Encounter, Transformation, and Agency in a Connected World: Narratives of Korean Women, 1550–1700 2023002792, 9781032343099, 9781032343112, 9781003321477

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
List of figures
Acknowledgements
Notes on the text
Introduction
1. Dead Women
2. Surviving Women
3. Fervent Women
4. Conforming Women
5. Treasured Women
6. Silent Women
Conclusions
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Encounter, Transformation, and Agency in a Connected World

Analysing a series of narratives that described women who transformed the worlds they lived in, this book introduces students and scholars to the lives of the women of Joseon Korea 1550–1700. Exploring their interactions both at home and abroad, this book shows how the agency of these women reached far across the globe. The narratives explored here appeared in a wide range of written, visual, and material forms, from woodcuts and printed texts, letters, journals, and chronicles to inscriptions on monuments, and were produced by Joseon’s elite officials, grieving families, Japanese civic administrators, Jesuit missionaries, local historians of the Japanese ceramic industry, and men of the Dutch East India Company. The women whose voices, lives, and actions were presented in these texts lived during a time when Joseon Korea was undergoing substantial social, political, and cultural changes. Their works described women’s capacity to transform, in ways large and small, themselves, their families, and society around them. Interest in such women was not limited to a readership within the kingdom alone in this period but was reported across transnational networks to a global audience, from Japan to Europe, carrying messages about Korean women’s agency far and wide. Encounter, Transformation, and Agency in a Connected World: Narratives of Korean Women, 1550–1700 is essential reading for students and scholars interested in the history of Joseon Korea and Asia and in the history of women in the early modern period more broadly. Susan Broomhall is the Director of the Gender and Women’s History Research Centre at the Australian Catholic University. She was a Founding Chief Investigator of the Academy of Korean Studies-funded Korea Research Centre at The University of Western Australia. She is a historian of women and gender in the early modern world, with over 20 monographs and edited collections.

Encounter, Transformation, and Agency in a Connected World Narratives of Korean Women, 1550–1700

Susan Broomhall

Designed cover image: Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, Seoul National University First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Susan Broomhall The right of Susan Broomhall to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Broomhall, Susan, author. Title: Encounter, transformation, and agency in a connected world : narratives of Korean women, 1550-1700 / Susan Broomhall. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2023. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2023002792 | ISBN 9781032343099 (paperback) | ISBN 9781032343112 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003321477 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Women--Korea--Social conditions. | Women--Korea--History. Classification: LCC HQ1765.5 .B76 2023 | DDC 305.420951909/031--dc23/eng/20230417 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023002792 ISBN: 978-1-032-34311-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-34309-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-32147-7 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477 Typeset in Times New Roman by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.

Contents

List of figures Acknowledgements Notes on the text

vi viii ix

Introduction1 1 Dead Women14 2 Surviving Women

49

3 Fervent Women

69

4 Conforming Women

91

5 Treasured Women

111

6 Silent Women

131

Conclusions151 Bibliography153 Index172

List of figures

Madam Jeong falls upon a sword, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 20 1.2 Madam Im holds a knife to her throat, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 21 1.3 Madam Sin wields a sword, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 22 1.4 Madam Jeon attempts to wrest the sword from her attacker, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 23 1.5 A soldier cuts off the hands of Madam Gim of Goksan, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 24 1.6 Madam Won attempts to cut her throat, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 25 1.7 Madam Ha throws herself off a cliff to avoid her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 26 1.8 The maiden Ga drowns herself in a well to avoid soldiers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 27 1.9 Madam Choe attempts to kill a soldier with a rock, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 28 1.10 Madam Gwon retaliates for her husband’s death using stones, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 29 1.11 Madam Gang rebukes the soldiers who tried to restrain her, as depicted in the new sequel to the illustrated guide to the three bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 31 1.1

List of figures vii 1.12 Madam Gim of Boeun gesticulates at her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 32 1.13 The daughter of an army official verbally attacks Japanese soldiers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 33 1.14 The maiden, I, raises her hands to the heavens as she waits for death, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 34 1.15 Madam I confronts her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617) 35 5.1 The Hyakubasen monument at Hoon Temple, Hiekoba 112 5.2 Side inscription on the Hyakubasen monument at Hoon Temple, Hiekoba 113 5.3 The Hyakubasen grave site in the Izumiyama-Kamikohira kyodo cemetery, Arita 121

Acknowledgements

Through its funding of the Korea Research Centre at The University of Western Australia, research for this work was supported by the Core University Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2020OLU-20200039). As a Chief Investigator, my time in the Centre and since has been enriched by enthusiastic and supportive colleagues, Director Joanna ElfvingHwang, Nicola Fraschini, Jae-Eun Noh, Hyunmi Kim, Caleb Kelso-Marsh, and Younghye Whitney. This project has also generated a huge debt of gratitude for the research assistance of Gao Ming, Altina Hoti, Lisa Elliott, Jeehyun Ahn, Esther González Pérez, and Yoojin Choi. I am sincerely grateful to Dario Scarinci at the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Remco Vrolijk at the Hirado Dutch Trading Post, Osaki Yōko at the Arita Folk and History Museum, Kubota Hitoshi of the Gallery Baek Pasun, Arita, and Yanagawa Yuko and S.E. Rife, in Arita, for site advice, translation, and research assistance. The exceptional staff in the libraries at The University of Western Australia and Australian Catholic University worked tirelessly with many, many more libraries and librarians worldwide to source and supply reproductions and loans of texts from their collections, making this work possible despite the restrictions and disruptions imposed by Covid-19. As always, thanks to Tim, Fionn, and Cai for their unending support and curiosity to discover new cultures and stories with me.

Notes on the text

As readers of this work may come from diverse scholarly backgrounds, language traditions, and interests, I have tried to make accessible the materials, cultures, or historical contexts discussed. Unless quoting from sources or the names of scholars, this work adopts the revised romanisation conventions developed by the National Academy of Korean Language. Macrons are used in Japanese romanisation, following the revised Hepburn system, except where the word has become a common loanword in English. Key terms are transliterated and translated throughout the text to enhance comprehension of specific concepts. Where possible, names of key works are provided in the language and script of their production, a transliteration, and an English translation. Names of historical individuals typically follow Korean, Chinese, and Japanese language conventions, with family names preceding generational, given, and, if relevant, baptismal names. The names of modern scholars are used as they are romanised and ordered in the publication cited, or if no romanised version has been noted, as per revised romanisation rules for the relevant language. Regnal dates within the East Asian lunar-solar calendar system in use at this period do not correspond directly with the years of the Julian and Gregorian calendars. I have tried to provide both relevant European and Asian dating systems, where possible.

Introduction

This book analyses a series of narratives that described women from the Joseon kingdom who transformed the worlds that they lived in. These women experienced one of the most disruptive periods in Joseon’s history, a time when the kingdom and the region were undergoing substantial social, political, and cultural changes. These narratives, which appeared in written, visual, and material forms, described women’s capacity to transform, in ways large and small, themselves, their families, and society around them. These texts demonstrate how women’s capacity for transformative action could be understood, in some cases where we can hear a voice, by the women themselves, and always by others who were living in the Joseon kingdom and beyond it. As this book explores, interest in such women was not limited to a readership within the kingdom alone in this period but was reported across transnational networks to a global audience, from Japan to Europe, carrying messages about Korean women’s agency far and wide. The narratives explored here appeared in a wide range of forms, from woodcuts and printed texts, letters, journals, and chronicles to inscriptions on monuments. What they hold in common are representation of women who came from the society of the middle Joseon period, which extended over Europe’s sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It was a period of profound conflict on the Korean peninsula, beginning during the reign of King Seonjo with the Japanese invasions instigated by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, followed by further military conflict, in the reign of King Injo, with the Later Jin dynasty eventually installed in China and renamed as the Qing. The outcome of the latter was the kingdom’s new client relationship with the Qing dynasty. In part because of these events, women as well as men from the Joseon dynasty came into new contact with others both within and outside their culture. At the same time, new forms of narrative were produced to make sense of these often violent events and their consequences across the region, not only for Joseon society but also for the societies with which it interacted in this period. These records were made by a range of authors in very different contexts. Some were people who lived within Joseon society, both natives and others, and others were produced by those who perceived the kingdom from afar. Some of their texts were intended for readerships within its society and others for those beyond. These contexts necessarily shaped their varied explorations and conclusions about DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-1

2  Introduction the status and activities of women from Joseon. Each of these texts described the lives of women of different social status and experience, and promulgated expectations for how women’s agency operated. These texts also functioned within these authors’ understandings of themselves as women and as men, as they performed their identities and their particular forms of femininity or masculinity through their accounts. They tell us at least as much about their authors as the women who were their subjects. As such, understanding why these authors perceived that focusing on such women or these specific women would help prosecute their mission is key to understanding the claims they made about women’s lives. Encounters and transformative and agentive possibilities This book analyses how authors depicted women from the Joseon kingdom as agentive in their communities and their lives, transforming the worlds they experienced. It focuses upon a period that might approximately be described as the middle Joseon period, during which the kingdom was led by the Yi, an immensely long-lived dynasty founded by King Taejo in Europe’s 1392 and lasting until the early twentieth century. This book’s focus on women in the middle Joseon period reflects an equally transformative moment in Joseon history, a time of profound disruption and of change not only for Joseon but also for the societies and communities in the world beyond that followed. No single cultural chronological terminology is completely inclusive of all these contexts. While all the women discussed here were born in this period, the accounts that bring them to our attention were variously produced in contexts that include Tokugawa Japan and Counter-­ Reformation Europe as well as middle Joseon society. Intense interaction between the cultures and peoples of East Asia was a major feature of this period and significant to many of the accounts this book studies. Hideyoshi’s two invasions of the Joseon kingdom during Seonjo’s reign, Europe’s late sixteenth century, saw the most striking destruction to the physical, political, and social landscape of the Korean peninsula until the twentieth century.1 In Seonjo’s 27th year/1592, having rejected Hideyoshi’s diplomatic overtures to comply with his vision, the Joseon kingdom faced the might of the Japanese military forces. In a rapid manoeuvre, Japan landed massive numbers of troops on the Korean mainland, wreaking widespread destruction across Joseon society. However, by the following year, Japanese supply lines were overstretched and the mission’s ambitions challenged by Joseon and Ming counteroffensives.2 The Japanese withdrew. Diplomatic channels were opened but failed to repair relations. By Seonjo 30/1597, Hideyoshi launched a second campaign. The intervention of military assistance from Ming China was significant, although what brought the conflict to a decisive end was the death of Hideyoshi himself in the following year. In recent years, scholars have begun to interpret these events as an East Asian war.3 While this term emphasises the importance of the invasion on a global scale, it potentially obscures the fact that the Joseon kingdom suffered most grievously (although by no means exclusively) through it.

Introduction 3 Further destructive conflict awaited Joseon society in the first half of Europe’s seventeenth century as part of a concerted push by the Manchurian Jurchen Later Jin dynasty for control of the wider region. During the fifth year of the reign of King Injo/1627, Prince Amin led forces into Joseon as retaliation for Joseon and Ming attacks on the Later Jin offensive against the Ming, which had been led by Amin’s uncle, Nurhaci. Jurchen and Joseon people had long experience of conflict, as well as negotiations, trade, and intermarriage, stemming back to the Goryeo state. On this occasion, Pyeongyang fell to looting, allowing the Later Jin forces to push for a settlement in which Joseon was obliged to offer tribute and economic access to the Jurchen.4 The resistance of Joseon’s leadership to these demands led in Injo 14/1636 to renewed attack that aimed to ensure Joseon’s formal recognition of the recently established Later Jin, now Qing, dynasty, and Nurhaci’s son, Hong Taiji, as Emperor. In a matter of weeks, Hong Taiji’s forces were able to demand that Joseon’s Yi dynasty, under Injo, accept Qing, rather than the displaced Ming, within a new tributary relationship. The aftermath of these devastating conflicts held different kinds of consequences for Joseon society. JaHyun Kim Haboush suggests that, while the Japanese invasions were physically, economically, and demographically ruinous for Joseon, the cultural impact of the kingdom’s submission to the Qing dynasty, perceived by many Joseon intellectuals as ‘barbarian’, was more profound.5 This is a perspective that can perhaps best be seen from the wider lens of Joseon’s long history. For women, both conflicts re-shaped their status and agency. Attention to the experiences of women has focused on forms of violence to which they were subjected during these conflicts, as well as on stories (and their origins in authentic experience) of wartime heroines such as the gisaeng Nongae.6 In the aftermath of the invasions, a rebuilding of the state and a profound collective cultural repositioning of Joseon identity and society was required. The status of women was critical to that process, making meaning for Joseon understandings of social order.7 Apart from the profound social disruption and political changes for the Joseon kingdom of these conflicts, one of their outcomes was an intense phase of mobility that involved women as well as men. Some were forced to do so, others did so voluntarily in search of new opportunities, in movements that were not only across physical space but also across cultures and faiths. Several of the sources explored in this book were produced as a result of contact with women from the Joseon kingdom as they lived and interacted with Japanese officials, or European missionary and trading groups outside of Joseon. New forms of agency were perceived to be possible for such women as a result of the profound transformation in their lives wrought by international conflict. Narrating women’s experiences The texts studied in this book were produced in moments of encounter for its women, whether within or beyond the Joseon kingdom. Some narrate the lives of women who remained within Joseon society and others those who moved outside it. For clarity, I employ the term ‘Joseon-born’ to describe the latter cohort of women,

4  Introduction whose ongoing associations with Joseon culture are not clear. In some cases, the sources were produced in and for one society, about women whose lives were lived in a different society. These texts were primarily created by men, Joseon, Japanese, Dutch, Portuguese, Italian, and Spanish, yet they present the mediated voice of a woman, sometimes the woman whose life the narrative recounts and, in others, those of other contemporary women, which may shed light on female experiences. Together they may provide a deeper understanding of women’s lives and suggest new ways in which we can uncover their experiences within this period. Recent scholarship has brought forth both individual cases and analyses of women’s voices within the Joseon kingdom. Attention has focused upon women within the royal palace, where official records captured at least some aspects of their lives, especially their political activities. They and other highly educated women also produced literary, instructional, epistolary, and other texts, created ritual productions, and commissioned further works, including art reflecting their Buddhist affiliations.8 Martina Deuchler has emphasised the mediation by men that has shaped the survival of such works, observing that their preservation depended upon male family members to retain a female creative expression that was not encouraged. As such, just ‘a few named works of art, literature, and philosophy have thus been preserved as extraordinary exhibits of female artistry and scholarship anonymously pursued in the inner quarters’.9 Other kinds of historical materials present new opportunities to study women’s lives in the Joseon kingdom outside of the elite. Jisoo M. Kim’s important analysis of Joseon petitioning demonstrates how expertly women utilised this legal avenue to voice complaints and seek resolution to them.10 These petitions reflected and reproduced contemporary ideas about social order in the Joseon state, and adeptly spoke through a gendered emotional discourse that corresponded with contemporary expectations of women and men. These are rich sources that produce women’s voices, emotions, and experiences as narratives designed for legal effect, and which invite further study. Kim argues that Japanese colonial misinterpretation of women’s legal status and capacity has not only had significant consequences for women in the post-Liberation period but has also hampered understanding of the experiences of women in the Joseon period.11 Exploring these sources further and looking for other relevant contemporary materials can thus enhance our knowledge of Joseon women’s lives. One area that has helped in this regard is the investigation of early and middle Joseon vernacular letters (eongan).12 They have, for example, been analysed as evidence of female educational levels.13 Researchers have also highlighted the significance of eongan as sources to explore such topics of interest as contemporary dress, and textiles and their vocabularies, as well as emotions and the life courses of women.14 While this area of scholarly attention investigates women’s own voices and narrative productions within the Joseon kingdom, another rich literature explores the status of women across the Joseon period. Scholars have debated the role of the Japanese invasions, for example, in defining a new form, or a reinforcement, of neo-Confucian values about women’s roles and place in society

Introduction 5 that was to emerge after the conflict and solidify in late Joseon culture. By that period, a strong emphasis on women’s marital chastity or fidelity, already present before the invasions, appears to have become yet more prominent, defining women in public discourse in seemingly more limited terms of their sexual and reproductive functions.15 Yet, as Kim Haboush reminds us, ‘[g]iven the complexity of discursive and social practices, it should come as no surprise that Confucianism, while constricting the lives of premodern East Asian women, was also to a limited extent an empowering force’.16 More recent studies have questioned how far, even in the late Joseon period, Confucian ideals matched with everyday practice, especially for non-elite women. Such research suggests, for example, that women at lower levels may have been less influenced by the Confucianising process.17 This study considers both Joseon values and those of societies and polities in which women found themselves, in which their experiences were narrated, and in which these texts were created. These are not values forged in complete isolation from each other in many cases. As Adam Bohnet has recently demonstrated, the Joseon kingdom was perhaps always more porous and open to others than was claimed, and the presence of populations of Jurchens, Japanese, and Chinese helped to shape how Joseon understood itself as its own community and as part of a wider Sinocentric culture.18 Transformation and agency: voiced and silenced The concepts of transformation and agency are central to this book’s analysis and both concepts are applied in several different ways. I use transformation to express three forms of dynamism that can be detected at play in these narratives. One is the profound transformation that women’s lives underwent during the events of this period, a kind of transformation that forms the backdrop for the experiences described in the narratives. A second type of transformation is that which was experienced directly by the women concerned and which forms a focus for their narrative, such as transitions in life stages, conversion, migration, or from life to death. A third form is the perception of transformative qualities that these women’s actions or lives held for their narrators, for example, as they made meaning and identities for their authors, whether they were Jesuits, men of the Dutch East India Company, or descendants of the women concerned. Transformation and agency operate together. The period in which these women produced transformative effects was one that created new forms of agency and action for them. The women themselves could be seen as transformative agents; that is, as having forms of agency, whether existing or emerging, that created transformation. Additionally, the acts that they were involved in could be understood as made by transformative forms of agency. These possibilities take their meaning from a nuanced understanding of agency that distinguishes between individuals’ capability to act, the nature, and/or impact of their action.19 As Colin Campbell has explored, analyses of agency variously explore how actors might possess the

