that some intrigue’s afoot to win my love. It’s a calcava; questo mi fa credere, che ci sia dentro good omen—all comedies end with a wedding. qualche artificio per amor mio. L’augurio é bono Who knows, perhaps this one will result in my perche tutte le Comedie finiscono in parentadi. marrying Cinthio. Chi sa forse per mezzo di questa Comedia saro sua Sposa.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 87 ROSETTA: Imaginatevi che ’l poverino non deve ROSETTA: The poor boy has nothing else on his penza ad altro. Ma gran cosa piti ce penzo a dine mind. Lucky thing too, the more I think of it, that che ’] signor Prencipe gli voglia tantol gran bene; ~ the Prince is so fond of him. He’s the apple of his non ci vede per altri occi, enon li da manco salina, eye, even if he doesn’t give him enough change to

é¢ un bel bene questo; vorria pil presto che me jingle. Me, I’d rather be hated-and get a little volesse male e me dasse qualcosa io. O’ eccoli something out of it!—Oh! Here they are, Messer

signor Gratiano son venuti. Gratiano, they've arrived!

IACACCIA: O’ sta Rosetta me va pur al fasgiolo JACACCIA: This Rosetta! She’s everything I like. a me se ’] signor Gratiano me mette a lavora qua If Messer Gratiano puts me to work around her, |

da costei, bel mena de ma ch’ ho da fa. can keep my hands mighty busy.

GRATIANO: EI Pittor dov’el? GRATIANO: Where’s the painter?

IACACCIA: Verra adess. IACACCIA: Coming any moment.

GRATIANO: V’ha dett. GRATIANO: He promised?

IACACCIA: Signorsi. IACACCIA: Yes sir.

GRATIANO: Che voi fer dt, 6 tre mutation de GRATIANO: I want two or three scene-changes,

scene, e voi che se lavorin qui perche non voi che and I want them built here.? I don’t want nesun le veda. Se mi le fazess... tener qui anybody to see them. No one from court is to lay cortezzan che non vedess; e si quand se sann non eyes on them. Once they’re seen, they're no son pit. belle; portat qui1 legnam, et i ferri da longer thought beautiful.* Bring your lumber and laurar, e sovraltutt se me voli servir, non s’ha da your tools here. And keep your mouths shut if

parlar. you want to go on working for me.

IACACCIA: Gia io glie ’ho cantata. [ACACCIA: [Aside] Lucky I’ve already done my talking.

SEPIO: In quanto al cicalere. . . SEPIO: [Aside] As for gossiping”—Is it you, sir, who'll be paying us? questo lavoro | paghera Vossignoria.

GRATIANO: Paghera | Mastro de Ca. GRATIANO: The head steward* will pay you. SEPIO: Si paghera Vossignoria io servird molto SEPIO: If Your Lordship pays us, I’m ready to volentiere altramente non ne voglio fer covello. work. Otherwise, nothing doing.

GRATIANO: Mo perché, e perche! GRATIANO: What are you trying to say? SEPIO: Questi son lavori che sempre se fanno in SEPIO: These one-shot sets are always built in fretta, ce va gran spreco de legneme; finita la festa such a rush that there’s a lot of wood wasted. rotto e robbeto ognicosa. I mastri de Chesa, che After command performances at court, everynon se ne ‘ntendono comincian a dir, che faranno thing gets broken or stolen. The head stewards misurere: pensetelo voi stenteto, e crepeto notte e don’t understand, and threaten to keep track of

di, per remetterce. how much lumber we used. Just think, Your Lordship, to slave night after night and lose money for our pains!

IACACCIA: Te so schiavo giuramacone ha par- IACACCIA: I submit to you, sir, he’s spoken lato che ne manco no strologo. Vostrodene no li better than an astrologer. You don’t know what a conosce sti rasclammi; s6 monelli di calco quanno bunch of ruffians they are—all alike, all scounse glie da ’] conto, e che non se glie porta ’! morto, drels.*” You hand in your bill, but if you don’t te gli danno na sguerciata, e pd schiaffatelo li. Non tuck in a little personal bonus, they just squint at it piglio brodo alterato 1o te dice; quanno glie sé dato and then you can stuff it you know where. We

‘| boccone, ’1 conto scivola, ¢ passa. don’t accept adulterated wine, they’ll tell you. But slip a little extra in the cup, it’s down goes the reckoning and bottoms up!

GRATIANO: E’ manco male. GRATIANO: What's so bad about that?

88 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA TACACCIA: Adascio: non e gniente nquanto havé IACACCIA: Take it easy, it’s no big deal to have passato ‘l conto; la bega sta a poté havé i briccoli. the bill agreed to. The headache is to get it paid.

Te ‘ncomenzano a da tavarimme, te tengono They’ll try to give it to you in planks! They’ll keep ‘npiccato li nzinenta che te reducono ala sera de la you dangling till curtain time, till you’re ready to vigilia de le feste, che l’Hommo se vennaria sign up as a galley-slave just for a bit of cash. You ngalera p’havé un po’ de quadrini e li se bisogna either chuck the whole thing or take what you can affoga. ‘Tanto bisogna lassa se tti li voi, el resto se get. You want your money? You settle for half bisogna piglid o doppie scarse, 6 tanti testoni and take that in a couple of gold doubloons or a

bolognesi; 6 va campa un poverhomo. mountain of cheap Bolognese coppers.** How’s a poor man to survive?

GRATIANO: O’ poveri Prinzipi assassinati da i GRATIANO: No pity for the poor princes Ministri. Horst. (Gratiano) a sarest cattivo Zudise murdered by their ministers? Come, come, Gratimi. Bisogna sentir l’altra part i non dican lor che ano, you'd bea bad judge if you didn’t listen to the quel che val dies ol metten trenta, e che per fer other side.*® They never tell you about the goods cascher a crederli i te mostrano cento ricevute worth ten that they put up to thirty and then try to false, e fanno mille giuramenti falsi, le lacrime e fob off on you with a hundred forged receipts and strida che mandano al zel che la so fameia e rovina a thousand false oaths, pleading to the skies that e che per far quel lavor hanno impegna ogni cosa e they've ruined their families and pawned their

si te mostran 1 bollettin del Mont. Insomma chi possessions in order to complete your work. non lé pratic ghe casca 14. Hava i quadrin se Whereupon they show you the pawn tickets for retrovan subit al’ Hosteria, e li se fan tant de bocca: proof. Ina word, whoever doesn’t know the game a te ’ho pur menchiona ben quel Mastro de Casa falls for it. Once they get their money, it’s off to che ghe fa tant’ l’intellizent; a ghe l’hd pur fatto the tavern to mock you: “Look how I’ve foxed the ster. Lachrime, e zurament d’Artisti an non me head steward who thinks he’s so smart. J sang him

muovon 4 mi. the old song and made it stick.” No, no—the tears and oaths of artists leave me cold.

GRATIANO: Lié ch’in Ca fa da Mastro de Casa GRATIANO: A head steward is always going to pia la part lor. take his cut.

SEPIO: Ce né, ce né qualcheduno di questi, ma SEPIO: There are some like that, but if you ask

vedo ben che vanno in malhora. me, they’re headed for ruin.

GRATIANO: Horst; voli che vel diga: a si una GRATIANO: Come now, shall I tell you the man de furbi quanti sem. Se non voli trattar col truth? You’re a bunch of sly characters—we all Mastro di Casa, ordinero ala mia moglie che vada are. If you don’t want to deal with the head intender che ve dia dei quadrin, e si trattari con lié. steward, I’ll order my wife to pay you and you can deal with her.

IACACCIA: Non é mica vero vé. IACACCIA: Oh, no, we won’t. SEPIO: In materia d’interess con le donne pit SEPIO: Business dealings with a woman? Give

prest col Mastro da Casa. me the head steward any day!

IACACCIA: A’ la come saddimanna troppo IACACCIA: How can we put it? In a tight dress, stretta casacca la sa tutta; credemo che sia larga. you get away with nothing;*° in a flowing one you can finagle.

GRATIANO: Tanto larga che l’é troppo. Horst GRATIANO: Meanwhile time flows, too. Come

seguite allegrament, e v’aspetto. on, cheer up, get to work! [’ll see you later.

Scena Ottava: Coviello, e Cinthio. Rosetta Scene 8; Coviello and Cinthio. Rosetta CINTHIO: M’e riuscita squisitamente. I] Duca CINTHIO: I brought it off dazzlingly. After subito pranzato passa per la Galeria ¢ va a lunch the Prince?’ walks through his gallery and riposarsi. Mi son fatto trovare con un libro in then takes his nap. I found myself right in his mano nella Galeria a quellhora che lui suol passarvi path, with a book in my hand. He sees me and

é subito che m’ha vist: che leggete? asks, “What are you reading?”?* Your High-

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 89 CINTHIO: Appunto leggevo che l’Opere de ness—I say—I was reading that the works of g?huomini insigni immortalano 1 Prencipi. II illustrious men immortalize their Prince. The gran Soldato gli acquista 1 Regni; la penna d’uno great soldier wins him kingdoms, the historian’s Historico lo rende famoso per tutto il Mondo. I] pen brings him fame the world over, the plans of dissegno del gran Architetto gl’eregge Superba the great architect create superb structures for

Mole, e lo scarpello dell’Eccellente Scultore, him, and the master sculptor’s chisel shames ad’onta della morte, lo petrifica in un sasso, e death by freezing him in stone. But such good questa fortuna (un po’ d’adulatione) non l’ha se fortune—a touch of flattery here—only befalls non quel Prencipe che é amatore della Virti com those princes who are lovers of virtue, as Your é Vostra Eccellenza. Lei ha il tale nell’Armi il tale Highness is. You have such a man in your army,

nelle Lettere, il tale in questo, il tale in another in letters, another here, another there, till quest’altro, e son cascato; un huomo tanto I got to the point. Such an illustrious man you insigne, e altretanto servitore di Vostra Eccellenza have in your service who so admires your keen ch’ammira tanto l’accutezza del suo ingegno, la mind, your magnanimity, the loftiness of your sua magnanimita, l’altezza de suoi pensieri, la thought, your sense of right and justice—I really

ha. him.

rettitudine della sua giustitia, e hd fatto una laid it on.

sbragiata.

COVIELLO: Gli hai descritto tutto chello che non COVIELLO: Not a virtue in the lot describes

CINTHIO: Soggiungendo di pit che il signor CINTHIO: Going on, I said that Messer Gratiano Gratiano m’haveva detto: ©’ se sapessi che cosa told me, “Oh, if only I knew how to gain his potessi fare per guadagnarmi la sua gratia come lo favors, what I wouldn’t gladly do!” To this | farei volentieri. Io subito servendomi dell’ occa- replied—knowing how much Your Excellency sione, sapendo dico quanto Vostra Eccellenza desires to give pleasure to the city—TI said “Messer desideri dar gusto alla Citta gli risposi, se voi Gratiano, if this year you were to show our Prince quest’ Anno facessivo vedere a Sua Eccellenza una one of your magnificent comedies, I believe you

di quelle vostre belle Comedie, credo che gli would give him the greatest joy.” Gratiano—I daressivo un grandissimo gusto. Lui subito dico went on—at once thanked me, saying, “Indeed, I mi ringratid, e disse signorsi che la voglio fare, e shall, and mean to get right to work on it.” What adesso proprio voglio dar principio. Che credi che do you think the Prince*? did when I told him all facesse 11 Duca quando io gli raccontai questa cosa? this?

COVIELLO: Che cosa? COVIELLO: What? CINTHIO: Mi strinse le braccia al collo, e mi CINTHIO: He threw his arms round me, kissed bacid, e poi mi disse queste precise parole: Cinthio me, and spoke these very words: “My beloved mio caro serfi tu non potevi farmi cosa di maggior Cinthio, nothing could possibly delight me

gusto, ne pili grata. more.”

COVIELLO: Hoimé, che mala cosa quanno li COVIELLO: That’s a terrible vice some princes

principi hanno sto vitio. have.

CINTHIO: Che vizio? CINTHIO: Which vice?

COVIELLO: Che vizio sodisfare alla generosita COVIELLO: The vice of paying back kindness dell’animo soio co abbracciarete, e darete no vaso: with a kiss, a squeeze, and a goodnight. You’d bonanotte. inciegnati puro a buscare quaccosa per better make all these ruses of yours pay, or you'll

via de ste marcanciegne, ca se no al’ospitale die in the poorhouse. muori.

CINTHIO: Eh, potrebbe essere che aspettasse CINTHIO: Perhaps he intends a future for me in qualche vacanza proportionata a mé, é m’aggiu- public service. He’s waiting for a vacancy suited to

stasse per sempre. my talents.

COVIELLO: Me ne rido: quando hanno sto vizio, COVIELLO: Don’t make me laugh. This vice

se lo portano fi a la morte. they carry to the grave.

90 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA CINTHIO: Non si puol fare altro. Hora hebbe CINTHIO: Well, there’s nothing else I could have tanto gran gusto, che disse: si mandi per Gratiano, done. Anyhow, he was so pleased, he said: “Send che 10 medesimo, disse, lo voglio ringraziare. me Gratiano, I want to thank him in person.” COVIELLO: Ohimé; eccote lauta. Se lo Signio COVIELLO: Oy, oy, there’s the snag. If Messer Gratiano le parla, sta ’nforzato fi aca le dice che tt Gratiano talks to him, you'll get away with this

ncie l’hai—. only until he mentions how you’ve...

CINTHIO: Come subito rimediai io. Dissi: se CINTHIO: Look how I saved the situation. I said, Vostra Eccellenza mostra di saperlo, il signor “If Your Excellency betrays his knowledge of the

Gratiano non ci havera pit gusto perche lui plan, Messer Gratiano’s pleasure will be vastly vorrebbe fargliela vedere all ’improviso. Si Vostra diminished—he means to surprise you with it. If

Eccelenza vol veder qualcosa, e dar gusto a Your Lordship wants a real spectacle and also to quest’homo che cosi gli ho promesso ancor’io, gratify its maker—once more I promised him all

terra che l’habbia guidato bene. that—you’ll grant the justice of my counsel.”

COVIELLO: ©’ m6 ncomenzi a mparare a fa COVIELLO: Ah, now you're learning the tricks l’Arte toia. Hora annoi. Tu mo hai aggiustato lo of your own trade. So, you’ve wound up the affair negozio co Graziano, e co lo Prencipe, é 10 co lo with Gratiano and the Prince, and I’ve wound up signd Alidoro, eccosi pe 1oca sicuro, nce haggio mine with Messer Alidoro. To play it safe, I’ve scipato de mano la poliza, e pe sicurezza tante extracted a written agreement from him and some

patente de lochi de Monti é m’ha ditto accosi—Se bonds for security. He told me as follows: tt! me daie comodita che io pozza vedere che “Provide me an opportunity to observe the rules regola, che modo tene lo signor Graziano a fa and techniques Messer Gratiano uses to create his st’'apparenze, ste prospettive; io de chit te voglio illusions and his perspectives, and [’ll give you an da no buono veveraggio: io me sO addonato che extra bonus, since it’s worth any amount to me to pe mpara sti segrite spennaria ogni gran denaro. learn these secrets.” CINTHIO: In questo trovaremo gran durezza in CINTHIO: You’ll find Gratiano a real obstacle. Gratiano, sO io che non vuol che nessuno veda. He never allows anybody to see the sets. COVIELLO: Traffichino poteria, ma ncé contra-~ COVIELLO: Weasel Zanni** can swing it, rascal rio é é@ tristo, ma quanno isso le farra vede le though he is, and no friend to us. When Alidoro’s

dobble, glie lassara vede chello che vole. Sta gold piece flashes, he’ll show him whatever he Commedia te fa havé Angeleca pe Mogliera. wants to see. This comedy is going to win you Angelica for a wife.

CINTHIO: E’ il tuo ingegno. CINTHO: Not the comedy, but your clever mind.

ROSETTA: Eh zi, zi. La signora Angelica vorria ROSETTA: Hey! Psst! Miss Angelica has an dine na parola ch’importa tanto tanto al signor important message for Messer Cinthio. When you Cinthio; quanno vederete mette | segno ala finestra see the signal in the window, have him come to

diteli che venga li ala porta, sapete? the door. Understand?

C[oviello]: A si. Gratiano ha comenzato a fa COVIELLO: That means Gratiano’s taking a niente. Uh, uh: eccolo. (Un di quad l’altro di la finisce break. Uh oh, here he comes. (Exeunt separately) l’Atto)

ATTO SECONDO ACT U Scena Prima: Iacaccia co i falegnami, Zanni [Angelica] Scene 1: TIacaccia and Stage Carpenters, Zanni [Angelica].°°

IACACCIA: Posate quaut, e annate pe 1 ferri. IACACCIA: Leave them there and get your tools.

ZANNI: (Con le dita) ZANNI: (rude gesture with fingers)

IACACCIA: Gia ho magnato io. IACACCIA: Save your figs; Pve already eaten.

ZANNI: Buon pro vi faccia. ZANNI: And much good may it do you, too.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI gI IACACCIA: L’ordegno de carche machina per la IACACCIA: Is that the machinery for the play?’’ Commedia?

ZANNI: Sé. ZANNI: It is. IACACCIA: Davero? Le sai fa. IACACCIA: Really? Got any idea how it works? ZANNI: Se lo so far. Non ved chel’h6 su la punta ZANNI: Of course I do. Can’t you see I’ve got it de le dita. Chi vol imparar la profession de Gratian all at my fingertips? It takes a shrewd operator” to

bisogna esser machinator. learn Gratiano’s profession.

IACACCIA: S’ha da fa nugole? JIACACCIA: Are we going to make any clouds?”

ZANNI: Nugole, nugole. ZANNI: Clouds galore.

vengo. be right back. [Exit]

IACACCIA: Habbi un po l’occio che mo m6 IACACCIA: All right, keep an eye on things.* I'll

ZANNI: O” belle nuvole vedo andar per aria. In ZANNI: I can already see a sky full of beautiful fatt dov’é naturalezza é artifitio. Ché ol Prenzipe clouds. When a thing looks truly natural, there’s ché listessa bonta, e cortesia per veder |’Opera got to be some craft behind it.*’ That the Prince, d’un virtuos com ]é ol sior Gratian, habbia da the very image of courtesy and kindness, would

farghela comandar con tant vigor, non I’ha del bully a rare artist like Gratiano for a piece of natural, ghé artifizio: al ghé machina qui sotto— work—that isn’t natural. It’s craft. Somebody’s Covel Pho per il mazzor furb che sia in sta zitta. working the machinery. Now, Coviello, yes, he’s Zinthio lé Cortezzan, e stan insieme. Cortezzan, e the biggest swindler in town, and Cinthio is a furb uniti insiem, buonanott. Se mi potess saper ol courtier. A swindler and a courtier hand in glove,

segret, me basteria l'animo de farghe la contra- and good night all. If only I knew what was lotta. Per pescar i segret dal cor de l’hom, non ghé behind all this, I could set things in motion to ] mei mezz che la Donna, maxime quand l’Hom ne outwit them. When you’re fishing for the secrets

inamorat la ghe dise ol tutt. La siora Anzelica of a man’s heart, the best bait’s a woman, dunque potria far pulit signor si.... A’ biso- especially if he’s in love with her.” He'll tell her gnaria mo trovar qualche inventione che nezesi- anything. Well, then, Miss Angelica could fish tasse Anzelica a saper sta cosa per qualche so them out. [Pause] All I need now is some scheme interess. (acciacca e pensa) Sii, non le cattiva no; 6 to make Angelica get his secrets in order to sel me riuscisse. (si gratta) Siora Anzelica. A ve voi advance her own cause. (Taps head, thinks) Hmm,

dar dui nove una de gust e l’altra de desgust, ma not a bad idea... If I could just. . . . (Scratches Vossignoria ghe pol rimediar. Quella de gust lé, his head) [Angelica enters|. —-Miss Angelica, Ive che se ben la Sioria vostra non sé mai volt fidar de got two pieces of news for you, one good, one mi, e sempre ha credut che mi ghe sia contrar con bad, but Your Ladyship can undo the bad one. mostrar d’esserghe contrario havemo ridott ol The good news is that, although you’ve never Sior Gratiano a contentars che ’] sior Zinthio fosse trusted me and have always thought I acted

vostro sposo; lé de gust questa nova? against you, we've finally convinced Messer Gratiano to accept Messer Cinthio as your future husband. How do you like that one?

ANGELICA: Tanto di gusto, che quando ANGELICA: [ like it so well that even if the other quest’altra fosse la nuova della Morte morirei news were of my own death, I’d die happy

contenta credendo di morir sua Sposa. because I'd die his wife.

ZANNI: La nuova de desgust lé ché 1 signor ZANNI: Now for the bad news. Messer Gratiano Gratian sé mess in testa che ol sior Zinthio sia has got it into his head that Messer Cinthio is causa che se faga sta Comedia per farlo amalar, e agitating for this play only in order to vex him.*#

pero ha resolu de volerv mandar a [ | So, out of spite, he’s going to send you away, to zZinquanta mia lontan de qua; regola strettissima send you fifty miles from here.** Strict orders. che non se pol manc mandar una lettera che non You couldn't even get a letter through unopened. sia aperta . . . questa é la sd ruina; la sioria vostra It’s the end of him. Your Ladyship’s grown used che é avezza a star con libertad, veder a tutte ’hor ol to her free life, to seeing her lover whenever she

92 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA sO Amor: non poter piu ne vederlo, ne sentirlo, ne pleased. But now you won’t be able to see him, or

manc haverne nova, son cos da morir. Dal altra hear his voice, or receive word from him. And part quand ol sior Zinthio, non ve vedera né that’ll be the end of you. Because, when Messer sentira piu, lontan da iocci lontan dal cor. Lt é un Cinthio no longer sees you or hears your voice, bel zovane e favorit, ha mill’occasion, de conver- he’ll forget you—out of sight, out of mind. He’s sazion con Dame, nol passa quindis di ch’el handsome, young, everybody likes him; he’ll have

s’inamora de qualch’altra. a thousand chances to chat up the ladies.** In a couple of weeks he’ll have fallen for somebody else.

ANGELICA: Ohimé non pit. Ta m/’hai dato la ANGELICA: Ah God, stop! You’ve given me life vita é€ la morte in un medesimo punto. (si mette a and death in one blow. (Restless, in a cold sweat, she

sedere con gran smania suda) sits down)

ZANNI: Pian ghe remedio. ZANNI: Don’t take it so hard, there’ll be a way out.

ANGELICA: Un poco di veleno sarebbe il mio ANGELICA: A cup of poison is my way out. remedio.

ZANNI: Un sudor fred... ghe l’ho descritta ZANNI: [Aside] She’s in a cold sweat.** I’ve

tropp’al vivo. overdone it.

ANGELICA: Cinthio mio non ti vedro piu! ANGELICA: My own dear Cinthio, never, nev-

... non ti vedro piu! ermore to see you!

ZANNI: La sioria vostra pol remediarghe ades, ZANNI: Your Ladyship can mend everything in

ades mandé a chiama ol sior Zinthio, che mi one stroke. Send for Messer Cinthio. I'll keep tratterrO in camera vostro Padre a fare i conti. your father busy in his room, going over his accounts.

ANGELICA: A’ s1 si. ANGELICA: Yes, yes. Go on. ZANNI: E’ dirghe, e sconzurarl per quanto ben ve ZANNI: And ask Cinthio, implore him in the vol, ch’el ve diga ol nett, se verament.lé comanda- name of the love he has sworn you, to tell you ment del sior Prenzipe, che se faga sta Comedia, o truly whether he’s obeying the Prince with regard

ver lé Artifitio suo per arrivare a qualche suo to this play, or whether it’s part of some scheme of dissegno. Se le comandament, e ordine del Pren- his own. If it’s the Prince, then Cinthio, as the zipe; li né tant padron non gli mancara mod de minion closest to his heart, will know how to distorglielo; se lé pensier suo dirghe quel che ne dissuade him. If it’s Cinthio’s idea, just tell him it suzzedera, e remediar che non se faga piu. Ma means your exile, and to drop the whole project. bisogna far che ve la diga zusta vedi! qui se Make him be honest with you, now. That’s how

conoscera se ve vol ben. to be sure he loves you.

ANGELICA: Non ho timore che non mi dica il ANGELICA: He would never lie to me. I’ve netto. gid io gli hd fatto sapere che desidero already sent word that I must speak to him. As parlargli. quando tt potrai trattener mio Padre soon as you can detain my father, let me know,

avisami che gli daro il cenno. and I’Jl give Cinthio the sign.

Scena Seconda: Zanni Cochetto Gratiano Rosetta Scene 2: Zanni, Cochetto, Gratiano, Rosetta, Iacaccta,

Iacaccia Gratiano 2nd Gratiano.

ZANNI: Chi é€ costui? ZANNI: Who’s this now?

COCHETTO: Zi, 21. COCHETTO: E, é!

ZANNI: Pia eror, che comanda? ZANNI: You’ve got the wrong man. What do you want?

COCHETTO: Scervitor di Vosignorie, per ma COCHETTO: Umble servant, Your Lordship. feié che é une sgentil sciose. Quande sce fosse Upon ma foi, vich is de most gentil ting, I wish

incomode ades risceverei le favor. you no incommode, but I would ask you favor.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 93

ZANNI: Comedir? ZANNI: What are you saying? COCHETTO: Et i vt servitor di sciase? COCHETTO: Are you servant of dis house?

ZANNI: Siorsi. ZANNI: Yes sir.

COCHETTO: Fasce grasie che ie posse negosiare COCHETTO: I am calling upon your kindness to

che subit, subit mi spedische. get my business done and be en route tout de suite.

ZANNI: Dig: dove ve pensé de star? ZANNI: Where do you think you are?

COCHETTO: In Italie. COCHETTO: In Italie.

ZANNI: Se voni star in Italia bisognara ch’havi un ZANNI: If you want to stay in Italie, you'll have pog piu creanzo, e portar piu rispett a le Donne. to learn better manners, and show more respect for the ladies.

COCHETTO: Vosignorie mi scuse se ie ho fatte COCHETTO: Your Lordship vill forgive me if I male creanze a non basciarle. Disce che in Italie misbehave and have not kiss dem. Dey say me dis

non se use. ting is not to do in Italie.

ZANNI: O, o Vossignoria pia eror vedi. ZANNI: Ha, ha! Dey tell Your Lorship all wrong!*?

COCHETT0O: Eh, fascet imbasciate! COCHETTO: Come, deliver de message.

ZANNI: A cred che voli la burla mi. ZANNI: Are you kidding me? COCHETTO: Che burle, che burle. Ie son COCHETTO: Kidding, what is kidding? I come venute per negosiare; anderasge da me: tic. toc. for business. I’ll do it moi-méme. (Knocks)*

ZANNI: Pian pian aiut sior Gratian. ZANNI: Take it easy there. Help, Messer Gratiano, help!

GRATIANO: Cos el? ©’ sior Cochett apunt GRATIANO: What’s the matter? Oh, Messer pensavo a lié; me pareva gran cos che la non Cochetto! I was just wondering why you weren't

vegniss. here yet.

COCHETTO: Che sci bisognarie adess? Vilan COCHETTO: What can I do for you? Dis ugly

cuchin non ha mai volute far limbasciate. pig refuse to deliver de message.

GRATIANO: E perché? GRATIANO: Why on earth wouldn’t he? COCHETTO: O’ ma usate grandissime villanie. COCHETTO: He say me big insult. He call me m’ha date de le malcreate per le teste perche 1¢ non bad manners because I no kiss de ladies. I know it

ho basciate le signore—so che in Italie non use. is not de custom to kiss in Italie.

GRATIANO: Sci matt ne ver? GRATIANO: You're a jackass, aren’t you? ZANNI: Son matt, so’ matt siorsi. ZANNI: A jackass, yes sir, that’s me. GRATIANO: Sior Cochetto. 16 ho da far dipin- GRATIANO: Messer Cochetto, I need some sets zere alcune prospettive, e sapend che in questo painted. Now, you're a master of perspective, the

zenere lié é il prim’Hom che sia best in the field. . .

