Entering China's Service: Robert Hart's Journals, 1854-1863 9781684172627, 1684172624

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface (page xi)
1 Hart's Origins (page 1)
2 Journal: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI (page 12)
3 Ningpo: Hart's Induction into the Chinese Scene (page 31)
4 Journal: NINGPO (page 61)
5 Ningpo to Canton 1855-1858: Hart Grows with the Times (page 150)
6 Journal: CANTON (page 184)
7 Hart and the New Anglo-Chinese Order of the 1860s (page 230)
8 Journal: PEKING AND SHANGHAI (page 263)
9 Epilogue: The Impact of Robert Hart's Administration (page 319)
Notes (page 341)
Bibliography (page 393)
Glossary/Index (page 397)

Citation preview

Entering China’s Service

, ROBERT HARTS JOURNALS, 1854-1863

. HARVARD EAST ASIAN MONOGRAPHS, 125

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CHAPTER TWO

Journal HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI 27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

Volume I My Journal—Narrative, descriptive, conjectural; semiopinionative and critical: There’s a character for the commencement, Eh? My Life in China from 27th August 1854 Vol. I Robert Hart A. B. Ex: Sci. Sch. Queen’s Coll: Belfast’

27 August 1854 to 17 February 1855 in all some 5 or 6 months AUGUST: Talk about “‘roughing it in the bush’’; inconveniences are to

be met and must be put up with in Towns as well as in the wilderness. Now here’s Victoria the capital of Hong Kong—the residence of Merchant Princes &c. &c.” I’m sure, I’ve been roughing it with a vengeance. SUNDAY, 27 AUGUST 1854: I have this morning been reflecting on my state—temporal and spiritual. It is a matter of sorrow to me that I have neglected the latter to such an extent. Once I was happy; for then all my actions flowed from a proper motive—then it was always my desire to please God and to act

according to his Will. Bad company led me away from the path of duty; my punishment was not merely spiritual loss but bodily suffering. But, I think, I may say that in my worst moments there was always a sort of fear of His Divine

displeasure—a sorrow that to gain that pleasure I had to sin—a half uttered prayer for forgiveness. I have made resolution upon resolution, broken almost as soon as made. I am almost led to despair. One thing has been deeply impressed upon my mind, and that is my own weakness—my inability of myself to think, speak or act as I shd: even this is something gained. My weak point is laid open to my view; and in the Book of Books is a medicine for my disease. It is my desire to live to God—to give him all my heart—to love, honour, and obey Him in all things; and yet while such is my wish, I continue in sin, and constantly allow myself to be led away by the impulse of the moment or look for the opportunity of amusing others by some sinful saying or deed. How am I to be freed from this? How shall I escape from the Body of this death?”’ [ [sic] ] While I continue in this state, the habit increases, the heart is hardened, God’s spirit is grieved, the Almighty is disobeyed, and my soul’s in danger of death Eternal! What a miserable state am I in! And why is this? Do I expect [[to] ] live happier or to be more successful by continuing in Sin? Foolish indeed 12

27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

must I be if such an idea were for a moment entertained. For this world is so constituted: its laws are such: that he who in His moral nature obeys the moral Law—who in his sinful state takes God’s offers of mercy through Christ—He it is who lives in comformity with the laws that rule the universe—with those on which

depend temporal & spiritual welfare and happiness. Therefore if I wish for happiness I must be a Christian: if I desire to please God I must obey him, and yield to Him in everything. And surely I can have no objection to this. Is my mind

of so superior a caste that I know best what is for my good? I place no such faith in it. It follows then that I must do my duty if I wish for peace of mind. But what is my duty? That depends on my condition; what is that? It is a sinful one; a state which requires the great Physician—which without God’s aid must end in death. Therefore, I will be God’s; and here on this day will I most solemnly dedicate myself to His Service with all humility—casting away every shadow of self reliance; —and repenting of my sins take Christ for my Savior. The Almighty says, “‘Come unto me, all ye that labour and are heavily laden, and I will give you rest.’’ Iam one of those addressed; I accept the invitation. I come unto thee Lord, weary of sinning against Him—laden with a sinful nature

and countless transgressions—and I pray for thy forgiveness for the sake of Jesus Christ.

In order to live righteously and Godly, I must obey the commands of the Deity; and to do this I must know what they are: Therefore, I must make the Bible my constant study. 1. Morning and night I shall read one chapter; and never will I commence or

finish the day without reading God’s word, and praying to him. And in the , middle of every day, I shall return to my closet and engage in prayer. 2. I must keep a constant watch over my words; so that I shall not by lying; exaggerations; speaking ill of the absent; nor maliciously concerning anyone—using improper expressions—lewd or blasphemous; engaging in any conversation whose tendency is evil. 3.1 must take care that I sin not by encouraging evil desires or sinful imaginations; by thinking of those things likely to lead to sin either in desire or deed; by anger; hatred; jealousy; envy; or ill will. 4. As smoking is of no use, it may be as well to give it up. 5. Moderation shd. be observed in Eating and Drinking. 6. The Sabbath day must be kept holy; and on it in particular I shd. strive after greater Holiness. 7. It may be well to remember that the path to Heaven is not a broad and easy one: at first it is narrow and difficult to keep in; but the longer one keeps in it, the broader—easier—and more delightful it becomes. While the path wh. leads to Ruin is just the opposite: all its pleasures are at the commencement; but it narrows—becomes bitter as you advance, and ends in increasing misery. It is easy to see wh. common sense wd. lead one to choose. 8. No temptation shd. be given way to: it is so much spiritual strength lost; but if conquered it is so much gained. Therefore “strive to enter in’”’ and “‘with fear and trembling, work out your salvation, for “the Kindgom of Heaven is taken by storm.”

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9. Never forget your own weakness; and never for an instant rely upon Self; watch that always and in all circumstances Christ is trusted in and relied upon for strength and Grace. 10. Foster every virtuous habit; and when an opportunity of doing good occurs, let it not pass unimproved. 11. Be charitable to all men; and liberal towards God. Remember that “Bread cast upon the waters is not lost,’’ and that “‘of our good things we shd contribute to God’s cause’’. Whatever my income I have determined on giving one-tenth of it to charitable and religious purposes. As I have now £200 p.ann. [[per annum] ]: I hope to be able to give £20 p.ann: to God’s cause. The motive with which it is given is the — great thing. The sum in itself is not large. 12. It may be well to encourage industrious habits; this climate is very likely to

make one lazy and indolent. But the time shd be redeemed; and economised. Therefore to sleep give merely what is sufficient: sit not long at meals: the time not spent in exercise shd be profitably employed in reading or writing. 13. Each evening examine and note down how the day has been spent, so that faults may be more clearly seen and the means of improvement devised. “Set your affections on things above not on things beneath.” “In all ways acknowl-

edge Him, and he should direct thy paths.” “Fear God and keep his commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.”’ While in Hong Kong, or for the present, the day may be spent much in this way. Be dressed at six every morning; 6-6'%: Reading and prayer.

64%4-8 %: Study Chinese.

844-92: Breakfast. 9%-10: get ready to go to the office. 10-4: in office either writing; or studying Chinese. 4-5: dinner. (Before it; pray; after it, read some in the Bible). 5-7: reading and walking. 7-8: tea. 8-10: studying Ch: and writing Journal. 10-10%: prayer and reading; and undressing. 10%-5%: sleep. May God bless me, and assist me to improve; may He forgive me all my sins and grant me every blessing both in this life and the life to come, for Christ’s sake! Amen. Robert Hart Binney writes well when he remarks that, since man’s sin necessitated his removal from this world by death, it is best for men to die at all ages: for, since they know not by this when they will die, they are the more likely to be always

prepared for it; whereas if there were any particular time of life at wh. people : die, life wd become miserable, and less licentiousness encouraged. > Therefore

it is for the good of the human race that death occurs at all periods—before birth, in infancy, childhood, strength, manhood, and old age. Thus to die is often the mission wh. one has been sent into this world to perform.

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27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

MONDAY, 28 AUGUST 1854: Nothing of any consequence occurred

today. Mongan breakfasted with the Governor and then heard that we shd not get our Hotel expenses. * In this I was not much disappointed. I have learnt that the Rebels are not likely to consolidate their power. They have advanced northward, routed the small bodies of Tartars with whom they came in contact; but they have no plan north of the Yangtsze Keang on which they can fall

back shd they be routed, as they most likely will, near Peking.” They have shewn very bad Policy in the disgrace they have thrown upon the Literati of the Country. The result might be the division of the Empire: it is not likely that the “Manchoo”’ dynasty will be totally destroyed. Sir J. B.’s decision with regard to the “‘Shanghae securities” over ruled by home authorities. ° The Business at the office today was very heavy. I have not been able to do anything at Chinese atall—too lazy in the morning, and in the evening too fatigued by office duties, to study. Walked out in Evening; met Mr. Stace, and with him went on the water for an hour. He rather surprised me by the way in wh he treated the Chinese—pitching their goods into the water and touching them up with his cane because they wd not row out from the Quay when he entered the Boat. Then it was supper time with them; and this Hour being sacred with them, they wd not work until supper was finished. At the Bows of their larger vessels I observed matches burning; with these they ‘“‘chin-chin”’ their Deity. ’

_ The evening was agreeably cool; a fine breeze blowing, and making amends for the great Heat of yesterday.

While with Stace, I heard the sound of a fine mellow piano. Ah! how it made me think of home! I could imagine Mary at the piano and myself lying on the sofa in Solitary Lodge—when shall I enjoy that happiness again? Years must pass, before I could hope to visit home. And perhaps that privilege may never be mine. The enervating influence of this climate—the diseases it produces—may lay me in the dust. What then? Shall I not rest as well beneath the rocky soil of this “Happy Valley’’ as though I lay in Dunmoral Churchyard, mine mingling with the dust of my forefathers? Heaven and Eternal Happiness are as near me in Hong Kong, where I am cut off from many religious privileges, as they wd be were I in Ireland with every aid to religious progress around

me. The soul admits of purification and adaptation here quite as well as at home. God grant that I may not forget that I have an immortal spirit—that on my conduct in this uncertain life depends its fate here after. ® In reviewing my conduct for the day, I think I can see some improvement. But I almost fear to recognize it. For so often have I been certain of improve-

ments, and so often have I fallen again, that I almost imagine my happiness shall not last long! God grant me much of the Grace of the Holy Spirit—much divine assistance—so that I may be preserved pure and blameless to the Coming of the Lord. My conversation. was not properly guarded in the evening; and I broke through my rule against smoking. Sed spero meliora! Which is the better

disposition—nil admirari, or to be struck with astonishment at every unexpected incident or novel sight?” The latter disposition preserves, I think, a

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JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

man’s happiness and judgment; but it has the bad effect of in some cases making him blind to what is really curious and remarkable. Mr. Stace showed me a little dog wh he got from Peking; it is not unlike a ‘Skye Terrier’. The Hong Kong dogs are remarkably like wolves, and distinguished by the Tail, wh stands at first up straight and then curls over one of the thighs.

TUESDAY, 29 AUGUST 1854: Mongan has been ordered to Shanghae. He goes by the “Racehorse’’ tomorrow morning.

Rcd. my pay up to August 31st. I have to pay % on the pound for income tax, and a pound for Superannuation Fund: so that the month’s pay instead of being £16/13.4 is only £14..18.2. The sum I recd. today was 88.66 dollars. Broke through my rule as regards private devotion in the middle of the day; but have strength of mind sufficient to refuse a cigar. Did that good compensate for the evil? I think it did; for the one resulted from forgetfulness, the other from determination.

WEDNESDAY, 30 AUGUST 1854: This morning Mongan left in the Race-

horse for Shanghai; and Hughes received orders to proceed by the Saracen to Foochow. !° It has been hinted that I am to go to Amoy. This day has been much cooler than usual. Made up a few Chinese phrases this morning. Office duty has almost entirely cast aside attention to the language. THURSDAY, 31 AUGUST 1854: This day has been passed as usual; up

early in the office from 10 to 4-; in the evening I presented my fans one to Achan, another to Aking. I take a great interest in these little girls especially in the latter. When Achan went in to their house with her fan, I understand Aquang (Swinhoe’s sweetheart) snapped it from her. Aking and the others came in to thank me; she seemed to expect to be kissed. Bashful youth that I am, I was ashamed! WW

Cheepqua told us this evening that his father and mother got his first wife for him; He had not seen her previously. His second wife (his own choice) he says is his favorite. He told us that from 200 to 1000 dollars are given for a

wife by respectable Chinese. They marry between the ages of 16 and 30." Saw a magnificent meteor this evening; it at first was like a Rocket discharged Horizontally in the sky. Then for some seconds a brilliant tail was left behind

it, afterwards the tail disappeared and the Ball followed. It shot from East to West. Listened to the croaking of the large Frogs tonight; they made a tremendous noise. I suppose these Bull Frogs are the ones made use of for Frog Curry. Duty neglected today and the tongue not properly ruled. Very little done at Chinese.

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27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

1 SEPTEMBER 1854: After going to the office this morning, His Excel-

lency Lord Bowring sent for me and informed me that he had determined on sending me to Ningpo. 13 2 SEPTEMBER 1854: Breakfasted with Sir. J. B.

Hughes sailed on the “Saracen’’ for Foochow. To salute Sir John seventeen guns are fired. Willy’s line very true “Frisky Bowring, London’s wisest bore.’’ Overhauled

my Boxes this evening; found them filled with Cockroaches & Mosquitoes; cloth clothes slightly damaged; and my best kid gloves destroyed.

H—is dry, phlegmatic,—despondent with no wile [[sic]] or determination or ability to determine—an unpleasant companion but moral. S-h-e changed greatly the last day or so: very childish. * SUNDAY, 3 SEPTEMBER 1854: Slept very late this morning, and awoke

much cooler and more comfortable than it was my lot to do since I left Europe.

In the morning I saw an old Chinaman display the convenience of Wide Trousers: he pulled up one leg of the trousers to the thigh: squatted on his “‘hunkers,’’ and “‘fecit aquam, educens erjus penum’’ through the wide and pulled-up leg. Went to Church in evening. There I saw a Chinawoman, who followed with the responses very well. There was also present an old Parsee. I fear his motive

for coming was not a proper one! I understand he is looking for a situation in the Govt. Office. Heard a very good sermon on “Faith without works:” but it was not a Methodist sermen atall. It was a moral disquisition rather than anything wh on the spot wd. effect good. Had a great talk in the evening with Swinhoe about Politeness. From all that he says—I wd. infer 1. that Politeness addresses itself to some weak part of human nature: 2. that it is on the part of the polite person a premeditated insult—but not viewed accordingly by the person to whom it is addressed: 3d. that its acceptableness is in proportion to the self-ignorance of the other party. Is this correct? Finished ‘‘Binney”’ today: his work is a perfect gem. Read some in ‘“‘Wesley”’.

Very profitable reading: I think I shd. make it a daily practice. It might be conducive to growth in Grace. I pray God to forgive all my failings; to strengthen by his Grace; and to cleanse from all unrighteousness. ‘Tis Religion that can give Sweeter pleasures while we live; ’Tis Religion can supply Solid comfort when we die!”’ Robert Hart THURSDAY, 14 SEPTEMBER 1854: Went on board Iona Capt. D. at 1 p.m. *> She sailed about 6 and anchored near the eastern entrance.

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FRIDAY, 15 SEPTEMBER 1854: Set sail by daybreak; at the 2nd attempt got through the narrow channel—Iona did not pass off well—great swell outside

soon got sick. )

SATURDAY, 16 SEPTEMBER 1854: Still sick.

SUNDAY, 17 SEPTEMBER 1854: Squeamish, a calm all day nearly: sails flapping most horribly—drank too much Brandy—giddy—

MONDAY, 18 SEPTEMBER 1854: better, appeared at Breakfast Table—

TUESDAY, 19 SEPTEMBER 1854: Horribly calm again; it is strange if rough weather does not follow this. WEDNESDAY, 20 SEPTEMBER 1854: Calm in the morning; and at 10 O.c. a.m. a regular gale commenced.

THURSDAY, 21 SEPTEMBER 1854: Gale terribly strong.

FRIDAY, 22 SEPTEMBER 1854: ” ” ” SATURDAY, 23 SEPTEMBER 1854: Gale continues; ran into Ting hae and anchored at 1 p.m.?° All appearance of a gale lasted long. What a life a sailor’s must be; take the case of the common Laskers,—of the

mates of the Capts. All horrible, constantly wet: all quite done up today, and the Iona almost done up too; but the exhausted animate whose lives depend on the battered main mate must forget their exhaustion and look after their senseless friend, the Iona. For the last four days, tremendous seas have broken over our decks—on the Wednesday & Thursday night in particular. Quite frightened at first; but soon got used to it. What characters are the Capt; and the two mates. From Tinghae a regular shower of red sand is being blown out to seaward; we got a good deal of it. Great crowds on shore. We hope they will bring something off, as we are nearly short of grub. SUNDAY, 24 SEPTEMBER 1854: Still at anchor. By daylight a boat came

off soon followed by a few more. They brought some provisions, no great variety—chiefly Port and Sweet Potatoes. They asked most exhorbitant prices

\

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27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

for them. But in the end sold them pretty cheaply. A great quantity of pork had been brought off; and some baskets had not been disposed of when the Capt told the pork merchant to bring him some young pigs. Upon this the P. M. jumped, talked and gesticulated in the most excited manner, I never saw any thing so natural—his looks and gestures said as plainly as words wd that—‘‘Here

is lots of pork: you won’t buy it: and why ask for young pigs?’’ They wd not sell any Bullocks as their plowing season had just commenced in wh they make great use of these animals. He let some of them look through a Telescope; one young chap succeeded in seeing thro’ it; but none of the others cd. One old man was most eager to see—made several attempts, but failed. at one time he wd put his eye closed to it; and then the bridge of his nose—I never saw anything so laughable. The men were on the whole very small—I mean in height— they were of considerable bulk across. The day is not so windy as yesterday. Men busy with the rigging wh. has been greatly strained and is in a most horrible condition. Awoke in my first sleep by a succession of shrill screams—they proceeded from Mr. M’s boy who was being flogged having been detected supping and drinking most luxuriously under the Cabin Table. {{Unclear]] to view in the evening. MONDAY, 25 SEPTEMBER 1854: Weighed anchor and made sail at day-

break. Still blowing very hard—a very dark, dirty-looking morning. 8 o.c. A.m. one side of the fore-rigging has just been carried away; so we are making for an anchorage again. What a mess we are in to be sure. I wonder will we ever reach Shanghae or shall we do so in safety? The place where we are about to anchor is in the neighborhood of Pirates Bay, and is said to swarm with those interesting creatures. Perhaps we may meet worse enemies than rough weather. A tremendous swell is rolling, and the sky &c. looks as tho’ the gale were about to break up and give way to fine weather. Blowing horribly again. Chinese came out to us; got fish—fowl—Bullock—& firewood. TUESDAY, 26 SEPTEMBER 1854: Repairs finished for the present; but cannot leave our anchorage—blowing too hard.

The Chinese here are taller than those at Pinghai. Some wear a species of Turban; their boats are capital sailors. Several Piratical vessels anchored within a few miles of us; but it blows too strong for them to be able to harm us. Before I reach Shanghae I dare say they will have commenced to place me among the “lost at sea.’’ Evening, the Capt.’s girl is playing draughts with her homme. Shall I spend my life in China or go home next year. Robert Hart. WEDNESDAY, 27 SEPTEMBER 1854: Anchor up at five o.c. A.m. Going

along under double masted top sail and reefed main sail. Blowing pretty hard— but not so strongly as on yesterday. 19

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

Sailed through some very narrow passages today; in the last of these we passed a walled town; on the one side of it was a Pagoda—the first I have seen— a very handsome building. Anchored at 2 past 5 on S.E. coast of Haenan Island.

THURSDAY, 28 SEPTEMBER 1854: Anchor up at day-break. Blowing very hard. Rather sick today.

FRIDAY, 29 SEPTEMBER 1854: A gale still. Better in health than on yesterday.

SATURDAY, 30 SEPTEMBER 1854: Blowing very hard, a sort of mutiny

in the evening; the Serang struck the chief mate and called on his companions to pitch him overboard: Put in confinement. *” Saw a piece of a wreck in the morning. SUNDAY, 1 OCTOBER 1854: A very happy day on the whole. How precious Christianity with its hopes and privileges.

Gale gone down: but no sun out. Pretty good health today. MONDAY, 2 OCTOBER 1854: Very cold in the morning. Two ships

seen—one a brig, the other either a very large merchant ship demasted or a

large steamer, the former most likely. | Read Bulwer’s Falkland today: '8 Tt strikes me that novel reading is to be condemned—for though it teaches a good lesson, we do [[know]] that it presents a picture to the mind foul and unseemly, and thus familiarises us with guilt and pollution: in the long run more harm than good. Old I.S. wd that I had never seen or known thee. what ills have come upon me owing to my companionship with thee. I have this evening made up my mind I may say to return to Ireland next year, and go on at home as an Attorney. If for thirteen months I put by $40 per month—I shall have $520 or £108.5. This will take me home 2nd class and 5—0.

Then take 2nd year’s Law Sch: in Nov. 1855 & proceed.

TUESDAY, 3 OCTOBER 1854: Calmer today, off Chikhok in the morning. The sun shows his welcome face a little today. Wd Eastern Reminiscences

or Thirteen Months from Home”’ [[sic]] do for the heading of my journal— containing voyage to—residence in China & return—Shd I think of publishing.

What is the Secret of Happiness? content. What produces content? Aye, there’s the rub.

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27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

WEDNESDAY, 4 OCTOBER 1854: A beautiful sunny day: The breeze

just as strong as it shd be but unfortunately not from the proper quarter, the sea much leveller and more regular than it has ever been since we left Hong Kong. I feel much happier and more contented since I made up my mind to return to Ireland as soon as possible. Yes it is far better [[and] | comforting to be among one’s friends than in a foreign country without society without a single enjoyment to be making a fortune, wh when made cannot be enjoyed by a broken down constitution or at least but for a few years. Is a lifetime to be wasted thus? It shant be in my case. I believe I’m about to become a reasonable being at last. Too imaginative— too fond of fortune—favored castle building—have I been. Look at reality Bob!

THURSDAY, 5 OCTOBER 1854: Much finer today than it was yesterday—

but the wind is as unfavorable as it cd be. Several fishing boats around us. I am regularly wearied with this voyage. Scotts Bulwer’s & Coopers novels are around me and yet I cannot read one of them—I’m disgusted. A most delightful evening; the sunset in this lat. is incomparable. Capt. D.—a bit of a rake. Three weeks out this morning, saw a three masted steamer near Leucona Isle

at Breakfast time; don’t know what to make of her—topmasts down—yard struck [[?]|—no smoke—no sails set—and yet she is moving. She seems to be a Man of War. Yet strange enough shows no colors. The day is very fine—but just

as we expected the wind has come round dead against us in the new course we , are now taking. The cabin of the Iona is decorated with four pictures—“‘Defiance or come up to the scratch” (a cat looking down on two frightened dogs), ““The seal of

affection” (a very handsome lady sealing a letter)—(a steam boat in a heavy sea) and (a Byzantium). This cabin has a chest of drawers a Book case—washing stand—two berths—one chair—a good looking-glass. .. . I’m an Irishman—a Paddy in heart & soul—and yet it was without a sigh that

I left my native land—nor did regret arise within me till the green shores of England had faded from my sight. From the time I came to the resolution of bidding adieu to him [[szc]] until I was gone without a chance of return, I was in a kind of stupor; my feelings were blunted—and gone—my intelligence too was affected. But feelings wh afterwards arose--regret poignant & lasting—made up by their intensity and constancy for my previous, unaccountable and hardly proddable neglect. SATURDAY, 7 OCTOBER 1854: Never once was a man more rejoiced

than was Bob Hart on Saturday morning! After twenty-two days of tossing on the stormy sea it was really delightful to reach the destined port. Our near approach to Woosung was announced by the colour of the water—muddy in the extreme. Before breakfast we met H.M. ship “‘Racehorse.”’ a gun was fired—

the signal for us to “lay to’; we complied and in a few minutes an officer 21

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

boarded us in order to ask us if any pirates had made their appearance. 9 We could give him no information; the weather was too stormy for these Sea Robbers to come near us. They seldom venture far out to sea, and it is during the South West Monsoon that they are most feared—and most successful in their plundering pursuits. The officer soon left us and immediately we set sail with a fair wind—studding sails &c. were set and we went up the River in fine style. The Land appeared very low; but from its green colour and the number of Trees it was very pleasant to behold. We reached Woosung about Eleven a.m.; we had

scarcely anchored before the Captains of all the vessels lying there came on board looking for news and wishing to know what had happened to us. Some wishing to be witty asked if we had been “‘in search of Sir John Franklin’’; I suppose these gents shd be complimented on possessing ‘‘a fine vein of sarcasm’’. 7° Certainly such a question was indicative of a freezing reception and I got my traps together and bade Good Bye to the “‘Iona’’. I proceeded up the River in the Boat belonging to Jardine and Matheson. Strange to say I was very near becoming seasick in the river. At three p.m. I reached Shanghae and was met at the wharf by Mr. Caine, who brought me to Sir J. Bowring. *1 He welcomed me heartily; I supposed had I been detained much longer he wd have thought some accident had occurred to me. Found a letter waiting for me from Sister Mary, dated 29 July, in reply to my letter from Aden. It contained the news that the day (8 August) had been fixed for the marriage of Theresa Cox and Dr. Atkins. I am rejoiced that she is married. tho’ I wonder at it! Oh! Female Sex! OH! Constancy! But why such exclamations? They might be paid back on myself a hundredfold! I shd always have been unwilling to stand before the Altar of Hymen had Theresa remained unmarried. But now I breathe again; I am quite free. ‘““Theresa is married, this Rover is free!”’

I was introduced to Messrs. Alcock, Lay, Senr, Lay, Junr, Wade, Fittock, Smith, &c. &c.””

Put up with my old friend Mongan; His Excellency has given me a week to remain in Shanghae—I am to lodge with Mongan and chow-chow with him and the Lays. What a boyish vice-consul they have here; I understand he is two & twenty years of age; he does not look more than nineteen.” He has been seven

years and a half in China; his constitution is almost entirely destroyed. So much for the climate. In the evening I went out for a walk with Mongan; we went into the city where we met a Mr. Wylie—the Printer belonging to the Mis-

sion Press—who brought us through a great deal of it and showed us several things worth seeing. “ He first brought us thro’ a Temple; we entered a court large and flagged with a raised path in the center at the end of which on each side was a piece of statuary representing something like a Lion sitting in the posture wh dogs assume—These were very well cut and seemed to consist of a single block of granite. We then went up several steps and came into a room in which incense &c is offered to the “Invisible God’’ and in wh’ people go to try their fortune: This they do as follows. —There are several conical boxes open at one end: in these are some hundred slips of Bamboo numbered; these Boxes the people shake until one of the Bamboo slips drops out. Having ascertained the number of this slip, they refer to one of the Books lying on the same 22

27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

table—find out the passage corresponding to the number of the “ticket drawn”’; and this passage tells their fate. It reminded me of “‘Napoleon’s Book of F ate.” We went through this room into another the center and Back part of which was enclosed with Palings; going inside of these we saw the deity which they carry out on public occasions: he was a handsome looking fellow painted red and clothed in scarlet and gold. In the space enclosed by the palings the ground was raised some eighteen or twenty inches above the level of the other portions of

the room; this elevation consists of the dirt from the soles of the feet of the worshippers of the God; it is considered so sacred that no one wd dare to move it away. In the room behind this—a long chamber forty feet by ten I suppose— were the attendants of the Deity, ranged against the wall on each side. These were of various heights; and their faces were more various than their heights.

But all were as red as their Masters. Their fixed eyes staring straight before them brought the Egyptian mummies to my remembrance; the quiet of the room—the silent looks of the gods—the gloom—all inspired me me [| [sic || with

a feeling of melancholy; and when a cage was pointed out to me as being the place where lived the “Spirit of the Dead” I did not wonder. At the end of the Hall a Magic Mirror; composed of metal it was in diameter about three feet;a Chinese inscription over it was much to this effect: ““This mirror searches into and displays the Souls of Men.’”’ When leaving this temple an old woman came up to us and being very much excited chattered in terrible style; she had come

into the city to sell rice but once in the Rebels wd not let her out again. Poor old Body! I wonder has she the slightest chance of being allowed to depart with life.

Mr. Wylie then brought us to a Foundling Hospital. Who would expect to meet with such an Institution supported by the Chinese? Does it not give the lie to the reports we hear of infanticide &c. &c? A Drawer near the door is pulled out, in which the child is placed; then the party knocks until someone comes to the inside and removes the Babe. We saw some twenty children with their nurses; and we were told that about 200 were let out to be nursed by par-

ties through the city. There is also a school attached to this Institution, in which about 500 children are assembled. After walking through the foundling Hospital we went to a place in which coffins are made. These articles are sold to those who can afford to pay for them and given to the poor who have no money to buy them. In this establishment paper, having Chinese characters on it, is bought at the rate of three cents per pound; Chinaware on which any of the characters are stamped is also bought up. There the waste paper is burnt; and the Broken crockery is taken to the sea by boats and then thrown overboard. The Reason of this is that the Chinese have such a reverence for their written characters that they destroy everything stamped with them, wh’ might be in any way dishonored were it not as it were annihilated. Bags are attached to the walls in parts of the town, into which any piece of waste paper is thrust; and when filled the bags are brought to the Establishment alluded to where they are emptied and their contents burnt. They reverence letters more than piety in China, I think. Another funny thing Mr. Wylie pointed out to us was the figure of a Tortoise turned upside down painted on the walls at the end of 23

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

some streets; this corresponds to our English sign of “Commit no nuisance”, and signifies that a man who does so against the wall is as worthless &c. &c.

as the figure on the wall. *° woe

We walked over the ground where stood the house of Chief Magistrate of Shanghae. When the Rebels took the city this mansion was destroyed and its owner killed. Several parts of the city have been burnt to the ground; and the

scene is melancholy in the extreme here and there. The streets are very narrow—

the houses very filthy-looking—and walking very disagreeable. The Rebels seem to be half-starved; they were hurrying everything they cd get out of the city in order to exchange it for food. The city must have been very rich, else the present inhabitants cd not have held out so long against the Imperialists. We saw several parties of armed men hurrying about; they had very good Muskets and Bayonets, but their Banners were quite too numerous. A great fight took place in the city today; two chiefs fell out, and the result was a battle between their respective followers.*’ Reached home about 7 o.c. very much fatigued from my long walk.

SUNDAY, 8 OCTOBER 1854: This morning the Bishop of Victoria ordained two clergymen. I was not present. The Bishop is by no means popular as far as I can judge; at Hong Kong they say he meddled with what does not concern him, and here they seem to look upon him as a conceited—supercillious—man, while at the same time they agree with the Hong Kong people in their charge. In the evening I went to Church; the prayers were read by the chaplain Mr. Hobson, and the sermon was preached by Mr. Cobbold. *8 The text chosen was ‘Well done good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful in a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things; enter thou into the joys of thy Lord.”’ He commenced by showing how much “man is influenced by the love of approbation.”’ This is a good principle—operating everywhere in this world—entering into our relations with the world to come—and beneficial on the whole in its results. “Well done” is connected by this with “‘thou hast been faithful.” All men have talents committed to their charge: let each act right, and perform the duties imposed upon him by the various relationships in which he stands to God and to his followers: The reward will be “enter thou into the joy of thy Lord”. The sermon was really very good; but the Preacher’s delivery was at first rather unpleasant; however, as he went on and got into the spirit of his subject, and as he excited my attention, I did not much notice his manner of speaking. The church was a comfortable airy place; a little too dark perhaps. They had a small organ; it strikes me that good music helps to raise a devotional feeling.

I lunched with Monsieur Smith—the French Superintendent of Customs in

Chinese employ. He is a very nice sensible man; a good Chinese scholar I believe.

24

27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

MONDAY, 9 OCTOBER 1854: Breakfasted this morning with Mr. Con-

sul Alcock. Sir John Bowring was there together with Messrs. Medhurst and Wade.”? I was quite surprised to find H. E. so excitable a man. Something had occurred on the part of a mercantile firm in Shanghae which displeased him; he spoke of it with great vehemence—seemed to forget everything but the subject—

and to his talk he added some gesticulation. After Breakfast I had a walk through the Consul’s Garden. H. E. gave me some subjects on which he would like me to send him essays; among these were “‘the Peculiar manufactories of Ningpo’”’ “The Street Literature of China’’—“‘The signs and aphorisms to be seen in Chinese Shops.’’—“‘An account of the Monastery of Tien Tung’’. I suppose I must try my hand at some of these things. 38 Busy in the office from 10 A.M. till % past five P.M. Dined with the Consul at seven o.c. H. E. and Capt Keane of the “Grecian”’ were at dinner. Capt. K. a merry fellow; has a most infectious laugh; and seems to be almost smothered by a pair of immense whiskers and a pair of high epaulets. In asking Miss Bacon to sing he told her to “‘Fire away’’; and on suggesting “Rory O’More”’ as a good song, when asked by Miss B—for the commencing line he came out with—“Oh! Rory O’More the Broth of a Boy.” and burst into a terrific fit of laughter. TUESDAY, 10 OCTOBER 1854: In the office till twelve.

At three o.c. H.E., Sir John Bowring and suite embarked on board the ‘Rattler’; H. E., Mr. McLane and suite (American Commissioner) on board the “‘Powhatan’’; and started for the Peiho. It is still unlikely that they may visit Pekin before they return. The French Minister M. Bourboulon has not accompanied them; he thought it beneath him to goin an English or American Frigate, when there was a French one at hand. He is at “‘loggerheads’’ with St. Guerre the French Admiral, because he wd not give him a Man of War to accompany the other Plenipotentiaries to the Peiho. The great curse of the French is national vanity. The object of this expedition is to obtain a revision of the Treaty

of Nanking, 1842. I hope it will better the position of the Supernumerary

Interpreters. 31 |

About half past three I set out for the Camp of Governor Keih. Mr. Alcock, Capt Keane, Mr. act. v.c. Lay, Mr. Mongan, and Mrs. and Miss Bacon with myself formed the party.°” We went up the river in one of Capt Keane’s Boats, and arrived at the camp after a sail of about half an hour. The Camp presented

a very strange appearance as we approached it; that side of the river, which washed the Banks on wh’ the Camp was fixed, was covered with Junks and Boats of every size and shape. The Camp itself seemed to consist of tents made , of mats, or covered with rough cloth; above all was seen the Governor’s House.

Flags of every colour and most elegantly shaped fluttered in every direction and gave a very gay appearance to the place. Mr. Mongan was left in the Boat to take charge of the ladies; the others landed. We crossed several trenches and wriggled about in various directions; at last our winding approach ended and we neared the Tent of Keih. On each side of the path we now saw armed men; 25

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

the men were of all sizes—large and small—fat and thin; no two were dressed alike; no two stood beside each other armed in the same manner. Uniformity and discipline have never graced a Chinese camp; and this one was as devoid of military “‘essentials’’ as any camp could be. Keih stood at the door to receive us; he is [a] tall stout man, with a fat flabby face, broad and round, and deeply pitted with the effects of smallpox. He has a fine large forehead; eyebrows scarcely perceptible—eyes small and lively; nose very flat, mouth very large; teeth small, jagged, and of a dirty yellow colour, with a great distance between each tooth. His hands seemed to be unacquainted with the cleansing powers of

water; his nails were long and dirty. He shook hands with each of us, and showed us into his house. The reception room was very small—very dirty—and

very badly furnished; around the wall were rusty firelocks, large matchlock guns, bows and arrows, spears and a few swords, one or two Chinese maps, &c. &c. On being seated his first question was to Capt Keane who had a sword with him, “‘was it usual for naval officers to carry their sword wherever they went?” The subject of the visit was then entered upon; Keih showed himself a very sensible man—shrewd and quick in perceiving consequences—well able to maintain

a discussion—and seemingly well qualified for the high post which he fills. When the English attacked the Imperialist Camps on 4th April of this year—Keih

alone did not fly. For this he was promoted. His cap is Significant of his rank; a small red ball is fixed on the crown, and from the same part two squirrel tails and a Peacock’s feather hang down behind. We wore our hats during the interview; tea was brought in shortly after we took our seats. He seemed greatly pleased with a present Mr. Alcock brought him; this was a Revolver made by Adams. I am inclined to think Keih will either shoot himself, some bystander, or smash the Pistol in a very short time. It is too complicated for him. Other Chinese officers were present of different ranks, one or two of whom were al-

lowed to join in the conversation. After about an hour’s talk we took our leave, and having obtained permission to land the ladies, walked with them thro’ part of the Camp. The Chinese came out of their tents and crowded around us in great numbers; there seemed to be about 30,000 men congregated there. But what’s the use of them? They are no good as soldiers; if they ever succeed in taking the town it will be as the result of having starved the Rebels into submission. Just imagine the way they fight: a party of their own soldiers is drawn out and forced to cross the Bridge which separates the Imperialist encampment from the ground occupied by the Rebels; as soon as the lot of them

have crossed the Bridge, the others pull the Bridge (a sort of sliding affair) back; and thus the unfortunate fellows have no way of escape, they must fight; but having no courage they soon give in—are taken by the Rebels—tortured and put to death. I venture to say that 500 Englishmen wd chase the Rebels from

the city, and destroy the Imperialist Camp into the Bargain in less than four and twenty hours. After returning to the Consulate from the Camp, I had a short walk. I have not been particularly well today, felt cold and chilly; I see I must commence to take care of myself. This climate demands attention to one’s comfort.

~ 26

27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

At the present time one of the most popular subjects or topics of Table talk in Shanghae is that “all the ladies here are in an interesting condition’’. WEDNESDAY, 11 OCTOBER 1854: Made extensive purchases at Fogg’s today. How terribly dear everything is. °°

THURSDAY, 12 OCTOBER 1854: Again paid a visit to that “‘thief of the

world’’ Fogg. Positively I must take care else my expenditures will exceed my Income. I only purchase the necessaries; but what with the state of the currency and the price of these necessaries, living is a very dear thing here. FRIDAY, 13 OCTOBER 1854: Looked through some old volumes of Punch today: very amusing. But it strikes me that a number every week gives much more pleasure than a volume at the end of the year. Lord J. Russell is one of Mr. Punch’s favorite heroes. The contributors must be very clever men. Had a walk in the evening with Mr. H.N. Lay. Went around the race-course— and a good one it is. Saw some very good horses and some pretty ladies. Watched

a party of Gents playing Ball. Mongan has joined this club paying $15 p.ann. It seems to be a first rate exercise. Crowds of Chinese were looking on and seemed to be highly amused. In the evening dined alone with Mr. W. Lay: had a rather curious, funny, confidential “‘confab’’ with him after dinner. He is a very nice young fellow; indeed I like him and his brother very much. SATURDAY, 14 OCTOBER 1854: In the letter which I have been writ-

ing this week I have sent for Postage stamps and Morisson’s [[sic]] Dictionary.>° If the letter leaves Hong Kong by the first November (17th) Mail, they shd get it at home by the 6th of January; and Morisson, if it can be procured, shd reach me by the end of March or some time in April. SUNDAY, 15 OCTOBER 1854: Went to Church this morning. It was very well filled: I think I never saw a more “respectable-looking”’’ congregation—all well dressed &c. &c. One thing for wh’ I do not like the Church of England Service is that the people do not join in the singing. Again had the pleasure of hearing Mr. Cobbold preach: his text was ‘“‘See that ye refuse not

the words of him that speaketh.’’ I am delighted to hear that he belongs to Ningpo; I think he is a very clever person. Walked out in the evening with Messrs. Lay and Mongan: I was almost smothered while walking thru’ a Chinese village—the stench was intolerable—saw some of the effects of intemperance: drunken sailors disgrace their nation wherever they go. So here. Dined with Mr. Wade this evening.

27

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

MONDAY, 16 OCTOBER 1854: The “Erin” is to start for Ningpo tomorrow morning.*° Got my traps fixed, and left [for] Ningpo at half past four P.M. Mongan & Lay then came a short way down the River. We had to “‘scull’’ the whole way, and did not reach the Erin at Woosung until 10 O.C. I was rather afraid: alone in a Chinese Boat with a Chinese crew. They might have pitched me overboard in the dark, and made off with my Boxes &c. However | I got safely to the Erin: got on board; put my mattress into a sort of Berth; and was soon asleep. TUESDAY, 17 OCTOBER 1854: This morning the Capt of the ‘‘Folke-

stone’? came down to the “Erin”? and asked me up to breakfast; of course I went—else what shd I have done for Grub??’ There I found his wife—an agreeable person, and his sister, a queer old maid; these ladies are compiling a most curious book. Shortly after I was introduced to them the queer one says to me

“Might I ask your Birthday—and I don’t want to know your age—but your birthday’”’—“‘Is the 20th Feb,” said I; “Look,” said she to the agreeable one, “if we have got one for that day’’. A Book was opened; and then I found that they were procuring a list of Persons whose Birthdays shd fall on each day of the Year. This book when finished will be quite a curiosity: wd it pay if published? The Breakfast Party consisted of the two ladies—the Capt.—his chief mate—Capt. Patridge—and the two Naval Pursers. The latter were passing in a Boat as we were about to go to Breakfast; they willingly responded to his call. It was most laughable to see the respect they showed to the Ladies—bowing and scraping in a most extravagant style: that was their quid pro quo. One of

them got a terrible toss in coming down the ladder to the cabin. Instead of turning his face to the steps—toes in—he kept his back to them—toes out: the consequence was that his heels slipped off the very topmost step and down he came with a great crash to the Bottom. “I hope you did not fall far?’”’”—“Oh— only from the top.” This only in his reply quite saved him all raillery on his “unsailorlike’’ toss. The Breakfast very good: in looking thro’ a paper I see the “Mimosa’”’ arrived at Hongkong on the 20th Sept. What a pity she did not come in before the 15th so I might have got my books and brought them with me. Started from Woosung about half past eleven A.M. ““Made’’ but little during the day, as the wind was light and unfavorable: anchored about six O.C. occupied myself in looking thro’ a couple of vols of Punch. Rather hot during the day; the flies numerous & troublesome. WEDNESDAY, 18 OCTOBER 1854: Very little wind today; the sun so powerful I dared not leave the Cabin, which was so hot and so full of flies that it was not a particularly pleasant place.

In the evening a little Pirate kept hovering about us; at last he was bold enough to try and “lay himself alongisde of us’’; as soon as he put his helm down, we fired into him which had the effect of making him “‘cut’’.

It looks rather dark this evening, so we may expect strong wind tonight; what matter? Let it only be favorable and we will go along finely. With a fair 28

27 AUGUST-19 OCTOBER 1854

wind we shd have been in Ningpo early this morning; but we have not been favored with a breeze “that follows fast’’. I am always unlucky at sea; whether do I bring the ill-luck; or have I a separate Daemon that brings me at unlucky times to unlucky places in unlucky conveyances?