6  Introduction means to act, how they employ it to accomplish action, or to assess the qualities and effect of such action.20 It is important to make clear that none of the accounts that I study here use the terminology of agency and power in their texts. The claims that they make about women’s forms of agency, as well as their own as creators and authors of texts, is implicit. What they reflect upon, I suggest, follows Laura M. Ahearn’s broad definition of agency as the ‘socioculturally mediated capability to act’ or in Campbell’s phrase, ‘the power that individuals possess that enables them to realize their chosen goals’.21 Moreover, what these goals might be are identified by the authors of the texts, which may or may not coincide with those that the women themselves might have understood. Thus, employing the term agency in this book is not intended to suggest that such agency, as ability or finished action, necessarily achieved the empowerment of women, however we understand that. Both the capacity to act and the nature of an action can be understood in different terms. As Jeffrey C. Alexander observes, ‘there is a dimension of free will, or agency, in every action’.22 However, many usages emphasise a socially oppositional or resisting element, ‘the ability of actors to operate independently of the determining constraints of social structure’.23 Often too, the nature of the action, following Anthony Giddens, is defined in terms of ‘transformative capacity’, ‘the capability of the actor to intervene in a series of events so as to alter their course’.24 Such conceptualisations may tend towards exaggerating the self-sufficiency of actors and the scale or degree of achievement of their action, adopting, as Alexander argues, a ‘distinctive evaluative “tone” … celebratory and often heroic’.25 Feminist scholarship such as that of Mary Caputi also raises concerns about a triumphalist concept of agency that risks viewing women’s achievement too narrowly as success in terms of overcoming patriarchal culture.26 Agency must be understood as proportionate to opportunity and context. It can relate to matters large and small. Steven Hitlin and Glen H. Elder consider agency ‘as an individual capacity for meaningful and sustained action, both within situations and across the life course’.27 Further, individuals also make such purposeful choices and achieve actions without identifying the forces that operate in their lives and to which they are subject.28 Many such forces are internalised, shaping how individuals understand their possibilities for action. People’s voluntary actions, and sense of their choices, thus emerge from within their culture and adapt to their context. We can understand agency for women and men as operating within patriarchal constraints and also attempting to dismantle these, sometimes even at the same time. Patriarchal systems such as that entailed in the Confucianising process of the middle Joseon period allow for some forms of agency for women, for example, in constrained ways, just as they constrained individual men both as family patriarchs and as subordinate sons. As Kim Haboush has argued, ‘in Confucian discourses there existed a certain theoretical flexibility that lent itself to the construction of woman-centred ideas and images, and often women availed themselves of these possibilities to construct alternative visions

Introduction 7 of womanhood’.29 To be clear, agency, the focus here, is distinct from subjectivity, although closely connected and important in defining the possibilities of action. Hearing women’s voices has been an important aspect of locating as well as analysing women’s forms of agency in particular. Studies of female-created texts consider how women could establish and use agency and reflect upon the context of that voiced action. However, drawing from critical theory, and particularly the deconstructionist, subversive attention of Theodor W. Adorno and Jacques Derrida, Caputi argues for our need to formulate agency capable of seeing and hearing, and understanding the experience of, the suffering, silenced, and marginalised, ‘countenancing failure in its gritty detail’.30 As she argues, ‘feminism must equate not only with speaking up and speaking out on one’s own behalf, but also listening to others, especially the voice of the sufferer whose pain puts our own success in a different light’.31 Caputi’s arguments regarding suffering emerge from her study of modern America but I draw value from her analysis in terms of how we might think historically about voices and silences, and the processes of mediation that inform their production. Ultimately, the texts I study here make their own meaning and definitions for agency, decision-making, and choices, and for women’s capacity in particular contexts. This book examines texts produced by women and texts about women whose experiences are narrated in male-authored accounts. In these mediated modes, I contend that women from the Joseon kingdom were present, important, and making meaning. There was power in this meaning-making. They were agentive and wielded transformative agency, even if it was not always most obviously for their own agendas. These narratives that recounted women’s transformations and shifts across physical space and across cultures held power to participate in the formation of new identities and communities. The chapters that follow explore six discrete case studies, each with its own individual and sometimes unusual characteristics. Together they can contribute to our understanding the history of women through the analytical listening that Caputi proposes, which has a ‘strong emphasis on what is highly individualized’.32 As she argues, ‘if we posit that allowing the sufferer to speak represents the means to uncover unintentional social truth, we presuppose that the sufferer has been listened to in a manner that hears the discordant, deviant, atonal voice speaking to us’.33 At stake was also the agency and power of their authors, mostly men, who were utilising women’s stories to do work for themselves in a variety of ways, as this study explores, and often to transform their own lives, identities, and communities. I analyse these authors and their accounts not simply as reflection of the cultures of which they (the women and the authors) were part, but as actively making meaning for themselves through women’s lives and memories. Importantly, their narratives help us to understand how contemporaries conceptualised the operation of women’s agency, in what contexts women were perceived capable of influencing their worlds, taking control of their lives, shaping those of their family members,

8  Introduction community, or society at large, either as they lived or through their memorialisation. This is equally crucial to our ability to add further nuance to our understanding of the lives of women and men from Joseon society. Book structure This book has a double chronology: that of the events and experiences described and that of the contexts in which the accounts were written. The order followed by this book traces the events and experiences of women of the period. We thus move from hearing and seeing women’s violent experiences in Joseon as a result of the Japanese invasions in Chapter 1 to following women who were captured or moved to Japan as a result of this conflict in Chapters 2–5. Finally, in Chapter 6, we examine how women’s lives were perceived by Dutch eyewitnesses living in the Joseon kingdom under kings Hyojong and Hyeonjong, in what was then Europe’s midseventeenth century, as the Joseon kingdom sought to position itself in the context of an evolving, complicated relationship with a new dynasty in China. The chapters take us to a world shaped by the Japanese invasions and conflict with the Later Jin and the changes to Joseon society and the world beyond that followed them. The first two chapters are studies about agency of an existential kind, the choice to live or die, and how to do so appropriately, in which women’s agency was narrated by individuals to explain both possible sets of actions. Chapter 1 analyses how, in the wake of the Japanese invasions, the violent experiences of women in the war became employed in a new discursive campaign to assert neo-Confucian values, specifically through the control of women’s bodies, celebrating heroines who kept their virtue intact against the onslaught of Japanese soldiers. The memories of a wide range of women were materialised in memorial gates and in works that defined and visualised women’s agency as their choice to die rather than become victims of sexual violence, giving their memories (created principally by men) a new power to define ideal female behaviour. While this aspect has been well documented by scholars to date, I argue that the voluminous nature of a didactic work known as the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (Dongguksinsok samgang haengsildo, 東國新續三綱行實圖), in which their stories appeared also provided discursive space for exploration of diverse forms of women’s agency, through descriptions of women’s actions, women’s words and the decisions that women were said to have made in terrible, violent circumstances. It publicised and celebrated such female capacity for action, and in so doing, made it available to other women as part of a repertoire of female capabilities that suggested that women’s agency and deliberative use of agency in certain contexts was critical to the future development of the Joseon state. Chapter 2 focuses on one female voice that was presented in a printed history of Joseon-Ming relations by the author Sin Gyeong. The voice was recorded in a letter that the scholar official Hwang Sin claimed to have received during his diplomatic mission to Hideyoshi in Seonjo 29/1596 from a Joseon-born woman who had been captured and taken to Japan. This letter expressed an uncommon perspective

Introduction 9 about the status of women who had been forcibly moved to Japan. It proposed that death was not the only honourable service that they might provide to the Joseon kingdom. In doing so, the letter offered an unusual interpretation of neo-Confucian ideologies that governed how the competing moral duties of such women might be weighed. At the same time, the chapter explores how the letter lent much-needed support and context for Hwang’s own experiences and actions during his mission, providing a reason why he may initially have made note of it. The next pair of chapters examine faith agency and the sets of possibilities for women’s determination of their spiritual experience as it was depicted in different kinds of contemporary documents. In Chapter 3, I explore how among the many who were taken to Japan was a woman known to us through the records of Jesuit missionaries in Japan. This was Julia Ota, one of several women from the Joseon kingdom who were identified as converts to Christianity. Ota’s experiences and voice as a convert to Catholicism are presented by a series of Jesuit authors and correspondents who publicised her life, speech, and translations of her letters. Designed to showcase to European readers the success of the ministry in East Asia, Ota’s spiritual transformation offered the tantalising possibility of how the Christian faith could reach even a seemingly closed society as the Joseon kingdom was perceived by Europeans to be, as well as the profound power of Christian transformation in Julia’s own life and that of those, especially women, around her. Chapter 4 considers the agency of another cohort of women who came to Japan during Hideyoshi’s invasions, as they appear in official documentation required by the Tokugawa state. In its desire to stamp out Christian adherence, Japanese officials compiled census-type registers of local populations that also contained information designed to demonstrate residents’ religious conformity. In an extant register made in Kan’ei 19, Europe’s 1642/3, about those living in the Hirado ward in Nagasaki, a port city with a strong heritage of Christian practice, the experiences and decisions of a series of women from the Joseon kingdom are presented for the consumption of state officials. This text captures their religious decision-making as a form of agency that made sense of their lives within a Japanese community as well as its documentation in a Japanese bureaucratic context. The final two chapters consider how narratives about women’s agency, or the lack of it, helped to define the identify of particular communities. Chapter 5 examines the case of women from the Joseon kingdom, the idea of whose existence mattered to those who were constructing their own place in Tokugawa Japan as potters following long-held ceramic traditions. This chapter analyses how, in their own contexts a century or more after the arrival of Joseon-born individuals as a consequence of the Japanese invasions, narratives recounted on texts and monuments proposed ways of imagining the transformative role of such women in the ceramic industries of Arita. It explores how articulating the agency of women from the Joseon kingdom in this industry mattered to the aims of the producers of the narratives. I argue that these women anchored these texts, as generative figures who were perceived to provide bloodlines, knowledge, and skills to these ceramic businesses, at a time of disruption, transformation, and eventual success in the establishment of new pottery industries and forms.

10  Introduction In Chapter 6, I consider how the identity of men who formed part of Protestant European society and the Dutch East India Company could be both reaffirmed and transformed by the observation and understandings given to women in the Joseon kingdom in their texts. In 1653, during the fourth year of King Hyojong’s reign, the surviving crew of the shipwrecked Dutch East India Company vessel, Sperwer, were forcibly held within local communities across the kingdom. Some married and had children. One was never to return. For those who escaped, writing an account of their experiences as they sought reintegration into the life of the Company and European society was in part made possible by a comparison of the position and status of women in Joseon with those communities that they knew in Europe. Their texts reveal how women mattered deeply to the way these authors conceptualised Joseon society, its men as well as its women, and, indeed, to how they identified themselves as men of the Company. I suggest that these texts demonstrate an implicit understanding that these women held the power to transform them. Collectively these chapters explore contemporary perspectives about agency, ideas about transformative behaviours and beliefs, forged in pivotal moments in which identities were at stake. Each chapter springboards from a particular body of sources that allows for a case study of women’s lives seen in different contexts and activities. The focus of these chapters demonstrate a range of narrative possibilities for women from the Joseon kingdom, and new ways to hear, see, and read the complexity and diversity of women’s life experiences and choices. Notes 1 On Hideyoshi’s diplomatic engagement with Joseon ahead of his military intervention, see 三鬼清一郎 (Seiichiro Miki), 豊臣秀吉の対外政策 (Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s Foreign Policy), 韓國史論 (Korean History Discourse), 22 (1992): 49–72. 2 For the involvement of the Ming army, its policy, and the resulting prolongation of the conflict, see the recent analysis of 趙湲來 / 조원래 (Cho, Weol-lae), 明軍의 出兵과 壬亂戰局의 推移 (The Intervention of the Ming Army in the Imjin War), 韓國史論 (Korean History Discourse), 22 (1992): 110–40. See also Seung Yeon Sang and Hermod Kim Shiduck, ‘The Logic and Method of Justifying Foreign Invasions: Comparing the Hideyoshi and Manchu Invasions of Chosŏn,’ Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 27, 2 (2014): 187–209. 3 A vast literature covers all aspects of the war, usefully analysed by Kenneth M. Swope, ‘Perspectives on the Imjin War,’ The Journal of Korean Studies, 12, 1 (2007): 154–61; 정두희 (Jung Doo-hee) and 이경순 (Lee Kyung-soon) (eds), 임진왜란 동아시아 삼국 전쟁 (A Transnational History of the Imjin War 1592-1598: The East Asian Dimension) (Seoul: Humanist, 2007), see also Kenneth M. Swope, A Dragon’s Head and a Serpent’s Tail: Ming China and the First Great East Asian War, 1592–1598 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009); James B. Lewis (ed.), The East Asian War, 1592-1598: International Relations, Violence and Memory (London: Routledge, 2015). 4 Recent studies include Kenneth M. Swope, The Military Collapse of China’s Ming Dynasty (London: Routledge, 2014); Ji-Young Lee, China’s Hegemony: Four Hundred Years of East Asian Domination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016), and earlier, Frederic Wakeman, The Great Enterprise: The Manchu Reconstruction of Imperial Order in Seventeenth-Century China, vol. 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). For a slightly earlier period of international tributary relations, Kenneth R. Robinson, Policies of Practicality: The Chosŏn Court’s Regulation of Contact with

Introduction 11

5

6

7 8

9

Japanese and Jurchens, 1392–1580s (PhD Thesis, University of Hawaii, 1997) and Peter I. Yun, Rethinking the Tribute System: Korean States and Northeast Asian Interstate Relations, 600–1600 (PhD Thesis, University of California, 1998). JaHyun Kim Haboush, The Great Asian War and the Birth of the Korean Nation (eds.) William J. Haboush and Jisoo M. Kim, with Sixiang Wang, Hwisang Cho, and Ksenia Chizhova Kim (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016). Kim Haboush’s views about Joseon’s challenges to forming a functional relationship with the new Qing dynasty are broadly supported by the arguments of the international relations scholar Ji-Young Lee in her 2016 work, China’s Hegemony. 정지영 (Jung, Ji Young), 논개와 계월향의 죽음을 다시 기억하기:조선시대‘의 기(義妓)의 탄생과 배제된 기억들 (Re-remembering the ‘Deaths of Nongae and Gyewŏlhyang’: The Invention of ‘Loyal Gisaeng’ in Joseon and Excluded Memories), 한국여성학 (Journal of Korean Women’s Studies), 23, 3 (2007): 155–88; 정출 헌 (Chung, Chul-Heon), 임진왜란의 상처와 여성의 죽음에 대한 기억 -동래부의 김 섬(金蟾)과 애향(愛香) 그리고 용궁현의 두 婦女子를 중심으로 (Wound of Imjin War and the Memory of Death of Women – Keum-Seom and Ae-Hyang in Dongne Bu and two women in Yonggung Hyeon), 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 21 (2010): 35–67. See further discussion in Chapter 1. Development of the discourse of the virtuous women after the Japanese invasions is considered within Chapter 1. For examples of studies within the courtly world, see Jin Myung Kim, ‘Patriarchal Discourse and Female Oppression: An Analytic Approach to Naehun and Saryepyollam’, Asian Women, 1 (1995): 163–81; John Duncan, ‘The Naehun and the Politics of Gender in Fifteenth-Century Korea,’ in Creative Women of Korea: The Fifteenth through the Twentieth Centuries (ed.) Young-Key Kim-Renaud ((M.E. Sharpe, 2004) London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 26–57; JaHyun Kim Haboush, ‘The Vanished Women of Korea: The Anonymity of Texts and the Historicity of Subjects’, in Servants of the Dynasty: Palace Women in World History (ed.) Anne Walthall (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2008), pp. 280–98; 김세서리아 (Kim, Seseoria), 조선 전기 가족 인식에 대한 여성철학적 성찰: 소혜왕후의 『내훈』과 친불교적 발언을 중심으로 (A Feminist Philosophical Inquiry on the Recognition of Family of the Early Joseon Dynasty, focussing on Queen Dowager Sohye’s Naehun and Pro-Buddhist References), 한국여성철 학 (Korean Feminist Philosophy), 11 (2009): 1–30; 최진아 (Choi, Jin-A), 韓 . 中†여 성 교육서의 서사책략과 문화이데올로기 - 15세기 明 . 朝鮮의≪內訓≫을 중심으 로 - (The Narrative Strategy and Cultural Ideology of Women’s Education Books in 15th Century Korea and China – Focusing on ‘Naehun’ in the Ming and Joseon Dynasties), 중국인문과학 (Journal of Chinese Humanities), 44 (2010): 279–92; Kyungwon Choe, Marginalized yet Devoted: Buddhist Paintings Commissioned by Nuns of the Early Joseon Palace Cloisters (PhD Thesis, University of Kansas, 2011); 노경자 (Nho, Kyong-Ja), 17세기 한글편지를 통해 본 왕실 여성들의 삶과 문화『숙명신한첩』 을 중심으로 (The Lives and Culture of Royal Court Women as It Appears in 17th Century Hangeul Letters, with Special Emphasis on Sungmyeongsinhancheop), 민족문화 (The Journal of Korean Classics), 51 (2018): 179–213; 이남희 (I Namhui), 조선후기 인현 왕후 언간을 통해 본 왕실여성의 생활세계 (The Lifestyle of Royal Women in the late Joseon dynasty through Queen Inhyeon’s Vernacular Letters (eongan)), 국학연구 (Korean Studies), 37 (2018): 435–64; 김세서리아 (Kim, Seseoria),『내훈』 의『열녀전』인 물 인용을 통해 본 소혜왕후의 젠더정치성 (Queen SoHye’s Gender Politics through Nae-hun’s Citation of Lie-Nü-Zhuan), 시대와철학 (Epoch and Philosophy: A Journal of Philosophical Thought in Korea), 32 (2021): 37–67; Yoo Jaebin, ‘Feminine Space in Court Paintings of Late Joseon Dynasty,’ The Review of Korean Studies, 25, 2 (2022): 11–82. Martina Deuchler, ‘Propagating Female Virtues in Chosŏn Korea,’ in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan (eds.) Dorothy Ko, Kim Haboush and Joan Piggott (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), pp. 142–69, here 163.