COCHETTO: O’ Vosignorie mi scuse, Vosigno- COCHETTO: Excuse me, Your Lordship, exrie mi scuse: in materie di prospetive non sce pare cuse. When it come to perspective, de Spaniard he

alle Spagnole. Scervitore di Vosignorie. has no equal. I am your servant. GRATIANO: Ma perche me fa sta risposta lié? GRATIANO: What kind of answer is that? COCHETTO: Perche si. Perche Vosignorie sa be- COCHETTO: Your Lorship he know well dat de nisime che le prospettive, non consisteneinaltre che perspective is nothing but something seem to be in fare apparire quelle che non é. Per far quest non dere dat is not dere. To do that, no one can equal sci é pare ale Spagnole. Scervitore di Vosignorie. de Espagnol.*® Your servant. GRATIANO: Io mi content di quello che sanno GRATIANO: What the French can do is good fare i franzessi. Dui cose desidero da lié, se mi vuol enough for me. But two things I must beg of

favorire . . . segretezza, e prestezza. you—secrecy and haste.

94 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA COCHETTO: In quante ale prestesse adess, adess COCHETTO: For de haste, I can serve you now.

le serve. Scervitor di Vosignorie. (e va via) Look how quick I am! Your servant. (Starts to leave)

GRATIANO: Al m’ha servi un po trop prest. Lié GRATIANO: That’s a little too quick. He’s as

tant matt quant valent hom costu. : cuckoo as he is capable.

COCHETTO: (torna) In quante ale segretesse. COCHETTO: (Returning) For de secrecy. . .

GRATIANO: Servitor de Vossignoria. GRATIANO: Yes, my friend? COCHETTO: Ie sci hd pensate une pesse: se COCHETTO: I have think about it un peu. If Vosignorie non mi ha dette che sciose vol fare Your Lordship no say me what he want done, come vol che ie le diche, non s6 se resta capasce. how can I say someone else for dat? Vous entendez?

GRATIANO: faccia porter qui colla, e zess, color GRATIANO: Send for plaster, glue, people to e qualchedun che l’aiut che ghe dird quel ch’ha da help you. Then [ll tell you what has to be done.

far. Dei fust da depinzer ghe vol mollti. We've got a lot of sets to paint.*°

COCHETTO: Ades, adesso. COCHETTO: Tout de suite.

GRATIANO: Gratiano si mette al tavolino a GRATIANO: (Sits at desk, writes. Iacaccia and Sepio scrivere la Comedia (Iacaccia vad domandando qual- approach him with a question) cosa circa la scena l’istesso fa mastro Sepio)

ROSETTA: Vossignoria dice che voleva fane ROSETTA: Your Lordship said you wanted a chen tun celo ciaro ciaro cie scomparisse una clear clear sky with a small small cloud in it that nugola stretta, stretta, e che a poco a poco se bit by bit would spread and spread till it was big, sdelargasse, se sdelargasse e se facesse granne big, big!>’ granne

GRATIANO: Si si. GRATIANO: Yes, oh yes! GRATIANO: Si si. GRATIANO: Sure, we could.

ROSETTA: Sapete come se potria fane ROSETTA: You know, we could do it. . . ROSETTA: Ve la faria vede io, ma me vergogno. ROSETTA: I could show you how, but I’m too

Me burlate Vossignoria po a mi. embarrassed. Your Lordship’s pulling my leg. GRATIANO: Mostra un po’, mostra un po’. GRATIANO: Come on, show me, let’s see. ROSETTA: (corrono tutti) Sit correte che la voglio ROSETTA: (All gather round) Come here, all of

mostra a tutti. you; [ want everyone to see it.

GRATIANO: Orvia a menar le man. GRATIANO: Hands ready!*

ROSETTA: Questa non é una cosa stretta, stretta: ROSETTA: You call this thing small, small? And

a fa cosinto non deventa una cosa larga, larga. when you do this, it doesn’t get big, big. GRATIANO: O’ la me Rosettina. A voi che ti me GRATIANO: Oh my darling Rosetta! I should servi per aiutant de studio ades. Che ne dis ti? have you under me as an apprentice. What do you think?

IACACCIA: O’ lé goffa. Sapete come anneria IACACCIA: It’s too clumsy. Know how she

fatta; e saria de mona? Veussene quaut. should be done, how she should be handled? You’d need four. . .*

ZANNI: E’ mi che sont un zan faria cosi. ZANNI: And as for Zanni, here’s how he’d do it. IACACCIA: Signor Gratiano enzinente ai zanni IACACCIA: Now even the Zanni think they can

vonno fa le machine. make these machines, Messer Gratiano.

GRATIANO: Che in ca mia i zan deventin GRATIANO: It’s no surprise when a Zanni machinator non lé gran cosa; ma che1 machinator1 becomes an operator in my household, but when hozzidi deventin zanni, questa me per gran cosa a an operator becomes a Zanni, look out! Rosetta! mi. Rosetta

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 95

ROSETTA: Signore. ROSETTA: Your Lordship.

sta Comedia. play.

GRATIANO: Horst a voi stender* el suzett de GRATIANO: Suppose you suggest a plot for our ROSETTA: Uh, siate benedetto. Diteme un po’ la ROSETTA: Oh, bless us all! Well, tell me first a quella de sta Comedia come se recontano le favole. bit of what it’s all about. Tell me in simple words. GRATIANO: La quella de sta comedia, mentre GRATIANO: What the play’s all about, I'll tell

che mi la scrivo ti la sentirai. Sta attenta. you as I write it. Just pay attention. Gratiano.. .™ GRATIANO: Gratiano. ROSETTA: Ci sara 1 Gratiano é, é Pantalone? ROSETTA: Gratiano’s in it, is he? And Pantaloon as well?

sO serva. his housemaid.

GRATIANO: Tisentirai. Gratian lé inamora de la GRATIANO: Just listen. Gratiano is in love with

ROSETTA: E’ come se ciamera questa serva? ROSETTA: And what’s her name, this maid? GRATIANO: Se chiamera. . . che pit: bel nome GRATIANO: We'll call her—is there a prettier

de Rosetta. name than Rosetta?

ROSETTA: Hi hi hi. . . quanno staré a vede sta ROSETTA: He, he, he! Whenever this play’s Commedia e che la sentir6 mentovare, me faro mentioned, I'll blush, Pll turn deep red. roscia roscia de vergogna.

GRATIANO: Lassame scrivere. Gratian leé GRATIANO: Let me start writing. Gratiano is in inamora de Rosetta é si ghe vol tanto | gran ben love with Rosetta. He loves her so much that he che non vede l’hora che la so Mole crepi per sposar can’t wait for his wife to die so that he can marry

Rosetta (intend?). Rosetta. Got it?

ROSETTA: Che havera moglie questo Gratiano? ROSETTA: Will this Gratiano have a wife, then? GRATIANO: L’havera moie ma ol sara un pezz GRATIANO: He’ll have a wife, yes, but she'll be de carnaccia vecchia che sa di rancido che appesta. an old piece of rancid meat. Let me write now. Lassame scrivere. Ma Rosetta non sa conoscer la Rosetta has no idea how lucky she is. If she had, sO fortuna perche se la conoscess faria un po piu she’d show Gratiano a bit more. . . tenderness. carezze a Gratiano.

ROSETTA: La voglio un po’ repigliane 10 pe ROSETTA: Let me take this Rosetta’s part for a Rosetta: se questa moglie de Gratiano campasse minute. If Gratiano’s wife lives another twelve or ancora dodici, o quindici anni, de qui a quinnici fifteen years, then Gratiano will be a senile old anni Gratiano saria vecchio cuccho, e Rosetta fool, and Rosetta will have wasted the flower of

havaria perso il fiore delle sua gioventu. her youth. GRATIANO: Piano, ti sentirai. E perche Grati- GRATIANO: Not so fast; hear me out. Gratiano ano dubita che costei campi troppo, giudica bene knows how long the old girl could live, and el prevenire, et in omni meliori modo servirs de forestalls that problem by helping himself to Rosetta antizipatamente com la fos sO mole per Rosetta in advance. He gives her every considera-

haver un fiolin. tion, like his own wife, so that she'll give him a son.

ROSETTA: Ohibo ... subito direbbono che é ROSETTA: Oh no! People won’t put up with grassa sta Comedia; ¢ po non haveria del naturale, smut like that. Besides, it wouldn’t look natural che uno ch’ha moglie se mettesse a far figlioli con for a married man to start making children with

la serva. his maid. *Deleted from manuscript by a stroke of pen: Scriver.

96 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA GRATIANO: Non [’ha del naturale eh: eu eu eu— GRATIANO: Wouldn’t look natural? Ha, ha, ha! mo non si sent altro, o con la serva, o con la balia o But that’s all you ever hear about—with the maid,

con la cameriera, non si sente altro. the wet nurse, the girl in the pantry—that’s all you ever hear!

ROSETTA: O’ son bé goffe ste signore a tené in ROSETTA: Ladies are foolish to keep servants

casa queste belle Cameriere. like that in the house.

GRATIANO: Eh. eh eh. Molte non lo fan per GRATIANO: Ha, ha, ha! Lots of women behave

goffaggine nO ma pit presto per bonta azzo that way not because they’re foolish, no, but ognun faga ben. Vivere, e lassar vivere—intend! because they’re so good-hearted—then everybody’s happy. Live and let live, right? GRATIANO: O’ ben trové. Non ve parti, non ve GRATIANO: [Gratiano’s double]**’ Ah, what a parti; se potria mo saver. Chi el, chi el quel pleasure! Don’t leave! I just want to know, who is

Gratian ché inamora de quela serva chi el? this Gratiano who’s in love with his maid? Who is hee

GRATIANO: Chi el? Lié la favola de sta Come- GRATIANO: Who is he? Why, he’s the fool of

dia, lié! this play, that’s who he is.

GRATIANO: Sigur—sel Mond non lé altr ch’una GRATIANO: I see. And if the world’s nothing Comedia, Gratian lé la favola del Mond. Puh, but a play, then Gratiano’s the biggest fool in the

vergogna, el pié nte la fossa, el cor nte le world. Pooh, shame on him, one foot 1n the grave sensualita. Non lé ancor satio quel tripponazz; and lechery in his heart. Hasn’t he had enough, the n’ha fatt poghe. Non morira non morira cosi prest hog? That old piece of rancid meat isn’t about to nd quest pezz de carnaccia ranzida perche ’l ziel die, because Heaven isn’t about to grant to dismal non permett che i tristi possin metter in essecution dodderers the realization of their dirty dreams. i lor sporchi pensieri.

ZANNI: Colei che tinze i capei v’aspetta. Se la ZANNI: The girl’s here to dye your hair, sir. sioria vostra non me da quadrin non se pranzara Your Lordship better give me some money or mai questa mattina: ghe da renova la lista (fa cenno there won’t be any lunch. We're absolutely ad Angelica la quale mette fuori la gabbia e l’uccello cleaned out. (Signals to Angelica, who hangs out the

canta) birdcage. The bird sings)

Scena Terza: Cinthio Angelica Zanni Scene 3: Cinthio, Angelica, Zanni [eavesdropping on the lovers’ conversation]

CINTHIO: All’apparir del sol cantan gl’Augelli; é CINTHIO: When the sun rises, the birds begin to

che favori son questi? sing. What radiant favors are these?

ANGELICA: Mi vuol bene da dovero Vossigno- ANGELICA: Sir, do you love me truly? ria.

CINTHIO: Questa dimanda pur troppo offende il CINTHIO: Such a question debases the merit of

merito delle sue bellezze. your beauty.

ANGELICA: Quando Vossignoria riconosca in ANGELICA: That Your Lordship grants me this mé questo merito mi fara credere da dovero che lei poor merit argues that you love me truly, for love sia inamorato: poiche Amore é cieco. Ma quando is blind. But were it in your powers to prove your Vossignoria potesse certificarmi maggiormente love by unveiling a secret I have set my heart on dell’amor suo con palesarmi un segreto, ch’io knowing, would you do so? tanto desidero sapere lo farebbe?

CINTHIO: Lei sa benissimo che 1 segreti piu CINTHIO: You know well that every vital secret importanti si conservano* nell’intimo del cuore; ¢ is kept in the heart of hearts. Who but you and chi ne tiene la chiave altri che la sua volonta ¢ si your desires hold the key to this one? If you shrink *Overwritten: racchiudono.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 97 non vol aprir lei faccialo Amore che solo con from opening it, let Love himself do so. Let

ritirare a sé lo stral che mi feri ne restara Cupid, withdrawing that dart wherewith he

squarciato il petto, aperto il core. wounded me, gash open my breast anew and reveal my heart.

ANGELICA: Si fermi, Signor Cinthio. Adesso ANGELICA: Desist, Messer Cinthio. We’ve no non é tempo di poesie. Il segreto che desidero time for poetry. Here’s the secret I want to know. sapere ¢ questo. Chi é stato 11 motore che si faccia Who’s behind this play—you or the Prince? questa Comedia? Vossignoria 6 il signor Prencipe?

CINTHIO: Ne il signor Prencipe, ne io. CINTHIO: Neither I nor the Prince.

ANGELICA: Ma chi é stato? ANGELICA: Who then?

CINTHIO: I] Caso—et il mio desiderio d’haver lei CINTHIO: Fate. Fate and my longing to have

per Moglie. you as my wife.

ANGELICA: Ma in che modo il Caso? ANGELICA: Fate? In what way? CINTHIO: In che modo? Io gli ho detto il vero. CINTHIO: In what way? I’ve told you the truth. I Si compiaccia per gratia di non voler saper altro. beg you now, be satisfied and ask no further. ANGELICA: Si compiaccia di non voler sapere ANGELICA: Ask no further—when just now, a altro... . e poco fa, anzi adesso voleva squarciarsi moment ago, you said your breast would be

il petto, aprirsi il core... oh, 6 come presto gashed open and your heart revealed. Oh how svaniscono le promesse de gl’Amanti. O quanto soon are lovers’ promises forgotten! How des’inganna chi di te si fida Amor bugiardo, Amor ceived is she who trusts your lies, O fraudulent

finto, Amor privo d’Amore. Love, O loveless Love!

CINTHIO: Signora Angelica; ne ! Amor ch’io gli CINTHIO: Lady Angelica, the love I bear you is porto é finto, ne son qua per ingannarla. Ma il not false. I am not deceiving you. It’s simply that I

tutto avviene perche sento gran ripugnanza a hate to speak of my own troubles and those of palesare* le mie e Valtrui miserie. Il signor others. Messer Gratiano forbids me to marry you Gratiano non vuol darmi per Moglie Vossignoria until I can show I have some money. Now Fate se prima non vede che io habbia dei quatrini. Il wills it that a rich and talented gentleman, eager to Caso porta, che un Gentilhuomo ricco, e virtuoso, see a play by Messer Gratiano, is ready to offer a per vedere una Comedia del signor Gratiano vuol thousand scudi for a glimpse of the scenery and donar 1000 scudi d’oro e piti se gli si faranno how it’s made. I persuaded both Gratiano and the vedere le scene, et il modo che tiene a farle. Io per Prince to put on the play in order to get my hands

buscar questi danari ho fatto partita al signor on that money. Now you have the whole secret. Gratiano et al Prencipe: eccoli detto tutto iu But why were you asking? segreto. Ma perche melo dimanda.

ANGELICA: Perche se si fa questa Comedia, mio ANGELICA: Because if the play is performed, Padre per alcuni rispetti mi vuol mandar molto my father, for reasons of his own, means to send lontano di qua; et io solo pensando a slontanarmi me away. At the mere thought of being far from

da voi mi sento morire; pero se a lei gli preme you, I feel like dying. If you love me, I beg you, : vorrei che rimediasse accid non si facesse. do something to prevent it. CINTHIO: Questi mille scudi accompagnati col CINTHIO: The Prince’s love and favor, and those calor e favor di Palazzo, mi da il cuore di far thousand scudi, will give me courage to appear as

apparire ch’io habbia Una ricchezza grande e a rich gentleman. Your father will come asking vostro Padre mi ha da pregare ch’io pigli Vossi- me to marry you—wait and see. So you see, it’s gnoria per Moglie e lei lo vedra: perd € troppo essential that the play be put on. Another thing— necessario che questa Comedia si faccia. Una cosa yes, make sure you keep secret what I’ve told you. *Erased by a stroke of pen: a dirle.

98 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

gli volevo dire. ..a si! Avverta Vossignoria a Were it known, I'd lose not only the moncy but tener segreto quel ch’io gli hd detto perche se si the Prince’s favor—and my good name. risapesse, non solo perderei questi danari ma la gratia del Prencipe, e la mia riputatione.

ANGELICA: La mia difficulta sta in quell’andar ANGELICA:* What I dread is this separation via € slontanarmi da lei; a questo bisognarebbe from you. We can’t let that happen.

rimediare. [CINTHIO:] Si fermi. Quando suo [CINTHIO:] Well, if your father presses the Padre si risolvesse a far questo (che non credo) matter—and I doubt that he will—why not Vossignoria si finga ammalata; questo é un nego- pretend you’re ill? This is a question of at most tio di non piti che di due mesi [ANGELICA:] e two months. son cose difficili a far credere, massime in tal [ANGELICA:] Illness is hard to put over. Espe-

occasione subbito pensarebbono alla malitia. cially now, their first thought would be, it’s a trick.

CINTHIO: A gl’Huomini sarebbe difficile, ma CINTHIO: A man couldn’t get away with it. A alle donne massime quelle che non hanno Marito woman—an unmarried one—easily could, with gli sarebbe facile perche quelle che non hanno those vapors peculiar to women without husMarito sogliono ordinariamente patire di quelli bands.*’ It’s here precisely that a woman excels, loro fumi: oh, o! in questo genere si é visto che le it’s here that she reaches the heights. But they Donne sanno far gran cose, arrivano a gran segno. mustn’t think that you’re feigning illness in order E accioche non s’habbia da creder che lei lo faccia to stay in town. Keep one step ahead of them, do per non andar via, prevenghi, e non aspetti di it now, don’t wait till you’ve been told to go.

saper che ha da andar via. [Exit]

ANGELICA: Non mi dispiace, 6. ANGELICA: I don’t dislike that idea... Oh! [Zanni has entered]

ZANNI: Ghé sta de 1 fastidi a trattener ol Vecch; ZANNI: What a job, keeping the old man away.

ben—el sior Zinthio v’ha dett? Well, what did Messer Cinthio say?

ANGELICA: Mi ha detto ognicosa. ANGELICA: He told me everything. ZANNI: Chi el verament quel che fa far sta ZANNI: Who’s behind the play? Comedia?

ANGELICA: II Prencipe. ANGELICA: The Prince.

ZANNI: Sigur? ZANNI: You're sure?

ANGELICA: Sicurissimo. ANGELICA: Utterly.

ZANNI: To! po! cancar! Ol cas non ha porta che ZANNI: Listen to that—damn it! There’s no sia sta fatt qualche partita per qualch’interess: che chance that it’s all a plot arranged by someone for

sO mi. Sti Cortizzan savi, le fan ste cos. motives of his own? Courtiers, you know, do things like this.

ANGELICA: E’ mero motivo del Prencipe;* ci ANGELICA: The one motive is the Prince’s. He’s preme assaissimo; la desidera in estremo, e poinon very keen, he’s set his heart upon it. What other

poteva essere altrimenti. Come vuoi che il signor reason could there be? Why should Cinthio Cinthio havesse speso la parola del Prencipe, e si misrepresent the Prince and risk losing those

fosse messo a risico di perder la gratia del favors, as well as his own good name? Prencipe, la riputation.

ZANNI: Eh, eh. Ol sior Zinthio non haveria mai ZANNI: Hey, hey! As if Messer Cinthio weren’t fatt tal furfanteria lu; com é motiv del Prenzipe, ¢ capable of a trick or two. Well, if it’s for the ch’el gh’habbia gust, durera fatiga ol sior Zinthio. Prince’s own amusement, Cinthio’s in for a hard time.*

*Overwritten: Duca.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 99

faccia. turning.

ANGELICA: E’ impossibile a far che non si ANGELICA: It’s too late now, the wheels are ZANNI: Me despias per amor de Vossignoria. ZANNI: I’m sorry for Your Ladyship. ANGELICA: Tu se vuoi, mi puoi agiutare con ANGELICA: If you wanted, you could help me

mio Padre. handle my father.

ZANNI: Fé cosi. Quand senti parlar del sior ZANNI: This is how to act, then: when you hear Zinthio 6 che ’| vedi insiem con vostr Padr, faghe Cinthio’s name, or when you see him together qualche mala creanza: mostre d’odiarl accid ol with your father, make a face, be rude. Pretend you signor Gratian se levi zerti sospetti, e lassé po hate him, so that Messer Gratiano won't suspect lavorar a traffichin. Cancar! ©’ vat a fida va. So che the truth—and let this old Weasel take care of the me I’ha racconta zusta mi (bon tavolin) o’ in zerti rest. [Exit Angelica] Damn me if you can trust

Gabinetti chi potess star sott a un tavolin quante anybody nowadays. Good thing I was under the volt ol vedria 1 negozi d’un color, uscir fora table and didn’t miss a word. From under a table in @un’altro. .. . Anoi; miho savt quel che voleva, certain other rooms I know, one would see the ins esi mel’eroimazina. . . . Per farla contralotta mo and outs of many a colorful affair. All right, I got lé nezessario che mi pij amizizia con sto Zentilhom, what I wanted and it’s just as I thought. To outwit che da sti mille scud, e si me capitara per le man them, I'll need to make friends with this gentleman perche Zinthio ha dett che costui desidera de veder who’s giving the thousand scudi. Cinthio says he

far ste scene. O”’ eccol sigur. wants to see how the sets are made, so I’m bound to meet him. Here he is.°

Scena Quarta: Iacaccia Moretto Coviello Alidoro Scene 4: Iacaccia, Moretto, Coviello, Alidoro, Grati-

Gratiano Sepio [Rosetta, Cinthio] ano, Sepio, Rosetta

ne? there?

IACACCIA: Ei Moretto. Ovia annoi non ce IACACCIA: Hey, Moretto, stop clowning n’annamo in clampanelle: el celo a basso! around! Get the sky down here!” MORETTO: Adesso, adesso. Non cé gia nessuno MORETTO: Hold on a second. Anyone down

IACACCIA: De tavarre (6 via date foco se IACACCIA: Just a pile of planks. Set a match to

volete). Veda Vossignoria se se lavora! Alluma un them for all I care—We’re working as hard as we po’ caut chiso coloro. . . . Td de dove diavolo sé can, sir.°' Some light over here! I want to see who

Sbucati . . . padron mio. these people are.°* Now where the devil do they come from?—Your servant.

COVIELLO: Lo signo Gratiano cercammo. COVIELLO: We're looking for Messer Gratiano. JACACCIA: Non tanti graziani a l’anna. Bisogna JACACCIA: No such person. And no time to

battesela de qua. talk. COVIELLO: Adaso, adaso. COVIELLO: One moment. Wait!

ALIDORO: Vossignoria non pigli brighe per ALIDORO: Never mind, sir. Don’t go to any amor mio. Queste son gente basse, non hanno trouble for my sake. These are nobodies, they'll be termine, é bene non impegnarsi piu avanti. lo me of no help to us, so I'll be going. You know my

n’ander6o; lei sa il mio desiderio. wishes.

COVIELLO: Vossignoria vada, che parlaraggio COVIELLO: All nght, sir, you go ahead. Pll do bé io a chi besogna. Schiavo de Vossignoria. Na the talking where it’s needed. Your servant. —

piastra pe lo manco te si perduta. There’s a piastra™ in tips you’ve lost already.

ancora. here.** COVIELLO: Io? COVIELLO: Who, me?

IACACCIA: E’ non me sta a rompe; a l’anna fa IACACCIA: Listen, creep, get your balls out of

IACACCIA: Tut si se non voi che te rompa le IACACCIA: Yes, you, unless you want to sing

bellezze dei bovi (e piglia un regolo) soprano for the rest of your life. (Picks up a nuler)

100 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

COVIELLO: Mo, mo, mo....Mo6 te faccio COVIELLO: Now, now, now—Now, you'll see vede chi é Coviello.—. Non te partire vi. . . cate who Coviello really is! Don’t try to get away. vengo appriesso se iessi ntorchia—mo—mo— Even running in circles I'll catch you. Now, now, mo....O’ Coviello: non besogna fa na cacata Coviello, let’s rise above all this shit. Either we ca vi. O’ puorte la spata pe contrapiso, 0 pe wear a sword for ballast or it’s there for us to use. serviretene alli besogni, besogna acciderlo chis- Now we'll just have to kill this fellow. I’m talking to. .. . lo te parlo comme parlassi a mé stisso vi. to you as if I were talking to my own self. Either ©’ si hommo, 6 si no coniglio. Se si hommo were a man or a mouse. If we’re a man, let’s act besogna fa attione da hommo non vilta ca. La like one, not like a coward. Now, the greatest maggiore attione che possa fa un hommo, qual’é: action a man can perform—what is it? To restrain domunare le passione soie, chinon lo sa, vincere se his passions, overcome himself—who doesn’t stisso. La passione mia mo vorria che l’accidesse a know that? Our passions, now, tell us to kill this

chisto.... No, no! guarda, mo é tiempo de man—but no, we don’t do it. This is the moment combattere, mo é tiempo de fare n’attione arroi- to win a finer battle, to perform a truly heroic cha. Mo é tiempo de fa vede a lo Monno che si action. The moment to demonstrate before all the supperiure all’autr’ hommene; scanna la passione, world our innate superiority. We strangle this vinci, vinci te stisso. ... Addenocchiate ca, e passion. We gain a victory over ourselves. —You, lecca la terra dove metto sti pide. Ogn’autro che there, kneel down and lick the ground where my

mé, tli sarriste muorto mo. feet are planted. If I were anybody else, you’d bea

dead man by now.” [ACACCIA: Puuuu. . . (fa una correggia nel mostac- IACACCIA: (Makes a farting noise with his mouth) cio)

GRATIANO: O’ ingrat, trovar un che t’ha da la GRATIANO: Why, you ungrateful wretch! A vita, e si po... poh. Brutta cosa. Sior Covel si man spares your life—and look how you thank un gran homo; sia rengrazia | ziel ch’inanz che him. Disgusting! And Messer Coviello, what a mora, m’ha fatt veder un hom chel sa vinzer le so great human being! Thank Heaven I’ve lived to

passion... gran saper, grand zert. see a man master his passions. There he stands, wisdom incarnate!

COVIELLO: No, pigli errore signo Graziano, COVIELLO: I was on the level, Messer Gratiano.

non ce artefitto ca, sO tutte naturalezze. I wasn’t playing a part—that’s my real nature.” SEPIO: Segnor Gratieno gl’huomini perdono SEPIO: Messer Gratiano, the men are wasting

tempo lasst. Volete che se cali? time up there. Can they bring it down?

GRATIANO: Sé. GRATIANO: Yes.

SEPIO: Ma... SEPIO: But, sir. . . GRATIANO: E’! sior Covel pol veder. GRATIANO: Don’t worry, Messer Coviello can watch.

SEPIO: ©’ via calate. Stete in cervello SEPIO: All right. Let it down. Keep your mind

ve... nesun parli ve. on your work! No talking!

COVIELLO: Ferma, ferma. Ferma. COVIELLO: Stop, stop, stop!

GRATIANO: Cos’el? GRATIANO: What’s the matter? SEPIO: Sé rotta qualche corda. SEPIO: Did a rope break?

COVIELLO: Che cosa, che cosa e! O’ potta de la COVIELLO: What’s this? What am I seeing! vita mia, che cosa é? Vedere venire no piezzo de Damn my eyes, what is it? A piece of paradise paradiso nterra. Che cos’é? Bene mio lassame brought down to earth! Oh my God, let me call chiamare Cinthio. Sid Cinthio, sid Cinthio corre, Cinthio. Messer Cinthio, Messer Cinthio, come

priesto, priesto mocciola abbascio. downstairs, run, fast, fast! ROSETTA: Uh, uh. Signora Angelica affaccia- ROSETTA: Oh, Oh! Lady Angelica, come to the tevi, affacciatevi che 1 celo se remena cosinto, window, hurry! The whole sky’s come down, it’s

cosinto. right here!

A COMEDY BY BERNINI IOI

CINTHIO: Che ce? CINTHIO: What’s going on? COVIELLO: Da cca ssa spata, dacca ssa spata. COVIELLO: Fetch me that sword.