THURSDAY, 19 OCTOBER 1854: We had a good stiff Breeze last night, and by its aid we made up for the bad sailing of Tuesday and Wednesday. About 7 o.c. this morning Capt Patridge came running into the cabin for his gun, and

at the same time told me I “had better tumble out and get my things on’’. IJ was almost dressed before he had gained the foredeck; following him I found him getting the guns ready &c. &c. and asking what was the matter, my attention was directed to a large junk, which had just weiged [|[sic|] anchor and was standing out for us. The Capt. knew by her appearance that she was a Piratical vessel. I really felt elated at the prospect of a “‘bresh”’ with the rascals; and the blood coursed through my veins at such a rate as to make me very cognisant of my excited state. Andrew the Swiss Capt. of the Erin said he “‘hoped they’d come on, as he’d give them hell.’”’ He seems to have been in their neighbourhood pretty often, and to be as hostile to them as their rascality is great. We made as much “‘show”’ as possible, handling the muskets, eyeing them through the Telescope, and walking up and down on the roof of the Cabin; at the same time we hoisted the British Ensign. All this had the desired effect; and very soon the Pirate showed some indisposition to “‘come on’’. Once waver and ten to one you retrograde. And such was the case with John Chinaman. He turned about and went to his anchorage; by this movement he clearly displayed his character. We went on in peace; and the fresh’ning breeze soon brought us under the walls of Cinhae.*® This city is walled round; unfortunately it is ona - level with, if not below the sea. On the southern side of it there is a high hill with a fort on its summmit; this place if well fortified and garrisoned could completely command the entrance to the River. We sailed under its lofty brow, rounded its rocky base, and entered the river. We found a great fleet of junks with a European Brig acting as their convoy. Houses line the Bank of the river for a considerable distance from Cinhae; and a great number of men were seen busily engaged in the construction of vessels of various sizes—but all of the

same clumsy shape, so thoroughly Chinese. On the Southern Banks of the River several lofty hills are seen; the northern side however seemed rather flat— some very far in the distance where we could see the misty shape & outline of what appeared to be arange of mountains. After winding about in various ways— following the meandering course of the River—sailing up what the sailors called its “reaches’”—we came in sight of Ningpo—or rather the large fleet of Junks,

which lie beneath its walls. The dense forest of masts all but completely hid the City from view. A large Pagoda in the centre of Ningpo towered above all the other heights.°” The British Flagstaff was pointed out to me, and glad I was to see it; I also saw the American & Portuguese Ensigns fluttering in the breeze. We soon reached the Receiving ship, alongside of which the “Erin” — found her accustomed berth. I immediately got a sampan, and set out for the 29

JOURNAL: HONG KONG AND SHANGHAI

Yin Kwei Yamun or the Quang quan, by which names the British Consulate is here known to the Chinese.*° As we approached the nearest landing place, I observed a gentleman in white trousers and a snuff coloured coat; I at once made up my mind that this was Mr. Meadows; and such he proved to be.” However with that perversity so peculiar to the British, I rather tried to avoid him. Altho’ I did not know my way to the Consulate, I chose rather to lose myself than ask directions from a Gentleman to whom I had never been introduced. I remember to have seen a case of this in ‘““Edthen”;*? from my own experience on this as well as on other occasions I can thoroughly appreciate the feelings there described, while at the same time I am as convinced of their absurdity. I walked on; but Mr. Meadows overtook me; he bowed and said “Mr. Hart?’’—I bowed and “presumed he was Mr. Meadows’’—we shook hands, and got to the Consulate. Mr. M. is tall; his hair is a dark sandy colour mingled with grey; his eyes are very light blue, and have a terribly wild expression—quite

like those of a maniac in fact; his beard is cut in the French style (Henri V, I think). It is of a sandy colour too as is also his moustache. On the whole, his appearance is very striking. On entering the Consulate, we met Mr. Fortune, the celebrated Chinese Traveller—a fine stout, healthy-looking man—in appear-

ance a combination of Messrs. Ballard, Hoey, & Huston.” After dinner we went across to the City, and purchased some furniture for my rooms. It is now about half past 9 P.M. The watchman is going his rounds, making a most horrible noise with two pieces of board; he has to beat them very frequently in order to keep himself awake. I greatly fear his noise will have the same effect on me for a few nights.“ A couple of China Women have been peeping in through my windows. I hope I may be able to control myself properly here. Many temptations surround

me; let me be a man “tenac propositi’”. I have had many reasons during the past year for Gratitude to the giver of all good; I would that my feelings, thoughts, and actions should display my gratitude, and make all the return which it is possible for a Human Being to make to his Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, and Redeemer.

30

CHAPTER THREE

Ningpo: Hart’s Induction into the Chinese Scene Nincro was QUITE A DIFFERENT ENTITY from Hong Kong or

Canton or especially Shanghai, with their growing foreign settlements and clubs and tight social circles. In such ports, a foreigner could live insulated from the surrounding flow of Chinese life, relying on his compradore, his boy, his cook as buffers between him and the strangeness of China from which he was content to keep apart. In Ningpo, by contrast, there were a dozen missionaries, a handful of merchants, a tiny shifting foreign population of the captains of whatever ships were in habor at the moment, and two consuls—one British, one Portuguese. In 1854, when Hart arrived, the Anglo-Chinese Calendar (printed in Canton) listed a total of only 22 foreign residents—a tiny sprinkling of Westerners in an old established Chinese metropolis." Where Shanghai was asmall county

seat readily dominated by the new foreign settlement outside it, Ningpo was like Foochow, a center of Chinese wealth and conserva-

tism, expressed especially through the xenophobia and hauteur of

the scholar class.

Administratively, also, Ningpo had a special status. As a center of longstanding importance in foreign trade and as the port of entry for Japanese tribute missions in the sixteenth century, it had offices not found in the usual county or even prefectural capitals. Thus, in addition to the yamen of Yin Asien (the central county) and the yamen of the Ningpo prefecture (fu), it also contained the yamen of the circuit intendant or taotai for Ning-Shao-T’ai, one of the four circuits into which the prefectures of Chekiang were grouped. As early as 992, a Superintendency of Merchant Shipping (office of overseas trade) had been established at Ningpo to supervise coastal trade and control maritime tribute trade from Korea and Japan. In the nineteenth century, Ningpo also had a major office of the maritime customs (hai-kuan). In addition, there was a certain concentration of military and naval power here, a consequence of Ningpo’s strategic position on the exposed coastline of Chekiang. Early in the Ch’ing period, the office of commander-in-chief of Chekiang was established in Ningpo, which thus became the command post for 31

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a. Be— :eRe ie. aSoe =2aee hee Fe oN oe Chr 4| —_ ao EsZe ee os ee —ees ceae RSfe = Cees yesen Re A eae gS ae Se fe Pe eS ag Bivens Aor peices EEE eS osDE ARES S Sah eee Je se (ee eee oo man eae eeeoy Bae oe 4: ll oo : . oe eS MOP SAS) os Tec Go | .. So eo Be. Sf 4 SU As oo eos goWe Fee — a eer : Oo eSosSe oa fea sa) a3see ieeae es ee fee S35Se 5ps+SS|.eS agf_— : ee a oe ff oe fes ertbe Ate oe oe.asssae Se Sy =GS8 SEN fos 8ee = |co 43SSE 8- . ES EE 8 os Pe ake ee sewee iSete pe omee Oe-—. ES US RSE Lag. eS Sr SaaS ene PEE aortas 3 Seas oe Be a SOS Se 3: oS Sa) a Seno of ase aaa Se Seats ot Coes ee Re. ” True I once, when taken with a fit of Missionary Zeal, thought of China as a field for my labours; and prayed that I

might be sent there; thinking my abilities pretty good [[.|] I supposed I cd easily manage the language and be of use to this nation—There it is! I have it. Many times during the last six months have I asked myself, what brought me to China? And I think I can answer now. When wishing to be a missionary I was most happy in religion and most desirous of being entirely devoted to God and His service: then I wished for China as a sphere for my labours. But I fell into bad company, lost my peace of mind, sinned most shamefully, and accepted the appointment partly to get away from the scene of my misconduct— partly to keep from having to decide between the Law & the Gospel: and here I am in China! Perhaps it is in answer to my prayers of May 1853; if so, I am in

my providential path, and God will make me a blessing! God grant it for Christ’s sake! Amen.

This year has given me great knowledge of the world in many respects. In the early part of it I was led into scenes of vice and wickedness which I always had shunned before. Associating with gay ladies I became quite a gay young 99

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man. My former habits of study and application had become tedious, intolerable,

& distasteful; and deeply did I drink of the cup of sinful pleasures. Then too did I make acquaintance with “‘my uncle’’, as the Pawn Broker is styled:—it hapened [[sic]] thus. Living with two Swantons, the three of us were friends. We had previously been three years and half at the same boarding School, where the younger and myself were great companions. They entered Cork College: I entered Belfast. Though we corresponded, we did not meet until Jem and myself took our degrees (A.B.) in Sept. 1853. On my solicitation he came to Belfast; his Brother William (a good steady man of three & twenty) accompanied him. Now Jem had become rather a character; had a splendid pair of whiskers; cultivated a Moustache; dressed very neatly; wore a ring & gold pin, which articles he changed very frequently; carried a neat little cane; smoked and played Billiards to perfection—being a splendid hand at making a Cannon. So the consequence was, that instead of my influencing him for good, he influenced me for evil. I accompanied him once or twice to the Theatre, and then to the Billiard Table. I lost my peace of mind, and instead of having recourse to prayer, rushed into everything that was exciting, in order to stifle conscience and give loose to the lusts and desires of the flesh. Shortly after Christmas my friend Jem had gone rather too far; he was reported to his father, who came up from Skibbereen to give him a lecture. Now at this time Jem’s watch and chain were in the pawnoffice; knowing that his Father wd ask him where his watch was, he requested me to let him have mine for the week to put “in pawn”’ while he got his out. I did as he desired. But when the week went by, there sure enough, my Boy went and pawned his watch again; and thus both were in pawn. I was a little irritated at this; but after a few days he got some money and restored me my watch. My dissipation continuing, my money “‘took wings”’;

so I had recourse to pawning also. And for three months my gold medals (Prize) lay in F. MacDonnell’s—near the Post Office Belfast. But God saw fit to punish me: abusing the laws of my constitution, the effects of the abuse came on, and for several weeks I was confined to Bed. This had to happen just at the time I gave in my name for the Chinese appointment; I was lying [ [in bed]] when I was told that from the four and thirty candidates for the one appointment, the first Govt. appointment given to the Queen’s College, Belfast—

I had been unanimously selected by the Council of the College. I was able to be up when I received the appointment, signed by the Earl of Clarendon. But though four weeks elapsed between that and my leaving home for China, I was so very weak that I could not enjoy myself atall; and thus was I obliged to leave Ireland for many years—perhaps for ever—without bidding good-bye to one-half of my friends and acquaintances. Thus the result of my hard work— my hard earned honors—at School and College—was this Chinese Appointment! And thus at the age of nineteen years three months I left home to push my fortunes in China. I remember two scenes: I shall not forget them. I called at Mr. Sam. Hart’s

to bid them good-bye. I was much attached to this family, and rather in love with the eldest Girl (Agnes). I saw but Mrs. and Miss Hart. When I told them I had come to say Farewell, poor Agnes looked as if petrified; I remember her 100

. 20 OCTOBER 1854-29 JULY 1855 look, I cannot describe it, poor dear Agnes. I called to bid Mrs. Russell adieu. Janet and I had once been lovers; but now she was engaged to be married to another. It was in the Drawing-Room I left them; but Janet came running down to the door after me, and looked very much as if she wished for a kiss. I was so foolish as to lift my hat instead of bruising her Bonnet. In Belfast at that time I learnt some family scheming too, which quite surprised me. The family, in which we lodged consisted of Father, Mother, three grown-up daughters, two or three boys and a little girl. The grown up daughters were Miss Hardy, about twenty three; Miss Jane about twenty; and Cordelia, about seventeen. They were mad to get married, and their parents played for the same prize. A College friend (Hugh Stewart) had once been courting Miss Hardy, and looked upon as though he were engaged to her; he got tired of her and fell in love with Miss Jane who, instead of sending him about his business as a nobler girl wd have done, accepted him as her lover; and when I went there to lodge, they were looked upon as engaged to be married. In February there was some talk of their marriage; but they fell out, and Hugh shirked off. Thus he had jilted those two; I wd not be surprised did Cordelia experience that same treatment at his hands. Now these girls were all very good-looking indeed; the two younger especially. What she wanted in beauty the eldest made up for in good humour. Jem Swanton and myself were determined to fall in love with Miss Cordelia, but we cd not settle the matter. The people of the house, however, “got wind” of Jem’s misconduct; so they wd have nothing to say to him; and Miss Cordelia was assigned to me. Miss Hardy laid herself out for all, but more particularly for William Swanton. We were often asked down to Tea; and enjoyed ourselves very much. I was getting on with Cordelia pretty _ well; we never talked of love—never kissed, &c. &c. Well Jem went to Skibbereen; I came to China; and Wm. was left there alone. How he got on after I left

I cannot say; but I think he was too old a bird to be caught with chaff. We knew the scheming and plotting which was made for us; so we were careful, &c. &c. But scheming for marriage is a bad thing: the plots generally recoil on the plotters. Well, I left Belfast—left Ireland: dangers have I met at sea and on the land! I

had very violent Diarrhoea while in Egypt; it was a mercy that it did not turn into Cholera or dysentery and carry me off. The Storm at sea, and the Pirate I have also escaped. Here I am at Ningpo at the end of the Year. Many things I look back upon with pleasure, many with regret. But with the Royal Poet can I bless God for all His Goodness to me; “Bless the Lord oh! my Soul, and forget not all his benefits, who crownest thy life with Loving Kindness”. ‘‘Surely Mercy and Goodness will follow me all the days of my life”.

Last night I had the comfortable assurance of God’s presence; and today I have been much drawn out in thanksgiving and prayer. My soul has been quite melted when bowed before God in private. And tonight—the last night of the old year—while time is hurrying 1854 away—lI can with all confidence look up and say, “Abba, Father!’’ I know the Lord to be my God—my Father reconciled to me by Christ: I know Christ to be my Saviour, and I can without hesitation rely on his merits for salvation; I can give myself up to The Holy Spirit’s 101

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guidance and direction, for guided by Him I shall not miss my providential way. I bless and magnify thee oh! great and almighty Being—my Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, Redeemer, & Counsellor; I adore thee, Oh! Lord, and thank thee for thy great goodness to me! I take the cup of Salvation & call upon Thy name. I confess my weakness; oh! give me strength! I confess my unworthiness— but Christ is all-worthy! I confess my sins—oh! cleanse and sanctify me! Lord,

thou knowest all things, thou knowest that I love thee! Thou knowest my heart’s desire is to spend and be sent in thy service and for thy Glory! Oh! save me Lord from sin—may the year which is about to commence—be one in which I shall be entirely devoted to Thee. Keep me from falling; and grant that

when [|[at]] this time next year I review my conduct—grant oh! Lord that I may have no Backsliding with which to charge myself; but May I continue in the enjoyment of Thy love; may I make the most of the time, may I be blessed myself and made a blessing to others; may I be sanctified and fitted for Heaven!

and when oh! Lord, it shall seem right to Thee to remove me to the other world, oh! grant that I may be found ready, watching & prepared for my master’s coming; and may I hear thee pronounce the joyful sentence, ‘‘Well done, good and faithful servant; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord’’. All I ask is for the alone [[?]]| sake of Jesus Christ my adorable Saviour—To whom with Thee and the Holy Ghost, be all glory and honor for ever & ever! Amen & amen! Mr. William Martin preached this morning from I. Timothy 11.5—‘‘For there

is one god, one Mediator, God and men, the man Christ Jesus.”’ This sermon was the best I have heard since I came to Ningpo. British Consulate, Ningpo

Sunday night; 8 o.c., 3lst December 1854. Robert Hart A.D. 1855 New Year’s Day. Robert Hart [[ with a flourish] | 1 JANUARY 1855: Although I retired last night with the full intention of being up early this morning, it was quite near ten o.c. when I left the Blan-

kets. 1 dressed quickly; went into my office and was bowing to my Teacher, who was kung-he’ing me to an alarming extent, when the door opened and in marched the Servants of the Consulate, dressed in their best clothes and having their consular caps on; I looked at them with amazement, which feeling was

increased to some extent when I saw all of them get down on their knees before me and “‘Knock-head” as they say. I stood bowing and playing with my buttons, “quite taken aback” at this mode of wishing me “‘a happy new Year”’. When they all had gone, I gave Ankwae five dollars to distribute among them;

to my own servants I presented a dollar each; and to my Teacher two dollars. I 7 also increased my cook’s pay one dollar per month. Went to Chapel; Mr. Lord officiated—preached a sermon on ‘‘Harmony—its nature, means, & benefits.” The sermon was very long and I thought very indifferent; but all seem to have been pleased with it, and glad that Mr. Lord took

up that subject. I was fearfully cold in there; and cold outside altho’ the sun was very powerful, a cold cutting wind played its pranks with noses and lips, 102

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making the former very red, and the latter very blue. A mountain, in the distance, covered with snow, looked extremely beautiful, standing out against the clear blue sky. Ice nearly half-an-inch thick was formed last night. After service I called on Mrs. Nevius, and then in company with her good man I made “the rounds’”’ of the Community. I had some confidential chat with Mr. N. and since

I have shared my mind with him, I feel easier and better. A friend is a grand thing. In the evening Mr. Meadows’ servants came to kung-he me: gave them nothing. It was most ridiculous to see the gravity with which all went down on their Knees. It really required a great effort on my part to suppress a regular burst of laughter. There was something terribly comical in the affair. Mr. Cobbold has asked me to Tiffin tomorrow; the missionaries are to meet at his house for discussion of some subjects. I hope to go. I thank God it is still my desire and prayer to be holy and pious; I have much peace of mind this evening. Oh! that the year thus commenced may be a _ very happy one. God grant that at its closing I may still be among the number of those who love the Saviour, and in Him seek for full Salvation! Amen.

TUESDAY, 2 JANUARY 1855: Went to Mr. Cobbold’s this morning to

the meeting of the Missionary Society; the question discussed was, “Whether the whole Bible or parts of it, accompanied by comments, shd be given to the People’’—(Chinese of course). The discussion of the subject I thought poor in

the extreme; indeed I shd have been ashamed to have produced any of the Speeches I heard. I have been a great deal connected with debating societies at home; I often laughed at their puerilities and supposed that older men wd have laughed at the whole proceedings; but here I find clever sensible men— public speakers, too—whose “‘society”’ is as our societies were. A very agree-

able morning I spent; and I dare say this society is of some utility. But the style of speaking quite surprised me. I sat beside a window; a cold current of air played upon my back for a couple of hours, and caused me to shiver to some extent. Charming Mrs. Nevius I took down to Tiffin; sat beside her and enjoyed her conversation. I was again disappointed in securing Miss Maria Dyer. On Christmas Day Mr. Russell took her from me, while I escorted his wife; today Mr. Nevius took her, while I took his lady. Next time I shall try to secure her. The Tiffin was first-rate. Walked home with Mrs. Nevius & Mrs. Rankin & their respective Lords. At the meeting this morning Dr. MacCartee perpetrated a pun. There was a mistake in some writing which a motion was made to correct; “Oh,” said Mr. Russell, “‘it was lapsus penna (penny)”—““Then,”’ said the Doctor, “‘we can’t refuse to give assent (a cent)”. I wonder, was the witticism worth a cash? Nothing particular has happened about the Consulate today; indeed it is seldom that the monotony of our life here is broken in upon. ““Oh! what are all our sufferings here,

If Lord, thou count us meet With that celestial throng to appear, And worship at thy feet!”’ 103

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Yes, the prospect of Heaven—the country seen by the Eye of Faith—shd make us bear anything without repining! Thank God I am still happy, oh! may I continue so!

WEDNESDAY, 3 JANUARY 1855: Busy this morning with Kung-sze,—

Public Business,—making out fees for the last quarter. That ship the “Inglewood” is a very troublesome one (yew to sze); two of her men came up today to apply for their discharge. They say that Capt. Burton is a very nice, quiet, soft spoken man on shore; but that he is the very opposite on board. I had to write him a letter about the matter; and the men are to be at the Consulate tomorrow morning. Thus I did but little at the Chinese today; however I went through a page of the Shing ju with my Séen tsung. °> Mr. Meadows handed

me the “Despatch Book” today: I am to keep it in future, and copy in his despatches. Today I have not been out of the Consulate. This evening read a little of “‘Pre-adamite Earth’’, but soon threw it aside, as I did not feel atall inclined for English reading this night. I feel more pleasure

now in working at the Chinese; strange to say. I am determined, if I stay in China, and if my health be spared to make myself a first-rate Chinese Scholar, in order that I may be really useful in some way as a Christian in forwarding the great work. Had the Chinese Christianity they wd be one of the greatest people on earth—if not the greatest. Without Christianity no other nation seems to have got so far; not even the Greeks or the Romans in the days of all their glory. Perseverance and Patience seem to be the correlative terms. These express

the same idea (of intensity) applied to the agent and the object; an agent perseveres, and [[an]|] object is patient. An object may persevere in patience; an agent may be patient in perseverance. They are the two great qualities necessary to all success. For a man must act and he must be acted upon. I thought today I shd like to die soon—to leave this earth—and see what the future is—but

, God’s will be done; I merely wish to live that I may be useful. I have no fear of death and no great longing for the world. In giving God my heart I have accomplished the great end of my existence so far as I myself am concerned; but the Deity may have had an object of its own in calling me into being and making me what I am; when that shall have been accomplished, He will take me home to Heaven. God grant that I may persevere to the end—that I may be “‘steadfast immovable always abounding in the work of the Lord’’—and at last I may inherit a crown of righteousness and praise my Lord in glory. THURSDAY, 4 JANUARY 1855: I was much amused this morning with

Matthews (the steward of the Inglewood). He was complaining of the Capt.; and he reached what Mr. Ballard called “the summit of the climax” by telling

me that the Capt. cursed every morning as soon as he arose. This from a sailor!

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The mail arrived today; but there was nothing for me. Mr. Quarterman called on me today. Collected the Fees for the past Quarter. I feel a little tired of study this evening, whatever is the cause of it. I hear Artis in the “Spec’”’ has taken three Chinese vessels supposed to be connected with the Pirates, and shot three Chinamen. I doubt this was a rather lawless proceeding. The wind has been very strong today. SUNDAY, 6 JANUARY 1855: Yesterday morning a man named Wm Kil-

burne, representing himself to be an American, came to this Consulate to lodge a complaint against Norwood one of the Crew of the “‘Inglewood”’. It appears that Kilburne was staying at Cymoon’s Lodging House and that Norwood also had been passing a day there; when Kilburne was going to bed on the evening of New Year’s Day, Norwood gave him a severe drubbing, blackening both his

eyes to a great extent. Now in what way the Consul is to act here I don’t know; I think it not impossible that this case is designed by the Portuguese to try how Mr. Meadows will act toward an Englishman who had beaten an American, after a Portuguese had been flogged for striking a Chinese Consular Servant. I very much fear that this affair will do Mr. Meadows no good. At half past two I went to Mr. Russel’s [[sic]] to dinner; there I found Dr. and Mrs. MacCartee; the Dr could not keep from punning atall—he said Encanacao (a Portuguese lorcha man) was a Fiend Incamato.™ After dinner the Doctor & his Lady went away; I accompanied Mr. and Mrs. Russell on their evening walk; during it Mr. Russell got a toss, and he lay on the ground laughing until some Chinamen helped him up. When the English soldiers were here in ’41/’42, the Chinese got the idea that Foreigners were very stiff about the legs; seeing the

stiff manner in which the Soldiers walked. They then thought that if they could get the Soldier down, he cd not rise again; but they said that it was ‘“‘very hard to get them down”’. I dare say Mr. R’s conduct wd tend to strengthen this idea. Mr. and Mrs. Russell pressed me to stay there all night, to which J assented.

After tea we had prayer; then Mr. R. read aloud to us, and we had some chat. He gave a couple of instances of Chinese ingenuity in scheming. A few days ago Mr. Gough went to look at a Chinese house which some people thought wd suit him. It did not please him however and he went away saying that he wd decide soon; but thought it wd be in the negative. Now near this house lived Mr. Lin. Mr. Yeh, a tailor, knew of Mr. Gough’s looking at the house; so

he went to Mr. Lin and told him that the foreigner was about to buy this vacant house and build a tower on it, by which the “Fortunate Streams’’ would be entirely prevented from reaching Mr. Lin’s house. Of course with their ideas

the Lin family were quite frightened at this and wd rather do anything than allow Gough to get the place. So they asked Mr. Yeh what they shd do; he said

that if they wd give him 300,000 cash (some 200 dollars) he as being Mr. Gough’s agent cd prevent his getting the house. The Lins thought this demand

rather exhorbitant; so they told him to wait till the next day, with which he

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JOURNAL: NINGPO | complied. Somehow or other Mr. Russell got news of what was going on; so he told Mr. Lin that Mr. Gough did not want his house, caught Mr. Yeh and fined him. The other case occurred some months ago, when there was some distur-

bance between the Chinese and the Portuguese. A man had been dismissed from a Shanghae House for bad conduct. On coming to Ningpo he thought fit to make an effort to “raise the wind’’. At this time Mr. Russell was in Chusan; and Mr. Hudson was to some extent his deputy here. The Shanghae man at a Tea house one day began to give out that he had been placed in a position very lucky for him, only he feared he could not hold it for a certain reason. He said he had been instructed by Mr. Russell to raise a body guard of 400 men. He was to be the Captain; and said he to the man with whom he talked, If you assist me in your village, I’ll get you the post of second in command, and the pay for each men is half-a-dollar per day. The man jumped at the proposal; and by appointment brought to the Shanghae man a list of his recruits amounting to some 80 or 100 men. The Shanghae man then said to him: These English have a queer custom of demanding a fee when they enlist anyone, so that each recruit must give 500 cash as his fee. To this the man readily agreed; for with half-a-dollar per diem, how wd they miss 500 cash. So he gave the Shanghae man some 50,000 cash. Upon asking when these recruits were to join the Capt. he replied that in a week he wd have his number complete, and that they shd meet him then at a certain place. At the appointed time the band came; but the Shanghae man had decamped with his cash. They then went to Mr. Russell’s house, and on asking if Mr. Russell were at home were told he was at Chusan. ‘But is he not enlisting 400 men?” said they—the servant was astonished and replied in the negative; but told him that Mr. Hudson was transacting Mr. Russell’s business and that they shd go to him which they did; and astonished him most effectually. So the Shanghae man succeeded in his ploy and made off. Mr. Russell also told me of an old man who had called on him shortly before—a very respectable-looking, intelligent person. This old man said—that he

lives about 30 le [[sic]] from Ningpo (10 or 12 English Miles); that ten years ago a testament had been put into his hands, and that since that time he had received no instruction from Foreigners; that he had carefully studied the Testament and was now a Christian. This he showed and proved by his familiarity with the Scriptures and his love for the Lord Jesus Christ. He quite astonished Mr. Russell. ““Truly,’’ the Bread cast upon the waters doth “return after many days’’—“always abounding in the work of the Lord, for as much as ye know, your labour is not in vain in the Lord’’. Here is the power of God unto Salvation; and it is a strong proof of the reality of the Gospel of Christ. He said that he had written a book describing himself as labouring under a disease of which he gave the symptoms: that this disease was “‘sin,—sin—disease”’;

that the Taouists and Buddhists cd not cure it; that a Book (the Testament) was put into his hands which cured his disease—met his case—and even described most minutely every feature of his case: then he proceeded to recommend the Testament—Christ’s Gospel—for all are diseased with sin, and the Gospel has power to heal all—adapted to every case, in every place, and in

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every station. No one knows how much good may have been effected in China; I do trust God is about to wake up this people. Mr. and Mrs. Russell treated me very kindly; I had a very comfortable bed; everything very comfortable. They pressed me to stay long with them, but I cd not do so. They said that a Bed is at my service whenever I choose to do there. Mr. R. gave me a Bible; and Mrs. R. a Little Book called the “Words of Jesus”’. Came home at ten o.c. this morning; shortly after this The little Mandarin came about the Boats taken by Artis & Hudson. We went with Him down to Davidsons and saw the vessels consigned to him. I had a little chat with him; I find I have made progress in the language. I understand a great deal of what Mr. Meadows said to him and vice versa and said a few myself. He invited me to visit him at his Yamun, which it is probable I shall do. In the evening Mr. Martin (sen‘.) called.°> After some general conversation

he introduced the subject of Religion, upon which we had some talk. Upon telling him my views &c. &c. he gave me one reason why I might conscientiously leave the Govt. Service and become a minister. ““The Post which you now occu-

py” said he, “many wd wish to fill; that which you wd seem to wish to fill yourself—that of a missionary—few can be got to take up; now if you wd take it and thus do what few wish to do, Govt. will not suffer, as many wd apply for your vacant place.”’ I thought this very good: perhaps I may yet be a Minister. I thought Mr. Russell hinted at this subject also, as also did Mr. Nevius. Well, I shd be very thankful to God for the kind friends he has thrown me amongst, and the many privileges which I do enjoy! Every one treats me Kindly; and all seem to wish me well. This evening on opening the Bible I found a text—the first on which my eye rested—which suited me most remarkably. [ [In the margin here Hart has drawn a hand, an index finger and an asterisk pointing to this passage.]] I had been ‘‘cast down because of my manifold temptations,’ I was sad and lapsing into unbelief and unhappiness, and puzzling myself as to what I shd do. I opened and read 1. Chronicles XXVIII.9.10 “And thou, Solomon my son, Know thou the God of thy Father, and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing mind; for the Lord searchest all hearts and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts; if thou seek him, he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake

him, he will cast thee off forever. Take heed now, for the Lord hath chosen thee to build an house for the Sanctuary; be strong and do it.” ‘‘We shall not full direction need, or miss our providential way.”’

Any way is in the hands of the Lord; I wish to spend and be spent in His service, to devote myself to his work, and perhaps ere long to throw all my energies into the propagation of the Blessed Gospel of my dear Lord & Saviour, Jesus Christ. ‘Acknowledge Him in all thy ways, and he will direct thy paths’. ‘Thou wilt guide me by thy counsel, and afterwards receive me into glory.” Oh! how glad I am that I have at last got a Bible—a Whole Bible! God grant that I may value it—constantly use it—and be altogether God’s in motive, thought, word and deed—Amen.

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SUNDAY, 7 JANUARY 1855: Mr. Rankin preached today. His text was

‘Hitherto the Lord has helped us’’. Divided his sermon into three parts—the three stones which shd compose the Ebenezer—gratitude, confidence, dependence. His sermon was on the whole very good. Intended to go to Mr. Russells to service at two o’clock; but not finding a Boat at the Ferry, I had to stay at home. TUESDAY, 9 JANUARY 1855: Joseph Perry, the “‘Spec’s”’ gunner, came

up to the Consulate this morning to let us know he had shot a Chinaman: done in self-defence, I understand. He had with him two black men—one from St. Helena, the other from New Brunswick; these were very fine looking men, the former in particular. Both spoke good English. Shortly afterwards, young Hart came up to complain of the treatment he had received at the Customs House. _ He said, he had gone there to see about some goods that had been seized by the Chinese, and that one of the men struck him; he returned the blow. Upon this he was attacked by a lot of Chinese, thrown down and tied hand & foot. He said some three or four doors had been broken. He was greatly agitated. He had scarcely gone away when the Tautae’s Deupty came across: it then appeared that a Chinaman had brought down a quantity of goods in the ‘‘Vivid,” and landed them without paying duty. The Custom house officers heard of it however & seized the goods. Upon this young Hart with a lot of men went & forced

the Custom House, and attempted to bully them, in consequence of which they tied him until the Tautai was communicated with. The little Mandarin was just departing when the Tautae arrived. When they went away, we (Mr. M. & self) had a long chat about the way to act. Mr. Wm. Hart’s Boat, “Vivid” has no sailing letter; it is not registered; took out no port clearance & did not re-

port. She brought cargo down from Shanghae, which was attempted to be smuggled. Now is the ‘“‘Vivid” a British vessel? Of course if Mr. Hart says she is his, she is a British vessel. Then, for not reporting, the fine is $200; and for breaking bulk $500.%° So that He will have to hand out $700 if he allow the vessel to be his; if he says she belongs to a Chinaman—that man will lose his head and the ‘‘Vivid’’ wd be confiscated by the Chinese Authorities. Mr. M. thinks of taking young Hart and sending him down to Hongkong to be punished. This is the second time these Harts have created a disturbance at the Custom House. “Honesty is certainly the best policy”’. We have had a great deal of disagreeable business at the Consulate of late. Affairs in every point here begin to look rather queer; I think we shall soon have a blow-up of some sort. Today I got the loan of Milne’s Translation of the Sacred Edict.°’ This will ‘help me to a great extent; but I must take care that I do not use it improperly. Had a circular from Mr. Cobbold today, stating that on Friday, the 19th the new Church will [[be]|] opened by service at 2.p.m. Yesterday evening wrote a letter to Mongan which I hope to send soon. [ [This starred in the margin. | |

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It is very pleasant to hear the watchmen beating their gongs and bamboos at night; they do it with such regularity & taste that although the sound seldom varies, the effect is very good, & makes one feel quite cheerful. My chest has been rather painful during the last week; and tonight, when I sit up straight it feels quite sore and I do so with an effort. I fear I am working too hard.

WEDNESDAY, 17 JANUARY 1855: It is now more than a week since I

made an entry in my journal. That week however has not been without its novelties—Mrs. Gough was confined: the child had to be cut to pieces in her womb, as it was overgrown. Mrs. G.— is going on well—Mr. Nevius has been confined to bed by an attack of Erysipelas; he is now convalescent. Mrs. Goddard and family have left for America.

Today Joseph Perry’s case came on: he was charged with killing a Chinaman. He acknowledged having done so. Seven witnesses were examined against him, and three in his favor. The Chinese prevaricated—evaded—& contradicted

in a most peculiar manner. The result was Perry’s acquittal on the plea of self- : defense. Rev. Russell and Capt. Patridge, Assessors. Mr. Russell made me a present of a beautiful Bible today; I returned him the one he gave me a fortnight ago. Took Tea with Mr. W. Martin this evening. Mr. and Mrs. Cobbold and Mr. Quarterman were there. Mr. Martin gave me a copy of Mathew’s Gospel

in Mandarin. Finished “A Pastor’s Sketches” by Dr. Ichabod Spencer of the State of New York: Two vols.: first-rate reading. [[In the margin, vertically: | ] Mrs. M—wished some wood thrown on the fire—she said ‘‘Please, agitate the wood”, °°

Thank God I am still in the enjoyment of Religion. Doubts and fears do arise; temptations do assail; but my peace of mind has not been taken from me. THURSDAY, 18 JANUARY 1855: Mr. Rich Hart’s case was tried this morning; Messrs. Rev. Cobbold and E. Wadman assessors. Mr. Meadows quite irritated me; he seemed so much against Hart & for the Chinese—So I stuck up for Hart as well as I could. He was fined $300. Mr. Wadman disagreed to this, & recorded his protest, so that the case must be laid before Sir John Bowring.

Tonight I wrote a letter to Mr. Wade requesting him to get a Teacher for me; and stating that I wd go so high as $20 Mexican per month. WEDNESDAY, 24 JANUARY 1855: My letter to Mr. Wade in reference

to a good Teacher has not been sent off yet. I do not know what to do; I cannot make up my mind to stay in China; I cannot make up my mind to go home. I pray for Divine Guidance; and I have no doubt but that my prayers will be answered. But because I cannot see a year before me, I am unhappy and know not what to do. Whether I shd save money in order to go home this time next

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year; or whether I shd lay money out on a couple of Teachers—this bothers me; again whether I shd read in English Books which wd fit me for the ministry or Books wh’ wd prepare me for the Law at home, I do not know. Iam in quite a dilemma. Through fear of waste in one direction, J make progress in none. I am like a traveler who has come to half-a-dozen roads branching off (near the same point), the one in which he has been traveling; he is not sure wh’ he shd take, and thus he feels inclined to sit down and enter upon none. However I must

very soon determine. On Friday last I took tea with Dr. MaCartee [[sic]]| at Mr. Rankin’s. The Doctor urged me to engage in Missionary work. On Sunday last Mr. Quarterman preached; his sermon went to prove that death is not what

we call death generally, but sin in its relation to God. His sermons are very curious generally. The Episcopal Church was opened on the 19th. Mr. Russell read the Service, Mr. Cobbold preached. His text was “‘testifying the Grace of God’’. His sermon was very good. Mr. Meadows went to this opening service; his intention in going was to show its connexion with the English, so he went in his official character. He followed in the prayers—read the responses—and said

Amen in very good style; but he did all this to show the Church was under British Protection; he prayed in his Official Character. What an acceptable Sacrifice! After Service we called on Bishop Danicourt: we saw him and Bishop De la Place, who argue (Mr. Meadows says) ‘“‘like Cat and dog’’. The Roman Catholic Chapel is going to be a very grand building. There was a slight earthquake on the night of the 19th I understand. Mr. Meadows has been very cold

and dry with me since I was so bold as to differ from his opinion in young Hart’s case. On Tuesday evening Mr. Nevius called; also Mr. Gough. Afterwards went to tea at Mr. Sam Martin’s. Dr. and Mrs. MacCartee were there. Mrs. Mar-

tin was speaking of a Teacher she was placed under in her native state. She said ‘““He was an Englishman, and the only Female Instructor in the place; he made them leave off love stories’? etc. She seems to hate the English terribly; and indeed none of the Americans here seem to be particularly fond of England as a Nation. On the 20th I had a couple of Letters from Mongan and Fogg’s bill ($176.66) enclosed. This Bill I will pay at the end of March, should the exchange not rise ; about 3.3 per cent. Mongan also sent me a letter which had reached Shanghae some time about the 24th Dec. last. It was from my sister Mary and urged me © strongly to go home again. [[There is a check in the margin at this point.] ] It _made me wish very much for home. It was written on the 30th of September. Mongan has had diarrhoea, and seems to have been rather ill. In consequence of my unsettled state of mind, I have not been able to get on so well with the “Chinese”’ as I could have wished the last two or three days. I do wish to be in the Path of Duty. Oh! that God wd clearly mark out my way! Many things say go home—and many say do not—which is right? Lord guide me! I would commit myself entirely to Thee. Oh! do with me as in thy eyes seemeth right.

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THURSDAY, 25 JANUARY 1855: Yesterday a Portuguese came to the

Consulate with a letter in Portuguese, which stated that one of Mr. Dent’s schooners had run in among some Islands in order to avoid the Pirates & that she had been obliged to stay there.°” This man had been in a fight with the Pirates: he ran his vessel on shore, and then burnt her. He had received a terrible cut on his head, and got his collar bone broken. [[In the margin Hart has commented as follows, note dates 15 March 1855:|] This was the ‘“‘Zephyr.”’ The “‘Nymph”’ was taken by Pirates in October last & all the crew massacred. the “‘Nina’’ is said to have been captured. The agreement was yesterday signed for the purchase of a piece of ground to build a house for Mr. Gough: 680 dollars. This morning Mr. Meadows came to me and told me that his Clerk and my Teacher had been using the Consular seal to squeeze money out of people. I was very much irritated by this; I will watch the old fellow for the future. I was busy settling my papers at my office desk, and I could not make out why old Seu was moving about so much in the next room. He understood, I am almost sure, that we had been talking about him. So I applied my eye to a chink in the

partition; I could not understand why I could not see through. By & by the opaque object moved away: the old Rascal had been watching my movement and thus our eyes met. What a ridiculous thing! I’ll turn him off very soon.

I have never tasted better mutton than what I had for dinner today. After dinner I went for a walk as far as Russell’s; no one was in, so IJ left my card, and took a ramble through the Town. In crossing the Ferry, the people in the Ferry Boat were set-a-cogitating by my cape. They could not make out what materials it was made of atall; every time I go out, that cape attracts attention. It has been places enough and in scenes enough to make it an object of wonder even to myself. [ [The next two lines are bracketed and then starred in the margin: ] ] Today I ordered the Picture Frames for Caine; Twenty one in all: I dare say they will cost between sixty and seventy Mexican dollars. They are to be fin-

ished in forty days; About the 10th of March. [[He has written with a check mark at the bottom of the page:] | Finished on the 12th March: price $70. SATURDAY, 27 JANUARY 1855: Yesterday evening in Company with

Dr. MacCartee I walked to the other side of the City, to hear the Buddhist priests at their vespers. We unfortunately came late, by about a quarter of an hour. So that as far as that particular object of our walk was concerned, we were disappointed. However to me the walk was very pleasant; the Doctor is an exceedingly nice Person, and his conversation was both amusing & instructive. One of his failings seems to be his telling the same stories more than once. He is the most determined Punster—he never lets an opportunity escape unimproved in that respect. I was saying to him that Mr. Meadows had said Bishop Danicourt and De la place agreed like Cat & Dog—‘“‘Ah”’ said the Dr., ‘‘an instance of Catholic unity.”

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This evening I attempted to walk round the walls; but when I had got about half way, the setting sun warned me I shd be left in dark if I went any further. So I left the wall and walked right across the City. When I got into the narrow streets, I got confused, and lost my “‘reckoning’’; how I was to get home I did not know. I walked on, and at last was gratified by seeing the Top of Mr. Russell’s house, which at once set me right. The view from the walls—both into the City and outside it—is very pleasing. Had I thought the wall so good a place for walking, I shd have been round it often before this. My feet are terribly sore tonight, however; I walked too far and too quickly. Saw a Shanghae paper of the 20th inst. today. There is a long letter in it from Censor to Mr. Alcock cutting him up in fine style. It warns him against being so much led or influenced by Mr. Wade (commissioner of Customs) and speaks of Lay as ‘fan inexperienced lad’’. There is also a translation of a Chinese Placard calling on the people to rise and exterminate “the Imps and Monkeys’’—(i.e. Foreign Residents)—Shanghae is certainly a rather exciting place just now. When will it be Ningpo’s turn? © \

TUESDAY, 30 JANUARY 1855: The “Inglewood”’ sailed for Amoy to-

day: I sent by her a letter to Swinhoe; last night a Boat sailed for FooChow; I took the opportunity of writing to Hughes. Today my Teacher criticized the Chinese of the various English at this place; Mr. Wm. Martin he places at the head of the list—both in Mandarin and the T’oo wa; he does not seem to think highly of Mr. Meadows’ Mandarin; as for Macgowan, he seems to be the last in the list. °*

Tonight I have not been particularly contented or happy. WEDNESDAY, 31 JANUARY 1855: This afternoon I called on Mr. Wm.

Martin & returned “Life in Earnest’’. A great many Canton men were in the city, easily distinguished from the Ningpo people by their dress and haughty carriage. Met a great many of the Missionary people.

Read some of the Shanghae Miscellany for 1854; some extracts from Dr. Macgowan’s Note Books are very good and contain much humor. °” Wrote a letter to Dr. Henry this evening. Another month is now ended. on the whole it-has.been a happy one; I have had my ‘ups and downs’ in my religious experience, but I have not lost my de-

sire to love God, and I can still place my faith in the Saviour. ‘‘Lord help me by thy grace, guide me by thy counsel, and hereafter receive me unto Glory!”’ SATURDAY, 3 FEBRUARY 1855: This week I have been thinking so

much about the future as almost to neglect the present. I cannot look upon continuing in the Government service with any degree of satisfaction; and I can scarcely make up my mind to any course of conduct. A few days ago, I began to think of becoming a Merchant—I was dazzled by the prospect of making 112

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money rapidly and thus soon having in my power to return to my friends. I had almost made up my mind on this point, although the Text was constantly recurring to my mind “They that make haste to be rich fall into divers snares etc.’’ I was walking through the fields, when I came upon a few graves. A stone among them was a monument to Mr. Lowrie—a missionary to the Chinese, who had been drowned by Pirates. on one side it had an Inscription, “I ama Stranger on Earth”.®° This set my thoughts in the right direction again; it is to the Next World that we shd look, and it is considerations arising from looking to it, rather than this world, that shd guide us—this world is in relation to us a means—

God help me from looking on it as an end. I have made up my mind—I shall stay in this service until I learn the Mandarin & the T’oo hwa [[t’u-hua] | ; then

I shall enter the Missionary work. I am convinced this is my duty. | Took Tea yesterday evening with Mr. Nevius; he lent me “‘Lowrie’s Memoirs’’.