12  Introduction 10 Jisoo M. Kim, The Emotions of Justice: Gender, Status and Legal Performance in Chosŏn Korea (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015). 11 Ibid., pp. 151–3. 12 조항범 (Jo Hangbeom), 註解순천김씨 묘출토간찰 (Letters from the Grave of the Suncheon Kim Family) (Seoul: Taehaksa, 1998); 백두현 (Paek, Doo-hyeon), 조선시대 여 성의 문자생활 연구- 한글 편지와 한글 고문서를 중심으로 (A Study of the Life of Women in the Joseon Period, Centering on Old Korean Letters and Old Korean Documents), 어문론총 (Language and Literature Confederation: EMLC), 42 (2005): 21–56; Sun Joo Kim, ‘Letters on Everyday Life,’ and JaHyun Kim Haboush, ‘Letters between Spouses,’ in Epistolary Korea: Letters in the Communicative Space of the Joseon, 1392–1910 (ed.) Kim Haboush (New York, Columbia University Press, 2009), pp. 226–34, 249–61; 하여주 (Ha, Yeo Ju), 17세기 조선 사회의 결혼형태 변화에 따른 젠더 계층화 시도와 갈등 양 상 (Gender Stratification through the Change of Marriage Pattern in the 17th Century Joseon Dynasty, Focusing on the Letters of Ms Gwak of Hyeonpung), 여성학연구 (PNU Journal of Women’s Studies), 27, 3 (2017): 71–103. 13 이기대 (Lee Gi-dae), 한글편지에 나타난 순원왕후의 일상과 가족 (The Daily Life and Family of Queen Sunwon in Hangeul Letters), 한국고전여성문 학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 18 (2009): 315–49; 이은희 (Lee, Eun Hee), 조 선중기 '언간(한글편지)'을 통한 생활 속의 문해교육 (A Study of Literacy Education within Daily Lives through Eongan (Korean Letters) in the Middle Joseon Period), 평 생교육학연구 (Journal of Lifelong Education), 21, 3 (2015): 141–64. 14 장인우 (Chang, In-Woo), 조선중기 의생활 어휘에 대하여: 순천 김씨묘 언문간찰 중 심 (On the Vocabulary of Clothing in the Middle Joseon Period, Based on Mrs Suncheon Kim’s Letters), 복식 (Journal of the Korean Society of Costume), 52, 4 (2002): 1–13; 이양순 (I Yangsun), 순천김씨묘간찰에 나타나는 복식 관련어 연구 (A Study of Costume-related Words Appearing in the Suncheon Kim Grave Letters), 반교어문 연구 (Journal of Bangyo Language and Literature), 8 (2002): 125–51; 김무식 (Kim, Moo-Sik), 한글편짓글에 투영된 조선조 여성의식과 문화 (A Study of Women’s Consciousness and Culture Reflected in Korean Hangeul Letters of the Joseon Period), 東北亞細亞文化學會 第 15 次 國際學術大會 (The Association of North-East Asian Cultures Fifteenth International Academic Conference), (2007): 297–301; 김무식 (Kim, Moo-Sik), 조선조 여성의 문자생활과 한글편지 (Joseon Dynasty Women’s Literary Life and Korean Letters), 인문학논총 (Journal of Humanities), 14, 2 (2009): 1–25; 홍 학희 (Hong, Hak-hee), 17-18 세기 한글 편지에 나타난 송준길(宋浚吉) 가문 여성의 삶 (The Life of a Woman of the Song Jun-Gil (宋浚吉) Family in Korean Letters of the 17th and 18th Century), 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 20 (2010): 67–103; 이기대 (Lee Gi-dae), 근대 이전 한글 애정 편지의 양상 과 특징 (Aspects and Characteristics of Premodern Hangeul Love Letters), 한국학연구 (The Journal of Korean Studies), 38 (2011): 175–207; 홍인숙 (Hong Insook), 조선시 대 한글 간찰(언간)의 여성주의적 가치에 대한 재고찰 시론 (A Study of Feminism in Korean correspondence during the Joseon Dynasty), 이화어문논집 (Ehwa Papers), 33 (2014): 105–34; 홍인숙 (Hong In-sook), 언간을 통해 본 19세기 양반가의 일상과 문 화－초계 정씨 가문의 여성 한글 간찰을 중심으로 (Daily Life and Culture of a Noble Clan in the 19th Century through Eongan (Korean Old Vernacular Letters), Focusing on the Old Hangeul Letters by a Woman of Chogye Jung’s Clan), 韓國古典硏究 (Korean Classics Studies), 47 (2019): 311–48; 선한빛 (Seon Han-bit), 효종·현종·숙종 대(代) 왕실 언간 속 감정 동사 구문의 양상—‘가이없다’ 구문과 ‘아마라타 없다/못하다’ 구 문을 중심으로 (Aspects of the Syntax of Emotional Verbs in the Old Vernacular Letters of Royal Family of Hyojong, Hyeonjong, and Sukjong), 우리말글 (Korean Writing: Journal of Korean Language and Literature), 93 (2022): 59–83. 15 See Chapter 1. 16 JaHyun Kim Haboush, ‘Versions and Subversions: Patriarchy and Polygamy in Korean Narratives,’ in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan (eds.) Ko, Haboush and Piggott, pp. 279–303, here 299.

Introduction 13 1 7 Kim, The Emotions of Justice. 18 Adam Bohnet, Turning toward Edification: Foreigners in Chosŏn Korea (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2020). 19 See exploration of these ideas in Laura M. Ahearn, ‘Language and Agency,’ Annual Review of Anthropology, 30 (2001): 109–37, here 112, and Colin Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power: A Note on Weber and the “Black Box” of Personal Agency,’ Sociological Theory, 27, 4 (2009): 407–18, here 408. 20 Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ pp. 410, 415. 21 Ahearn, ‘Language and Agency,’ p. 112; Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ p. 408. 22 Jeffrey C. Alexander, ‘Recent Sociological Theory between Agency and Social Structure,’ Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Soziologie, 18 (1992): 7–11, here 8, cited Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ p. 408. 23 Craig Calhoun (ed.), Dictionary of the Social Sciences (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 7 cited Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ p. 408. 24 Anthony Giddens, New Rules of Sociological Method: A Positive Critique of Interpretative Sociologies (2nd edition, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 117–18, cited Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ pp. 408-9. 25 Alexander, ‘Recent Sociological Theory,’ p. 11, cited Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ p. 413. 26 Mary Caputi, Feminism and Power: The Need for Critical Theory (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2013), pp. 17–25. 27 Steven Hitlin and Glen H. Elder, ‘Agency: An Empirical Model of an Abstract Concept,’ Advances in Life Course Research, 11 (2006): 36–67, here 38. 28 Campbell, ‘Distinguishing the Power of Agency from Agentic Power,’ p. 414. 29 Kim Haboush, ‘Versions and Subversions,’ p. 299. See also Kim, The Emotions of Justice, pp. 87–9. 30 Caputi, Feminism and Power, p. 180. 31 Ibid., p. 25. 32 Ibid., p. 169. 33 Ibid.

1

Dead Women

This chapter analyses narratives about women who killed themselves during the Japanese invasions. Many contemporary records attest to the violence wrought to the Joseon kingdom by Japanese forces during these invasions. The diary of the Japanese Buddhist monk, Keinen, who accompanied the second invasion force into Joseon, for example, provides a rare account from the Japanese perspective of cumulative acts of violence that he witnessed. In his words, Japanese soldiers fell ‘over each other in trying to get at the plunder, to kill people’.1 A specific sexual aspect to this violence was highlighted by others. The Jesuit missionary based in Japan, Luís Fróis, described the actions of ‘noble and honourable women, covering up their good looks, thinking that with this they could escape the hands of the Japanese soldiers’ but ‘the pretence was immediately understood by of the Japanese, and they did not hesitate to take them to make use of them’.2 The Joseon government official Song Jemin conveyed a litany of extreme and graphic acts, in his exhortation to his fellow countrymen to join the kingdom’s defence forces: ‘[T]hey abducted our wives and sisters and by tens these beasts took turns in raping them, leading to the deaths of many’.3 Rape was a weapon of war, both physical and psychological, that inflicted social harm not only on women but also on men, and indeed on the broader patriarchal political community.4 The perceived powerlessness of Joseon men to protect women physically during the period of the invasions, JaHyun Kim Haboush suggested, may have been an important factor in the discourse about gender ideologies in the social and political order, and the role of women’s bodies in this, which emerged in the post-invasion period.5 One of the texts in which such claims were made was a didactic work known as the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (Dongguk sinsok samgang haengsildo, 東國新續三綱行實圖).6 In this work, narratives about individual women’s experiences during the war, and more particularly, the manner of their deaths, were put to the service of the Joseon state. By their inclusion in this text, such women’s actions were co-opted, by both relatives and court officials, into a new vision of women’s contribution to the polity. Importantly, however, as this chapter explores, the New Sequel insisted that Joseon women had agency to decide their wartime actions, and that their use of that agency was critical to the future development of Joseon social order. DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-2

Dead Women 15 Representing women in the New Sequel As the work’s title suggests, the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom was a revision of a much older text. Since its establishment, the Joseon dynasty had foregrounded neo-Confucianism as central to the function of the state. Neo-Confucian ideology shaped Joseon society through a series of interrelated bonds and relationships. Three bonds (samgang) expressed key relationships—between ruler and subjects, parents and children, and husband and wife. These were reflected in the prized virtues of loyalty (of subjects to the ruler), filial piety (of children to parents), and devotion or fidelity (of wives to husbands), respectively.7 Joseon social order was reflected in a clear demarcation of the roles of men and women, who were responsible for differing spheres of activity. These spheres were complementary and relational, and a well-ordered society depended on good management of both. This ideology and the values and practices it produced were disseminated to the populace through a court-sponsored publication regime of printed literature, such as the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds (Samgang haengsildo) as early as the reign of King Sejong, developed from an older Chinese literature. This ‘Korean moral primer’, as Young Kyun Oh terms it, gave attention through its visual and textual content to a range of illiterate, hangeul, and classical Chinese readerships.8 Reprints and sequels continued to develop this work through the following two centuries. The neo-Confucian emphasis on the importance of ritual ancestor worship already made death a transformative moment in women’s lives. Women juggled identities as members of natal and marital households during their lives. By the middle Joseon period, ideas about their loyalties were shifting.9 Changing marriage practices in this era saw women brought into the physical household of their husbands. However, death was the key moment when a wife conceptually joined the family of her husband, for it was then that she became an ancestor of the patriline, with entitlement to be included in the ritual honours made by the family’s eldest son. After the invasions, however, women’s deaths were no longer only symbolically transformative of their status; the production of a new version of the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds gave them real-world implications. The Japanese invasions directly impacted the development of the New Sequel. This post-war revision co-opted women’s deaths for familial and state-driven agendas. Just a year after the first invasion under Hideyoshi, the Border Defence Council proposed to King Seonjo the creation of a new text that would showcase virtuous demonstrations of the three bonds—‘rewarding loyal subjects, filial sons, and virtuous women and recording their achievements’—in educational books designed to inform the populace.10 Seonjo agreed. It was an enormous undertaking, still incomplete when Seonjo’s successor, Gwanghae-gun, made a new push for the records that had been gathered to be promulgated as soon as possible to the people.11 The text that would result was finally printed in 18 volumes some five years later.

16  Dead Women The advancement of a particular form of morality lay at the heart of New Sequel. This was clear from its origins, as the courtly annals of Seonjo’s reign recorded just after the end of the first invasion: We cannot stand idly by in the face of such corruption of human morality and destruction of social order. It is a matter of considerable urgency that we restore moral order by having the relevant officials discover all cases of filial sons, loyal subjects, and chaste women.12 It was a moral program that would also become shaped by the particular context of Gwanghae-gun’s tumultuous reign. Jeong Il-yeong suggests that Gwanghae-gun’s treatment of his father’s official wife, Queen Dowager Soseong (posthumously Queen Inmok), infused the text’s particular emphasis on the virtue of loyalty to the throne, which overshadowed another virtue, filial piety, that Gwanghae-gun himself was seen by many contemporaries to have violated in his action towards his father’s wife.13 Alongside loyalty, demonstrations of uxorial fidelity, mainly as chastity, also became a critical element of the work’s contribution to the court’s post-war social and moral rebuilding program.14 Such accounts were intended by their court commissioners to instruct women. During the work’s production, a decision was made to remove the poems and eulogies that had formed a core part of previous editions because, as the officials of the Hall of Collation responsible for the production argued, ‘The true intention of compiling the Samgang haengsildo, as a matter of fact, is to have housewives and children view it and be inspired, and especially such things as poems and eulogies are superfluous material’.15 The inclusion of honoured women in the New Sequel corresponded with rewards for their families, including the symbolic recognition of memorial gates, and attractive benefits such as positions within the state bureaucracy and exemptions from labour and taxes. Upholding female sexual honour, a refined interpretation of the bond of devotion of a wife for her husband, came to shape the renewal of the Joseon dynasty state and its operations, especially as it now offered significant social and financial benefits to women’s kin. Eight of the 18 volumes published in the New Sequel were devoted to such virtuous women known as yeolnyeo, amounting to over 700 cases, with each women described firstly in terms of her relationship to a man, most commonly her husband, whose name and occupation were provided. More than half of these accounts documented women’s behaviour in the first invasion of the Imjin year or the subsequent invasion of Jeongyu, most often defending their chastity against violent attack from Japanese soldiers.16 Considerable energy was spent vetting the individual accounts to ensure their veracity, about which there were already doubts at the time. Concerns were also recorded by a historian redrafting the courtly annals of Gwanghae-gun’s reign, as to whether many of the ‘chaste women’ recorded in the book had, in fact, died quite pointlessly, with no claim to chastity at all. Their kin, however, eager to make them seem more heroic than they were, exaggerated their deeds. In some

Dead Women 17 extreme cases, the women in question actually lost their chastity when they were taken prisoner by the Japanese, yet their families attempted to conceal their filthy actions through false reports.17 That the whole 18 volumes were not textually synthesised is evident in the range of dialect elements that are present in the different narratives, which Young Kyun Oh suggests may be the product of input from varied court officers who were responsible for preparing the accounts.18 Moreover, scholars have highlighted the uneven representation of women of different social status across the narratives that were included. Im Daeun has argued, for example, that the New Sequel documented very little of the violence towards women carried out by Ming soldiers, fighting on behalf of Joseon, of which there was attested contemporary evidence. Gwanghae-gun’s proMing policy likely shaped this textual silence.19 Moreover, most of the narratives concerned elite women, whose families were likely better able to commandeer the resources required to put their cases forward for official recognition.20 Women with morally ambiguous backgrounds, on the other hand, such as the professional entertainer (gisaeng) Nongae, were not included, even though Nongae’s loyalty to the state through her work in taking a Japanese soldier to his death with her was seen by contemporaries in other records as worthy of recognition and honour.21 As it participated in rehabilitating devastating events as instead sources of honour for families, the New Sequel proposed chastity as women’s primary ‘contribution’ to the patriline and to the state. The book’s reflection of new trends within Joseon society, as women’s chastity gained new intensity and meanings in postinvasion constructions of the state, has been well studied. It was by no means the only text in which new ideologies about women’s participation in the Joseon state through their sexual purity and sacrifice were being rehearsed.22 Through such developments, as Sook-in Lee has argued, ‘fidelity was transformed into the key framework by which a woman’s worth was described and evaluated’.23 Lee frames women’s sexuality in these contexts as not something for women to control but as a matter between men, whether these men were the Japanese soldiers, women’s kin, or the Joseon court.24 Kang MyeongKwan reflects implicitly upon women’s historical agency in arguing that women’s deaths in such contexts could be classified as homicides, because they were embedded within the prevailing patriarchal system in which marital chastity was so highly socially valued that there was no viable social identity for women after being raped.25 However, that death in such contexts could be seen as an agentive act for women was a key claim that the New Sequel sought to articulate. Presenting women’s individuality and agency The New Sequel included relatively few details in each narrative about individual women. As Oh has argued of the narratives, ‘many of them are hardly stories by themselves. They are not given contexts or accounts for their circumstantial components’.26 Scholars have suggested that the repetitive nature of both textual and

18  Dead Women visual elements reduced the diversity and specificity of the women’s experiences.27 Go Yeonhui has emphasised the potentially numbing effect on contemporary readers of such a volume of accounts and images of violent death, which may have served to distance readers from the lived experiences of women’s suffering in the invasions.28 Im Daeun and Shin Sookyoung both have argued that the work’s illustrative style also helped to idealise women’s experiences. The New Sequel’s multiview composite scene technique emphasised a presentation of a broad narrative over details through which readers might engage with the protagonists as individuals. The anonymity of the relatively crude illustrations of individual women was such that it had to be countered by identifying the women with a name label above their image.29 Certainly, the illustrations have been analysed not only in terms of their relative unsophistication and use of visual stereotypes, as Oh notes, but also for their repetitive focus upon graphic depiction of moments of violence.30 These elements comprised a common visual vocabulary, culminating in a final ‘scene’ showing the woman lying dead with a memorial gate pictured in the background of the image. The individuality of women was not foregrounded in the New Sequel, instead the wide variety of behaviours through which women could enact agency about their deaths was. Women who were faced with the prospect of sexual assault were shown taking different courses of action, suggesting that diverse forms of agency for women operated at least textually and visually in such contexts. Although the outcome expected and exemplified by the book was women’s death and the value of those deaths to the state, this chapter explores how the notion of women’s agency in doing so and to do so was an important part of the book’s focus. To be clear, the choice about which women might exercise agency, as suggested by the New Sequel, was not whether to die. As Michael J. Pettid has argued, the ‘educational message contained in this work is very clear: the proper choice when faced with rape is suicide or a heroic death while resisting one’s attackers’.31 The New Sequel instead proposed that women exercise agency about how they did so, positioning women as dying on their own terms. These accounts depicted women as active protagonists in their deaths. The narratives presented women who opted to end their own lives in anticipation of encountering Japanese soldiers, during an attack, sometimes even using the swords of their attackers to do so, and attempting to kill themselves when they were finished off by soldiers. In these ways, the New Sequel’s accounts foregrounded the notion that women could maintain and assert their bodily autonomy by resisting capture and choosing to die on their own terms. A key term that features across a number of written narratives is ‘herself’ (seuseuro), used in a range of phrases that described actions as intentional acts, sometimes voiced as such, designed to evade Japanese designs upon them. Gim of Goksan, Bak, and Gim of Boeun, for example, all announced that they planned to kill themselves rather than fall prey to Japanese soldiers.32 Another account tells of a temple maidservant, Ga, who decided to drown herself and yet another recounts how the wife Ha, from Jinju, made the decision to throw herself off a cliff.33 Other wives,