CINTHIO: Ma che cos’é? CINTHIO: What on earth for?

COVIELLO: Tiempo de spata mo! Fe fermer. COVIELLO: Now I can die. Don’t let them move Bene mio viato te... uh! Che brutta cosa me it. Oh, you angel, you genius! How ugly the real pare lo Munno mo a mé! Poh! Gran cosa lo world looks to me now! Pah! What a marvelous nciegno dell Huomo. Signo Gratiano! Lassamete thing is human ingenuity! Messer Gratiano, let me

da no vaso... a mo si ca suono content. kiss you! Ah, now I can call myself a happy man! ROSETTA: Catterinella, é altra quella questa, che ROSETTA: Saints above! What a difference vedé quelle straparenze de nugole che fanno li between this and those cheap gauze clouds the Pizzicaroli, ntramezzo ai salciccioni la Quaresima. butcher hangs up to display the giant sausages at Lent!™

JIACACCIA: Quanno ve diceva io lassate fa a sto IACACCIA: I told you this master craftsman here

fusto. Non é mica la prima questa. . . tante n’ho would do the job right. It’s not the first time fatte in sta Citta. Se tratta che quanno la vedevano either—I’ve done it plenty of times, right here in veni, uno addoss’altro cascavano dal gran ride, la town. Truth is, when people first saw them, they

gente. fell all over each other, laughing so hard.” GRATIANO: E’ do. GRATIANO: You don’t say.

SEPIO: Io non dico covelle perche l’ho fatta io, SEPIO: You don’t hear me saying any old thing eccola li. Ch’occorre tanto cicalere, l’opere son just because I did it myself.” There it stands. No

quelle che parlano. need to yap about it. The work speaks for itself.

CINTHIO: Signor Gratiano. Io giubilo d’alle- CINTHIO: Messer Gratiano, I’m overjoyed. Imgrezza antivedendo il grand applauso che lei agine the applause on opening night when they havera quella sera, che si vedra si maravigliosa see this marvelous effect. cosa.

GRATIANO: Sior Zinthio: questi se chiaman GRATIANO: Those audiences we call the occhiali da prenzipi perche i vedan per I’orecchie Prince’s blinders, Messer Cinthio, because they

eh. Si se contenta de dar licenzia. watch the play with their ears.”’ Hear what I mean? And now, if you would graciously consent to take your leave. . .

CINTHIO: Si si. Andiamo; obbligatissimo CINTHIO: Yes, yes. We’re on our way. Much

sempre a Vossignoria. obliged to Your Lordship. [Exits with others]

GRATIANO: Horst, tirela sti sin’ala zirella, vedi, GRATIANO: All right now, take it up again, e poi lassela andar zu, e poi st: almanc tri volt, right up to the pulley. Easy does it. Now bring it

vedi. down, then up, three times at least.” Come on! SEPIO: E perchée SEPIO: What for? GRATIANO: Perche la merita che ghe se dia al GRATIANO: Because it takes at least three turns manc tri tratt de corda, e si farghe confeser chi el of the [inquisitorial] rope to make the offending sta | malfattor. Misier va. Le Machine non se fan parts confess. Damn you all, stage machines aren’t per fer rider, ma per fer stupir. Chi diavol voli che to make people laugh, but to make them gaze in stupisca, a veder sta faldona? Forse che non ghe wonder. Who the hell’s going to marvel at this

saran zima d’homini; sicur che rideran. contraption? You don’t have to be brilliant to see it’s only good for a laugh. IACACCIA: E’ Padron mio, non haveranno mica IACACCIA: Come on, boss. They won’t all see it

la comprendoria c’havete voi; tutti non son the way you do. Not everybody’s a Gratiano. Gratiani.

GRATIANO: La mazor part. GRATIANO: Most of them will.

102 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

SEPIO: Maa! Me fete cadere i braccia ta me; SEPIO: You take the wind right out of me. You havete pur sentito quel ch’han ditto coloro! heard the man say, “I’ve already done onc here in Un’altra giusto come questa ne feci nsta Citta; non town, just like this.” I can tell you, at the end, so io ala fé ala fé che fece stupir tutti. Ma lassemo everyone was amazed. All right, Iet’s quit natterander ste ciaccolete. Diceteme un po’ ta mé. Come ing. Tell me straight out, how do you want it

dieceve la fareste voi? done?

GRATIANO: faria che l’imitasse ’] naturel. GRATIANO: I want it to appear completely natural.”

SEPIO: Com é sto naturel. SEPIO: How do you mean, natural? GRATIANO: OI naturel non me fara veder una GRATIANO: By natural, I don’t mean a cloud nuvola appiccada lassi a mi. La vedrd bella stuck in place up there. I want my cloud standing spiccada per tutt i versi, e cosi l’apparira una out, detached against the blue, and visible in all its

nuvola per aria. dimensions like a real cloud up in the air.

SEPIO: Per aria ne. Oh. Oh...6 ccinesa SEPIO: Up-in the air, eh? That’s nothing but mhavete chiarito a mé. Sé se spicca lasst, io credo doubletalk.”* Detach it from up there, you’ll more

che vederete una nugola per terra, e non per aria, likely see a cloud on the floor than in the air—

se non ce la fete ster per Arte Megica. unless you suspend it by magic. GRATIANO: L’inzegn, el desegn é l’Arte Mezica GRATIANO: Ingenuity and design constitute the per mezz de 1 quali s’arriva 4 ingannar la vista in Magic Art by whose means you deceive the eye modo da fere stupir, e di fere spiccar una nuvola and make your audience gaze in wonder, make a dal’orizzonte e venir inanz sempre spiccada con un cloud stand out against the horizon, then float moto naturel, e a man, a man che la s’avvizina alla downstage, still free, with a natural motion. vista dilatandose apparir piu grand. Mostrer che ’] Gradually approaching the viewer, it will seem to vento l’aziti, e la trasporti via in za, e in 1a e poise dilate, to grow larger and larger. The wind will ne vada in su, e non calarla za comuod fan i seem to waft it, waveringly, here and there, then

contrapis. up, higher and higher—not just haul it in place, bang, with a counterweight. SEPIO: E’ signor Gratieno; con la lengua se san SEPIO: Well, Messer Gratiano, you can do these

fare ste cose, ma non con le mene. things with words but not with hands.

GRATIANO: Horst inanz che partim de qua, a GRATIANO: Now look here. Before we’re ve voi far veder sé se possa far anc con le man— through, I’d like you to see what the hand can vegni con mi, che v’ordinaro quel che s’ha da fer. accomplish. Follow me, I'll explain how to go about it.

ATTO TERZO AcT I

Cochetto Cochetto.

[Scena Prima]: Coviello, e Cinthio Alidoro Zanni Scene 1: Coviello and Cinthio, Alidoro, Zanni,

COVIELLO: Dice che la Legge ha penzato a COVIELLO: They say that the Law provides for ongnencosa perche sia fatta la iustizia a tutte, e justice to all and injustice to none. Well, may the tuorto a nesciuno, ha pensato; lo malanno che la Law rot and be damned. I can’t accept that one piglic—Che uno haggia d’havé tanto, é |’autro person can have so much and another so little. I niente no me po entra n chioccha. Non saccio haven’t a julius to my name—look! dove me trova no giulio, veda, Vossignoria.

CINTHIO: Bisogna farsi soldato per forza. CINTHIO: Join up as a soldier, that’s the best way out.

COVIELLO: A ddire ca n’hommo pe potere COVIELLO: And getting killed’s the best way to campare besogna che se vada a fa accidere, non é survive? Not my idea of a good time. bella cosa chesta?

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 103

CINTHIO: M’havevano detto CINTHIO: I’ve heard. . . COVIELLO: No Notaro me voleva da diece COVIELLO: A notary once offered me ten

for that.

testune perche facesse la sicurta a uno, che voleva bolognese’ to testify for a fellow who was trying leva la Dote de la Moglie: n6 m’hanno voluto. to steal his wife’s dowry. They rejected me even

CINTHIO: Il signor Alidoro dice che pagaria CINTHIO: Messer Alidoro says he'll pay any qualsivoglia cosa per vedere il modo che tiene il amount to see how Gratiano’s machines are built. signor [Gratiano] a far queste sue Machine.

COVIELLO: Si segnore. Ma besogna trovare COVIELLO: Right. But we need a stratagem quacche marcanciegna pe fare che li quatrini che whereby the money he’s offering to old Weasel vO dare a Traffichino passassero primma per crosses my palm first. That is, if I want to pluck mano mia, se voglio abuscar quaccosa: arrassate, out something for myself. Pluck, pluck! [Exit

arrassate. Cinthio]

ALIDORO: Servitor signor Coviello. Mi par di ALIDORO: Your servant, Messer Coviello. veder che lei stia molto astratto. Che ci é; che ci €? You’re looking rather distraught. Is anything wrong?

COVIELLO: Io non sé chit Coviello. Cuorpo COVIELLO: I’m no longer Coviello. ’m a body senz arma; io sO fora de mé. Non mene curo chit without a soul, I’m completely beside myself. Ino tanto de sto Munno. Non te ne venga voglia de longer care for this world. You too, beware: don’t

vede le cose de lo Signd Gratiano. start longing to see Messer Gratiano’s things.

CINTHIO: E perché? [ALIDORO:]” And why?

COVIELLO: Perche, perche restarai senz’arma, COVIELLO: Why? Because they will strip you of ncantato, storduto. Paradisi per Aria, cose da fa your soul, enchant you, turn you to stone. Visions strasecoleiare. . . Per vederle mettaria conto pa- of paradise, things to take your breath away. It

gare no dito de la mano. would be worth the fingers on one hand to see them.

ALIDORO: O” pensate, chi potesse vedere, e ALIDORO: Ah, if only I could! Just think, if I

emparare il modo come son fatte. . . Signor could learn how they’re done... Dear, dear Coviello mio caro, se per* mezzo dei danari Messer Coviello, if money could buy such a

regalo. .

potessi haver questa comodita, dard qualsivoglia privilege, ['d give anything. COVIELLO: Cinthio nce ha rovinato. In materia COVIELLO: Cinthio has ruined our chances—he

de negotiare non sa tanto vi. Va a parlare a doesn’t know the first thing about negotiating. He Traffichino, chillo, che puorta Gratiano per lo goes and speaks to old Weasel, the servant who naso, conoscendo dice non havere merito nessuno leads Gratiano around by the nose though he presso di lei, non ardisco supplicarla (naso a pretends he’s got no influence and doesn’t dare ask pozzuolo). Chille le dice de no (traitore cane). a favor—the snot. So he tells Cinthio “no”—the Quanno se vO quaccosa da persona de bassa dirty dog. If you want something from scum like condizzione, no servitore, la primma parola to- that, your very first word must be. . . golden. To scana che le dici ficcale n mano no punio de get his money he must not do this [fico] but this cenfrusie. Chillo per vedere la moneta non fa [cupped hand].”’ That way they always say “yes.” accossi, ma fa accusi, e dice de si.

ALIDORO: Mi maraviglio che il signor Cinthio ALIDORO: [Im amazed that Messer Cuinthio

faccia st’errori. Veda, veda un po’ lei. should make such a blunder. May I prevail upon you to take over?

COVIELLO: Non saccio; vederaggio 10. COVIELLO: Oh, I don’t know. I might try. *Overwritten: col.

104 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA ALIDORO: Per questa prima volta; veda veda un ALIDORO: Please, please—this one time. po’ lei!

COVIELLO: Signore si vederaggio. A’, a ca no COVIELLO: All right, Pll try. But why do you me le v6 dare nmano a mé. Pare a Vossignoria che want me to deal with it? And should my first la prima parola chen cie dico le ficco ste quadrini word to him be a handful of money? nmano?

ALIDORO: Signor si. ALIDORO: Exactly. COVIELLO: Non haggio tanti quattrini addosso. COVIELLO: I haven’t got that much on me. ALIDORO: To Vhuomo sta tanto fisso con il ALIDORO: Of course! I was so caught up with pensiero di vedere qualche cosa che. . . tenga. the prospect of seeing those . . . Here, take this. COVIELLO: Scanzase Vossignoria (se li mette in COVIELLO: Step aside, your Lordship. (Pocket-

saccoccia) O.0. . . tic toc. ing money) Uh oh, clink, clink!

ZANNI: O’7, servidor: che me comanda al sior ZANNI: I'm at your service. What is Messer

Covell? Coviello’s command? COVIELLO: Haie da sapere che io haggio na COVIELLO: You must realize that for me life

Natura, che non pozzo vivere vi, me sento morire means rendering service to others. It’s my nature; se non faccio servizzio a quaccheduno. Pe vita to go against it would kill me. Look at me now—

toia, non me vide tutto pronto, tutto. . . Perche, bursting with delight. And why? Because I’ve

perche—t’aggio fatto no servizzio. Encé no done you a favor. There’s an extremely rich Cavalliero ricco nfunno che se deletta de ste gentleman who’s fascinated by Messer Gratiano’s nciegni che fa lo signor Gratiano. Io po de chit gadgets. And when I told him I’d seen things that nce haggio detto ch’haggio viste cose de spanto. would make a person gasp in amazement, he got Tanto chit lé venuto golio, e sé lassato ntennere even more eager, and let it be known that he’d ca regalara centenara de scude a chi le fara vedere give hundreds of gold scudi to whoever showed

lo muodo. him their workings. ZANNI: Mi stimo piti servire ol sior Covell che ZANNI: It’s a greater pleasure, Messer Coviello, qualsivoglia interess. Dov’el sto Cavaliere? to serve you than to consider my own interests. Where is this gentleman?

COVIELLO: E cca. Siente, me voleva dar cierte COVIELLO: He’s right here. Listen, he wanted quadrini che te li dasse. Io no, dico chisto non é to give me a sum of money to pass on to you. Oh

ommo da trattarelo accossi. Al urtemo. No no, I said, he’s not a man you treat that way. One

centenaro, o dui de scute. hundred scudi—two hundred—a sum like that would insult him.

ZANNI: Havi da saper che mi quand posso far ZANNI: Believe me, it’s my nature, too: when | servizio all’Amico alhora godo. Fé vegnir sto can be of service to a friend, I rejoice. Call the

Caivaler. gentleman.

COVIELLO: Ades, so qua: mo te lo preso. COVIELLO: Right away. I'll introduce you.

ALIDORO: Buona nuova. ALIDORO: Good news?

COVIELLO: Quanno ve dico 10 che non ce vo COVIELLO: Just as I said. Money always docs autro subbito dico chiste te le do io, sto signore po the trick. I told him: “This is from me. Later on

farra autro tanto; (chufeo) che se lé creduto. Hora the gentleman will match it.” And the fool Messer Traffichino chisto é chillo Cavaliere. believed me. —Here, Messer Weasel, here’s the very gentleman.

ZANNI: Andé a far ol fatt vostr, e lasse far a mi. ZANNI: Go about your business and leave the

La sioria vostra se deletta de Comedie. rest to me. —I understand your Lordship enjoys the theater.

ALIDORO: Grandemente, massime quando v1 ALIDORO: Indeed I do, especially when mulentrano mutationi, o Machine le quali intendo che tiple settings and elaborate machines are in-

il signor Gratiano le fa per ecellenza. volved, the kind I’ve heard Messer Gratiano creates so skillfully.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 105 ZANNI: Quest’Anno cred che se vedra qualcosa ZANNI: This year I think we’ll be seeing somede bell. L’ha in pensier de far zerte prospettive thing really beautiful. He has wild and wondrous curios. Son cos che la Sioria Vostra me credera, effects in mind. Believe me, your Lordship, these ghe zent che pagarian mille scud vedi a poterle are things people would pay a thousand gold scudi

veder. to see. )

ALIDORO: Vi credo perche so quel... basta ALIDORO: No doubt, in fact that’s precisely non posso dire ogni cosa. Io né ho fatte de le what... but enough. I shouldn’t tell all! I myself

me. painting as well.

Comedie qualcheduna, e l'ho anche dipinte da per have written a few plays, and done some scene-

ZANNI: Dipinze lei? ZANNI: You can paint? ALIDORO: Un poco. Ho anche recitato pit volte ALIDORO: A trifle. Oh, and I’ve acted, too. I’ve da Donna, et ultimamente da innamorato: non feci played the leading lady several times, and recently male. Quando per mezzo vostro potessi intro- I played the lover. I wasn’t bad either. But if you durmi a veder qualchecosa io non solamente ve ne could slip me in to look around, not only would J

restare1 obbligato, ma vi farei tal regalo. be grateful, but you would get a very handsome present.

ZANNI: fermeve. La dipinz un po’ never? ZANNI: Hold on. You’ve done a bit of painting, eh?

ALIDORO: Signor si. Non guardate che io stia in ALIDORO: Indeed I have, sir. Don’t judge me by quest habito; io ho tanta gran volonta d’imparare these clothes. I didn’t want Messer Gratiano to qualche cosa in questo genere, che per non dar become the least bit suspicious. Yet I so ardently gelosia al signor Gratiano, se bisognasse, volontie- long to learn something of his art that if necessary ri sotto altro habito mi metterei a fare la colla, a I'd don a smock, I’d mix glue, I'd spread plaster,

dare di gesso, che s6 io. anything whatever!

ZANNI: (pensa). . . Aspetté un po’ qua... Sior ZANNI: (Thinks) Wait here a moment. —Messer Cochett. Vosignorie mi scuse, che mi non sapevo Cochetto! Your Lordship must forgive me, | chel fusse une virtuose cosi grande, ne chel sior hadn’t known you were such a great artist, or that

Gratian l’havess manda a chiamar. Messer Gratiano had sent for you.

COCHETTO: Sgia, sgia. Son servitore. COCHETTO: Oui, oui, your servant.

ZANNI: Me faria un favor grand. ZANNI: Would you do me a big favor?

COCHETTO: Uhi, volentiere. COCHETTO: Oui, wiz plaisir. ZANNI: Vedi quel bel ziovenott. ZANNI: See that pretty fellow over there?

COCHETTO: 81. COCHETTO: Oh, oui.

ZANNI: Vorria ch el stass un pog sotto de vu, ese ZANNI: Pd like him to be under you, and if

cosa sua. of your cohorts.

il sior Gratian domandas chi lé lei respondes che lé Messer Gratiano asks who he is, you say he’s one

COCHETTO: Sciose mie. Mi mareviglie bene de COCHETTO: “Under” me? My “co-hore’? le fatte tue; Non sci praticar pi con mé ve non Care you take of your own co-hores! I want

hasge queste vitie per gratie del scelo. notting more to do wiz you, you comprend?: Grace au ciel, I have no such vices.”

ZANNI: Me Vimazinava mi. Ovia via. ZANNI: Just as I thought. —Come on, let’s go.

ALIDORO: Che cosa é? ALIDORO: What’s happening? ZANNI: Nient. le matt. Fe una cosa za ch’havi ZANNI: Nothing. He’s a nut. Here’s what you tant gran desiderio de veder, e d’imparar; mettin do. You want to look around and learn? Go un Habito un po’ pit semplize, e vegni qua. change into some work clothes and come back here.

106 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA

[Sepio] [Sepio]

Scena Seconda: Angelica, e Zanni Rosetta Iacaccia Scene 2: Angelica and Zanni. Rosetta, Iacaccia.

ANGELICA: Traffichino, traffichino. ANGELICA: Messer Weasel, Messer Weasel! ZANNI: Na gran fretta. Che me comanda? - ZANNI: What’s the hurry? What do you want? ANGELICA: Ohime, ohime, ohime. Io non son ANGELICA: Ah me, ah me! Will death not take

morta, perchee mee Why?

ZANNI: Perchee ZANNI: Why? ANGELICA: Non lo so. Traffichino eh? E’ fai ANGELICA: You don’t know, Messer Weasel?

tanto l’accorto eh? E poi in cose che tanto You who pretend to be so well informed, hah!

importano come ti perdi? When a serious matter’s at stake, you’re completely at sea!

ZANNI: Cos ho fatt? ZANNI: Now what have I done? ANGELICA: Tw sai pur che Cinthio é innamo- ANGELICA: You know that Cinthio is madly in

rato morto di me. Per conseguenza bisogna love with me. It follows that he’s wildly jealous. imaginarsi che habbia una gelosia grandissima—se Now suppose he had seen from the window such per mia mala sorte si fosse affacciato alla finestra e a gentleman as that one in intimate talk with you havesse veduto un Cavaliero di quella sorte parlar gazing up at my windows and you gesturing ina

cosi alle strette con té, guardare alle finestre, e way that made me the obvious subject of your gesticolare in modo, che pareva appunto che tu gli conversation, what would my poor sweetheart parlassi di mé—che haverebbe fatto il poverino? have thought? A knife would have pierced his Che coltello gli haverebbe passato il core? Il heart, the blood would have frozen in his veins, sangue non se gli sarebbe ghiacciato nelle vene? II grief and passion would have stolen his life away!

dolore, e la passione non Vhaverebbe levato di And how would Angelica have proven her innovita? E che haverebbe fatto Angelica allhora per cence? By dying with him, dying with him. giustificare la sua innocenza? Morir con lui, morir con lui.

ZANNI: Verament lé sta na gran trascurazzine— ZANNI: Well, that was downright careless of me. sigur che l’harebb fatt qualche pazzia. Fors che no Of course he’d go do something crazy. But maybe

anc. he hasn’t gotten round to it yet.

ANGELICA: Che no! che nd. Uno che ama, uno ANGELICA: You think not? A man in love, a

che arde oho... . se tal cosa non gli havesse dato man on fire.... Oh, if such a thing had not fastidio vorrei ben dire che fosse un finto, un vexed him I’d take him for a fraud, a liar, bugiardo, et un’indegno d’esser’amato. unworthy of my love! ZANNI: Cinthio ti senti quel che dis la siora ZANNI: Cinthio, you hear Miss Angelica? It’s all Anzelica, e dise ol ver. Tt sei un fint, un buzard, true: you’re a fraud, a liar, a courtier whose un cortizzan, é ’1 tuo Amor lé un’Amor cortizzia- courtship reeks of the court! You’re in love for nesco, che tanto t’ama quant ha bisogn de ti: pero what you can get out of it. You don’t deserve her non meriti d’esser amato. Sior’ Angelica... Mi favors! —Now, Miss Angelica, I didn’t want to

non ghel voleva dir... ol sior Zinthio m’ha tell you, but... Messer Cinthio asked me as a pregat che mi ghe faccia quest servizii de far che favor to bring this gentleman into closer contact quest Cavalier pii stretta amicitia col sior Gratian, with Messer Gratiano, to be his friend, to have accid el possa pratigar liberamente per casa—é fors free run of the house. And in fact this young man

che non le piu ricc’ pit bell’e virtuoso de lu? is richer, better looking, and more talented than Cinthio himself.

ANGELICA: E’ Cinthio t’ha pregato di questo. ANGELICA: Cinthio asked this favor of you?

ZANNI: Signora si—Zinthio m’ha pregat. ZANNI: Yes, Miss. Cinthio asked me.

ANGELICA: Non puol essere. ANGELICA: It can’t be.

ZANNI: Puol esser. ZANNI: It can be.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 107 ANGELICA: Piano. Si... Sicur Phavera fatto ANGELICA: Wait a moment. Yes. . . of course!

per far prova di mé. He’s doing it to test me. ZANNI: Si si si. . . Sigur Phavera fatt per quest. ZANNI: Yes, yes—of course that’s it.” ANGELICA: Che no? ANGELICA: You think so?

ZANNI: Dig de si mi. Mi son qua per servirla, ZANNI: Yes, I do. My job’s to serve you, veda; lei dis che se Zinthio havess vist, e non gh remember? You say that if Cinthio weren’t jealous haves da fastidio ol sareb un finto et indegn d’esser he’d be a fraud, unworthy of your favors. I amat. Mi dic che lei dis ol ver. Quando Vosignorie thoroughly agree. Next Your Ladyship sees the ved che la verita lé scoperta, lei revolta, e dis che unvarnished truth, and look! your views change, Phavera fatt per provar; e mi quand ved che la you decide it’s a test of your love. And I, when I verita non ha loc, revolta, e digh de si mi—si son see how the truth changes, I change too. Yes, yes,

qua per servirla che occor. I say. For I’m here to say yes to you. That’s my job.

ANGELICA: Non c’ingannamo. Cinthio desi- ANGELICA: Let’s not fool ourselves. Cinthio

vero? is that true? ZANNI: Siora si. ZANNI: Yes, Miss.

dera, che tu facci praticare costui per Casa mia ne wants you to give this man free run of our house,

ANGELICA: Che altro fine puol’haver che di far ANGELICA: What other motive could he have prova di mé? except to test me?

ZANNI: Dig de si mi: Perche quand lo facess per ZANNI: Quite right. If he had some other qualch’altro interesse, ol saria contrasegn certissim motive, he wouldn’t be acting out of either love or

che non ghe foss ne Amor, ne zelosia. jealousy.

ANGELICA: E’ perd € impossibile che possa ANGELICA: But that’s perfectly impossible. essere.

ZANNI: Siorsi... Chi Ama teme—non son ZANNI: Right again. Well, a lover lives with

prove da far queste. fear, but no one should put his lady to such tests. ANGELICA: . . . Costui che é un gran tristo, m1 ANGELICA: What a wicked man he is to wound

tocca un gran tasto. me so deeply.

ROSETTA: Eh, Iacaccia? Dov é quell’alt homo. ROSETTA: Hey, Iacaccia, where’s that other man?

IACACCIA: Chie [ROSETTA:] Quello...o0 IACACCIA: Who? Dio come se ciama, che parla cosi gustoso [ROSETTA:]*” You know the one—oh, Lord, quanno dice il signor Gratieno costoro non fanno what’s his name—the one who speaks so nicely?

altro che cicalere; a mé me ciama la mia “Messer Gratiano,” he says, “these men do Citta... pe sentillo ce staria senza magna, ¢ nothing but chatter.” The one who calls me “my senza beve . . . quanto mai € gustoso. little spinster.” Pd go without food and drink just to listen to him—such a nice dainty little man.

IACACCIA: A’ si si Mastro Sepio. E lassu a IACACCIA: Oh yes, Messer Sepio. He’s up

ccomoda l’antimonio. there, preparing the antimony.”

ROSETTA: 6 bé! Dice cosinto il signor Gratiano ROSETTA: Oh, good! Messer Gratiano says to che amannite quel celo scuro, scuro, e li lampi, eh lower the dark sky, and get the thunder and troni, che lui adesso, adesso verra git a vedelli lightning ready. He’s coming down in a minute to

provane. see how they work. IACACCIA: Havete inteso voi lassu? IACACCIA: Hey, did you hear that up there?

SEPIO: Io ho inteso io, e hd bello che amanito. SEPIO: I heard you. We're all set to go. ROSETTA: Diceteme un poco a mene. Come li ROSETTA: Listen, tell me, how do you do the

facete li troni; li lampi li s6 fane 10 sa! thunder? I know how the lightning’s done already.

108 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA LACACCIA: Gia, gia so che el ciospo va al morto, IACACCIA: I thought so. Like lovers drawn to e tutti 1 segreti li dice a Rosetta; sei patrona tu. their ladies, the boss tells Rosetta all his secrets. You’re the real boss here.

ROSETTA: Non é€ mica vero, ve, me li- so ROSETTA: That’s not true! I worked it out in my

recacciati 10 dalla mia testa. head all by myself.

IACACCIA: Gia gia; e’ Rosetta, te vo1 guadagna IACACCIA: Oh, sure you did! Hey, Rosetta, uno pai de Pianelle, e dimme un po’ come fai, a fa how about a pair of pretty new slippers? Tell me

| lampo. how the lightning’s done.

ROSETTA: Sij bono. Monta quasst; se te lo ROSETTA: Behave yourself and climb up here. If

dicessi lo sapressi fane ancora tu. I told you how, then you'd be able to do it too. IACACCIA: Senti: intogni modo s’ha da sapé, IACACCIA: Listen, we’ve got to know sooner or vé, se sha da fa sta prova, ¢ pur meglio busca una later: a rehearsal’s coming up. So you might as

piastra; una piastra te do giuramacone. well earn yourself a piastra. Pll give you a piastra, I swear to Mohammed.