Have written letters for Dr. Henry and McCosh and commenced others for Thomson and [[?]]. I thank God that Jesus is my ‘“‘all in all’’. In Him alone I trust; in myself I am nothing. SUNDAY, 4 FEBRUARY 1855: This morning I received a letter from Hughes by the “Tris’’. Up and out in time for Chapel. Mr. Nevius preached and showed very clearly that there must in nature & grace be mysteries; while we are to believe in these and walk by faith, we are also to make use of the Knowledge we have: the future shd not be permitted to make us neglect the present. Ah! the Present—of what incalculable value it is! Attended the Chinese Service in the Foo-séen Chapel today at 4 p.m. Mr. Rankin commenced the service and Mr. Martin ended it; a couple of Chinese Hymns were sung and that too in very good style. Two Children and three converts were baptised. Of the latter, one is a Teacher in Mr. Martin’s School; the two others are senior pupils in the same. I was much affected by this service. Oh! that these men may be enabled to persevere unto the End and be landed safely on the happy shore of Canaan! What a privilege it is to labour for Christ! When shall it be mine? God help me to make a right use of my present opportunities of preparing for usefulness so that when an opening presents itself I

may be able to take advantage of it. I can cheerfully give up everything for Christ. Life itselfi—present enjoyment, friends and hopes—all these I can cheerfully lay down at the Cross of Christ. “More wd I give up if I had more’’. Oh! that God may make me instrumental in turning many from darkness to light— in spreading the Knowledge of Christ our Saviour! I have read the greater part of Lowrie’s memoirs; very interesting. I was thinking today that with regard to Salvation man only complies with a

condition; he believes in Christ, and God accepts him for Christ’s sake. Thus | the atonement for man’s offenses—the propitiation for his sins—was the death of Christ; while man’s faith in Christ is counted unto him for Righteousness. “Oh! for a closer walk with God!” In Religion there is a happiness which world men never dream of. How strange it is that sometimes a Christian takes 113

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pleasure for a moment in the things of the world. It is faith from moment to moment, whether accompanied by feeling or not, that seems most essential to peace of mind and growth in grace. TUESDAY, 6 FEBRUARY 1855: Today Mr. Meadows left this for Shanghae. He will have rather rough weather I think, as it has been blowing quite a gale this evening. I suppose, however, he will stay at Chinhae until the weather moderates. I am now the only British official in this place. Were anything to happen a very serious responsibility wd rest on me; and shd Mr. M. meet with any accident I might be alone for some months. This is a thing not particularly desirable. With him I wrote to Mongan, and sent letters to Wade, (for a Teacher), Caine (for a Violin), to Mama (about my desire for the Missionary work), to Drs. Henry & McCosh (to let them know of my arrival and situation). These letters (3) will reach their destination about the middle of May I suppose—by the March mail. Drew out a fine plan of study this evening; I have made up my mind to commit Mong-tsze and to go well through Premaire—This will occupy a year well; and if properly done will be of the greatest advantage, I think. I set about this hard work in order to fit myself for usefulness; I trust that it is love to [[sic]] God that animates me in the undertaking, and it alone will carry me through it; my desire is certainly the glory of my God. I wish to do something for his cause in this part of the world—not trusting to my own abilities or relying on my own power, for I know it is God’s spirit that operates and does the work, but—trusting that I may be employed as an humble instrument in the carrying out of God’s gracious plans with refer; ence to fallen man. To thee, O Lord! would I dedicate my every power—physical, moral & intellectual; Oh! accept me; guide me by thy counsel, support & strengthen me by thy grace, bless and make me a blessing, that at last having wrought thy good will with me here on earth, receive me home to Heaven, for the sake of Jesus Christ, my adorable & much-loved Saviour! Amen. SUNDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 1855: This morning Mr. Wm. Martin preached;

his text was John VIII, 36, “If the Son therefore shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.”’ He first shewed what Freedom is, and defined Liberty as being the “action of our natural powers”: physical, civil & moral. He then shewed how “the Son’? makes [[us]] free in these respects. After this service I accompanied Mr. and Mrs. Nevius to the English Church, where at 11 a.m. a service in Chinese was conducted by Mr. Russell. The children (school) joined in very well in reading the responses. His Text was ““The wages of sin is death’’. This service over, I went with Mr. Russell to his house, had dinner and at two o’clock went again with him to the English Church, where a service in English was held. His Text was 1. Corinthians X, 31-33. “‘Whether therefore ye eat or drink or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God. Give none offense, neither to the Jews nor to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God: even as I please all men in all things, not seeking mine own profit but the profit of many, that they may

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be saved.’’ The sermon was excellent, and Mr. R. worked out very well the necessity & duty of doing all things “‘to the glory of God’’, and of acting in such a way as neither to give offence &c. or to cast a stumbling block in the way of any one. The mercantile people were here; and certainly they wd be strange people indeed, if they were not set a thinking by this sermon. This service over, the doors were thrown open and the church filled with Chinese. The Chinese Catechist then gave an address, which Mr. Russell and Mr. Gough pronounced to be excellent,—containing a vast amount of Scripture Truth. Certainly the Gospel was preached to a very goodly number; God grant soon that some of the seed may have fallen on good ground! When the Catechist was showing the absurdity of worshipping Idols, he drew a hearty laugh from many of his hear-

ers. a little boy who sat beside me burst out in so natural a manner that his . cachinnation was quite infectious, and it puzzled me to preserve gravity as far as my features were concerned. Some of the people asked questions which the Catechist at once answered. Mr. Gough gave a short address, after which some books were distributed & the meeting broke up. I then came home, read some of Blunt’s Coincidences (a first rate Book)—working out internal proofs in support of Scriptures which to me seemed irrefutable & irresistible. had Tea, scribbled this, &c. &c.°°

THURSDAY, 15 FEBRUARY 1855: This morning the Mail—long wished

for—arrived. I received by it three letters and a parcel containing the very thing

which I have so much been desiring of late, ‘‘Wesley’s Hymns’. The letters | were 1. from Dada—dated 16th October in reply to my first Letter (3rd August) from Hongkong; 2. from Wm Swanton, dated 26th Oct.;© 3. from Mary, dated 1st November, in reply to mine of the 11th September (in which I told them of my having been appointed to Ningpo). I was so glad to get these Letters! There was also a note from Mongan & one from Mr. Meadows, in which I am told of great changes in the Consular Service—with regard to the location of officials. I dare say the old song is true—“There’s a good time coming, only wait a little longer’’.

This evening went to the Prayer-Meeting—then to Mr. Nevius’ where I had tea & spent an exceedingly pleasant evening. We talked of old times, respectively: this society certainly does me good and helps me out of “the Blues”’.

| I have just been called out to see a fire—it is raging in the vicinity of the Tautai’s Yamun.

SATURDAY, 17 FEBRUARY 1855: This is the first day of the Chinese

New Year—‘‘Heen Fung woo néen, tsing yue tsoo yih’’. Yesterday evening crackers innumerable were exploding in all directions; and about four o’clock this morning I heard several cannon fired ushering in the New Year. All the servants are dressed out in their best today, & “chin-chin-ning”’ is going on toa great extent. I had no visiters [[sic]], wh’ was very fortunate. The servants — ‘“‘chin chinned’’ me, I sent out & received a few cards. Yesterday Dr. MacCartee

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the other evening to learn that Mrs. MacCartee is some two or three years older than Mrs. Rankin—I had thought she was five or six years her junior. °’ I have kept this Journal with considerable regularity these three months. In this book this is to be the last entry; I suppose it as as well to keep up this plan and commence another book. Saturday night, 17th February 1855 “West End”’ British Consulate, Ningpo. Robert Hart.

| [At the top of the title page of the second volume of Hart’s journal is the notation: VOL. 2 From Feby 18th 1855 to 29 July 1855. This is followed by: “‘My Life in China’’ Being the second volume of my journal—[[a flourish] |

Vol. Il commenced February 18th 1855, ‘‘West End’’, British Consulate, Ningpo. Robert Hart, A.B. & Double First Queen’s University, Ireland, and ex-sch. & ex-sci-sch. Q Coll: Belfast.] |

SUNDAY, 18 FEBRUARY 1855: This morning Mr. Rankin preached,

taking for his text Paul’s Epistle to Titus II.11 ‘‘Teaching us that to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts, we Shd live soberly, righteously & godly in this present world’’.—soberly as rule for ourselves, righteously in relation to our neighbours, and godly in reference to the Deity. After Service read in ‘‘Watson” on Calvinism & Predestination: I do not know what opinion to come to in reference to this matter. Whether it be right that I shd form a definite & decided view with regard to it as a doctrine, or whether I shd abstain from piercing too deeply into the hidden things of God, I know not. One thing is evident,—

that whichever view be correct, it is my duty (as created, preserved, & surrounded with blessings of the Deity) to give him my heart; to worship Him, comply with his demands, and by obedience show my faith in Christ. Much is to be urged in favor of each opinion; my feelings most incline to [[sic]] me to that interpretation which holds that “God willeth not the death of a sinner

but rather that all shd turn to him and live’’—that Christ was offered a sacrifice for all men, and that whosoever believes in Him will be saved—that God’s Predecree was that Believers shd be conformed to the likeness of Christ, shd be sanctified & saved. But I do not know what to do with the passage in the ninth chapter of Romans. I am not yet prepared to take my stand with either party; and I certainly agree with Peter when he says that in Paul’s Epistles there are

“some things hard to be understood”; which party it is that ‘‘wrests’’ these things, I know not. At quarter past one I started for the English Church. In crossing the River I was obliged to stand at the Bow of the Boat as there was a sedan in the center compartment; one of the Bearers was sitting with his face to me, and I could not help smiling when our eyes met, upon which he at once 116

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said ‘““Tzo-tzo’’—‘“‘Be seated’’. This seems to be the objective form of the cere-

mony and politeness so characteristic of the Chinese. I looked for a seat, but there was none for me; and I think the man looked rather confused when I pointed him to the place behind me. In walking through the City my attention was greatly drawn to the fine dresses of all whom I met; the few holidays that occur at the commencement of the Year in China are days in which the Chinese visit, wear their best clothes, and seem to take delight in such a transformation as makes it very difficult to recognize individuals. All who were dressed

wore the Mandarin hats with red tassels, none however save Mandarins dare wear a button. I met a great number who had brass or gold buttons—the lowest class of Mandarins. Hanging out of many of the doors and windows were birds & human beings &c. &c. made of paper and painted. The female figures and some ducks which I saw were very well done. One person I met, gave me a “happy New Year’’, to which I responded by throwing the forefinger of my right hand. I walked too far and had to retrace my steps; and found the Church by inquiring for the ‘“‘Tzing-hwang-meaou’’—a temple, which is quite close to the Church. A slight glimpse I got of the interior of the Temple shewed me that

it was filled with tables around which people were sitting; a great many very gaily dressed were moving about. Service was conducted (in a very ‘sing-song’ manner) by Mr. Gough. He preached from Ephesians VI.18. “Praying always with all prayer & supplication in the spirit, and watching thereunto with all perseverance & supplication for all saints.’? His discourse was very long, and his drawling manner of speaking made it rather tedious. During most of the time a horrible noise was being kept up outside—gongs & drums & bamboos were being struck, horns sounded, guns fired & crackers “let off’’ and there we were—some ten or twelve persons at worship in the very heart of an idolatrous city, and that too close to a Temple in which Idols were at the time being worshipped, our ears filled with the sound of their music. I noticed in several places something like a huge dragon being carried about by several men through the houses where the gongs and drums were being sounded. The people commence to know me nov; it is most amusing to hear them say ‘“‘Ha laou-yay”’. “Who is that?’? one says—‘‘Ha laou-yay”’. Got home at four o’clock and had

dinner; went out for a short walk and on my return found Eleang’s family (wife & daughters) with Mrs. M. walking about in the court. I went out to amuse myself with ‘Nora’, and made some progress in the acquaintance of ladies. © My little puppy is getting on finely—very lively, growing well, and likely

to bite. I do not know whether the last is a matter of joy or not; it might be at some time useful, but then how unlike the young lady for whom it is named, whom my sister in her last note describes as being “‘so gentle’. However it will do—it will be some living thing in which to be interested, and with which to be amused. The sun was very strong today, and the air sufficiently mild outside, though cold enough in the house. I fear I am going to have a touch of Fever & Ague; my exposure today has given me a headache. The Christian’s life is one of constant warfare; we must fight in order to deny ungodliness, bodily and worldly lusts; a constant & determined struggle is necessary in order to live “soberly, righteously, & godly’’; and “‘praying always in the spirit—and watching

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thereunto with all perseverance’’, how very necessary! What is approved of my

reason & conscience, passion is often too powerful for. It surprises me that when Temptation is nigh, one is so reluctant to have recourse to prayer—in the very thing which it is fitted to obtain “help in the time of need’’. Temptation is of two sorts—1~. where pleasure would induce and entice us to disobey God’s commands, & 2°. where any pain or threatened punishment would cause us to disobey or reject the Gospel. I am most troubled with the former; and I sometimes think that did the latter assail me I wd be very strong! Alas—that idea in itself is a temptation, Christianity is for all conditions & circumstances, & he who cannot keep it up in one state need never think of any other as being likely to be more favorable. TUESDAY, 20 FEBRUARY 1855: This is the anniversary of my Birthday. I am twenty years old today. How many more years am I likely to live—where

shall I spend them—and how? I shd like very much to have [[a]] peep into the future.—

Mr. Cobbold called this morning; I subscribed $25 to the Soldiers Fund. Yesterday Seu-seen-seng called to wish me a happy New Year. He was dressed

so finely that I scarcely knew him; he had on his cap a brass button & informed me it was a distinction of the advanced Tsew-tsae’s—not the lowest Mandarins.°? My Ningpo Teacher (Sing-sin-sang) called; he brought me a lot of

Books, and I told him I wd commence to study the T’oo-hwa on the 23d. He seems to be very lively, “‘chatty’’; I am very glad of this, as it will greatly help me in studying the Colloquial. This evening a party came into the Consulate composed of five men and two women. The latter carried something made of paper—resembling a mongrel between a Sedan & a Chinese Red; the men and women sang and kept time on bamboos, drums & gongs. after each verse, they clashed their cymbals and made a great noise, during which the women carrying the “paper machines”’ ran to & fro & twirled about in quite a ludicrous manner. The air which they sang was very pleasing but their voices were of a very squeaky description. Near the end of “‘the Play” (for such Eng Kwei said it was) a terrible gust of wind came and almost upset the women. This caused them to “cut their lucky”’ chop-chop. I hear that Mr. Meadows’ yacht has gone ashore where Mr. Hudson’s boat was lost some months ago. Certainly if Mr. M. is out this evening he is I should think rather in a fix; it is blowing terribly. It is also reported that Capt. Duins was taken by Pirates on his way to Shanghae. They were seen in chase of him. : He has one gun in his boat & six quakers—that is, wooden guns. Should Mr. Meadows meet with any accident, I should be placed in a position which involves a greater amount of responsibility than I have any desire to bear. If the good folk at home have not commenced to forget my absence, I presume I am pretty often in their thoughts today; I should not be atall dissatisfied did something take place which would render it possible or necessary for me to spend the 20th Feby 1856 at home. However, my bones may be lying in the English burying ground by that time. Well if my course were finished with joy, I shd 118

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not care how soon death would come. It is well to live as seeing him that is invisible, and having his affections set on the things of eternity rather than those of this present life. Truly “‘all is vanity & vexations of spirit’’.

| [We insert here two letters, enclosed loose at the end of volume 2 of Hart’s journal, addressed to William (Swanton) in a style considerably more sprightly than journal entries on matters of religion. | | H.B.M. Consulate, Ningpo, China, 22 February 1855: No such thing, my dear William! You are quite wrong. A Supernumerary Interpreter in China, and particularly that unfortunate “indeveedjual”’ (as says Dan Mac) who now writes to you, has far more need of a wife than a Methodist Preacher. What on earth do you want a wife for? Surely your superintendent’s

lady or some of the matrons or lassies on the circuit will stitch a button on your shirt or hem a pocket handkershief for you when you need it; and as to darning your stockings—why man, every ould woman on the circuit would be proud to do it for you! But look here man! my toes have been peeping an inch or two out of my socks these last two months—my shirts are minus many a button—it is several months since I had my hair cut—and I speak to a female perhaps once a week! “Thunder & turf”—isn’t that enough to make anyone

wish for a wife? And look here too. How often do you sit down to a meal alone—when you feel lonely have you any difficulty in finding someone to talk to? How am I off? Perhaps once in three weeks I go out to Tea. The rest of the

time,—see, I’m at Breakfast. There’s a little table over to the left there on which is a Teapot, and on the table before me there’s bread—my eyes, I wish you had it Sunday morning—you’d come down on the Baker’s with a vengeance “in your application[[’]]—and eggs—but there’s no butter. My boy

pours out my tea for me and he stands at my back all the time I eat—not a word is spoken: for we can’t understand each other—if we attempt to do so my breakfast is spoiled—then Dinner the same—and at Tea in the evening— preeminently a social meal—why man you have no call for a wife atall! I wish I had half a dozen of them. You talk about the miseries of your out-fortnight; I wish you were here a while—misery indeed—why there’s no such thing in Ireland! just come to Ningpo and spend a few days with me, and if you don’t feel inclined to ask for a Razor

to treat yourself as you wish the man who proposed the four-years celibacy had previously been treated—it’s a wonder. Imagine the pleasure of working at mere language—a sensible being studying words and characters and not getting a thought into his head—why sometimes I’m almost mad—there now—Ah! Seen-seng, Kung sh hao puh hao? oh—hao ah! King he! Teen Ke hao Kan-ah! Muh yeu King sze so e yaou neen shoo—shwo hwa—That’s my Teacher just come in. I’ve asked him how he is, congratulated

him on being well, told him that I had no office work today and therefore I wished to study & talk a great deal. Well we take our seats—Tso-tso—; a book is opened and we commence—Mung tse Keen Seang way wang, wang yueh— f’ou—puh yoeu tseen le in lai yih tseang yeow e le gnoo Kwo woo—we go on 119

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like this for some time reading a Chinese Classic. we chat a good deal—but the old sinner has been accustomed to my modes of thought—speaking and mistakes

in idiom, and pronunciation. So he understands me, he is satisfied; he gives himself no trouble to correct me. I see I have made a mistake: he lets it pass however. Then I begin to feel irritated and I stop talking—he won’t say another word but holds his tongue too. I never scold; I cannot bear it—I feel degraded when I do so. So I just tell him “Pa leaou Kung in, in € ye”’ that’ll do today,— and then, Wm.—God alone and myself know the bitter and terrible thoughts which rush like a torrent through my mind. Somehow or other I can conceal: but I cannot rule my thoughts. Robert Hart My dear William, “C’est moi,” “C’est mol,” ““C’est moi’’—alias Robert Hart

[ [Another letter of 24 February 1855, presumably another draft to William] | H.B.M. Consulate, Ningpo, China 1855 February 24th—Now don’t be dogmatic, my dear fellow; for to tell the truth, you're all in the wrong. Why man, I have to sew the buttons on my shirts,—to wear stockings that have neither heels nor toes,—to make my own tea &c. &c.;

while, on the contrary, many a youngster on your circuit wd be glad to hem your handkerchiefs,—to make your shirts and to supply you with cravats and “‘markers’’—to say nothing of darning your socks, which every “‘ould woman”

you meet would be proud to do. And notwithstanding all this, you have the face to say that of all men in the world “a Methodist preacher has the most need of a wife’’. The unfortunate “‘indeveedjual”’ (according to Dan Mac’s pro-

nunciation) who is now writing to you has not yet spoken three sentences to an English-woman this fortnight, has bowed to an American, and has seldom seen Chinawomen save when engaged in the lady like occupation of emptying chamber-pots and scrubbing the same. Ah! William, I have seen enough to damp romantic feelings and to make me very decidedly of the opinion that there is nothing divine and angelic in the Ladies save that part of them which exists merely in our own imagination. But faix! this has not done me any good, for I am still as terribly sensitive as ever! What d’ye think? Just now J am in love with a young Chinese lady of fourteen years of age, with feet two inches long; I am also IN LOVE with two English ladies here with whom IJ have shaken hands six times; I am also IN LOVE with a young lady in Ireland whom I have seen seven times and with whom I have spoken on three different occasions. Now,

see, my dear fellow, the fix I’m in; I really don’t know what to do. Should I propose to the Chinese Lady, I cannot propose to any one else; should I ask one of the ladies here, I could not ask the other; and should I ask anyone else , I must not think of my fair-haired Irish girl. Now you see what a dilemma I’m in: it is one with four horns, and it really pesters me considerably. One of my teachers told me yesterday that if I wanted a wife he would let it be Known; 120

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and that every day I might expect three or four ladies to be brought here for me to see until I should fix upon one. What’s your opinion of that way of doing the business? Indeed my situation here is very disagreeable. In the consulate there is but one Englishman—the vice consul; we seldom interchange half a dozen sentences in the day, and transact most of our business by “‘scrawls on

scraps’ of paper. I am always busy through the day studying; I dine at six in the evening. Dinner over I do not feel much inclined to studying; I do feel not feel inclined to read or write; so I lounge before the fire and I really cannot help fretting. Oh! this loneliness—this solitude! Perhaps once in three weeks I take tea with some of the missionaries: every other evening alone—alone! It was in the wilderness that our Blessed Saviour seems to have been most severely tempted. I pray God that your experiences be not the same as mine. Yes, Yes— in the crowded mart—in the ball room—in the Theatre—no temptation comes

which can be compared with that of solitude. Mental struggles are of all the most terrible; and those moments in which the trial is fiercest are known only to the individual, the Tempter and the Deity; just as a Christian’s happiest moments admit of no explanation or description. But enough of this— FRIDAY, 23 FEBRUARY 1855: I resumed my Chinese Studies today; I must say, I was in no great humor for doing so. In the evening (from Three till Five O’C) my new Teacher, Sing-sin-sang, was with me, and I made a commencement with the Ningpo T’u-wo. I think I am likely to get on much better with it than with the Mandarin tongue. On the evening of the 20th Mr. Davidson wrote to me to sanction his firing into any Boats which came near the “‘Cleopatra’’ during the night, as he had heard “the Canton men” had conspired to take her. These fellows have, I understand, been turned out of their vessels by the Taoutae and they wish to seize an armed Lorcha for the purpose of pirating outside. They made a direct offer to the Master of the Cleopatra to deliver her into their hands. ” On the 21st Mr. Meadows returned to Ningpo; and having acted “in charge”’ for a fortnight I resigned my authority quite delighted to do so, as I began to be a little anxious. The Rebels have left Shanghae, and it is now in the hands of the Imperialists. It is in a terrible condition filled with dead bodies and blood; houses thrown down and places burnt &c. &c. Mr. Meadows got a little Fuh Keen boy there—a Rebel; he has nine now under his protection. Dr. Macgowan has been appointed Acting vice Consul for the United States in this place. His letter to Mr. Meadows announcing this shows that he is almost bursting with all those feelings so natural in little men when elevated &c. Sir John Bowring has been ordered to “abide by his former orders”’’; he has returned their Bonds to the Shanghae Merchants. I am sure he found some difficulty in Chih-leh hea K’en. A great battle has been fought at Inkerman. I see that a Lieut. A. Taylor of the 41st Regt. has been killed; I think this is Alfy Taylor, an old school fel-

low of mine, Herby’s brother. It seems to me that this war will last a long time, and I greatly fear England will gather few laurels from it in the end. Widows [[?]] there will be sine numero—sine fine—and it won’t be atall hard 121

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to get a wife I shd think. I see a Rebellion has commenced in Australia—they have raised the banner of Independance ‘“‘The Southern Cross’’—By and by

England will have no Colonies—then—what then? ” SUNDAY, 25 FEBRUARY 1855: Mr. Way preached this morning; he

took for his text “For I would willingly spend and be spent for you’’. His discourse went to show in what respects St. Paul was an example to Ministers & Laymen—a faithful Preacher and the consistent private Christian. He did not treat this subject so well as he might have done:—‘“‘St. Paul, a study for ministers’’ wd be a capital subject for an essay. In the English Church Mr. Cobbold preached; his text was—“‘That he would grant unto us that we be delivered out

of the hands of our enemies might serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life.” Luke I. 14.15. The object of the discourse was to show that this passage might be spiritualized and applied to ourselves,—our “‘enemies”’ being our sins &c. &c. Coming from church Capt. Patridge said he did not know what the sermon was about—that Mr. Cobbold

just broke off when he shd have gone on &c. I thought it a capital discourse and very well put together. I do not consider the Captain of the “Snipe” very well qualified for understanding or following a chain of theological arguments. Certainly “summer is a comin’ in”’: it is very hot outside today—in the house it is cool but not cold. Mr. Nevius is again laid up with Erysipelas. “‘Wd Jesus have a sinner die? Why hangs he there on yonder tree?”’ Surely when so much was done for man’s salvation, God will not fail to Keep his word and give assisting grace in times of need.

TUESDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 1855: Yesterday morning I had a long chat

with Dr. MacCartee on the Millennium—Prophecy &c. &c. So much was my attention excited by what he said that last night I sat up until two o’c. poring over the Scriptures. I’m quite ashamed that I am so little conversant with them; however for the future I shall pay much more attention to this Book of Books. Some of the Shanghai Rebels have come to Ningpo; but as they are few in numbers it is not likely that any disturbance will ensue. Aling (the Chief— formerly Mr. Parish’s headboy) is here & with him are some two or three foreigners. They seized a Boat at Woosung and came down a few days ago. This evening I had a long chat with Sing-sin-sang concerning Jesus. He said that any one who reads the Holy Book ought to find a great difficulty in disbelieving it. he says that he can rely on (e héng) ” or trust in Jesus. Coming across the ferry

today the water was very rough, and he told me that he felt that there was nothing to fear for he could trust in Jesus. I was quite delighted to talk with him about our common Saviour. Oh! that we may both be saved unto life eternal!

Robert Hart

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MONDAY, 12 MARCH 1855: Why, it is almost a fortnight since I scrawled a line in this journal! and yet it has gone by like a day. Truly Time does commence to appear to me to go round much more quickly than it did a , year ago.—We have for some time back been apprehensive of some disturbance at Ningpo in consequence of several of the Shanghae ‘Ong-eleo’ having come to this place.

On Friday night last, Yaou-tai-yay came across to Mr. Meadows to see what was to be done with regard to the Foreigners who had come to Ningpo & who had been connected with the Rebels at Shanghae. Mr. Meadows told him to be very cautious in any steps he wd take; else he might very probably involve his Govt. with England or America. On Saturday about three o’clock one of the servants came to Mr. Meadows to say that the authorities had seized two Europeans & beheaded one of them at the East Gate. Mr. Meadows immedi-

ately called me & we set out walking to see what had been done: near Dr. MacCartee’s we met a couple of men, one of whom addressed us & asked if we could tell him where Dr. MacCartee was. I said he had gone to the country but wd be back that evening. This man then repeated the tale of our servant that two men had been taken & beheaded. We asked him to come along with us; he did so, & conversed very freely. He is a young—dapper—little fellow,—a fine specimen of go-ahead Yankeeism & a precocious one too. We first went down to Cymoon’s Lodging house to see if they knew there what men had gone to the City. Quite a crowd of men came out—all of whom we suppose to have been connected with the Shanghae Banditti—& fine stout-looking fellows they

were. From our conversation with them we suspected the men taken were Aldridge & Tom Roberts. After telling the men that they had better look out for themselves as there were spies out in all directions, we went across the ferry; at the East Gate we saw some Blood, but not enough to warrant the Supposition that any one had been beheaded. As we could not see the Bodies anywhere, we determined to go to the Tautae’s Yamun. It was very evident from the appearance of the streets that something unusual had taken place; great excitement was visible—Knots of people were collected talking—crowds were standing at the doors of many shops,—and when it got out that we were Ma-laou-yay and Ha-laou-yay ™_ quite a number of people commenced to follow us. By the time we got near the Tautae’s Yamun, I shd think a thousand people were pressing after us. There we met a man who seemed to have gota very severe cut across the side of the Head, walking supported by another man & looking very faint. When the people saw we were going to the Yamun quite a rush was made: the halls & courts were quite crowded and I am, if anything, below the mark when I saw some three or four thousand were collected there.

We walked quite boldly through them; I dare say it excited their wonder to some extent that three unarmed foreigners without any official dress (for we were in plain clothes) shd after what had just been done go right into the Yamun of the Twan ta-jin, whose reputation is of a very bloodthirsty character. We walked on, without announcing ourselves or sending in Cards. When we

reached the last hall, we found a couple of wooden cages (not boxes) about two feet wide—three high & three long: and in these chained hand and foot 123

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were two Europeans. One of them was cut dreadfully—his arms & head and neck were in a frightful state: he was quite wet too. He had broken away from the party that seized him & sprang into the River; I suppose it was then that he got his head slashed in such a style. The other man did not appear to have received so many wounds: but his hands were cut in a most painful way. He seemed to have caught hold of a sword by the blade & to have held it while it was wrought about & pulled through his hands. I rather think the Chinese cut his hands on purpose, and the muscles of ‘the arms of the other man, in order to prevent any attempt at escape. Tom Roberts or Jefferson said “‘He was quite dead—killed in fact’’—and then said he ‘‘was an American” & that ‘“‘his name was Johnson’’. The other man said his name was “‘Akin’’. (He is Aldridge [sentenced to twenty one years transportation for Homicide at Hongkong—he broke out of prison—got to Shanghae—joined the Rebels—helped Jefferson to break out of the Shanghae jail & is quite a “‘gallow’s bird’’]). Yaou-tai-yay then made

his appearance, & soon afterwards the Tautae: we made our “‘bows’’, & the Taoutae then invited us into a room; the American youth who accompanied us was afraid to stay by himself in such a crowd, so I remained with him altho’ Yaou-tai-yay seemed to be determined to take me with him “to tea’’. I then got some water for the men to drink. By and by a venerable old gent (who I supposed to be the Tautae’s father) touched me on the shoulder and bowed; I bowed and in reply to his query “Nyin-teh feh nyin-teh”’ I said ‘‘feh nyin-teh”’. I afterwards learnt from Mr. Meadows that this was Mr. Le—a great old rascal who would do anything for money: it was he who sold Mr. Meadows his wife; it was he who captured these two men.—By and by Mr. Meadows & the Mandarins returned, when Aldridge requested to see the English Consul. After some hesitation he said he was an Englishman, a deserter from the ‘‘Salamander’’. The poor fellow seemed to be either terribly ashamed, or to have lost all heart; his companion was very noisy & frequently asked the Chinese around, who did

not understand him of course, why they had taken him, and assured them that all he wanted was go to on board that bark [ [sic] ] down there for Amoy— he wished to go home—Mr. M. decided not to interfere; the Taoutae was just about to send them off to Shanghae—via Hanchow. We obtained that they shd be better treated & not carried in these cages. The little Américan requested to be allowed to send them some Clothes; the Mandarins wished very much to send a man with him from the Yamun. But I told them not to let anyone accompany him; as it might be as well not to let the Mandarins know where his

friends were put up. Today Meadows said he was going to speak to him in French to the same effect, as there were several men standing around who understood English. [[Hart has put brackets around the next sentence and crossed it out. It says:|] [I have my own doubts of Mr. M. I think he is playing into the hand of the Chinese authorities to a great extent.] We left the Yamun then & came home. Tomorrow Meadows is going over to the Taoutae; and very probably something strange may yet fall out.

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THURSDAY, 15 MARCH 1855: Two Mails arrived today. I received a Letter from Charlotte, 16th Nov; one from Mr. Brazier, 14th Nov; a “Whig”’ of the 6th Dec; a Letter from Hughes (Foochow) of 17th Feby; & one from Mongan of 10th inst. Charlotte tells me R. Moorhead has got the Lieutenancy of the Down Militia.” Despatches came, one of which suspends Meadows and orders him to Hongkong; I am accused of having knocked Benvinedo down with the Butt end of a Pistol. Wrote an official letter to Meadows denying this.

A Row yesterday in which the Fuh-Keen men were concerned. Today the Pirates have displayed the Ensigns &c. of the Triads; they have been firing bullets too—one passed near Mr. Way’s house & Mr. Rankin saw one skipping along the water. Medhurst’s second wife is dead. Took Tea with Mr. Rankin.

SATURDAY, 17 MARCH 1855: Today at about two o’clock Mr. Mead-

ows & myself were standing talking at the windows of my sitting room. Suddenly the windows commenced to shake—the walls to do likewise—& the floor

trembled under out feet. It was an Earthquake—the shock lasted but a few seconds. I see that my dear old School fellow Jem Ring of the 48th has gota Lieutenancy without purchase in the 18th Royal Irish (Jany 5th). I see that the Jews on the Continent are forming into societies to return to Palestine.—Anqua told me this morning of some “‘squeezes’’ on the part of Yuih leang & other Consular servants. I’m very sorry I came to China. If I had remained at home,

I would have been certain of an East India appointment. I wish I could be satisfied with my condition—I’m quite miserable. However, here come the Oysters! —

THURSDAY, 22 MARCH 1855: This morning I received a Letter from Mongan dated 15th Inst. Duggan A.B. of Galway has, he says, got an “Inspectorship of National Schools.” “‘Sinological’’ given up for the present. On Monday last bought some things for Fittock to the amount of $14.996 cash: Fittock

is to pay this to Mongan, who will place it to my account with him. Took tea at Mr. Russell’s and slept there on Monday night. On Wednesday evening took tea with Mr. Russell again; the young ladies were there. Today despatches arrived from Hong Kong, one of which tells Meadows that Dr. Winchester has been appointed Vice Consul (acting); orders Meadows to return to his former post of Interpreter & await further commands. ” Mr. Meadows says if Winchester comes, he will not be Interpreter; he may be so for a month until he can wind up his affairs, but he will then leave the Service. Another despatch asks Mr. Meadows if the “Inglewood” took away a cargo of children, who had been purchased at Ningpo. Very fortunately Mr. Meadows yesterday wrote a long despatch about this, & forwarded it today before this Hong Kong despatch arrived. Had a Letter from Home this evening from Father, dated 2nd January. All well: Chapman’s whiskey will soon be sent; Morrison’s dictionary ordered to be sent to Shanghae for me. A note from Mr. Young is enclosed 125

JOURNAL: NINGPO | asking my subscription for the Fredrisstr [[?]] St. Chapel (£1..10..0). I had forgotten all about the matter. Yesterday sent off letters for Mary, Dad, & Wm Swanton—also a Letter for Dr. Kirk—a couple for Mongan, and tonight I wrote another for Mongan which I should send tomorrow. Mr. Lord was at Chusan—

he had to ask leave of the Pirates when he wished to return to Ningpo. Mr. Hart’s boat was fired into by a fleet of seven Pirates near Chinhae—Sent yesterday a Box of goods for Fittock. SATURDAY, 24 MARCH 1855; This morning a Letter was received from

Capt. Patridge stating that his Boat “‘Paoutihle”’ & another foreign-built lugger had been taken by the Pirates yesterday near Chinhae. A special messenger was sent overland to Shanghae for a “man of war’? & a man was also sent in the

“Erin”’. ,

Today I received $100 on account of currt. quarter’s salary. Meadows is busy flitting today; so that the place may be ready for Winchester, whom we daily expect in the “‘Sphinx’’. I hope Dr. W. will bring my Barrel of Books with him, if they are still at Amoy. WEDNESDAY, 28 MARCH 1855: The other day Poo shing yu’s fleet of Comantings went as we thought for piratical purposes; but they returned bringing with them the ‘‘Paoutihle’’ which vessel they had retaken from the Chusan

gyang-dao. They also brought for the Taoutae four heads and some seven or eight prisoners. These prisoners they nailed to boards by the flesh which is in the space between the thumb and the fore-finger so that there was no fear of their escape. How the Taoutae will or did treat them I do not know. Mr. Meadows has been busy preparing the place for Mr. Winchester’s arrival. All his things (Kea ho) ”’ are taken out of the rooms; and I am the sole tenant of the Consulate. Mr. M. with his woman is living on board “‘The Dawn’’. He says he is very comfortable there, but I think he must be greatly at loss for room &c. Talking with my Teacher (Sing sin-sang) today, he said that Ningpo men do not like to marry a woman with bumps on the forehead; they think that did they do so, they wd be fated to an early death. He also said that when a man is in his thirty-third year, he is in a very critical position; if he does not die then he will live to an advanced age. Another bit of information that he gave me was that those Chinese who have several wives have more daughters than sons. Thus Nature makes provision for the Customs of a country. I am now ten months from home! How rapidly have they fled. FRIDAY, 30 MARCH 1855: It has been very warm today. I am in quite a perspiration now, and yet I have no fire on. The air today was vocal with the music of bees culling sweets from many a flower; the birds are all busy making love; & the dogs seem to be trying which can show most tongue. Mr. M. still seems to be “in hope that’’ Sir John will revise his orders; I do not think it 126

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likely. Walked over to Mr. Martin’s this evening, & got Jullien’s Mencius. ® We had some talk about Tsao Seen Seng. Called at Mr. Russell’s & left a couple of papers; also at Mr. Nevius’s where I returned “Lourie” & “‘Blunt”’.

SUNDAY, 1 APRIL 1855: Today the “Styx” came in bringing Dr. Win-

chester acting vice Consul for this port and his lady. There were also on board Dr. Robertson, Consul for Shanghae & M. Sinclair Interpreter for the same place. I ran about all day with acting commander Bruce, an exceedingly nice young fellow, and Messrs. Sewell & Robertson Junr. Wrote letters for Chap-

man, Swinhoe, Caine, Mongan & Fittock. Sent by the “Styx” a couple of Boxes of picture frames for Caine: they go to Shanghae with Mr. Sinclair. Fittock will take them to Hongkong. I expended on these articles $71.50. Had letters from Caine, Chapman, & Swinhoe. My books have not come owimg to another mistake at Amoy. a MONDAY, 2 APRIL 1855: This morning the ‘Styx”’ left for Shanghae. Today I received the balance of my Quarter’s pay: $14.68. Walking this evening with Mrs. Winchester, I was rather amused at the astonishment of the Chinese to see so large a woman. Many were the ah! yia’s and Sh! yaio’s which I heard. There is a great procession going on just now; I hear the gongs &c.—sounding right merrily. On Saturday night last I went to a Temple near the Ling Jyiao mun where the “‘Feast of the Lanterns” was being celebrated. It was well worth seeing.

WEDNESDAY, 4 APRIL 1855: Mr. Meadows has resigned today & retired

from the Consular Service. * The Temple which I visited the other night was not celebrating the “‘Feast

of Lanterns’’. It was quite a private affair in honor of an ancestor who had at onetime been Prime Minister of ‘“The Middle Kingdom’’.

[[On a separate piece of letter paper is this journal entry: | | TUESDAY MORNING, 17 APRIL 1855: I was sleeping soundly—yes I

was in the very interior of John Nod’s territories this morning at six o’clock, when gradually I became conscious of the presence of my servant Ching-chang, who was most industriously engaged in repeating “‘Sare,” “‘sare’”’ in a low tone of voice, knowing that I did not like him to speak very loudly. ah! said I—what

a word that Ah! is: whenever a chinaman addresses me I use it every other second—Luh-ten-chaung. Six o’clock—said Ching-chang; so after asking what the morning was like &c. &c. I sent him to see if Dr. Winchester had determined to go on the trip which we had planned for the day. So I yawned & stretched & yawned again, & thought what a pleasant thing it was to have a good bed to be on and to be to some extent one’s own master till 10 o’Clock in the forenoon.

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My Boy returned with the intelligence that Dr. W. had not made up his mind whether to go or stay at home, as the morning looked very unpromising. By and bye a note came to say that we wd probably start about nine O’c.—So I

laid myself down for a quiet “think”. A morning soak is one of the most agreeable things atall! What is there man does not then think about? His mind dwells then on all that is pleasant, and disagreeable things are “black balled”’. So I thought about everything—wondered when the mail wd come—& then I thought it was time to get up, so that I might be ready to go shd the Consul think of starting early. Before I was dressed I saw the Boy bringing round the little brown teapot which just holds three cups and a quarter, & the little bowl in which were a couple of eggs. Breakfast was ready so I sat down to it & before the clock struck eight, I was ready for the road—inwardly and outwardly. [{On the back of this paper, there are some calculations and names of hongs: Paoshing hong (?) and Sui-Ke hong (?)] ]

SUNDAY, 29 APRIL 1855: Another month is now almost rolled by—a

month of changes and sameness, of trials and moments of happiness: on the whole a very unsatisfactory month. A great deal of rain has fallen; indeed almost every day has looked “rainy”; & very frequently very heavy showers have fallen. Just now the rain is falling in the style of “‘cats & dogs” and a few minutes ago it fell a la “great guns’’. We have besides had some three or four terrific thunderstorms. Last night, I saw one bright flash of lightening which was accompanied—not followed—by one piercing & dreadful report, as if a huge cannon had been fired directly overhead. Today I learnt that flash had smashed the foremast of a vessel lying beside Mr. Rankin’s; I saw the mast—part of it was broken off, and down the remainder a ragged groove was very apparent. This evening it has also been thundering in the distance. It is unusual I understand, to have so many electrical reports at this time of the year; the Chinese say the air is just filled with evil spirits, & the gods have sent thunder to destroy them.

On Tuesday the 17th the Mail arrived, bringing me three letters, from Jamie (the first letter he ever wrote), Mamma & Sarah Jane. Dada sent me a couple of gold bands—unfortunately of the wrong sort, so they are useless; & he also told me that Morrison’s dictionary had been sent by the same mail to Mr. Mongan’s address Shanghae. Sarah’s letter tells me of the marriages of Janet Russell, Miss Brillsland, & James McCullen.

On the 17th I went in the “Rocket” with Dr. Winchester to Da-ying; and on the 18th with Mr. and Mrs. Russell, Misses Aldersey, Dyers (2), Mr. and Mrs. Depuis to “Shih-deo-z” in the “Fonghwa” district;®’ from this excursion I returned on the 21st. It cost me for a boat (24% days) 2100 cash; and for a mountain Chair 1000 cash—total 3100¢. The excursion was very pleasant; we had six boats; & in Mr. Russell’s we assembled for Chow Chow & Conversation. When going up the hill to Shih-deo-z I walked by the side of Miss Maria D—’s chair for about an hour, during which time I said very little, & was near fainting half a dozen times, as I was about “‘declaring love’’ &c. I once got so far as clearing

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my throat, but I lost my breath and could not go on: [ let the opportunity slip—unfortunately or fortunately, I don’t know which! What a youth I am!!! On Monday last I took tea with Mr. Gough; and there met Mr. and Mrs. Reuben Lowrie—the youngest brother of Mr. Walter Lowrie, who was drowned by Pirates in °47. Mr. Reuben Lowrie is a missionary at Shanghae. On last Friday evening I took tea at Mrs. Way’s—a very pleasant evening. When I go to these tea parties, I manage to get beside Mrs. MacCartee or Mrs. Nevius, & the hours fly most joyously. Yesterday evening J dined with Dr. Winchester—this is the 2nd time I have dined with him. He invites me alone; he had Mr. Meadows once the same way; & a few evenings ago he had Patridge & Wadman together. Mr. Wm. Martin preached an excellent sermon this morning on “exercising ourselves in godliness”. In the English Church Mr. Cobbold preached. I thought his sermon very tiresome: it was on “holiness attained by means of precious promises”? &c. &c. The weather is very damp; the floors of my bedroom are quite wet, & my clothes have a most disagreeable musty smell. MONDAY, 30 APRIL 1855: This has been a very pleasant day as far as the weather is concerned. Although the sun has been very strong, the heat has not been very oppressive: many thanks to the refreshing breeze which has been blowing. Today I went with Dr. Winchester about one o’clock for a walk in the City; we went to the “Ling Gyiao Mun”, walked along the Bridge of Boats— through the suburb called “‘Kong-tung’’,—then up the furniture street as far as the “T’in Chii d’an’’—back to our boats &c. Dr. W. saw the “‘Spec”’ flying a white ensign; this, he said, was most impertinent,—he also characterized it as being a “bravado”’. 82 The weather was so fine that I had my clothes aired today; much need had they of it as they were becoming quite blue-moulded &

musty. , This is a very queer world; I scarcely know how to get on atall. One person seems to speak against another & so on. I wonder greatly at the way in wh’ character every day develops. At Ningpo, there are as entertaining studies in the way of human nature as are to be met with in any place. I wonder is there any use in going on with the Ningpo T’u wo? I think I'll give it up. TUESDAY, 1 MAY 1855: Today I had a letter from Hughes (Foochow)

dated Patrick’s day (17 March). He seems to be coming round a little in the way of joviality &c.; & he speaks of the Chinese women in language which he never, as far as I know, thought of using with reference to the sex. He seems to think it likely that a super:Interpreter will be stationed here. Today Maynard, chief mate of Mr. Davidson’s lugger, the ““Ningpo” (lost on the 28th July/54

on Huon’s [[?]] Island) made a declaration here in which he stated that the authorities in Australia seemed unwilling to let the Chinese crew come back to

China, lest they shd induce other Chinese to emigrate. This I look upon as rather improbable—& questionable.

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Today I received $71 on account of current quarter’s salary. I got the loan of “Vanity Fair’’ from Capt. Patridge, & have got through some 160 pages of it this evening. WEDNESDAY, 2 MAY 1855: Today I had some very interesting chat with Chang-seen-seng. He asked me if we had the swallow (Yen-tsze) in England;

I told him that we had—that it came towards the end of spring and went away in the Autumn. This he said was just the way in China. He asked me if it were

considered unlucky to catch or kill the Swallow in Ireland; thus the same strange superstition holds in both countries. He gave me a Chinese pun: “Yen lai, yen Keu; yen Kéu, yen lai’ = when the swallow comes, the wild goose disappears; when the Wild Goose comes, the swallow goes—He says that it is unlucky for a man to marry a woman with high cheek bones—that something will surely occur to harm him. In China mourning is kept for parents during three years, during which time the mourner cannot hold any Govt. office. Thus the Chinese Che-heen, Le-tai-yay, who came to Ningpo a couple of days ago is unable to go on with the office of Cheheen at this place in consequence of the reported death of his parents in Hoopae. With the aid of Sing-sin-sung I translated a most terrible Chinese letter this evening. It was from a Chinese sailor’s wife, & seemed to be the strangest of wonderful rigamaroles—without head or tail—devoid of sense or purpose.