Dead Women 19 such as Min, Na, Won, Im, and Jeong, resolved to stab themselves, each account using the key term that made clear these were actions undertaken by the women themselves on their own terms.34 What emerges from these accounts, and specifically in the construction of women’s actions within them, was that these women held agency in the sense of the ability to exert influence over the manner of their deaths.35 Decision-making resided with these women, as they are depicted within the New Sequel. Women were not represented as passive victims but as actively resisting and frustrating soldiers’ objectives, in ways that enabled them to retain their bodily autonomy and, in some accounts, even to attack their aggressors. Repertoires of resourcefulness The emphasis on women’s agency to die was not only a feature of the New Sequel’s written content. Shin Sookyoung has argued that the multi-view composite scene technique of the work’s illustrations carried a distinctive visual power, depicting women as active resisting figures in several different moments of narrative actions. What the images lacked in individuality, they offered in graphic details of diverse actions taken using a range of weapons. As Shin argues, these women were depicted not as figures of virtues but as demonstrating the behaviours of virtue.36 The New Sequel exemplified the behaviours of virtue by demonstrating women’s resourcefulness and creativity in seeking to control their fate. Weaponry, including knives and swords described as both large and small, formed part of the arsenal with which at least some Joseon women were reported to have achieved their objectives in the New Sequel, whether to kill themselves or to harm their attackers. In many cases, these were described as premeditated actions based on firm decisions about how women wished to live and die. A small but distinctive cohort of women within the catalogue of the New Sequel employed weapons to achieve their plans. During the first invasion, the wife Won, for example, cut her own throat when she encountered Japanese soldiers.37 Some accounts detailed how women had long prepared their own forms of protection, including their capacity to enact their own deaths. In each case, these weapons were described as ‘small’, suggesting that they were arms such as a small dagger (jangdo) that women could carry on their bodies and use in self-defence or to determine their own death.38 When Madam Min did encounter soldiers, her story told readers that she immediately used a knife to cut her throat herself of her own volition.39 So too did the wife Na, who always carried a small knife and had resolved to use it to kill herself. When she was attacked by the Japanese, she too cut her own throat and died.40 Visualising these resisting behaviours was central to the work’s illustrative dimensions. Madam Jeong, determining that she could not escape her attacker, resolved to kill herself by falling upon a sword.41 The accompanying image depicts her in this act (Figure 1.1). During the second invasion, Im, the wife of a scholar, after witnessing the deaths of her family members, similarly pulled out a small blade and stabbed herself in the neck.42 Kneeling over the corpse of her husband,

20  Dead Women

Figure 1.1 Madam Jeong falls upon a sword, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

Im is clearly depicted in the illustration accompanying the text, with the small weapon at her throat (Figure 1.2). During the first invasion, another wife named Sin threatened her attacker with a large knife in her right hand and a wooden stick in her left.43 She too had resolved to carry a weapon to ensure her own death. This forms a key element of the image illustrating her account, even though the text

Dead Women 21

Figure 1.2 Madam Im holds a knife to her throat, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

suggested she had been eventually killed by a soldier (Figure 1.3). The illustration of a wife Jang wielding her weapon against soldiers during the first invasion is the central scene of this vivid accompaniment to the text44 (front cover illustration). Other women employed the weapons of their attackers to inflict fatal injuries on themselves and sometimes also their assailants. During the second invasion, the

22  Dead Women

Figure 1.3 Madam Sin wields a sword, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

wife Jeon grabbed her attacker’s sword with her hands in an attempt to cut her own throat.45 Jeon’s attempt to wrest the blade from the soldiers is clearly depicted at the top of the image, while her role as a dutiful daughter-in-law serving her husband’s parents is also visualised as a key aspect of her identity (Figure 1.4). Another wife Jang was described as removing the sword from the corpse of her own family member and proceeding to fight her attackers with it.46

Dead Women 23

Figure 1.4 Madam Jeon attempts to wrest the sword from her attacker, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

These stories demonstrated how determined women were that Japanese soldiers should not control their deaths. Often their bodies were subjected to violent repercussions for such assertions of power. Twenty-year-old Madam Gim of Goksan, who had sworn to kill herself rather than be killed, produced a small blade with which she stabbed herself in the neck, before being attacked and killed by her assailant, her cut-off hands pointedly depicted next to her corpse47 (Figure 1.5). The wife Won also died at the hands of her assailants with

24  Dead Women

Figure 1.5 A soldier cuts off the hands of Madam Gim of Goksan, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

her hands cut off, after attempting to cut her own throat, both elements depicted in the illustration48 (Figure 1.6). That soldiers cut off such women’s hands suggests an attempt to assert power over women whose actions they interpreted as taking control of their fate. Women’s ability to choose the manner of their death did not require extensive resources, the New Sequel suggested. Natural resources were depicted as a common means for women to determine their death. Jeon, who is described at some length

Dead Women 25

Figure 1.6 Madam Won attempts to cut her throat, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

as a filial daughter observing the mourning rituals for her father, and as a devoted daughter-in-law serving her husband’s parents, eventually evaded being murdered by her attackers by dashing her head upon rocks.49 Upon encountering a soldier during the first invasion, the widow Geum shed her own blood by hitting her own head, so much so that she collapsed to the ground and never arose again.50 In Jinju, the wife Ha elected to throw herself off the edge of a cliff, with the accompanying illustration depicting her three Japanese pursuers looking over the cliff edge at her prostrate body below51 (Figure 1.7). The 18-year-old unmarried maidservant

26  Dead Women

Figure 1.7 Madam Ha throws herself off a cliff to avoid her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

of a temple, Ga, decided to throw herself into a well as soldiers approached. The visualisation of this account likewise depicts her pursuers gazing down upon her drowned corpse in the well52 (Figure 1.8). Even more striking was the collective account of the 12 women who had all been captured by soldiers during the second Japanese invasion and who elected to jump into the water, choosing to drown themselves instead of remaining captive.53 For yet other women, accounts highlighted how death could be achieved by exploiting another resource at their disposal, the actions and emotions of attackers themselves.

Dead Women 27

Figure 1.8 The maiden Ga drowns herself in a well to avoid soldiers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

Thus, the wife Yu was flogged by her attackers who then attempted to take her away. Insisting because of her high-born status that she was not used to walking far, she threw herself down a well while her attackers were looking for a horse with a packsaddle for her to ride.54 During the first invasion, the 20-year-old wife, Gim of Goksan, made her assailant so angry that he sliced her face with his sword and tore off her limbs.55 Women’s taunting of Japanese soldiers in order to generate their anger and spur them to violence that would hasten the women’s deaths appeared across a range of accounts.

28  Dead Women Some examples recounted how women had also attacked their aggressors by using materials in their immediate environment. These were certainly not passive actions nor could they be characterised as actions undertaken to assist women solely to achieve their deaths. After the death of her husband and two young sons following the second invasion, for example, Madam Choe seized a nearby stone and attempted to brain a soldier before being killed herself.56 This action forms a central part of the depiction of Choe’s story, a rare image in which a Japanese soldier is shown lying on the ground, looking back at his female assailant (Figure 1.9). Similarly,

Figure 1.9 Madam Choe attempts to kill a soldier with a rock, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

Dead Women 29 the wife Gwon struck with rocks the Japanese soldier who had just decapitated her husband, continuing relentlessly until she was killed herself.57 Madam Gwon’s assault on her attackers likewise forms a central element of the visual composition that accompanies the textual account, in which her face is shown with a rare, demonstrably enraged expression and her victim holds one hand out (the other wielding the sword) in a protective pose (Figure 1.10). Both these visual narratives

Figure 1.10 Madam Gwon retaliates for her husband’s death using stones, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

30  Dead Women also make clear that each women died, but they give full expression to the threat that they first represented to the Japanese through depiction of the latter’s faces and gestures. These accounts informed their targeted female readers that there were few obstacles that would prevent a determined woman from achieving her objective and denying those of her Japanese attackers, and moreover exemplified to readers the many varied ways in which they too could do so if required. A resourceful woman would find a way to enact her decision, and occasionally even to threaten her assailants, using whatever means were at her disposal. Weaponising women’s speech A significant form of women’s tools with which to attack Japanese soldiers, as it was recounted in these particular stories about women in the New Sequel, was through the use of their voices and in the specific words that they were recorded as saying. Women’s speech was perceived to be powerful. Indeed, the New Sequel marked it as such by reproducing it, or perhaps even creating it. Although there must have been few witnesses to have heard their final words, women were reported nonetheless to have addressed their assailants before attacking, being attacked, or killed. The New Sequel presented their voices and speech particularly as an instigation to anger and violence by soldiers; their words had power to move these men, and to achieve women’s own goals, including death. One of the most common ways in which women’s voices were described was as forms of scolding and rebuke. The New Sequel reported how, during the first invasion, Madam Ha from Cheongju at first tried to hide with her husband and father-in-law in the forest, but when they were discovered, she continually rebuked her attackers without yielding until she died.58 Another wife, Gang, loudly rebuked the soldiers who came to carry her away, action that is represented in the central scene illustrating her story by her outstretched arms and open mouth59 (Figure 1.11). So too did Madam Gim from Boeun, who shouted and scolded her attacker loudly, and was depicted in the accompanying illustration gesticulating at the soldiers60 (Figure 1.12). The 19-year-old daughter of an army official who was captured by Japanese soldiers loudly rebuked them as they sought to intimidate her with their swords before eventually killing her61 (Figure 1.13). Court artists chose to highlight these actions of verbal violence metered out by women as key elements of these women’s narratives, most often through expressive hand gestures and face-to-face positioning of women and their attackers. Some women were described as suffering pointed violence, seemingly as a direct result of their speech. The maiden I, from Gwanju, was recorded as pointing to the heavens as she swore to die and continuously rebuking her assailants until the moment of her death. These actions were depicted by face-to-face positioning in the central scene of I and her attacker as well as through her hand gestures (Figure 1.14). However, he finally grew so angry that he cut off her feet and head

Dead Women 31

Figure 1.11 Madam Gang rebukes the soldiers who tried to restrain her, as depicted in the new sequel to the illustrated guide to the three bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

with his sword.62 Another woman also named I, from the capital, encountered a soldier during the first invasion who attempted to rape her. Her narrative recounted how she cursed him repeatedly.63 This rendered one soldier so furious that he sliced off her breast, a scene depicted in the accompanying illustration as Madam I confronts her attackers and gestures (Figure 1.15). Madam I did not resile from her verbal attack but instead scolding him further, wailing and pointing to the heavens,

32  Dead Women

Figure 1.12 Madam Gim of Boeun gesticulates at her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

hand gestures also shown in the illustration. Thereupon, the soldier cut off her feet and ripped open her belly, leaving her for dead. Madam I’s case is a striking example of the profound violence that a woman’s verbal attack might engender. The New Sequel also reported specific speeches that women were claimed to have addressed to their attackers. The wife Gim of Boeun instructed her attacker to hurry up and kill her.64 When captured by a soldier during the first invasion,

Dead Women 33

Figure 1.13 The daughter of an army official verbally attacks Japanese soldiers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

14-year-old Yu evidently told him to go ahead and kill her. She refused a hand of help from Korean sailors when she was attempting to drown herself in a river, looking to the heavens as she declared in a loud voice that keeping her body pure in this way would not seem like dying.65 Although the death of the young girl did include eyewitnesses to her words and actions, most of these other examples did not, raising

34  Dead Women

Figure 1.14 The maiden, I, raises her hands to the heavens as she waits for death, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

questions of how these women’s words could possibly have been known to be reported into the text, but also suggested how important it was for the moral project of the work to have women themselves voice their determination to decide their fate. Women’s words mattered to the New Sequel. They had power to achieve their deaths and they were evidence of women’s investment in their own deaths and

Dead Women 35

Figure 1.15 Madam I confronts her attackers, as depicted in the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom (1617).

36  Dead Women understanding of its value. Visually too, women’s words commanded attention. These narratives explicitly suggested that women’s actions frustrated Japanese objectives, depicting soldiers as angered as the unexpected resistance of their victims. They became ‘angry’, ‘very angry’, at women’s words, sometimes provoked to murder the woman as a result. This was reflected in court artists’ concentration on these incidents in attempts to convey speech through hands and face-to-face positions of the interlocutors. The New Sequel’s illustrations corroborated the evidence of actions, demonstrating a range of women’s decisions that displayed a determination to fight or an invitation to achieve their death as an active choice. Narrating women’s agency These accounts did not merely depict inventive ways in which women achieved death on their own terms. These behaviours of virtue carried out by women also had power. They had power within the narratives of the New Sequel as accounts bore witness to women’s successful resistance to their attackers’ desires. Furthermore, they had power as the New Sequel depicted how women’s repertoires of action, and their agency to draw upon them, resisted Japanese narratives about Joseon women, particularly their sexual availability, and wrote their own, consistent with the Joseon state. Its images, as Shin Sookyoung has observed, did not represent women in moments of sexual assault and thus as sexualised objects of the Japanese, but as active protagonists in their stories.66 I argue that the New Sequel depicted such women as ‘self-reflexive agent making decisions about larger life projects within an understanding of their constrained, possible life choices’.67 The historian of the redrafted chronicles of Gwanghae-gun’s reign who questioned the vetting procedures of the New Sequel’s accounts further opined that ‘a great many women died during the war, mostly because the Japanese took pleasure in killing’.68 In doing so, he denied women the prospect of agency and contribution to state-building. Minister of the Board of Rites under Gwanghae-gun, I Jeonggwi, had previously defended women’s rights to recognition as moral leaders, after a series of accounts had been rejected due to concerns about their veracity. He argued that numerous women died to preserve their chastity during the recent war. We have accumulated a vast number of documents on the loyal subjects, virtuous women, and filial sons of every province. […] Chaste women are an especially large category. Those whose deeds have been reported to the court have already become part of local public tradition. While it is can hardly be denied that some of the surviving accounts may be exaggerated or even utterly fraudulent, it should also not be forgotten that the deeds of many chaste women have been lost, leaving their reputation far less impressive than their heroism deserved. Considering the large scale

Dead Women 37 destruction caused by the Japanese, even though it is reported that hundreds of women have died to preserve their chastity, one cannot say that it is a large number. As this project is vital for the restoration of order and good morals, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that all these women receive the same honors.69 Yi asserted women’s rights to agency exercised through their demonstration of moral virtue. As it was articulated in the New Sequel, this agency amounted to the capacity to determine to die and to choose the manner in which it might occur, including the instrument of death and the timing of it. These choices, it implied, mattered to women. They were aspects not only of their experiences but also of their identity over which they could exercise control, and a contribution that they alone could make to their patriline and the state. Women’s agency to make such a contribution was also central to the anonymous dream journey narrative, Record of a Dreamer’s Journey to Gangdo (Gangdo Mongyurok, 江都夢遊錄), that was produced during the reign of Gwanghae-gun’s successor, King Injo. Here, a Buddhist monk listens to the tales of a series of women whose deaths came about as a result of wartime violence, in this case, that of Joseon’s conflicts with the Later Jin and Qing. This was a different military engagement with different political outcomes for the Joseon state than the earlier Japanese invasions. Nonetheless, here too women’s decisions to die held particular moral and political significance. This work has been examined by scholars such as Kim Haboush as a literary mode of political subversion, and more recently by Sookja Cho as ‘a rich, powerful tool for sociopolitical criticism and healing the trauma of past events’ that ‘crafts the individual voices of war victims into a subtle but powerful attack on the Chosŏn ruling class and elite society through the empowerment of an unfettered, reverberating female expression of both emotional healing and political appeal and resistance’.70 Women here took on critical work in rebuilding the Joseon state through their deaths as the work’s final female speaker, a gisaeng, insists: ‘Even heaven is moved by loyalty and lofty chastity. People admired them, thus, there can be no regrets over such deaths’.71 When considered in terms of women’s agency, however, the Dreamer’s Journey echoes a similar message to that of the New Sequel. This work also speaks to contemporary concerns about women’s agency as articulated by its female protagonists who themselves present different experiences in which their choices were made.72 One of these women, married to a high-ranking officer, recounts to her companions how her son forced her to commit suicide before the arrival of the enemy, pre-emptively seeking to preserve her sexual honour. As a result, her family had been honoured for her sacrifice with a memorial gate (jeongmun), just as would the women who featured in the New Sequel. However, this woman complains about her experiences. She argues that she would have willingly made the decision to kill herself, without her son’s insistence. Her ‘death could have been honourable, for loyalty and lofty chastity’. But her reality was ‘not a voluntary

38  Dead Women death and could not be considered a virtuous death to preserve chastity either’.73 She laments her lack of autonomy to die on her own terms. As Cho has suggested, ‘Through her realization that only a suicide of wholehearted self-determination makes for a preeminently honorable death, the ghost subtly alludes to the possibility that women are often robbed of autonomy even in their own deaths’.74 Statesanctioned and political subversive literary productions agreed that the manner of women’s death was precisely a matter about which Joseon’s women themselves could, and should, exercise agency. Conclusions This chapter has aimed to establish the nature of the neo-Confucian discourse that sought to shape how women would contribute to the making of Joseon society, as it was actively employed in a period of reconstruction following the devastation of Hideyoshi’s invasions. The New Sequel was one text that participated in this endeavour. It proposed a narrow path for women, whose value to Joseon society and its order became increasingly located in their moral, and particularly chaste, behaviour. The large number of narratives about women that the work incorporated helped to drive home to readers its core messages about women’s chastity as their most essential virtue. As such, the New Sequel was a catalogue of honourable actions by women the power of which resided in their sheer accumulated volume. However, the work’s origins in local oral histories and its production through multiple compilers and illustrators embedded diversity at the heart of the work, and this was reflected in the experiences that were recounted. The result was a demonstration of women’s varied decisions, and the power of their decision-making, in response to the threat of capture, rape, and death. Women’s choices were severely limited as the New Sequel presented them. Women’s choice was not whether to live or die, but rather which resourceful and inventive ways women could choose to control their death on their own terms. In doing so, the work highlighted more than simply the possibility of women’s agency; it signalled the importance of women’s agency in this context, and of this kind, as a form of participation in the making of the Joseon state. How influential the ideas about women’s agency promoted by the New Sequel were is, of course, an important question. The work was not printed on the scale originally envisaged, so its reach across the kingdom was more limited than had been first intended. The scholar who participated in the redrafted accounts of Gwanghae-gun’s reign suggested that the work that was eventually produced in this court-sponsored exercise was far less morally authoritative in the long term than both Seonjo and Gwanghae-gun might have hoped: Since this book was made by mixing in everything, without considering truthfulness and weight, when it was circulated, the people and crowds laughed at it, and some even used it for plastering walls or covering the mouths of jars.75