ROSETTA: Niente. ROSETTA: Nothing doing! COCHETTO: Se le signore Rosette le discie a me COCHETTO: If Mademoiselle Rosetta vill tell Je ci volie far une Retrattine piscinine, piscinine da me, for her I do a tiny petite portrait, enough tiny

tenere in une piccole Anelle. to keep in a little ring.

IACACCIA: Caattera: un Retratto de mano del IACACCIA: How about that! A portrait hand-

signor Cochetto. painted by Messer Cochetto. ,

ROSETTA: Ve sete accordati pe cacciammelo de ROSETTA: You've joined forces to loosen my

bocca ne; non é mica vero ve. tongue, eh? Well, I have no secrets.

COCHETTO: Pazienzie Ie ancore sasce de le COCHETTO: Never mind. I still have some

segrete bellissime. secrets magnifique.

ROSETTA: Uh, uh. Adesso che stamo su li lampi ROSETTA: Ah! Now that we’re up here for the me se ricorda. Me saperessivo dine (l’ho diman- lightning, it makes me think. Can you tell me— nato a tanti) l’ho dimannato. Le saette che cascano I’ve asked so many people—the real bolts, the nte le Torre, e nte le Case, che fanno tanto el gran ones that fall on towers and roof-tops and do so

male, come so fatte? much damage—how are the real bolts made?

COCHETTO: Le saette? COCHETTO: De bolts? ROSETTA: Signorsine. ROSETTA: Of lightning, yes.

COCHETTO: O’ son le pazze bestie, traditore COCHETTO: Oh, dese are a wild beast let loose, traditore, quasi sempre cercano di acchiaparte treacherous, deceitful! Always she try to catch you all’improvise. Veda Vosignorie sono le piu belle off guard. Voila, Your Ladyship, she is de most

humore d’Italie: porteranno vie le spade, e non crafty of spirits, so quick she take away your

toccaranne le fodore, bellissime umor. sword wiz never touching of de scabbard. De most ravissante of all de ladies of Italie.”

IACACCIA: Quanno se vede certi maltempi che s IACACCIA: When the thunder starts rumbling, encomincia a senti borbotta, non cié 1 meglio che there’s nothing better than crawling into some

nbucasse n carche Cantina. cellar.

ZANNI: Rosetta. Se tu stai trop qua costor ZANNI: Rosetta, you stay around, and these men

lavoraran. .. Va a chiama Alidoro. will never get to work. Go call Alidoro.

IACACCIA: Dio sereno non glie l’havemo potuto IACACCIA: God in heaven, we didn’t get it out

cava de bocca; ce bisognera carche invenzione del of her, did we? That’d take one of Messer

signor Gratiano. Gratiano’s machines.

ZANNI: Signor Cochetto? ZANNI: Messer Cochetto!

COCHETTO: Signore. COCHETTO: Sir.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 109 ZANNI: Metti un po’ questo giovane a far ZANNI: Give this fellow some painting to do. qualcosa de Pittura.

po’ qua. backdrop.

COCHETTO: Molte volontiere. Campesgiate un COCHETTO: Wiz plaisir. Go work on diz

bestie. cheap riff-raff... ®

ZANNI: Bisogna saper trovar la maniera co ste ZANNI: You’ve got to know how to handle this

Notes to Play In the transcription of the Italian text of this play we miche degli Ebrei a Roma durante la chiusura nel have followed the manuscript faithfully, with three Ghetto,” Pt. m1, in La rassegna mensile di Israel, v, Rome, exceptions: 1) the normalization of u to u and v; 2) the 1931, s6off.; for contemporary references to the Roman insertion of character names (in brackets) when these Carnival and to the gi#diata, see G. Gigli, Diario romano have been left out by what is clearly scribal error; (1608-1670), ed. R. Ricciotti, Rome, 1958, 266 (Carni3) minimal modernization of the punctuation essential val of 1645), 274 (Carnival of 1646), etc.

for clarification of the text. 5. Goldmine: in the original text “peru.” From the 1. The Jews had been the object of ridicule in time the brothers Pizarro conquered Peru in search of

novellas and comedies since the Middle Ages: see, for the wealth of the Incas, the name became synonymous

example, the seventy-third tale of the 13th-century with unlimited riches. Italian collection of tales known as II novellino; Boccac- 6. Julius: the Papal coin minted under Pope Julius II cio’s Decameron, 1, ui; Aretino’s La cortegiana and II as an improved and more valuable version of the Papal marescalco, etc. For the character of the Jew in Italian carlin. The name giulio was kept until the Pontificate of theater, see A. G. Bragaglia, Storia del teatro popolare Pope Paul III, when the coin took the name paolo.

romano, Rome, 1958, 247-65. 7. Talented foreign gentleman: the Cavaliere Alidoro,

2. Tornese: a coin of low denomination minted at who will appear later in the play. His attempt to steal Tours, the Italian name reflecting its place of origin. Gratiano’s stage secrets constitutes one of the main 3. Scudi: a name still used for large silver coins. The themes of the play. G. B. Passeri, in his Vita di Salvator name comes from the fact that when first introduced, Rosa (ed. J. Hess, Die Ktinstlerbiographien von Giovanni the coins showed the escutcheon of the -prince of the Battista Passeri, Leipzig and Vienna, 1934, 388-90),

issuing nation on one of its faces. The coin was relates an incident in which Salvator Rosa, in one of his imported to Italy from France in the 16th century and plays, attacks Bernini, who was then present in the was at first made of gold. When an equivalent silver audience. The incident occurred in 1639. D’Onofrio, coin was minted, it replaced the gold one, and soon basing himself on the Vita, suggests that the Alidoro of scudo became the denomination of all other silver coins. Bernini’s play stands for Rosa, viewed as one attempt-

4. Contemporary fashion required men to wear ing to infiltrate Gratiano’s workshop in order to steal black hats. However, following the promulgation of professional secrets. The characterization of him is Pope Paul IV’s Bull, Cum Nimis Absurdum (July, 1555), presumably Bernini’s way of seeking revenge on a rival. Jews were compelled to wear yellow caps at all times. There are problems with this hypothesis: The play has The same Bull confined Jews within the walls of a been dated 1644, which means there would have been a ghetto (at the time called vicus or serraglio) situated in five-year delay between the alleged attack and the one of Rome’s worst quarters along the Tiber, and retaliation; Alidoro is not identified as a rival, nor is he limited their means of livelihood to that of rag merchant presented as knave or rascal in the play; indeed, as the ms (art. 6: “and in addition the aforementioned Jews are breaks off, Alidoro appears to have gained his ends only allowed to practice the trade of rag merchant”). without suffering reprisal. Moreover, M. MontecucThe mention of the horse carriage that the Jews would coli, in a letter to the Duke of Modena, February 13, like to use outside of the serraglio (and for which, 1638, summarizes the plot of a play by Bernini in which obviously, a special dispensation was needed) is also several of the characters of the play of 1644 also figure, perhaps a sarcastic reference to the giudiata, a satire including a Count Alidoro. Montecuccoli suggests that against the Jews performed on horse-drawn carriages the name refers to a prominent member of the court. during the Roman Carnival. See Bragaglia (as in n. 1), Bernini could well have harked back to that play for the 247ff.; A. Milano, “Ricerche sulle condizioni econo- name and may also have intended further allusions to

110 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA the same person. The connection between Rosa and 17. Domenico Bernini, the son of Gianlorenzo, in his Alidoro is tenuous at best; furthermore, the practice of Vita del Cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernini, Rome, 1713, 73f., stealing theatrical ideas from the best playwrights and writes of Cardinal Antonio Barberini’s insistence that scenographers of the time was widespread, and Ber- Bernini agree to write and stage a comedy, and remarks nini’s allusion to it need not implicate Rosa specifically. that “therefore the Cavaliere [Gianlorenzo Bernini], 8. The original Italian word, mozzarecchiarie, refers either persuaded or compelled, agreed to do it.”

to the punishment of chopping off (mozzare) the ears 18. Feigned madness was a common device in

(orecchi) of petty crooks. contemporary comedies: see, for example, Lione

9. A reference to people obviously well known in Alacci’s list of plays printed in the 16th and 17th

court. According to contemporary accounts, Bernini centuries, Drammaturgia, repr. Bottega d’Erasmo, Tuenjoyed attacking important persons in his comedies. rin, 1966, 611-15. What follows is also an ironic See, for example, the account sent to the Duke of allusion to contemporary fashion (dying one’s beard Modena, February 25, 1634: “Most Serene Prince. The black to appear younger), and to traditional and Cavaliere Bernini, just as in previous years, has staged a overused literary conventions (anorexia owing to excesmost beautiful comedy. And just like those of old, this sive love), which are here slanted by the reference to one also stings, taxes present vices, and spreads even venereal disease. more ridicule since the persons represented, though not 19. Thing: Rosetta uses the demonstrative pronoun

named specifically, were well known to most of the quella (“that,” in the feminine gender) instead of

people present.” The same letter also relates that Bernini particular nouns, thus creating a long series of double

made fun of the Pope himself. For the full text, see entendres.

Fraschetti (as in Introduction n. 4), 261. 20. Madhouse: in the original, the pazzerelli, i.e., the

10. Throughout the comedy, the noun cortigiano hospital of Sta. Maria della Pieta dei Pazzarelli, founded (courtier) and the verb corteggiare (cortezzar, to be a in 161 in Palazzo Jacovazzi near Piazza Colonna, where courtier, but also to court), are used in a derogatory the insane were kept. Until 1635, the confraternity used sense. For similar literary uses, see Boccaccio, Decam- humane methods, unusual in those times, in caring for eron, ed. V. Branca, Florence, 1976, 144; Villani, the patients, but from 1635 new regulations (later called Cronica, ed. F. Gherardi Dragomanni, Florence, 1946, “barberini regulations” because they were promoted by I, 2; Aretino’s La cortigiana; Michelangelo Buonarroti Cardinal Francesco Barberini) imposed force and terror the Younger, La fiera, in Opere, ed. P. Fanfani, 1, to constrain them. See La caritd cristiana a Roma, ed. V. Florence, 1860, 278; G. B. Marino, Epistolario, ed. A. Monachino, Bologna, 1968, 196ff. Borzelli and F. Niccolini, 1, Bari, 1911, 96; T. Boccalini, 21. People called your last play too gross: for the Ragguagli del Parnaso e scritti minori, ed. L. Firpo, Bari, licentiousness of Bernini’s plays, see F. Matovani’s letter

1948, I, 10. to the Duke of Mantua of February 3, 1646: “Most

11. The original text gives only the indication Serene Prince: the comedy of Cavaliere Bernini has been Coviello, without words, probably to indicate silence on staged twice in the residence of Lady Olympia. If one

Coviello’s part. were to itemize the equivocations it is full of, it would

12. Riff-raff: Zanni (and then Angelica) uses the term appear too free and scandalous”; in S. Fraschetti (as in

previously employed, mozziorecchi (see above n. 8). Introduction n. 4), Mulan, 1900, 269, repeated by 13. The original Italian epithet zazzera indicated D’Onofrio (as in Introduction n. 2), rooff. derogatorily those men who grew shoulder-length hair 22. D’Onofrio, 49, n. 17, suggests a possible referor gave too much attention to their hair: see, for example, ence to the Barberini production of Sant’Alessio of 1634. Castiglione’s II cortegiano, ed. E. Bonora, Milan, 1972, 1, Lavin (as in Introduction n. 1), 1980, 147, n. 7, reviews xXXvil, 63; A. Caro’s description of the brothers Giovanni the evidence, however, and confirms that Bernini had and Battista in the prologue of his comedy Gli straccioni no share in the production. (The Scruffy Scoundrels, Waterloo, 1981); G. Gigli’s 23. Bernini was renowned for his stage effects and set Diario, 293 (an entry for 1646 concerning contemporary changes: see, for example, F. Baldinucci’s description of fashions), where Gigli explains: “In these times men let some of the most notable effects, in his Vita del Cav. their hair grow, and keep it shoulder-length [lit. keep the Bernini, ed. S. Ludovici, Milan, 1948, 149-51, and

zazzera| just like the women.” Domenico Bernini, 53-56 (as in n. 17), but cf. Lavin’s

14. The name of Rosetta is not included in the list of warning against placing too much emphasis on the

the characters who will appear in this scene, an obvious purely spectacular aspect of Bernini’s staging, 148ff.

scribal error. 24. Gratiano’s close guarding of his stage secrets 15. In the original ms, only these stage directions constitutes one of the main motifs in the comedy, but

follow Gratiano’s name in the left margin. here not because he wishes to hide professional secrets

16. The difficulty of finding a subject and of writing from his rivals, but because he wants to prevent a comedy is a traditional motif: see, for example, information leaking out about the novel and surprising Giovan Maria Cecchi’s prologue to his comedy effects he is intending for the audience. L’assiuolo (The Horned Owl, trans. K. Eisenbichler, 25. In the original ms, the words “as for gossiping” Waterloo, 1981), and A. Caro’s prologue to his Gli are followed by an empty space, perhaps indicating, as straccioni (as in n. 13). For the importance of the D’Onofrio suggests (p. 51, n. 24), that Bernini intended “subject” in Baroque aesthetics, see our introduction. to add something at a later moment.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI III 26. The head steward: lit. the maestro di casa, who was 38. It takes a shrewd operator: the artist-scenographer the chief administrator in a noble household. The is called machinatore—the builder and operator of stage fashion of hiring a maestro di casa seems to go back to the machines. The word lends itself to a felicitous pun, beginning of the 17th century. Manuals were written on machinatore being also a trickster. See Zanni immedithe maestro di casa, outlining his duties and, indeed, on ately thereafter: “...there’s got to be some craft the importance of having one; see, for example, A. behind it” (al ghé machina qui sotto), and the even more Adami, II novitiato del maestro di casa, Rome, 1636, and explicit pun in act JI, scene ii, Gratiano: “It is no big also M. Petrocchi, Roma nel seicento, Bologna, 1970, 71. surprise when a Zanni becomes an operator [machina27. Bernini’s sarcasm is once again directed toward tore| in my household.” the nobility of Rome for its blind acceptance of any new 39. Clouds: Clouds and a “heavens” are the only

fashion, in this case the maestro di casa, who in stage effects mentioned in the play. They are never

contemporary chronicles and manuals was always described at length as elaborate machines, although one described as being “careful, honest, and prudent”; see of the main themes of the comedy, as noted above, is

Petrocchi. Alidoro’s attempt to steal the secrets of such stage 28. Doubloons ... Bolognese coppers: Doubloons effects. The clouds twice become the subject of double were Spanish gold coins worth two doble, minted in entendres, in act II, scenes ii and iv. In act II, scene iv, Italy during the 17th century; the bolognino (Bolognese they also provide Gratiano/Bernini with the opportucopper) was minted in Bologna under Imperial conces- nity to make a statement about the author’s aesthetic sion from 1192 to 1612 and was made of silver in theories. See also our introduction.

different sizes and weights. 40. Keep an eye on things: Iacaccia, like Gratiano, lives

29. Gratiano, to enhance the irony of his words, in constant fear that someone, a stranger, may succeed speaks aloud to himself as if lacaccia were not present. in stealing the secrets behind the special stage effects.

30. Lit.: “too tight a dress shows everything.” 41. Natural... craft: naturalezza and artifizio in the

31. Prince: in the original ms “Duke.” original. For these two most important Baroque aes-

32. At this point in the original ms, the name thetic pronouncements, see the end of act II and our “Cinthio” is repeated. introduction. 33. Prince: in the original ms “Duke.” 42. Fishing for the secrets of a man’s heart: technically 34. Weasel Zanni: Zanni’s pseudonym in the original speaking, the brain was considered the organ of

is traffichino, one who wheels and deals in a small way. memory and of thought. However, since the cavity of 35. Angelica does not appear in the scene-heading of the heart directed the flux of the blood and was also the the original Ms but must enter at some point, since receptacle of the vital spirit and of the innate heat, the

Zanni addresses her directly and she replies. heart was considered the vital center of the organism.

36. Rude gesture with fingers: known in Italy as mano Dante has spoken of “the lake of the heart” (Inferno 1, v. fica, the gesture indicates defiance and insult in many 20, but see also the Rime, cm, vv. 45—48, and the Vita nations. To the Romans, it denoted persona ignominia, nuova, U. 4), hence the metaphor concerning fishing for and among all the Latin races, it was connected with the the secrets in Cinthio’s heart with a woman as bait. fig (as a feminine sexual symbol, the fig, together with 43. To vex him: lit., “To get him sick.” However, the phallus, was carried in processions in honor of the Italian expression Bernini uses, per farlo ammalare, Bacchus). The Italian far la fica, the French faire la figue, can also imply a nervous disorder. the Spanish hacer el higo (Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part II, 44. Fifty miles: the original reads: volerv mandar a act IV, scene iii, 121, calls the gesture “the figs of [space] zinquanta mia, “send you to [space] fifty miles Spain”): all these phrases denote this particular gesture from here.” The MS shows the space at the end of the

of the thumb between the first and second fingers line. D’Onofrio (as in Introduction n. 2), 60, n. 47, (Ovid, Fasti V. 433: “Signaque dat digitis medio cum suggests that it was meant to be filled later with the

pollice junctis”). In the sense of intense contempt, it 1s name of the place, but more probably the name was left used by Dante in his Divine Comedy: Inferno xxv. v. 14; up to the actor. and by Giangiorgio Trissino (1478-1550), in his epic 45. To chat up the ladies: in the original, conversation poem L’Italia liberata dai Goti, canto xm. The gesture, con dame. Also today, in many Italian dialects, the however, can also be used as a powerful amulet against euphemism conversar, parlare is used to refer to flirtations the evil eye. For a fuller discussion, see F. T. Elworthy, and love affairs. The Evil Eye: the Origins and Practices of Superstition (1st 46. Cold sweat: according to early medicine, cold ed. 1895), London, 1970. In the text, Zanni’s gesture sweat was caused by a sudden sadness: see, for example, elicits a more complete rebuttal in Jacaccia’s answer: gid the very popular Problemata then attributed to Alexander

ho magnato io: I have already eaten. of Aphrodisia, trans. Angelo Poliziano, Amsterdam, J.

37. Machinery for the play: the engines used to change Jansonnium, 1665, No. 87, p. 214 (also in I. L. Ideler, scenes during the performance. Gratiano says he wants Physicit et Medici Graeci, 1, Berlin, 1841, pp. 28ff., 87).

to have two or three scene changes and that he wants 47. Kissing was ruled by fashion during the period them built on the premises (I. vii). For a thorough and practiced according to the customs followed in explanation of stage machinery used in the 17th century, different countries. Since the French, unlike the Italians, see Nicold Sabbatini, Practica di fabricar scene e machine ne’ did not practice social kissing, Cochetto had to be

teatrt, Ravenna, 1638. tutored by Zanni on the appropriate graces to employ

I12 DONALD BEECHER AND MASSIMO CIAVOLELLA while he was in Italy. One finds the differences cross-pullies, four persons would be required to pull at mentioned even by medical writers of the period. the same time in order to open them properly. Jacques Ferrand, for example, writing in 1607, says: “It 54. The comedy Gratiano begins to sketch for Rosetta is true indeed that in some countries, as in France, the is almost a mirror image of their present situation; use of kissing is not so frequent, as it is in Italy, Spaine, however, with the addition of characters like Pantaloon, & Englande where they have a custome, alwaies to kisse this comedy-within-the-main-comedy takes the shape of at their first salutation. But this custome is conceaved by a farce, like comedies all’improvviso or ridicolose.

Michaell Montaigne, to be somewhat injurious to 55. The Gratiano of the play-within-the-play. Ladies; in that they are hereby bound in civility to afford 56. In the original ms, the scribe attributes the their Lip to every coxcombe, that has but a Page at his following two speeches to Angelica, but obviously heels, how ill soever they like him.” Erotomania, trans. Cinthio intervenes: see also D’Onofrio, 68, n. 64.

E. Chilmead, Oxford, 1640, 50-51. 57. Vapors peculiar to women without husbands: during 48. In the original, the knock at the door is spelled the 17th century, there was a belief, reaching back to

out (tic-toc) as part of the text. antiquity, that in mature women deprived of sexual

49. D’Onofrio (pp. 28-29) bases his dating of the intercourse the uterus dried up and lost weight. This, in play on this remark against the Spaniards, pronounced turn, led to the “wandering” of the uterus (hysteria) and by a Frenchman. He states that the play must have been the rise of vapors or humors, the symptoms of which written during the reign of Pope Urban VIII (d. July included convulsions (if the uterus moved toward the 1644), who was pro-French. Although D’Onofrio’s hypochondrium), anxiety and oppression (if it attached dating is probably correct, Bernini did not spare anyone itself to the heart), etc. For a complete discussion, see I. from his sarcastic remarks: see, for example, the letter to Veith, Hysteria: The History of a Disease, London, 196s, the Duke of Modena by his Roman correspondent of 1off. and chap. vi.

February 5, 1633, partly quoted in n. 10 (full text in 58. A tongue-in-cheek allusion to the difficulties a

Fraschetti, p. 261, and D’Onofrio, p. 91), and Domen- courtier encounters in trying to please his master.

ico Bernini’s remarks on p. $3 of his Vita. 59. Zanni presumably sees Alidoro crossing the stage

50. Sets: the Italian fusto is interpreted by D’Onofrio and he follows him out. |

(p. 64, n. $4) as meaning “competent,” on the strength 60. lacaccia tells Moretto to lower the backdrop of Jacaccia’s use of the word fusto in act I, scene ii, to upon which the sky has been painted. There is some describe himself. D’Onofrio, however, does not take confusion about the kind of scenic effects in question. into account that Iacaccia is a Roman mask and uses the However, in this scene it is the sky or heavens lowered word in its common dialectal meaning, while Gratiano in the form of a scenic backdrop, but Rosetta refers to

is from Bologna, and uses the same word in its the improvements the backdrop represents over those

traditional sense of “frame” or “set.” “cheap gauze clouds the butcher hangs up to display the 51. The clouds had a system of cross-pullies that giant sausages at Lent,” and Gratiano disparages Sepio’s

could enlarge and open them, leaving a gap in the efforts with a lecture on cloud machines and how to center—hence, Gratiano’s sexual innuendo. For a make the clouds seem to float naturally instead of being contemporary discussion on how to make clouds appear dumped down by means of a counterweight. to become larger, and on the staging and painting of 61. We’re working as hard as we can, sir: a comment skies and clouds in general, see N. Sabbatini, Practica di perhaps made under his breath, or more probably fabricar scene, e machine ne’ teatri, Ravenna, 1638, 1. 1orff. addressed to Gratiano, who may have made some

(esp. 116 and 118). gesture of impatience at him.

52. On the strength of the fact that in the original ms 62. Some light over here: possibly addressed to Sepio. Gratiano’s words are at the very end of fol. 28v, and that This is a moment for an actor, demanding a variety of two folios are cut very close to the binding before fol. tones and gestures within a single speech. 29, D’Onofrio (p. 64, n. 56) concludes that certain lines 63. No such person: in the original Italian “not so

were cut out because the sexual innuendo had gone too many graziani...” followed by the first half of an far. For proof, he notes the apparent lack of connection obscene phrase (a l’anna, goto. . .). The-noun graziano between Gratiano’s words and those following by (from the name of the mask Graziano) is here used in the Rosetta. This is to be doubted, however, since the sense of buffoon, and therefore as an insult to the dialogue is coherent as it stands. On one level, Rosetta newcomers. This is a reminder of the rich and varied speaks innocently about being able to open the cloud associations attached to names of the commedia dell’arte with her own hands. Gratiano hears a double meaning players, and the traditional meanings that Bernini could when she says, “Come here all of you; I want everyone exploit at the same time in adopting such names for the to see it,” namely, a stage cloud she wants to demon- characters of his comedy. strate how to open. Her next comment indicates she 64. Piastra: generic name for the silver coin minted in must actually be holding one of the clouds. Gratiano’s Bologna during the 16th century; it was then equivalent command “hands ready” carries out the sexual over- in value to the Bolognese lire, though the piastra later tones, while reminding us at the literal level that more became the scudo and was used in Rome and Florence as than one pair of hands is required to open the cloud (see well as in Bologna.

Jacaccia’s following comment). 65. In the original, Iacaccia pronounces the first half 53. Since the clouds open through a system of of two typical obscene Roman expressions.

A COMEDY BY BERNINI 113 at

66. Throughout this performance, there is an im- 76. The original ms attributes these words to Cinplicit allusion to the tradition of the braggart soldier, thio. Only a few lines later Coviello maligns Cinthio’s . although Covicllo gives the coward’s bluff a rather abilities as a negotiator. Meanwhile, Cinthio must have

more philosophical turn than was customary. As a exited, most probably before Coviello begins his Neapolitan, he is the more easily associated with the “beside himself’ routine. If Cinthio is still there, he conventional military swaggerer—frequently a Nea- must exit rather suddenly, especially if he is the one

politan or Spaniard. For a full account of the type, see who, with the words “and why?”, plays straight man to D. C. Boughner, The Braggart in Renaissance Comedy: A Coviello. Study in Comparative Drama from Aristophanes to Shake- 77. He must not do this [fico] but this [cupped hand]: that

speare, Minneapolis, 1954. is to say, unless Zanni receives a bribe, he will turn 67. In the original, Coviello uses the expressions against them. For fico (or mano fica), see n. 36 above.

artifizio and sraturallezza: see n. 41. 78. I have no such vices: Cochetto, having a certain 68. D’Onofrio, 73, n. 76, suggests that these re- difficulty in understanding Italian, interprets Zanni’s marks are probably addressed against one of Bernini’s words as an accusation of homosexuality.

rivals, a mockery of his inferior efforts at creating 79. D’Onofrio, 84, n. 89, remarks that Zanni, being

cloud machines. a stupid servant, always ends up agreeing with Ange-

69. Iacaccia believes his backdrop is good because it lica. In fact, Zanni is a very shrewd servant who plays has previously made audiences laugh, and he equates up to his mistress intentionally, as he himself says in his

laughter with success. Gratiano, however, does not next speech: “I’m here to say yes to you. That’s my want to elicit laughter (which may be acceptable in a job.” commedia all’improvviso farce or in a ridicolosa), but, in 80. Once again, the scribe mistakenly attributes the accordance with the principles of Baroque aesthetics, entire speech to only one character, Iacaccia, whereas

wonder. obviously the following words are Rosetta’s.

70. Any old thing: the original Italian covelle has the 81. Antimony: a silvery-white metallic chemical elemeaning of “whatever you want,” from the Latin quod ment used in compounds to make pigments, among

velles. other things.

71. They watch the play with their ears: Gratiano is not 82. Once again Cochetto misunderstands Rosetta’s interested in people who go to the theater only for a words, interpreting saetta (bolt—in Italian a noun of laugh, the type of people to whom Iacaccia seems to feminine gender) to mean a shrewd, fast, demanding

cater. Sec n. 69. woman, one who can leave a man empty (also in a

72. Gratiano wants to test the machinery. Raising it sexual sense). and lowering it three times, however, brings to mind a 83. At this point, there is perhaps sufficient momencommon punishment administered to criminals, the tum in the plot to assure the audience that Alidoro will strappado, in which the victim is hoisted in the air three succeed in discovering the secrets of Gratiano’s stage times by means of a rope attached to the hands secured effects, and that Cinthio will manage to win his behind the back. Gratiano is thereby expressing his Angelica. Such hints and foreshadowing may, in fact, dissatisfaction with the machine, and by implication he be an adequate conclusion for the play, eliminating the may be suggesting that its builders deserve a like necessity for a formal dénonement, at least in this kind of

punishment. occasional comedy. One suspects, in view of Bernini’s

73. What follows is a brief statement of Gratiano/ general predilection for toying with theatrical convenBernini's aesthetic principles, for which see our intro- tions, that he may be playing with our anticipation of an

duction. ending, as well, by cutting the action at an unexpected 74. That’s nothing but doubletalk: lit.: “you have point, thus leaving the audience baffled, astonished, or

spoken to me in Chinese.” provoked to semi-philosophical reflection. 75. Bolognese: see n. 28 above.