When returning from my walk this evening I saw Mrs. Me-ta-tae standing at the entrance very dull seemingly; I happened to have a pretty rose in my buttonhole which I handed to her as I walked passed [[sic]]. I then cut some Roses in the consulate, & returned and gave them to her. This evening I have been reading “‘Vanity Fair’’. I do not care so much for Thackeray as for Dickens; but I prefer Lever to any other Novelist. What I like in light reading is something to make me laugh whether I will or no,—something that will not be satisfied with a mere smile but which calls forth some hearty roars—some incident which then remembered always calls for a Chuckle. In this Lever’s works abound; long life to him! Many a merry hour have I spent

with his books.—

SUNDAY, 6 MAY 1855: This is the first day of the Chinese summer; Spring ended yesterday. It seems that the people of Ningpo observe a variety of customs on this day: among these I gathered from Sing-sin-sang that everyone eats at least one duck egg in order to strengthen the head, while those who today eat two duck eggs are accused of the desire to strengthen their generative powers. Everyone weighs himself today (Tsching-ming,—to-shiao Kin leang), and everyone eats two pieces of Bamboo, which in shape and length resemble the lower bones of the leg. % This is done with a view of increasing their pedestrian abilities. When a Chinese dies with his eyes open, he is supposed to have been unwilling to die, as having either left some duty unfulfilled—some business unfinished—or 130

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some pleasures and friends, with whom he wd have preferred remaining. On the contrary, a man dying with his eyes closed, is supposed to be one whose earthly career stopped at the right time. Yesterday the “Confucius” came in with a party of gents from Shanghae for Leen-tung. Winchester went on board & took me with him; he met some acquaintances with whom he chatted & left me by myself—Hang the luck! he likes to show off his authority a little. Pll bother him yet; or, my name’s not Bob. I must give up the T’u wo as it is interfering greatly with my Mandarin, & is unnecessary toil!?! I must either ask leave to go to Shanghae or consult Dr. W. I wonder very much how my health & spirits have kept up since I came here! To think that during the last fifteen months I have not had an hour’s health—real good health! Yesterday evening Mrs. M— came in; W. told Eng Kwei to give her a hint not

to do so again, and he seems to have said that it might cause a fight between him and Mr. M. I don’t know what to do with myself! What the dickens made me come to China—

MONDAY, 7 MAY 1855: This evening Dr. W. with his lady started for Leen-tung. He has left with me the Keys—the money chest—& an old pistol. Walked to the book shops with Mr. M. & then down past the Burying-ground

with him & Capt. Artis. Rees has bought the ‘‘Psyche’’—I think for $1600. They say it was too much & some people blame Mr. D. for asking that sum when Rees was intoxicated which is frequently the case.°° A merchant at a port in China some time ago began to feel very lonely; so he thought he wd speculate in a China Woman; one was bought for $72 warranted sound, virgin, respectably connected &c. &c. After some time however the merchant heard her speak English 8& Bengalee—she had been a common whore for the commonest sailors! What a taking! [ [Letter to Hughes on separate sheet] | H.B.M. Consulate, Ningpo 9 May 1855 My dear Hughes,

The note which you sent me via Shanghae reached me long ago; but your last—dated ‘‘Patrick’s Day’’—did not arrive at Ningpo until the Ist Inst. I would have written to you frequently of late, but unfortunately I have had no opportunities of sending anything to Foochow. It has been said that the “‘Spec”’ is

likely to go down to your parts of this heavenly Empire in a few days; I shall therefore write a few lines in reply to your last two letters. In these “why & wherefore’’ days, I wonder how you could take it for granted that I drowned my shamrock in orthodox Hibernian fashion on Patrick’s Day. It was certainly to be expected that exiled Paddies like you and me would keep up the good old national custom; but “‘shame on me”, J forgot all about

the matter, & though I sometimes play Patrick’s day on the flute, it quite escaped my memory that Ireland had a great day in honor of the gallant 131

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gentleman who freed the “first flower of the earth” from all sorts of reptiles & whose bones are reported to be mouldering in the church yard at Down Patrick. I’ll remember to do the thing properly next time however. On the Ist April the ‘Styx’? came in with Dr. & Mrs. Winchester. They landed the same day &

took up their abode in that part of the consulate formerly occupied by Mr. Meadows. On the 4th April, Mr. Meadows sent in his resignation; but, at the urging and solicitation of Dr. W—, he continues to act as Interpreter until some one is sent to take his place. J really do not know who is likely to be appointed. Dr. W— is a Scotchman—but you saw him, so I need not describe him to you. His lady was giving me a piece of advice some time ago, which at once told me

what sort of people they are. “By all means, keep in with the big people.” Confound Suckyism! Isn’t it a bore that if one wants to get on in the service, he must nilify [[s¢c]] himself, and play sycophant? But, faith, I don’t know. we are all sycophants more or less. [ [There is a kind of scribble across the bottom of the page.|| The meaning of that flourish on the other side is that I’m in a humour for kicking about the room & don’t know what to say. As to news— there’s nothing worth mentioning.— SATURDAY, 12 MAY 1855: Oh! dear me! what a bore it is—the warm

weather come back again. Just think of the pleasures of an evening in this part of the world. I can scarcely breathe—so oppressively sultry is this warm evening; my clothes are sticking to me in all directions, & a nasty clammy perspiration is making me feel as uncomfortable as it possibly can do. The air is filled with the sound of the Frogs, with which the fields (now covered with water) are filled; the noise they make might to an old countrywoman seem to be the quacking of ducks when let out of the duck house in the morning; but, dear me, what old woman has ever had ducks enough to make such a row; or what duck is there in existence—or what drake has there ever existed—which could for days and nights keep up such a rattling song? Will they ever have done? Again it seems to be a railway train rushing at full speed at some distance—as heard on a calm summer’s evening. Then inside I am amused and worried with all sorts of animals! Two very sedate moths—old blue-stocking maids they must be—are sitting quietly on the page as I write; they are staring at each other most politely—just making each other’s acquaintance—simpering stiffly & ending each phrase with a “yes maam!”’ Dear me, I wonder what they can be talking about: ten to one they are moralising on the folly of those two ‘‘moths & brothers’? who are chasing each other with such vivacity round my lamp! Ai-yah! There’s a great big fellow come in and now the trio “wing it merrily’? round the warm-bright light, no doubt if they are old atall they are thinking of the time when they used to romp at home—this one Mama’s & that one Dada’s pet—“round about the punch-bowl, one; two; three.” Ah! one

of those old maids seem to become a little excited: to be sure, no wonder; one of the young gentlemen is commencing to draw nearer every wheel—helloa! there she goes—what merry little things they are!—an immense ugly spider—

there’s nothing like it at home—has been looking at me from the ceiling for 132

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some time: a penny for your thoughts, my good fellow. No sooner do I echo the thought than down he comes, & now he is running as fast as he can—he’s out of sight. A lot of mosquitoes are buzzing about, and making me shudder every time they seem to come too near my ear or nose. A host of little animals dancing about, and one queer fellow with a little black head stuck on or rather protruding from a round red body, like a current, has been jumping about most fantastically, no doubt surprised at the smell of whiskey which lingers about the “‘Whigs’”’ lying at the other side of the Table—Aye! My table looks well tonight. There’s a letter from the Taoutae & Yaou tai yay’s card to my right; close to my left elbow are a dozen numbers of “Blackwood” protecting the flank of three letters—one from Uncle Edgar dated 2 March, one from sister Mary dated 28 February, & one from Ross dated 2nd March; while further off are three “Whigs’’, Two “‘Mercurys’’, as many ““Home News” & a Blue-book

which contains my Chinese expenditure for the day. What a collection of Private & Public, Literary & Political, sentimental & sombre, thoughts lie on my table. Yes—an exile! For such is anyone in China [[who]] can only live with the Literature & Life of old England in thought & heart—personal intercourse is over—God bless thee my native Land!

MONDAY, 21 MAY 1855: The last few days have been very changeable;

hot & cold—cold & hot—& hot and cold again. Yesterday was very hot, last night was terribly so. Compared with yesterday, to day is almost like a furnace compared with ice; I have been in my shirt sleeves all day & am quite enervated by the excessive heat. About five o’clock a thunderstorm came on accompanied by very heavy rain: when the rain was over a regular gale of wind commences, which was most refreshing. At half past six the ground was almost as dry as if there had been no rain for days. I went out for a quiet stroll, but owing to the heat it had to be very short & very quiet. I was surprised at the number of frogs which were hopping about the path; of all colors & shapes; many so like a piece of earth that I was frequently startled by seeing a clod hop away as I approached. For the first time I saw a snake; a fine fellow four or five feet in length & at the thickest part about an inch & a quarter in diameter. He was sneaking along very stealthily; & I never saw anything so like the personification of cunning & stealth as this gentleman. I followed him for a while & was almost tempted to pull off my shoe & have at him; I was afraid, however. At last I got a stone & made a slap at him; I don’t know whether my aim was poor or not, for he instantly sprang back & got hid. [[ And then Hart has drawn a wiggly line to look like a snake, and a parenthesis with something like Ih-Keng dzo written. | | I have been pestered with Beetles this evening; great fellows they were. one

in particular wd not let me alone although I “downed” him at least half-adozen times. Just now a lot of Mosquitoes are playing about my head. There’s no use in attempting to kill any—‘“‘their name is legion”’. Today I put up my

Mosquito curtain: I should have done it three or four days sooner. [[A star in the margin here.|| My boy purchased for me this evening a fan (price 10.5 133

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cash), a Chinese pipe (354 cash) & two packages of tobacco (68). I inhaled the Chinese smoke, which is very weak but not unpleasant. My cigars are almost

out. The Rebels, I hear, have taken Yu-shan, a rich walled-town, near the borders of this province (Chekiang). From Ningpo this place is distant between 1000 & 1500 Chinese le = some 300 or 400 miles. On Wednesday last the 16th (Chinese 4th month, lst day), the Le-tai visited us. The Chinese Mandarins go the rounds of the gods on the 1st and 15th of the month, & then visit friends. They commence to worship at 4 o.c. in the morning. Le-tai came to us about 7 a.m. What a splutter I was in to be sure! I dressed like lightening. He was attended by some 15 military officers with Buttons & by some 60 or 70 men. He has a Red-button and a most beautiful string of Beads. He asked a great many questions about our men-of-war and seemed desirous of purchasing one or two frigates. He supposed the price wd be about $10000 (£3000)!!! He is a very intelligent inquisitive fellow. He went to Hanchow the next day, so that we have

not had time to return his visit yet. The next day the Taoutae Yaou Tae yay was here about the salvage claimed on the Shantung junks rescued from Pirates at Lookong by the Boats of Wadman & Patridge & the “‘Dewan’”’. The salvage money was fixed at $6000 carolus ($3000 went to Lynch of the ‘“Dewan”). °° My Teacher Sing sin-sang, whom I commenced to like so much (but whom I thought at first either a very great hypocrite or an exceedingly good man) has turned out very badly. He has been found out to have stolen Books from Mr.

Lord & pawned them; to this he has added lie upon lie, so that he could not now be trusted, & after the row we have had among the servants last week (about the attempt to squeeze the Shantung merchants) it wd not do to have him come back. He has however not come near me, since the matter was found out. Last week we had in port 2 steamers; 3 schooners; 3 Brigs; & six or seven ships, in all 15 large vessels, 12 of which were English. They were all loading Rice for Canton; where that article is selling for four times the price for which it can be bought at Ningpo ($1.50 per pecul [[sic]] here).

This week I have written four letters [[star in the margin here] ] —to Tom Edgar; Fred K. Harte; Sister Mary; & Mr. Ross. Ross’s last letter tells me that he got two firsts at the A.M.—one in the English Course, & the other in Diploma of Elementary Law (2 gold medals £25). Success to you, my boy— | [check mark in the margin] ]. - Today I received a letter from Seu-seen-sang.

I must think of taking Mr. Meadows’ house when he leaves it. It will be much better than the wretched rooms in wh’ J now am. IJ think the rent wd be $7 or $8 per month.

. God save the Queen! THURSDAY, 24 MAY 1855: Long live the Queen!

Send her victorious— Happy & glorious— Long to reign over us— God save the Queen!

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Now ain’t I quite the loyal young civilian! This is Her Majesty’s Birth-day; a day remembered & honored in all parts of the world; even in Japan the British will salute. Our men fired off 21 small guns at two o’clock and then lowered the flag [[at]] half-mast for a second or two when it was again hoisted.

A snake was seen going into my Bedroom today under the boards; I feela little nervous about the Gentleman. Today a good deal of Rain has fallen; so that this evening is somewhat cool. Since I came to Ningpo I have found that what people say others have not is the very thing which they themselves falsely think they possess. Thus M. complains of the want of intellectual conversation; his talk is seldom of that character. While P. is very smart at detecting bad spelling, he often makes a fool of himself by finding fault with what is quite correct. I put no faith in ———’s [[left blank]] honor. He prates greatly about it; but I think he has too many sides. I have been terribly bothered with Beetles & all sorts of small insects these warm evenings—

Yesterday read the “Subaltern” & finished “‘Curzon’s Monasteries of the Levant”—°?

MONDAY, 28 MAY 1855: This morning the Vice-Consul, Mr. Mead-

ows & myself went to the Te-Tai’s Yamun to return his visit. His residence is near Miss Aldersey’s. We passed through an enclosure in which some four or more lions rampant were seen; through two or three halls and then were

let down.®? Nine white-buttoned officers received us, who conducted us to the Te-tai. He was attended by several Military Mandarins. We made our bows, & entered. His reception room is a fine airy place & looks out upon a small garden which contains grottoes and rockeries. The Admirals [[sic] | sons five in number were in the room; the eldest about two & twenty (a sulky-looking fellow, I thought him), the youngest about two or three years of age. We shook hands with the four little fellows and made our bow to the son & heir. On coming away, I heard the eldest growling at the little

fellows. ,

Yesterday evening Shen-seen-sang (the Consulate Writer) assisted by his third brother drowned his second brother. The Chinese laws are of a peculiar character; they make the members of a family—of a community—responsible for each others conduct. This brother of Shen’s had of late been behaving very badly, & Shen as head of the house began to fear for himself: so after thinking over the matter he made up his mind and last night he carried his intention into effect. I look upon this as very cowardly. I have always considered a suicide a coward; but the suicide compared with such a man is brave. I got my Books today at one o’c. p.m. On Monday the 29th May 1854 I left

home for China: today, just a year since then, my Books reached me. Some flowers I put into the barrel when packing up have shown themselves. Thanks to the tightness of the cask, they have notwithstanding their knocking about arrived all right. They came from Amoy in the “‘Francis’’.

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Yesterday was so cold that I had to light a fire. This changeable weather must be very bad on the health I shd think.

Four hundred Ningpo soldiers started for Hangcho tonight to assist the military of that place in case the Rebels shd appear. I hear that some days ago two Portuguese & one Russian were killed by the

Pirates, & that several Lorchas and one English vessel (supposed to be the

Thetis) have been captured.

Saw Mr. Fortune today. A great number of deserters on shore now. WEDNESDAY, 30 MAY 1855: The Taoutae beheaded 22 pirates today;

they were brought in by the “Confucius”. [[Over this entry Hart has written

in pencil: Reports are contradictory. | | : |

FRIDAY, 1 JUNE 1855: Despatches came yesterday. Sir John has returned from Siam; Parkes gone home with the Treaty.®? Lay nominated for the Inspectorship, vice Wade, at Shanghae. Meadows’ case referred to Lord Clarendon. MacGowan’s family & Miss Edith Bowring at Shanghae; expected down here soon. Had letters from Caine & Chapman. The picture frames were not taken to Hong Kong by Fittock. I fear they are gone to Jericho. I’ll have nothing more to |[do]] with the execution of commissions.

3 JUNE 1855: I went into the Tea house today

and found the people busy preparing the tea. To the left | S |

after entering were some 60 ovens shaped thus. In the pan on the top was the leaf, and by each oven stood a man half stripped who moved the leaf about so that it was not burnt. To the right was a winnowing machine. The leaf, when it came out of it, seemed to be twisted more tightly & more crisp in appearance, while it was freed from dust. Further on were eight or ten men with sieves; the holes in these sieves were of different sizes—each a little smaller than the preceding. By this means the leaves of different qualities were obtained; the best tea was of a very small size. The perfume was most delicious.

The price per catty was 20500 which at $1400 [|szc]] to the dollar gives about $14.69+ if the catty equals about Ibs 131, the price per lb. wd be about 11 1/5 cents. (Or if ¢25500 = 14 cents [7d] per lb). THURSDAY, 7 JUNE 1855: Today Mr. MacGowan & family returned to Ningpo, accompanied by Miss Bowring, who is now on a visit with Mrs. Win-

chester. A few days ago we visited the Taoutae, & it was proposed to him to establish a foreign Custom house here similar to that at Shanghae. He received the instructions much better than J expected. We then told him that Miss Bowring was coming to Ningpo, & said that she & Mrs. Winchester wd visit his lady. Today Yaou tai yay came over to Meadows to see how Miss B. shd be received 136

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& how much they shd give her; for the good folk in the Yamun supposed it was on some intrigue that she was going & not on a mere visit. The Taoutae’s lady never leaves the Yamun; so it seems there will be a difficulty in the way of returning the visit.

FRIDAY, 8 JUNE 1855: The Vice-Consul has today written a despatch relative to myself to Sir John Bowring—it is as follows. No. 57. B.C. [ [British Consulate] | 8th June 1855 Sir, I deem it but simple justice to bring to Y.E.’s [| Your Excellency] | notice

| the very favorable opinion I have formed of the services & abilities of Mr. R. Hart, Student Interpreter. Mr. H. superintends the reports of shipping made to the Chinese Customs and exhibits much zeal and intelligence in discharging the duties of Assistant, which the recent increase of business in this office has rendered onerous. Mr. H. is making highly satisfactory progress in Chinese, to which he devotes himself with the perseverance of a genuine student. His general character is not only correct but exemplary. I have &c. (signed) Charles A. Winchester H.E. Sir John Bowring LLd It is certainly very gratifying to me that he shd have written so favorable a report, but I fear it will do but little good. Sir John may in reply say that he is pleased I am doing so well & that he will remember me &c. &c. so that all will end in a bottle of smoke. But as Dr. W. has promised to point out in a private

note how I may be “bettered” I need not cry “‘murder’’ until I see the end of

} all this.

Everything is going on quietly here. I do not now fret about home as I used

to; not that I enjoy life here, but simply because I commence to live like a brute—that is, I go through my work, sleep—eat—write—smoke—lounge—with-

out thinking. Sometimes when it is morning, I wish the night were come; & night arrives, wd that it were morning. In the evening at six o.c. I generally walk out to the mound at the back of the Consulate; there I stretch myself out on one of the graves & look about me enjoying the cool breeze and amusing myself with the gambols of ‘‘Norah”’. I think it likely that I shall leave the Con-

sulate by the end of the month; Meadows thinks of taking Hudson’s hong, & thus he will vacate his present house. The rent is $7 per month. I shall take it if he leaves, & when I’m in it Ill flap my wings & crow, for then “I’m the King of the Castle, & who dare Knock me down?” I have been reading ““Tom Cringle’s Log”’ & the “‘Cruise of the Midge” during the last week. ”° In Chinese I am now at the “Hung low mun’’, which J do not find uninteresting. But this is a most wretched place: no amusement—no pleasures of any sort atall—

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SUNDAY, 24 JUNE 1855: Since my last entry in this journal nothing of consequence has occurred here. The Writer Shin heang ting drowned his brother some days ago. This young man was behaving so very badly that it was feared he wd commit some action which might disgrace or ruin the family. Accordingly, the father being dead, & the management of the concerns of the family having devolved upon Shin the

eldest son, after some deliberation he fixed on this mode of getting rid of his brother. So he put his head in a sack & assisted by another brother he took him to the jetty & held his head under water till he was dead. No one could guess from his appearance that anything unusual had happened. However I understand that people outside rather dislike to associate with him now; & Mr. Meadows with whom he writes Chinese seems desirous of sending him about his business. Engkwei, the Head servant, though married ten or more years has had no

children. And as ten years, the usual period assigned to patient expectation, have elapsed without produce he bought a little boy about two years old to be his son. The price was 5000 cash about 15/- [[15 shillings]]. A grand feast was given by Engkwei to his friends the other evening; in the middle of the enter-

tainment the little fellow was brought out & presented to the guests, all of | whom rose & bowed to him. I noticed that the Consular servants sat at one table; while the guests, who were not connected with the Consulate, had a table to themselves. The little chap comes in to me sometimes & seems greatly delighted with the pictures. Yesterday evening when going to bed about 11 o.c. I found a great snake on a table in my bedroom among my shirts. I killed him with my stick: he measured 5 feet. Thickest part about 1% inches diameter. It is very disagreeable to find such things in one’s bedroom. This morning I breakfasted with Mr. Meadows. Chow Chow excellent, & conversation very pleasant.

Quarterman preached today and did not fail to give us quite a dose of

“realise’’s. |

Lately I have read ‘‘Hajji Baba’? & Hajji Baba in England”’. 7! Two very interesting books of adventure by Mr. Jas Morier, illustrative of Persian manners &c. &c. At Chinese getting along. quietly; more than halfway through a vol. of the “Tales of [the] Red Chamber”, ”* & reading the American Treaty. It is rather warm today, the sun very powerful. very little Rain of late; it seems to be much wanted. The pools are quite dried up, & the Rice fields not under water. So the Agriculturalists wd wish for a good week’s rain, I think. I wrote a letter to my Father in reply to one of his I received on the 10th Inst. In that he dwells with complacency on the charms of some of Mr. Thomas Shillington’s daughters. Perhaps Norah may yet be mine. I also recd. a short note from Tom Edgar. Yesterday a letter from Mongan; one of Caine’s Boxes sent in “‘Unicorn”’. I

wrote to Caine to let him know. :

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SUNDAY, 1 JULY 1855: I have been quite out of health these last six days; first diarrhoea & then constipation on Thursday. I took medicine and on Friday & Saturday I was very sick. Today I am somewhat better; but my tongue is still very dirty and I have a most unpleasant taste in my mouth. Yesterday & day before were terribly hot, while last night & this morning were hotter still. This morning I was so weak I scarcely knew what to do; & go where I would not a breath of air moved in my rooms. Fortunately about two o’clock it commenced to rain—then to blow with great violence—then came a thunderstorm accompanied by rain each drop of which was as large as Miss Price’s thimble.

So that owing to this the afternoon has been agreeably cool. The crickets— Locusts—Mosquitoes—& Frogs are busy singing now; and I dare say tomorrow will be as hot as yesterday.

Tomorrow I go to Capt. Patridge’s to stay at his house during the warm months. Mail may soon be expected now. Capt. Patridge’s lugger ‘““Taoucheen” [[?] ] taken by Pirates near Foochow; Wadman’s “‘Hopeful” escaped.

Shanghae Merchants have chartered the ‘‘Confucius” for the purpose of clearing the coast of Pirates between Shanghae and Foochow. They paid $15000;

the “Confucius” is to be manned & armed by Americans from the U.S. frigate ‘‘“Macedonian’’—

Word brought that Capt. Rees of the “‘Psyche”’ was murdered by his Chinese crew near Cohying (Chin Keang foo) about 18th June. 4 JULY 1855: Today the mail arrived. Among the Despatches was one

in reply to that which Mr. Winchester wrote relative to me some time ago: it

was as follows— Superintendency of Trade Hongkong June 1855 Sir,

I am glad you report so favorably of Mr. Hart, and shall in compliance with the suggestion of your despatch No [[blank]] nominate him to a provisional Assistancy in your Consulate at a salary of £270 a year subject to Lord Clarendon’s approval.

I have &c | (signed) John Bowring

The day before yesterday I flitted, and now I am staying with Capt. Patridge who has been so kind as to give me a Bedroom for the summer.

29 JULY 1855: During the last week we have had very heavy squalls and showers. Today the sky is clear, the sun powerful, and the weather very hot. The last four weeks have passed very pleasantly, my health is excellent and with depression of Spirits I am little troubled. I fear when I go back to the Consulate for the winter, I shall feel the loneliness very much. Enjoy the present however, & let the future look out for itself. [ [ Following are writings on loose sheets of paper found in the bound journal: | |

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[[A separate piece of paper:|] ‘“‘Of Human Nature in general and Myself in Particular’’—

Of man how wondrous the inconsistency: and of inconsistent people who so unaccountably inconsistent as I! Of a surety the war which wages within, and of which among human beings the individual alone is cogniscent [[sic]], is oftentimes of a fiercer and more painful nature than that in which nations engage. Man is the world in miniature: his passions—his prejudices—his motives, his conscience—his will & his other attributes are to him what to the world are nations and empires; and the different objects which appeal to any passion or the opposite to motives which present themselves to the will correspond to the factions and parties of individual nations. But then there is a difference: in the world there is not, as there is in man, a soul cogniscent [[sic]] of all that goes on within. The soul of the world and the spirit of nature about which the Metaphysicians of a certain class prate so very learnedly when they reach the cloudcapped top of their mountain-climax, does not condescend to make itself know

[[stc]] to commonplace nature. And these common place people receive a greater reward in their contentment & its peace than they who would ever be climbing the Blanc of Man’s inquisitiveness and running into dangers and approaching precipices which have proved ruinous to many. And people too are generally proud of this sort of thing; but after all the man who has climbed to the highest top of the loftiest mountain—who has reached the highest pinacle [[stc]] of human fame—who has followed inquiry in his Imagination-inflated balloon until lost to sight—what has he gained? He has got out of nature—he has landed himself in a place for which he is not fitted, and in which he is not happy, and from which he must lowly (though it may be privately) stoop to enjoy the slightest pleasure. Well after this rhapsody to come back to what I wanted to say. What an inconsistent strange being I am! What inconsistency and what can help one to be consistent? With some fact is omnipotent; with others principle. A man is inconsistent when he avows as his belief that according to which he does not act: or when he asks for one thing while he desires to use another which shall render the former of no use. And as for the principle of Inconsistency, the word itself seems to contain the principle or rule or whatever it is that underlies and classifies Inconsistency. | [Another essay]] ‘‘Christianity”’

That Christianity is a system of Religion contained in the “true sayings of God’’, and that is what it professes to be, seems to be proved by the evidence of—MIRACLES, ANCIENT PROPHECIES FULFILLED, and also by its INTERNAL

EVIDENCE, and by the INFLUENCE which it has & does exert on the happiness of Mankind.

The Moral Tendency & Beneficial Influence of Christianity tell powerfully in its favour. Among the collateral Proofs of its truth and divine origins, its rapid & wonderful success justly holds an important place. 1, It was introduced in opposition to the sword, priestly craft, philosophic pride, popular passion & prejudice; it was not in the dark or little by little but 140

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as fully & without disguise laid before men all at once that we might judge of the whole under one view; consequently men received it upon proper examination & conviction. Besides, it was first preached & believed where Jesus exercised his ministry & when every individual had the means of knowing whether his statements were matters of fact; and here the [[?]] of Christ could never have been received unless it was true and known to all as truth. It was preached in the most noted countries & cities of the world in the very age in which he is said to have lived. And that age was famous for men whose faculties were improved by the most perfect state of Social life, and who were good judges of the evidence offered in support of the facts recorded in the Gospel History. In Greece & Rome: the facts related were received at a time when they could if false have easily been disproved.

Thus Christianity too was an exclusive religion. . Again at that time the profession of Christianity led all to renounce the pleasures and honors of the world and expose themselves to the most ignomini- | ous sufferings.

[ [On another piece of note paper are more of Hart’s religious meditations: | |

The Rationale of an unhesitating confidence in God sets its seal to the truth of all those passages in the Holy Scriptures which impress upon men the impropriety of an over-anxiety for the future. It is a sufficient proof of won-

drous love on the part of God that he gave his son to suffer and die in our room & stead. With Him, He will surely give us all good and necessary things. The very hairs of our heads are numbered; and we are of more worth than sparrows which also share in God’s care & providence. Surely our God is a Being of Infinite Beneficence; he is infinitely willing to bless and make us happy, and his will is seconded by his omnipotence. Why therefore allow harassing cares to annoy & disquiet?—Why are thou disquieted by thy soul—and why art thou cast down within me; Trust thou in God, for thou shalt yet praise him. Oh, the

health of my confidence in my redeemer! Casting all our cares on him who careth for us, let us lay aside every hindrance & every besetting sin and [[?]] with patience in the fare [[?]] set before us, living each moment as each moment shd be lived in, until the words “‘well done good & faithful servant’ charm our hearts and admit us to that haven where care & sorrow find no entrance. What then is man to do? He is to repent of sin towards God—to believe in the Lord Jesus Christ—and to live soberly righteously and godly all the days of his life. Now I repent most sincerely all my sinfulness; I have opposed the laws of the Most High: but he has given me his Spirit to convince me of my sin and

to make me wish for pardon & reconciliation: what is my hope? Blessed be God, through Christ if Gods free pardon and [[free?]] grace & peace are offered to me. I can believe in God’s truthfulness, and I accept the offer, and without a doubt or fear can take the saviour as my saviour, the atonement for my offenses—the propitiation for my sins. I can look forward without fear; and were I this moment to be called away I see nothing to dread. 141

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My debt Christ has paid; his death has become the surety for my everlasting life. When a Christian advances so far what is he to do? To return to myself— what has been preventing my growth in grace, and what better course of conduct

shd I adopt for the future? I have been too anxious about the future; I have imagined probabilities & possibilities, and thus I have been led to neglect the present—to shun present duty and privileges in order to revel in [[?]] the imaginary joys of possibilities in future. Now this has interfered sadly with my welfare: so it must be given up. And what is to be done in a positive way? The proper mode of acting is to use the present in such a way that the future may be provided for. And that can only be done by doing our duty. Let a man do his duty towards God and men consistently continually & thoroughly, and let the future assume what appearance it may that man will in God’s providence be prepared for. If there be a shipwreck, he will have his boats in proper order and such necessaries in them as shall enable Him to make the Shore. If he sinks, he “sinks with God’’. Now here I am “a situation.’’ My duty toward men (my employers) is to learn the Chinese Language—the Mandarin Tongue: my duty towards God is to give him my heart, to flee sin, to hunger & thirst after righteousness and to do my duty towards men. But here I have an opportunity of learning the Ningpo T’u-w6; & circumstances might occur which wd make the knowledge of this useful. Therefore I shall work hard at the two dialects, acknowledge God in all my ways, and give him all my heart.

{[There follows the beginning of a short story; it is contained in the journal itself, volume 2.| | A few Incidents in the life of Capt Mat Rooney In the year ——— I was in South America, and generally sauntered through the town of ——— with a young fellow named Mason. On one occasion when in com-

pany we met two very handsome young girls followed by their servant. Their appearance rather struck us, and the beauty of the younger made an impres-

sion on me. In that town all the houses are built in such a way as to form squares so that by walking three times quicker than a person on one side of a - square, you can meet him at every corner. By this dodge, we met these girls several times, & found the house into which they went. I imagined that they were not atall displeased at the evident marks of our admiration. Mason wanted

to go in after them, but I thought it better not to do so; accordingly we left determining on some other occasion to go & see them. Mason was very anxious to make me swear on my honor that I wd not go unless accompanied by him; to this I wd not consent, and asked him what the devil he meant by asking me to do any such thing. He replied that as we had met them together, we must visit them together; but damn me if I could see the force of his reasoning. Well, sirs, one night there was t’be a masquerade ball, to which Mason & I were going. Before we dressed we showed each other our dresses so that we

might know each other at the ball; but all the time, mind ye, I hadn’t the slightest intention of going in the dress I showed him. He dressed & went, and 142

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then I dressed, walked to the house the ladies went to, knocked, and the door was opened by the younger one. I immediately without further preface threw my arms about her neck & gave her a damned hearty smack. I went in and made it all right with the old woman, and took my lady to the ball with me. Mason came up to me several times & asked me who I had with me; but I of course denied my identity, & only spoke Spanish in as feigned a voice as I could get up. Well I took a house and kept this girl; but one day as we were walking out IJ met Mason, who as he passed said to me, ‘‘You’re a damned scoundrel;’’ the girl asked me what I said, & I told her it was “Show d’ye do?” Well we met in the street one day, & what does my gentleman do but commence to touch me over the shoulders with a horse whip, which I took from him and applied to himself. But before this, mind ye, he wanted me to fight him a duel, which I refused on the ground of its being about a piece. I said I had a mother still living, and I did not want her to know of my getting shot in a squabble about a whore. But he could not see this & determined to horse whip me. Well again one night I was in the pit of the theatre, when he tried on the same

game, which I followed up as before; and by George a third time he came at [[me]] in a public Billiard Room, broke a cue over my head. I was three sheets in the wind at the time and felt rather riled you may guess; so says I, now damn it you’ve carried this too far, and by G— I will fight you and have no more of your damned nonsense. So I locked the door of my room, and notwithstanding his wishes to do it outside, I made him fight me across the Billiard Table, and by jingo I blew the hand off him. My ball glanced off his pistol & smashed his hand; and he may look upon it as a mercy from Heaven that it touched his pistol, for if it hadn’t he’d a been in Kingdom come in a jiffy. [| Unfinished] ]

[[Enclosed in this journal there are some sketches of the Chinese scene in a style perhaps intended for publication—or to give to Bowring in obedience to his suggestions? (See 9 October 1854 above.) There are twelve large pages. | | Writers in treating of China and the Chinese have in most instances fallen into the error of generalization unsupported by premises. Ex uno disce omnes is applicable in many matters: but given one particular Chinese—one particular spot of Chinese ground, from neither of these can one say what ought to be the character of customs in another part of the Empire, or what ought to be the habits of individuals in another Province. The customs, trades, and relations of one place have been taken as the representatives of customs, trades, relations, &c. in every other part of the Empire. The readers of such books are prone at

first to fall into the other error: they read books on China in places distant from and wholly unlike the place at which the writer made his observations, and then comparing actual with description, they are inclined to suppose that the latter is wholly false & untrue. Accordingly in this paper I wd not for a moment think of treating of the Chinese or China in general: but to Ningpo, and to the inhabitants of Ningpo and its vicinity wd I confine my attention and 143

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remarks; and in any case where I may use the word Chinese, I refer to China more particularly from a Ningpo point of view.

Chekeang is one of the [[blank, probably meant for a number to be filled in|] Provinces of China which possesses a seacoast; and in this peaceful— perhaps—loyal Province of Chekeang about twelve miles from the sea is situated the City & Foo of Ningpo—The “City of the Peaceful Wave’’. At the Southern part of the Bay of Hang Chow, opposite the island of Le-Keang, is the mouth of the River Yung. On entering this river, on the right is the Citadel of Chinhae—a large temple situated at the top of the Chaou-paou-shan (‘‘Perfect Jewel of a Hill’’), and to the left is another higher hill on the top of which is a small turret used as a lookout and at times employed for signaling purposes. Behind the Chaou paou shan,—a hill very much resembling Gibraltar—

on a small scale—lies the town of Chinhae, enclosed by four walls and flatly regular. Sailing past Chinhae, the traveller’s eye cannot but be struck with the life and activity prevailing opposite the Custom House. Junks innumerable are anchored there—some just arrived from the North with the rich cargoes of [ [blank to be filled in later] ] and others just about to start for the Southern ports of Fuh Keen—Passage boats fly about in all directions; here and there the Portuguese flag flies from Lorchas well armed and manned by blackguards, used for convoying and levying blackmail on the high seas. The sound of the Tom Tom & the Gongs is echoing in every direction, welcoming either a vessel just arrived or wishing “‘bon voyage”’ to one about to start. White topped Ningpo boats, with their nicely cut white sails, pass up and down, many of them forming quite a contrast and displaying the superior taste & care of foreign finish. If in a small vessel you may get through the crowd without much difficulty; but if your vessel be large many a knock will you get and give, and many

a time will the Master say that a Harbour Master—a bore perhaps in other places—wd be a great boon here. Strange is the principle of Compensation: the over-officiousness and troublesomeness of officials in one place is made up for by the absence of the officials in some other place, and the anger and bad temper caused by the presence of officials in one place is made up for by the same feelings excited by their absence in another. When you have got through all these junks, and have a fair wind, you will sail along a beautifully winding river: on the left side are hills coming almost close to the banks of the Yung, on the right is a broad and fertile plain bounded some [[space to be filled in]] miles off by the Hills which surround the valley of Tzy-Chi, the flower garden of China. Several small villages are passed on each side of the river, and at one part in particular are seen several wood junks

laid up in mud docks high and dry waiting for the change of the Monsoon: their masts buried in the mud alongside, and their crews in other places. At last the last reach is reached [[sic]], and we are opposite the village of Bassaw (Pihsha); a little further on is the British cemetry [[szc]] on [[the]] right hand side, and the banks on the left are covered with see-houses [[szc]] innumerable. The Foreign hongs are in sight, and the ships of foreigners are also there. Anchor is

dropped and we are at Ningpo....

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[ [A new section] | | ,

Like other places Ningpo has its Brothels, and like other men the Ningpo people occasionally forget themselves, and repair to these places for their amusement. My Teacher once told me that a fine plan for spending a night cheaply was for two friends to go together to one room, and there have one girl to attend to them—fill their pipes, hand them tea &c. &c. Then they arrange who shall sleep during the first half of the night, and who during the latter portion. No. 2 then turns over and goes to sleep; No. 1 continues awake, drinks his tea, smokes his pipe, and amuses himself with the lady: when the appointed time arrives he wakes his friend, goes to sleep himself, and the young lady resigns herself to the embraces of the other. Oh! ye political economists! how do you like that style of economy? In some brothels there lives a single girl, who in all probability maintains an old mother or some other aged person by her trade. The best are those in which there are several girls who sing & play and amuse the guests. In a house with 3 or 4 rooms will be 3 or 4 parties of men, drinking, smoking & gambling. One girl in each room; she sits awhile, and then goes to another room, from which the lady then favours them, takes her departure and so on. With the Chinese there is none of the pulling about, or hugging, or romping that there is in European places. A sort of cold, apathetic manner of spending an evening. The girls are looked upon rather as women engaged in a trade rather than as

bad characters: I have often heard a woman in the streets whose dress proclaimed her calling, asked ‘‘sang-e hao-feh[[?] ] ”

As a place of residence for foreigners Ningpo seems well adapted in every respect. Sufficiently healthy, abundance of provision, friendly natives and a delightful country—little more is there to be desired. After having lived one or

two years in Ningpo in a healthy locality, one becomes accustomed to the place, and the body becomes acclimated. At first the great power of the sun in summer and the piercing cold of winter, with the damp rainy season of the spring and autumn are unpleasant in the extreme; but when once or twice these ills have been experienced they lose their displeasing concomitants. As for food, the fish and mutton of Ningpo are excellent; fowl and eggs are always procurable; and at times only is there a scarcity of those vegetables which are edible for an Englishman. The people are friendly in the extreme; an insult is never offered: they are always respectful; and those who can speak the language find them sufficiently open to the amenities of life. In all directions excursions can be made without fear; and by the canals or river one can at any time get to the hills where fine scenery and change relieve the mind and make up for the monotony of the plain in wh’ is situated the city of Ningpo. In the heart of the City is the ““Temple of the Lord of Heaven” in which dwell the Roman Catholic Missionaries—a Bishop, a procureur General, a lay Brother—and some gentlemen priests. They all dress a la chinois, and the Ning ho [[?]] is a French Mission. Outside the south gate is situated the Yang-yuhTang, a foundling hospital of which the Sisters of Charity have the charge— Here numbers of little boys and girls are reared, educated in the R. Catholic

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faith, and then married to each other, and thus the belief of Rome is propagated. Did Protestant Missionaries also act thus doubtless their converts wd be more numerous. Those of the little Boys who seem particularly bright or talented, are taught Latin and made priests. The converts are not taught French. In Latin the priests speak of church public matters, and in French they converse privately. Of Protestant Missionaries there are those sent out by the Church of England—American Presby and Am Bapt, and English Baptists. Most

of these Missionaries are married and their wives aid them by keeping little schools and visiting among the Chinese. The Missionaries have their classes and meetings, and they also take advantage of opportunities afforded them of sometimes addressing large assemblies. The number of their real, bona fide converts is uncertain—Small perhaps, and amongst those regarded as converts there may

possibly be some of that class who are attracted to follow any belief or serve any man through the prospect of making a livelihood. What good the Missionaries may have done cannot possibly [[be]] ascertained. They have doubtless instructed several in the knowledge of the true God, and their teaching may have led several to cease many of false-worships of the Chinese in general, and to abstain from many of those actions which are typical of a faith in or adoration offered to Heathen Deities. Some too may have [[been]]| brought to an observance of the Sabbath, &c. &c., but in such a crowded place the result is imperceptible. But “‘a little leaven leaventh the whole lump,” and doubtless the time will come when Ningpo will on the Sabbath mornings echo with the sound of church bells, and then the Creator of the world will be adored in truth, humility, and propriety. As in all China, so in Ningpo is a desire to get married and have children. The matrimonial of the Chinese is view[[ed]] by them through the colored glasses from which they regard every object. It is not love that draws them into the noose; it is custom externally and internally desire for children that leads parents to betroth children and causes young people to wish for wives. By the time a Chinese has reached forty years of age he may with propriety take a second wife; but if his first wife has remained childless for ten years he may look out for and bring home another lady. Many Chinese who do not like the idea or cannot bear the expense of this second wife buy a little boy of about two years of age; he becomes their adopted son, takes their sing, is brought up by them as a son, serves them as parents, and during his lifetime performs the various duties required according to Chinese Ideas of filial piety. After purchasing a boy child the father gives a great feast to wh’ he invites his friends and neighbors. When the feast is nigh finished, the youngster is brought out gaily dressed and introduced to the guests as the child of the host. He makes his bow, and all the guests rise [[?]] and bow to him. The guests all bring presents either for the child or family; indeed the majority of guests invited on such occasions as marriages, births, &c. are expected and have to bring pres-

sents according to their means. |

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[[ At the top of the next page is the following, beginning with the date: | | Oct/56 A Teacher of mine named Ling, aged some six & twenty, has been engaged to a young lady for more than thirteen years. During the last two years he has been greatly pestered by the friends of his betrothed who have commenced to fear that he wishes to break off his engagement: the fact however is that he has not yet amassed sufficient money to consider himself justified in fixing a “Hao nyih’”’ [[good woman] ]. Mr. Ling is a little man with very square face, prominent cheek bones, and funny eyes. On the 8th inst, he came to my house dressed out in his best and there deposited a card inviting me to be present at his wedding which was to take place on the 1 1th, and also to a feast which he intended to give on the 18th. On the evening of the 9th I purchased a nice fan and cane, which together with $10 I sent over to him as a wedding present. The morning

of the 11th came, rain falling in torrents, and no appearance whatever of a probability of clearing up. At ten o’clock I started in my chair for his residence and on arriving there I was met by him at the door and conducted to the hall or tang of the dwelling house. The wall of this hall was gaily decorated with pictures and scrolls, the ceiling supported numerous red lanterns, and the chairs & tables were decorated & made to look as well as possible. In the side rooms I observed the females of the family with the other female guests. Through the yard, servants hurried preparing things, and on one side of the hall was a band of music which struck up whenever a guest entered. I was very much amused when watching the manner in which the guests made their bows: they came forward to Mr. Ling, who advanced to meet them—each held up his clasped hands to his chin,—then they turned rather sideways to each other and made a bow, bringing down their hands—when stooped down they got on what in Ire-

land we call their “‘hunkers’’ & then wiggled their posterior backward and for- } ward—just like the movement of a dog when copulating—they then rose & elevated their clasped hands to the chin, separated, & all was over. The guests all gathered round me and examined my hands & clothes; they were curious but polite, so I allowed them to look at me as they wd at a “‘raree show’’. I was very much pleased with the little boys who were there all dressed so neatly— well washed—& as merry as possible. At length I heard one shout “‘W’4 gyiao lee-de—’’ “‘The flower chair has arrived’’—and soon after it was brought in just

to the entrance of the reception room where it was placed down—the pole taken out—and the little patchwork pieces of ornamented wood which compose the door taken away. Then two Sung nyiang tse stationed themselves by the chair and in it was a strange figure dressed in a beautiful reddish brown dress; over her head was placed a long red square cover so that her face could not be seen. Then she had to sit for about an hour, as the little girl who was to lead her out of the chair had not yet arrived. (This girl came with her mother who was considered a lucky woman as she had so many children.) During the hour the attendants were busily employed in lighting the Candles which were placed in the large red lamps which hung around the Hall; while the large candles presented, containing good wishes & written om their sides, were also lit and placed on the table in front of the chair. On this table was also a card 147

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containing the characters Teen te Keen tsze-sze. A , small furnace or rather a large pot containing some burning coal was brought in and placed before the large

table. Four cushions were then placed thus. In front of 50 4 the chair was then placed a little piece of wood very 20 3 much resembling the frame work of a saddle over which 6

a red cloth was thrown. It was then announced that the | fortunate woman had come: she had with her her | daughter a little girl aged 5 or 6 years who was dressed in a spangled red dress and looked very nice indeed. This woman then came toward the Chair, when a noise was heard from outside; it arose from some of the grooms friends bringing him down from his rooms to which he had retired when the Bride first arrived. The little girl then put her hand into the Chair and pulled the Bride, who then stepped out assisted by two Sung-nyiang tsze. She then was placed standing beside cushion 2, when the Groom took his place beside no. 3. The lucky woman then touched the Bride’s head with a tapering polished stick upon which one of the two pieces of red cloth which were thrown over her head was removed. The Groom’s eldest uncle then took his place at cushion no. 4, and in his hand held two pieces of Incense Stick which he waved about a little. A man who was then

standing at No. 1 commenced to recite some words Ke yoh: choo-chu-chay tsen wei: nyi heang an zin: quae: shang heang: shang heang: san shang heang: hing: fu wei: Kyuh Kung: pae: hying—(sze pae sze hying) ping shing: quae: Keae quae: tuh tsuh veng (then comes a little boy who reads the contract): Kow seu: hying: Kyuh Kung: pae: hying (sze pae sze Hying): ping shing: le peih: Nying shih tung vong: when he said Ke yoh: the music commenced: then

at tsen wei the head of the groom’s family came forward, walking round cushion 4, in front of which he stood, then knelt [[above knelt Hart writes bent] ] (on another smaller cushion in front of that), and lifted the incense three times: at fuh wei he returned to his former position, and [[at] ] Kyuh Kung he bent so that his head was as low as his hips: at ping shing he stood erect—“‘attention’’; he stooped at quae, and at keae quae all stooped: tuh tsuh veng brought forward a little boy who knelt on cushion No. 6, and read over the contract: at Kow seu they bowed & so on: at nying shih tung vong, one of the sung nyiang tsze took hold of the skirt of the groom’s dress and placed it in the hand of the bride; the groom then walked across the yard followed by the bride supported by the sung nyiang tsze: they went up stairs to the room in which was placed the nuptial couch: Chinese beds have the bed inside and then outside that but inside the larger frame work at head & foot are two places in which boxes can be placed: on the chairs there the bride & groom took their seats—the woman at the foot—called Kyih Kao tang—and between them stood the two sung yiang tsze who gave each end ofa thread to the bride & groom, wine was then poured into two cups of which the

Bride & groom partook, upon which the two cups were placed with their mouths together, & similarly with two cups of tea. On taking her seat the bride

was approached by the lucky woman who removed the remaining piece of cloth from her head, and then for the first time were her features visible. When

148

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:; to / .look . . .at| the « *Bride. e ; oo . : , Soe SE they had finished this ceremony inside the groom at once bolted: when I asked

. She then took off part of her dress and we went down stairs, the bride re- | maining with her women, changing her dress and decorating her head. When

° ° , ; e . . e e , : .;

we went down stairs a great number of visitors came in, who each bowed in that peculiar manner called Ta keen: some young ladies also came in, who

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bowed by raising their hands clasped to that side of their head which was next moe _to the person saluted—i.e. the girls right to the man’s right—and moving then

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, - up and down quickly twice or thrice (called ta Kung). , The Bride is brought to the house in what is called a sleeping dress: when up , _ stairs she changes this for another dress and ornaments her head. She then

came down stairs & worshipped the ancestors again—this time making the prostrations before a table which was spread as an offering to the ancestors—then _ to each of the family into which she had been brought. After this she took her , place at the foot of a table round which her female guests feasted, and between |

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congratulations & feastings the rest of the day was spent, when the pair were a conducted to their room. re oe | , a On the 3“ day I again called, when the Bride was dressed in a different style, i , still remaining in her room, and not speaking to any one. I examined her hands | .