Dead Women 39 While there was a particular political context in which a scholar of Injo’s reign might have cast aspersions on one of the key political efforts of his deposed predecessor, it does suggest that there was also no single, rigid interpretation of neo-Confucian moral codes. Indeed, as Chapter 2 explores, others were already, between the two invasions, suggesting that women had the agency to make decisions within the fabric of neo-Confucian values, which would lead to different outcomes, including their survival. Notes

1 同四日ニはやく船より我も人おとらしまけしとて物をとり人をころし, うはひあへる躰、 なかく目もあてられぬ気色也。 (慶長 2年 9月 15日) (15 September 1597). 朝鮮 日々記を読む: 真宗僧が見た秀吉の朝鮮侵略 (Reading the Joseon Journal: Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea as Seen by a Shin Buddhist Monk) (ed.) 朝鮮日々記研究会 編 (Joseon Journal Research Group) (Kyōto: Hōzōkan, 2000), p. 14. Translation from Sources of Japanese Tradition: From Earliest Times to 1600 (eds.) William Theodore De Bary, Carol Gluck, Arthur Tiedemann, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 468. 2 ‘As mulheres nobres e honradas, por encubrirem seo bom parecer, cuidando que com isto poderião escaper das mãos dos soldados japões, humas untavão os rostos come as felugens das panelas e tachos; outras se disfarçavão em vis e baixos vestidos; […] Porem entendido logo dos japões o fingimento, não deixavão de os tomar para se server delles’. Luís Fróis, Historia do Japam (ed.) José Wicki, vol. 5 (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1984), pp. 549–50. 3 然言之取人妻子姊妹十夫争淫漲斃相總繼屠. Song Jemin, Exhortation Letter Sent to the People of Cheolla Province (August 1592). 조경남 / 趙慶男 (Jo Gyeongnam), Nanjungjamnok, 亂中雜錄 (1618), vol. 1 (Seoul: Jotaehui, 1964), part 92. Translation from Epistolary Korea: Letters in the Communicative Space of the Chosŏn, 1392–1910 (ed.) JaHyun Kim Haboush (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), p. 133. For analysis of presentations of the war in different genres, see Kim Haboush, The Great East Asian War and the Birth of the Korean Nation (eds) William J. Haboush and Jisoo M. Kim, with Sixiang Wang, Hwisang Cho, and Ksenia Chizhova Kim (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016). 4 As has been noted in early modern European contexts as well. See Péter Bokody, ‘Images of Wartime Sexual Violence in the Chronicles of Giovanni Villani and Giovanni Sercambi’, Renaissance Studies, 36, 4 (2021): 565–89. 5 Kim Haboush, The Great East Asian War. 6 This work’s title is translated variously in English. On the specific names of the volumes within the series, see Young Kyun Oh, Engraving Virtue: The Printing History of a Premodern Korean Moral Primer (Leiden: Brill, 2013), p. 241. 7 A detailed analysis of key elements of Joseon’s Neo-Confucian gender ideology are presented in Deuchler, ‘The Tradition: Women during the Yi Dynasty’, in Virtues in Conflict: Traditions and the Korean Woman Today (ed.) Sandra Mattielli (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 1977), pp. 1–47; Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea. A Study of Society and Ideology (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1992); Deuchler, ‘Propagating Female Virtues in Chosŏn Korea’, in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan (eds.) Dorothy Ko, Kim Haboush, and Joan Piggott (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), pp. 142– 69. See also (Mi-Yeong Kim), 조선의 유교화 과정에 나타난 주요담론과 여성의 덕 (The Main Discourses and Women’s Virtue in the Process of Confucianization in Joseon), 한국여성철학회 창립 10 주년 기념학술대회 (Korean Feminist Philosophy Association

40  Dead Women Tenth Anniversary Conference) (2007): 83–95; 박주 (Park, Joo), 조선시대 여성과 유교 문화 (Joseon Era Women and Confucian Culture) (Seoul: National Institute of Korean Studies, 2008); 김언순 (Kim, Eon-Soon), 조선 여성의 유교적 여성상 내면화 연구-여훈 서(女訓書)와 규방가사(閨房歌詞)를 중심으로 (A Study of Internalization of the Image of Confucian Women in Joseon), 페미니즘 연구 (Feminist Studies), 8, 1 (2008): 1–42; Kevin N. Cawley, ‘Reinforced Hetero-normativity: Gender Constructs in Chosŏn (朝 鮮) Korea’, Irish Journal of Asian Studies, 4 (2018): 39–52. 8 Oh, Engraving Virtue. 9 Lee SoonGu, ‘The Rights of the Eldest Daughter-in-Law and Strengthening of Adoption of Lineage Heirs in the Mid-Chosŏn Period’, in Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea: New Perspectives (eds.) Youngmin Kim and Michael J. Pettid (New York: SUNY Press, 2011), pp. 89–107 and 하여주 (Ha, Yeo-ju), 조선후기 양반여성의 친정가문 일원의식 고찰 (A Study of Family Members’ Consciousness in the Late Joseon Period), 조선시대사학보 (Joseon Dynasty History), 89 (2019): 257–89. 10 備邊司啓曰: ‘自上還于舊都之日, 四方之人, 必未及時知之。此擧係四方觀瞻, 若爲 敎書, 通諭四方, 似爲便當。如貢物、進上量減, 使知德音。遭亂之後, 忠臣、孝子、烈 女褒錄事, 竝入於敎書中, 諷論外方, 亦似無妨。敢稟。’ 答曰: ‘依啓。’ 宣宗昭敬大王 實錄卷之四十二終 비변사가 아뢰기를, ‘성상께서 구도(舊都)로 돌아가시는 날을 사방의 백성들이 반드시 제 때에 알지 못할 것입니다. 이 일은 사방에서 관첨(觀瞻)하는 데 관계된 것이니 교서(敎 書)로 사방에 알리는 것이 좋을 것 같습니다. 그리고 공물(貢物)과 진상(進上)을 헤아려 줄이게 한 것과 같은 성상의 덕음(德音)도 알려야 할 것입니다. 또 난리를 만난 이후 있었 던 충신(忠臣)·효자(孝子)·열녀(烈女) 등을 포상하고 공적을 기록하는 일도 아울러 교서 에 삽입시켜 외방에 알리는 것도 무방할 듯하여 감히 여쭙니다.’ 하니, 아뢴 대로 하라고 답 하였다. Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 26 (1593), September 29. 11 傳曰: ‘培養節義, 天下國家之所不可無者也。壬辰以後, 忠臣･孝子･烈女･義婦, 褒 獎旌表、圖書印出等事, 尙不擧行, 極爲稽緩, 從速勘定施行(事, 言于該曹。)’ 전교하였다. ‘절의(節義)를 배양하는 것은 천하 국가에 없을 수 없는 것이다. 임진년 이후 로 충신, 효자, 열녀, 의부(義婦)를 표창하고 정표(旌表)하는 것과 도서(圖書)를 인쇄해 내 는 등의 일이 아직까지 거행되지 않아 몹시 지연되고 있으니, 속히 결정하여 시행할 〈일로 해조에 이르라.〉’ Annals of Gwanghae-gun, Gwanghae-gun 2 (1610), March 20; see also Gwanghae-gun 4 (1612), June 1. 12 彝倫不明, 禁防大毁, 不可使任其破壞。如忠臣、孝子及烈女之類, 從實勘覈, 表厥 閭里, 以激人心一事, 令該司速爲施行。 이륜(彝倫)이 밝혀지지 않고 금령(禁令)이 크게 무너졌으니 무너진 그대로 방치할 수는 없 습니다. 충신·효자와 열녀 등의 사실을 조사하여 그 마을을 정표(旌表)함으로써 인심을 격 려시키는 한 가지 일을 해사(該司)에 명하여 속히 시행하게 하소서. Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 28 (1595), July 18. Translation by Adam Bohnet in Lee, Sookin, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’, Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 22, 2 (2009): 137–156, here 144. Variations in the spelling of this author’s name reflect presentations used in different publications. Discussion of the collection of such stories can be found in Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 28 (1595), July 20 and Seonjo 34 (1601), December 26. See also the reiteration of these ideas by the governor of Gyeongsang-do, I Sibal, and renewed efforts to reward virtuous individuals and edify the people, in Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 36 (1603), June 9. 本道壬辰以後, 死於王事, 子死父, 妻死夫, 表表於耳目者多。愚夫愚婦, 無所知識, 而一朝能捐生白刃, 使綱倫得正, 節義殉身。此實國家累朝敎化之餘澤, 誠可感嘆。 충혼(忠魂)과 의백(義魄)이 지하에 묻혀 있고 과부와 고아가 궁벽한 마을에서 원통을 안고 있는데, 선행과 악행을 구별하는 문려(門閭)가 없으므로 향정(鄕井)에서 본받을 바를 모 르고 있습니다. 듣는 사람들이 흥기할 바도 없고 보는 사람들이 감동할 바도 없으며, 임금 을 유기(遺棄)하고 어버이를 뒷전에 두며 지아비를 버린 무리들이 부끄러움을 알게 될 바 가 없는데도, 국가에서 충성하고 효도하도록 권하는 일을 이처럼 미루고만 있으니 진실로 커다란 흠이 되는 일입니다.

Dead Women 41 13 정일영 (Jeong, Il-yeong),임진왜란 이후 ‘敎化’의 양상 -광해군대『東國新續三綱行實 圖』 를 중심으로 (Aspect of Indoctrination in the Joseon Dynasty after the End of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's Invasion, through analysis of the Dongguk Sinsok Samgang Haengsil-do published during the reign of King Kwanghae), 한국사상사학 (History of Korean Thought), 34 (2010): 67–125 and 정일영 (Jeong, Il-yeong),『東國新續三綱行實圖』 의 역사적 의미에 대한 재고찰 : 시대적배경과 책의 내용을 중심으로 (A Study of Dongguksinsoksamgang haengsildo (東國新續三綱行實圖)’s Historical Meaning), 국어사연구 (Korean Historical Linguistics), 17 (2013): 7–37. 14 박주 (Park, Joo),⟪東國新續三綱行實圖⟫烈女圖의 分析 (A Study of Dongguk sinsok samgang haengsildo’s Virtuous Women), 女性問題硏究 (Women’s Studies Research), 20 (1992): 83–104; Michael J. Pettid, ‘Devoted Wives and Chaste Maidens: Didactic Literature and Virtuous Women in Chosŏn Korea’, in Korea: Language, Knowledge and Society (ed.) Gi-hyun Shin (Canberra: Korean Studies Association of Australasia, 2003), pp. 85–95; 이숙인 (Lee, Sookin), 조선중기 사회의 여성인식 : 정절 개념을 중심으로 (The Understanding of Women in the Middle Joseon Period: A Focus on the Concept of Chastity), 한국문화 (Korean Culture), 46 (2009): 23–51; Lee, Sook-in, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’; 정지영 (Jung, Ji-young), 임진왜란 이후의 여성교 육과 새로운 ‘충忠’의 등장 ―『동국신속삼강행실도東國新續三綱行實圖』 를 중심으로 (Education of Women and the Appearance of New ‘Loyalty’ after Imjin War, Focusing on Dongguksinsoksamganghaengsildo), 국학연구 (Korean Studies), 18 (2011): 157–84; Michael J. Pettid, ‘Confucian Educational Works for Upper Status Women in Chosŏn Korea’, in Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea (eds) Kim and Pettid, pp. 49–70; 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 조선 사족체제의 성립과 여성의 통제 (Establishment of the Noble Rule System and Suppression of Women in Joseon), 여성학연구 (PNU Journal of Women’s Studies), 26, 3 (2016): 99–125; 이숙인 / 李淑仁 (Lee, Sook-In), 충절과 정 절의 정치학―조선후기 절(節) 담론의 전개 양상 (On the Development of the Doctrines of Loyalty and Chastity in the Later Joseon Dynasty), 민족문화연구 (Korean Cultural Studies), 86 (2020), 165–95. 15 撰集三綱行實本意實欲使中外婦人少子無不覽觀而有所感發也若詩若讚特其餘 事婦人少子但觀其事實而已何知詩讚之深意乎. 東國新續三綱行實撰集廳儀軌 (The record of procedures of the Hall of Collation for the New Sequel to the Samgang haengsil-do of the Eastern Kingdom, photographically reprinted) ([Seoul]: Seoul National University Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, 2002), p. 29. Translation from Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 233. For concerns to edify female readers in particular, see also Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 39 (1606), May 21. ⟪三綱⟫ ⟪二倫行實⟫, 乃是明倫 之書, 譯以方言, 圖其形像, 使閭巷婦人小子, 纔經一覽, 莫不欽服感嘆, 良心自生, 其有補於風化, 豈淺淺哉? 兵難以來, 閭閻之間, 罕有此書。今不廣印頒布, 非但泯 滅無傳, 後來之人全不知有此書, 無以感發而興起, 豈不可惜之甚乎? 請令該曹, 優 數印出, 頒布中外, 以爲觀感矜式之地。 ⟪삼강행실도(三綱行實圖)⟫와 ⟪이륜행실도(二倫行實圖)⟫는 바로 인륜을 밝히는 책이 니, 방언(方言)으로 번역하고 그 형상을 그려서 여염의 부인이나 아동들로 하여금 한번 보 아 모두 흠복 감탄하여 양심(良心)이 저절로 생기게 하면 풍화(風化)에 도움이 어찌 적겠 습니까. 병난(兵難) 이래로 여염사이에 이 책이 드문데, 이제 널리 찍어서 반포하지 않으면 이 책이 세상에서 없어져 전해지지 않을 뿐만 아니라 후세 사람이 이런 책이 있는지를 전혀 알지 못하여 감발하여 흥기함이 없을 것이니, 어찌 심히 애석하지 않겠습니까. 청컨대 해조 로 하여금 넉넉한 수량을 인출해서 중외에 반포하여 보고 느끼어 그대로 따르게 하소서. 16 박주 (Park, Joo),⟪東國新續三綱行實圖⟫烈女圖의 分析 (A Study of Dongguk sinsok samgang haengsildo’s Virtuous Women), p. 85; Lee, Sook-in, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’, p. 147; 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 열녀의 탄생: 가부 장제와 조선 여성의 잔혹한 역사 (Birth of the Virtuous Woman: Patriarchy and the Cruel History of Joseon Women) (Paju: Dolbegae, 2009), pp. 316–31; 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 그림으로 읽는 조선 여성의 역사 (Reading the History of Joseon Women through Images) (Seoul: Humanist, 2012), pp. 143–50, here 144–5; Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 244,

42  Dead Women Table 6; 허남린 (Heo Namrin), 열녀 담론의 형성과 임진왜란 (The Formation of the Discourse on Virtuous Women and the Japanese Invasion of Korea, 1592), in 두 조선의 여성: 신체, 언어, 심성 (Women of Two Joseon: Body, Language and Mind) (eds.) 허남린 (Heo Namrin), 김현주 (Gim Hyeonju), 박무영 (Bak Muyeong), and 이연숙 (I Yeonsuk) (Seoul: Insight, 2016), pp. 183–210, here 186. 17 亂離婦人死兵者雖多, 本仍 倭奴嗜殺, 無故被刃者, 無節可錄, 而因其門族, 欲侈大 其事, 有張皇瞞報者。甚則或被俘失節, 而父兄子弟欲掩其醜, 有謬報而僞成者。今 一切不考虛實輕重, 混爲是書, 書行而人群笑之, 或爲塗壁、覆瓿之資。 난리에 부인이 병화로 죽은 자가 비록 많더라도 본래 왜놈들이 사람 죽이기를 좋아했으므 로 까닭없이 칼을 맞아 죽은 자에게는 기록할 만한 절의가 없는데도 그 문족(門族)들이 그 일을 크게 만들려고 장황하게 거짓말로 보고하는 자들이 있었다. 심한 경우는 더러 포로로 잡혀가 절의를 상실했는데도 부형과 자제들이 그 추행을 숨기고자 하여 거짓으로 보고하 고 허위로 작성한 것도 있었다. 그런데 지금 일체 허실과 경중을 상고하지 않고 혼합하여 이 책을 만들었으므로 이 책이 세상 행해지자, 사람들이 무리지어 조소하였고 어떤 사람은 벽 을 바르고 장독을 덮는 데에 쓰기도 하였다. Redrafted Annals of Gwanghae-gun (redrafted during the reign of his successor Injo), Gwanghae-gun 5 (1613), December 12. Translation by Bohnet in Lee, Sook-in, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’, pp. 146–7. Also discussed 정일영 (Jeong, Il-yeong), 임진왜란 이후 ‘敎化’의 양상 -광해군대『東國新續三綱行實圖』 를 중심으로 Aspect of Indoctrination in the Joseon Dynasty after the End of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's Invasion, through the Analysis of the Dongguk Sinsok Samgang Haengsildo published during the reign of King Kwanghae), pp. 109–110; Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 236; 정일영 (Jeong, Il-yeong), 東國新續三綱行實圖』 의 역사적 의미에 대한 재고찰 : 시대적배경과 책의 내용을 중심으로 (A Study of Dongguksinsoksamganghaengsildo (東 國新續三綱行實圖)’s Historical Meaning), pp. 22–23. See also discussions about the accuracy and incompleteness of the record, in Gwanghae-gun 7 (1615), November 11. 18 Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 248. 19 임다은 (Im Daeun), 선조-광해군 연간 임진왜란 열녀 정표 연구 (A Study of Virtuous Women during the Imjin War) (MA Thesis, Myongji University, 2017) 20 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 열녀 담론의 형성과 임진왜란 (The Formation of Yeolneyo in the Imjin War) in 두 조선의 여성: 신체, 언어, 심성 (eds) 허남린 (Heo Namrin), 김현 주 (Gim Hyeonju), 박무영 (Bak Muyeong), and 이연숙 (I Yeonsuk), pp. 183–210, here 185–91. See also 정지영 (Jung Ji-Young), 논개와 계월향의 죽음을 다시 기억하기 조선 시대의기(義妓)의 탄생과 배제된 기억들 (Re-remembering the Deaths of Nongae and Gyewolhyang: The Invention of Loyal Gisaeng in Joseon and Excluded Memories), 한 국여성학 (Journal of Korean Women’s Studies), 23, 3 (2007): 155–87. 21 Nongae’s story is first recorded in Yu Mong-in, 어우야담 (1621). 정지영 (Jung Ji-Young), 논개와 계월향의 죽음을 다시 기억하기조선시대의기(義妓)의 탄생과 배제된 기억들 (Reremembering the Deaths of Nongae and Gyewolhyang: The Invention of Loyal Gisaeng in Chosŏn and the Excluded Memories); Jung, Ji Young, ‘War and the Death of a Kisaeng: The Construction of the Collective Memory of the “Righteous Kisaeng Non’gae” in Late Chosŏn’, Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 22 (2009): 157–80; Michael J. Pettid, ‘Fashioning Womanly Confucian Virtue: The Virtuous Woman in Post-war Literary Discourse’, in The East Asian War, 1592–1598: International Relations, Violence, and Memory (ed.) James B. Lewis (London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 357–77, here 367. 22 Other contemporary sources that treat virtuous women include those discussed in 장미경 (Jang, Mi-kyung), 전쟁시에 나타난 여성의 양가성—壬辰倭亂과 丁酉再亂 詩材 한시를 대상으로 (The Ambivalence of Women in War Poetry-Centering around Chinese Poetry Related with Japanese Invasions of Korea in 1592, 1597), 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 11 (2005): 331–55; 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 열녀의 탄생: 가부장제와 조선 여성의 잔혹한 역사 (Birth of the Virtuous Woman: Patriarchy and the Cruel History of Joseon Women); 정출헌 (Chung, Chul-heon), 임진 왜란의 상처와 여성의 죽음에 대한 연구: 동래부의 김섬(金蟾)과 애향(愛香), 그리고 용궁