Bernini and the “Fiera di Farfa”

Frederick Hammond For Giulio, Giulia, and Margherita Rospigliosi

INTRODUCTION N the Carnival season of 1639, Cardinal Francesco Barberini presented his customary | spectacles for the entertainment of Rome, a sacred opera, a secular opera, and a Quarantore, or Forty Hours’ devotion.’ The sacred opera was a repeat of the previous year’s San Bonifatio, a libretto by Giulio Rospigliosi set to music by Virgilio Mazzocchi. The secular opera (“commedia” or “pastorale”) was also a repeat performance, a revised version of Rospigliosi’s Chi soffre speri (1637) with music by Mazzocchi and Marco Marazzoli. This was presented four times in a large hall on the lower floor (“salone grande da basso”) of the Palazzo Barberini at the Quattro Fontane. These performances attracted large audiences, among them writers who furnished enthusiastic descriptions of Chi soffre speri.

The Modenese envoy, Massimiliano Montecuccoli, sent the Duke of Modena a detailed account of the performance in a letter of March 2, 1639:

Yesterday I went to the Barberini comedy, admitted there (and not myself alone but all those who were in my company) in terms of the greatest kindness by Cardinal Antonio, who stood in person at the door, because of the great crowd that was there. This comedy [was notable] for the vastness of the hall on the ground floor in which it was performed, for the beauty of the set, for the variety, strangeness, and richness of the costumes, for the perfection of the actors and musicians (since no one acted who was not a musician), and for the novelty and artifice of the perspective scenes. These

were two, one a fair where there appeared even a wagon drawn by oxen, a litter carried by mules with a person inside, someone who followed it on horseback, and

116 FREDERICK HAMMOND everything true and life-like. The other [perspective scene] depicted that part of the palace of the same Cardinal Antonio which looks into the garden, where they usually play pillotta. In both [scenes] there appeared a great number and variety of people, carriages, horses, litters, pillotta-players, and spectators. There was also an unexpected darkening of the air with lightning, thunder, and a lightning-bolt which crossed the stage, and there followed hail and rain. In addition there was a most furious and very realistic combat of sixteen men with swords and daggers. Cardinal [Francesco] Barberino and Cardinal Antonio labored

greatly to accommodate as many people as possible, and it is estimated that the number of the audience mounted to 3,500 persons. It was performed twice and will be repeated the same.’ The description of the Avvisi di Roma (March 5, 1639) is somewhat more sophisticated:

On Sunday evening in the palace at the Quattro Fontane, Cardinal Barberino had performed a splendid commedia with music titled Chi soffre speri. Although it lasted for the

space of five hours, nonetheless it seemed a moment to the spectators, such is the excellence of the performers, the richness of the costumes, the beauty of the scenes, and the variety of the intermedi which appear. Among these is a wonderful representation of the fair of Farfa so well arranged that it contains artisans and merchants of every sort,

who speaking in music go about trying to sell their wares and products. In addition, there come real merchants on horseback, one sees the procession of carriages and the running of a palio, and at the end the effect the sun makes when it sets. In the last intermedio one sees the likeness of the garden of the same Palace of the Signori Barberini with the game of pillotta, the passage of carriages, horses, and litters, and similar things which arouse such great wonder that it has been judged universally a rare artifice and the most successful [meglio inteso] of those which ever have been seen in this city.’

The author of the Avvisi pubblici (da Roma) dell’anno 1639 (March 5) paid somewhat more attention to the drama embellished by these intermedi:

Following his custom of former years, in these days of Carnival Cardinal Barberino

wished to give this city some honest entertainment. It was his pleasure to have performed again, but with some additions as it happened, the commedia in musica titled

Chi soffre speri in the theater made especially for such occasions in the palace of Cardinal Antonio at Capo le Case (which accommodates four thousand people comfortably), the first time on Sunday evening. [The comedy is] taken from the ninth

tale (that of the Falcon) in the fifth day of Boccaccio [i.e., the Decameron] with perspective scenes and wonderful and pleasing intermedi with dances of nymphs and shepherds, and the change of the weather into hail and rain. In particular there was

represented a fair with the concourse of various people both in carriages and on horseback with a dialogue arising by chance during a dance, and a quarrel with thin swords [spade di filo] and perspective scenes of the farthest distances lit by a sun which descended little by little as it turned... .* Girolamo Teti, author of the Aedes Barberinae (1642), was particularly struck by the effect of the sun rising in the east from the waves, “artfully lighting up everything,” to sink at last in the

BERNINI AND THE “FIERA DI FARFA” 117

west, and the realism of the scene of the fair.’ Unfortunately, John Milton, who attended one of these performances, was less concerned with describing what he saw—which he summed up as “magnificentia vere Romana”—than with rhapsodizing over Cardinal Francesco’s condescension (unaware that the re-conversion of England to the Faith was a cherished project of the

Cardinal).°

With the publication of Baldinucci’s life of Bernini in 1682, the scenography of the “Fiera di

Farfa” was attributed for the first time to Bernini: “There will live forever in the world the fame of the comedy of the Fair, made for Cardinal Antonio at the time of Urban [VIII], where there appeared all that is customarily seen in such assemblages.”” Domenico Bernini, in his life

of his father published in 1713, seems to have confused the “Fiera di Farfa” with one of Gianlorenzo’s own productions:

In another one called The Fair, he had represented on stage a Carnival Wagon accom-

panied by torches in the wind [a vento]; one of those who carried the torch, and whose task was to carry off the joke, rubbed and rerubbed his torch against the scenery, as if he wished greatly to spread the flame, as is customary to do against walls. Some of the spectators, and others behind the Scenes, shouted to him to stop because of the danger there was of setting fire to the Canvas. From his action, and from these voices there arose in the Audience such fear, that as soon as it was aroused it degenerated into terror. For they saw the flat, and with it a good part of the others, burning with an artful, and harmless flame, which creeping bit by bit came to make a

general fire of them all... . But at the high point of the confusion and fire, with a wonderful order the Scene changed, and from what appeared a fire became a most delightful garden.’

Neither account is entirely trustworthy. The comedy of the “Fiera di Farfa” was presented not by Cardinal Antonio but by Cardinal Francesco, and Domenico’s description has nothing in common with the preserved text of the “Fiera di Farfa” except the title of the entertainment. These accounts, written so long after the events they describe, would in themselves be insufficient to document Bernini’s earliest known ventures in scenography outside his own private theater and his participation in the theatrical spectacles staged by the nephews of Urban VIII. (The untenable attribution of the Sant’Alessio sets to Bernini, still accepted unquestioningly by some writers, reveals how little such unsupported statements are worth.) Such documentation is provided, however, by the account records for the productions of 1639 preserved among the papers of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. Those concerning Chi soffre speri are bound together into a booklet headed “Commedia del Carneuale 1639,” and among them is a list of “denari spesi dal s.r. Cau. gio: Lorenzo Bernini per far’ fare la prospettiva della fiera”—“money spent by the s.r. Cavalier Gian Lorenzo Bernini for having made the perspective of the fair,” countersigned by Bernini himself.’ The entire perspective was painted by one Sig. Guido (perhaps Bernini’s collaborator Guidobaldo Abattini?), in accordance with the custom of entrusting such work to a professional painter of perspectives. It was apparently executed in the Vatican, then carried to Palazzo Barberini—probably to preserve its surprise value.

Its effect was enhanced by strategically placed lamps, “to light up certain corners of the perspective.” The total cost of the work, 208 scudi, was a minor item in the 3,668 scudi spent for the entire production, but something more than the “tre baiocchi” with which Bernini later claimed that he produced scenic marvels in his own house."® Despite the celebrity of the “Fiera di Farfa” in its own time and beyond, there is no direct

118 FREDERICK HAMMOND evidence about the appearance of Bernini’s set. But the design of the intermedio marks the first

known influence of Bernini’s private theatrical productions on the public spectacles of the Barberini, and their respective histories furnish a few clues for an understanding of Bernini’s contribution. Bernini had begun to present comedies in his own home during Carnival of 1633. The accounts of these first productions are silent on the subject of their scenic effects but eloquent in describing their pungent and sometimes very pointed satire, which enjoyed the approval of the Barberini cardinals and the pope himself. With the play of The Two Covielli in 1637, however,

Bernini began an ingenious jesting with appearance and reality that deeply impressed his audiences."

At the fall of the curtain [curtains fell rather than rose]... , one saw within, that is at the back, an audience partly real and partly feigned, all so well arranged together, that it represented almost the same [audience] that in fact was on this side in great numbers to watch the comedy. On the stage were two Covielli [Neapolitan characters from the commedia dell’arte] who [each] with a sheet of paper and a pencil in hand, appeared to be drawing, and one looked toward the real audience and the other toward the feigned one.

The Covielli drew a curtain to separate the two theaters, and each began to recite to his own audience. The dividing curtain fell to reveal’a wonderfully painted perspective and above it the moon and stars, with lighting so carefully managed that it even produced the effect of occasional clouds:

Then there appeared rustics who sang and danced together, and... there passed back and forth for a good quarter of an hour footmen with lighted torches in their hands, riders on horses, carriages with two and six horses, and a great number of followers and litters indeed like what customarily happens, and in fact did happen

later at the exit and return to their homes of the real audience. At the end there appeared many other footmen dressed in mourning holding lighted black torches and soon after there appeared on a high but thin and very emaciated horse, Death dressed

in mourning, with a scythe in his right hand. ... At his arrival one of the Covielli pretended to be afraid, and then addressed to the audience these words: “Indeed it is true, Signori, that this effigy is the similitude of death, who completes and cuts the thread of all comedies, and by fatal decree breaks off every wordly pleasure or pastime, who has also wished to do the same to this Comedy we have performed.” The scene of the two theaters was repeated in Bernini’s production of 1638, together with two new and striking effects. The first opened with a perspective scene of the Tiber at Castel S. Angelo, with St. Peter’s and “many other buildings well known to a Roman inhabitant.” The

flooding of the river was represented with such realism that it almost started a panic in the audience, but at the last moment an embankment-like barrier sprang up at the edge of the stage to contain the water. The second sensational effect was the depicting of a falling house with three artificial figures inside. The passage of carriages, presumably from the preceding year, was also introduced.” The Barberini productions, on the other hand, were famed for more conventional stage effects, such as the “marvelous scenes, which changed several times including Palaces, gardens,

BERNINI AND THE “FIERA DI FARFA” 119

forests, the Inferno, angels, who while speaking flew through the air, and finally one saw a great cloud on stage, which opening showed the glory of Paradise,” effects which the diarist Gigli praised in the performance of Sant’Alessio in 1634." The descriptions of the “Fiera di Farfa” show how Bernini incorporated his own conception of scenography and some of his characteristic effects into the context of the Barberini operas. Central to his conception was the contrast of illusion and reality heightened by a mise-en-scéne familiar to the audience. (Farfa was a kind of Barberini fief, inasmuch as Cardinal Francesco was abbot of the great Benedictine abbey of Farfa, and items for the Cardinal’s household were actually purchased at the real fair of Farfa.)'* Figurines representing real people and animals were freely employed in the intermedi, following Bernini’s own precept that “the point of these Comedies and Sets consisted in making appear real what in fact was feigned.”’’ These tableaux were further enhanced by carefully contrived lighting effects. The entire spectacle was designed

to involve the viewer by its verisimilitude, which was sometimes carried to the point of seeming to threaten him with real physical danger.

THE PERFORMANCE OF THE “FIERA” Cardinal Francesco’s household accounts permit us to trace the preparations for the 1639 performance of Chi soffre speri in considerable detail. The responsibility for the music seems to have been divided between the composers of the opera, Virgilio Mazzocchi and Marco Marazzoli. Mazzocchi signed the receipt for the copying of three new scores and the addition of new material to two 1637 scores (and their binding), the copying of parts extracted for the singers to

memorize, and word-books."® Libretti for the spectators were printed in quantity; 3,980 of them were bound in colored paper, one hundred more in “carta turchesa.”"? Marazzoli was issued music paper “for music used for the comedy,” possibly for writing the “Fiera di Farfa” itself.'* In addition to the singers and dancers—at least twenty-four in number, judging from the bills for shoes and hats—the performing forces of Chi soffre speri included a number of continuo instruments. A lute player accompanied rehearsals for a month before the opening at the end of February. At the performance, Franceschino Muti, organist of the Aracoeli, and a certain Valerio presided at the two harpsichords, each player being paid five scudi. These were accompanied by two violoni, two lutes, harp, and cefra, and the melody lines were taken by two violins."? The special requirements of the text also called for players on the cittern, bagpipe, cifalo, and Jews’ harp, and for “one who whistles like a nightingale.” The dancing master for the production was one Stefano. The performer who interpreted the role of Coviello is referred to only by that name, which suggests that he was a commedia dell’arte player who specialized in the part. Both were paid the handsome sum of twenty-five scudi.*° The bills for the performance of Chi soffre speri also offer some glimpses into the nature of the scenery and the production of the stage effects. These accounts mention clouds for the heavens, painted perspectives, figurines for the final perspective depicting the garden of

Palazzo Barberini, and an inn (probably for the fair scene), and dimmers for lights and torches to produce the effect of a storm.*' Of particular interest are the entries that document Bernini’s participation in the production. The bill for the prospettiva of the play shows that a variety of woods, various kinds of cloth, cardboard, tin, iron wire, and cord were employed. The entire perspective was painted, with additional touches of gold and silver, by “Signor Guido” on a piece of “tela serpera” issued to Bernini.** Bernini was also paid for “having put

120 FREDERICK HAMMOND up and taken away and arranged several times the scenes and small recesses and having put them in operation.” Given the similarity between the “ultima lontananza” of Chi soffre speri and the ending of Bernini’s own I due Coviellithe conceit of picturing the place where the spectators actually watched the performance, the passage of carriages, the extensive employment of figurines, and the trompe l’oeil perspective—it is tempting to assume that Bernini may have had a larger share in the production of Chi soffre speri than the design for the “Fiera di Farfa” alone. Perhaps, in the absence of Bernini’s designs and sets for the “Fiera di Farfa,” the best guide to the spirit of the intermedio is Callot’s wonderful depiction of a similar fair at Impruneta in 1619, which also includes dancers, vendors, carriages, an inn, and a commedia dell’arte quack (Fig. 1). The events that are related in early descriptions of the intermedio are easily followed in the text.

The opening section presents sellers of domestic and ornamental wares, the preparation and running of the palio, the blandishments of the innkeeper, the drawing of a lottery, and the arrival of strangers borne by grumbling litter-bearers. This is punctuated by fragments of song—the well-known “Girometta” and the mysterious “E no suoscia men canna”—and snatches of dialect, including Venetian (fol. 210v) and Roman (fol. 216). The second section of the intermedio is dominated by the Neapolitan commedia dell’arte figure Coviello, here cast as a snake-oil merchant from Narni and assisted by the Bergamesque Zanni and another commedia mask, his son Frittellino. (The latter, whose principal contribution here is a song, is depicted by

Callot as dancing and singing to the guitar.) The “new song” “never before heard” that punctuates the scene and is finally sung by Frittellino, “O stelle homicide,” was in fact a hackneyed popular tune.** The commedia protagonists add a bit of spice to their roles by an occasional lapse into their native dialects, Bergamesque (fols. 225, 228v—229) and Neapolitan (fols. 239, 242v—244). The inclusion of a tune for dancing in the score is unusual, since in many cases independent instrumental music was improvised by the players. In the combat described by the earlier commentators, for example, the instrumentalists are furnished with nothing but

four bass notes. They presumably improvised on these in the hammering sixteenth-notes of Monteverdi's new stile concitato, exemplified in his eighth book of madrigals (1638), since the line following the combat is a parody of Clorinda’s death speech in that paradigm of the stile concitato, Monteverdi’s Il combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda.

TEXT AND TRANSLATION The “Fiera di Farfa” is presented here as found on fols. 172—250v of the manuscript Biblioteca

Vaticana, Barberini lat. 4386: COMEDIA / CHI SOFRE SPERI / POESIA / DELL’ILLVSTRISSIMO MON. / RVSPIGLIOSI / Posta in Musica / DALLI SIGNORI VERGILIO MAZZOCCHI, E MARCO MARRAZZOLI. This manuscript, from the Barberini library, contains the fullest version of the text and music of the intermedio. A copy of the text and music of the intermedio alone, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Chigi Q. VIII. 190, has some cuts and lacks the final chorus. Some details in the text have been corrected from manuscript and printed copies of the libretto.*° The text of the intermedio has been reproduced as it stands in the manuscript, since the variant spellings are of possible importance for the interpretation of the dialects spoken by various of the protagonists. Punctuation is largely nonexistent in the manuscript and has been added here

BERNINI AND THE “FIERA DI FARFA” I21 .

only in the form of a full stop to denote a change of speaker in the original. No attempt has been made to reduce the text as set by Marazzoli to its underlying poetic structure. Abbreviations in the original expanded in this transcription are given in italics.

TEXT TRANSLATION

Alla fiera alla fiera. La uaga primauera hoggi con To the fair, to the fair. Charming spring with pompa altera w’inuita a schiera. Chi uuol comprare proud splendor today invites you in crowds. Who

fettuccie rare pettini specchi e Veli sopraffini wishes to buy rare ribbons, combs, mirrors, and Venga qua co suoi quatrini. Hor che winuita il extra-fine veils, let him come here with his cash. Maggio a far uiaggio Ecco qui sproni, e cuscinetti Now that May invites you to travel, here are e staffe. Bicchieri carraffe 4 un paolo il pezzo spurs, and cushions and stirrups. Glasses, carafes uedete sil prezzo puo esser piti uile. Pile pile alle at a paolo” apiece, see if the price could be more belle pile. Voi de Boschi aure odorate che uolate a cheap. Basins, fine basins. Perfumed breezes from far liete queste sponde bandite i foschi nembi aure the woods which will fly to rejoice these banks,

gioconde. Ceci ceci spassa tempo n’ogni mazzo banish the dark clouds, joyful breezes. Chickpiu di cento o che bel trattenimento. Eh uedete peas, chick-peas for pastime, in every bunch more cola fra genti liete portar il palio e preparare il than a hundred, what fine amusement. Eh, see corso. Vuo mirar piu dapresso di qui scorger po over there among the happy people, they are tremo il tutto espresso purche si pon chi cura. La bringing the palio’’ and preparing the track. ] want uentura la uentura. Qui le spose e le zitele troueran to look closer; I can see it from here (I tremble) all

fatti all’usanza li scarpini e le pianelle. Su signori clearly, if one takes care. Try your luck. Here all’abbondanza de Boccali e di scudelle qui la wives and maidens will find shoes and slippers mostra ne uedete serbo poi se ne uorrete 1 piu belli made properly. Come, gentlemen, to the abunnegl’armari non si resti per denari. Onde nasce dance of tankards and bowls [scudelle = scodelle], cola tanto concorso. Si dan le mosse al corso. see here the display of them; and [ll put aside, if Pianelle scarpini. Pettini, specchi e ueli soprafini. you wish, the finest in the cupboards; don’t spare Le fettuccie di seta sei baiocchi la canna su signori your money. Why is there such a crowd over moneta. Le perle piu fine ch'uscirno dall’onde there? They’re starting the race. Slippers, shoes. marine ul porto signori si lucide e chiare non speri Combs, mirrors, and extra-fine veils. Silk nbbons uederle chi non ha da comprar le perle. I cappelli di six baiocchi,* a canna,*? come on, people, buy. The paglia comprine ogn’un chi uole che questo Luglio finest pearls that came out of the ocean waves I il sole contro di lui non uaglia I cappelli di pagha bring you, gentlemen, so shining and clear, don’t

fatti per eccellenza. Bon mercato e non credenza. hope to look at them unless you can buy these Vezzi e pendenti e gemme senza pari non Si restl pearls. Straw hats; let everyone who wishes buy per denari. Se uolete questa sera riportare a uostri so that this July the sun is powerless over him, putti qualche cosa dalla fiera su uenite uenite qua excellent straw hats. A good buy and no credit. tutti. Il bel soldatuccio che gira la faccia che moue Ornaments and pendants and unequaled jewels, le braccia il bel Caualluccio dal freno dorato ogni don't spare your money. If you wish to bring back cosa a bon mercato. Qua qua si uiene chi uol star something from the fair this evening for your bene quaglie Vitella intingoli Piccioni pulli d’india children, come here, all of you. The handsome Capponi starne pasticci rauioli e torte con uini little soldier who turns his face, who moves his d’ogni sorte ogni cosa esquisita 11 uostro Hoste arms, the fine little horse with the gilded bridle, u’inuita et é si bon Compagno che non si cura everything a good buy. Here, come here, whopunto di guadagno. Pianelle scarpini. Pettim ever wishes to enjoy himself—quails, veal, sauces, specchi e ueli soprafini. Chi t’ha fatto le belle pigeons, Indian chickens, capons, partridges, pies,

scarpe che ti stan si ben Girometta che ti stan si ravioli, and cakes, with wines of every sort, ben. Di la giungono forastieri. Fermateui letti- everything exquisite; your host invites you and is

ghieri. La uentura la uentura con pocchissimi so good a companion that he cares nothing for denari haura premi singolari chi alla sorte gain. Slippers, shoes. Combs, mirrors, and extra-

122 FREDERICK HAMMOND s'assicura la uentura la uentura. Che ti stan si ben fine veils. Who made you the fine shoes that suit

Girometta che ti stan si ben. you so well, Girometta? There, strangers are Gia mi parea per cosi lenti passi la uia lunga e arriving. Stop, litter-bearers. Try your luck, with molesta Donna che ua alla festa si mette in molta little money he who trusts luck will have unusual briga andandoui in lettiga se il uiaggio e lontano rewards, try your luck. That suits you so well,

perche ua piano onde il desio che uola in un Girometta. momento fa prouar quanto spaccia un passo lento. It already appeared to me that the way is long

Di gratia un po’ di passo oh quanti intrighi and troublesome because of such slow steps. A s’incontran hoggi per andare attorno chi vuol Lady who goes to the festival puts herself in lettighe lettighe di ritorno. Andianne pur ue- much trouble going there in a litter if the trip is dendo. Stringhe, ueli fettuccie a chi le uendo. Pile long because it goes slowly, whence desire which pile pile [pile]. Chi compera un monile un uezzo di flies in a moment proves how much a slow pace corallo. Bicchieri di cristallo di cristallo del uero hurries. A bit of space, please, oh, how many

murano uedete quanto uengono di lontano del tangles one meets going around today; who uero murano del uero murano. Hoggi uendo le wants litters for the return? Let’s go look. Laces, scudelle assai manco dell’usato. Gli scarpini le veils, ribbons, to whom do J sell them? Basins, pianelle. I pupazzi a bon mercato. La uentura la basins, basins. Who will buy a jewel, a coral uentura qui si troua in piu maniere poche bianche e ornament? Crystal glasses, real Murano, see from

molte nere premi poi senza misura la uentura la how far away they come, real Murano. Today uentura. Vo prouar mia sort’anch’1o. Pago qui si I’m selling bowls much cheaper than usual. puo far uostro desio. Za in ordin’e la barca. Bianca Shoes, slippers. Puppets, a good buy. Luck is bianca. Priesto che za s’aduna sta brigata. Benefi- found here in many ways, few whites and many

tiata. Benefitiata. Pile pile. Agli specchi alle blacks, prizes without stint, luck, luck. I too uellette. Numero Venti sette Vn fior da testa want to try my fortune. Here you can satisfy ch’ogni prezzo uale. Manco male. Ma perche non your urge. The pile is in order. White, white. As

seguite hor che fortuna i uostri merti honora. soon as this crowd gathers. The winner. The Basta basta per hora homai uolghiamo oue si danza winner. Basins, basins. Mirrors, little veils. il piede. Hor chi si proueda per poca mercede di Number twenty-seven; a fine head worth any sproni di staffe. Buicchieri carraffe bicchierl e price. Not bad. But why don’t you continue now carraffe a un paolo il pezzo Vedete [Sedete in MS] that fortune honors your merits? Enough for se’l prezzo puo esser piu uile. Pile Pile. E no’ now; now let’s turn to where they dance. Now suoscia men canna no suscia men canna a chi non who will furnish himself at small cost with spurs, se serue della mezza canna chi non se serue della stirrups. Glasses, carafes at a paolo apiece; see if mezza canna. Bisogna misuraresi a sto munno e fa the price could be cheaper. Basins, basins. He lo passo iusto perche d’auta maniera co desgusto se who does not use half a canna [measure] does not mostra no iudicio senza funno e se fa sempre fallo blow [suoscia = soffia] or suck less canna [reed, se fa sempre fallo e sprepositi a pietto de cauallo. pipe].*° One must act judiciously in this world Eh faccia gratia poi che uol ch’io uada obbediro per and take the right step because otherwise one

non tenerla 4 bada. shows oneself distastefully and not with bound-

Signori ecco il Narnese tanto uostro deuoto il less judgment and always fails and makes headmio nome e gia noto il rimedio e palese. Questo e on [a pietto di cavallo] blunders. Eh, do me the quel gran segreto che gia fu dispensato dalla buona kindness since she wishes me to go; I’ll obey in memoria di mio Padre che si chiamo 11 Cortese. Io order not to keep her waiting. come herede d’un tesoro tale lo uendo a benefitio People, here is Narnese,*' so devoted to you,

uniuersale. Io non son di coloro che stanno a my name is already known, my remedy is celebrare la mercantia perche la uirtt: mia gia si sa eminent. This is that great secret which was quel che sia. Hanno gia molte uolte csaminato already dispensed by my Father of happy memory riuisto € approuato questo mio lettuario Medici e who was called il Cortese. I, as heir of such a Protomedici Eccellenti che sazia lungo 1] mentuar treasure, sell it for the general good. Iam not one per nome ma porto meco a some priuilegiy ¢ of those who stand about praising their merchan-

BERNINI AND THE “FIERA DI FARFA” 123 patenti. Signori io non son huomo di parole da me dise because it is already known what my merit is. non aspettate guiramenti ch’io non possa mai piu Excellent Doctors and Super-Doctors many times

ueder quel sole s’io non porto sta sera 4 questa have already examined, reviewed, and approved nobil fiera un segreto si raro che si potria pagare this elixir of mine, whom it would be tiresome to ogni denaro. Narnese quanto uale giuro su l’honor mention by name, but in short I carry with me mio che lo uendo un testone in altre parti ma copyrights and certificates. Signori, I am not a perche quanto posso mi tenghiate per uero ser- man of words; do not expect oaths from me. May uitore Ecco il uaso piu grande, ecco il minore I never more see that sun if this evening I do not senza far pit parole un giulio un grosso. Del resto bring to this noble fair a secret so rare that one con cantar qualche canzone date spasso e piacere could pay any price. I, Narnese, by my worth, alle persone. O stelle homicide arcieri de cori swear on my honor that I sell it for a testone** in ricetto d’amori. Io dir gia mai non soglio cosa che other parts, but so that as much as I may, you will

non sia certa e per tutto andar uoglio con la fronte deem me your true servant, here is the larger scoperta. A chi principalmente serue per benefitio bottle, here the smaller, without further ado a de mortali segreto si eccelente 4 cento e mille mali giulio, a grosso. For the rest, amuse and please the catarri che nascon dalla testa refocilla il Vigore e lo crowd by singing some song. O killing stars, sostenta preserua et augumenta u calor naturale archers of hearts, refuge of Cupids. It is never my

reprime 1 flati mitiga il dolore solue gl’humor custom to say things that are not sure, and I wish peccanti purifica le uene allegra il cuore, che piti fa to go everywhere with an untroubled brow. che ritorni Pappetito. Mi non |’ho mai smaritto. Whom, for the benefit of mortals, does this most Corrobora il Ceruello. Datemene na presa pe excellent secret principally help? A hundred and Couiello. E fa mill’altre cure, che notate si son thousand ills: colds that come from the head; it nelle ricette. All’agora magliette le spille a un revives and sustains Vigor, preserves and augbaiocco la dozzina all’agora fina. O uia allegra- ments natural heat, represses wind, mitigates pain, mente. Stringhe, ueli fettuccie a chi le uendo. dissolves peccant humors, purifies the veins, Signori hor hora scendo perche del resto io non so rejoices the heart, and in addition brings back the

dar can[tando]. Signori non perdete l’occasione. appetite. I never lost mine. It strengthens the