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ae & feet, and cracked a few jokes with Mr. Ling & returned. The same evening I , - called I-Chi seen sangs—whose son a lad of 15 had been wedded to a young | lady of 18. The little chap when brought forward quite blushed, and the young | lady seemed greatly inclined to laugh when we told her & him that we wished |

luck and of children. | themhgreat luckplenty and plenty of c ren. ,

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pie From Our Life in China, by Helen 8S. Coan Nevius. ,

CHAPTER FIVE

Ningpo to Canton 1855-1858:

Hart Grows with the Times

‘The ENTRY FOR 29 JULY 1855 concludes Volume 2 of Hart’s

journal, along with various loose papers enclosed: several unfinished letters to friends, a couple of essays on religious subjects, some accounts of life in Ningpo (evidently in fulfillment of the suggestion made to him earlier by Sir John Bowring), and an illuminating short story (all included in Chapter 4). Volume 3, as it now exists, begins

- on 20 March 1858, after a lapse of almost three years. The first pages of this new book, however, were torn out by Hart, who then wrote on the flyleaf “20 March to 6 Dec. 1858” as if that were the normal content of the volume. It seems evident that Hart did some tidying-up of his journals years later, perhaps in 1902 when Hosea B. Morse asked permission to see them in connection with a proposed biography. Though Hart in the end refused (for reasons stated in a letter to James D. Campbell),* he seems to have gone through the journals preliminary to making his decision; he numbered them in an over-all system, and occasionally added comments, based on hindsight, in the margins. Thus, in the present instance, it seems plain that there were other books between Volume 2 and what he now labeled Volume 3; certainly that the latter had at one time its normal component of pages. In the journal itself there is no reference to any such hiatus as now appears. Hart wrote Morse on 20 December 1906, while still in Peking, his

final decision regarding the use of the journals: “As to my Journals, it is curious that they, being things which I wished to be burnt on my death, should have been preserved in the 1900 troubles when all else was lost: but that escape does not give them any special value, and I fear they would be not only difficult to read, but wd. also hardly repay the trouble of plodding through them: I think I am at the 70th volume now, & foreven myself to read them again & strike out what is not to be used wd. probably require five or six years and there is not the slightest chance of my living so long.’’?

In short, then, one is tempted to conclude that Hart, already 150

PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT

addicted to keeping a journal, did in fact keep one during all his years in Ningpo. That was the time, however, that saw the beginning of his relationship with the Chinese girl Ayaou; their first child was born in late 1858 or early 1859.* Thus Hart, preparing his journals for the eyes of others, may well have seen fit to weed out references to his personal affairs of so many years before. We on our part are left with the regret that in the process he was forced to destroy also his mention of daily events in the diplomatic and commercial history of those eventful years. PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT

In our effort to follow the unfolding of Robert Hart’s personality, conscious always of his later achievement as a foreign administrator

under the Court of Peking, we must be grateful for the degree to which he explains himself to us through his journal. The hiatus in it from 29 July 1855 to 20 March 1858—a gap of two years and almost

nine months—we can only regret, yet in itself it can tell us something. Our effort in this volume is throughout a serious one of factseeking. But the reader who has followed this young man’s repeated search for God’s help in leading a life without sin, and noted how he repeatedly expresses pleasure at having even a few moments beside one of the wholesome young missionary wives in Ningpo, will long since have seen and appreciated his dilemma. Conscience, purpose, and duty had largely governed Robert Hart throughout his adolescence. His rebellion and sinfulness in company with his friend | Swanton, which evidently led him to women of easy virtue and some

kind of (retributive) illness thereafter, had been his one fall from grace by age 19. Almost immediately he had come to China, Just at the age when the woman question arose most persistently and bedeviled his solitude. He stuck dutifully to his language course while expressing for us in his journal the boredom, temptations, moral struggle, and vexations that life was bringing him. With the missionary men he maintained intermittent contact in religious discourse. Yet his weekly outing to the missionary church was enlivened perhaps more by a moment’s contact with some of the young wives than by the dull brilliance of the preacher. He became strongly conscious of his need for someone to love. Indeed, if his voice and breath had not failed him, he might have proposed out of the blue to a Miss Dyer whom he scarcely knew. When he finally got a puppy

to play with, it was to him a very plain and inadequate substitute for a young woman. 151

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

As this ineradicable craving for affectionate companionship builds up in this young man at age 20, working away in solitude in his lodg-

ing in the Ningpo Consulate, we cannot help looking ahead (that privilege of historians) at the latter decades of Hart’s life as I.G. His letters after 1886, when his wife of twenty years went back to live

in London, show us an administrator tied to his standing desk the greater part of every day—a man of conscious purpose who did not deviate from his tasks though he enjoyed the occasional company of young girls and took great care in presenting gifts to a few young women he admired. After the age of 50 his sexual life seems to have been neither indulged nor missed, and one can infer that it had been in poor shape for the previous dozen years if not longer. How does this image of an I.G., who at the height of his worldly

power was least inclined to worldly love, square with the young man we see in a struggle of conscience at Ningpo in 1855? And how

does the Robert Hart of July 1855 compare with the same man three years later at Canton?

Fortunately we have the evidence Hart gives us in his letter to Campbell of 5 June 1875 when he stated of his three wards, that is, his children by his Chinese mistress Ayaou, that “Anna is now sixteen,” “Herbert is just thirteen and Arthur is almost ten years old.”’ Thus they had been born in 1858 or 1859, 1862, and 1865 respectively. (All were sent to England in 1866 to be raised by Mr. Davidson, the bookkeeper of Smith Elder & Co., and his wife.) Hart also recorded long afterward that he met his Chinese consort Ayaou at Ningpo in 1857. Yet he seems to have destroyed his journal after July 1855. We can infer that he was expunging the record of a new

way of life that was not for public knowledge. Hart allows us to date this change almost precisely when he tells us on 1 July 1855, ‘Tomorrow I go to Capt. Patridge’s to stay at his house during the

warm months.” , , Dan Patridge was the agent in Ningpo of Jardine, Matheson & Co.

and thus the chief merchant in status within the community, even though his merchandise was almost entirely opium imports that were actually handled outside the Yung River on the coast at the Lookong receiving station. He was ipso facto a man of wealth, though probably no older than his early thirties. He had his connections with the great web of trade managed by Jardine’s from Hong Kong with agents in every port, receiving ships outside, and running vessels like the Erin that brought passengers, money, and mail to British consuls and missionaries alike. To stay with Captain Patridge would raise Hart’s living standard very pleasantly. The 152

PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT

house was no doubt well situated to catch a breeze and well staffed _ by experienced servants who knew the foreigners’ needs and how to meet them. Women’s overdue liberation in historical annals should bring them into many scenes that have come down to us in monosexual terms from the male scriveners who kept the records. The abundance of manpower in China, so often noted by Western observers for centuries past, was as a matter of fact accompanied by an equal abun-

dance of womanpower. One of Hart’s early bits of information gleaned after landing in Hong Kong was that you could buy a Chinese woman for some 40 dollars; also that Chinese marriages were commonly arranged and a price paid for the bride. In short, Chinese women were for sale and in unlimited supply. A colleague like Swinhoe, if his “Chinese sweetheart’’ was more than a passing reference, evidently was supplied very early after reaching China. Interpreter J.A.T. Meadows had his Chinese mistress, whom he honestly persisted in treating as a wife. In short, one of the many perquisites of the Westerner’s higher living standard in China was his being supplied

with Chinese women, who were in fact an ambulatory commodity regularly available for a merchant through his compradore. Missionaries, not dealing in commodities of this world, had no compradores and learned very soon to bring their wives with them. With this perspective in mind, one can assume that Capt. Patridge was able as a friend of young Hart to meet his problem of unhappy loneliness in a more practical way than Dr. MacCartee and the other missionaries could arrange. We can assume that, in all probability, Patridge had a Chinese mistress in his household or attached to it

and that she in turn was well supplied with sisters, cousins, or acquaintances. Robert Hart’s solution to his problem of solitude was nothing un-

usual and followed established norms. The girl Ayaou was not a solitary adventuress but came undoubtedly from a proper though lower-class background under the sponsorship of a compradore or other reliable party. Hart’s upkeep of her must have included a regular monetary payment, a portion of which reimbursed her family.

Our concern here is not with the romance of young love so much

as with the maturity that it brought to the young man. Whatever may have been his bittersweet struggles with his Wesleyan conscience,

the fact remains that God enters less frequently into his journal hereafter. Gone is the thought of being a missionary; there is less attitude of prayer and seeking divine help. Love of woman seems to

153 |

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

anchor Hart permanently in this world with no need for keeping

lines out to the hereafter. We may also infer that experience with Ayaou anchors him permanently in China, where so important a part of his maturation has occurred. He remains indubitably a foreigner, playing his foreign role in China, yet increasingly he is China-oriented. He records no further fantasy of returning to Belfast (except much later, to seek

out a wife, which by convention was to be undertaken in one’s country of origin). In his intellectual life he remains an expatriate, seeking to keep up with London and Edinburgh periodicals, but his" emotional life is China-centered. He feels at home.

The Robert Hart whom we meet almost three years later in the next remaining installment of his journal is a different person—selfconfident, clear as to his own interest, and easily in touch with the Chinese he is dealing with. His Ningpo experience has made him a competent interpreter and also at age 23 a mature man. Indeed, looking ahead at his twenty years of married life with Hester Jane _ Bredon (1866-1886) and the subsequent twenty-two years of living alone in Peking after Lady Hart moved back to enjoy life in London, we may surmise that Hart’s years of lhaison with Ayaou (roughly 1857-1865) gave him his fill of romance, including both its satisfactions and its limitations. For whatever reason, after that his need for feminine companionship declined as he steadily and inexorably became more enamored of managing the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service. At Ningpo we have found him intellectually selfsufficient, even when he still had no violin with which to conclude the day. After fathering three children by Ayaou and three by Hester Jane, he worked himself into a nervous collapse in 1877. When he came out of it, he evidently found female companionship quite dispensable. PUBLIC CAREER

Robert Hart’s maturity at age 23 came also from his official experience at Ningpo, a minor port in international trade which never-

theless displayed the full range of commercial and diplomatic problems that confronted foreigners on the China coast. First of all, Hart, though still junior in rank, became the old-timer in the British Consulate. On his arrival in October 1854, as we know, John Meadows, who had been Acting Interpreter there since 1850, was Acting Interpreter-in-Charge during the home leave of Patrick Hague, ViceConsul. In the aftermath of the Bemvindo episode (when Meadows 154

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ordered a Portuguese beaten in retaliation for his assault on a Chinese servant at the Consulate), Meadows was first suspended and ordered to Hong Kong (Hart’s journal entry, 15 March 1855), then demoted to Interpreter, to await the arrival of a new Vice-Consul-in-Charge, Charles Winchester (Journal, 22 March). The latter took up his post on 1 April 1855 but remained in Ningpo only about a year, to cover the crises of Meadows’s changed status. In 1856, he was in the Foreign Office Service List as Vice-Consul under Rutherford Alcock in Canton.

John Meadows, already disenchanted with government service and considering life as a merchant (which he eventually chose), as well as annoyed at being dismissed without a hearing, sent in his resignation. Though it was accepted in due course by Lord Clarendon asa gesture to appease the Macao government, Meadows was so useful as an interpreter that he was kept on “‘temporarily”’ at Ningpo

for another year. Around the middle of 1856, he left government service and settled in Tientsin, where he became prominent in mercantile circles. His brother, Thomas Taylor Meadows, who had been Interpreter at Shanghai and who was to have a long career in

the Foreign Service, took charge at Ningpo in January 1857. Charles A. Sinclair (who had made the trip with the Winchesters on 1 April 1855, as an excursion from Shanghai) filled the brief gap

arrival, :

between Winchester’s departure in April 1856 and Meadows’s Hart himself had promotions at Ningpo before the one that took him to Canton. He was, as we have seen, in charge of the Ningpo office from 6 to 21 February 1855, during Meadows’s trip to Shanghai. It is said in one source that “while the British consul at Ningpo was suspended from duty... young Hart [|was]] put in charge of affairs for some months.’’* This seems not to have been the case. Hart’s diary records that a dispatch of 15 March suspended Meadows, and one of 22 March named Winchester Vice-Consul-in-Charge and

Meadows Interpreter, with no mention of Hart; and Winchester arrived within ten days. If Hart had had a promotion at that moment— competitive youth that he was—he would have gleefully announced it in his journal. So eager was he, indeed, that, when a month later Winchester wrote a dispatch to Bowring commending Hart’s “‘services

and abilities,’’ Hart copied it verbatim into his journal, along with the dejected comment that, though very gratifying to him, he feared it would do little good. Winchester, however, with more experience of bureaucratic procedures, calmed Hart with a promise that he would point out in a 155

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

private note to Sir John how Hart might be “‘bettered.’’ The Service

List, as a matter of fact, records Hart’s promotion to assistant in June 1855; with the uncertainty of mails, Hart obviously did not hear of the appointment until after the break in his journal. Even before he moved to Capt. Patridge’s on 1 July, however, he began to talk about moving into Meadows’s house—apparently outside of the Consulate—when Meadows should carry out his threat to leave. On Winchester’s arrival, Meadows had already moved out of the consular compound (where his Chinese wife was not welcome) to live on his

new boat, and spoke of renting ““Hudson’s hong.” “I shall take it [{the house] ] if he leaves,’ Hart wrote, “and when I’m in it, I'll

flap my wings and crow...” Whether he did take the house, of course we do not know; but the gap in his journal at this point hints that he at least left the Consulate in order to live a more independent life.

Even in Ningpo, the impact of disorder in the larger world could be felt. Since 7 September 1853, the native city of Shanghai had been in the hands of rebels from the Small Sword Society, an offshoot of the Triads; Hart wrote of these circumstances when he was there en route to Ningpo in early October 1854. Imperialist forces besieged the city from the west and south, but the foreigners in their international settlement pursued a policy of neutrality, socalled, tilted somewhat toward the rebels, with whom a lucrative trade in arms and food flourished. Under such circumstances, attacks

on foreigners might come from either direction—from the rebels or from the Imperialists—and did. Toward the end of 1854, episodes involving Imperialist troops, which had been sporadic, grew in intensity and resulted in action by an Anglo-American force from the ships of war in the harbor. The Imperialists, driven some distance from the settlement, did not again seriously disturb its security. The French, however, who had maintained their cathedral and their Consulate in a concession francaise, in December took independent ac-

tion against the other side, the rebels, in order to protect their battle-scarred Consulate. Joined by Imperialist troops, a force from

the French ships dismantled a rebel battery while guns from the ships bombarded the city. Though the attack itself failed, the continued bombardment rendered the city untenable, and it was evacuated by the rebels on Chinese New Year’s Day, 27 February 1855—

during the time, one remembers, when John Meadows was in Shanghai and Hart was in charge at Ningpo.

On 23 February, Hart wrote in his journal of Meadows’s return

and of the fact that the streets of the native city were “‘filled with 156

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dead bodies and blood, houses thrown down and places burned, etc.”’

Within a few days, he began reporting the appearance of rebels in Ningpo, but considered them too few in number to create a disturbance. By March, however, he had changed his tune. On the 12th, he wrote that he had been for some time apprehensive of a disturbance in consequence of the arrival of newcomers from Shanghai— not rebels merely, but the European adventurers who served either side on which they found advantage. Indeed the taotai came to ask Meadows what he should do in relation to such foreigners when they came to Ningpo. Meadows advised caution so as not to “‘involve his government” (the Chinese) with England or America. But immediately following, in Hart’s journal, comes the episode of the two adventurers found by Meadows and Hart chained in cages at the taotai’s yamen. The local Triad Society rebellion at Shanghai was of course only a pale reflection of the great sweep of the Taiping Rebellion that in 1851 had assumed a dynastic title in Kwangsi and by 1853 had flowed north to the Yangtze and made Nanking its capital. Throughout the 1850s, the small foreign communities in China were dealing with a land torn by civil war. In May 1855, there were fears that the rebellion might engulf Ningpo itself. On the 21st, Hart heard that the rebels had taken Yushan, which he described as a rich walled town near the border of Chekiang, a little over 1,000 2 away, or between 300 and 400 miles. The alarm was sufficient to induce the Chinese authorities to send on the 28th 400 soldiers from Ningpo to Hangchow, 100 miles to the west at the head of Hangchow Bay, to assist in its defense if the rebels appeared there in force. In the event, their concern was premature. Hangchow fell to the rebels five years later, n March 1860,

after they had been more or less isolated in Nanking, another 100 miles to the northwest, and starved for supplies.

In the meantime, Ningpo had more immediate concerns in the feud between the Portuguese lorchamen and Cantonese pirates. The prevalence of pirates, particularly along the stretch of coast by Kwangtung, Fukien, and Chekiang (that is, from Canton to Shanghai), was a grave threat to the shipping of all nations. In consequence, a system of convoys had developed, first under the British navy and then relying on the prestige and firing power of European merchant ships; a fee was charged, and, when a battle with pirates took place, the fee was earned. Gradually, however, the system slipped into other hands and other uses—blackmail, for instance, levied against peaceful ships, declared to be pirates, and the cargo 157

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

termed a lawful prize to be divided among the aggressors. Abuses were so manifest that, as early as 1848, the British were formally warned of the dangers of entering into such duty, and the convoying fell especially into Portuguese hands. At Ningpo, the Portuguese, even before they had a consul there, undertook the entire protection

of the Chinese seaborne commerce; they issued papers and collected dues amounting to fantastic totals—$500,000 a year, according to G. Wingrove Cooke, a London Times special correspondent, who found the figure startling but declared he had corroborated it.° One thing leading to another, Ningpo found itself gradually har-

boring a little community of foreigners of dubious quality and origin—deserters, smugglers, blackmailers, some Portuguese, some from Goa or Manila, but in the eyes of the Chinese all Westerners, equally with the British and the Americans, and all tarred with the same brush. In answer to British complaints, the Portuguese government at Macao in 1851 prevailed upon the British Consul at Ningpo, Patrick Hague, to act temporarily as Portuguese Consul also, a diffi-

cult assignment, terminated in June 1852 by the arrival of a real Portuguese Consul, J. F. Marques, whom we have already met.

Meanwhile, the pirates, under the notorious P’u brothers (Apak

and Alumtay), arriving in 1851 in Ningpo waters with a fleet of vessels and some 1,000 men aboard, had struck their own bargain with the Chinese authorities. In short, they were enrolled in the Emperor’s navy, and the port of Ningpo was practically taken over . by Apak and his confederates. Loot acquired at sea was routinely brought into Ningpo for disposal on shore. Winchester, in August 1855, wrote a dispatch spelling out the condition: “‘Eight or nine of his [[Apak’s|]] armed commantines are anchored in the Tsz-ki branch. He and his people occupy a large hong in the city close to the salt gate where some scores of them are constantly knocking about. Here he directs the operations of his gang, sending out vessels to reinforce those outside and receive the plunder they have taken.’’®

The Chinese recipe for coping with such a situation was to use a rascal to control a rascal; the pirates, encouraged by the authorities, competed with the Portuguese in the business of convoys and protection. The result, as might be expected, was rivalry and, for the merchant shipping, chaos. The situation was already tense before Hart’s journal broke off; on 23 February 1855, for instance, he had written that the English merchant Davidson had asked permission to fire on any boats approaching his Cleopatra in the night, as ‘‘Canton men” conspired to take her. ““These fellows have, I understand,”’ 158

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wrote Hart, “been turned out of their vessels by the Taoutae | [tao-

tai] | and they wish to seize an armed Lorcha for the purpose of pirating outside.’’ Another strand of confusion was woven into the pattern when the rebels fell back from Shanghai, maintaining them-

selves in the countryside by any expedient that offered. Hart recorded a “‘row yesterday in which Fuh-keen [[Fukien] |] men were concerned. Today the Pirates have displayed the Ensigns etc. of the

Triads...”

In these deteriorating conditions there had been a confrontation, in July 1854, just before Hart’s arrival. After the murder of a Portuguese in the preceding April and the killing of two Cantonese at about the same time, Marques had sent to Macao for the corvette Dom Joao I, which arrived at Ningpo on 10 July and fired upon the town during an affray with Apak’s fleet. Marques demanded of the

Chinese reparations for the death of the Portuguese, along with various promises of future abstention from harassment of Portuguese

lorchamen, to be signed by Apak and Alumtay. Further complications followed when, ten days later, the Powhatan (U.S.) arrived from Shanghai and landed 75 men to aid the taotai in protecting foreign interests. It was in this context that John Meadows, who had grown increasingly anti-Portuguese, ordered the man Bemvindo beaten at the British Consulate on Christmas Day. Meadows’s subse- quent demotion can be understood as the gesture of an embarrassed British government already confronted by Portuguese complaints. Although rumors of trouble circulated during the winter of 1856,

affairs came to a climax two summers after the break in Hart’s

journal. Juliet Bredon, Hart’s niece, told the story in her Szr Robert

Hart, doubtless as she had heard her uncle tell it years later, with the lapses in memory and embroidery of detail common to such productions. She says that, on one particular night during the winter, the whole foreign community dined together to plot strategy

in the face of Cantonese threats of revenge on the Portuguese and the consequent terrorization of the countryside. Hart, according to her, refused the invitation, “thinking that men who sat drinking hot whiskey punch through a long evening would be in no condition to face a disturbance if it came.”’ Thus he slept in his deserted house, the terrified servants having fled, with a revolver under his pillow; his bed beside an open window, through which he intended to drop, if necessary, and attempt to make his way on foot to Shanghai. The

alarm, however, was premature. ' |

It was not until June 1857 that, after three years of competition, the Cantonese collected their forces and pursued the defeated Portu159

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

guese lorchas all the way up the coast and into the river to Ningpo. There the fight continued, afloat and on shore. The lorchamen who succeeded in landing ran distractedly here and there searching for asylum. Some clamored at the gates of the British Consulate, where Thomas Meadows and Hart had to refuse them entry, lest the tur-

moil be transformed from an anti-Portuguese to an anti-foreign melée. All, according to Juliet Bredon’s later telling, were hunted down at last, “‘dragged out of their hiding-places in old Chinese graves among the paddy fields, butchered where they stood defending their lodging house, or taken prisoners only to be put on one of their own lorchas, towed a little way up the river, and roasted to death.”” Finally the Cantonese stormed the Portuguese Consulate, where they were just climbing onto the roof to haul down the flag when the French warship Capricieuse sailed slowly up the river. The frigate, so opportunely arrived, had been sent from Shanghai with the French consul aboard to investigate the earlier capture of a French ship by the Portuguese. Just in time to prevent the sack of the Consulate, she took on board survivors from the Portuguese boats, to be taken to Macao for trial. Wingrove Cooke, the Times correspondent, writing in August a more dispassionate account of the episode than Juliet Bredon’s, emphasized what seemed to him the relative forbearance of the Cantonese; 3 Portuguese lorchas, genuine traders, then in the river with their flags flying, were not molested in any way. No European, not evena Portuguese, was even insulted by the “infuriated butchers.’’® After the departure of the Capricieuse, he continued, the Portuguese brig

Mondego came up the river, accompanied by some 12 Portuguese

lorchas, to make formal demand of the taotai that the captured -lorchas be restored and other restitution made. Upon receiving the characteristic reply that the two convoy fleets must settle their own quarrels, the Portuguese and the Cantonese made ready to continue their fight. Meanwhile, however, another ship made its fortuitous appearance—Commander Dew in the British Nimrod. To the Portuguese commander he sent a message to the effect that, if the brig was about to attack, he would move his ship out of the line of fire;

but that, if either the Nimrod or any of the houses of British residents along the river was struck by shot, it ‘“‘would be his duty to interfere.” The Mondego and her consort lorchas immediately departed for Shanghai. Writing on 24 August, Cooke concluded his account by remarking, “The Canton fleet is still either engaged in convoying or at anchor in the river; and, to the great comfort of the merchants and missionaries, so also is the Nimrod.”’ 160

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So this was the atmosphere in Ningpo during Hart’s tour of duty there—only one actual battle, but a series of provocative episodes. The convoy business, the depredations of piracy, a good deal of ambiguously illicit trade on the part of genuine traders, along with the coming and going of ships from Shanghai to pick up goods from the interior—all this was increasingly familiar to Hart as he became the one British junior officer who could update the four successive consuls. We know that he grew in self-confidence and skill, that he became more adept at dealing with Chinese officials (and increasingly in their own language), more aware of both the pitfalls and the opportunities of foreign trade. It was a fortunate training ground for the future Inspector General. THE FOREIGN INSPECTORATE OF CUSTOMS AT SHANGHAI

Meanwhile, in Shanghai, developments were under way that were soon to impinge upon Hart’s own career. On 1 June 1855, just be-

fore the break in his journal, he had written, ““Lay nominated for inspector, vice Wade’’—a significant event and one that calls for further background. From a relatively unimportant status at the time of the opening of the first five treaty ports in 1842, Shanghai had grown steadily, both in population and in trading importance. A few figures shed light on the transformation. In 1842, the treaty year, there were some 259 Western merchants (adult male civilians) in all of China; by 1850, the impetus to trade had boosted the total to 994—404 in Hong Kong, 362 in Canton, and 141 in Shanghai. By 1855, a year after Hart’s arrival in China, Shanghai had gained ground at the cost of the two larger cities: 377 in Hong Kong, 334 in Canton, and > 243 in Shanghai (including 30 Protestant missionaries). In the first year after Shanghai was open, 44 foreign ships (8,584 tons) entered the port; in 1855 the figure had risen to 437 (157,191 tons) of which 249 were British and 96 American.’ Duty collected, both import and export, in 1855 amounted to $2,270,884 (a figure probably short of revealing the scope of the trade because of confusion in reporting, as will become clear). Until 1860, only three nations had consuls in Shanghai—the British (whose Consulate opened in Novem-

ber 1843), the American (represented by Henry Wolcott and others of Russell & Co. until the first official consul arrived in 1854), and the French (whose consul came on the scene in January 1847). The other powers were represented by “merchant consuls.”

161

From September 1853 to February 1855, as we have already

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seen, the Chinese city was in the hands of the rebels; it had been so

when Hart spent a fortnight at the British Consulate en route to Ningpo. With that takeover, the functions of the Customs House ceased. The Chinese Maritime Customs, established at Shanghai in

1685 and now housed in a red and white Chinese temple set in a row of foreign mercantile establishments, had grown in importance as the trade of the port increased—a growth of unprecedented magnitude after Shanghai was opened to foreign trade as a treaty | port in 1843. The official in charge was the taotai of the Su-Sung- ~ T’ai circuit, a region comprising a population of several millions; the

collection of duties at Shanghai was for him only one of many responsibilities. With an inadequate staff and an inheritance of longestablished routines of ‘‘squeeze’’—in which the majority of Western merchants were willing to acquiesce—he was manifestly unable to provide adequate administration. In the 1840s, therefore, early customs procedures were worked out and superintended by the consul

in order to ensure an equal application of the treaty tariff to all merchants—one of the great desiderata of the pre-treaty period at Canton. This effort to ensure equal customs treatment as a basis for free trade was a fundamental aim of British policy. But the consul alone was concerned about it, while the Chinese customs collectors and the merchants were quite willing to connive in defrauding the revenue. This produced what the British merchants called “‘consular interference’? to protect the Chinese revenue against smuggling. The British consuls knew that evasion of duties would in the long run injure British trade, but Chinese official laxity was soon matched by foreign connivance. By 1850, it was said that the evasion of legal _ duties had become so great as to invalidate completely the consular returns of export trade. In Ningpo, half the fairly small trade was estimated to have been smuggled; in Amoy a comparison of mer-

chants’ receipts and consuls’ returns from the customs showed a diversion into some official’s pocket of several thousand taels.'° There was, moreover, on the British side a fear of American competition. With the repeal of the Navigation Acts in 1849, the British

tea trade was thrown open at last to the American clippers, the fastest sailing vessels yet constructed. In 1850, the clipper Oriental

sailed from China to New York with a cargo of tea in the record time of 81 days. The first British clipper was yet to be built. Since American ships already carried almost half the trade of Shanghai, the prospect was one to send a shiver of apprehension across the British community. Certainly the last thing a British merchant needed was to be penalized by the threat of consular interference for 162

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the prevention of smuggling. Other events, such as the case of the

Lady Mary Wood (her master tried before a consular court for smuggling), underlined the merchants’ consensus that the role of the consul should be a passive one, responding only to action initi-

. ated by others. Thus, by gradual degrees, the treaty system, never wholly effective, by 1851 faced total breakdown.

Rutherford Alcock, a key figure in the coming customs transfomation, had gone to Shanghai as British Consul in 1846 at the age

of 37, after short terms at Amoy and at Foochow. His service between 1846 and the seizure of the Chinese city had thus entailed a thorough immersion in all aspects of the problems of an expanding foreign trade. An enthusiastic and forceful man, he had written brilliant dispatches, forwarded by the British Superintendent of Trade Bonham to Palmerston at the Foreign Office, advocating the use of force to defend at all costs the legitimacy of British commerce—*‘‘our primary consideration in China.”’ He had dealt with the cases of the Lady Mary Wood and the John Dugdale. He was a wholehearted advocate of commercial imperialism, and he was two months distant by mail from the British policy-makers in Whitehall. The pace of events in the 1850s was such that a man im the field was seldom allowed the luxury of marking time until instructions from home could reach his desk. On 7 September 1853, the birthday of Confucius and the day of the uprising, Wu Chien-chang, the man who was then Shanghai taotai (formerly a Canton merchant known as Samqua), left his yamen to the mercy of the mobs and went into hiding. Not only was his treasury looted and dispersed, but at dusk the rabble broke into the Chinese Custom House and completely gutted it. In the harbor at the moment were 10 British, 11 American, and 5 or 6 other foreign ships nearly ready to sail. The question then was, should they wait for official clearance? From whom? Should they pay duties or go free? Pay duties to whom? Alcock, well able to size up the situation in all its implications, met the crisis with forthright common sense. In a dispatch to Bonham in Hong Kong, he summed up the British dilemma: “If I let the ships depart without taking any measures for verifying the amount of duties and obtaining security for their final payment, British interest would be protected at the expense of Chinese, contrary to the express provisions of the Treaty. If on the other side I detained the vessel until a Custom-House should be re-established for the issue of a Grand Chop, Irun the risk of totally sacrificing British property and trade for the benefit of a Government no longer in a position to 163

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

fulfil the conditions of that Treaty, and which might before long cease to exist. Neither alternative could be accepted.’’"’

Intent on preserving a legal treaty basis for the continuance of trade, Alcock therefore inaugurated the Provisional System, under which vessels could leave without the customs port clearance provided by treaty, but only after giving promissory notes to their consuls. He and the American Commissioner (that is, Minister) Humphrey

Marshall, on 9 September issued notifications to their nationals to this effect. The British rules, however, contained a phrase not found in the American; inserted, Alcock later claimed, at the insistence of the merchants while he was ill: The notes would be payable “pro-

vided the sanction of H.B.M.’s government to that effect be received.” (A shrewd proviso, as it turned out; Hart’s journal entry for 23 February 1855 recorded Sir John Bowring’s reluctant return of their bonds to the Shanghai merchants.) From his superior, Bonham in Hong Kong, Alcock asked approval or guidance; Bonham in turn requested it from the Foreign Office. Four and a half months were to elapse before an answer made its way back to Shanghai. The British Foreign Office was in 1853 far more focused upon decisions relating to the Crimea than upon those relating to China. Hence Clarendon, as Foreign Minister, followed the easiest and least time-consuming route by accepting the counsel of the Board of Trade, based upon complaints from the merchants

In the Chamber of Commerce at Shanghai. Indeed he took over the exact wording of their recommendation for his message to Bonham: If a Chinese government should be reestablished at Shanghai, either by the rebels or by the imperial authorities, the duty payments held by Alcock in promissory notes should be paid over to it; otherwise they should be given back to the merchants. By this time, however, affairs in Shanghai had inevitably shifted.

After about a month in hiding, Wu Chien-chang decided it was both safe and expedient to raise the question of his reinstatement as superintendent of customs. This he did on 10 October in a communication to both the American and British consuls. Alcock, however, excluded him from the foreign settlement, on the ground that his known conniving with the rebels would imperil foreign neutrality and that it was well known he was using his connections with foreign firms to build up his own monopolies and, in general, to flout the provisions of the treaties. In short, Alcock refused to recognize the taotai’s authority and insisted on a continuation of

the Provisional System. But here he parted company with the

164 ,

American consul who, believing the resumption of duty collections

INSPECTORATE OF CUSTOMS—SHANGHAI

to be an expression of faith in the treaties, was willing to accept Wu as customs superintendent if not as taotai. Indeed Marshall, on 24 October, announced to the American merchants that, as of 28 October, the Provisional Regulations would cease; in so doing he expected a return to the Chinese collection of duties. In response, Wu declared that he was stationing one or two boats in the river off Putung Point, where he proposed to transact customs

business until the city was restored to a condition for normal customs collections as before. Until that time, he requested the continuance of the Provisional System. But, for many reasons, among them foreign self-defense along that stretch of the river, the floating custom house could not function and soon disappeared. Foreign vessels other than American and British left port completely untaxed; for a time, American ships gave promissory notes. Alcock waited to

hear from Bonham; Bonham waited to hear from London. Meanwhile, Marshall departed for Canton, and his Vice-Consul, Cunningham, went to Foochow on business, leaving as deputy an assistant who was also an assistant in Russell & Co.

In such circumstances, the result was, predictably, demoralization. Between 9 September 1853, and 9 February 1854, 84 vessels departed from the port of Shanghai, none of which had paid duties in specie. Nine had given no promise to pay; all but one of the rest had given their respective consuls promissory notes of dubious value. In January 1854, Humphrey Marshall sailed for home, having for his part declared Shanghai a free port as of 20 January. But, on 9 Feb-

ruary, the floating custom house of Wu Taotai, which had so far never functioned, stirred into life with a joint notification to the consuls of the three treaty powers (Alcock, Cunningham, Edan) of its existence. There ensued, as one might expect, a period of disarray; some vessels sailed untaxed, some transferred goods to nearby

Woosung to be shipped thence free, some made under-the-counter bargains with Wu. Never one to see British shipping put at a dis-

advantage, Alcock demanded for it the same terms of clearance granted to others. In effect, as of April 1854 Shanghai became a free port.

But, if Alcock was an enthusiastic backer of British trade, he was also a planner and a statesman. The collapse of the customs administration, undermining as it did the treaty system, was not a phenomenon to be suffered indefinitely. By good fortune at this juncture he became one of a group of people who not only possessed

statesmanlike views but who could also work together. The first genuine U.S. Consul at Shanghai, Robert C. Murphy (Marshall as 165

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

Commissioner was not specifically appointed to Shanghai), began his duties there on 6 March. A week later, the new U.S. Commissioner to China, Robert M. McLane, reached Hong Kong, where he was joined on 13 April by the newly appointed British Minister, Sir John Bowring. They all agreed with Alcock that, unless regularity could be established in the next few months (the beginning of the tea season), the trade of Shanghai would be diverted elsewhere. In a memorandum of 1 May to the newly returned Bowring (from home leave, having served as Consul at Canton since 1849), Alcock gave first expression to the idea of a foreign Inspectorate of Customs: “IT do not relinquish all hope of success,”’ he wrote, “7f the collection

of duties can in any way be brought under the effective control of the Three Treaty Powers as to the executive of the Customs House Administration.”? McLane had interviews with Chi-er-hang-a and

: with Wu Chien-chang; in May he made trips to Ningpo and Foochow, and he sailed up the Yangtze. He finally, late in June, had an interview with I-liang, the Nanking Governor General, an experienced and trustworthy official. The stage was set for an agreement on a functioning Customs Service. Before he left, McLane conferred with Bowring and read a new and detailed dispatch of 15 June from Alcock, setting forth proposals for the actual running of a Customs Service headed by a “‘trustworthy Foreign Inspector of Customs.”’'”

At this point, we begin to catch reflections of these events in Hart’s journals, for the new interpreter at the Shanghai Consulate in April 1854 was Horatio Nelson Lay. The events of 1853 and early 1854, described above, exhausting as they were for everyone concerned, necessitated a shuffling of personnel. Thomas T. Meadows

(the brother of John at Ningpo and the regular interpreter for _ Shanghai) left China on home leave to recover his health. Alcock himself was in poor health, often confined to his bed, and the wonder is that he accomplished so much against such odds. His Vice-Consul, Thomas Francis Wade, a Sinologist of preeminent accomplishment, thus had had to take on the added duties of interpreter, duties especially demanding, since Alcock himself was without competence in the language. With so much to be done and so much at stake in the continued negotiations over treaty interpre- _ tation and customs administration, Alcock made a desperate appeal to Bowring for help. The latter, newly returned from his own home leave, had been contemplating the appointment of Lay as Assistant Chinese Secretary at the Superintendency of Trade, but, in response to this acute shortage of interpreters at Shanghai, sent him off there instead.

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INSPECTORATE OF CUSTOMS—SHANGHAI

H.N. Lay and his younger brother, William Hyde Lay, were two of the first people Hart met on his arrival at Shanghai en route to Ningpo on Sunday, 7 October 1854. “What a boyish vice-consul!”’ he wrote in his journal. “I understand he is two and twenty years of age; he does not look more than nineteen.” But, though Lay was a mere three years older than Hart, he was far ahead of him in knowledge of the country, the British service, and the paths toward advancement. In China already seven years, he had held appointments in the Superintendency of Trade at Hong Kong since he was 15. His apprenticeship in the language, begun under Charles Giitzlaff, Chinese Secretary at the Superintendency, and continued under Wade, had been thorough and effective. He had tested it and sharpened it

by a stint as interpreter for the Hong Kong Police and Supreme

Courts. Young as he was, he was thus one of a handful of Englishmen in

China at the time who were capable of interpreting in the give and

take of discussion; W.H. Medhurst, Jr., Parkes, Wade, Sinclair, Gingell, M.C. Morrison, all his seniors, were the others. Lay had already been taken by Sir George Bonham on his round of farewell visits to the treaty ports in February and March 1854. On his assignment to Shanghai, other unusual opportunities opened before him. When Bowring and McLane, unable to get satisfaction from the Chinese officials in their area, decided to send the senior linguists of their missions to Tientsin in an attempt to open negotiations with Peking, Bowring had to fall back on the services of Lay. Thus, from mid-June to mid-July, it was Lay who dealt with Wu Chien-chang and, more important, with Chi-erh-hang-a. (It is worth noting that, when, on October 10 of that year, Hart accompanied a party of English people up the river from Shanghai to the camp of the governor general, Lay was in the party to translate for Alcock. Hart at that time, of course, knew no Chinese at all.) Out of the discussions of June and July came the establishment of a foreign administration of the Shanghai Maritime Customs. On 21 June, I-lang, in return apparently for a promise that back duties would be paid in whole or in part, agreed that the Chinese superintendent of customs at Shanghai should conclude an arrangement with the consuls of the three treaty powers for the administration of customs at that port on a permanent basis. The subsequent conference a week later between Taotai Wu Chien-chang, British Consul Alcock, American Consul Murphy, and French Consul Edan saw an elaboration of Alcock’s scheme set forth in his memorandum of 15 June—and, in effect, the birth of a foreign Inspectorate of Customs. 167

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The system was to begin on 12 July, and the foreign community was so notified a week in advance. Though originally Arthur Smith, the interpreter at the French Consulate, had been suggested as the

inspector mentioned in Alcock’s proposal, the taotai requested nominations from all three powers for a Board of Inspectors. Accordingly, Wade, the British Vice-Consul, and Lewis Carr of the American Legation, were added. The system was a success. It relieved the consuls of the vexatious

details of a service for which they did not want responsibility; it provided a predictable set of rules for the merchants; it stood on its own as a revenue-producing agency. To head it, however, demanded administrative skills of a somewhat different order from those of the foreign service. Smith and Carr both remained on the staffs of their Consulates, regarding their customs responsibilities as subsidiary to their diplomatic duties. Wade, who had accepted the appointment hoping mainly to extend his knowledge of Chinese, had inserted the

proviso that he return to consular service if he found the work uncongenial. And, as early as October, he made known his wish to resign. He was persuaded to remain until May 1855 to give time for | the selection of a successor. Nothing was done about his replacement indeed until early in the

year of 1855. Both Alcock and Wade regarded Lay as the obvious and satisfactory candidate for the vacancy. Bowring, however, whose

candidate was Gingell, hoped to avoid an incipient conflict by appointing Lay to the interpretership at Canton. But in this he was opposed not only by Alcock and Wade but by the mercantile community of Shanghai (supposedly canvassed by them) and by the Chinese authorities Chi-er-hang-a and the acting Taotai, Lan Weiwen (whom Lay persuaded to address Bowring directly in support of his candidacy). For two months, from mid-March to mid-May, Bowring was away from Hong Kong negotiating treaties with the small kingdoms of Southeast Asia, and, on his return, he conceded

that he had been outmaneuvered. On 30 May, Lay received his approval for succession to Wade’s post; on 31 May, Wade resigned; on 1 June, Lay took up his duties as British Inspector of Customs. That same day, Hart, writing in his journal, remarked: “Dispatches came yesterday. Sir John has returned from Siam . .. Lay nominated for Inspectorship, vice Wade, at Shanghae.”’