Dead Women 43 현의 두 婦女子를 중심으로 (Wound of Imjin War and the Memory of Death of Women: Keum-Seom and Ae-Hyang in Dongne Bu and Two Women in Yonggung Hyeon), 한국 고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 21 (2010): 35–67; Kim Haboush, The Great East Asian War. 23 Lee, Sook-in, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’, p. 156. 24 Ibid., p. 143. 25 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 열녀의 탄생: 가부장제와 조선 여성의 잔혹한 역사 (Birth of the Virtuous Woman: Patriarchy and the Cruel History of Joseon Women), pp. 316–31 and 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 그림으로 읽는 조선 여성의 역사 (Reading the History of Joseon Women through Images), pp. 143–50. 26 Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 260. 27 Pettid, ‘Fashioning Womanly Confucian Virtue’, p. 364; 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 열녀의 탄생: 가부장제와 조선 여성의 잔혹한 역사 (Birth of the Virtuous Woman: Patriarchy and the Cruel History of Joseon Women), p. 317. 28 고연희 (Go Yeonhui). 조선시대 烈女圖 고찰 (Consideration of Korean Women in the Joseon Dynasty) 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 2 (2001): 189–225, here 208. 29 임다은 (Im Daeun), 선조-광해군 연간 임진왜란 열녀 정표 연구 (A Study of Jeong-Pyo of Yeol-Nyeo during the Imjin War), pp. 45–7, 158–9; 신수경 (Shin, Sookyoung), 조선시대 열녀도의 양태와〈烈女徐氏抱竹圖〉 (The Spread of Paintings of Virtuous Women in the Joseon Dynasty and Virtuous Lady Seo Embracing Bamboos), 미술사학연구 (Korean Art History Studies), 3 (2007): 129–58; 신수경 (Shin Sookyoung), 열녀전과 열녀도의 이 미지 연구 (Lienu Zhuan and Lienu Picture’s Image), 미술사논단 (Art History Forum), 21 (2005): 171–200, see also Oh, Engraving Virtue, pp. 255-58; 鄭夏美 (Chung Hami), 絵 画としての 「倭軍」 と烈女イデオロギー 十七世紀の 「東国新続三綱行実図」 の分析か ら (From the Perspective of Pictorial Images of Japanese Army and Virtuous Women Ideology: An Analysis of Dongguk Sinsok Samgang Haengsildo of the 17th Century), in 女の社会史 17-20 世紀―「家」 とジェンダーを考える (A Social History of Women from 17th to 20th Century: Focusing on Home and Gender) (ed.) 大口勇次郎 (Ōguchi Yūjirō) (Tokyo: Yamakawa Publishing Company, 2001), pp. 189–203, here 196. 30 Oh, Engraving Virtue, pp. 245–55, 258. See also 강명관 (Kang MyeongKwan), 그림으 로 읽는 조선 여성의 역사 (Reading the History of Joseon Women through Images), pp. 144–50. 31 Pettid, ‘Fashioning Womanly Confucian Virtue’, p. 364. 32 金氏谷山郡人幼學朴信幹妻也 年二十值壬辰倭亂負母避賊匿於山中賊猝至殺其 母曵出金氏欲污之金氏以死自誓手抜小刀刺頸流血至死不屈賊怒以劒剝其面裂 其四體而去今上朝㫌門 김시 곡산군 사이니 유 박신간의 안해라 나히 스믈헤 임진왜난을 만나 어미 지 고 도적을 피여 묏 가온대 수멋더니 도적이 과리 니러 그 어미 주기고 김시 그어 내여 더러이고져 거 주그므로 스스로 셰고 손으로 쟈근 칼 빼여 목을 딜러 피  흘려 주그매 니되 굴티 아니니 도적이 노여 칼로 그  벋기고 그 톄  고 가다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9). 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 4:23 김씨열체(金氏裂體) Citations from the online version at 세종대왕 기념사업회 (King Sejong Memorial Project), Sejong Classics Online Database, online at http://db.sejongkorea.org/ 朴氏竹山府人忠義衛林濠之妻也有至行壬辰倭亂遇賊將污朴氏以死自誓手搏之 賊支觧殺之今上朝㫌門 박시  듁산부  사이니  튱의위  님호의  안해라  지극  실이  잇더라  임진왜난의  도적 을 만나 쟝 더러이려커 박시 주그므로 스스로 셰고 손으로 쥐다디니 도적이  지 저 주기다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9). 동국신속삼강 행실도; 신속열녀도 4집5:23 박씨견살(朴氏見殺). 金召史報恩縣人戶長李休之妻也丁酉倭亂避賊于山谷間賊執而欲污之召史高聲 罵賊以死自誓賊揮劒刼之召史奮臂拒之曰速殺我遂斫之今上朝㫌門

44  Dead Women 김조이 보은현 사이니 호댱 니휴의 쳬라 뎡유왜난의 도적을 뫼골 이예 피더니 적 이 자바 오욕고져 거 조이 크게 소 여 도적을 짓고 죽기로 스스로 셰대 도 적이 칼을 둘워 겁틱거 조이 을 분발여 버으리와다 오 수이 나 주기라 적 이 드드여 버히다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강 행실도; 신속열녀도 5 집 8:77 솟작살(召史斫殺) 33 宗廟署婢加屎京都人遇賊將污之自投井中而死年十八未嫁昭敬大王朝㫌門 종묘셔비 가히 셔울 사이니 도적을 만나 쟝 오욕고져 거 스스로 우믈 가온 대 뎌 주그니 나히 열여비니 셔방 맛디 아녓더라 쇼경대왕됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 3:47 가히투정(加屎投井)  河氏晉州人奉事鄭希立之妻也丁酉倭亂爲賊所逼自投千仭崖下而死今上朝㫌門 하시 진 사이니 봉 뎡희립의 안해라 뎡유왜난의 도적의 핍박인 배 되여 스스 로 일쳔 기리나  바회 아래 려뎌 죽다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광 해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 8:22 하씨투애(河氏投崖) 34 閔氏京都人幼學李湳妻也壬辰倭亂從夫避賊于坡州境其舅父叅議李廷馣臨別戒 之曰當此之時婦人以貞節自守閔氏佩服其言常白小刀自刎賊怒斷頭而去今上朝 㫌門復戶 민시 셔울 사이니 유 니람의 안해라 임진왜난의 지아비 조차 도적을 파 디경 의 가 피 그 싀아비 참의 니뎡엄이 니별을 님여 경계여 오 이런  당 여 부인이 뎡졀로 스스로 딕킐 거시라 대 민시 그 말을 패복야 샹해 져근 칼 자 바 스스로 결단기로 셰더니 믿 도적기 믄득 니러 그 지아비 어즈러이 버히 고 민시의 나히 졈은 줄 보고 범코져 거 즉시 칼로 스스로 멱 딜너 주그니 도적 이 노여 머리 버히고 가니라 금샹됴의 졍문시고 복호시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617 년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 5:33 민씨자경(閔氏自剄) 羅氏開寧縣人引儀崔賚妻也平居閨範無失壬辰倭亂常佩小刀以爲自決之用一日 賊將污之遂自刎而死今上朝㫌門 나시 령현 사이니 인의 최뇌의 안해라 샹해 집의 법이 그디 아니더니 임진왜난 의 양 져근 칼 차셔  스스로 결단 제 려 더니  도적이 쟝 더러이려 거  믄득 스스로 목 딜러 주그니라 금샹됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집5:84 나씨자문(羅氏自刎) 元氏京都人縣令李沖之妻也壬辰倭亂夫爲賊所害元氏罵賊自刎而死賊寸斫之今 上朝㫌門 원시 셔울 사이니 현령 니튱의 안해라 임진왜난의 지아비 도적긔 해인 배 되니 원 시 도적글 짇고 스스로 멱 딜러 주그니 도적이 촌촌이 버히다 금 상됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집6:7원씨자문(元氏 自刎) 林氏綾城縣人老職林芷之女士人李原明妻也丁酉倭亂賊先殺舅姑次害原明及子 女而慕其姿色欲驅去林氏罵曰既殺我夫胡不並殺我乎抱夫屍不去以所佩小刀自 剄賊寸斬之今上朝㫌門 님시 능셩현 사이니 노직 님지의 이오 션 니원명의 안해라 뎡유왜난의 도적이 몬 져 싀아비 싀어미 주기고 버거 원명이과 믿 아과 을 해고 그 을 랑야 모라 가고져 거 님시 지저 오 이 내 지아비 주기니 엇디 아오로 날을 주기디 아니 뇨 고 지아븨 주검을 품고 가디 아니야 찬 바 쟈근 칼로 스스로 멱 디니 도 적이 촌촌이 버히니라 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속 삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집8:47임씨자경(林氏自剄) 鄭召史南原府人保人張起世之妻也丁酉倭亂遇賊知不免伏劒自死今上朝㫌門 뎡조이 남원부 사이니 보인 댱긔셰의 쳬라 뎡유왜난의 도적을 만나 면티 몯 줄 알 고 칼 업더뎌 스스로 죽다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동 국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집8:81소사복검(召史伏劒) 35 Here adapting the definition of agency proposed by Michael J. Shanahan and Jeylan T. Mortimer, ‘the ability to exert influence on one’s life’, in their unpublished 2003 presentation, ‘Social Psychology, the Life Course, and the Study of Youth’, American Sociological Association, Annual Meeting, Atlanta, 2003, cited in Steven Hitlin and Glen H. Elder, ‘Agency: An Empirical Model of an Abstract Concept’, Advances in Life Course Research, 11 (2006): 36–67, here 38.

Dead Women 45 36 신수경 (Shin Sookyoung), 열녀전과 열녀도의 이미지 연구 (Lienu Zhuan and Lienu Picture’s Image). 37 See endnote 34.  38 Kim, Yung-Chung (ed. and trans.), Women of Korea: A History from Ancient Times to 1945 (Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press, 1976), pp. 105–6. 39 See endnote 34. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 申氏京都副提學申湜之女幼學金德民妻也有孝行丁酉倭亂避賊于山谷中常佩大 刀有必死之心賊猝至恱申氏姿容脅迫驅去申氏抗聲罵賊右手引佩刀奮揮左手攀 木不去賊擊其右臂, 即仆地而死年二十五其婢燕之負主家兒匿其傍見 其主被害出 而抱持之並殺之昭敬大王朝㫌門 신시 셔울 사이니 부뎨 신식의 이오 유 김덕민의 안해라 효이 잇니 뎡유 왜난의  도적을  뫼  가온대  피야  샹해  큰  칼을  차셔  반시  주글  음을  둣니  도적 이  믄득  니러  신시의  얼굴을  즐거이  녀겨  헙박야  모라가려  거  신시  소  노 피 야 도적을 짓고 올손으로  칼흘 인야 이 두로고 왼손으로 남글 븓잡고 가 디 아니대 도적이 노야 그 올을 티니 즉시  업더뎌 주그니 나히 스믈다스시러 라 그 죵 연지 항거싀 집 아기 업고 그 겨 수머니 그 항걷 피해 양을 보고 나 안 아 븓자븐대  주기니라 쇼경대왕됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 3: 51신씨사적(申氏死賊) 44 張氏蔚珎縣人幼學朱皡之妻也壬辰倭亂其夫爲賊所害張氏冒刄突入拭夫血罵賊 曰汝殺我夫我當復讎持杖撃賊賊殺之今上朝㫌門 댱시 울딘현 사이니 유 쥬호의 안해라 임진왜난애 그 지아비 도적의 해인 배 되 거 댱시 흘 다와다 드러 지아븨 피 쓷고 도적글 구지저 로 네 내 지아비 주기 니 내 반시 복슈호리라 고 매 가지고 도적을 티니 도적이 주기니라 금샹됴애 졍문 시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 5:13장씨 견살(張氏見殺) 45 全氏泰仁縣人宋宗顥之妻也父喪啜粥三年不食鹽菜朝夕親奠事舅姑誠孝丁酉倭 亂遇賊將污之全氏手把賊刄自加於頸碎頭於石罵不絕口賊亂斫之今上朝㫌門 젼시  태인현  사이니  송종호의  안해라  아븨  상의  쥭  먹기  삼  년을  고  소 곰    먹디  아니고  됴셕의  친히  졔고  싀아비  싀엄이  셤기믈  졍셩과  효도  더 라 뎡유왜난의 도적글 만나 쟝 더러이려 거 젼시 손의 도적긔  자바 스스로 목 긔 더어고 머리 돌희 리고 짇기 이븨 그치디 아니니 도적기 어즈러이 버히다 금 샹됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4 집 5:3 전씨난곡(全氏亂斫) 46 See endnote 44. 47 See endnote 32. 48 See endnote 34. 49 See endnote 45. 50 琴氏堤川縣人學錄尹昌鳴之妻也事舅姑孝一邑稱之壬辰倭亂賊殺昌鳴琴氏披髪 而出已無及矣遂大呼奮罵碎首流血仆地不起賊棄而去今上朝㫌門 금시 뎨쳔현 사이니 녹 윤챵명의 안해라 싀어버이 셤기 효로 니 온 고을히 일 더라 임진왜난의 도적이 챵명이 주겨 금시 머리 플고 내니 이믜 믿디 못니 라 믄득 크게 브며 이 짇고 머리 려 피 흘려  업데고 니디 아니니 도적 이 리고 가니라 금 상됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강 행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 6:47 금씨매적(琴氏罵賊) 51 See endnote 33. 52 Ibid. 53 鄭氏沈諧之妻鄭氏權陟之妻皆京都人李氏鄭咸一之妻朴氏咸一之子慶得之妻李 氏咸一次子喜得之妻䖏女鄭氏咸一之女吳氏鄭雲吉之妻李氏鄭主一之妻金氏鄭 櫛之妻李氏櫛子好仁之妻皆咸平縣人邊氏吳宏之妻吳氏金翰國之妻皆茂長縣人 丁酉倭亂同舟避賊賊追及十二節婦皆投水而死今上朝㫌門

46  Dead Women 뎡시 심의 안해오 뎡시 권텩의 안해니 다 셔올 사이라 니시 뎡함일의 안해오 박 시 함일의 아 경득의 안해오 니시 함일의 버근 아 희득의 안해오 쳐녀 뎡시 함 일의 리오 오시 뎡운길의 안해오 니시 뎡쥬일의 안해오 김시 뎡즐의 안해오 니시  즐의 아 호인의 안해니 다 함평현 사이라 변시 오굉의 안해오 오시 김한국의 안 해니 다 무댱현 사이라 뎡유왜난의 가지로  타 도적을 피엿더니 도적이 와 미 니 열두 졀뷔 다 므 뎌 주그니라 금샹됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해 군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 8:61 열부동익(烈婦同溺) 54 俞氏靈山縣人幼學金澤妻也壬辰倭亂爲賊所執大呼曰速殺我仆地不起賊枤而起 之十步許有深井遂挺身投下賊捽而出之女知其不得免徐言曰生長閨門不慣行步 賊遂進馬又無鞍不可秉伺賊四散求鞍復投井中賊至則巳死矣今上朝㫌門 유시 녕산현 사이니 유 김의 안해라 임진왜난의 도적의 자핀 배 도여 크게 블러  오 수이 나 주기라 고 해 업데여 니디 안이대 도적이 매질야 니티니 열 거  남기 기픈 우믈이 잇거 드드여 몸을 여려디니 도적이 어내여 유시 그 시러 곰 면티 몯 줄 알고 날호여 닐오 도장문의셔 라나 보 닉디 몯여라 대 도적 이 드드여 을 나와  닐오 길매 업니 가히 디 몯홀다 니 도적기 네 녁흐로 헤 여뎌 길마늘 얻더니 다시 우믈 가온대 디니 도적이 니니 이 주것더라 금샹됴애 졍문 시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617 년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 5:27 유 씨투정(俞氏投井) 55 See endnote 32. 56 良女崔今玉果縣人私奴具億進妻也丁酉倭亂隨夫率二子避賊山中賊猝至先殺其 夫又殺二子崔今持石突出打殺一賊賊殺之今上朝㫌門 냥녀 최금이 옥괘현 사이니 로 궉진의 겨집이라 뎡유왜난의 그 지아비 조차 두 아 드 거리고 도적을 묏 가온대 피더니 도적이 블예 니러 그 지아비 몬져 주기 고  두 아 주겨 최금이 돌 가지고 겨 내라  도적을 주기니 도적이 주기 다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열 녀도 4집 8:86 최금타적(崔今打賊) 57 權氏京都人孝子成博妻也倭賊殺其夫欲犯之權氏以石擊賊不屈而死昭敬大王朝 㫌門 권시 셔울 사이니 효 셩박긔 안해라 왜적이 그 지아비 주기고 범코져 거 권 시 돌로 도적글 티고 굴티 아녀 주그니라 쇼경대왕됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집 2:87 권씨격왜(權氏擊倭) 58 河氏清州人幼學李榮時之妻也壬辰倭亂從夫及舅避匿山中聞士女多被污辱語其 夫曰老父無騎末由還避賊若來迫吾死必矣郎君若不幸白髮偏親更無依頼願郎君 念此以圖生存未幾賊至以刄脅之河氏奮罵不屈而死今上朝㫌門 하시 쳥 사이니 유 니영시의 안해라 임진왜난의 지아비과 믿 싀아비 조차 묃 가 온 피여 수멋더니 녜 만히 오욕인 줄 듣고 그 지아비려 닐러 로 늘근 아 비 타 갈 거시 업서 멀리 피티 몯니 도적이 와 핍박면 내 죽기 반리라 낭군이 만 일 블면 발 편친이 다시 의뢰  업니 원컨대 낭군 이 렴여  사라 잇기  도모라 이윽고 도적이 칼로 헙박거 하시 이 짓고 굴티 아녀 주그니라 금 샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집4:9 하씨사적(河氏死賊) 59 康氏善山府人幼學崔格妻也平日舅姑不慈其子康氏以至誠致感壬辰倭亂爲賊所 擄大罵不從賊縛而負之康氏飜身墜地終不屈而死今上朝㫌門 강시 션산부 사이니 션 최격의 안해라 평일 싀어버이 그 아을 랑티 아니 니 강시 지셩으로 감동호 닐외니라 임진왜난의 도적의 자핀 배 되여 크게 지저 졷디 아 니고 도적이 여지거 강시 모믈 뒤텨 해 러뎌 내 굴티 아니코 주그니라 금 샹됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집5:50 강씨불굴(康氏不屈) 60 See endnote 32. 61 良女愛生海南縣人兼司㒒宋士珌女也年十九未嫁丁酉倭亂爲賊所擄欲污之愛生 高聲罵賊牢拒不從賊揮劒以刼終不屈賊怒殺之今上朝㫌門 냥녀 이 남현 사이니 겸복 송필 이라 나히 열아홉의 셔방 맛디 아녓더 니 뎡유왜난의 도적긔 잡핀 배 되여 오욕고져 거 이 소 딜러 도적을 짓고 구