Che fate piezzi d’Asini gnoranti pare che ce brain. Give me a dose for Coviello. And it uogliate le peccuni cacciare dalle borse sti testoni. performs a thousand other cures which are noted C’e qua un gentil huomo che m’ha fatto fauor di in the prescriptions. Knitting needles, pins at a dare un giulio ui uoglio far uedere la liberalita della baiocco a dozen, fine needles. O, go off happily! mia mano il uasetto minore altroue s’é pagato un Laces, veils, ribbons, to whom do I sell them? mezzo scudo hor ui do per un paolo il maggiore. Signori, now I descend because the rest I don’t O stelle homicide arcieri de cori ricetto d’amor{[i]. know how to do in song. Signori, don’t lose the A ricchi in pagamento 4 gl’altri mi contento di chance. What are you doing, worse than ignorant darlo in cortesia perche nel publicar la uirtu mia Asses? It seems that you want to drive the money non son punto interessato. I] seruirui m’e piu caro away from your purses, these testoni. There is here che ’hauer cento tesori che son schiauo de signori a gentleman who has done me the favor of giving

ma non punto del denaro gettate i fazzoletti a giulio; I wish to show you the liberality of my allegramente e tu Zanni da spasso a questa gente. hand. The smaller bottle elsewhere costs a half Alle belle Ventarole con ottaue con strambotti e scudo, now I give you the larger for a paolo. O con motti di bellissima inuenzione per dar gusto killing stars, archers of hearts, refuge of Cupids. alle persone historiate figurate miniate chi ne To the rich for payment, to the others I content compra chi ne uole alle belle Ventarole. Via su myself with giving it in courtesy because Iam not canta per tua uita qualche noua canzon non sia in the least interested in advertising my virtue. sentita che doppo quella io cantero la mia. O ula Serving you is dearer to me than having a hundred Couel me te uoi far sentir una canzon che ti fara treasures, for I am the slave of gentlefolk but not

impazzir. at all of money. Throw up your handkerchiefs Fritellino: O stelle homicide arcieri de cori ricetti happily, and you, Zanni, amuse these people. d’Amori. Al non gh’é non gh’e scampo al non Lovely fans, with octaves, with strambotti, and

124 FREDERICK HAMMOND

gh’é non gh’e scampo dal uostro bel lampo mottoes of finest invention to please people; ch’uccide 6 stelle humicide 6 stelle homicide. illustrated, figured, miniatured, who will buy, Chi uol so aruaziello dinto no moccatoro dia nd who wants fine Fans? Go on, sing for your life grosso a Couiello. O uia segnor me car per some new song not yet heard, and after I will sing conseruar la uida non guarde a spender sto poc de mine. Away with you, Coviello, you want me to denar. Gioua al dolor de denti assoda il dente e fa make you hear a song that will drive you crazy.

che non si spezzi saza un pouer huom coi denti Fritellino: Killing stars, archers of hearts, guasti scarnati scauezzi prenda questo segreto l’usi refuges of Cupids, from whose lovely gleams due uolte almen la settimana e si dolga di me se which kill there is no rescue, O killing stars.

non risana. Whoever wants his edging [arvaziello = reveChella sorca canazza che se ne possa perdere la tiello?] on the handkerchief [dinto no moccatoro] give

razza quanto chiu priego manco me conforta e me a grosso to Coviello. Go on, my dear sir, to save

responde co la fazza stuorta ma faccia pure. your life, don’t grudge spending this bit of Signori il nostro antidoto é anco potentissimo a money. It helps the toothache, solidifies the tooth, sanar la Vertigine mentre ch’ella habbia origine da and keeps it from breaking. It contents a poor man

causa fredda et humida. Signo Curtio. Hor uia per with ruined, stripped, broken teeth. Take this questi nobilissimi signori che ci fanno fauor con secret; use it at least two times a week and blame grato aspetto fate qualche balletto. [Dance] Ballo me if it does not heal up.

ua doppo il 3.0 Atto That dirty bitch, may she lose her progeny Donna: V’ingannate folli Amanti se co’ pianti [razza], the more I beg her the less she comforts

d’allettarcl ul pensate u’ingannate u’ingannate me and answers me with a sneer, but let her. wingannate. Se col pianto e co sospiri su la fiera de Signori, our antidote is also most potent for tesori si compraste un cor gentile saria prezzo curing the Dizziness as long as it comes from cold troppo uile saria prezzo troppo uile. Dunque uol and humidity. Signor Curtio. Now away; for

che sospirate u’ingannate u’ingannate. these noble people who favor us with welcoming Narnese: O uia signori che gia si fa tardi uedrete countenance do some dance. [Dance] The Dance un uostro figlio (il Ciel mi scampi e guardi) posto goes after the third Act.

da una flussione in gran periglio ogni rimedio Lady: You deceive yourselves, foolish lovers, if

umano ogni soccorso e uano prenda il mio you think to entice us with tears, you deceive elettuario e presto presto uedrete il giouamento yourselves. If you bought a courteous heart with

manifesto. weeping and sighs at the fair of treasures, the prize Dama: Come tosto sembianza si cangia ognhor would be too cheap. Therefore you deceive

dalle uicende humane? perche in mezzo alla danza yourselves.

un caualiero habbia percosso un Cane freme Narnese: Away, Signori, for it is already late. ciascun in minacciosi carmi ma e il peggio oime You will see a son of yours (Heaven save and che si trascorre all armi. Qui ud il combattimento. guard me!) put in great danger by an inflammaZanni: Amico Hai uinto io ti perdon perdona in tion, every human remedy, every help is in vain; fatt nelle costiii [costui?] le par la bella cosa esser take this elixir of mine and right away you will see

poltron [?]. the clear improvement. Tutti: Gia nell’onde il Carro d’oro per posarsi il Lady: How soon always does the appearance of sol ripone. Ciascun sieda 4 sua mangione e qui human affairs change? Because in the midst of the

cessi ogni lauoro. dance, a gentleman has struck a Dog, everyone trembles in menacing verse, but the worst, alas, is that they run to arms. Here the combat goes.

Zanni: Friend, you have won, I pardon you, pardon [me]. In such affairs it appears the finest thing is to be a coward. All: Already the sun replaces his golden chariot in the waves to rest. Let each one sit to his food, and here let all labor cease.

BERNINI AND THE “FIERA DI FARFA” 125

Notes 1. For detailed accounts of the Barberini operatic 14. Cf. Hammond (as in n. 1), 113 and n. 67. productions, see M. Murata, “Operas for the Papal 15. VITA/ DEL CAVALIER/ GIO. LORENZO/ Court with Texts by Giulio Rospigliosi,” Ph.D. diss., BERNINO, /DESCRITTA/ DA DOMENICO BERUniversity of Chicago, 1975, rev. ed., Operas for the NINO/..., Rome, 1713, $7. Papal Court, 1631-1668, Ann Arbor, 1981, 32-35, 204- 16. Cf. Hammond (as in n. 1), 119-20 and nn. 817, 258-62; and F. Hammond, “Girolamo Frescobaldi 82. and a Decade of Music in Casa Barberini: 1634-1643,” 17. Giustificazione 3315, fol. 37. Analecta Musicologica, x1x, 1980, 94-124; cf. also M. A. 18. Ibid., fol. 83r. Lavin, Seventeenth-Century Barberini Documents and In- 19. Hammond (as in n. I), 120 and nn. 83-84.

ventories of Art, New York, 1975, 58—60. 20. Ibid.; Giustificazione 3315, fols. 88—8or.

2. Translated from A. Ademollo, I teatri di Roma nel 21. Giustificazione 3315: clouds, fol. 3r; payments

secolo decimosettimo, Rome, 1888, 28-29. for the “ultima lontananza,” fols. sr, 6v, 7r, 8r, 13 bis r;

3. Translated from ibid., 29-30. figurines, fol. 8r; the inn, fol. 25r; dimmers, fols. 25r,

4 Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, Avvisi Pubblici (da 3 Ir.

Roma) dell’anno 1639, xu, b. 40, quoted by Murata, 1975 22. Ibid., fol. 20; the total expense for the commedia is

(as inn. I), M1, 318, and 1981, 261. given as 3668.32 scudi, of which 248 were paid to

5. Aedes Barberinae, Rome, 1642, 35; quoted by Bernini. On fol. 1v, “una pezza di tela serpera.. . la

Murata, 1975, 55, and 1981, 206. An anonymous ristretto quale serui per il Sig.re Cau.re Bernino.” The bill for quoted by Murata, 1981, 206, says of the fiera: “The the expenses of the Fiera scene was signed by Bernini on events of the noble Market are indeed not feigned but April 9, 1639.

true. ... Phoebus with his cherished golden chariot 23. Giustificazione 3315, fol. 25v; payments to Berwoos a real crowd. .. . But grief, which always ends nini, “Per hauer messo e lewato pit uolte e accomodate festive days, is seen armed in a brawl, disturbs the le scene e nicciole e messelo in opera.”

dances, and upsets everything.” 24. For the original tune of “O stelle homicide”, see 6. For an account of Milton’s attendance and a the CORONA / DE SACRE / CANZONI, / O /

quotation of his letter, see Ademollo (as in n. 2), 25—27. LAVDE / SPIRITVALI / di pitt divoti Autori/ . . . / per

The late Georgina Masson told me that she had come opera di/ MATTEO COFERATI/ . . ./, Firenze: Eredi across a copy of Milton’s original letter in the Barberini di Francesco Onofri, 1689./, where it appears with the papers, and that it was considerably more effusive than text “O croce beata.”

the version he later published. 25. The text and musical sources for the versions of

7. Much of the essential material connected with 1637 and 1639 are listed and analyzed by Murata, 1981, Bernini’s activity as playwright, director, actor, and 32-34. For permission to reproduce the Fiera, 1 am scenographer is gathered in the appendix to Gian indebted to the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, and 1am Lorenzo Bernini, Fontana di Trevi: Commedia inedita, grateful for assistance in the transcription and interpre-

intro. and commentary C. D’Onofrio, Rome, 1963, tation of the text to Professor Edward Tuttle of the 91-110; for the excerpt from Baldinucci, see p. 107. A Department of Italian, The University of California at general account of Bernini’s work in the theater can be Los Angeles. Possible errors and misinterpretations are, found in I. Lavin, Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts, of course, my own.

New York and London, 1980, 146-57. 26. Paolo: a papal coin (= giulio = grosso). 8. D’Onofrio, 109. The capitalization in these trans- 27. Palio: a race for some prize such as a length of lations follows that in the original Italian. cloth or a banner. 9. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio Barbe- 28. Batocco: a small coin (= “%o giulio = 4 quattrini = rini, Cardinal Francesco senior, Giustificazione 3315, Yroo Scudo romano).

fol. 20r; cf. Hammond (as in n. 1), 119-20 and n. 8o. 29. Canna: a length of two to three meters. 10. For Bernini’s remark, see Chantelou, quoted by 30. Carina is used here in two senses: the above-menD’Onofrio (as in n. 7), 99. On the prospettiva, see tioned unit of measurement, and a reed or pipe (perhaps Giustificazione 3315, fol. 20r; on lighting, fol. 31r. a musical instrument?). My thanks to Massimo Ciavo11. Massimiliano Montecuccoli to the Duke of Mo- lella for this gloss.

dena, quoted in D’Onofrio, 94~96. 31. Narnese: an inhabitant of Narni in Umbria.

12. Letters of Montecuccoli to the Duke of Modena, 32. Testone: a coin (= 3 paoli, etc.); also a stupid

February, 1638, quoted in D’Onofrio, 96-99. person.

13. Quoted by D’Onofrio, 92; see also Giacinto 33. Strambotto: a rustic love song, here inscribed on Gigli, Diario romano, ed. Giuseppe Ricciotti, Rome, decorated fans (cf. Callot’s famous etching of 1619). 1958, 140.

Fa di r ee 7 , ~speri A, from Chi soffre Libretto by Giulio Rospighiosi Music by Virgilio Mazzocchi and Marco Marazzoli Ww

The musical text was copied by Edwin Seroussi, whose work was funded in part by a grant from the UCLA Research Committee. The text follows the original in its barring and indication of rests, although a few vagaries in the notation of triple passages (e.g., the employment of dots) and tied repeated notes in the continuo across pages have been standardized. Editorial accidentals are indicated above the staff except in the continuo part, where they,are placed in brackets. Conjectural additions are also placed in brackets. Since the original score simply left blank staves for voices not singing, we have had to telescope this overly generous notation, indicating the placement in the original by I and II = Coro I and Coro II, S.1 and S.2 = soprano 1 and 2, A, T, B = alto, tenor, bass. Thus, I. S.2 indicates the second soprano of the first chorus. The original may now be consulted in L’Egisto overo chi soffre spert,

intro. Howard Mayer Brown, Garland Publishing, New York, 1982 (a reproduction of Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms Barb. lat. 4386); a manuscript libretto and printed argomento are reproduced in the Garland series Italian Opera Librettos: 1640-1770, XIV.

The present edition was presented by the University of Wisconsin as part of the Frescobaldi quadricentennial celebrations on May 9, 1983, under the direction of Frederick Hammond, Karlos Moser, and Emma Lewis Thomas. A recording of the performance accompanies the present volume.

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0 EEaeEE OE” ee Se) 2 es 8 2 On the plinth at bottom right are two telescopes, a reminder of the observational basis of Galileo’s philosophy, as well as the source of his great reputation. The most arresting feature of the title page, however, is the pair of standing figures. The one on the right is identified as Mathematics and holds the mathematical astronomer’s armillary sphere. The personification at the left is Natural Philosophy, who holds the philosopher’s sphere, that is, the symbol of the real heavens. It may be recalled that for the Jesuits, mathematics and natural philosophy were two entirely distinct disciplines and had little to say to one another. Nevertheless, Galileo placed them both on his title page, and by doing so asserted that cosmology and mathematics are different sides of the same coin, and that coin is astronomy. This was one of Galileo’s most deep-seated beliefs. When he was appointed to the court of the Medici in Florence in 1610, he insisted on the dual titles of mathematician and philosopher, and he argued the same point on this title page. It is an open rebuttal to the Jesuit contention that philosophy is the business of philosophers and not mathematicians.*° In 1623, at about the time this book appears, Christoph Scheiner was on a circuitous route to Rome, where he spent the next ten years. He had been stung by Galileo’s charges of incompetence and irritated by his claims that observation and mathematics demonstrate the motion of the earth. For the next seven years, Scheiner labored at writing and publishing his greatest work, a huge folio treatise on the sun.*” It was printed at Bracciano between 1626 and 1630, and is dedicated to Paolo Orsini, the Duke of Bracciano, which explains the strange title: Rosa Ursina sive Sol (The Rose of the Orsini, or the Sun).>* The title page itself has a charming little engraved vignette, with bears surrounded by roses, engaged in such activities as observing sunspots. But this pastoral emblem is completely overshadowed by the large allegorical frontispiece (Fig. 10). Here Scheiner rises to refute Galileo’s claim that the structure of the cosmos can be determined by observation and measurement. The central image is of course the sun, suitably blemished with spots and sporting a rosy bonnet. It is obviously a source of light, but at the top is another source of illumination, Divine Light. There are two rays that emanate from each of these sources, and they represent the four paths to knowledge. Two rays descend from the divine glory: The one on the left shines upon Divine Authority, or Scripture; it is a source of the truth that comes directly from God. The other divinely inspired gift is Reason, at the top right (Fig. 11). In the emblem, Reason guides a hand drawing sunspots on the sun, an ingenious way of implying that the process that allows us to understand sunspots is rational rather than simply empirical.

186 WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. The sun is represented on the lower half of the frontispiece and is consequently to be seen as a lower form of illumination, and hence the knowledge that depends on its light is also of a lower order. Depicted at the left is Profane Authority, representing pagan philosophers such as Aristotle. As already seen, the Jesuits were quite willing to criticize Aristotle when necessary, since he was not divinely inspired. Curiously, the light of the sun is assisted by the feeble beams from a candle. And on the lower right appears the last remaining source of knowledge, the evidence of the Senses (Fig. 12). It is symbolized by several tools of the mathematical astronomer and by the telescope, which by this date had become an emblem for observational astronomy. Scheiner’s message seems clear. We can learn a great deal from Aristotle and other pagan authorities, and we can also profit from the knowledge provided by our senses. (Scheiner, after all, was himself a great observational astronomer.) But such knowledge must not be confused with the more certain knowledge that is guaranteed by divine inspiration. And most emphati-

cally, one must not think that the evidence of the telescope can be used to contradict either Reason (the instrument of the philosopher) or Sacred Scripture (the bastion of the theologian). This is a striking frontispiece indeed. It represents the Jesuit position quite elegantly and also quite convincingly. It would be hard to improve on the contrast between the fuzzy sunspots as revealed by the telescope and the sharp images perceived by the intellect. But the allegory does avoid one question: Just what is the position of the sun in the cosmos? Scheiner held with the Tychonic system, but he gave no hint of that in this engraving. In fact, at.this time no one had taken a stand on the cosmological question in an allegorical title page. The honor of primacy falls, not surprisingly, to a non-Italian, Johann Kepler. In 1627 he published his last major work, the Rudolphine Tables, which were based on the observations of Tycho Brahe. Kepler had been Tycho’s pupil for a short time and had reportedly promised Tycho that he would print his observations and also publicize his world system. The Rudolphine Tables was Kepler's payment of his debt, now some twenty-five years in arrears.*° The frontispiece for this work was designed by a close friend of Kepler’s, although it had to be redone several times to pass the scrutiny of Tycho’s heirs (Fig. 13).*° The symbolism is rather sophisticated. The traditional architectural fagade has been supplanted by a complete building, the Temple of Astronomy, with twelve supporting pillars, each of which represents the work of a great astronomer. The crude wooden pillars at the rear symbolize the contributions of the ancient Babylonians. At the far right and left sides are more substantial, but still rough, brick columns, with the names of ancient Greek astronomers, including Ptolemy and Hipparchus. The finest columns decorating this temple are the two at front center: One belongs to Copernicus, the other, with a Corinthian capital, to Tycho Brahe. Tycho points to the roof of the temple and asks Copernicus: “Quid si sic”—-What if it were this way? A close look reveals that the ceiling is inscribed with the Tychonic, earth-centered system of the world (Fig. 14). Cosmology has now entered the realm of the frontispiece. The interest of this engraving goes, however, beyond this fact, for while it seems to advocate the Tychonic system, it is in fact overwhelmingly Copernican, although the clues are subtle.

For example, around the dome stand six allegorical figures. They represent, not Tycho’s achievements, but Kepler’s. Each of them stands for one of Kepler’s discoveries, such as his laws of planetary motion, or his hypothesis that the planets are moved by a magnetic force emanating from the sun. These laws only make sense in the Copernican system. Thus the dome of this temple—the capstone if you will—is in fact a Copernican dome, even though it has the Tychonic system emblazoned on its underside.*" And Kepler drives home this point with one last, inspired touch. Below the temple, as if in a basement nook, sits Kepler himself, identified by the titles of his books around him (Fig. 15). He is not looking particularly pleased,

DIVINE REFLECTIONS AND PROFANE REFRACTIONS 187

and he is certainly in an ignominious position relative to Tycho. But on the table before him is a model of the dome! Through this device, Kepler indicates that Tycho and Copernicus are important supporting actors, and the structure they support is Kepler’s own work. Of course Kepler was absolutely right. At the same time in Italy the conflict between Galileo and the Jesuits was coming to a head. Galileo had been working for some time on his treatise on the system of the world, and after its

publication was approved by the Church authorities in Rome, his magnum opus finally appeared in 1632 in Florence as A Dialogue of the Two Chief World Systems.* Its frontispiece, like Scheiner’s and Kepler’s, spoke volumes (Fig. 16).* The engraving appears disarmingly simple, at first sight. At the top is a representation of the Medici family crest, with its six balls surmounted by a crown. Below is a scene containing just

three figures, standing by a harbor, engaged in a dialogue. They are identified by the names woven into the hems of their garments as, from left to right, Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Copernicus. The artist’s choice of figures seems appropriate, since the book is a dialogue between an advocate of the Aristotelian-Ptolemaic system and a defender of Copernicus. But there seems to be a flaw in the artist’s conception: The figure identified as Copernicus does not look anything like the historical Copernicus. If he resembles any known astronomer, it is Galileo himself. Whether this resemblance was planned is not known. But it is a strange coincidence that the principal charge against Galileo in the subsequent proceedings of the Inquisition was that he held and defended the Copernican system. In other words, he was accused of adopting in the

book the very posture that is depicted on its frontispiece: He represented Copernicus as himself.** It is remarkable that the frontispiece was never mentioned in the trial. And yet the resemblance of the Copernican figure to Galileo was sufficiently obvious that when the Dialogue was printed in Latin three years later, the frontispiece was re-engraved and the features of the historical Copernicus were reinstated (Fig. 17).

With both the Copernican system and, by implication, the Galilean methodology condemned, the Jesuit advocacy of the Tychonic system and of the supremacy of philosophy over mathematics stood unopposed in Italy, and the scientific views of the Roman Jesuits proliferated in the next twenty years, even spreading to other orders and other countries.*° Bonaventura Cavalieri, an Augustinian Jesuati, published his Trigonometria in Bologna in 1643, and in the frontispiece (Fig. 18), on the wall at the left, is not only a drawing of the Tychonic system, but beneath it a depiction of the phases of Venus, a phenomenon commonly cited to demonstrate the superiority of the Tychonic system over the Ptolemaic.*? In 1645, a French Jesuit, Jacques Grandami, produced a tract called A New Demonstration of the Immobility of the Earth; the

engraved title (Fig. 19) portrays a cherub in the center who is demonstrating Grandami’s “proof,” which the author sums up in his introduction: “No body having a magnetic virtue rotates on its poles. The earth has a magnetic virtue. Therefore the earth does not rotate around its poles.” The inscription on the scroll at the top is a quotation from Ecclesiastes 1:4: “The earth abideth forever.”**

These allegories pale, however, before the emblematic title pages of the Roman Jesuits, and this is made eloquently evident in 1646, when Athanasius Kircher published his magisterial optical encyclopedia, the Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae. Kircher was a prodigious polymath, a Jesuit of all trades who had come to Rome in 1633, the very year of Galileo’s trial, and whose continued defense of an earth-centered cosmology filled the void left by Galileo’s enforced silence and Scheiner’s departure.*® The frontispiece of Kircher’s folio is a marvelous amalgam of the mythological imagery of Aguilon and the epistemological emblems of Scheiner (Fig. 20). The large figure on the left is a composite of mythological personifications: Apollo the sun;

188 WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. Hermes, with the caduceus; Zeus and his eagle; and the Microcosm, or zodiacal man. In sum, he represents all the male elements of the cosmos. On the right is a similar composite of female deities: Artemis, the moon; Astraea, or Virgo, with the starry cloak; Athena indicated by the owl; and Hera and her peacock. The sun is the source of several light rays, and the moon shines by reflected light. The extent to which this optical frontispiece is dominated by astronomical symbols can be credited to the revolution wrought by the telescope.

Also employed in this allegory are the emblematic “Four Sources of Knowledge” that Scheiner first introduced in the frontispiece of his Rosa Ursina (Fig. 10). But Kircher has made

some slight but significant changes. His Sacred Authority, at the upper left, is identical to Scheiner’s and is seen to have its source directly in God. But Kircher’s Reason, although suitably exalted at the upper right, does not seem to have any divine inspiration. Perhaps Kircher leaned toward a more Augustinian view of the human intellect. Profane Authority, at lower left, is cast into deep shadow compared to Scheiner’s image; only Scheiner’s weak candle remains to provide any illumination at all. The last source, the evidence of the Senses, is again

represented by a telescope. The image formed by the telescope is rather mundane, a simple circle without attributes, and yet the personified sun in the heavens clearly has many divine features that the telescope does not capture. Kircher seems to be echoing Scheiner’s sentiment that the senses are not sufficient for perceiving divine truths.*° By 1646, the time this work appeared, Italy was already being rapidly eclipsed in astronomy by scientists in non-Catholic countries who did not feel the burden of the 1616 edict banning Copernicus or the condemnation of Galileo. Kepler had produced a true Copernican frontispiece in 1627, but his position was represented through subtle means. By 1632, however, the year of Galileo’s Dialogue, Philip van Lansberg of Holland published a set of astronomical tables with an unabashedly sun-centered cosmos prominent on the title page (Fig. 21).°' In England,

in 1638, John Wilkins was so convinced that the moon and earth were both planets that he wrote a treatise on the possible inhabitants of the moon, and in an enlarged edition of 1640 he included a frontispiece that is decidedly Copernican (Fig. 22). It shows Copernicus on the left, who repeats the line Kepler had given Tycho: “What if it were this way?” (Fig. 14). On the right, Galileo praises the eye of the telescope, and Kepler wishes he had wings to fly to the moon. And at the top is the sun-centered system in all its glory, as well as a universe of stars that seem to stretch to infinity, in defiance of the Aristotelian requirement of a finite world.” One of the finest non-Italian title pages of the period graces Johann Hevelius’s treatise on the moon, the Selenographia, published in Gdansk in 1647 (Fig. 23).** This exquisite tome glorifies the moon as Scheiner’s Rosa Ursina did the sun, a comparison that was probably intentional, since at the top Hevelius juxtaposed images of the real, spotted sun, as revealed by Scheiner, with the cratered and pockmarked moon, which he and Galielo studied.** The figure at the top

center is a combination of the many-eyed: Argus and the starry-robed Astraea. Carrying a telescope and resting on Zeus’ eagle, she is a fitting symbol for the way the telescope serves as many eyes to reveal the structure of the heavens.°° Beneath her is a scroll with an inscription from Isaiah 40:26: “Lift up your eyes on high, and behold he who hath created these things.” The most distinctive elements of the title page are clearly the two standing figures. The one on the left is Alhazen, the eleventh-century Arab scientist and one of the founders of optical theory.” On the right is Galileo, the paragon of practical optics.** And on the plinths below, Hevelius has indicated what these two represent: Alhazen, the theoretician, stands for Reason, while Galielo, the observer, epitomizes the power of the Senses. Sense and Reason, it may be recalled, were included in Scheiner’s and Kircher’s Four Sources of Knowledge. But for the Jesuits they were unequal, and only two of the four Sources. For Hevelius, they stand on equal ground, and there is no sign of Sacred or Profane Authority.

DIVINE REFLECTIONS AND PROFANE REFRACTIONS 189

Evidently, the Copernican spirit prevailed in non-Catholic countries by mid-century. In Italy, however, the banning of Copernicanism and the Jesuit insistence on the Tychonic system had ensured that Italian title pages would not be sullied by images of a sun-centered cosmos or

statues of Galileo. The Jesuit position had triumphed over the Galilean, and this triumph is manifested in the frontispiece of the New Almagest, 1651, by Giambattista Riccioli,*’ a Jesuit astronomer of Bologna. His mammoth two-volume encyclopedia was a heroic attempt to stay the tide of heliocentrism, and the frontispiece is the perfect guide to his position (Fig. 24).° It is dominated by two large figures. Argus is at the left, with a telescope, representing the observa-

tional side of astronomy. One of his eyes is looking through the telescope at the sun, a reminder that one of the greatest observational astronomers was a Jesuit, Christoph Scheiner, who wrote the definitive treatise on the sun. The observing eye is on Argus’ knee, and the knee is bent slightly in genuflection, indicating that observation of the heavens is a way of worshipping God. With this ingenious device, Riccioli has captured the spirit of Isaiah 40:26, and much more effectively than Hevelius did by giving the text alone.” Opposite Argus stands Astraea/Virgo, wearing her starry cloak girdled by a belt on which appear the astrological signs of Virgo and Libra. Because these are adjoining constellations, Virgo has become the familiar emblem of Justice, holding Libra in her hand. Here, however, she is no abstract judge, but an assayer at work, weighing two world systems in the balance. In the left scale is the Copernican system, with the sun at the center. The system on the right is an earth-centered system, quite similar to the Tychonic system, except that the two outer planets

are centered on the earth rather than the sun. Nature herself makes the choice—the earth-

centered system has more weight and is therefore the preferred system. It is no surprise that the New Almagest defends the modified Tychonic system depicted in this frontispiece.”