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THE STRUGGLE AT CANTON

THE STRUGGLE AT CANTON

The strengthening of the foreign position at Shanghai in 1854, when the international settlement was organized under the Shanghai Municipal Council, left the chief focus of Sino-foreign friction still at Canton. When Hart was transferred there in early 1858 he began

to participate in the triangular power struggle that characterized Chinese politics in the 1850s and 1860s. The British, French, and other Westerners were only one of the three parties. The others were the central government of the Ch’ing (Manchu) dynasty and its upper class and urban local supporters, on the one hand, and the forces of rebellion, mainly drawn from the countryside, on the other. , At Canton, this three-way contest centered about the governor general of the two Kuang provinces who was also imperial commissioner for foreign affairs. First Hsu Kuang-chin and then Yeh Mingch’en filled this post. But Yeh was the principal figure, having been Governor of Kwangtung from 1848 and becoming Governor General of the two provinces from 1852. The British invaders were a minor

problem compared with the Taipings and other rebels that he had to face. Suppression of rebellion by fighting and killing rebels was Yeh’s principal achievement during the 1850s. He did it by mobilizing the local gentry leadership to set up self-defense militia units that would deny food and recruits to the rebels while his imperial forces under aggressive commanders defeated the rebel armies with ereat slaughter. *° Unlike the lawlessness at Ningpo, which was due to crime—lIarge-

scale, to be sure, but not organized as rebellion—the disorder of the

1850s at Canton was connected directly or indirectly with the rebellion of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. When the Taiping proclaimed itself a new dynasty in early 1851 in Kwangsi province, not far to the west of Canton, it was only the most prominent of many local military groups. But it emerged as a focus and rallying point for widespread armed risings. Thus the southernmost provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangsi in the early and mid-1850s suffered a breakdown of local order that inevitably endangered the foreign trade at Canton.

The turning point in the triangular power struggle would come when the central government, instead of continuing to face both rebels within and invaders from without, found about 1860 that it could appease the foreigners with trade and diplomatic concessions and so get foreign help to suppress the rebels. This it did, and in the process it found it useful to expand the Shanghai foreign Inspectorate of Customs to all the ports. 169

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This simple summary, however, does not do justice to the many issues and struggles of a very confused period. On the imperial side were two policy positions: one of simple xenophobia that resented the foreign invasion, the other more statesmanlike which saw much to learn from the foreigners’ military technology and also saw how

the foreign interest in trade could lead to foreign support of the dynasty. The latter view was held especially by certain Manchu officials who were themselves aware that Chinese xenophobia in the modern guise of Chinese (Han) nationalism could turn against the Manchu (Ch’ing) dynasty itself. The contest between British expansion and Cantonese xenophobia was thus a sideshow in the larger scene. British demands once again

began with diplomacy. The American treaty of 1844 was to be open to revision in twelve years, that is, in 1856. But, by the mostfavored-nation clause, the British treaty of 1842 should be open to revision in 1854. The envoys of all three treaty powers began repeated efforts to locate and meet with responsible officials who ~ would have been delegated power to negotiate. First ventures were directed at Yeh Ming-ch’en, who since 1852 had been Imperial Commissioner for Foreign Affairs at Canton, an official highly regarded by the Throne. The practice of politely ignoring foreign representatives had, however, been brought to a high degree of polish through constant use by Yeh. Bowring, for example, on his arrival in 1854, applied for a meeting with the Imperial Commissioner, who replied

that, “having just now the management of military operations in various provinces, my time is completely occupied, but, when I obtain a little leisure, I will certainly select an auspicious day for meeting your Excellency.” Later, after further correspondence, Yeh proposed meeting Bowring in a packing warehouse by the river, an opportunity naturally and foreseeably declined. A series of such contretemps convinced the envoys that applica-

tion must be made in the north, that attempts must be made to reach Peking. Accordingly, we have seen Bowring in Shanghai in September 1854 on one such expedition. Bowring and McLane had frank conferences with Chi-er-hang-a on 30 September and 3 October, but were still told that only Yeh had full power to negotiate

and that they should return to Canton. Persisting nevertheless, they left im October for the Peiho, but there they were treated with the studied discourtesy accorded unwelcome guests. Bowring and McLane reported to their governments the impossibility of revision

until the application could be supported by a show of force. No further attempts were made until 1856. 170

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The people of Canton, in the interim, were renewing their acts of resistance against foreigners. The apparatus that mobilized village

militia under gentry leaders against rebels could be turned also against the Western invaders. Placards appeared, warning foreigners that if they entered the city they would be killed; two Englishmen riding outside the city were stoned. Minor incidents occurred, others more serious in the outlying regions. Foreign representatives became increasingly frustrated: repeatedly told by the Chinese government

that they could treat only with Commissioner Yeh, yet repeatedly refused a hearing by that gentleman.

Into the atmosphere so charged came, on 8 October 1856, the episode of the lorcha Arrow. Consul Harry Parkes had returned from leave in London with an evident understanding that coercion again would be necessary against the Chinese government. He reported that the Arrow, lying off the City of Canton and ready to sail, was flying the British ensign when she was boarded by 4 Chinese officers and about 60 soldiers; that her master, an Englishman named

Thomas Kennedy, was at the moment visiting on another lorcha nearby, but returned in time to rehoist the British flag and to protest the seizure of his crew of 12 Chinese by the boarding party; but

that his expostulation was in vain. So too was the visit of Consul Parkes to the guard boat while the prisoners were still on board. The facts of the case, thus alleged, were taken as a casus belli, though

a recent look at the evidence casts doubt on them, particularly on the question whether the Arrow was really flying the British flag. '* The aggressive Parkes, in any case, asserted he would not take an insult lying down and demanded that the men be taken to the Consulate for examination. He was refused. A written protest to Commissioner Yeh insisting upon public atonement for so public an insult produced only the reply that a notorious pirate had been on board and presumably the rest of the crew implicated, that the lorcha was owned by a Chinese and consequently not entitled to the use of the British flag. As a matter of fact, the Arrow’s Hong Kong sailing permit had expired.

Out of this incident grew the second Anglo-Chinese War. The question at issue, a small matter at first, grew in importance as other grievances found expression along with its repetition. All the frustrations of the preceding years began to come to a climax. Commissioner Yeh clung to his obstinate refusal to recognize foreign representatives or to make any concessions to them. When Parkes, on 21 October, demanded acquiescence in the British claims presented earlier, Yeh replied with a repetition of his previous statement. | 171

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No apology being offered, the British naval forces under Admiral Seymour during the last week of October took the various forts lining the approaches to Canton and breached the city wall m front of the Imperial Commissioner’s yamen. On the 28th, Yeh issued a proclamation calling upon the people and soldiers “‘to unite in exterminating these troublesome English villains,’’ and offering a bounty of 30 dollars a head for dead Englishmen. So far, the British had been alone, the Americans and the French having instructions from their governments to maintain neutrality. Though the American McLane wrote home that ‘‘diplomatic intercourse can only be had with this government at the cannon’s mouth,”’

the American President had to bear in mind that only the Congress can declare a foreign war. Yet all three powers, joined by Russia as a fourth, were now united in demanding an improvement in commercial and diplomatic privileges. Though Russia and America were strictly enjoined to use moral suasion only, France now found casus bellt in her role as protector of the Catholic Church. The judicial murder of the missionary Pére Chapdelaine in February 1856, news of which reached Canton only five months later, gave a reason for the French to join the British in their demands for reparation. Indeed the matter was first discussed in London between Lord Clarendon and the French Ambassador, who agreed upon a

joint demand for reparation in the murder of Pére Chapdelaine, and a joint expedition to the mouth of the Peiho to press for satisfaction for acts of hostility committed at Canton and elsewhere, and for the revision of treaties. This was in October 1856, before news of the Arrow incident had reached London, along with word about the reprisals subsequently undertaken. So long as negotiations in China were to follow more or less the pattern of the last ten years, it was the intention of the British and French governments to leave their conduct in the hands of the already appointed representatives, Sir John Bowring and M. de Bourboulon. But the news of the Arrow and Admiral Seymour’s actions signified a deepening crisis

and one to be dealt with at a higher level. The Earl of Elgin was accordingly appointed High Commissioner and Plenipotentiary by the British government, Baron Gros to a like position by the French. The demands formulated by the British government for Elgin’s

guidance in 1857 included: reparation for injuries to British and French subjects; complete execution of the treaty stipulations at Canton and elsewhere; the residence of the British plenipotentiary in Peking and recognition of his right to communicate in writing with high officers there; revision of the treaties to permit increased 172

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facilities for trade, including the opening of new ports. With these and more detailed instructions in hand, Elgin arrived in Hong Kong on 2 July 1857, Baron Gros not until October. Both England and France were exhausted from the strains of the Crimean War, ended a scant year before with the Congress of Paris in March 1856. In addition, English troops returning to India from battles in Persia were met by the Mutiny, which had erupted in May 1857 and was not to be wholly subdued for nearly a year. News of the outbreak reached Elgin while he was en route to Hong Kong, along with a plea from the British governor general for diversion to

India of troops intended for China. Forthwith two regiments of Elgin’s troops were sent from Singapore. Later, from Hong Kong, he sent to Calcutta two more ships and a contingent of marines. Though replacements were ordered from England, it would be November or December before they could arrive. Baron Gros, for his part, having left Europe later than Elgin, would not arrive in China until autumn. Informed to this effect, Elgin used the time from 16 July to 20 September in a visit to Calcutta. Thus, the summer of 1857, as far as diplomacy was concerned, was a period of marking time.

, The British navy, however, continued its activities. In May, a gunboat expedition attacked Chinese war-junks in Escape Creek, a northern outlet of the East River. In June was fought the battle of Fatshan Creek (12 miles above Canton in the West River delta), a hotly contested undertaking, which in the end resulted in victory for the British Commodore Harry Keppel and the total destruction of some 160 war-junks. By August, Admiral Seymour felt able to establish a blockade of: the port and river of Canton; in December, his example would be followed by the French Admiral Rigault de Genouilly. One of the first decisions facing Elgin on his arrival in July 1857 had been whether to follow his instructions to the letter and proceed immediately north to the Peiho, in order to put pressure on Peking by operations in its own vicinity, leaving Canton to be dealt with later; or whether to attack Canton first. Admiral Seymour strongly

urged the latter course, insisting that Canton could be dealt with only in Canton, and not by negotiation in the north; that indeed the only realistic way to deal with Canton was by its reduction and the humiliation of the Canton braves. Otherwise, the Chinese would be confirmed in their belief in its impregnability, “‘on which,”’ he declared, “‘rests the whole system of the exclusiveness and arrogance towards strangers.”’ 173

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES | To follow either course, however, Elgin required the backing of his French counterpart. Baron Gros, who arrived in Hong Kong on 12 October. The outstanding French concern was compensation for

the murder of Pére Chapdelaine, and a month of interviews was sufficient to demonstrate to Gros the “‘complete denial of justice”’

on the part of Yeh. Since, by this time, it was too late to plan an expedition to the Peiho, which froze in November, the decision was narrowed, and immediate action in Canton readily agreed upon. Accordingly, on 10 December, Sir John Bowring and M. de Bourboulon (still the accredited representatives of their governments) notified Yeh of the appointment of the special ambassadors in whose

hands the future conduct of affairs would rest, and two days later Elgin and Gros dispatched simultaneous notes to the High Commissioner under a flag of truce. Yeh’s replies were predictable—‘‘evasive

and unsatisfactory,’ as his correspondents informed him on the 24th. Meanwhile, Seymour had taken and occupied the last forts on Honam Point facing Canton. When Yeh returned another answer equally disdainful, the die was cast. At 6 a.m. on 28 December, the bombardment of Canton from the ships of the two fleets was begun; by afternoon of the following day, the city was firmly held by the

Allies.

Though it was firmly held, no one surrendered, no one offered submission. On 30 December and 1 January, Howqua and other Chinese merchants proposed to Elgin through interviews with T. F. Wade, his interpreter, joint arrangements for policing the city. But - from Commissioner Yeh came no proposal for terms of peace or for the safety of the people in his charge. And from the people of Canton came the same passive resistance they had shown in the past. , The way to break the stalemate seemed to be by the removal of Yeh, at once the symbol and the source of continued resistance. On 4 January 1858, therefore, a detachment guided by Consul Parkes arrested Commissioner Yeh, found in hiding at the yamen of the Tartar General. For a month or more he was kept at Whampoa on H.M. steam sloop Inflexible, but, to avert the danger of his becoming the nucleus of intrigue if he remained in the vicinity, he was sent in February to Calcutta, where he was provided with a house in the suburbs and where a year later he died. Though documents found among his papers proved that he had acted throughout with the full approval of the Court, his actual capture finally brought an edict of

degradation and the appointment of Huang Tsung-han as Canton Viceroy and Imperial Commissioner. In Hart’s journal, we trace Huang’s wandering and slow-footed journey south; in October 1858, 174

SINO-FOREIGN GOVERNMENT OF CANTON

Hart was still translating dispatches to him and sending them north. Actually Huang was the forefront of a grand strategy of rousing the gentry-led militia to expel the foreigners from the Canton scene and recapture the city. Imperial policy was operating on two levels, one aiming at military expulsion, the other at seeming appeasement. SINO-FOREIGN GOVERNMENT OF CANTON

_ On the line of appeasement, the government of the City of Canton and of its province fell to the lot of Po-kuei (Pih Kwei), titular Governor of Kwangtung. Since obviously the Allies could not themselves govern the native city with its population of “‘many hundred thousand inhabitants,’’ as Elgin put it in a dispatch to Clarendon, ‘or deprive the whole province of Kwangtung of its government and thus expose a population of many millions of souls to the evils of anarchy,” they decided to restore Po-kuei to his government, but

under suitable restrictions; that is, according to H.B. Morse, to tether him “‘by a string, one end of which was in the hands of a commission representing the allies.””'> Early in January, letters were exchanged between the Allied commanders and Po-kuei stating the conditions under which he was restored to his functions as governor;

and a proclamation issued by the commanders and another by Pokuei stating that the city remained under the control of the Allies but that the government was entrusted to Po-kuei. Another exchange of letters with the Tartar General ensured the demobilization of the Manchu garrison. Terms included the appointment of a commission by the Allies to “‘assist the governor in maintaining order’’ and to

patrol the city; the proscription of proclamations issued by the governor until sealed with the seal of the commission; and the surrender of all arms and military stores. The Allied Commission that governed Canton for the three years

1858, 1859, 1860 was a beginning of Sino-foreign, cooperative administration. Po-kuei was of Mongol origin, loyal first of all to — the Manchu Throne. But he had been many years at Canton, since the late 1840s, and knew the local scene. As he continued under foreign compulsion to represent the imperial power, he faced a rival

in the governor general appointed by Peking to come south and recover Canton from the foreigners. This man, Huang Tsung-han, inherited the apparatus and connections that the doughty Yeh Mingch’en had had with the Cantonese gentry. Together they mounted a campaign of harassment of the Anglo-French occupation, looking to larger attacks and final expulsion of the foreigners. 175

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

Meantime, the Allied Commission consisted of three members: Colonel Thomas Holloway, Captain F. Martineau des Chavez, and Harry S. Parkes, all of whom appear many times in the pages of Hart’s journal. They had under their command a patrolling force of 100 English soldiers and 30 French, in addition to a police force of Chinese which they themselves organized, 700 for the city, 600 for the suburbs. Though the Commission undertook to administer justice to Westerners, it left control of the Chinese to their own authorities— under close observation, that is. The blockade was lifted in February 1858. Po-kuei was occasionally restive, as we read in Hart’s diary, and must have been apprehensive as to whether he was playing his

cards correctly in the eyes of Peking; hence his eagerness to turn over the seals of office as soon as possible to Huang (see the journal

entry for 28 April 1858). It was not an easy role to play, between the Scylla of the Chinese Court and the Charybdis of so spirited and un-Chinese an official as Harry Parkes. For Parkes, as the energetic and activist member of the Commission, the only one thoroughly conversant with the language and Chinese manners, was “‘practically governor of Canton.”’ It was he who

rushed about with a handful of soldiers (and sometimes Hart as a willing participant) tracking down rumors of stores of arms; who, finding a street gate shut, would dash into a shop and drag out by his pigtail the man who refused to open it; who would face down his fellow-commissioner Holloway when he ordered Hart to a court hearing as interpreter after Parkes had ordered him to stay in the office. It was Parkes, too, who found Elgin too soft, and did not - hesitate to say so. Told that Po-kuei was playing off braves and villagers against Westerners so that no one was safe a mile from Canton, he wrote his brother-in-law, the plenipotentiaries reacted by ordering that no one should go a mile from the city! One can hear his snort of disgust. Behind the contest between British aggressiveness and Cantonese xenophobia, which has thus far filled the history books, there was a

different drama which is still waiting to be fully told. This was the more constructive cooperation of Anglo-French and Ch’ing officials in the administration of a large city. Their main effort was to maintain law and order, and much of Hart’s interpreting was in connection

with Allied retaliation against the harassment of the anti-foreign movement. Since the Allied Commission governed Canton in the name of the imperial officials, Hart was the channel for handling | Chinese official documents as well as Sino-foreign conversations. No apprenticeship could have been more demanding, or instructive. At 176

THE RISE OF H.N. LAY

the same time, he was involved in facilitating another major Sinoforeign effort, the revival of Canton’s foreign trade. This brought him into intimate contact with the Hoppo or Superintendent of Customs, a Manchu named Heng-ch’i, who lent him horses to ride and a few years later would be one of Hart’s superiors in Peking. Foreign trade was, after all, the primary interest that Chinese and

foreigners had in common. We have seen how much of a British Consulate’s concern was for trade, even at Ningpo. Once the foreign-

inspectorate principle had proved its worth at Shanghai, Sir John Bowring tried repeatedly to see it extended to the other ports. To far-sighted administrators it was already evident that, while the persons of British subjects could be protected by HBM’s consuls, the even flow of their trade could be best served by foreign Inspectors of Customs. The essential elements of the eventual treaty system were becoming more clearly visible. Elgin and Gros had already turned from Canton to the principal —

object of their mission—negotiating with the Court at Peking and securing the revision of the treaties. To this end they addressed simultaneous notes to the “Senior Secretary of State’’ at Peking; the American and Russian ministers, shown the text of these communications, agreed to draw up similar notes of their own. All were taken to Shanghai by Laurence Oliphant and the Vicomte de Contades, secretaries to the British and French missions. THE RISE OF H.N. LAY

The Sino-foreign confrontation of 1858 gave opportunity to one British interpreter in particular. Horatio Nelson Lay, who had in June 1855 taken over Wade’s position as British Inspector of Customs at Shanghai, was a young man on the make. While the Service was young and ill-defined, Wade with his customary zeal and insight had got certain principles agreed to—for example, that a foreign inspector when active as a Chinese official must be treated as such by

his own consul; in his official capacity he was not subject to the consul’s jurisdiction. This of course would consign coming generations of consuls and Customs commissioners like dogs and cats to possible strife and rivalry; in time they learned how to respect each others’ functions. But, in these early days, the foreign inspector’s situation was not easy. His authority was uncertain, foreign merchants were ready to test the limits of his power, and Chinese officials needed time to appreciate his value to their revenue. The situation called for a man of brass and steam, whose energy and 177

HART GROWS WITH THE TIMES

ageressiveness could establish his role as watchdog of the Emperor’s fiscal interest. H. N. Lay was well suited to the task.

One of his assets was his grasp of the Chinese language. When Oliphant (Elgin’s private secretary) and de Contades arrived in Shanghai on 20 February 1858, they found that at the Chinese New Year no official with access to Peking was in residence. After con-

sultation with their consuls they therefore determined to deliver their notes directly to the governor at the provincial seat of Soochow, and at the last minute invited Lay to accompany them. The trip passed off well. Lay’s acquaintance with the Governor Chao Te-ch’e greatly facilitated contact when they saw him on 26 February. One suspects that Lay was at his best and most agreeable in a situation where he was without question the most knowledgeable person at hand. Oliphant, who rejoined Elgin at Ningpo after a side trip of several days to the environs of Soochow with Lay as guide, was loud in his commendation of Lay’s services. The replies from Peking reached Shanghai on 25 March and took

the usual line—that negotiations could be pursued only at Canton. Elgin and Gros, however, refused to be put off and proceeded to Tientsin with a formidable expeditionary force in a large fleet of ships.

When Elgin left Shanghai in April 1858, therefore, it was with Thomas Wade and H.N. Lay as his interpreters—one official and one, Lay, of somewhat ambiguous status, since he continued to be an employee of the Chinese government. After the British party, together with the French, Russian, and American, met the two Chinese envoys in Tientsin, however, it was Lay who took the initiative. Lay was by nature aggressive and had a temper, as Hart was to discover and record in his journal in Peking; and, as the spokesman for the Allied show of force, he gave it free play during the negotia-

tions, assuming a domineering tone designed to achieve consensus by vehemence rather than by argument, even ending by a threat in Lord Elgin’s name of a resumption of hostilities. The foreign envoys themselves did not meet the Chinese in the interval between their first ceremonial visits during the first week in June, and the signing . of the treaties on 29-30 June 1858. Although the Chinese plenipo-

tentiaries protested to the neutral envoys that Lay had insulted them, and the Russian Count Putiatin privately passed word along “to urge Lord Elgin to advise his representative, Mr. Lay, to refrain from adopting measures of violence not in keeping with the high

position of the plenipotentiaries,’’ Elgin regretfully deemed the methods appropriate. “We went on fighting and bullying,” he wrote 178

a

, THE RISE OF H.N. LAY

a1)99

lat ‘fand tti th missi ers t concede one point , , af hanotner. ” Th British he tne dipl tic battl t Ti tsin, e britisn won Ipiomatic Daltlle F as } | thaiter h d th ilit b ttl t Cant but the ill aill1enndered : by Lay S performance was not orgiven im. | Meanwhile, Robert Hart, 1 M h 1858 had b | de 2nd ,

S] itl in C H ived 20M h

assistant at the British onsulate in Canton. e€ arrived on arcn, . | IS journal Deginning in meaias res, aiter 1ts ree-year interval, wit | its author aboard the gun oat forrester en route from ong NONE.

: e ° . e : IK ) 1 S 1 O :1..:°®°.:: In A il h Id b t f od f th C late to become secretary to tne 1é€ ommi1ssion—wnicn, ror practica purposes, meant secretary to Harr Parkes . For a year he wou remailmn 1n

~ this post before returning rie Y to the on nad then trans-

t Ni ) f t iV] hi h t d en his

ferring as Deput y C ommiussioner to the new Customs service. nce

| know swwQge O C inese Ofticlaldom, a chance to watch the manners

. .ee : e : 7 ; er ccee er : full participant. Gradually more and more responsiblity wou

_ his own career in China. One more period of apprenticeship, and he |

~ would move from audience to stage. | :

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the hill and home. | General back from Hongkong this evening.

WEDNESDAY, 18 AUGUST 1858: Writing notes most of the day.

Col. Clifford is going home: Brigade Major Travis takes his place. Ellis becomes Brigade Major, and Travis Jr. A.D.C.: Hockey is Adjutant. Rode out through Western Suburbs this evening: very quiet. shops reopening and people looking less frightened in the streets. Pwan tells me that jolly little Yu went to Hwang Chow where Hwang pitched into him for wearing a button to which he has no right, and then told him he must pay to the chest 100000 taels before leaving that city. A long argument with Jacobs this evening: he says that Christianity requires persecution, not toleration or favour, to flourish! THURSDAY, 19 AUGUST 1858: Col. Walsh, ill with fever and covered with boils, left today: he goes home to England. Today came a despatch from Hwang, relative to the soldier last carried off from near the N.E. Gate: also 10 copies of a short peace proclamation, both of which I translated this evening. The general without consulting Mr. Parkes or the other Commissioners has drafted a reply to Hwang’s peace letter, expressing great “gratification”? and quite slobbering Hwang with loving phrases. Damn him! He is spoiling all the good that Parkes was doing! The conceited ass! What the deuce does he know

about affairs here and why the deuce does he not make enquiries before he rushes headlong into [[?] | worse than nonsense. 76 Rode out with Pym; new city & along the walls. My boat girl back: saw her at Allied Landing Place. FRIDAY, 20 AUGUST 1858: The General has made one or two slight changes in his draft to Hwang, but adheres to his own plan and will not allow Mr. P. to do the business. Commissioners savage with Pih Kwei for pasting up Hwang’s Proclamation before getting leave from the Allies to do so. General proposes releasing Pih Kwei: too soon: too soon, Sir! Rode up the Hill this evening, got thoroughly wet through on the way home; terrible flash of lightening accompanied by an instantaneous peal of thunder, while under the rocket tube of Capt. Mann’s battery. Tea’d with Jacobs and mess.

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SATURDAY, 21 AUGUST 1858: Nothing particular today. Too wet to

ride out. SUNDAY, 22 AUGUST 1858: As usual, nothing to do today. did not go

out anywhere. |

MONDAY, 23 AUGUST 1858: Sampson went to Hongkong today to meet

Mrs. Brickton and her two children: Mrs. B. is the lady, Jones used to be so — “spooney”’ about. Sampson now goes to espouse her. A letter from Pih Kwei this morning stating that on the 18th he will resume his official seals. He was trying to gain his point about the guard by very frivolous arguments; now he gives in and says guard or no guard, he must have his seals.

The Shih-tsieh-poo and Tseang-lan Kae hostages released today as an act of grace; and the money fine remitted. I am glad this is done while the $4000 still hangs over the Yung-tsing-mun people, unremitted by the French. ”’ Today, wrote to Payne: Adkins: T. T. Meadows: Jones: Compton (ordering N.C. Herald): Hughes: Maggie: Minnie Harte: & Brazier. [[ Bracket and X in margin. | |

Rode out this evening with Pym: streets lively.

In a China Mail of 19th inst. is the most ridiculous production,—a letter from a Lieut. Savage R.M.A.[[?]] anent the death of Capt. Lambert. Mail in: my letters not up yet.

TUESDAY, 24 AUGUST 1858: Today paid Lew Seen Sang $17.50, formerly expended by him for me: also paid Do [ [for ditto] ] Rozario $10.75 for soda water, &c. &c. &c.

Read an interesting memorial today, called by the Chinese a [[chih-ch’en tsou-kao|| written by the [[Chien-ch’a yti-shih Shih Pao-chien ta-jen]]. He pitched into the Emperor and people in very plain terms. Kwei-leang, one of the Commissioners engaged in the Treaty negotiations is said to be likely to supersede Hwang as Gov! Gen! of the Two Kwang. He is a brother of the former noted E-leang; and is one of ten brothers, nine of whom have red buttons, the tenth a blue one. One of Kweileang’s daughters is married to a brother of the Emperor. 78 Rode out today with Capt. Pym. Evans tea’d with me, and then I fiddled. WEDNESDAY, 25 AUGUST 1858: The last three days have been at times

disagreeably sultry; but just when the heat commences to be thoroughly deadening, a few clouds gather; a thunderstorm commences and the rain, attended by a most refreshing coolness, falls in torrents! In the cold changeable weather, _ rain is voted ‘a bore’ and cursed; but in the hot weather, when it falls, it is fully

appreciated and blessed. : 212

JOURNAL: CANTON 20 MARCH-6 DECEMBER 1858 This morning, “Bluejacket,’’ one of the spies, tells me that in the Southern quarter the Gentry are trying to enrol large numbers of braves. Those who vol-

unteer receive “eang-tseen Ying-tsze’’, and are to be paid at the rate of $6 a month when in the field: ” they are not to be called out until wanted, and the sum given at first is merely a kind of retaining fee. It is not known for what purpose this enrolment has commenced, but “‘Bluejacket’’ connects it with a Lingan rumor to the effect that the Linonites are terribly enraged with us for destroying their city and are fully determined to take revenge.’ Their plan is to remain quiet until Canton shall have again become prosperous and freed from all alarm: then, when the foreigners are enjoying themselves in the city, and taking little or no precautions, the Linonites with their friends will come on and give us a drubbing.

Pih Kwei requests today that the Board may be taken down from the front of his yamun and also that tomorrow when retaking his seals, the guard may be ©

placed somewhere out of sight. I believe the second, but not the first request will be attended to. A letter written to H.W. Hwang today calling on him to procure the liberation of the two foreigners said to be in the hands of the Lin Braves at Ta-KengKioh. 101

Rode out through Southern Suburbs this evening. THURSDAY, 26 AUGUST 1858: This morning visited Pih Kwei at 1/2

p. 7 to inform him that the Commanders in Chief had decided to remove the guard from his Yamun at 8 o’clock as an act of courtesy on their part on the occasion of his resuming his seals of office: that they had full confidence in his honor: and that they hoped he wd on all occasions carry out the commands of his Imperial Master. Pih Kwei was highly delighted, laughed & chatted most pleasantly. Guard was accordingly removed. I doubt that the Commanders in Chief have made a “‘bad move’: they have now no hold whatever on Hwang, and little available means of getting certain things accomplished which wd be of great future good. }° At 1/2 p. ten rode with Pym and some others to the Yung-tsing-mun, and then back to Ching-nan-mun, through which at about 11 a procession passed

carrying the seals of office to the Governor. Then rode back by Calcutta St. to the Governor’s Yamun; entered it and took up a position in the Ta-tang or Grand Hall, where H.E.’s tribunal is situated and where the seals were placed on a table, one facing N.E. the other on a table facing North. Great numbers of Mandarins, all in court dressses were around and vast numbers of attendants and spectators. Pih Kwei came out, not in Court dress, and with a rigidly dignified step advanced and turned to the seal on the N.W. table, behind which was a board with a dragon painted on it; then at the words of a master of ceremonies, a man dressed in faded blue faced with white, the flutes struck up, Pih Kwei took his stand on a cushion, knelt & knocked head three time[[s] ] : thrice did he kneel, and thrice knocked head. 104 Then he went to the other seal and went

through the same prostrations. As soon as he rose, some attendants rushed 213

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forward & took up the seals with which they speedily disappeared followed by

: H.E. Then all the other Mandarins follow[[ed] | and in an inner hall they paid their respects. It is unusual for all the people of the Yamun to pass before a new official; but H.E. isnot new—he merely resumes—Some say he did not wear court dress because it had not arrived from Fatshan: others say it is because he considers himself living in a camp. Arranging Chinese archives today. Had a splendid ride through Western Suburbs today, and went so far as Pantang. 105

FRIDAY, 27 AUGUST 1858: I see the “‘Surprise’”’ is at Hongkong. 1

Visited, with Commissioners, Pih Kwei this morning—merely did congratulation pigeon, as Pwan was there and business cd not well go on in his presence. Letter from Pih Kwei today informing Comrs in chief that he has resumed his seals: also draft proc". Hoppo returned to his own Yamun, and Judge to his Kung-Kwan in Western

Suburbs. ° | Great deal of Chinese saluting going on today.

Glorious ride this evening from N.E. gate to Tung-shan Temple: home by

Little East Gate.‘

SATURDAY, 28 AUGUST 1858: Soldiers ordered to discharge their rifles

today and not re-load. Suppose they think they are soon to go home. Kwei-leang is reported to be on his way south to supersede Hwang: if so, I

believe it is a Chinese dodge to induce the Allies to return to Canton as the head-quarters for all negotiations. I hear Sir John Bowring has been in such a hurry that he has announced it officially. Report also says that Tarrant of the Friend of China has been fined £200 & sentenced to 2 years’ imprisonment for libel. Very hot again today. SUNDAY, 29 AUGUST 1858: Today wrote a long letter to Wilson, giving him an account of Pih Kwei’s retaking the seals.

Brown and Fox of the “Hornet”’ called in the afternoon.

Rode out with Mr. Parkes and smoked a cheroot on the Kwan yin shan. Northerly breezes have commenced. Today very sultry. I hear an expedition, consisting of two or three frigates and some gun boats has gone to have a slap at the 200 piratical junks at Koolan. The “‘Surprise’’ is in dock at present preparing for her trip to the Cape. She destroyed 25 pirates the other day: a very smart affair.

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MONDAY, 30 AUGUST 1858: Pih Kwei & the Hoppo called this morning. The latter beautifully dressed. Long discussion relative to Tsung-keuh and Tsung-

- tuh, which ended by H.E. stating (tired of debate) that the Tsung-Keuh has separate authority and has peculiar functions of its own. 108 Ex-Judge Tsae called at noon & remained until 3. Howqua also called today: he came back from Hwang Chow yesterday. Translated a despatch to Pih Kwei today telling him to remember his promise and bring back the authorities. TUESDAY, 31 AUGUST 1858: Had a great gallop round past the Tung

shan temple this evening. On return home, was delighted by finding that my magazine parcel of June & July had arrived. Early in the morning visited Pih Kwei to tell him of the result of examimations on board the various men of war relative to the articles said to have been

taken from his boats on the 26th inst. There were a great number of Mandarins at his yamun. When at dinner today Admiral Sir Seymour and suite came in. H.E. remarked

to me “I have heard what great service you’ve been rendering as Interpreter here”: so I suppose that my work has been performed to the satisfaction of

Lord Elgin & Mr. Wade. |

WEDNESDAY, 1 SEPTEMBER 1858: Today translated a letter from Pih

Kwei in reply to one I put in Chinese yesterday stating that if H.E. guarantees the entire safety of foreigners, the city gates will be reopened and traffic restrictions taken off./©? H.E. evades the point in his reply: does not guarantee prevention, but promises punishment if aught evil shd occur. After dinner who shd come in but my cousin Tom Edgar, of the “Surprise”’: looks terribly old, coarse, & unpresentable[[.|] He is to stay till day after tomorrow—Chatted about old times: very cool sort of meeting. Gave him my bed for the night and slept myself in a chair. THURSDAY, 2 SEPTEMBER 1858: This morning Admiral visited Pih Kwei: who neither saluted him nor opened the Centre Gate, excusing himself by saying that as it was (court) mourning day, he cd. not do it either. I wish the Admiral had not gone: but these Heads of Dep'S who are not compelled to

reside in China & fight the dipltic [[diplomatic] | battles do not know anything & have no consideration. Very hot again today. Rode down to the “Hornet”? with the two Evans at 1/2 p. 3 and dined there:

came back about 10 o’clock. Met Saumarez today, who tells me that he was speaking to Wade about me and was told that the principal fault in my exercise was the use of provincialisms. 110 | Tom Edgar went away today: funny meeting of two cousins ten thousand miles from home after a four years’ separation. Letters from Mongan & Sampson & Patridge.

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FRIDAY, 3 SEPTEMBER 1858: Pih Kwei and Tatar General visited the Admiral on board the “‘Hornet’’.

Jacobs, Pym, Short and Herriott dined with us today. After dinner had a short ride with Pym. On return slept from 8 to 12: then rose and read from 12 to 3 1/2: to bed again. Very hot. SATURDAY, 4 SEPTEMBER 1858: Very hot this morning.

East and West Gates reopened. Splendid ride with Lord Guilford, Capt. Colville & some eight or ten other officers round Eastern Hills.

SUNDAY, 5 SEPTEMBER 1858: Letter from Hwang today sending back Powell, Gunner of R.A. who was seized by Braves on 26th July. Hwang says he had been taken to Faysung [[?] ] ; the Committee then sent him back to Keang sun on hearing of peace. ll Now Powell himself states that he was never taken further than Keang-tsun and remained there until released. He received a few wounds when captured: but on the whole treated fairly. Rode out to Ne-ching

with Pym, to bring in Powell: he looks rather weak, but well considering that . he has been in Chinese hands. Employed from 6 P.M. to 10 1/2 taking down his narrative—someone enquired very particularly about Mr. Parkes.

} MONDAY, 6 SEPTEMBER 1858: Wrote to Lampson to get some things. Letter from Pih Kwei: thanks for the open gates: had to return first copy as

[{characters for France and England]] were placed below [|characters for Ch’ing dynasty] |. The Commissioners visited the Hae Kwan & Pih Kwei today. I did not go. Rode out with Evans & Barker.

TUESDAY, 7 SEPTEMBER 1858: Translated draft of proposed joint proclamation by Pih Kwei & Hoppo, calling on traders and linguists to come back—

Servant carried off with Mr. Duncan was a Ningpo boy, with “‘Victoria’’ tattooed on his arm: not a Portuguese. Duncan dead. Nan Hai magistrate said to be back today: and Pwan yu expected. WEDNESDAY, 8 SEPTEMBER 1858: This evening rode to the Temple of

Longevity with Lord Guilford, Major Thombey (who sketched the rockery), and some others: then towards Ne-ching. Commissioners called on Howqua.

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THURSDAY, 9 SEPTEMBER 1858: Rode with Evans and an orderly in Eastern Suburbs. Very foolish for few to go so far.

After tea translated my letter from Hwang, dated 29th 7th m. to Allied Commanders. I think it excessively insolent: every sentence contains a covert impertinence. I imagine he is much irritated at the news that our Plenipos will not come to Canton to confer with him. Wang, the spy, tells me Hwang recd an Edict on the 6th transferring him to the Gov.-GenP of the Yun-Kwei provinces:'!” that from that day he was in a terrible passion and wd not see visitors. This accounts for the insolence of his despatch. FRIDAY, 10 SEPTEMBER 1858: I’ve got a nasty cold: chilling hot weather thus: cold perspiration, warm skin, and cool air at night: sore throat and running nose! Rode out with Albert Smith—Mont Blanc Albert! 13 Tust fancy meeting him in Canton. Visited Chang-chow in Hwa-lin sze. He is a little fat round-shouldered

man: of the Winchester shape and Tarrant voice, with a hooked Jewish nose and a face not unlike the Col.’s orderly Banton. I always thought of him with a kind of Carlyle Hero Worship: now my romantic ideas about him are dissipated, *‘distance lends—| [fades out into a scrawl] |.’’ Howqua called today.

SATURDAY, 11 SEPTEMBER 1858: Doing nothing particular. Report says

that the Chinese Plenipos are south of Shanghae—playing the foreigner, I think. Letters sent to Hwang today, acknowledging Powell’s return, and answering

letter of the 29th. On Wednesday: had a letter from Sarah and my bill from Smith Elder & Co. All well at home. Very strong sun: but cool northerly breeze. Lew seen sang in prison for some extortion business. Rode out by W.Gate, round Northern Hills and in by N.E.Gate. SUNDAY, 12 SEPTEMBER 1858: Doing nothing today. Rode out with Evans through Western Suburbs: in by S. Gate.

Some cargo-junks reappearing on river now; small ferry boats return to Allied Landing place.

MONDAY, 13 SEPTEMBER 1858: Went to Pih Kwei’s this morning: intro-

duced Albert Smith to him and then showed the latter round the yamun.

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JOURNAL: CANTON . TUESDAY, 14 SEPTEMBER 1858: Today came a letter from Hwang, sending back Mr. Duncan’s boy—he is a native of Ningpo named Wang a-nyi. He and Mr. Duncan were seized by Mr. D’s cook and 14 other men, all of whom started in company from Mr. D’s house. While kept at Keang-tsun the boy was

in Lum tae show’s employ. That gentle™ is a brother of Lin fuhhing, '’* the leader of the Lin Braves. Frequently saw Soo and Lung: did not see Lo: also there was a Cheong ta jin.’ 'S While at Keang-tsun, the heads of five foreigners were brought them. Rode out this afternoon with about 25 others to Pantinqua’s Garden.

WEDNESDAY, 15 SEPTEMBER 1858: Yesterday afternoon, an English soldier, seemingly drunk, was seen walking past Yen-tang. This morning came a

despatch from the Hill stating that a mad marine had escaped from Hospital. Luckwa sent two of his police to find him: did not succeed. In the evening Sgt. Upton with some men went out to look for him; but without success. Today went to Pih Kwei’s: it being one of his mourning days, no salute was fired, and entrance only by the side gates. Talked of 1. the approach of banditti last night to the North Gate: 2° . The proclamation proposed by himself and the Hoppo: 3° . the missing soldier: and 4. . he told me of the arrest of Kwo-peaou or Mao-rh-chee-tow, a man with but one ear, the leader of one of the bands of braves that were on the lookout for straggling foreigners, and sd he wd “Ta sze tha”. '!° This evening rode out with Evans through New City. When coming home up East Street met Luckwa and some soldiers escorting Kwo peaou to the Pwanyu Prison. He was carried in a basket, was covered with blood and seemed half dead. He had been examined by Pih Kwei and had received 600 tang teaou on the back: 200 on the thigh: 200 tsung pa-tsze on cheek: and 200 Koo Kwei on each ankle. '*” He confessed that he had taken part in the murder of one English-

man and one Sepoy. He is again to be interrogated tomorrow. In the copy of his confession sent to me, no mention of his having killed foreigners. Mr. Parkes went to Macao this morning: he left secretly ;no one knows where he has gone or when he will return.

THURSDAY, 16 SEPTEMBER 1858: Went out this morning alone for the

first time the last four months. I went to see Ayaou who came back from Macao the night before last. Demands $200. I must cut the connection.

Guild. ,

Rather good! Today Mr. P.’s spy, Wang or Shin, offered to give me his daughter as wife, saying that he felt certain that from this forward, foreigners wd lord it in Canton, and he wished to form an alliance with foreigners. He offered her to Mr. P. who told him to wait: and wished me to be very secret. The blackguard! Had a letter today from Paine: also one from Chang seen sang of Northern

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Rev. Cox dined with me this afternoon: I almost made him screwed.'"® Did not go out anywhere today. Mao czt [[?]] chae-tow died today from the flogging he recd. yesterday. 119 H.E. Pih Kwei has the reputation of being very severe. It is necessary in China to be so.

FRIDAY, 17 SEPTEMBER 1858: Busy today at transactions &c.

A letter from Tartar General requesting return of things lost by Lt. General Shuang last year when Yeh was captured! Too wet to go out today. Evening: read a little Confessions of a Thug and had a rubber of Whist with Shaw, Thatcher [[?]], and Carrington. '”° SATU RDAY, 18 SEPTEMBER 1858: Pih Kwei’s wife is to arrive this even-

ing at the Kung Kwan in the Western Suburbs (Shih tae fia [[?]] poo).'*’ Chang tells me H.E.’s concubine is the daughter of a fishseller. H.E. likely to get himself into a scrape for issuing proclamations without submitting them to Commissioners. Busy translating proc!§ and the “Bell Inscription”.

SUNDAY, 19 SEPTEMBER 1858: Gave Sampson a Cheque on O.B. for

$100 and drew $50 of this month’s pay. Paid Ayaou $125: I understand this closes the connection. Reading “‘Confessions of a Thug”’. Rode out with Evans: he is to succeed Travis as an A.D.C.

MONDAY, 20 SEPTEMBER 1858:

Translated 3 of Pih Kwei’s Legal Procedure Proclamations and Hwang’s da’. Yesterday morning early went to Honan and saw Whiting, Duncan’s partner:

he did not write to Duncan and did not seem to care whether he was alive or dead. Asked Teller who informed him that Duncan was alive: he said a Chinaman, but he did not know his name or abode. What an ass! Today paid Achih $8: A Kow $2: and for a blue flannel coat and trousers paid $10. Evans breakfasted with me this morning. Commissioners wrote to Commanders today anent Pih Kwei’s late proclamation, issued without reference to the Allies. Ayaou went to Macao today.

Rode out through Eastern Suburbs. Tea’d with Evans: ordered 6 flannel shirts $3 1/2 each—

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TUESDAY, 21 SEPTEMBER 1858: French have a report today that some

troubles have broken out at Linon.

Little todo. Out with Pym through city. Rather seedy yesterday and today.

This afternoon recd my papers and a letter from Jamie with a few words from Mary. All well at home. Peaceful news from Europe: electric cable laid down to America at last! Hurrah! _ Also a letter from Mr. Parkes this evening. WEDNESDAY, 22 SEPTEMBER 1858: Finished Bell Inscription.