Dead Women 47 디 거스러 좃디 아닌대 도적이 칼 둘러 겁틱여도 내 굴티 아닌대 도적이 노 여 주기다 금샹됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집8:85 애생사적(愛生死賊) 62 李氏死賊 處女李氏光州人 忠義衛李活之女 倭賊驅去指天誓死 罵不絕口 遂遇害今 上朝㫌門 Ⓒ 편찬 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9) 쳐녀 니시 광 사이니 튱의위 니활의 리라 왜적이 모라가니 하 쳐 주그 셰고 짇기 이 그치디 아니여 믄득 해호 만나니라 금샹됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 언해 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9); 동국신속삼강행실도 신속열녀도 4집 3:68 이씨사적(李氏 死賊) 63 李氏京都人武人方希閔之妻也 壬辰倭亂遇賊將污之李氏罵賊牢拒賊大怒斫其乳 李氏罵益厲痛哭指天爲誓賊斷足刳腹而去今上朝㫌門 니시 셔울 사이니 호반 방희민의 안해라 임진왜난의 도적을 만나 쟝 더러이려  거 니시 도적을 지저 굳게 거슨대 도적이 대로야 그 져즐 베텨 니시 짇기 더 옥 모딜이 고 통곡며 하흘 쳐 셰대 도적이 발 버히고  고 가니라 금샹 됴의 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광해군 9). 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4 집 4:1 이씨고복(李氏刳腹) 64 See endnote 32. 65 處女柳氏京都人縣監柳希聃之女府使尹晛之外孫女也年十四遭壬辰倭亂隨外祖 母金氏投江舟人欲以手援之柳氏仰天長號曰苟且求活不如潔身而死遂溺死昭敬 大王朝㫌門 쳐녀 뉴시 셔울 사이니 현감 뉴희담의 리오 부 윤현의 외손녜라 나히 열네힌 제 임 진왜난을 만나 외조모 김시 조차 강의 디거 사이 손으로 건디고져 대 뉴 시 하을 울얼고 기리 소 딜너 오 구챠히 살오 구호미 몸을 조케 야 주금만  디 아니니라 고 드여 뎌 죽다 쇼경대왕됴애 졍문시니라 Ⓒ 필자 | 이성 / 1617년(광 해군 9). 동국신속삼강행실도; 신속열녀도 4집2:88 유씨투강(柳氏投江) 66 신수경 (Shin Sookyoung), 열녀전과 열녀도의 이미지 연구 (Lienu Zhuan and Lienu Picture’s Image). 67 Hitlin and Elder, ‘Agency: An Empirical Model of an Abstract Concept’, p. 39. 68 See endnote 17. 69 병란(兵亂)을 당했을 때에 사절(死節)한 사녀(士女)가 엄청나게 많습니다. 충신과 열 부(烈婦)와효자에 대해 각 도(道)에서 보고해 온 문서가 계속 쌓여 권축(卷軸)을 이루고 있습니다. …그중에 절부가 특히 많았습니다. 보고된 자들은 모두 한 고을의 공론(公論)이 라고 할 것인데, 그중에는 혹잘못 알려진 나머지, 이름이 실제 내용보다 지나친 경우도 있겠 지만, 사람은 미천해도 실제 내용이그 이름보다 더한 경우도 분명히 있을 것입니다. 왜적의 칼날이 거의 나라 전체에 미친 상황에서사절한 사녀가 몇 백 명을 넘는다고 하더라도 많다 고는 할 수 없으니, 지금 새로 교화와 치리(治理)를 펼치는 날을 당하여 이들에게 똑같이 정 표(旌表)하는 상을 내리는 것이 마땅할 것입니다, cited in 이정귀, 浦渚集 권34, ｢이정귀 行狀｣ cited in 이숙인 (Lee, Sookin), 조선중기 사회의 여성인식 : 정절 개념을 중심으로 (The Understanding of Women in the Middle Joseon Period: A Focus on the Concept of Chastity), p. 39, translation by Bohnet in Lee, Sook-in, ‘The Imjin War and the Official Discourse of Chastity’, pp. 145–6. 70 Kim Haboush, ‘Dead Bodies in the Postwar Discourse of Identity in Seventeenth-­ Century Korea: Subversion and Literary Production in the Private Sector’, The Journal of Asian Studies 62, 2 (2003): 415–42 and in her book, The Great East Asian War, pp. 121–52; citations from Sookja Cho, ‘Leaves of Regret, Flowers of Gloom: Mourning Ghosts and Crafting a Theater of Han in the Dream Journey Narrative’, Journal of Korean Studies 25, 1 (2020): 3–34, here 4, 6. 71 其所節義之高貞烈之美天必感動人所歎服則死而不死何恨之有江都陷沒南漢 危急主辱如何國耻方深而忠臣節義萬無一人貞操凜烈惟有婦女是死榮矣何用. Gangdomongyurok, 江都夢遊錄 (National Library of Korea, Japanese Government of Korea Classification of Historic Works, 3636 (1941)), p. 19. 72 The plurality of women’s voices is emphasised in the analysis of 백지민 (Baek Jimin), 순절 담론의 서사화, (Narrative of the discourse on death for loyalty in

48  Dead Women Gangdomongyurok), 용봉인문논총 (Yongbong Journal of Humanities), 49 (2016): 109– 41. On the work’s conservatism in terms of female subjectivity, see the argument of 장 진엽 (Jinyoup Jang),「강도몽유록」속 여성 발화자의 기능과 그 의미 (The Function and Significance of Female Narrators in Record of a Dream on Kanghwa Island), 한문학논 집(漢文學論集) (Journal of Korean Literature in Chinese), 57 (2020): 255–86. 73 我本王妣之兄重臣之妻也富貴平生歌舞長春則豈料今日人事若此嗟甭一死果若 他人則貞烈自彰魂且有光吾兒不良處事顛倒賊鋒未迫先投一釰則非我自處豈 無人言勸成貞節世皆笑罵矧伊今日旌門何事情未逮. 강도몽유록 (江都夢遊錄), pp. 5–6. 7 4 Cho, ‘Leaves of Regret, Flowers of Gloom’, p. 14. 75 See endnote 17. Translation from Oh, Engraving Virtue, p. 236.

2

Surviving Women

This chapter analyses a narrative about a woman who had survived her encounter with Japanese forces during the invasions ordered by Toyotomi Hideyoshi. She had been taken to Japan as a captive and hoped to return to Joseon. Her story was told in a historical work that described Joseon-Ming relations before, during, and after the period of the Japanese invasions, known as Record of the Reform of the Country (Jaejobeonbangji, 再造藩邦志), written by Sin Gyeong, and printed in the nineteenth year of King Sukjong’s reign, Europe’s 1693. The Record drew upon a number of accounts contemporary to the invasions, including that of a Joseon scholar official Hwang Sin.1 In Seonjo 29/1596, Hwang had travelled to Japan as an envoy of the Joseon king, attempting to resolve the difficult situation that remained after Hideyoshi’s first invasion. Hideyoshi’s demand that Joseon send a prince to him, effectively as a hostage, was not to be satisfied by the presence of an elite official such as Hwang, and a resolution was unable to be achieved. Hideyoshi would launch a second invasion in the following year.2 Hwang described his journey across Japan to Sakai and included a series of encounters with Joseon-born individuals who had been captured during the first invasion and taken to Japan. In one instance, he learned of 17 women living nearby in the residence of a Japanese general. This knowledge came through letters written by the women themselves. Hwang wrote that ‘among the letters was one from the daughter of scholar-bureaucrat who used to live in Joseon’s capital’.3 It was a ‘well-reasoned letter full of desperation’. He included an excerpt, in which the letter-writer expressed intense lamentation at her plight: ‘Oh lord, oh lord, what did I do wrong to suffer such sadness and consternation? […] Can there be anything so pitiful as this in this world? It has been five years of subservient captive life’. The letter-writer demonstrated awareness of the diplomatic endeavours that were occurring as well as her consideration of how she could engage with them: As I heard that the two countries were strengthening their relations with the Joseon envoys to Japan, would heaven fulfill my wishes if I stay alive? […] I also heard that there would be a lot of new abductees travelling back with them this time. […] I pray thousands of times to seek your understanding of my pitiful situation. DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-3

50  Surviving Women Hwang recorded how the mission officials responded to reading this work, noting that all were moved by the pitiful situation of this woman. Yet, with the following line, he moved on to a new topic and never returned to the matter of these captured women or their possible repatriation to the Joseon kingdom. This chapter explores the agency of the letter that Hwang included in his account, both in terms of what was expressed by its author and how its recipient, Hwang, presented it. It firstly analyses what this letter text may indicate about the experience and considerations of Joseon women taken to Japan and how both the letter-writer and the envoy structured notions of agency for repatriation and survival through it. It further considers why Hwang might have decided to include (or create) this text in his work and what narratological agency it held for in his account of his mission’s objectives. The capture and return of Joseon women The capture of both women and men, adults and children, was a key strategy of the Japanese forces during both invasions. The Japanese Buddhist monk, Keinen, who served as a physician with the second invasion force recorded many accounts of slave raids: Among the many kinds of merchants who have come over from Japan are traders in human beings, who follow in the train of the troops and buy up men and women, young and old alike. Having tied these people together with ropes about the neck, they drive them along before them; those how can no longer walk are made to run with prods or blows of the stick from behind. The sight of the fiends and man-devouring demons who torment sinners in hell must be like this, I thought.4 A contemporary, the Joseon monk, Samyeongdang (dharma name Yujeong), also recalled how shipmasters fought to take back valuable captives and observed that beautiful women were especially at risk from sexual violence, while the husbands of those who were married were thrown overboard into the sea.5 Some contemporary evidence stems from those men who participated in these acts. The letters of one military official, Ōshima Tadayasu, reported that his retainer Kakuemon was returning home with two enslaved individuals, one of whom was intended as a gift for his daughter. He outlined his plans to gain other children who would make useful gifts among his social network.6 Attention to date has focused on certain cohorts among these captured individuals, such as scholars and potters, partly because of the impact they are viewed to have had on subsequent Japanese cultural traditions. These groups also left behind important records. Those perceived as specialist ceramic workers with expertise highly valued by daimyōs produced a series of histories about the ceramics industry that will be explored in Chapter 5. A number of well-educated men who were held captive, such as the scholar Kang Hang, were also able to document their experiences in memoirs.7 However, many more women and men

Surviving Women 51 were put to work as an enslaved labour force and left behind few records of their experiences.8 Few accounts narrate the experiences of captured women living in Japan, and rare were those composed by women themselves, as the letter received by Hwang purported to be. Diplomatic records were one of the few places where captured women’s voices were to be found. Two versions of another letter written by a woman, for example, were documented in records by the ambassador O Yungyeom and by the deputy ambassador I Gyeongjik, who participated in the Gwanghae-gun 9/1617 negotiations.9 The letter addressed to Hwang some 20 years earlier therefore represents a rare early text that may present a femaleauthored perspective on captivity at a time when Joseon was still grappling with how to respond to such events and the plight of the people involved. In contrast to the expectations that would emerge from the court in the years following the invasions, this letter-writer explicitly argued that she had made a choice to survive rather than die after encountering the Japanese. Of course, we must recognise that the missive is extant through the mediation of male scholars who may have shaped its form in ways that cannot be entirely discerned. However, the letter-writer’s voice does not provide the conventional perspective of a male scholar on female captivity and repatriation but appears to represent an alternative view. As such, I refer to this interlocutor as ‘she’. Both the letter-writer and Hwang expressed views about the survival and repatriation of Joseon-born women taken captive to Japan. As Hwang and his diplomatic party group prepared to depart Japan after the failure of their peace negotiations, he recalled how they were able to repatriate only a few of their fellow Joseon people and how ‘when the envoys went onboard the ship, an untold number of men and women from our country followed crying’.10 There were evidently people who valued Joseon culture and wished to return to it. Within a decade of the invasions, a series of diplomatic missions that aimed to repatriate Joseon people had been instigated.11 However, Moon-Ja Kim has examined how women were less able to participate in these repatriation endeavours than were men.12 Kim’s analysis suggests that, due to both individual and structural reasons, most women captives did not return to their homeland but eventually settled in Japan.13 Sung-Hwan No has also traced, via grave markers, the fate of a series of women who appeared to have settled in Japan, having become concubines of the local lord.14 Deak-Kee Min argues importantly that remaining in Japan should be interpreted less as a choice to stay by captured individuals than as the passive consequence of their situation.15 Min also observes, however, that such individuals were likely concerned by the treatment that might await them upon their return to Joseon.16 After all, from the time of the first invasion, exhortations encouraging Joseon people to resist the Japanese invaders had told their listeners and readers how ‘unspeakably degrading’ it would be to become ‘servants and concubines to these barbarians and compelled us to work as slaves to a brutish enemy’.17 How those who had been captured could be returned and rehabilitated from what was described repeatedly in such texts as degradation was therefore challenging. Moreover, when King Seonjo issued an

52  Surviving Women official missive calling upon Joseon subjects in enemy hands to find ways to return to the kingdom, womenfolk did not appear as a particular focus. The court chronicle recorded that his message was designed to reach those who might have surrendered to and joined the Japanese. Seonjo’s letter aimed to articulate and assuage the fears of those (men) who might be afraid that having joined the Japanese they would be punished by the government.18 Not only will you not be punished, but anyone who renders meritorious service—who returns with captured Japanese personnel, who offers detailed information about enemy operations or returns with many captured people or any other worthy task—will be rewarded with an official post appropriate to their status.19 It seems that the kind of individual who might be able to deliver such meritorious service to Joseon, and enjoy an official government position as a result of it, was assumed to be a man. As seen in Chapter 1, court-sponsored interpretations of neo-Confucian moral codes suggested that, if they were faced with the risk that their bodies might be violated by Japanese soldiers, women were to be praised when they chose death over survival. When Joseon women were abducted to Japan, some contemporaries depicted them as irretrievably lost to their homeland. Thus, in his Record of a Refugee (Swaemirok, 鎖尾錄), the diarist O Huimun expressed relief that his niece had died in her own country before she had been able to be taken abroad.20 An official who was captured himself, Jeong Huideuk, wrote an account (Wolbonghaesangnok, 月峯海上錄) of the death of his mother, wife, sister-inlaw, and a younger sister during the second invasion. They had thrown themselves overboard off Chilsan on the southwestern coast, rather than be captured by the Japanese boat that they had seen approaching. Jeong recorded what he claimed were the family’s discussions and decisions: ‘The only way for the family’s women to protect themselves is to take their own lives, so they will not be ashamed of their lives or deaths’; ‘My decision has already been made. I promised to die with my family’.21 This version of the determinations made by Jeong’s family fitted well with the moral use of female agency that the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom, explored in Chapter 1, would later promote. Surviving women presented further challenges for their families, as Hwang’s own experiences revealed. A contemporary, Gim Siyang, recorded in his work Hadam’s Tales to Pass Time (Hadam Pajeongnok, 荷潭破寂錄) that some captured women had since been honoured in their homeland with memorial gates, as having died in meritorious sacrifice to their families and Joseon. When Hwang Sin returned from Japan in 1596, he had brought home the wife of Chang Hong, who had ‘reported that his wife defied the enemy and bravely committed suicide’. Her return to Joseon did not help Chang, as Gim reported, for ‘people began to frown upon Chang and he was later accused by the government of the crime of deceiving the king’.22 Surviving women were thus placed in a vulnerable position,

Surviving Women 53 depending on the actions their families in Joseon had taken. Go Sangan noted in his Hyobin’s Literary Miscellany (Hyobinjapgi, 効嬪雜記) that on the subsequent repatriation mission of 1604, an envoy was sent to Japan. When he returned he bore the letters of many still-living women who had been taken to Japan as prisoners. Among the letters were those of women who had been declared dead and had gates erected. These letters were not delivered to the families in question.23 The existence of such women, revealed in such letters, now threatened in a new way the reputation and honour of their families in Joseon. Survival as moral obligation The missive that the envoy Hwang recorded having received presented a woman who had chosen to continue living, even while among Joseon’s enemies. This letter-writer directly acknowledged expectations that she should have killed herself. One reason she gave was that she had lacked the opportunity to do so when she first encountered Japanese forces: when the enemy soldiers immediately began to search the mountain valley, we ran to seek safety individually. I was caught by them overnight and could not even commit suicide. The letter-writer recognised assumptions about the social and familial burden she represented by continuing to live: ‘I should have died to ease my parents’ worry’. However, she also evoked another rationale to make sense of her choice to continue living thereafter, recording her recollections of her parents’ feelings: Upon the breakout of the war, I followed my parents to seek safety and my parents always held my hands, sitting face to face while crying so much and saying: ‘It is not at all a pity for us to die but what about our daughter?’ The anticipated feelings of her parents continued to frame the letter, as she indicated: ‘It would be a relief if my parents have died already. However, if by chance it is otherwise, their sadness will have been extremely great’. Family relationships and obligations would be presented as central to its writer’s decision-making. The letter-writer constructed her subjectivity and survival relationally, as part of her filial duty to her parents: If I am blessed with the grace to be rescued and make it home to see my parents, this would be no different from the indebtedness to my parents for bringing me to this world. Even though I want to repay my parents’ kindness, it would be impossible to completely pay back my indebtedness.