The use of the balance to evaluate the Copernican system was a brilliant stroke. Riccioli knew that Galileo had ridiculed Grassi’s Astronomical Balance in his Assayer, maintaining that fine instruments are needed to make such evaluations. Riccioli responds here by implying that when it comes to the weighing of worlds, an assayer’s balance is the last thing that is needed. Moreover, Riccioli may have been aware of one earlier appearance of an emblematic balance with globes, in the printer’s device on the title page of the third edition of Copernicus’s great

work, published in Amsterdam in 1617 (Fig. 25). Even though the earlier emblem shows a balance weighing heaven and earth, and not two heavenly systems, it must have pleased Riccioli to use a Copernican device to defeat the Copernican system.°* Riccioli enriches his central allegory by including an image below Argus and Astraea of a slightly wistful Ptolemy, gazing up at the whole operation and remarking, “I am uplifted even while I am being corrected.” And at bottom right the Ptolemaic-Aristotelian cosmos stands isolated and diminished: It is no longer in the contest. The cherubs flitting about at the top of the frontispiece provide a further allegorical demonstration of Riccioli’s preferred world system. The sun dominates the left corner, and with it are the three heavenly bodies that, according to Riccioli, circle the sun: Venus and Mercury, shown in phase, and Mars, which has no phases. On the other side are all those objects which orbit the earth: a comet, the moon, Jupiter, Saturn, and the stars. The Jesuits have rejected not the reality of Galileo’s telescopic discoveries, but only his interpretation, for the moon is cratered, Jupiter is surrounded by four moons, and Saturn has those two strange handles which later scientists will interpret as a ring. The crowning feature of Riccioli’s frontispiece, which welds his allegorical images into a

Jesuit argument, is provided by the scrolls scattered throughout the scene, each with a brief quotation from Scripture. Earlier Jesuit writers knew that the principal evidence against Copernicus came from Scripture, but they failed to make much use of this point in their allegories.

190 WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. Ricciolt, however, has marshalled together many of the relevant passages and unfurled them prominently.°> Moreover, he has chosen them with great subtlety, using fragments that the beholder must restore to their original context before the meaning can be understood. For example, Astraea is saying, “it will not be removed forever,” a clause from Psalm 104:5, which reads in full, “He has established the earth on its foundations, and it will not be removed forever.” The inscription at the top is from Psalm 19:2: “Day unto day uttereth speech, and night unto night showeth knowledge.” Its real substance, however, lies in the unspoken verses 4—5: “in them he hath set a tabernacle for the sun, which is like a bridegroom coming out of his chamber, and rejoiceth like a strong man to run his race.”® Even the epigrammatic “Number, Weight, and Measure” emanating from God’s fingers has a hidden subtlety here. The phrase was well known as a passage from the Wisdom of Solomon 11:20, but it becomes all the more meaningful and appropriate for those who can remember verse 22: “For in your sight the whole world is like what turns the scale in a balance.”®” The Riccioli frontispiece is undoubtedly the high point in this iconographic war of the worlds, and it is one of the most brilliantly devised scientific allegories of the century. It stands even today as the definitive statement of the Jesuit position in the controversy with Galileo, a graphic representation of Bellarmine’s considered opinion that, in the absence of certain proof, the weight of Scripture tips the balance in favor of a geocentric system. Indeed, there is little more that could have been said. In 1652, the year after the New Almagest appeared, Bernini provided a Jesuit work on optics with a very different kind of frontispiece. His solution, as Irving Lavin suggests in the following article, may have involved a veiled allusion to the heliocentric system, which bears upon the final point to be discussed here. One of the attractions of allegory is that emblems can be made to serve

multiple roles. Indeed, the more associations devised, the richer the allegory. In a properly constructed allegory, then, any idea whatsoever—even one heretical—can be represented, as long as the emblem also means something else. No Copernican in Italy seems to have realized this in the period between the conviction of Galileo and the appearance of Riccioli’s frontispiece. Heliocentrism had been condemned, and so it disappeared from the engraved titles. But in 1656 there appeared a splendid example of allegorical subterfuge. In that year the first collected edition of

Galileo’s works was published in Bologna, and Stefano della Bella, who had designed the frontispiece for the 1632 Dialogue, was called on to design another (Fig. 26). He created a masterpiece. This new frontispiece depicts Galileo presenting his telescope to three Muses while he points to a central sun and six circling planets in the heavens. Is this the forbidden Copernican system? “Look again,” we can almost hear della Bella saying, “See the six equal-sized, evenlyspaced globes, the crown formed by Jupiter’s moons and the beams of light radiating upward, and the central shield? You may see the Copernican system, but I have drawn the Medici crest.” In the war of emblems, Galileo, from the grave, has fired the decisive round.®

Notes 1. An excellent introduction to 17th-century title- The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title-page in page illustration is M. Corbett and R. W. Lightbown, England, 1550-1660, London, 1979. Although the text

DIVINE REFLECTIONS AND PROFANE REFRACTIONS IQI itself is limited to English examples, the introduction, Van de Velde point out, the significance of the Argus I-47, 1s a comprehensive survey of the basic features myth is discussed by Aguilon himself in his preface, fol. and sources of title-page engraving. For Italian engraved 4v, where Macrobius is cited for the observation that titles, see A. F. Johnson, A Catalogue of Italian Engraved Argus also represents the night sky, the eyes of Heaven. Title-pages in the 16th Century, Oxford, 1936, and R. 11. Aguilon also interprets these emblems in his Mortimer, Harvard College Library ... Part I: Italian preface, fol. 6v.

16th-Century Books, Cambridge, Mass., 1974. 12. The following discussion, outlining the develop-

2. Strictly speaking, an engraved title page contains ment of the Galilean-Jesuit impasse from 1610 to 1616, complete publishing information—title, author, pub- is essential for the analysis of title-page polemics that lisher, place of publication, and date—whereas a frontis- follows. Obviously, the subject is quite complex and piece lacks some or all of this material. It is not always often controversial, and one can hardly do it justice in a necessary to keep them separate, however, and I will few paragraphs. More extensive treatments that span often use the term “engraved title page” to include both the historiographical spectrum are S. Drake, Galileo at types of illustration. When discussing specific examples, Work: His Scientific Biography, Chicago, 1978; W. R.

I will adhere to the proper bibliographic term. Shea, Galileo’s Intellectual Revolution: Middle Period, 3. All photographs were taken by the author from 1610-1632, New York, 1977; J. J. Langford, Galileo, source material in the Linda Hall Library; I am grateful Science, and the Church, Ann Arbor, 1971; L. Geymonat, to this institution for granting me access to its superb Galileo Galilei: A Biography and Inquiry into His Philosocollection. Occasionally, a title page is discussed that is phy of Science, trans. S. Drake, New York, 1965; G. de not illustrated; in such cases, I have provided where Santillana, The Crime of Galileo, Chicago, 1955; and the

possible the location of reproductions in secondary following excellent essays by E. McMullin: “Empiri-

sources. cism and the Scientific Revolution,” in Art, Science, and

4. The iconography of Bayer’s title-page engraving History in the Renaissance, ed. C. S. Singleton, Baltihas not received any attention, so far as I know. The more, 1967, 331-69; “The Conception of Science in book itself, however, is quite well known to historians Galileo’s Work,” in New Perspectives on Galileo, ed.

of astronomy as the first atlas of the stars with R. E. Butts and J. C. Pitt, Dordrecht, 1978, 209—57; reasonably accurate maps. For more on Bayer’s atlas, and the “Introduction” to his Galileo: Man of Science, see D. J. Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartogra- New York, 1967, 3-51.

phy 1500-1800, Amsterdam, 1979, 18-19. 13. The Jovian moons and lunar craters are discussed

5. Apollo and Artemis are commonplaces of Renais- in Galileo’s Sidereal Messenger, Florence, of 1610, the

sance emblem books and are easily recognized, but later discoveries in correspondence and in Galileo’s Astraea is not always correctly identified. For a detailed Letters on Sunspots, Rome, 1613; both works are treatment of Astraea as emblem, see F. A. Yates, translated, with extensive introductions, in S. Drake, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the 16th Century, London, ed., Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo, Garden City,

1975, 29-38. 1957. Incidentally, neither of these treatises nor any of

6. The lions of Cybele were transformations of the the other relevant works published before 1619 had lovers Atalanta and Hippomenes, punished for desecrat- engraved titles or frontispieces. ing a temple by being changed into beasts that according 14. The Aristotelian conception of the cosmos is a to legend do not mate with their own kind; see Ovid, commonplace of Renaissance thought; it is represented, Metamorphoses x. 686-704. Perhaps the “Aeternitati” with minor variations, in hundreds of woodcuts and

inscription beneath them refers not to the immutable engravings of the period, especially in the various

heavens but to their own predicament. editions of Sacrobosco’s treatise On the Sphere, which 7. The encounter with Atlas was part of Hercules’ was used as a textbook, and in many Renaissance eleventh labor; see Apollodorus, Library u.v.11. cosmographies, such as those of Peter Apian, from

8. I have used Bayer’s Uranometria as an example of which Figure 4 was selected. For other examples, see noncontroversial allegory because of its interesting S. K. Heninger, Jr., The Cosmographical Glass: Renaissymbolism, but contemporary Italian title-page engrav- sance Diagrams of the Universe, San Marino, 1977, 14-44.

Ings are equally noncontroversial; see, for example, Is. For a discussion, see W. R. Shea, “Galileo, Giovanni Magini, Primum Mobile, Bologna, 1609, or Scheiner, and the Interpretation of Sunspots,” Isis, LX1, Giovanni Gallucci, Speculum Uranicum, Venice, 1593: 1970, 498-519, an essay also included as a chapter in his

the latter is reproduced in Sotheby & Co., The Galileo’s Intellectual Revolution (as in n. 12). Celebrated Library of Harrison D. Horblitt, sale cat., 16. W. H. Donahue, “The Solid Planetary Spheres in

London, 1974, m, No. 436. Post-Copernican Natural Philosophy,” in The Coperni-

9. The discussion that follows is drawn mostly from can Achievement, ed. R. S. Westman, Berkeley, 1975, J. R. Judson and C. van de Velde, Corpus Rubenianum 244-75. XXI: Book Illustrations and Title-pages, London, 1978, 1, 17. Galileo had been a Copernican since at least 1597, to1—4. But see also J. S. Held, “Rubens and the Book,” but he did not take a public stand until after discovering Harvard Library Bulletin, xxvu, 1979, 114-53; M. Jaffe, the phases of Venus in late 1610. From this point on, he “Rubens and Optics: Some Fresh Evidence,” Journal of became increasingly visible as a Copernican, making his

the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXIV, 1971, 362—66. first printed commitment in the Letters on Sunspots of

Io. Ovid, Metamorphosis 1. 622-723. As Judson and 1613.

192 WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. 18. Galileo claimed that there were two proofs of the stands still saves all the appearances better than eccenCopernican system: the evidence of the tides and the trics and epicycles is to speak well. This has no danger in observed motion of sunspots. Both arguments were it, and it suffices for mathematicians. But to wish to

transparently unsatisfactory. affirm that the sun is really fixed in the center of the 19. One of the best, reasonably nontechnical intro- heavens and merely turns upon itself without traveling ductions to Ptolemaic astronomy, and to the classical from east to west, and that the earth is situated in the divisions between astronomy and cosmology, is still third sphere and revolves very swiftly around the sun, is T. S. Kuhn, The Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astron- a very dangerous thing, not only by irritating all the omy in the Development of Western Thought, Cambridge, theologians and scholastic philosophers, but also by

Mass., 1957, I-99. injuring our holy faith and making the sacred Scripture 20. The Jesuit position that the astronomer should do false.” no more than save appearances by means of a well- 25. The exact wording of the opinions is in Lang-

chosen hypothesis is known variously as instrumental- ford, 89. Much of the attention given to the year 1616 ism, fictionalism, or empiricism, whereas the Galilean by Galilean scholars concerns the question of whether or stand that the astronomer can determine ultimate truth not Galileo received an injunction during his meeting has been called essentialism, conceptualism, and real- with Bellarmine against teaching or defending in any ism. On this thorny but fundamentally important topic, way the Copernican hypothesis. The matter is crucial to see McMullin, “Empiricism” (as in n. 12); E. C. Grant, Galileo’s trial, but has little bearing on the subject here. “Late Medieval Thought, Copernicus, and the Scientific 26. Tycho Brahe was the most accomplished obserRevolution,” Journal of the History of Ideas, xxi, 1962, vational astronomer of the 16th century; it was he who 197-220; B. Nelson, “The Quest for Certitude and the made the first arguments for celestial mutability and Books of Scripture, Nature, and Conscience,” in The fluidity by his careful parallax observations of the nova

Nature of Scientific Discovery, ed. O. Gingerich, of 1572 and the comet of 1577, paving the way for the Washington, D.C., 1975, 372-91; R. M. Black, “The- later Jesuit rejection of this Aristotelian doctrine. See ories of Hypothesis Among Renaissance Astronomers, ” J. L. E. Dreyer, Tycho Brahe (1890), New York, 1963: in his Theories of Scientific Method, Seattle, 1960, 22—409. C. D. Hellman, The Comet of 1577: Its Place in the History

21. Galileo’s “Letter to Castelli” was written in 1613 of Astronomy, New York, 1944. and is translated in Drake, 224-29. The more extensive 27. Tycho’s own objections to the Copernican sys“Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina,” an elaboration tem were based on the physical problems of a moving of the first latter, was written in 1615 and published in earth, conflicts with Scripture, and the lack of stellar

1636; it is translated in Drake, ed., 175-216. parallax, which, if the earth moved, would imply a vast

22. There is a good discussion of the problems of empty space between Saturn and the stars. See M. Boas scriptural interpretation in Langford, 50-78, although and A. R. Hall, “Tycho Brahe’s System of the World,” he sometimes displays an exaggerated concern for who Occasional Notes of the Royal Astronomical Society of was right or wrong. The strongly worded Tridentine London, 1, 1959, 253-63.

decree, issued in 1546, may be consulted in H. J. 28. Donahue (as in n. 16).

Schroeder, Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 29. Scheiner has not been well served by historians of

London, 1941, 18-19, 298. astronomy; the only extended treatment is a thin

23. The impetus for the inquiry was provided by a 19th-century monograph by A. von Braunmiihl, Chriscopy of Galileo’s “Letter to Castelli” that was sent to toph Scheiner als Mathematiker, Physiker und Astronom, Bellarmine, as well as by a recently published treatise by Bamberg, 1891. Although his early sunspot letters have a Carmelite, Paolo Foscarini, which attempted to been dealt with by Galilean scholars, his Oculus has been reconcile the Copernican system with Scripture. Bellar- largely ignored.

mine is a major figure in 17th-century intellectual 30. One is also struck by the fact that the instrument history; the standard biography is J. Brodrick, Robert depicted is a “Galilean” telescope, which projects an Bellarmine: Saint and Scholar, London, 1961. Most of the inverted image, rather than the “Keplerian” telescope contemporary portraits of Bellarmine show him in a that Scheiner used for most of his observations. Could

state of irritation, as, indeed, he was, having had to the “non integer intrat” have been directed at the wrestle with the Dominicans during the extended Galilean telescope in particular, rather than telescopes in controversy on grace, with the claims of James I for the general? On telescope types in this period, see A. Van divine right of kings, and with the Galilean affair. By Helden, “The ‘Astronomical Telescope’: 1611-1650,” contrast, Bernini’s memorial bust in the Gest in Rome Annali dell’Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienze di

expresses great peace, as if Bellarmine was rather Firenze, 1, 2, 1976, 13-35 relieved at passing to a realm less marked by persistent 31. S. Drake and C. D. O’Malley, trans., The controversy. See R. Wittkower, Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Controversy on the Comets of 1618, 1960, has translations

Oxford, 1981, fig. 31; Cat. No. 15, addendum, 274. of all the relevant treatises; the dispute is also discussed

24. The quotation is from Bellarmine’s famous by Shea, 75-108.

“Letter to Foscarini” of 1615, translated in full in Drake, 32. Scheiner’s first letters on sunspots had been

ed., 162-64. written under the pseudonym of “Apelles latens post Earlier in that same letter, Bellarmine said ominously: tabulam”—Apelles hiding behind the painting. In “For to say that assuming the earth moves and the sun Guiducci’s Discourse on: Comets, of 1619, Galileo com-

DIVINE REFLECTIONS AND PROFANE REFRACTIONS 193 ments wryly about people who call themselves Apelles 40. The allegorical significance of Kepler’s frontisand yet do not compare with even mediocre artists. See piece has been discussed by several historians, most

Drake and O’Malley, 24. convincingly by O. Gingerich, “Johannes Kepler and

33. Grassi continues to use the metaphor of the the Rudolphine Tables,” Sky and Telescope, x1, 1971, balance in the text, calling the chapters “First Weigh- 328-33. This essay also reproduces the original ing,” “Second Weighing,” etc. As Galileo would later drawing for the frontispiece, which was rejected by point out, the double meaning of Libra in the title-page Tycho’s heirs because it did not give sufficient promi-

emblem was a bit forced, since the comet was first seen nence to Tycho.

in Scorpio, not Libra. Grassi, incidentally, was not only 41. It is noteworthy that even the Tychonic system a mathematician but an architect, who later designed on the ceiling looks Copernican, since the artist, Rome’s second Jesuit Church, S. Ignazio; see F. Haskell, deliberately or unwittingly, has distorted the perspecPatrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations Between tive so that the sun seems to occupy the central point. Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque (1963), 42. For the circumstances surrounding the prepara-

New York, 1971, 74. tion and publication of Galileo’s Dialogue, see Drake, 34. The work is translated in full in Drake and 300-336; de Santillana (as in n. 12), 160—86.

O'Malley, 151-336. 43. Stefano della Bella, the designer of this frontis-

35. The Barberini bees appear on many of the title piece, was a fairly prominent artist, unlike most of the pages of works published by members of the Lincean other designers of the engravings discussed here. See Academy, whose symbol, the lynx, can be seen at the R. Wittkower, Art and Architecture in Italy, 1600-1750, bottom of Galileo’s title page. One of the most famous 3rd ed., Harmondsworth, 1973, 346, and references ilustrations in the history of microscopy is the Lincean cited there. Francesco Stelluti’s 1625 engraving of magnified bees, 44. On Galileo’s trial, and the Jesuit role in the the first drawing ever made with the help of a proceedings, see Langford, 137-58; de Santillana (as in microscope. But it is seldom noticed that the bees are n. 12), 187-330. The actual sentence of Galileo and his arranged in marvelous homage to (or parody of) the abjuration of his beliefs may be found in Langford, Barberini crest. See F. J. Cole, A History of Comparative 1§2-$4. Anatomy, London, 1949, 139, for the original broad- 45. E. Panofsky pointed out the disparity between sheet, and Drake, 290, for the modified version pub- the Copernican portraits of 1632 and 1635 in a note in

lished in Stelluti’s Persio Tradotto in 1630. Isis, XLV, 1956, 182-85. Panotsky had claimed in his

36. On the Jesuit view of the relationship between Galileo as a Critic of the Arts (1954) that the portrait in the mathematics and philosophy, see Shea (as in n. 15), 1632 frontispiece resembled Galileo. He was taken to s15—19. It 1s interesting that the engraver of this title task by E. Rosen (Isis, xLvul, 1956, 78-80), whereupon page, F. Villemoena, also engraved the portrait of Panotsky introduced the 1635 frontispiece as evidence Galileo found in the Letters on Sunspots of 1613; the that great care was suddenly being taken to dissociate inscription around the portrait reads: “Galileo Galilei Galileo from Copernicus. Panofsky’s argument seems

Linceo Filosofo e Mathematico. .. .” persuasive.

37. Scheiner’s monumental opus, like the Oculus, has 46. The Jesuit impact on mid-17th-century science received only a fraction of the attention of his sunspot was considerable, and much of this influence was letters, perhaps because Scheiner seems to have devoted positive. There has, unfortunately, never been an more space to sunspots than they warrant. J. B. J. analogue in the historiography of Baroque science to Delambre summed up his ten-page discussion in his R. Wittkower and I. B. Jaffe, eds., Baroque Art: The Histoire de l’astronomie moderne, Paris, 1821, by com- Jesuit Contribution, New York, 1972. But there is menting (I, p. 690): “Il est de 784 pages, il n’y a pas valuable discussion of the Jesuit role in the physical matiére pour 50,” In defense of Scheiner, however, I sciences in J. L. Heilbron, Electricity in the 17th and 18th would like to point out that the last 120 pages contain Centuries: A Study of Early Modern Physics, Berkeley, the definitive discussion on the question of the mutabil- 1979, IOI-14, 180-92. Heilbron comments (p. 2): “The

ity and solidity of the spheres. single most important contributor to the support of the

38. Paolo Orsini was an enthusiastic patron of the study of experimental physics in the 17th century was arts and associated with Bernini for a number of years; the Catholic Church, and, within, it, the Society of he was immortalized by Bernini in marble around 1635. Jesus.” See Haskell (as in n. 33), 96-98. It is ironic that the title 47. Cavalieri considered himself a disciple of Galileo

Rosa Ursina should identify Orsini with Scheiner, and is most noted for his work in mathematics,

because Orsini had been a participant at that famous especially his method of indivisibles. So far as I know, 1613 meeting which eventually inspired Galileo’s letters he never took a stand upholding the Tychonic system, to Castelli and the Grand Duchess Christina; see Drake, so it is not clear why these emblems should be on his 222-23. There is an engraved portrait of Orsini in the frontispiece. Cavalieri’s relationship to Galileo is disRosa Ursina that was based on Leoni’s portrait of ca. cussed in Drake, passim.

1623; the latter is in Haskell, pl. 17c. 48. Grandami was a Jesuit scriptor at the Collége

39. On Kepler’s trials in getting this work finally Louis-le-Grand in Paris. He has been all but ignored by published, see M. Caspar, Kepler, trans. C. D. Hellman, modern historians, perhaps justifiably, but in 1664 the

London, 1959, 308-28. Englishman Henry Power devoted the entire third book

194 WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. of his Experimental Philosophy to refuting Grandami’s 54. The work contains a number of fine engravings argument concerning magnetism. If Grandami is ever of the moon’s surface, including the first with named immortalized, it will probably be for the delicious features (although the nomenclature of Hevelius was variation on an ancient proverb that Power emblazoned not accepted). Hevelius was fond of engraved titles, and on the title page to his Book 3: “Amicus Plato, Amicus most of his elegant folios display them. There is a good Aristoteles, Grandis Amicus Grandamicus, Sed Magis general discussion of Hevelius in Johannes Hevelius and Amica, Veritas.” For an engaging history of this saying, His Catalog of Stars, Provo, Utah, 1971, which also see Henry Guerlac, “Amicus Plato and Other Friends,” includes excellent reproductions of many of his title Journal of the History of Ideas, xxxIX, 1978, 627-33. engravings. 49. Kircher’s astronomical work is described in J. E. 55. It was often customary in earlier astronomical Fletcher, “Astronomy in the Life and Correspondence title-page engravings to place an emblematic (i.e., of Athanasius Kircher,” Isis, LXI, 1970, 52-67. Scheiner non-realistic) sun and moon in the two upper corners returned to Vienna in 1633 and finally moved to Neisse (see Fig. 21, for example). Hevelius’s replacement of the in Silesia, where he reportedly worked at revising an emblems with realistic images is at once a repudiation of earlier treatise refuting Galileo. The work, Prodromus de allegory and an allegorical statement in itself. Sole Mobile et Stabili Terra Contra Galilaeum, was 56. This same emblematic figure is used again, still published posthumously in 1651, but it is very scarce holding her telescope, on the frontispiece of Francesco

and I have never seen a copy. Eschinardi, Centuriae Opticae Pars Altera, Rome, 1668, a 50. The eagle on the frontispiece, with its two heads, delightful engraving that unfortunately falls outside the also represents the Holy Roman Empire, an appropriate period of this study. It is reproduced in The Honeyman emblem since the book was dedicated to the Archduke Collection (as inn. §1), 0, No. 965.

Ferdinand. The scene at bottom left shows a garden 57. Alhazen was highly regarded in the 17th century with sundials; presumably the object being illuminated for establishing a mathematical theory of vision and is a moon dial, although it does not resemble any of the discarding the classical doctrine that the eye emits visual designs Kircher describes in the treatise itself. The cave rays responsible for perception. It is interesting to note,

at the bottom right suggests how optics can help in the light of the Galilean-Jesuit views of hypotheses,

illuminate the darkness. that Alhazen maintained that it was acceptable to use

si. Lansberg, like Galileo and Kepler, adamantly visual rays in working out the geometry of sight, but rejected the idea of a Copernican “hypothesis” and that these rays are imaginary, only a useful mathematiinsisted that the heliocentric system was a physically real cal hypothesis with no physical reality. See D. C. system. His title page is clearly patterned after that of Lindberg, Theories of Vision from Al-Kindi to Kepler, Nicolaus Mulerius, Tabulae Frisicae, Alkmaar, 1611, an Chicago, 1976, 61-67. engraving that also depicts the first appearance, as far as 58. It is somewhat ironic that Galileo is so honored I know, of the heliocentric “lollipop” in the hand of on this title page, because later in life Hevelius became Copernicus, an attribute that became commonplace in involved in controversy concerning his refusal to use 17th-century illustrations of Copernicus (see Figs. 16, telescopic sights for positional astronomy, and on the 21, 22). For a reproduction, see Sotheby Parke Bernet, engraved titles of later works the figure of Galileo is The Honeyman Collection of Scientific Books and Manu- conspicuously absent.

scripts, sale cat., London, 1978-79, 1, No. 756. 59. Riccioli has received even less attention from

52. Wilkins’s treatise was one of the early entries in historians than Scheiner, although his Almagestum Nothe so-called “plurality of worlds” genre which was vum is one of the great source-books on 17th-century launched by Kepler’s Somnium of 1634. See D. M. astronomy. This contains a list, for example, of all Knight, “Uniformity and Diversity of Nature in contemporary explanations of new stars and the Latin 17th-Century Treatises on Plurality of Worlds,” Orga- text of the edict of 1616 banning heliocentrism. non, IV, 1967, 61-68, and S. J. Dick, “The Origins of 6o. My analysis of the frontispiece has benefited the Extraterrestrial Life Debate and Its Relation to the from the discussions in Heninger (as in n. 14), 66-68, Scientific Revolution,” Journal of the History of Ideas, X11, and D. Stimson, The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican

1980, 3-27. The doctrine of a plurality of worlds did not Theory of the Universe, New York, 1917, page facing conflict with Scripture in the same way as the concept of frontispiece. the motion of the earth, primarily because Scripture is 61. Lest I be accused of reading too much into a bent

silent on the question. Campanella, in his Apologia pro knee, let me point out that Riccioli describes the Galileo, 1622, argued that an inhabited moon is quite significance of this gesture in his Preface, 1, xvii. He also

consistent with Scripture, although many Catholics, identifies Astraea and Argus in this brief section, but

even liberal ones such as Mersenne and Gassendi, denied most of the allegorical significance of the engraving is

the possibility. See Dick, 21. left for the reader to puzzle out.