Translation with comments: sent it to General. Had an invitation from General for dinner this evening. Don’t care to go; as I am somewhat seedy— Very hard work getting through the evening. Went to see Ayi'”” near N.E. Gate [[this crossed out] ]. THURSDAY, 23 SEPTEMBER 1858: [[Again this line is crossed out:] | Settle for Ayi $100 & $22 Ch: Ch’s. assinine Robert!

Mr. Parkes back this morning from Macao. French have taken Tourane, Cochin China. ‘7°

Cormorant swimming portent. Sampson brought up his wife today: pretty little step daughter. Very cold: last night used a double blanket; today for first time dressed in flannels. Thermc neter 5 %1. [[2]]. Hot whiskey punch with Brennan tonight. FRIDAY, 24 SEPTEMBER 1858: Funny ceremony: my cook’s proxy matrimonial.

_ [ [Next line cross-hatched out:] | Ayi brought to house in Pagoda St.. Wang (spy) warns against leprosy. Tsung bought me some books today. Have paid the map man $6: still owe him $4.

SATURDAY, 25 SEPTEMBER 1858: [[First line crossed out:]] This morning Chih tih chaou choo. Met Mr. P. on my return and was considerably taken aback. !* This morning recd my package of Magazines.

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SUNDAY, 26 SEPTEMBER 1858: [[Another line crossed out:|] Again Ayi. Rode through Southern and Western Suburbs.

20 MARCH-6 DECEMBER 1858

MONDAY, 27 SEPTEMBER 1858: Rumors again spreading about: say that the English again attacked Nantow and were defeated leaving 900 dead & wounded on field:'*° also Than Koon & Limon braves are going to come and challenge General: if he does not assault then they will attack Hongkong: also a report about a man who came to life after being dead 7 days. Chinese shops to close on the 4th Oct. out of panic. Rec4 Sinclair cards & N.C. Heralds this evening. Chinese Commissioner not yet at Shanghai: not even heard of. Went with General & ladies to Western Suburb Temples. Mrs. S. very nice lady.

TUESDAY, 28 SEPTEMBER 1858: Report says alot of previous [[?] ]

Braves are lurking about: these districts, Suion, Hung Shan, and Fung Koon likely to give trouble. /”° I fear we’ll have another panic. Saw eight men beheaded today in front of the Ta-yew-tsang. One ran after

losing his head, none appeared afraid, but all, after being placed in position, seemed to shun the stroke or prepare for it. One man walked, I am told, to his place of execution. All disbanded Braves caught plundering in suburbs. They only knew this morning that they were to be beheaded; they were not told; but were merely supplied with good breakfast and thus they knew. If they

said to Pih Kwei’s yuen Wang, he cd not condemn them to death; few plead that yuen Wang. Evans got a great toss last night.

The executioner feels the condemned’s lower [[?]] neck before giving him the blow and marks with his nail the point where the bones articulate. Rode out with Mr. Parkes through New City and home by New Road.

WEDNESDAY, 29 SEPTEMBER 1858: Rather hot again today.

Nothing particular going on: getting up China Archives.

The Chinese police tell me that they hear people in the street telling about the intentions of the Suion, Tung Koon and Huang Shan Braves.

Han, the Hoppo sent us two fine ponies today and Mr. P. and myself tried them in the evening. I nearly got a spill as my crupper broke and the girths were too large for the pony. Pa-ta-ran-puo’s son spent the evening with me: his name is Ayun—also Chin seih, 127

THURSDAY, 30 SEPTEMBER 1858: The Fuk Kees say today that war has broken out between Americans & Allies because we want to “‘squeeze”’ their ships. Also that the Suion Magistrate has been put to death because two gentle-

men sent by him to the English ships to arrange matters were hung at the yard arm. The Foopeaou (600 men) have returned from Si-Keang. /7® 221

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It is said that Lo, Lung & Soo have gone to Pekin to urge war. They say that their preparations were complete and that we have no more soldiers to spare; as our Sepoys have all mutinied &c. &c. &c.'?? Got 6 good flannel shirts today from Hongkong $3.50 each. Rode out this evening to the Lung-shan-meaou on Han’s second pony. On the way home observed the comet. It is visible from 1/4 p. 6 till 7 and seems to have

8° of elevation. [[Little sketch of the comet.]] Chinese are rather frightened thereat. Suy-sing: also Saou Suy-sing. 130

FRIDAY, 1 OCTOBER 1858: Getting up Books. Went to the races this evening. Garstin won all three. Some nasty tosses. Very hot today. SATURDAY, 2 OCTOBER 1858: General and Admirals’ representatives visited Pih Kwei this morning at 8 o’c. Capt. Edgell & his aide—a little middy— breakfasted with us. Hot today. Went to the races again this evening. Two most amusing tosses at the stand. Garstin is the only good jockey; he wins everything.

Spent the evening with the Brigadier. ,

A petition came in this morning from a shop at the Navy Landing place which was entered last night by three sailors and robbed of some $30. One of the men lost his headband on which was marked “‘Hornet’’: Perhaps the rascals

may be traced. They of course only look on it as loot. SUNDAY, 3 OCTOBER 1858: In the house all day; nothing particular.

MONDAY, 4 OCTOBER 1858: Rode out with the Gen!. & his Lady today.

Visited the landing place beyond Tung-shan meaou, and then followed the route up to Fort Lin. Lady S. had a very rough ride: the General got one spill in a Paddy field and was near sticking there: We all suffered more or less in the very rough riding in the dark. Called on Pih Kwei today in company with the Genl’s Brother. Pih seemed to expect we would have a large retinue as he had a grand tiffin laid out and seats for 20 or 30. He said he knew nothing about the Prefect’s Proclamations & wd [[?]] to throw doubt on its authenticity; good! TUESDAY, 5 OCTOBER 1858: Dined at the General’s today: got home

at 11 o’c. Had a rubber of whist after dinner. Partners with genl. & won 5/. from Capt. Pughe.

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WEDNESDAY, 6 OCTOBER 1858: Translated a curious General Order sent by Hwang to the Kwang-chow Finance Committee. 131 The authorities here seem desirous of keeping the people in doubt about foreign affairs having been

settled. I suppose they think that the only way to get money out of them. Also translated a Tung-wang: an Impl. Edict posted as a Proclamation for the purpose of rewarding such parties as had [[ch’u li] ] during Heen fung’s 4th year. '*” Short ride after dinner with Parkes. Heard him say that he expects the occptn [{ occupation] ] of Canton to continue at least till March. THURSDAY, 7 OCTOBER 1858: A short chit from A. Smith today. Paid

$8. for subscription to Friend of China. Also paid $15 to Canteen Sergeant for Beer and Porter &c. &c. &c.

Translated Tsin sze Hoo’s prophetical placard today. Northerly wind blowing rain & cool for the last few days. require a double blanket at night now.

Got a new teacher today: Li’s friend Ho. [[In the margin an exclamation and a wiggly line. | |

Rode out this evening with Mr. Parkes. Streets very slippery: had a good canter along the wall from the Ist to the 3d Police Stations. This evening dashed through a book by a Major Campbell: ““The Old Forest Ranger’’: telling all sorts of exciting stories about tiger hunts & bison shooting.!*?

FRIDAY, 8 OCTOBER 1858: News from Shanghae today. Up to the 28th Sept. The Commissioners had not arrived, and the wise ones there not only think them as far off as ever, but even go so far as to say that when they do make their appearance they will attempt to do away with all the concessions made by them to Lord Elgin. I hope they’ll catch a Tartar. 134 Parkes very wroth with the General who in a despatch complains that the English Commissioners do not furnish him with information so frequently or in such quantities as the French Commissioner does his Commander in Chief; and the General very wroth with Mr. P. and Col. H. for showing the said letter to

Martineau. |

Tarrant up today. Too wet this evening to go out. Shaw, Little & Burton came in, and we did a

Rubber. ,

SATURDAY, 9 OCTOBER 1858: Muggy: damp: Fever & Ague weather.

Sampson laid up: Fever & new wife. The little step daughter told a number of the officers the other day that papa and mama go to bed every day for an hour or so! Wrote letters today to Mary & Henry Moorhead: also a long chit to Major Truman [[?]}]. Got 1/2 doz of White & Pin’s [[?]] Brandy from Canteen Set. today. Short ride down to Landing Place. 223

JOURNAL: CANTON

SUNDAY, 10 OCTOBER 1858: Busy putting my room to rights today as

I intend to commence study tomorrow. Mail in from England & Shanghae. No particular English news: from Shanghae we learn that the Commissioners, Hwa, Kwei, Ning & Twan arrived on the 4th Inst. MONDAY, 11 OCTOBER 1858: This morning I was dreaming about Meih Tae Tae: thought she had turned Roman Catholic & that D.D. was greatly puzzled to know whether she was the Virgin Mary or not, when I was awoke

[[stc]] by a rap at the door; found to be Jack with a letter from Meadows. Sharp connection between dreams & occurrences. 135

Read with Ho some of [[Mencius| | before breakfast: must try & work. Called on the General today: quite forgot, confound it, that it was a busy mail time. Went to the Theater this evening: ““Ron of Amiens’’ and “My Precious Betsey”’. 136 In the latter Battse played remarkably well: in the former Revily shone. The house filled and the place well lighted. Before theatre, went to see the race between Sam Duke & Dr. Foster [[?]]: the latter crosses the former: the former fell & hurt Gastin: race disputed. TUESDAY, 12 OCTOBER 1858: Busy all morning copying a despatch addressed by the Hwang Chow Fan Keueh to the Pwan yu Magistrate, containing a secret edict which does not say much for H.I.M.’s honor or good feeling toward us. *°’

Visited the Hae Kwan & congratulated him on his promotion: He is now a Ta chin & one of the six Lord Chamberlains. ‘°° Rode through Southern Suburbs.

WEDNESDAY, 13 OCTOBER 1858: Translating yesterday’s documents.

12 men beheaded today. SUNDAY, 17 OCTOBER 1858: A jolly ride today out beyond Yen-tang

and then a fine climb up the Bullet Hill. Short rode my ‘“‘Pig’’ from the East Gate and I did the Hoppo’s little black: went along very well. MONDAY, 18 OCTOBER 1858: Grand review of all the troops this even-

ing. I walked to the Parade with Auditor Kennie: we then dined at artillery mess & afterwards went to the Theatre. The men belonging to the Engineers

acted ‘‘Buonparte Furioso”[[?]], the Charcoal Burner & ‘Fear-Blighted Being”’’. ‘5? The second acted very well.

224

20 MARCH-6 DECEMBER 1858

TUESDAY, 19 OCTOBER 1858: Parkes out to Macao today to fetch up |

the Missus: and I commenced to mess with Pym’s set. }

An order from the General today to let Pih Kwei’s people place iron bars across the Water Gate. Had a funny ride on the Hoppo’s 2nd Pony tonight. WEDNESDAY, 20 OCTOBER 1858: Whether shall it be Hurrah! or Woe is

me! But there it is whether it’s a matter for rejoicing or regretting, the news has come that a diplomatic split has occurred at Shanghae: that the first thing the Chinese Commissioners did was to assure Lord Elgin that although conceded at

Teentsin it could not now for a moment be thought of to permit an English Embassy at Pekin. During the last few days, the Admiral has been very busy making perparations to send some Marines to Van Conon’s [[?] | Island; but today he says they are more likely to be wanted in the North and that he cannot send any men until matters Chinese are fully & properly arranged. Wrote to Sir John today giving him an account of Hwang’s secret despatch: also to Mongan asking him to lodge my money $ [[left blank] ] in the Bank and do some other things. Had a letter from Lobschied introducing Pei seen shang: he speaks pretty fair Mandarin, but I don’t like his appearance and shall therefore wait a day or so before I decide on engaging him. 140

Mrs. Cooper (formerly Winchester’s governess Miss Kitchum) died a few days ago: premature birth. Visited the Nan hae Prisons & lock-ups; saw 337 prisoners. All in a wretched state. ‘*"

THURSDAY, 21 OCTOBER 1858: Sent Mongan a check for $577.66 to be lodged in O.B. for me. Also wrote to Sir John. FRIDAY, 22 OCTOBER 1858: Had a chat with available Teacher named

Chang [[Hart’s character] ] native of Hangchow: he is a nice-looking man, but his mandarin is not Pekin but Nan-kin. Went to the Nanhae Magistrate Choo today and got him and the Poo-ting to visit the Hia-tsang ward of the Prison. He said the prisoners were in a wretched

state, but that having offended against the laws, they could not expect to receive very good treatment.

- [[ Following line seems written later, with usual X in margin:] | News from Shanghae: everything proceeding most satisfactorily. SATURDAY, 23 OCTOBER 1858: Out all the afternoon with Col. Lemon

& some other officers (who had tiffin with us) in the Western Suburbs.

225

JOURNAL: CANTON

SUNDAY, 24 OCTOBER 1858: Huleatt preached a capital sermon today:

“Prayer.”

Rode out towards Yen-tang in the evening with Burton & orderly: Had a capital canter. A foolish quarrel, I learn, between Burton and Pym relative to Lemon’s umbrella. [[ Written in later:]] Made up 27th. Note from Sir John.

MONDAY, 25 OCTOBER 1858: Today got a copy of a Chinese Proclama-

tion issued by the Imperial Commissioners at Shanghae notifying peace, &c. between China and England, France and America. It came by a steamer (Yangtze)

in charge of a wei yuen deputed by the Commissioner to take despatches to Hwang—My copy came from the Nanhae Tso-tang. ‘42 T cannot ascertain whether

Pih Kwei has recd any communication from the North; but I learn the wei-yuen called at his Yamun yesterday before going on to Hwang-chow. Parkes & Mrs. returned this evening. TUESDAY, 26 OCTOBER 1858: I have had a confoundedly sore jaw for the last two or three days—Cd. not go to the Play last night on that account. Mail in: Letters from my father & Sinclair, both dated 3d Sept. My father has been very ill, & poor Jamie is ill & has probably lost use of one ear. [[ Across the bottom of this and the preceding page in Hart’s journal is the impression in red of his Chinese seal with his name Ho-te. ] ]

WEDNESDAY, 27 OCTOBER 1858: Nearly all right today.

Sixty men of the Ist Royals arrived today under Lieut. Thompson to join the Police Force. Pym has now two Subs and 180 men: a very nice command. Thompson is to occupy the room between Pym and Burton: and we are all going to mess in the large room off my place. Busy today at Commissioners’ Court, taking minutes in the case of a quantity of wood seized by Pih Kwei’s Police. Examination shews that it was bought from an officer in the Kung yamen and that $160 was paid to him for it. I believe Cap. Temple is the trader. By George! I shd not like to be in his place. Rode out with Burton: had terrible work holding the Hoppo [[the Hoppo’s horse] |. THURSDAY, 28 CCTOBER 1858: Mail left for England: wrote to my father: sent via Mongan. Royals billeted today. Rain falling: muggy weather.

226

20 MARCH-6 DECEMBER 1858

SATURDAY, 30 OCTOBER 1858: Nothing particular. Shanghae paper

says all goes on well. Recd letters today from Hughes written at Ningpo and Brazier dated 7th July: also one from Mrs. B. with their wedding cards. In a chit from Mongan, he says I am to be Interpreter at Canton in a few days. Busy this afternoon with a letter from the Hoppo to Mr. Alcock requesting him to return to Canton. SUNDAY, 31 OCTOBER 1858: Mr. Gray read service & Huleatt preached.

the former reads in a very affected manner; and seems to form his words in his throat & picks them out of his jaws curiously.

Collins. ,

“Rode out yesterday to Prospect Hill and also past Yen-tang. One fellow at

the latter place [[?] ] out Sha-tow.

This afternoon went round all the police stations with Pym, Thompson &

MONDAY, 1 NOVEMBER 1858: Sent a letter to Sir John today dated

30th Oct. Rode round the Pwan-yu Prison today with Thompson. Saw 218 prisoners. They are in a better condition than the Nan-hae. Then rode out to Tung-shan temple. Went to the Theatre: saw “Illustrious Stranger’’, ““Ron of Amiens”, & “Night at Notting Hill”. ‘*

TUESDAY, 2 NOVEMBER 1858: Quite cold the last few nights, a double

blanket not by any means sufficient covering. Rode around from West gate to east Gate, passing beyond the range of Hills to East of Gough’s fort. Major Khomburg went with me: a jolly ride. Translated this evening a despatch addressed to Mr. Alcock relative to some smuggling on

part of a foreigner named [[two characters, probably his Chinese name] ]

Scott.“

WEDNESDAY, 3 NOVEMBER 1858: Cold morning: very hot at noon.

Long ride in Western Suburbs. THURSDAY, 4 NOVEMBER 1858: This morning I recd a despatch from

Sir John Bowring appointing me Provisional Interpreter at Canton & directing me to place myself at Mr. Alcock’s disposal. Commissioners very wroth at the despatch having come direct to me & not through them. 1 P.M.—Went to Head Quarters to see Mr. Alcock, who at once gave me plenty of work: a lot of ships to report, a couple of despatches to go on at and orders to visit Hoppo and arrange for visits to Pih Kwei and Hoppo. Visited Hoppo at 4: had a long jaw—got back about 6. 9 1/2-11 P.M. Translating despatches. 227

JOURNAL: CANTON

FRIDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1858: Handed over Chinese archives to Mr. Parkes: and was bowed out of the Commission in a most affecting manner by Commissioners Parkes and Martineau: Their letter to the General is rather a handsome testimonial: so here I am Interpreter at Canton: not bad luck after all.

Visited Hoppo & Pih Kwei today: entered through central gates with usual salute. Never was Consul thus recd at Canton before. Both Chinese officers adverted to the consul’s future residence and said that in their opinion he ought to live outside the city, as it wd be more convenient to transact business there than inside. Mr. Alcock merely replied that he trusted that question—entrance to the city—was fully decided & wd not be reviewed again. 145

THURSDAY, 16 NOVEMBER 1858: I retained my quarters in the Yamun

until this morning. The Commissioners, that is Parkes, advised Mr. Alcock that

they were not disposed to allow me to maintain my rooms; and I therefore have had to flit. I] have been regularly bothered the last day or two packing up and getting things to rights. I am now aboard the Whampoa chop with Vice Consul Hale: Mr. Alcock has gone back to Hongkong, and the chop is to do duty as a Consulate pro tem. Hale is a simple, country-gentleman-like fellow: reminds me very much of Henry Moorhead. He is not atall the man I expected to meet after hearing of the Foochow affair. TUESDAY, 23 NOVEMBER 1858: Week on board Hale’s chop.

No. 83 gunboat towed up this morning from Hongkong another chop with Winchester in it, & then took Hale’s back to Whampoa. Thus I had to pack up again and move to a room in the new “Consulate”, Vacher’s [[?]] old chop,

: Very filthy and at times seeming to stink horribly. But I hope I am now settled | for a month at least. On the 8th Mr. Alcock visited the Tartar General and on the 10th Baron Trenqualye French Consul [[,]] accompanied by me as Interpreter went the

rounds. ‘*° |

On the 22nd I sent a cheque to Hughes for $250 to purchase a Bill in favor of Smith Elder & Co. I have also initiated the proceedings in reference to purchasing the discharge of Robert Frederick Morris a lad belonging to the Royal Marines whom I wish to retain as a Servant in China.

WEDNESDAY, 24 NOVEMBER 1858: Tormented last night by Mosquitoes.

The ‘“‘Vancouver” volunteers embarked this morning at the Allied Landing Place: cheers and music: went down in No. 87.

228

20 MARCH-6 DECEMBER 1858

FRIDAY, 26 NOVEMBER 1858: Winchester returned today to Hongkong

to see his wife off: she goes in a day or two by the “Princess Charlotte’’. Puffy little individual—he was very anxious to see the Hoppo on business! SATU RDAY, 27 NOVEMBER 1858: Confound it! A letter from Hughes

stating that a despatch has come from home appointing J. A. T. Meadows to the Canton Interpretorship thus ousting me!! Meadows & myself seem destined to foul each other in the Service. Sent home by this mail £57.5.10 to S. E. & Co. TUESDAY, 30 NOVEMBER 1858: Mr. Alcock returned.

WEDNESDAY, 1 DECEMBER 1858: Out all day with the Admiral: tiffined

at the General’s & dined with the Admiral.

FRIDAY, 3 DECEMBER 1858: Pic-nic to Tsing-poo Temple & glorious pony-scamper home across the country. Gower joined last night.

SATURDAY, 4 DECEMBER 1858: Visited the Hoppo this afternoon and “ sat with him a couple of hours. He says he’s very sorry to hear there is a chance of my going away, &c. &c. &c., very complimentary. Handed him proposed steamer Regulations which he says he will consider: spoke to him about Scott’s

case, and Elrahim’s box. He asked me to return on Monday for further conference.

SUNDAY, 5 DECEMBER 1858: Went to church today on Honan. Asked

by merchants to get the gamblers driven away from the jetty to the East of the Red Fort [Hung wang paou-tao] .**’ Had a pull [[?]] in the evening with Gower and tired my arms excessively. Horribly uncomfortable on board this chop living in such confined space & having another person sleeping in the same room. Paid Winchester’s serv’ $8 on his a/c.

MONDAY, 6 DECEMBER 1858: Mr. Alcock today gone to Whampoa.

Have ordered two blue chairs for the use of the Consulate: to cost from $80 to $100. Liver a little out of order this morning.

229

CHAPTER SEVEN

Hart and the New Anglo-Chinese Order of the 1860s ‘Lhe WELTER oF EVENTS at Canton reflected in Hart’s journal

marked the entrance of the Western Powers into the Ch’ing govern-

ment of China. Foreign participation in the structure of imperial power would steadily increase during the rest of the century. The British navy, the still-growing trade in opium imports from India to China and of tea and silk exports from China to the West, all gave Britain the dominant leadership. During the 1860s, Robert Hart rose from the British ranks to fashion his unique role as a kingpin in

the new order. Success came from his ability to sense and seize opportunity. As interpreter for the Canton Commission, Hart had dealt with Ch’ing officials who were suffering the great distress of being kept

under Anglo-French detention while continuing to perform their official duties. His success in the interpreter’s role of intermediary came from his having learned perforce how to give these officials proper face and preserve their dignity in very awkward circumstances. He was already performing the role that became his whole career: Having the superior power of Britain at his back, his task was to avoid any appearance of coercion and offer honest advice as to practical measures. To do this he had to be sensitive to Chinese (and Manchu) feelings, aware of their ideas and interests, and constantly self-effacing. This amounted to a capacity to act ina Chinese manner, beginning with Chinese speech and writing. His superior in this line, Thomas Wade, criticized Hart’s Chinese only for too much use of “‘provincialisms.”’

In the background of this cultural sensitivity lies another factor thrust upon our attention by the next gap in Hart’s journal, which runs from 6 December 1858 to 6 June 1863—a period of exactly four-and-one-half years, probably the most crucial period in his life. Undoubtedly this gap marks Hart’s destruction of this portion of his journal because it recorded inter alia his relations with Ayaou and the birth of their three children, for whom Hart later assumed responsibility as his “wards.’’ References already published indicate that the three children, Anna, Herbert, and Arthur, must have been 230

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

born in late 1858 or early 1859, 1862, and 1865. At the end of his career in the 1900s, when the destruction of the journals for 1859 to mid-1863 presumably occurred, the great I. G. evidently did not want to embarrass his family with the record of a liaison that had preceded his marriage of 1866, some forty years before. Three-quarters of a century after Hart’s death in 1911, however, we are living under different literary mores. Historians today who do not give thought to all aspects of the life of an historical figure can be thought derelict in their duty. Relations of love and sex between Asians and Westerners are properly considered in the category

of trans-cultural contact. What the double standard of Victorian England would in Hart’s day have called wild oats and swept under the rug, biographers of the late twentieth century are expected to scrutinize as meaningful experience. We can only regret that the moral standards and practical necessity of an earlier day deprived © us of Hart’s record of his coming of age as a resident of China during his service in the Canton consulate in early 1859 and his first years in the Customs from mid-1859 to mid-1863.

Our informed speculation as to his domestic life during these years suggests the following: Hart at age 20 at Ningpo moved into Captain Dan Patridge’s establishment on 1 July 1855. Later he destroyed his journal for the rest of his stay of two-and-a-half years at Ningpo, presumably because it recorded relations with Chinese women. His surviving journal from March to December 1858 at

Canton records on May 20 that, when two uninvited officers entered Hart’s house, “‘“Ayaou took refuge in back apartments and was not seen.’ On 26 May ‘‘Ayaou two months —————.”’ On 8

July, “I am undergoing a psychological change: think much less about the other sex than I used to: don’t enjoy imaginary intrigues.”

By 26 July, he had sent Ayaou to Macao for he records “‘Sent Achih to Macao today: sent $20 to Ayaou.”? On 1 August 1858: ‘“Achih, confound him! not yet back.”’ August 15: “Modest request from Ayaou for $700 or at least $200—‘no can’!!!” Ayaou’s pregnancy evidently removed her not only from the scene but from the young interpreter’s concerns. On 19 August comes the notation: “My boat girl back: saw her at Allied Landing Place.”” Then on 16 September: “I went to see Ayaou who came back from Macao the night before last. Demands $200. I must cut the connection.’ 19 September: “‘Paid Ayaou $125. I understand this closes the connection.’’ 20 September: “‘Ayaou went to Macao today.” 22 September: “Very hard work getting through the eve-

ning. Went to see Ayi near N.E. gate [[this crossed out]].” 23 231

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

September: [[Again this line is crossed out]] Settle for Ayi $100 and $22 Ch. Ch’s assinine Robert!’’ 24 September: “‘[[ cross-hatched out]] Ayi brought to house on Pagoda St.”’ 26 September: [[ Another line crossed] out] “Again Ayi.”’ This record shows us a young consular officer arranging for a new native bedmate when the former one becomes pregnant—an arrange-

ment undoubtedly quite according to custom in the colonial Asia of the 1850s. But the journal stops again. We must assume the reason is that Ayaou, two months pregnant in May, has given birth to Anna, and the fact of fatherhood suddenly makes a difference to Robert Hart. There is no other way to account for the record, for he resumes the connection with Ayaou and they have two more children. He was a man of conscience and in later life affectionate,

almost doting, toward little girls and young women. One can imagine how his baby daughter Anna must have entranced him. His secret domestic life in China, in short, does him credit as a human being. It also shows his capacity for immersion in Chinese society and culture.

The worldly circumstances that would eventually give Hart his opportunity were more visible to the public, although they seemed at first quite adverse to Sino-Western cooperation. Though beset by the mutually supportive evils of domestic rebellion and foreign aggression, the Ch’ing Court in 1858-1859 still carried on in the militant spirit that Yeh Ming-ch’en had displayed throughout the 1850s at Canton. The policy was simply to exterminate the rebels and refuse to deal with the foreigners except as they could be exterminated also. Thus the new Imperial Commissioner, Huang Tsung-han, appointed to Canton to replace the now degraded and deported Yeh Ming-ch’en, was said by Hart on 28 April to have started south in April 1858 to take up his post. But he played the familiar game of alternating accommodation and delay. The three officials who had been reluctantly obliged by the Allied Commission to undertake the government of Canton in the interim—Po-kuei (Pih Kwei), the Tartar General, and Judge Ts’ai—awaited Huang’s arrival impatiently, and in vain. In December, as Hart was writing the last of his Canton entries, Huang had still not appeared. This delay was part of the larger strategy of armed attacks on foreigners at Canton that we have already noted. It had a counterpart in North China. One of the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin was permission for foreign ministers to reside in Peking, a concession long sought by the Western Powers but yielded by the Ch’ing Court in June 1858 only with the greatest reluctance. Indeed it was a move that 232

EXPANSION OF THE CUSTOMS SERVICE

struck at the heart of China’s self-image, the concept of her position . as superior to the outside world. No sooner had the envoys departed,

therefore, than resistance stiffened. Peking decided that the treaty settlement of 1858 was unacceptable after all. When, in June 1859, the British and French ministers arrived with a fleet off Tientsin prepared to go to Peking for the exchange of ratifications, they were refused passage. This denial seemed one rebuff too many in their long series of frustrating attempts to negotiate at the highest level of responsibility. Determined to force passage up the river, the British admiral, with remarkably poor judgment, sent his small gunboats to silence the Taku forts and break through the river barrier. When the forts replied with skilfully concentrated cannon fire, his overconfidence led him to order British marines to storm the forts across impassable mudflats. The result was a signal defeat with four British gunboats sunk and heavy casualties. There was no alternative but to withdraw and mount a bigger expedition a year later. Typically—the Chinese Empire being so spread out and decentralized— these hostilities in the north did not upset the even tenor of Sino-foreign relations in the treaty ports on the southeast coast. EXPANSION OF THE CUSTOMS SERVICE

After the Tientsin Treaty settlement of June 1858, which seemed to have been approved by an imperial edict received on 4 July 1858, the foreign envoys had left Tientsin, and H. N. Lay had returned to

his Customs duties at Shanghai. The Rules of Trade, negotiated during the fall of 1858 at Shanghai, stipulated that “Cone uniform [customs] service shall be enforced at every port,’ and Lay began plans for the extension of the foreign inspectorate of customs accordingly. Ho Kuei-ch’ing, Governor General of Kiangnan and Kiangsu and newly appointed Imperial Commissioner in charge of foreign relations, reported to the Throne in September that Lay, who had been Elgin’s “‘uncontrollably fierce’’ assistant in the Tientsin negotiations, was now “as compliant as ever.’’ In May 1859, he

designated the young man “Inspector General” (as Lay translated the Chinese title tsung shui-wu ssu).

Meanwhile, Hart in Canton, having finished his work with the Allied Commission, had been promoted to 2nd assistant and (as he thought) interpreter at the British Consulate under Rutherford Alcock. Though the appointment was nullified, as it turned out, by London’s designation of J. A.T. Meadows for the post, there was

time for Alcock in November to write Bowring a dispatch of 233

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

glowing recommendation: “‘Hart’s personal acquaintance with the High Authorities, the good relations he has maintained with them

of a personal nature give him an advantage in the transaction of public business, under existing circumstances, which I have no hesi-

tation in saying...no other Interpreter can bring to the office. I will only add that I attach great importance at this moment to the aid and instrumentality of Mr. Hart as Interpreter, and as a present medium of communication in building up a new system of intercourse with all the Chinese officials.”’

Such a new system was most urgently needed for the foreign shipping in Canton, which had for some years been disrupted by the turmoil and fighting in and around the city. The Hoppo, Heng-ch’i, found himself unable to cope with the traffic of the river steamers or put a stop to the notorious smuggling in connection with the sale of newly legalized opium. When appealed to, Consul Alcock sympathized but pointed out that the foreign solution would bea preventive one in the form of an efficient customs administration—reform on the Shanghai model. During the past five years, the revenue quota transmitted from the customs house at Canton to Peking had fallen

from 300,000 taels to 180,000 per annum,’ a grave matter for a Hoppo who must recoup the enormous expenses of his post in the limited space of his three-year tenure. Heng-ch’1 examined the problem with his colleague, the new Governor General, Lao Ch’ung-kuang,

and together they agreed to request the young consular interpreter, Robert Hart, whom they knew, to establish at Canton a Customs Administration similar to the one presided over by Lay at Shanghai. This they did in April 1859. Hart, diplomatically refusing to step out of bounds, and, knowing that the future administration of the entire service was under discussion at Shanghai, suggested that Lay, if invited, would doubtless come to Canton for the purpose. Meanwhile, on his own initiative he wrote a lengthy memorandum on the Canton situation for Lay’s guidance. The upshot was that a month later, on 29 May 1859, Hart sent in his letter of resignation to C. A. Winchester, who had succeeded Alcock as officiating Consul at Canton. Pointing out his intention to accept a post in “‘the system approved at the conclusion of the late treaty by Her Majesty’s Ambassador Extraordinary and the Chinese High Commissioners,’’ Hart hoped that his move would meet

with no objection on the part of his government. Sir Frederick Bruce, now back in China (from his trip to England with the Tien-

tsin Treaty) as Minister Plenipotentiary, believed that the infant Customs Service could survive only by its enlistment of foreigners 234

EXPANSION OF THE CUSTOMS SERVICE

of character and ability. He recommended that Hart accept the pro-

posal. By 30 June 1859, therefore, Hart made over charge of the Chinese department of the British Consulate to C. Alabaster, and was free to begin his new duties as Deputy Commissioner of Customs for Canton. (The Commissioner as of August lst was George B. Glover.) ?

Though Hart had few assigned duties during the three months before Lay’s arrival in Canton in October 1859, he plunged character-

istically into a study of the problems at hand. In Canton, as the Hoppo well knew, they centered upon the smuggling of opium; with two such flourishing depots as Hong Kong and Macao in the neighborhood, the collection of duties at Canton, if efficiently controlled, was a potential gold mine—for the Chinese government, and secondarily for the Hoppo. The latter first proposed a scheme involving a monopoly under two former hong merchants, but was per-

suaded by the British after Lay’s arrival to put the collection of opium duties under the jurisdiction of a new model customs house.

He accordingly announced on 13 October that, on the 24th, he would open customs houses at Canton and Whampoa on the lines of the one functioning at Shanghai, and to this end had appointed Mr. Glover as Acting Commissioner (pending the arrival of G.H. FitzRoy, Commissioner, who, however, never took charge at Canton), Mr. Hart as Assistant Commissioner, and Mr. Matheson as Assistant Commissioner at Whampoa. °

Lay remained in the south through the winter of 1859-1860. A circular from Bruce to the British consuls at the treaty ports had enjoined them to render assistance to the newly appointed Inspector General, who was “about to visit the principal Ports with a view of inaugurating a uniform system of Customs House management.”’ In January 1860, Lay opened another Customs establishment in Swatow

where, in an attempt to heighten the cosmopolitan aura of the new service, he established William Wallace Ward, brother of the American Minister, as Commissioner. On 31 March 1860, he arrived back in Shanghai. Thus, the new service was making headway in spite of difficulties

both internal and external. This was the winter when the Allies were preparing their expeditionary force to achieve ratification of the treaties in Peking; the opening of further customs houses was postponed, pending clarification of the international situation. Other difficulties grew out of specific conflicts over jurisdiction be-

tween Chinese officials and the Customs Administration, and between the Customs Administration and foreign merchants, who 235

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

generally attacked the foreign inspectorate as misguided officiousness, doing the Chinese work for them to the detriment of British opportunities for profit. Still other problems had their origin in the expanding Customs Service itself. Recruitment of capable foreign personnel, for example, posed a serious problem (especially in the light of foreign rivalries), as did the lack of adequate wharves, inspection stations, and public warehouses for storage and bonding. And Lay himself, one has to remember, created difficulties for his service. Abrasive and insensitive as he was, his administration skills may not have matched the expanded scope of his responsibilities. THE CH’ING DYNASTY’S POLICY CHANGES OF 1860-1861

Despite its victory on the foreign front at Taku in 1859, the Court at Peking was obliged in 1860 to shift its policy toward the rebellion and give command to Chinese provincial officials.* When Taiping forces under the vigorous rebel commander, Li Hsiu-ch’eng,

in May 1860 destroyed the Imperial Great Camp below Nanking, the disaster forced the Court in August to consolidate its campaign of suppression under one unified command, that of Tseng Kuo-fan, now appointed Governor General and Imperial Commissioner with top civil and military authority over the middle and lower Yangtze provinces. One of his able subordinates, whom one meets over and over again in Hart’s later journals and in his letters, was Li Hungchang, installed as Acting Governor of Kiangsu.

At almost the same time, the British and French envoys with a larger expeditionary force reasserted their military superiority by landing north of Taku and Tientsin and fighting their way to Peking. Elgin and Gros entered the city in October, the Emperor having fled to Jehol. At this point, Hart’s former chief, Harry Parkes, Consul at Canton, interpreter for Elgin, and invariably at the center of any sort of turmoil, caused further complications when he and his party were seized while under a flag of truce for negotiations. Although he himself was released three weeks later unharmed, some 20 of his men had by then been executed. In reprisal, Elgin destroyed the Emperor’s Summer Palace, a magnificent assortment of 200 buildings northwest of Peking.

Unable to fight two wars at the same time—one internal, one external—the dynasty was thus coerced by circumstance into a more realistic policy: unification of command under Chinese provincial leaders for the suppression of rebels; appeasement of the foreign invaders through the treaty system. This was negotiated by 236

CH’ING POLICY CHANGES OF 1860-1861

the more moderate party headed by the Emperor’s brother, Prince Kung. Thus, the ratification of the Treaty of Tientsin was signed on 24 October 1860 at the Li Pu (Board of Rites) by Prince Kung

and Lord Elgin (the French signed the following day). Facing winter, when the river to Peking would be frozen for some months,

the Allies then hurried their departure. The last of the foreign troops left Peking on 9 November; a few days later the river froze. Elgin, sailing for home, turned affairs over to his brother, Frederick Bruce, the new British Minister to Peking, who took up residence in Tientsin for the winter, awaiting the preparation of a suitable legation in Peking. In March 1861, he and Alphonse de Bourboulon, the French Minister, would take up official residence at the capital; in June, at Bruce’s invitation, Hart would join him there. The new diplomatic relationship achieved by Anglo-French arms contributed to a dramatic shift of leadership in the Ch’ing Court,

marked by the rise to power of the Emperor’s brother, I-hsin, known to the outer world as Prince Kung. His rise to prominence in the Ch’ing dynasty’s foreign relations was a function of his essential role in the Peking negotiations of 1860. After the Hsien-feng Emperor had fled the capital for his vacation retreat in Jehol beyond the Great Wall, Prince Kung had been left with Wen-hsiang and Kue1-

liang to settle accounts with the British and the French. The physical separation of the Emperor and his chief counsellor, Su-shun (Minister of the Imperial Household and President of the Board of Revenue, an advocate of a rigidly anti-foreign policy), from affairs at Peking was increasingly symbolic of the distance between their own isolated outlook and that of Prince Kung and his more pragmatic associates. Humiliated by the new arrangements made with the foreign Powers, the Emperor kept postponing his return to the

capital, only to fall ill in February 1861. On 22 August he died, after naming his only son, Ts’ai-ch’un, the Heir Apparent.

The Hsien-feng Emperor’s death precipitated a power struggle between Su-shun’s political forces and those of Prince Kung—a struggle in which the new Emperor’s mother, Tz’u-hsi (née Yehonala), and the deceased Emperor’s senior consort, Tz’u-an (née Niuhuru), played pivotal roles. The two Dowager Empresses, led by Tz’u-hsi, threw their support behind Prince Kung and his associates, who managed to arrest Su-shun and his eight surprised colleagues in November 1861 just as they had completed their ritual journey with the funeral cortége of the Hsien-feng Emperor from Jehol to the gates of Peking. The same day, an imperial decree (issued under the dynastic seal which Yehonala had taken into her 237

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

possession at the death of the Emperor) charged these men with arrogating imperial authority, deceiving the late Emperor, obstructing the safe settlement of foreign difficulties, and attempting to create divisions between the two Empresses Dowager. Su-shun was sentenced to decapitation, two of his supporters were allowed to commit suicide, and five other advisers were dismissed from office. Prince Kung received the exalted title of “Deliberative Prince” (I-

cheng wang), as well as substantive appointments as Chief Grand Councillor, Minister of the Imperial Household, and presiding controller of the Imperial Clan Court. Tz’u-hsi, for her part, began what would become nearly half a century of de facto rule over China. (It is of interest to note that, during these crucial days in October and November, Hart, as his journal shows, was seeing Prince Kung frequently at the Tsungli Yamen, though naturally he heard of the coup d’état only after the fact.) Under this new leadership, instead of crumbling beneath the dual pressures of internal rebellion and external aggression, as many Westerners predicted and not a few Chinese officials feared, the Ch’ing dynasty reasserted itself in a traditional ‘‘restoration”’ (chung-

hsing) to continue its rule a full decade into the twentieth century. Many changes accompanied this dramatic Ch’ing restoration: the establishment of a formal institutional apparatus at Peking for the conduct of Sino-Western relations (the Tsungli Yamen); the incor-

poration of an expanded Maritime Customs Administration as a part of that basic structure; the emergence of new and influential Manchu and Chinese leadership at both the metropolitan and the provincial level; and the beginnings of the so-called cooperative policy of the foreign Powers in China—a development that quickly led to increased Western involvement in Chinese domestic affairs.

While the drama of the Allied presence and the later coup d’état in the capital were being played out in the north, Hart had remained at Canton. Events in Peking, however, soon colored his own fortunes. In January 1861, an imperial decree announced the forma-

tion of a body to handle diplomatic relations with the Western ministers now to be resident in Peking—the Tsungli Yamen (Office for General Management). The decree named Prince Kung as head, Kwei-liang (who died the following year) and Wen-hsiang as coadjutors; four other members (who retained their principal posts else-

where) were appointed later in the year. In its functioning, the body acted like a foreign office, exchanging official calls and correspondence with the legations, and approving policy for the Cus-

toms Service, but it worked informally and to a certain degree 238

CH’ING POLICY CHANGES OF 1860-1861

even flexibly, being not anew ministry but only a committee under the Grand Council.

One of the first acts of the new body was the formal appointment of Lay as Inspector General of Customs. Although Lay already held the commission issued to him in May 1859 by Ho Kuei-ch’ing as Imperial Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, the authority of the latter had now been superseded. It remained for the Tsungli Yamen to confirm the appointment or select someone else. Apparently no one else was considered. Wade, sent from Tientsin to Peking in January by Bruce, told Wen-hsiang that, if the government wished to know how arrangements at the ports could best be carried out and

revenue secured, they should summon Lay. After consultation, Wen-hsiang informed Wade that it had been decided to appoint Lay as Inspector General and that he himself believed Lay’s “employ-

ment would be valuable to the Government not only in respect of trade and Customs but as a confidential adviser on foreign affairs in general’’—a role that would be fumbled by Lay but inherited to good effect by Hart.° Accordingly, a commission dated 21 January 1861, from Prince Kung, appointing Lay and outlining his duties, was handed to Hengch’i (former Canton Hoppo, now Governor General or ‘‘Viceroy”’ of

Chihli and a member of the Tsungli Yamen) and by the latter to Wade. With the commission, Heng-ch’1 included a letter from himself conveying Prince Kung’s invitation to come to Peking for dis-

cussions with the Yamen. The commission and the letter reached Lay in Shanghai on 2 March (by the overland Ch’ing postal service, delayed by the Chinese New Year). He never officially acknowledged

the commission, considering it merely a belated confirmation of an appointment made earlier. His reply to the letter was to apply fora leave of absence on the grounds of ill health. He observed the formalities of requesting such a leave, but embarked from Shanghai well before an official reply could conceivably have reached him. (Prince Kung acknowledged and provisionally granted Lay’s request

under the date of 7 April; Lay and his wife had left Shanghai in March.) °

Bruce, on the brink of setting forth from Tientsin for residence in Peking, heard of Lay’s decision by 15 March 1861, and was furious. Having himself originated the suggestion of inviting Lay to the capital, he vowed never to forgive Lay if he refused. Prince Kung, too, though granting Lay’s leave, urged the importance of his coming first to Peking. But Lay went on his way, neither going

to the capital to accept his post nor petitioning the Yamen (as 239

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

technically he should have done) to appoint someone to act in his absence. Instead he himself selected G. H. FitzRoy (who had come to China as an attaché in Elgin’s mission and was now Commissioner

of Customs at Shanghai) and Robert Hart to act conjointly as the Inspector General until his return. Hsieh Huan, the new Imperial Commissioner, gave his approval and issued the necessary commissions. Lay then informed the Yamen that he had deputed Hart to proceed to Peking to take the Prince’s commands. ‘That date,”’ wrote S. F. Wright, ‘“‘marks the entrance of Hart on the China stage in the role of a leading actor.”’’