53. The first edition of Wilkins’s book, called The Dis- 62. Riccioli has a very extensive discussion of various covery ofa World in the Moone, 1638, had a simpler wood- world systems in the text of his work (1, 271-500). He

cut title, showing the sun-centered system but without presents his own modified Tychonic system on the figures of Kepler, Galileo, and Copernicus. For a pp. 288-89, defending it for such reasons as: Jupiter reproduction, see A. G. R. Smith, Science and Society in and Saturn, with their satellites, are akin to the earth and

the 16th and 17th Centuries, London, 1972, fig. 115. should circle the earth; and Jupiter and Saturn, moving

DIVINE REFLECTIONS AND PROFANE REFRACTIONS 195 only slowly against the stars, have a-closer affinity with of the earth with Scripture (u, 479-95), and he the stars, which circle the earth. As for the Copernican concludes by setting down the official position that system, he is full of praise for the way it saves unless manifestly false, Scripture is to be read with a appearances, but he finds well over fifty reasons why it literal interpretation. must be rejected. These are extracted in Delambre (as in 66. This passage from Psalm 19 (18 in the Vulgate)

n. 37), 1, 674-79. was one of the most often cited in the proceedings of

63. The emblem of the balance turns up in many 1615-16, and Galileo himself tried to interpret it in a unexpected places in scientific title-page illustrations. It letter to Piero Dini, written in 1615 (trans. in Drake, appears, for example, on the cornice of the architectural 246-49). title page of Schyrleus de Rheita, Oculus Enoch et Eliae, 67. The remaining Biblical passages on the frontisAntwerp, 1644, which is reproduced rather poorly in piece are: “When I consider thy heavens, the work of D. Cinti, Biblioteca Galileiana, Florence, 1957, 231; the thy fingers,” Psalm 8:4, uttered here by Argus; and symbol can also be seen on the shield of Urania in the “Weighed in his balance,” placed just over the scales and

lower left corner of the engraved title of Marci de probably a reference to Isaiah 40:12: “Who hath

Kronland, Thaumantias Liber de Arcu Coelesti, Prague, measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, and 1648, reproduced in E. J. Aiton, “Joannes Marcus Marci measured out heaven with the span, and measured the (1595—1667),” Annals of Science, XXVI, 1970, 153—64, pl. dust of the earth in a measure, and weighed the 160. There seems to have been some emblematic bond mountains in scales, the hills in a balance.” “Weighed in between Urania and Libra, as evidenced by Marcanto- his balance” is probably not derived from the more nio Raimondi’s engraving, after Raphael, of Urania familiar Daniel 5:27, “weighed in the balances and gazing into the heavens at the sign of Libra; see found wanting,” since the Vulgate text of this passage is E. Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, rev. ed., “appensus es in statera....” There were two other New York, 1968, 149-50 and fig. 38. A study of the Scriptural passages that Riccioli could have used but did iconography of the balance would be rewarding. not: the sun standing still in Joshua 10:12—13, and Psalm 64. The Mulerius edition of Copernicus appeared hot 93(92):1, “The world also is established, that it cannot

on the heels of the 1616 Vatican edict. Although be moved.”

Mulerius, a professor at Groningen, added notes to the 68. In his note in Isis (as inn. 45), 182-85, Panofsky text of Copernicus, he did not commit himself to the pointed out della Bella’s ingenuity, but his insights seem

hypothesis. to have escaped attention. For'a comparison of della 65. In his text, Riccioli devotes sixteen folio pages to Bella’s emblematic Medici coat-of-arms with a more the difficulties of reconciling the concept of the motion conventional representation, see the top of Fig. 17.

Bibliography

Chicago, 1978. Arbor, 1971.

Drake, S. Galileo at Work: His Scientific Biography. Langford, J. J. Galileo, Science, and the Church. Ann Drake, S., ed. Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo. Garden Shea, W. R. Galileo’s Intellectual Revolution: Middle

City, 1957. Period, 1610-1632. New York, 1977.

Drake, S., and C. D. O’Malley, trans. The Controversy on the Comets of 1618. Philadelphia, 1960.

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Bernini's Cosmic Eagle

Irving Lavin

T is a commonplace of the literature on Bernini that he was a supreme realist. He | observed aspects of the visible world—movement, expression, texture, effects of light— and recorded or evoked them in marble or bronze as had no previous sculptor. This unprecedented sensitivity to and analysis of the physical world parallels the revolutionary achievements in scientific thought and observation that took place during the artist’s lifetime. Yet, as far as we know, Bernini was not directly concerned with these great developments— unlike the painter Cigoli, for example, who was a friend of Galileo’s and represented a telescopic view of the moon in one of his paintings." Bernini had a close association with one of the lesser known scientists of the day, however, the Jesuit Nicolo Zucchi, author of a two-volume treatise on optics, the Optica Philosophia, published at Lyons in 1652-—56.* For this work Bernini designed a frontispiece, engraved by Frangois Poilly (Fig. 1), which has received almost as little attention from art historians as Nicolo Zucchi and his treatise have from historians of science. The study by William Ashworth appearing on the preceding pages of this volume helps to place Bernini’s composition against the background of the illustrated frontispieces and title pages included in comparable scientific publications of the period. It might be objected that Bernini’s attitude toward the scientific study of nature is too large a theme to be explored in so modest a work as this engraving, a mere book illustration and one not even executed by his own hand. Such a misconception is belied, however, by a remarkable passage in Baldinucci’s biography of the artist: “In his works, whether large or small, Bernini did his utmost in order that there should shine forth that beauty of concept which the work itself made possible, and he said that it was his wont to devote as much study and application to the design of a lamp as to that of a statue or a noble building.”? Evidence of the truth of this statement lies in the mordinately large number of extant preparatory studies by Bernini for another book illustration, the engraving of Saint John the Baptist Preaching

210 IRVING LAVIN which he designed for a 1664 edition of the sermons of his close friend Giovanni Paolo Oliva, head of the Jesuit order.‘ From the prints considered by Ashworth it is clear that the frontispiece to Zucchi’s optical treatise is quite unlike the kinds of illustrations such works had received previously. Instead of an elaborate hieroglyphical-allegorical-symbolical conglomeration of motifs, Bernini portrays one coherent subject: An enormous eagle clutching a lightning bolt flies high above the earth while looking back toward the sun, whose rays stream down. The appropriateness to a book on optics of an image of an eagle staring at the sun seems obvious, except that the motif had evidently not been used before in a scientific context. Indeed, while it expresses the subject of vision with stunning force, the design conveys nothing of the actual content of the treatise. The fact is that although the basic ingredients of the frontispiece may be found among its predecessors in scientific texts, the conception stems in large part from a different tradition and has a largely different significance. Nicolo Zucchi was born in Parma in 1586 and he died in 1670 in Rome.?* He taught rhetoric, philosophy, theology, and mathematics at the Jesuit College in Rome and served for seven

years as Apostolic Preacher, delivering sermons to the Pope and the papal court (an office subsequently also held for many years by Zucchi’s good friend and advisee, Giovanni Paolo Oliva).° His prowess as an orator was eloquently attested by Bernini, who reported that when Zucchi preached one felt oneself completely alone with the speaker.’ Zucchi wrote numerous devotional tracts, and in 1682 one ot his fellow Jesuits, Daniele Bartoli, published a biography that focused mainly on Zucchi’s religious and ascetic activities. Apart from the fact that he met

and sought to convert Kepler during a visit in 1623 to the court of the Hapsburg Emperor Ferdinand II at Prague, Zucchi appears in the literature of science for two reasons: He claimed to have had the idea for a reflecting telescope as early as 1616, and to have discovered the spots of Jupiter in 1630. He dedicated his magnum opus in science, the Optica Philosophia, to Archduke Leopold William, son of Ferdinand I. Leopold William, a devout and orthodox Catholic,

was then actively engaged in the effort to suppress the Jansenist movement in Flanders, of which he was governor.’ Zucchi’s dedication begins on the page facing the engraving, with two lines of Latin verse that explain the underlying meaning of Bernini’s image: Parvos non aquilis fas est educere foetus/ ante fidem solis iudiciumque poli: “Eagles may not rear their young without the sun’s permission

and the good will of heaven.” These are the first two verses of Claudian’s panegyric on the third consulship of the Emperor Honorius, and their significance emerges in the subsequent lines of the poem.? Claudian tells about the extreme trial to which young eagles are put by their elders. The parent bird carries its offspring aloft and bids him look directly at the sun; if the fledgling cannot bear the sight, he is immediately cast down to the earth; if he can, he is nurtured to be the king of birds, heir to the thunderbolt, destined to carry Jove's flery weapon. The eagle of the engraving, identified as the imperial bird by the lightning bolt held in its claws, refers to Leopold William’s imperial heritage; the story depicted refers to the prince’s worthiness of that heritage; and the motto inscribed below, between Bernini’s and the engraver’s names—UTROQUE POTENS, “powerful in both” (realms)—refers to the prince’s spiritual and terrestrial achievements, which are also extolled in the text of the dedication."® The

image and its motto together form an ingenious conceit incorporating an encomium of this particular patron with an allusion to the theme of this particular book. It is clear that in devising their invention Zucchi and Bernini turned primarily to works that invoked Hapsburg patronage. The three basic components of the frontispiece had appeared in the illustrations of earlier Jesuit scientific texts published under the imperial aegis: Scheiner’s treatise of 1619 on the eye, dedicated to Ferdinand II (Ashworth, Fig. 3); and Kircher’s 1646

BERNINI’S COSMIC EAGLE 211 work on light and shade, dedicated to Archduke Ferdinand III (Ashworth, Fig. 20). The two earlier designs are conceived as a panoramic landscape view with an eagle appearing between the sun and the earth as part of the allegorical apparatus. Both birds are identified with the Hapsburgs: in the first case by the famous motto PLVS VLTRA, “further beyond,” inscribed above; in the second case by the double head. In neither case, however, is the bird specifically identified as the imperial eagle. Nor is there any direct link between sun, eagle, and earth, whereas the relationship between these three elements is the focus of Zucchi’s and Bernini’s conception. These differences stem in part from a tradition of verbal and visual conceits that had contributed many individual motifs to the composite allegories illustrating the scientific texts, the emblem or impresa. In this mode, a coherent, overriding idea was expressed aphoristically in a combination of words and picture, often as a personal or family device. The story of the eagle’s trial by the sun—well known from ancient sources and in the later bestiary literature—is the subject of many such devices." Several appear, for example, in Giovanni Ferro’s Teatro d’imprese, published in Venice in 1623 with a dedication to one of Bernini’s greatest patrons, Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, who became Pope Urban VIII that same year (Fig. 2).” Although Zucchi’s and Bernini’s conceit is clearly rooted in the basic tradition represented by the emblems in Ferro’s compilation, there are important differences: The earth appears not as a landscape but as a segment of a globe; the eagle is now the imperial bird, identified by the lightning bolt in its claws; and both the motto and the bird’s action—flying toward the right while looking back over its shoulder—convey the eagle’s pivotal role between the two celestial spheres. I have found no single prototype that incorporates these features. All but the first, however, were surely evolved from a merging of two emblems reproduced in a great collection of papal, imperial, and royal devices published at Prague at the turn of the century. The author, Jacob Typotius, was a court humanist of Rudolph II and the engraver was Aegidius Sadeler.'? A binary motto appears with the bicephalic Hapsburg eagle in an emblem of Rudolph II himself (Fig. 3) inscribed VTRVNQUE, “both,” or “each” (head). Typotius explains that the bird perched atop the mountain represents the emperor enthroned; the two heads are his Power and Prudence, one looking up to the sun, the other looking down toward a swarm of serpents crawling up the summit."* An emblem of Philibertus II of Savoy inscribed PRESTANTIOR ANIMVS, “the spirit is superior,” illustrates the eagle’s solar test and imparts a dual action to the bird (Fig. 4). The explanatory text, following Pliny, cites the eagle story without imperial allusion; the emblem is said to refer to the superiority of Philibertus’s spirit, which aspires to the sun but relinquishes its upward path and descends earthward, owing to the body’s weaknesses. * In amalgamating these two prototypes, Zucchi and Bernini introduced a number of critical

changes. The new inscription (utraque potens) combined the duality of the first motto (utrunque) with the aggressiveness of the second (prestantior), so that the eagle becomes doubly powerful, as it were. Adding the imperial lightning bolt as warranted by Claudian’s account of the solar trial, while removing one of the Hapsburg eagle’s heads, imbues the device with universal rather than purely dynastic significance. The movement and position of the bird are altered so as to invert the sense of its action; it alludes not to the rise of ambition and the fall of achievement, but to the heavenward route of the Archduke’s Glory, which must advance “beyond the paths of the year and the sun.”'® Rays now completely fill the background, as had occurred heretofore in emblems depicting the sun alone in the sky (Fig. 5).'? Finally, the earth is now shown as a sphere, a form employed commonly in astronomical and astrological devices (Figs. 6,7),’° lifting the whole scene into outer space. In sum, Bernini presents the conceit not

as a landscape view, nor as an abstract diagram, nor yet as a complex allegory. Rather, he portrays what can only be described as a “real” cosmic event involving a magnificent inter-

212 IRVING LAVIN planetary eagle and two celestial bodies in dynamic relationship to one another. Bernini combines the quality of personal and moral metaphor with the appearance of objective reality. It can scarcely be coincidental that a significant step in this direction had been taken twenty years earlier in a monumental composition with which Bernini was intimately familiar, involving the sun, an eagle, and a spherical earth, in a similarly cosmic design. In Andrea Sacchi’s vault fresco in the Palazzo Barberini (Fig. 8), the figure of Divine Wisdom, the sun (a device of Urban VIII) emblazoned on her breast, sits enthroned in the center of the composition while the earth appears below and to the right. Personified attributes of Divine Wisdom populate the sky, accompanied by starry constellations with their corresponding emblems. The design focuses mainly on the sun and earth, and their eccentric relationship has been interpreted as an allusion to the heliocentric system.’? Indeed, the significance of the juxtaposition seems emphasized by the conspicuous appearance between Divine Wisdom and the earth of the attribute Perspicacity with the Eagle constellation (Aquila), an emblem that is appropriate not only for

the bird’s acute vision but also for its purported ability to gaze upon the sun with impunity (Fig. 9).*° The intermediate position of the personification and her eagle, as well as their intense stares, indicate that Divine Wisdom’s perspicacity consists in perceiving the “true” relationship between the earth and its solar partner. This relationship strikingly anticipates the one shown in

Bernini’s engraving, as does the action of the bird facing the earth with wings spread and looking back over its shoulder to the sun. It should be emphasized that Sacchi’s fresco was executed in 1629-1631, at the height of the Galilean controversy, in which Urban VIII himself participated. The pope had actually sought to resolve the conflict, not by challenging Galileo’s observations, but by allowing that God in his mysterious wisdom might choose to create phenomena by means inscrutable to man and different from the apparent causes.”! Zucchi has been classified with the opponents of Galileo,” although he takes no stand in the Optica Philosophia. There is no direct evidence of Bernini’s opinion on the heliocentric versus the geocentric system, if he had one. In the engraving, he follows Sacchi in depicting the earth as a sphere; but he returns it to the position it had occupied in the earlier emblem tradition, on the central axis of the composition. Perhaps the purpose was to support the conservative Jesuit view, or, indeed, mysteriously to reconcile the controversy that had inspired the illustrators of such scientific texts for more than a quarter century.*? In any case, Bernini’s ultimate viewpoint seems implicit in the extraordinary and characteristic achievement of his design—which suggests that virtue’s heavenward flight leads out of our time and space altogether, to a loftier realm beyond. The complex genesis of this modest and apparently simple work recalls Baldinucci’s state-

ment quoted above, “In his works, whether large or small, Bernini did his utmost that there should shine forth that beauty of concept which the work itself made possible. . . .” Moreover, the illustration must have been the fruit of a singularly close piece of cooperative research and imaginative cross-fertilization between author and designer. The intimate rapport that Bernini described feeling with Zucchi the orator seems to have found expression here as well.

Notes 1. Recently, H. Feigenbaum Chamberlain has at- gravity in solids, “The Influence of Galileo on Bernini’s tempted to establish Bernini's use of Galileo’s theory of Saint Mary Magdalen and Saint Jerome,” Art Bulletin, Lx,

BERNINI’S COSMIC EAGLE 213 1977, 71-84; on Cigoli and Galileo, see E. Panofsky, In his diary of Bernini’s visit to Paris in 1665, Galileo as a Critic of the Arts, The Hague, 1954. Chantelou remarks on the artist’s close friendship with 2. Optica Philosophia Experimentis et Ratione a Funda- Zucchi, from whom Bernini received a letter reporting mentis Constituta, 2 vols., Lyons, 1652-56; the frontis- a grave illness of his wife (P. F. de Chantelou, Journal du piece appears in both volumes. The engraving was first voyage du Cavalier Bernin en France, ed. L. Lalanne, Paris, noted by H. Brauer and R. Wittkower, Die Zeichnungen 1885, 158). des Gianlorenzo Bernini, Berlin, 1931, 151, n. 3, and first 8. Pastor (as inn. 6), XXx, 312ff.

reproduced by M. and M. Fagiolo dell’Arco, Bernini. 9. The source of the lines was printed in the margin Una introduzione al gran teatro del barocco, Rome, 1967, in Zucchi’s second volume. Cf. Claudian, ed. No. 136; see recently Bernini in Vaticano, exh. cat., M. Platnauer, 2 vols., Cambridge, Mass., and London,

Rome, 1981, 86f., No. 63. 1956, 1, 268f.

3. “Nell’opere sue, o grandi, o piccole ch’elle si 10. “Heroicae virtutis, & eximiae Pietatis Ferdinandi fussero, cercava, per quanto era in se, che rilucesse I]. Imperatoris Haeres, in Solem eductus, rebus pié, forquella bellezza di concetto, di che lopera stressa si titérque gestis, dignum te tanto Parente filium Christirendeva capace, e diceva, che non minore studio ed ano Orbi, hostibus autem Impery luminis & fulminis Arapplicazione egli era solito porre nel disegno d’una bitrum comprobasti. . .” (Zucchi, Optica, dedication). lampana, di quello, ch’ e’ si ponesse in una Statua, o in 11. Cf. M. Goldstaub and R. Wendriner, Ein toscouna nobilissima fabbrica” (F. Baldinucci, Vita del venezianischer Bestiarius, Halle, 1892, 384f.

cavaliere Gio. Lorenzo Bernino, Rome, 1682, 71). 12. Pt. 2, p. 82, upper two and middle-right 4. Cf. I. Lavin, et al., Drawings by Gianlorenzo emblems.

Bernini from the Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Leipzig, For a survey of eagle emblems, see A. Henkel and German Democratic Republic, Princeton, 1981, 254ff., A. Schone, Emblemata. Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des

Nos. 65-77. AVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart, 1967, cols. 5. For most of what follows see: A. de Backer and 757tf.; on this theme in particular, D. W. Jéns, Das

C. Sommervogel, Bibliothéque de la Compagnie de Jésus, “Sinnen-Bild.” Studien zur allegorischen Bildlichkeit bei

12 vols., Brussels, 1890-1960, vi, cols. 1525-1530; Andreas Gryphius, Stuttgart, 1966, 148f. Enciclopedia cattolica, 12 vols., Florence, 1948-1954, XI, 13. Symbola Divina & Humana Pontificam Imperatorum cols. 1827f.; P. Riccardi, Biblioteca matematica italiana, 2 regum, 3 vols., Prague, 1601-3 (repr. Graz, 1972); on vols., Milan, 1952, u, cols. 671f.; Dictionary of Scientific this work, cf. M. Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century

Biography, 16 vols., New York, 1970-1980, xIv, 636f.; Imagery, 2 vols., Rome, 1964-1974, 1, 518f.; R. W. P. Redondi, Galileo eretico, Turin, 1983 (cf. index). Evans, Rudolf II and His World. A Study in Intellectual See also the following references, kindly brought to History 1576-1612, Oxford, 1973, 128f., 170ff.

my attention by Professor Ugo Baldini: H. Weyer- 14. Symbola, 1, 56, No. xxxvu, 1; p. 57: “Aquila mann, “Nicholas Zucchi und sein Spiegelfernrohr,” Die biceps, in rupe sedens, Imperatorem in fastigio exhibet;

Sterne, XXXIX, 1963, 229f.; M. D. Grmek, “Getaldié, & dum altero capite Solem suspicit, altero serpentes Prodanelli et le télescope catoptrique 4 Dubrovnik,” circa rupem reptantes despicit; bona spe implet, divini Actes du symposium international “La géometrie et l’algébre auxilii, contra humanam cim vim, tim dolum. Atque au début du XVIF siécle” a Poccasion du quatriéme centenaire haec duo sunt, quae contra duo capita erigat Imperator,

de la naissance de Marin Getaldié, Zagreb, 1969, 175-84: necesse est. Quae illa capita? Potentia & Prudentia, U. Baldini, in G. Micheli, ed., Storia d’Italia. Annali 3, mente in Deo non sole, at solo fixa.”

Turin, 1980 (index); idem, “Una lettera inedita del ig. Symbola, m, 25, center left; p. 26: “Quia proTorricelli ed altre dei gesuiti R. Prodanelli, J. C. della prium aquilae est Solem posse innoxie inspicere, propFaille, A. Tacquet, P. Bourdin e F. M. Grimaldi,” terea pullos implumes subinde cogit (ut inquit Plinius) Annali dell’ Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza di Solis radios intueri, & si conniuentes, animaduertit,

Firenze, v, 1980, 15-37. praecipitat € mido, velut adulterinos, & degeneres.

6. Cf. L. von Pastor, The History of the Popes, 40 Intuetur hic quidem Solem aquila: verum iter sursum vols., St. Louis, 1938-1952, xXxXxI, 126; A. Neri, institutum relinquit, ac deorsum tendit, non quod Solis “Saggio della corrispondenza di Ferdinando Raggi radios non ferat visus, sed quod corporis vires, ut Solé agente della republica genovese a Roma,” Rivista petat, non sufficiant. Haec eleganter Heros iste Symbolo

europea, V, 1878, 663, 668, 675. suo accommodauit; Ostendere enim voluit, se omnibus

7. “E sopra cio solea dire il Cavalier Bernini, huomo animi, & corporis viribus, ad res magnas, & sublimes di grande ingegno, e d’altrettanto giudicio, che gli altri tendere: verum ad propositam metam & scopum Predicatori, hora parlauan seco, hor nd, ma 6 con peruenire non posse, corporis non animi defectu, quem niuno, o non sapeua con chi: Ma il P. Zucchi del primo praestantiorem & indefessum animaduertit. Is etsi salir che faceva in pergamo, gli si poneua a faccia a faccia absque corpore nihil praestare, ac corpus ad nutum dauanti, e staua seco parlando a lui solo, quanto duraua regere non possit, tamen subinde eius vires auget.

il predicare a gli altri. Egli poi veramente commosso Omnia defer oo

moueua, e€ acceso inflammaua, e con le lagrime sue Tle ot: “ep cunt, vue he hee Cua vance, ammolliua il cuore de gli ascolanti” (D. Bartoli, Della ¢ etiam vires corpus habere facit. vita del P. Nicolo Zucchi della Compagna di Giesu, Rome, Non tamen vires illae animi appetitui, qui infinitus

1682, 146). est, ac satiari non potest, comparari possunt. Consulatur

214 IRVING LAVIN itaque se, quod animus promptus fuerit, etsi corpus the Palazzo Barberini,” Art Bulletin, vu, 1976, 107f£.; imbecille.” (The author of the commentaries in Volume A. S. Harris, “Letter to the Editor,” ibid., tix, 1977, m1 was Anselm de Boodt.) Cf. Pliny, Natural History, ed. 306ff.; Lechner, “Reply,” ibid., 309, and especially an H. Rackham, ef al., 10 vols., Cambridge, Mass., and article by D. Gallavotti Cavallero, “Il programma

London, 1938-1962, m1, 298ff. iconografico per la Divina Sapienza nel Palazzo Barber16. °... Gloriam. . . ita ultra anni, Solisque vias; Ini: una proposta,” in Studi in onore di Giulio Carlo Argan prouehendam, votis & admiratione prosequor” (Zuc- (Rome, 1984), 269-90.

chi, Optica, dedication). 20. On the attribute, see Lechner, “Tommaso Cam-

17. Medal of Ferdinando Gonzaga (d. 1626), British panella,” 99. Museum; cf. A. Magnaguti, Ex Nummis Historia. LX. Le 21. Gallavotti Cavallero (as in n.19) gives an account

medaglie dei Gonzaga, Rome, 196s. of the pope’s argument.

18. Fig. 6, medal of Carlo Spinelli, 1564, British 22. Cf. Mathematical, Historical, Philosophical and MisMuseum; cf. A. Armand, Les médailleurs italiens des cellaneous Portion of the Celebrated Library of Mr. Gugliquinziéme et seiziéme siécles, 3 vols., Paris, 1883-87, m1, elmo Libri, Pt. 1, London, 1861, No. 3235. 257, G. Fig. 7, medal of Carlo Gonzaga, 1628, British 23. Baldini (“Una lettera,” as in n. 5) emphasizes that

Museum; cf. Magnaguti (as in n. 17), 109, No. 85. the Jesuit position was by no means as monolithic as 19. On this point, see A. S. Harris, Andrea Sacchi, commonly assumed; there was considerable debate

Princeton, 1977, 12; G. S. Lechner, “Tommaso Campa- within the order, and various attempts to come to terms nella and Andrea Sacchi’s Fresco of Divina Sapienza in with Kepler and Galileo.

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Copernicus, Nicolaus (and Coperni- Jesuits, 179, 182-90 S. “Maria Maggiore, I, 4 34: S.

can cosmology), 183, 184, 186-90 Maria sopra Minerva, 10; S. Correggio, 4 Kepler, Johann, 186-88 Maria del Popolo, 28 20, 31: Curti, Girolamo (II Dentone), 35 Kircher, Athanasius, 187, 188, 210 Villa Borghese, g on

Del Pozzo, Cassiano, 9 Laocoon, § so sath Sule 15. See also Della Bella, Stefano, 190 Leonardo da Vinci, 9-11, 13 Rubens Peter Paul, 2, 181, 182

De Rossi, Domenico, 27, 30 Lomazzo, 10 _ De Rossi, Giovanni Francesco, 30 Lucenti, Girolamo, 27, 33 Sacchi. Andrea. 212 , rea, 212

Oboe Freee +0, 31 Lucian, 12 Savoy, Philibertus II, duke of, 211 Du Quesnoy, Frangois, 26, 27, 34 Maglia, Michele, 33 Scheiner, Christoph, 181, 182, 184,

Mantovani, Francesco, 67 185, 187-89, 210

Evelyn, John, 65 Marazzoli, Marco, IIS, 119-21. See sigat. Reo 4 dinal

also Chi soffre speri pada, Bernardino Cardinal, 34, 35

Fabriano, Gilio da, 2, 5 Mari, Baldassare, 27, 33 Spada, Paolo, 34 | “Fiera di Farfa,” 64, 117, 119, 120, Mari, Giovanni Antonio, 29, 30 Spada, Virgilio, 27) 28, 34-37

121-78 Mazzocchi, Virgilio, 115, 119, 120. Strozz1, Giambattista, 7 Fancelli, Cosimo, 30-33 See also Chi soffre speri Strozz1, Leone, 2, 7 Fancelli, Jacomo Antonio, 27, 28, Mazzuoli, Giuseppe, 26, 33 Strozzi, Roberto, 7

30, 31, 33 Medici, 6, 7, 185, 187, 190

Fanzago, Cosimo, 27 Milton, John, 117 Tacca, Ferdinando, 6

Ferrata, Ercole, 27, 29, 30, 32,.33 Monteverdi, 120 Tesauro, Emanuale, 74 Ferro, Giovanni, 211 Morelli, Giovanni Battista, 28 Teti, Girolamo, 116 Ferrucci, Prospero, 27 Myron, Discobolus, 11-13 Tezio, Caterina, 65

Feruzzi, Nicodemo, 6 Typotius, Jacob, 211

Finelli, Giuliano, 26, 32 Naldini, Paolo, 30, 32, 33

Florence: Casa Buonarroti, 6; S. Lo- Urban VIII. See Barberini, Maffeo

, renzo, Medici Chapel, 6 Oliva, Giovanni Paolo, 210 Cardinal Fontana, Giovanni Antonio, 33 Orsini, Fulvio, 8

_ Ottone, Lorenzo, 33, 34 Vallone, Francesco (Francois Du-

Galilei, Galileo, 3, 4, 179, 180, 182- sart), 27

85, 187-90, 209 Perone, Giuseppe, 30 Van Lansberg, Philip, 188 Giardé, Arrigo, 29 Poilly, Frangois, 209 Vasari, Giorgio, 3, 11 Gaulli, Giovanni Battista, 29 Pliny the Younger, 211 Varchi, Benedetto, 3

Giovanozzi, Camillo, 27 Polykleitos, 6, 12 Virgil, 7-9

Grandami, Jacques, 187 Poussin, Claude, 30, 31 Vouet, Simon, 6 Grassi, Orazio, 184, 185, 189 Poussin, Nicolas, 3, 11

Guidi, Domenico, 33 Prestinari, Domenico, 27, 28

Guiducci, Mario, 184, 185 Prudentius, 1, 3 Wilkins, John, 188

Ptolemy (and Ptolemaic .

Hapsburgs, 210, 211 cosmology), 183, 184, 187, 189 Zucchi, Nicolo, 179, 209-12 Hevelius, Johann, 188