During April and May 1861, the team of FitzRoy and Hart functioned jointly at Shanghai. In spite of FitzRoy’s official seniority, leadership fell to the younger man, partly because of his mastery

of the Chinese language (of which FitzRoy had none) and partly because of the thorough grounding in current Chinese affairs furnished by his three years in Canton. Bruce, knowing as a diplomat that the Tientsin Treaties had raised problems with which the Yamen

lacked experience to deal, and knowing that the Yamen itself was at the mercy of subtle crosscurrents in launching its policies, concluded that a trustworthy pilot for these particular shoals must be provided at all costs. If Lay would not come north, Hart should. Accordingly, he wrote Hart in late May urging him to visit Peking and inviting him to stay at the newly opened British Legation. Hart arrived on 5 June 1861, having stopped briefly on the way at Tientsin to install Lay’s appointee, C. Kleczkowski, in the new Customs House Prince Kung had requested for the place. HART’S FIRST VISITS TO PEKING, 1861

Robert Hart was fortunate in the timing of his entrance upon the Peking scene, just after Anglo-Chinese relations had turned a corner. The late 1850s had moved steadily toward Anglo-Chinese warfare, and the expedition of 1860 that got confirmation of the new treaties was even bigger than the one of 1858 that first secured them. But, once the new order was accepted in Peking in 1860, British policy soon switched to help the dynasty defeat the rebels, and an era of Anglo-Chinese cooperation ensued. Hart’s seniors as interpreternegotiators, Harry Parkes and H.N. Lay, were agents of the British attack in 1856-1860. They pressed the demands for the new order.

Hart became a top interpreter only in 1858 at Canton, where he could work for Anglo-Chinese cooperation in the puppet government there. When he joined the Customs in 1859 he became a 240

HART’S FIRST VISITS TO PEKING

Chinese employee drawn from the ranks of the late foreign enemy but not indelibly associated with its use of force against China. By 1861, he could meet his Ch’ing superiors in Peking as a tested friend. and employee. Already in residence at the British Legation was a young surgeon

named David F. Rennie, medical officer for the Legation guards. With Bruce’s blessing he was keeping a diary of day-to-day occurrences connected with this momentous initiation of the Western presence in Peking; each night he jotted down Hart’s dinner-table anecdotes from his day at the Tsungli Yamen. (When, in 1866, the diary was published, Hart was amazed and annoyed, having considered it all off the record, but no real indiscretions were involved.)® Hart’s first official contacts were with Wen-hsiang alone, a man of 43, shrewd, capable of initiative, the driving force of the Yamen.

In talks that sometimes lasted the whole day, Hart, well provided with documents and statistics, was able to put before the Ch’ing official the essential facts of the commercial situation. Unlike Lay, Hart was able to explain without lecturing, and one imagines that they both enjoyed the sessions and benefited from them. On 13 June, for example, Dr. Rennie recorded that Hart had ‘‘remained for seven hours continuously with Wen-se-ang, who is much interested in Customs matters and who took copious notes.”’ It was ten days after Hart’s arrival in Peking before he was to see Prince Kung. Only 28 (to Hart’s 26) and thrown for the first time into the maze of political affairs, the Prince was a somewhat timid young man; indeed, fearing that his contacts with foreigners would expose him to the attacks of his enemies, he had already memorialized the Throne suggesting that the Board of Revenue rather than the Tsungli Yamen be directed to frame the Customs rules for the ports (a proposal firmly rejected). Thus, at first with Hart he was stiffly on his dignity, but he began to relax when he found that Hart had an intimate knowledge of the treaties and the ports, as well as figures with which to back his proposals (and to defend them against enemies). ““The Prince put a long series of ques-

tions to him on custom-house matters,” wrote Rennie, ‘‘and remarked that he (Mr. Hart) must think him almost childish asking so many and such apparently simple questions; but the truth was that, until lately, he was totally unacquainted, not only with these special matters, but with business matters generally, having had, until recent events compelled him to assume his present responsibilities, but little to attend to beyond amusing himself.” Hart, however, was impressed with the Prince’s efforts to understand; at 241

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

the Legation, he commented to Rennie that, “‘strange to say, the Prince perceives the advantage which is likely to accrue to trade from low duties, while the more experienced and astute Wen-se-ang cannot see this, and stoutly holds out for high duties.”’

In the next memorial to the Throne, the discussions with Hart were commented upon, along with the fact that he had handed in to the Tsungli Yamen nine reports on matters ranging from opium to trade on the Yangtze River. These reports were sent on to the Emperor; in the formal language of the memorial, ‘Although the reports presented by him need not be entirely acted upon, still, as they are by no means devoid of suggestions worthy of being adopted,

your ministers respectfully submit them, with their comments thereon, for the Imperial decision.”

Occasionally Hart would arrive early at the Yamen before the ministers, and would find the Prince alone, reading over dispatches. This happened on the morning of 29 June, when the Prince was in the process of forwarding the memorial quoted above. Awaiting the arrival of Bruce and Wen-hsiang, they had time for an amiable chat

about less formidable topics—about cannibals, for instance, and about the “tall fiery” foreign horses that foolishly held their heads high and cocked their tails, rather than looking where they were going like the sensible little Chinese ponies. It was then too that the Prince “looked at Hart’s clothes, and approved of pockets, which he thought a great convenience.”’ After Wen-hsiang’s arrival, he and the Prince discussed Chinese officials, commenting that there was hardly a person in government employment whom they would trust, and declaring how fortunate they felt in having foreigners in their employ ‘‘whose reports they can trust as being in accord with facts.’’ Indeed, after their farewell interview with Hart the next day, they told Wade (who told Bruce,

who reported it to Lord Russell) that they spoke of Hart as Womun-tee Ha-ta, “our Hart.”’ Just before leaving Peking, Hart received from Prince Kung the dispatch confirming his and FitzRoy’s appointments as Officiating Inspectors General. On 1 July, Hart left for Tientsin, where he was to spend July and August 1861. He must often have looked back on his introductory visit to Peking with both pleasure and satisfaction. Not only had it

been a brilliant success for him personally—and surely enjoyable and stimulating in the living—but, on 7 July, an Imperial Edict, addressed to the five high officials responsible for superintending trade, put into effect the initial stages of his proposals. On the same day, Bruce wrote out a long and gratified dispatch for Lord Russell 242

HART'S FIRST VISITS TO PEKING

reporting on Hart’s visit. ““Mr. Hart is a gentleman well versed in the language,” he wrote, “‘unobtrusive and intelligent, and well acquaint-

ed with Customs matters, having served at Canton since the improved administration was introduced in that place. ... At the first interview, the Prince seemed reserved, and as if apprehensive that his dignity might suffer from intercourse with a subordinate foreign employe. But Wen-hsiang...was evidently anxious to obtain all the information possible on financial and commercial matters. Mr. Hart had come up prepared with documents and figures to support liberal views, of which he was able to put Wen-hsiang in possession

by written memoranda, and in conversations which often lasted through the entire day. ... The Prince himself became friendly and courteous to the highest degree, and the impression produced by Mr. Hart’s honesty and frankness was so favourable, that he was urged strongly to remain at Peking to assist the Chinese government

in these questions. He has however been obliged to leave to look after the Ports, after which he is to return.”’ Indeed, the greatest accomplishment of Hart’s month in Peking may have been an intangible one, the possibility, perhaps nothing more, of mutual confidence. Bruce went so far as to suggest that Hart’s reception might have considerable effect upon the position of foreigners generally. “It 1s not easy at a distance,” he wrote, “‘to realize the full significance of a change so novel in the position accorded at Peking, to one whom three years since they would have looked upon as a ‘barbarian.’ Even six months ago when Mr. Wade first mentioned the subject, the Prince was much disinclined to see Mr. Lay or even allow him to come to Peking.”’ But now, he observed, the common answer to any suggestion that appeared reasonable but difficult of execution was, “‘We could adopt it if we had 100 Harts.’’”

After the summer at Tientsin, attending to the business of the new Customs House and conferring with Ch’ung-hou, Chinese Super-

intendent and Commissioner for Trade of the three northern ports (Newchwang, Tientsin, and Chefoo), Hart returned to Peking on 30 August 1861. The Emperor had died the week before at Jehol. Discussions at the Tsungli Yamen, therefore, were carried on against

a background (unknown to Hart at the time) of the coming coup d’état. If the Prince was sometimes absent and sometimes distracted, however, the Yamen as a body had the very basics of the new Customs Service to decide: coasting trade, the opening of the Yangtze, duties on native produce carried coastwise in foreign vessels, tran-

sit passes, and, above all, opium. In all of these, the foreign legations had also to be consulted, and Hart became the indispensable 243

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

intermediary. If it seemed to Lay on his return—as has been said— that Hart had usurped his position, it can only be pointed out that hard work constantly shared inevitably builds up a reciprocal de-

pendency not easily avoided and not necessarily arising out of ulterior design. Two years of shared views, shared difficulties, hardwon compromises—even shared determination to succeed—cannot be lightly pushed aside. Again it was Bruce who summed it up: “I repeat to your Lordship that without the presence of Mr. Hart and the knowledge he possesses of Chinese financial arrangements, from his official position, I do not think I could have worked out in detail at Peking, the Treaty of Tientsin, and it is to him and his European assistants that I must now look to overcome the ignorance and perverseness of the Chinese Provincial Officers.”’ When, in the fall of 1861, Hart returned to Shanghai to translate

decisions into action, he left a Peking with a new political atmosphere and new strategic problems arising from the Ch’ing-Taiping war. A single unified command, as we have seen, had been in effect since June 1860 with Tseng Kuo-fan as commander-in-chief of the campaign against the rebels. In early 1862, Peking was to appoint Tso Tsung-t’ang Governor of Chekiang; and a few months later, the Throne named Li Hung-chang to the post of Governor of Kiangsu. Together, Tseng, Tso, and Li not only played the leading role in the suppression of the Taipings in 1864 (as Hart recorded in his journal), but all three also went on to become major figures in China’s “‘self-

strengthening’? movement, the effort begun in the early 1860s to build China’s military and industrial capabilities to contend with growing challenges. As governors general, they played leading roles in their respective regions. Meanwhile, at Peking, the Tsungli Yamen,

headed by Prince Kung until the 1880s, came to acquire a wide range of important responsibilities, including not only the conduct of official foreign relations and the supervision of the Maritime Customs Administration (and foreign trade generally), but also the supervision of joint Sino-Western modernizing enterprises such as the T’ung-wen kuan or Interpreters College (established in 1862)

and the Ever-Victorious Army (officially recognized in 1862). Many of the Tsungli Yamen’s expenses, as well as those of many Sino-foreign modernizing activities, were paid directly from Mar1time Customs revenues. Preoccupied with the myriad problems of opening new Maritime Customs offices in the treaty ports, Hart did not return to Peking until the summer of 1862. Of that visit to see his employers at the Tsungli Yamen we have no record. But we know that throughout 1862 Hart had his hands full in the south. 244

PROBLEM OF DEFENDING SHANGHAI THE PROBLEM OF DEFENDING SHANGHAI

During the 1850s, the Ch’ing government had been reasonably successful in keeping the rich areas of southeastern Kiangsu and northern Chekiang out of rebel hands, aided in their effort by Taiping strategic priorities and by the disastrous rebel power struggle of 1856. By mid-1860, however, the situation had changed dramatically. Anxious to forge an effective alliance with the foreign powers, and short of supplies, the Taipings drove toward the treaty port of Shanghai, capturing the Kiangsu provincial capital of Soochow in the process. Shanghai was a notable prize. By 1860, the city had become the largest and most important treaty port in all of China. Strategically located near the mouth of the Yangtze River, it had rapidly eclipsed

Canton as both a commercial center and a point of extensive SinoWestern diplomatic contact. Shanghai boasted good port facilities, a safe harbor, easy access to the interior through a vast network of inland waterways. It lay at the crossroads of the Chinese inland and coastal shipping trade; for international trade it was equally accessible

by sea from Canton, Tientsin, and Japan. Thus, it served both as a focus for the trade of the Yangtze valley and central China, and as a distribution point for all of East Asia. From 1846, when the city accounted for 16 percent of China’s export trade, to 1861, when the figure was 50 percent, growth had been constant. By the late 1860s, Shanghai’s North-China Herald would claim: “‘The heart of foreign trade is Shanghai, and the other ports mere blood vessels.”’ Foreign trade brought foreign supplies, including arms, ammuni-

tion, and steamers. Though British efforts to enforce “neutrality” in the Chinese civil war limited the flow of arms to the two belligerents, there were still opportunities for the purchase of Western weapons. There was also a recognition on both sides of the growing fiscal importance of the maritime customs revenue generated by Sino-foreign trade at Shanghai; an imperial edict of 4 April 1862, cited local customs revenues as a major reason for keeping the city out of Taiping hands. The foreign powers—and especially the British—had a vested interest in the growing trade at Shanghai. Thus, when the Taipings approached the city in the summer of 1860 (while Elgin and Gros were assembling their forces in the Gulf of Chihh, preparatory to the drive on Peking), the British and the French were prepared to defend not only the foreign settlements but also the Chinese walled city and a limited area around it. The advance of the Taiping 245

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

commander Li Hsiu-ch’eng on the treaty port in mid-August was repulsed by a vigorous Allied defense.

The success of the expedition to Peking, and the subsequent signing of the Peking Conventions in October 1860, paved the way for closer cooperation between the Ch’ing government and the for-

eign powers against the threatening Taipings. Within weeks, the Russians offered military aid in the form of arms, advisers, and even a few hundred naval forces for use in the lower Yangtze valley. The arms and advisers were accepted, the naval forces not. Great Britain, meanwhile, despite repeated requests for assistance, adhered to neu-

trality. Bruce, during his early days in Peking as Minister in the spring of 1861, wrote that Wade as Chinese secretary found his greatest difficulty in perpetually “‘parrying... applications for direct material aid [against the rebels].”’

In this as in most other policy decisions related to the Taiping Rebellion, Britain took the lead. During 1861, Bruce sought by various means to maintain the policy of nonintervention, urging self-reliance upon the Ch’ing government and restraint on the part of the foreign powers. Though two years later Hart could still record conversations in which Wade wondered privately whether a government under another dynasty (under Tseng Kuo-fan, for instance) might not be preferable, foreign intervention was indeed forestalled. In April 1861, moreover, the British secured a Taiping pledge not to approach within a 30-mile radius of Shanghai for the remainder of the year. At the same time, they made a concerted effort to deter foreigners of various nationalities—Americans, Frenchmen, Filipinos, Danes, Norwegians, and others in addition to Britons—from selling arms to the Taipings or entering the rebel military service. Bruce’s correspondence with his superiors in London during 1861 bears witness to this continued desire to avoid embroil-

ment in the Chinese civil war; but events in late 1861 and early 1862 ordained an abrupt about-face in British policy.

The coup d’état of November 1861 undoubtedly was a factor; this emergence of new and apparently more competent leadership at Peking favorably impressed the foreign powers. But it was a renewed Taiping threat to foreign interests in treaty-port areas that actually prompted British intervention. In December 1861, rebel forces drove into Chekiang, ravaging crucial supply areas and capturing Ningpo with relative ease on 9 December. British efforts later in the month to secure renewal of the Taiping pledge not to approach nearer than about 30 miles from Shanghai proved unavailing, and, in the next few weeks, tens of thousands of rebel troops 246

, PROBLEM OF DEFENDING SHANGHAI | began descending on the treaty port. The British response to that was to intervene against the Taipings, together with the French and with the timely assistance of the American-led, Sino-foreign military force known as the Ever-Victorious Army. !° This unique hybrid contingent had its origins in mid-1860, when

Li Hsiu-ch’eng first approached Shanghai and when the American adventurer Frederick Townsend Ward raised a foreign-manned mer-

cenary force to combat the rebels. After this early experiment proved abortive, Ward began incorporating Chinese soldiers into the force; by early 1862, he had over 1,000 well-trained Chinese under arms, trained and led by his foreign officers. Financed by Chinese merchants, the contingent had sufficient successes in mid-January

to validate the experiment and to provide the means of defending Shanghai with a minimum of direct Anglo-French intervention. Bruce approved of the arrangement, as did the Ch’ing government. In March 1862, Peking sanctioned the force and gave it the auspicious designation, the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch’ang-sheng chtin).

From February to September 1862, these troops enjoyed considerable success against the Taipings in the areas of both Shanghai and Ningpo (which was recovered by imperial and British forces in May). Along with the French, the British began to raise other foreignofficered contingents on Ward’s model, while at the same time drill-

masters from the Ever-Victorious Army undertook to train Li Hung-chang’s Anhwei Army in the use of Western weapons and tactics. A number of foreign officials, among them Bruce and Wade, saw such foreign-officered, foreign-trained troops not only as defense forces for the treaty ports, but as the nuclei of a modern, Western-trained Chinese army. The Ch’ing government, however, saw things differently; it considered such forces, including Li’s, as temporary expedients. Ward’s death in September 1862 plunged his army into a sixmonth period of decline and demoralization such as neither his immediate successor—another American adventurer named Henry A. Burgevine—nor Burgevine’s successor, John Yates Holland of the British Navy, could arrest. Finally, in March 1863, Charles G. Gordon of the Royal Engineers assumed command, and with him came a measure of discipline. The Ever-Victorious Army remained,

however, an unstable and unpredictable military instrument, plagued by financial troubles, mutinies, heavy battle losses, and now by the temperament of its new leader. All these characters— Ward, Burgevine, and especially Gordon—walk the pages of Hart’s journal. 247

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

In Peking, meanwhile, Bruce agonized over the diplomatic and administrative problems connected with British intervention and the increased British role in the Ever-Victorious Army. Intent as he was on strengthening the Ch’ing central government, but anxious,

too, not to promote foreign rivalries in the process, he found Great Britain’s predominant influence in these matters an embarrassment, whether in the Customs Administration (headed by Lay, an Englishman), in the Ever-Victorious Army (headed by Gordon, an Englishman), in foreign-training programs at Tientsin and elsewhere, or in other modernizing schemes. He could only be relieved, therefore, to have tension in at least one of these areas ease temporarily, as it did with the departure of the abrasive Lay. Though Hart’s accomplishments were notable during Lay’s absence, and though he

traveled the length of China more than once, his activities were attended by less fanfare than Lay’s. He opened ten new treaty ports during the years 1861-1863 with all the planning and organization

that this entailed; he addressed the question of adequate pay for customs employees; he was busy with the opening of the Yangtze, with the coasting trade, transit dues, salt smuggling, and tonnage dues. And all of this against a background of disruption attendant upon the Taiping Rebellion. Thus, to say that ‘She opened ten new treaty ports’’ sounds sim-

ple and uneventful enough. But take Hankow, for instance, a city on the north bank of the Yangtze River some 585 miles by boat from Shanghai. In order to put into effect the revised Yangtze regulations agreed upon by Hart and the Tsungli Yamen in October 1861, it became necessary to have customs houses in both Hankow and Kiukiang, also on the Yangtze. But the Hukuang Governor General, Kuan-wen, jealous of provincial prerogatives, objected to the opening of such stations under the foreign inspectorate, and, in December 1861, Hart made the trip up the Yangtze to try to change his mind. En route, the river steamer had to pass Wuhu and Nanking, both in rebel hands, and indeed to stop at the former port to collect its papers. The captain’s advice to Hart was to lie low. ““The rebels have the habit,” he said, “of coming on board, and were they to find a man like yourself, a Government agent on Government business, they would certainly take you ashore. They usually look about the saloon, however, and do not examine the cabins, so you will be safe enough if you stay in yours.” Stay in his he did, sitting on the edge of his bunk, until he heard the rebels leave the ship. Arrived in Hankow, however, he found other obstacles. The gov-

ernor general, though polite personally, was inexorable in his 248

THE FLOTILLA SCHEME

objections to the new regulations, and finally sent the taotai to Hart

in his stead to reiterate his opposition. That both were ignorant of the death of the Emperor and the inauguration of a new regime— news of which had not yet penetrated so far up river—became obvious to Hart, who was able to show them copies of recent edicts on

the change of Emperor and the new program of customs reform. Having registered his protest and been reassured on certain points, Kuan-wen withdrew his objections and received Thomas Dick as the

new Commissioner of Customs. Thus was the port of Hankow “opened.”’"? THE FLOTILLA SCHEME

But these problems of administration, exhausting and difficult as they were, caused Hart less trouble than the one growing out of his extended negotiations for the acquisition of a steam fleet for China—the famous, and the ill-fated, Lay-Osborn Flotilla. The plan was originally Lay’s, the idea for the purchase of a fleet of foreign ships—a scheme of the sort that appealed to him, a mixture of the practical and the grandiose. Such a fleet could be used both to suppress piracy (a constant and costly threat to all shipping and a legitimate concern of a Customs official) and to quell rebellion. As early as the summer of 1861, Hart, with Bruce’s backing, took up the problem and convinced the Tsungli Yamen that it would be in China’s best interests to purchase about a dozen British steamships, to be manned by Chinese and Manchu crews. The cost, which he estimated at less than a million taels, could be met, he argued, by an increase in customs duties on opium and an excise tax on the distributed drug. In July 1861, the Court approved the plan; but it was not until early 1862, after the fall of Ningpo and then Hangchow to the Taipings, that adequate funds were made available and authority granted to Hart to procure such ships through Lay. *? Hart and Lay had already been in correspondence concerning the

project. On 24 February 1862, Hart at Canton got off a hasty note to Lay with the word that Lao Ch’ung-kwang (Governor General of Liang Kwang) had received a directive from Peking to pay the first installment of Canton’s allotment for the fitting out of a flotilla.

On 15 April, the news reached Lay, who immediately passed it along to Captain Sherard Osborn C.B., the choice of both Lay and Hart for the commanding officer of such a fleet. Osborn and Lay having previously reached tentative agreement, Lay now dashed off a note to say he thought Osborn might apply at once with

| 249

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

perfect safety to be suspended” (from the British Navy). Lay also urged Hart to continue sending funds; “We shall need all you can send,’’ he emphasized.

On 14 May 1862, Hart wrote Lay from Hong Kong a long letter spelling out his negotiations dealing with the fleet, Prince Kung’s

part in promoting it, the delays in finances growing out of the realm’s internal disorders, and concluding that at last dispatches had been addressed to the provincial authorities concerned, ‘“‘directing

them to place at my disposal, within four months, the sum of six hundred thousand taels; and His Highness has likewise issued instruc-

tions, addressed to myself, directing me to obtain and apply the above sum, with all expedition, for the purposes I had suggested.” He enclosed bills of exchange fora first installment of some £31,000, estimated the amounts of successive payments, and concluded with

the observation, “His Imperial Highness is most anxious for the arrival of the steam fleet, the construction of which he has now authorised; and for various reasons which you can well understand, it is of the greatest importance that no time be lost in despatching the vessels procured.”’

The original plan called for the purchase of 6 gunboats and 3 dispatch boats at a total cost of about 750,000 taels. For each gunboat Hart suggested a complement of European officers and men as follows: 1 commander, 2 officers, 2 engineers, 2 gunners, 10 seamen; and in addition, 30 Chinese crew members. For each dispatch

boat the European complement would include 1 commander, 2 officers, 3 engineers, 4 gunners, 30 seamen, and, once again, a Chinese crew of 30. Thus, in composition the Lay-Osborn Flotilla was designed as a kind of naval Ever-Victorious Army, officered by foreigners and manned by Chinese. There, however, the similarity ended. Both Lay and Hart objected strenuously to Ward’s force on the grounds that it was provincial in character, officered by ruffians, and headed by a disreputable Ameri-

can adventurer. Lay wrote to Hart on 9 May 1862: ‘There is another condition that I should include in the ‘terms and conditions’ of our com! in Chief. It is this. The Ch. Govt. must be bound to have no Foreigners in a military capacity, save and except those

under his [that is, central government’s] authority,—my object being to snuff out Taotae’s fleets and ‘Col. Ward’s divisions.’ We must secure ourselves against a rival military force on shore.”’

Having cleared the flotilla project with the British government, Lay and Osborn on 16 January 1863, signed a 13-point agreement designed to give them ultimate authority over the naval force, and, 250

THE FLOTILLA SCHEME

in fact, other Chinese naval and military forces. By the terms of this document, Osborn was to be the sole European commander-in-chief

of the “European Chinese Navy”’ for a period of four years, with complete control over “‘all vessels of European construction, as well as native vessels, manned with Europeans, that may be in the employ

of the Emperor of China, or under his authority.”’ And then the point on which the whole project was to founder: It was stipulated that Osborn should obey only imperial orders conveyed directly to Lay, and that Lay, for his part, could “‘refuse to be the medium of any orders of the reasonableness of which he is not satisfied.’’ Not only was the agreement worded awkwardly; it was a clear threat to China’s administrative integrity. Hart wrote a long letter of remonstance, but to no avail. In the early spring of 1863, with plans for the phased departure of the 8 vessels of the flotilla completed, Lay left England for France and embarked with his family from Marseilles on 12 March. He arrived at Hong Kong on 24 April and at Shanghai on 1 May. Travel-

ing with him on the ship from England were his new secretary, James Duncan Campbell, whose life and career were so soon to be linked with Hart’s; and a young Customs recruit named Edward C. M. Bowra, who went on from Shanghai to his first post at Tientsin, from which vantage point he recorded in his diary the arrival in that city of Lay, Hart, and Campbell en route to Peking. ** That

was not until nearly June, however, for Lay spent the month of May in Shanghai. Hart’s Circular No. 18 of 1863 (dated 9 May and sent to the commissioners of the thirteen treaty ports now open),

announced his return to China. Hart had himself just returned at noon on that day from a trip to Hankow and went directly to the office to meet Lay for a long talk. “He is greatly changed,” Hart wrote in the first entry we have since those of 1858, ‘‘anglicized in fact to such a degree that I fear his task with the Chinese will be very up-hill work. He’ll not meet their views, and he will insist on his own: he will dogmatize, and not explain: and by Jove! I shd not be surprised to see everything in a grand mess: everyone at loggerheads.”’ A prophetic observation!

At the end of May, Bowra (then 22 to Hart’s 28 and Lay’s 31) wrote in his journal that Mr. Lay and his party were stopping over at Tientsin on their journey from Shanghai to Peking. ‘‘He came in the ‘Island Queen,’”’ Bowra wrote, “‘a miserable little steamer which

plies between here and Shanghai. He is accompanied by Mr. Hart, who has been acting as Inspector General during Lay’s absence and by Campbell, his Secretary, who came out from England by the 251

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

same mail as I did.—Lay appears to be in very bad health, and looks much too weak and feeble to. wield the power intrusted to him. If physique were requisite to C— success, he certainly would not be what he is—confessedly the most influential man in China.—But there is a quiet look of determination in his bright dark eyes and a consciousness of strength about his straight firm nose and lips which tell you at once that it was no fortuitous concourse of circumstances which placed him where he is, but his own strength of will and energy of purpose. “Hart, who discharged Lay’s duties while he was in England, is a

very young man, about eight and twenty or thirty, and owes his important post to the fact that he was the only man in the Imperial Service who could write Chinese—or had any knowledge of business....’’ Interesting that Bowra should be so impressed with Hart’s youth and not Lay’s. Two days later, Bowra noted the party’s departure—“‘with a train

of twelve bullock carts and three horses for riding when tired of the carts. A queer caravan they made when all was ready—the carts stood waiting outside. The carts look exactly like the canvass-covered

- wains which used to run in the time of our forefathers, between York and London. ...It is a four-days journey to Peking, and as the weather is intensely hot, the roads awfully dusty, and inns on the road—none—I do not particularly envy the travellers.” Lay had asked Bowra to buy a couple of horses for him that morning; Hart already had his own. “‘These followed the wagons and... will give each a mount when tired of the uneasy jolting motion of the carts.

Provisions they carry with them, and one cart was stacked with bread, beer, grapes, etc. an hour before.”’ PEKING NEGOTIATIONS; LAY’S SHIPWRECK

They arrived in Peking on 1 June and had their first joint session at the Tsungli Yamen on the 6th. In the pages of Hart’s journal, one

can follow the deteriorating situation. As he had predicted, the Ch’ing authorities refused to accept the principal stipulations of Lay’s agreement with Osborn. Their assumption had always been that the Flotilla, like the Ever-Victorious Army, would be subject to provincial authority.

In the face of such resistance, Lay sought the support of the British minister. Bruce, who concurred with Lay in the view that

252 ,

British officers should be responsible only to the Chinese central government and not to capricious local officials such as Li Hung-chang,

LAY’S SHIPWRECK

wrote a strong letter to Prince Kung on 16 June: “‘I cannot authorise the employment of British officers, naval or military, except under

the following conditions: (1) the the Imperial Government must take into its own hands the Customs revenues as a means of ensuring the regular payment of the force in order that discipline may

be preserved: (2) that these forces be directly under the Imperial Government from which alone they are to receive their orders, and to which only they are responsible. They will thus act with the provincial authorities, but will not be under their control.”’

Prince Kung, however, had another view: “The decision of the question whether (British) officers shall be authorised to serve China or not must undoubtedly lie with the British Minister, and if His Excellency will not authorise their doing so, there is an end to the matter: but, if they be authorised to lend their aid, it will be for the Prince alone to decide under whose command they are to be and from what source they are paid.” Prince Kung’s attitude must be understood in the light of the Ch’ing government’s improved position in the Taiping war. During the first few months of his command, Gordon had, in conjunction with the growing Anhwei Army of Li Hung-chang, won several noteworthy battles, recovering valuable territory and restoring confidence in the Ever-Victorious Army. Similarly, the armies of Tso Tsung-t’ang in Chekiang, and Tseng Kuo-fan’s Hunan Army on the Nanking front had made like gains. By mid-1863, then, Ch’ing military fortunes were comparatively bright, and Prince Kung could afford a measure of intransigence. More than that, however, Bruce himself was in a bind. Despite Gordon’s recent successes, the EverVictorious Army continued to be beset with internal difficulties, which Bruce believed only Gordon could manage. Withdraw Gordon

from the service, and Bruce feared the contingent might pose a threat to British interests. Thus, when it came down to the point of pulling Gordon and other British officers out of the Chinese service

in order to make his point about central government authority, Bruce balked. And for his stand he earned Lay’s unmitigated scorn. Hart remained in Peking through June and July 1863, taking part in almost daily sessions at the Yamen, with and without Lay. What an amazing scene it was! Half a dozen of the highest officials in the Ch’ing Empire spending hours in conversation with a slight and un-

assuming young foreigner who happened to be one of the principal providers of their imperial revenues. The conversations were a seminar in China’s foreign trade, how it was conducted, how it could be

taxed. Some of Hart’s interlocutors were experienced in dealing 253

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

with Westerners at Canton and Shanghai, but the wider international world was far beyond their grasp. Yet, though generally unversed in

market transactions, these officials had risen through the ranks of an all-too-sophisticated bureaucratic political system. They were supremely conscious of the t’7-chth, the “‘dignity of the state” as Hart translated it—the moral-psychological principles that structured the imperial order, and gave it the basis of prestige which principally sustained it. This concern for dignity, more important than revenue,

had become apparent to Hart as interpreter for the Allied Commission at Canton. Dealing there with Ch’ing high officials under duress as puppets of the Anglo-French invaders, he had learned the

art of the velvet glove. | From these seminars at the Yamen, Hart also began to see into the workings of the Ch’ing state. The Emperor’s undoubted formal authority which had led the Western powers to demand access to the Court at Peking, Hart now could see was strictly limited by a

there. |

customary and procedural balance between capital and provinces. | The Emperor controlled his officials after the fact. Provincial governments including foreign affairs were in their hands in the first instance. Hence no naval force paid for by Peking could operate along the Yangtze except under Tseng and Li who were in charge

Another sinew of Chinese politics had always been evident to Hart—the supreme value of loyalty that glued together China’s structure of personal relationships. From being a British official he had become a Chinese official, at a trme when peace and order, trade and revenue were the interest of both parties. But, when interests diverged, he worked for China. For example, when the temperamental British Minister, Bruce, blew his top (20 August 1863)

over the inept handling of Burgevine and said he thought the British and French would have to take over Shanghai and that “he wd. not

move another man in support of the dynasty,” Hart reported it at once to Lay as his chief and then to Wen-hsiang at the Yamen, where he suggested remedies. Hart saw his own role quite clearly. Lay’s sense of identity, in contrast, was confused. Unable to see himself as a Chinese official, Lay was insensitive to Chinese considerations of dignity, balance, and loyalty. Day after day, Lay’s overbearing manner antagonized his Ch’ing employers, who thoroughly disliked him, not without reason. Hart did what he could to pick up

the pieces. He proved, indeed, a loyal supporter of his brash and rude boss, even to the point of urging the government to trust Lay and they would ‘“‘find his advice and plans all for their benefit.” 254

LAY’S SHIPWRECK

Lay’s own discussions with the ministers, however, were invariably _ held in an atmosphere of mutual distrust. Though Hart did succeed in modifying Lay’s original demands somewhat, he could do nothing to alter Lay’s personal style of negotiating. “Lay is by no means a success,” he had to admit on 29 June. “He has been very arrogant, has been running too much to the British Minister with whose displeasure he has threatened them too often; he tells them that he only distrusts them, in the same breath with the demand for their entire confidence.”’

Prince Kung met with Lay only once; customary procedure was for members of the Tsungli Yamen, with whom Hart met almost daily and Lay at what he considered unavoidable times, to report to the Prince the gist of their discussions and to receive from him

their orders on strategy and content. When, as anticipated, they reached an impasse and the Yamen rejected the agreement Lay and Osborn had signed, Hart bent his energies to assisting the Prince and the ministers in drafting a “‘compromise’’ proposal. According to these new regulations, Osborn was to be an assistant commander (pang-t’ung tsung-t’ung) under a Chinese naval commander. Con-

trary to Lay’s stipulations, both of these commanders would be subject to the authority of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang; and Lay himself would have no control over either imperial commands or the transmission of imperial revenue beyond maintenance of the fleet. Though Lay, who had been present at many of the discussions, did not oppose the submission of the final draft for the Emperor’s

approval, he emphatically repudiated the agreement itself, even when told that it had been authenticated by an imperial rescript. Hart, however, allowed himself an unrealistic exclamation of relief; “Hurrah,” he wrote in his journal on 2 July. “. . . succeeded in settling the steamer business.’’ Now all that remained was for everyone to await Osborn’s arrival in China with his fleet of 8 ships.

Lay left Peking for nearly a month, from 9 July to 8 August 1863, on a quick trip to Shanghai to evacuate his family from the threat of another cholera epidemic. In his absence, Hart applied himself to details of Customs business and to translating Wheaton’s International Law, to which he devoted whole days at home during the hot weather of July. Late in the month, news came from Shang-

hai of the death of H.T. Davies, Commissioner, who had shared with Hart the duties of Acting Inspector General during Lay’s absence in England. Lay wrote now that he intended to install Thomas Dick in Shanghai as Commissioner; but, when he returned to Peking in August, it was to announce that he had left A. Macpherson in 255

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

temporary charge and that Hart would take over as Commissioner. Accordingly, Hart left the capital on 21 August to take up his post as ““commissioner at Shanghai with charge of the Yangtze ports and Ningpo”’—a combination of jobs said to have been devised by Prince

Kung especially for Hart, to give him more authority than would fall to a mere commissioner. After a stop at Tientsin, Hart arrived on 8 September in Shanghai, where one of the first sights to greet him on approaching the harbor was the Pekin and the China, two of Osborn’s ships, with steam up. “‘So I presume Osborn is about starting north,” Hart concluded in his journal.

The first units of the Flotilla had reached the Yangtze on 1 August; Osborn with later units in early September; the last of the ships made harbor on 6 October. After locating most of them off Chefoo, Osborn himself left for Peking, where he joined Lay on 25 September. He was immediately presented by Lay with a draft of the new agreement, to which were appended notes of Lay’s dis-

agreement. In the absence of Hart’s moderating influence, they united in a hard line with the Tsungli Yamen. After three days of stormy discussions, Osborn addressed his formal objections in writing to Prince Kung. The 30 June agreement devised by Prince Kung and Hart he emphatically repudiated: ““These instructions are in direct contravention of my formal agreement with Mr. Lay,”’ he

wrote... “I came here to serve the Emperor,...not to be the servant of mere provincial authorities. ... To the argument advanced by the Chinese Foreign Office, ‘that the course proposed by Prince Kung is a usual one in China,’ I reply, I did not come here, or my followers either, to accustom ourselves to the treatment usual with Chinese sailors or soldiers, or to assist them in a retrogressive policy in the treatment of European employees or Europeans in general.” In language no more measured than Lay’s, Osborn railed against Chinese administrative practice as a whole, and Li Hung-chang’s treatment of Gordon in particular. For the next three weeks, Lay ‘‘cajoled, argued, and stormed” at the Tsungli Yamen in the presence of Osborn and in the conspicuous absence of Prince Kung. On 6 October, Lay’s secretary, in Shanghai on his way to see Gordon, brought Hart a letter in which Lay an-

nounced that “the command question” was again to the fore, but concluded unrealistically that there was “every hope of a good ching-lin, ‘adjustment.’”? Hart, who knew his Tsungli Yamen, was not sanguine. On 15 October (Hart did not hear of it until he had another letter from Lay on the 24th), Osborn gave the Tsungli Yamen an ultimatum: either they confirm his agreement with Lay 256

LAY’S SHIPWRECK

within forty-eight hours or he would immediately disband the force.

The Prince and his associates were unmoved. Wen-hsiang stated baldly that the Ch’ing Court would rather retreat behind the Great Wall than submit to Osborn’s demands. Receiving no reply, on 19 October Osborn forwarded all the relevant documents to Bruce, with a covering letter stating his intention to disband the force, but requesting instructions concerning the vessels. These being the prop-

erty of the imperial authority, he feared they would constitute a danger if turned over to irresponsible provincial jurisdiction in the Shanghai area. Some confusion followed, with consultations by the Yamen ministers with both the British and American ministers, until it was mutually agreed that the force should be repatriated in the Flotilla vessels, under Osborn’s authority, to be disposed of in con-

sultation with British authorities in India and Britain. Interim financing was arranged, and Osborn departed from Peking on 6 November 1863. In consideration of his labors, the Chinese government requested him to accept a special solatium of 10,000 taels.

Lay’s part in this last stage was confined to working out costs and allocations for the repatriation. He claimed, subsequently, that he offered to resign as Inspector General but was strongly urged by the members of the Yamen not to do so. To an onlooker, however, his dismissal seemed inevitable. The wound he had inflicted upon China’s pride, from the abrasive Tientsin negotiations onward, was too deep for easy forgiveness. He had demanded to usurp powers no sovereign state could possibly designate to a paid foreign employee; not merely did he wish to direct the operations of the fleet,

but he expected to control disposal of the Customs revenue as well—a jurisdiction of such magnitude as to allow him, the Yamen believed, to dictate state policy. More than that, he demanded the abolition of two high offices that blocked his access to the Customs revenue (the Peiyang and the Nanyang Ta-ch’en or Northern and Southern Commissioners); for his living quarters in Peking he expected a fu or palace such as was allowed only to princes of royal lineage; he assumed equality with the high ministers of the Yamen, holding himself responsible only to Prince Kung; and, on the practtcal level, he was dilatory in presenting his accounts for the money expended on the fleet. On 15 November, therefore, after consultation with both Burlingame and Bruce, the Yamen dismissed Lay. At

the same time, they accorded him, like Osborn, a generous financial settlement—expenses to cover setting up his establishment in Peking,

a monthly salary until 15 March 1864, and a parting gratuity of

6,000 taels (in all, some 14,000 English pounds). , 257

HART AND THE NEW ANGLO-CHINESE ORDER

Under the same date as that of the dispatch dismissing Lay, 15 November 1863, Prince Kung wrote another appointing Hart to the vacancy. But of this Hart had no formal information until, as he wrote in his journal, on Sunday morning the 29th, the Shanghai taotai forwarded to him a dispatch from the Tsungli Yamen addressing him with the Chinese characters meaning Inspector General.

He could scarcely have been surprised. His appointment had been foreshadowed as early as 11 June, when Wen-hsiang had reminded him that an “acting” official might well become a regular official, and that, if Lay left the Customs Service, he (Hart) was the only possible replacement. Moreover, during the last week, various travel-

ers from Peking had been by to tell him of the disbanding of the fleet: Osborn himself, with whom he had dinner and a long talk on the 22nd; James D. Campbell on his way home to England aboard one of the Flotilla ships; and, on Friday, a note from Lay dated the 16th said that ‘“‘the Chinese have dispensed with his services and appointed me to succeed him.” Hart’s journal entry for 7 December summarized his view of the Lay-Osborn fiasco. “‘Lay’s reticence has smashed everything—himself

too, to wind up the series of disasters. His disappearance, however, will not grieve our Service much; for his want of tact, his arbitrary way of doing things, made one feel unsafe and unsettled. ...I am, however, very sorry for Lay; for he has served the Chinese long, and has, I believe, acted very conscientiously throughout: working hard,

in all that he did, believing he was acting for the best of all concerned. But conscientious action requires sense and judgment in the field, and tact and understanding in men at the helm. He was deficient in tact; he would not give them—the Chinese—time; and he cut off the branch of future management by his own doings.”

In later life, it is said, Hart seldom mentioned the Lay-Osborn Flotilla. Lay and he signed the final accounts on 4 January 1864, and five days later Lay left Shanghai for England. To Bruce, in early 1864, Hart stated the general philosophy to which he would adhere

for the next forty years of his service to the Ch’ing government: “What ought to be expected from the government is, that it will

endeavor to carry out faithfully the treaties into which it has entered; and if, in addition to peaceful acting up to the terms of those treaties, it listens with attention to the representations made by foreign ministers, it will I think be enough to hope for, even though no other result became apparent for a quarter of a century. We cannot call them to change at once; and indeed, any such demand is more likely to delay than to accelerate a wholesome change. 258

LAY’S SHIPWRECK

Experience will eventually convince the government, that in no way can it get on better with foreign powers than by adhering to its engagements, and carrying them into effect in a liberal spirit: but for experience, time must be allowed; and to management of a rational

kind, rather than to dictation, must we look, if, while giving the government time, any active attempt be made to lead it to profit by experience.’’ One of Hart’s strengths was a common-sense realism, if one of his weaknesses was over-optimism. Both, fortunately, in contrast with Lay’s dogmatism, were useful attitudes for work in China.

The record is all in his journal, to which we turn back now, with Hart as Deputy Inspector General arriving at Shanghai on 9 May 1863, from his trip up the Yangtze, to welcome his boss returning from England.

259

Map of Peking

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From The Treaty Ports of China and Japan by William Frederick Mayers, N. B. Dennys, and Charles King.

| 260

References to Map of Peking | Note: the thick lines are according to the Russian and French Surveys. The thin lines indicate approximately the general direction of the smaller streets and lanes. |

1. British Legation. 32. Chou-chang b. (Soup kitchen). 2. Prussian Legation. 33. Po-yung-kuan (Temple).

3. Russian Legation. 34. Temple of the Moon. 4. French Legation. 35. Tien-ling-ssu (Temple).

5. United States Legation. 36. Wan-jen-kéng (Place of deposit

rench Mission

6. Nan-t’ang, i h Missi for bodies of criminals). 7. Tanga Churches. 37. White Ming Pagoda.

8. Si-t’ang, 38. Russian Cemetery.

9. Foreign Customs Inspectorate. 39, Jih-tan (Temple). 10. Tung-ho-kung (Lama temple). 40. Hei-ssu =) (Lama Temples). _ 11. Wen-miao (Confucian temple). 41. Hwang-ssu {

12. Corean Embassy. 42. Drum tower.

13. Mahomedan Mosque. 43. Té-sheng-mén

14. Kuang-sing-tai (Observatory). 44, An-ting-mén 15. Ti-wang-miao (Imperial temple). 45. Tung-chih-mén

16. Pai-ta-ssu (Temple.) 46. Chi-ho-mén Gates of

17. Hu-po-ssu (do.) 47. Hai-té-mén the

18. Mei-shan (Hill of Coal.) 48. Chien-mén Tartar City 19. Kao-chang (Examination Hall). 49, Shun-chih-mén

20. Russian Mission. 50. Ping-tzu-mén 21. Peh-tang (French Ecclesiastical 51. Si-chih-mén

Mission). 52. How mén

22. Mongolian Market. 53. Yung-hua mén | Gates of the

23. Temple of Heaven. 54, Si-hua mén Imperial City.

24. Temple of Agriculture. 55. Ta-ching mén

25. Golden Fish Ponds. 56. Si-pien mén

26. Si-ho-yen (Picture street.) 57. Tung-pien mén jf Gates of the Lang-fang-t’ou-tiao-hu-tung 58. Sha-huo mén Chinese City

(Picture street). 59. Cheang-tzu mén \ exclusive of 27. at street) (theatres in thisNan-si 60. Tung-ting | wall dividing 61. ménmén Chinese and 28. Lu-li-chang (Book street). 62. Hang-yimén / Tartar cities. 29. Yu-ying-tang (Foundling hospital). 64. Jih-tou (temple). 30. Yang-chi-yuan (Lock hospital). 65. Tsai-shih-kou-rh (Execution

31. Chou-chang a. (Soup kitchen). ground).

Note: This list retains the spelling of the original source. 261

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