54  Surviving Women While both daughters and sons were bound by the bond of filial piety to honour and care for their parents, it was typically the duties of sons, and eldest sons in particular, that was foregrounded in the neo-Confucian literature that was produced and supported by the Yi dynasty. Men such as Jeong Huideuk, for example, emphasised their filial piety as a reason why they needed to survive their captivity and return. In his poetry, Jeong framed his survival, while his mother, sister, and sister-in-law had chosen death, in terms of his duties to the patriline, both to obey his father’s command to return and care for him and for his children in the absence of their mother.24 The letter-writer made reconnection with her family, dead or alive, critical to her desire for survival. At the thought of returning to my home country and reuniting with my parents, I will not kill myself. That is my only hope now. I will not even regret it, if I could return to take a look at the house where my parents used to live in, even if they are already dead. Therefore, every day I pray to the sun when it rises in the morning and to the moon when it shines the brightest at night and ask myself: Can I reunite with my parents again? Where are my parents now? When Seonjo sent his missive in 1593, calling upon his people (normatively constructed as men) to return to the Joseon community, it had provided its addressees with a productive pathway to reintegration precisely around what were constructed as shared Joseon values: ‘There is no one among you who does not have a parent, a wife, or children. Wouldn’t it be wonderful to return to your old village and to resume your old life?’25 The letter-writer appeared to interpret the rationale for her survival as located in her filial duties towards her natal family as both important and appropriate within contemporary neo-Confucian expectations. Eldest sons were expected to conduct the key rites and ceremonies that were part of Joseon’s social ordering, while daughters and younger sons had no defined role in these ceremonial aspects of social life and of the patrilineal descent group as they were presented in prescriptive texts.26 In practice, however, there is evidence that women as well as men remained embedded in their natal family cultures, including daughters who married ‘out’ of the family. Daughters were engaged in letter writing and exchange of material goods among natal family members.27 Lee SoonGu examines the case of Lady Chang of Andong, who brought the ancestral tablets for her natal family to her home and oversaw the rites for them, claiming that these rites were otherwise in danger of being discontinued.28 It is unclear if the letter-writer was the family’s only child; certainly, she was the only child of her parents who was mentioned in the text. Rhetorically, this was important. She stressed her personal responsibility to her parents, suggestively presenting herself as the person responsible for them. Given the writer’s apparent awareness of neo-Confucian expectations of the bonds that tied children to duties towards their parents, it seems likely she was

Surviving Women 55 equally aware of assumptions about elite women’s behaviour that were promoted in contemporary textual discourses. Our letter-writer never directly articulated a sexual dimension to her bodily experiences. The New Sequel conveyed elite expectations that women carefully safeguard their chastity and respond to the risk of violation by the Japanese by committing suicide. One of the very real prospects for those women who were taken captive was that they would be sexually exploited.29 The omission of any sexual element to the letter-writer’s experience therefore cannot be surprising. Hwang’s own assumptions about the letter-writer’s virtue, or at least a concern about her failure to demonstrate it, may be reflected in his decision to obscure her family identity, citing the opening to her letter anonymously as ‘I am such and such woman, from such and such village, and a daughter of such and such person’. Ultimately, the letter-writer suggested that, by not killing herself, control of her physical body and one form of her personal moral integrity had been sacrificed to fulfil another dimension of neo-Confucian moral expectations, her filial responsibilities. She prioritised proper respect in her relationship to her parents, a symbol of her continued adherence to Joseon cultural norms. The letter-writer did, however, articulate her awareness of the negative perceptions that surrounded returned individuals. She suggested that her life need only be sustained until the moment of contact with her living or dead parents: I know that I am an outcast […] I am aware that people will not tolerate me, but my only wish is to see my parents once. There will be no regrets if I must die immediately after the reunion. As noted above, Seonjo’s missive calling for his people to return appeared focused on men who could provide service to the kingdom upon their return. Rhetorically, the letter-writer insisted that she was alive only to carry out her filial duty, a duty that overrode other perceptions about her status in Joseon. Once fulfilled, however, she claimed that she was willing and prepared to conform once more to expectations that might include her death. The letter-writer appeared to contextualise not only her survival but also her actions within her perception of her filial duties. She framed her decisions within neo-Confucian structures. This parallels the actions and writings of other contemporary women, who likewise made their own interpretations of ideal Confucian behaviours in inventive ways that suited their contexts.30 As Jisoo M. Kim argued in relation to women’s legal petitioning, for instance, women ‘used the Confucian rhetoric of female virtue that was generally expected by the state when entering the courts, but they constructed their narratives in a way that best suited their interests depending on their position within the household’.31 As the letter-writer presented it here, the very obligations promoted by Joseon moral order demanded her survival and her return to Joseon, and contextualised the choices she made to enable these aims. Indeed, the letter constructed her choice as not whether to survive or not, but how to do so to fulfil her duties. This text presents important insights into the possibilities for self-construction for an elite woman whose very existence confronted Joseon’s neo-Confucian expectations for women in her situation.

56  Surviving Women Yet it was precisely by working with an interpretation of neo-Confucian ideology that this letter-writer insisted that her survival had meaning and purpose, not for her but for her family and, implicitly, for Joseon social order. The latter in particular was recognised by her claimed willingness to accept her fate, including her death, after she had achieved her filial duty to pay her respects to her parents. These were creative negotiations of her circumstances as a captured woman. Hwang Sin, Joseon women, and elite masculinity Hwang compiled his account of his mission in Record of a Visit to Japan (Ilbonwanghwanilgi, 日本往還日記), which later became a key point of reference for Sin Gyeong’s Record of the Reform of the Country. His diplomatic mission was never intended as one of repatriation. It had instead been hoped to draw the conflict to a close, a mission that failed. Hwang’s account was designed to explain why the Joseon officials had not been able to succeed. More broadly, self-reflection was embedded in neo-Confucian education and woven through the state’s rhetoric, from the king to his people. Hwang’s production of such an account was consistent with that culture. What value to Hwang’s record of his activities then were such reports about captured people that he had not been able to assist, including the eloquent female letter-writer? J. Marshall Craig has emphasised how important to Hwang’s politically motivated and self-promoting text were his constructions of Japan and the Japanese.32 These emphasised important distinctions between the Japanese and Joseon Koreans, which helped to explain the failure of agreement in his mission. Furthermore, as will be explored here, Hwang’s discernment of differences between the Japanese and Koreans involved both gender relations and his perception of Joseon women. In Hwang’s work, Joseon women, as well as men, could demonstrate the cultural divide that separated the Japanese from Koreans. The discussion that surrounds the excerpt of this letter in Sin Gyeong’s text notes that it was produced by an elite woman. Moreover, Hwang described it as a ‘well-reasoned letter’. It was a rhetorically powerful letter that demonstrated the epistolary skills and eloquence of Joseon’s women. Hwang was a man whose works displayed the literary flourish of his own elite training, having achieved the highest ranking in the civil service examinations.33 Hwang was disparaging of the education of the Japanese elites, even that of his Japanese counterparts. Some, such as monks, might understand characters, but ‘the rest, even the military and officials, do not know a single word’.34 As Craig has observed, Hwang was not alone in voicing withering analysis of Japanese inadequacies in classical Chinese culture, a point on which Joseon officials prided themselves and defined their identity.35 Confucian education in Japan by contrast was dispersed through the population more often through moral teachings, a very different mode of access to the professional career-making role it held for Joseon officials.36 From the early days of the first invasion, those seeking to whip up fervour among the Joseon people had turned to the kingdom’s scholarly expertise as a point of identity demarcation with the Japanese invaders. Gim Seongil, who had been

Surviving Women 57 deputy ambassador in Japan before the war and was then made chief recruiter for the volunteer army, called on the Joseon officials and people to bear witness to Joseon shared values, celebrating the countless scholars of Joseon whose purity of minds had been cultivated through a long tradition of learning, unlike the ‘grass-clothed, wormlike island barbarians’. ‘Can you bear the transformation from civilized to barbarous, from human to beast?’, Gim asked.37 The belief that Joseon was superior culturally to Japan continued to be exchanged among Joseon officials after the war, reflected in the commentaries of successive envoys on diplomatic missions. These expressions in documents intended for home audiences aided Joseon elites to reassert themselves at home and re-situate themselves in the wider east Asian context. Contemporary sources indicate that elite women as well as men accessed and circulated Joseon’s intellectual and literary culture that drew upon classical Chinese reference points. One of the most well-known examples of women’s interaction with classical Chinese intellectual culture is demonstrated in the Instructions for Women (Naehun), a guide for women written around the sixth year of King Seongjong’s reign, Europe’s 1475, by the king’s mother, Madam Han, who was given the honorary title Queen Sohye after her death. Here, in the course of recommendations on how women should conduct themselves in the interior realm, Madam Han insisted that women as well as men needed to be educated about Confucian principles in order to know the important and complementary role that they played in shaping the realm: ‘the rise and fall of a country are not only related to the wisdom and ignorance of men, but also intimately tied to the good and bad qualities of women; thus, women must be taught’.38 Importantly, Madam Han’s work was written in the native Korean script hangeul, with which women were expected to be familiar, and through which the work presented, for women’s consumption, large amounts of text from Confucian classics. Madam Han’s text bears witness to one way a woman could engage with literary and intellectual culture as well as the ideology that shaped her life. Letters written by women offer other insights into their lives, knowledge, and experiences. The diarist O Huimun, for example, provided a series of contemporary examples of his own female kin who were engaged with reading works from the Chinese literary world.39 The context in which Hwang presented his interlocutor’s letter indicated that no less than 17 women had produced similar letters for the Joseon diplomatic officials, likewise engaging in the literate cultural world, even from their captivity in Japan. We do not know what language the original letter that was excerpted here, if it existed, may have been produced in, or whether the women had assistance to convey their thoughts in the letter form. What mattered to Hwang was the sophistication and eloquence of this letter that he presented as an example of this corpus. Even in the very challenging context in which a woman’s very survival was at stake, this letter demonstrated the high value that both she and Hwang placed upon the intellectual and literary skills that Joseon culture prided itself on nurturing. It was part of their shared cultural identity and belonging to the Joseon kingdom. Moreover, a further reason why Hwang might have recorded the episode of the letter was that the incident enabled him to foreground the distinctive affective behaviour of Joseon officials. This incident, as were others related to Joseon captives

58  Surviving Women in Japan, was marked by explicit reference to the diplomatic envoys’ emotional response to their plight. Hwang concluded the discussion of this letter in his text by observing that ‘no one was untouched by the letter and the pitiful situation of the woman and some even shed their tears’. Similarly, as the mission ended and the officials prepared to leave, by his own report, they were faced with many captured individuals begging their help to return. It was not his help that Hwang offered, but the tears of the officials: ‘The whole company was weeping’.40 Another account that documented the same journey was that of the military official, Pak Hongjang. This was the Journey of an Eastern Voyage (Tongsarok, 東槎錄). Pak’s diary recorded an impression of witnessing captives. Men and women who had been forcibly taken, longing for home, came from near and far in their hundreds and thousands. But the villains kept them imprisoned without release. Some of them would hear my voice and come crying; it was so terrible one could not meet eyes with them.41 Hwang’s record of the officials’ affective practice in these tragic occasions provided another opportunity to distinguish Joseon culture from that of the Japanese. These men, he suggested, were not unfeeling beasts; they felt for the plight of others and their sensibilities were conveyed in bodily experience and gestures. Hwang’s account, made to advance his own perspectives and narrative, fashioned his participation in Joseon’s intellectual and feeling cultures. The inclusion of this letter provided Hwang with the opportunity to respond as a Joseon man, making meaning for his own identity, and signalling his own sense of belonging to Joseon by performing the feeling culture of its elite. Questions of agency Importantly, the letter that Hwang included in his text made agency central. For example, the key role taken by women to produce these letters for the passing officials is foregrounded both in Hwang’s text and within the letter itself. The letterwriter demonstrated her awareness of contemporary political manoeuvres and her letter formed part of a strategy to secure her rescue in this context. Similarly, a letter by another woman, documented by the deputy ambassador I Gyeongjik, emphasised an active strategy to secure her return to Joseon, maintaining awareness of the political environment and seizing the opportunities presented to her: ‘Upon hearing that the envoys from our country were coming, hoping that I would be saved, I dared to send this message’.42 Hwang’s letter-writer also emphasised that she had determined not to die, specifically in order to fulfil her filial duties to her parents; that is, she had made an active choice not to kill herself. The letter-writer highlighted her agency to make meaning of her own sense of self and about her survival. The demonstration of the letter-writer’s personal agency was an important facet of Hwang’s own narrative. It helped to suggest that it was the letter-writer’s responsibility to retain her identity as a member of Joseon society. Hwang insisted

Surviving Women 59 upon the agency of captured individuals to remain affiliated with Joseon. This was a challenging expectation, given the scope for action of most of those now living in Japan, but it was conceptually important in the context of Hwang’s narrative and actions at this period. When Hwang presented at court to report before Seonjo upon his return from his mission, the interview and surrounding discussions were recorded at length in the official records of the king’s reign. Notably, the king directly asked about his people who remained in Japan. According to the official chronicle of the court, Hwang replied that the Joseon captives now spoke Japanese, dressed as Japanese, and had forgotten their mother tongue.43 This did not match the evidence that was presented by his own chronicle of the mission but did offer a rationale for why it was not his failure that he was not returning them to his king. These individuals had, by this interpretation, not maintained their Joseon cultural identity and thus their right to protection and assistance. Hwang’s response to the king was consistent with other contemporary accounts by the officials on his mission. It is notable, for example, that Pak concluded his report on the pathetic scenes of Joseon captives begging for his help to return home, a matter about which he felt so uncomfortable that he ‘could not meet eyes with them’, in similar terms. He lamented that ‘those that had been taken captive as children were fluent in the barbarian tongue, and could not understand our language. It is truly tragic’.44 The extreme youth of many captured individuals was recognised by eyewitnesses to the violence. The Japanese monk Keinen observed, for example, how children were especially prized: ‘They are carrying off Korean children and killing their parents’.45 Moreover, Joseon contemporaries articulated how this was a challenge to the ability of such captives to reintegrate into Joseon society. Yujeong, for example, presented a sympathetic interpretation of captives’ inability to engage with Joseon culture. Some captives were too young to respond to questions about their relations with anyone, and the only name they knew was Joseon. A lot of people did not even know their genealogy, or anything related to their parents, and they simply called themselves slaves.46 Nonetheless, Hwang’s account to the king suggested a form of projection of fault upon the invasion’s victims, where their loss of language facility (if true) represented a loss of Joseon identity. In his discussions with the king, Hwang appeared to cast the captured individuals as responsible for their own fate, seemingly requiring a determination to remain Joseon at least as demonstrated by language use, even if this was rather unrealistic considering their actual circumstances. In fact, Hwang’s own account documents how an interpreter on the mission paid to release a young boy, the son of a Joseon official, who was held in Japan.47 In reality, money was a key factor in securing the rare release of individual (male) captives, as for Kang Hang and Jeong Huideuk.48 Hwang’s conceptualisation of captured individuals’ loss of identities was not an outlying position. It echoed that of other contemporaries, including those who

60  Surviving Women had been able to secure the funds and support to return themselves. Kang Hang was a Joseon government official who had been captured with his family off the coast of the Jeolla Province during the second invasion. He had been able to access the financial support required to return home, thereafter demonstrating his commitment to the Joseon state by producing commentaries for Joseon authorities of his observations of Japan. As JaHyun Kim Haboush and Kenneth R. Robinson observe, prisoners of war displayed complex performances of identity and attestations of loyalty.49 Kang offered readers accounts of his own multiple attempts to escape, carefully distinguishing himself from other captured individuals who ‘were halfway to being acculturated as Japanese’.50 However, as other contemporary eyewitnesses identified, the freedom of Joseon-born individuals in Japan may have rested in part on their success in learning Japanese. In his account of the war, the Jesuit missionary, Portuguese Luís Fróis, recorded that Itō Sukekatsu, baptised as Dom Jerónimo, ‘brought with him many Koreans whom he had captured in war, men and women’. Fróis insisted that Itō’s intention was not that the women were to be held as captives but to have them in her [his wife’s] home, until they knew how to communicate and talk, and could have means of living in Japan and then she would give them freedom; but not let them go too soon, because as foreign people who could not speak, they would be soon lost and [held] captive.51 Fróis was, of course, keen to emphasise the moral superiority of elite Japanese Kirishitans over other Japanese officials, but his insight into the perceived importance of language to accessing freedom may well have shaped the decisions made by Joseon-born individuals. I Gyeongjik, who travelled as a member of one of Gwanghae-gun’s diplomatic mission focused on repatriation, recognised that those taken as young children had forgotten their native language, yet disparaged those who had succeeded in making a livelihood in Japan and did not wish to return.52 Jea Hyoun Koo has traced the development of responses among ambassadorial officials on these missions, detecting a shift over time from initial expressions of compassion for captives’ plight to a hardening of attitudes towards these Joseonborn individuals.53 Finally, it was not only diplomats who recorded their opinions about the repatriation of women and men. Authors of fiction also participated in articulating the negotiations of identity and agency that were at the heart of decisions and realities that individuals faced about their lives in Japan or Joseon, and the challenges that they confronted upon returning to their homeland. Perhaps one of the best-known examples is the novel The Legend of Choe Cheok (Choecheokjeon, 崔陟傳), which was written by Jo Wihan around the 13th year of Gwanghae-gun’s reign, Europe’s 1621, when repatriation missions still remained a live ambition of Joseon diplomacy with Japan. In this work, the lead female character, the virtuous Ok-young, Choe Cheok’s wife, eventually returns from captivity in Japan to Joseon. She had attempted to kill herself several times, but on each occasion had been prevented from doing so by others. Jo’s novel problematised expectations of death as well as unexpected, and even unwished-for, survival for women, and was inflected with

Surviving Women 61 Buddhist ideas about the sinfulness of taking one’s own life, rather than the neoConfucian discourse that dominated the political world.54 Kyung-Nam Jang argues that such novels played an important role in countering the oppressive expectations on captured individuals and their reception upon returning to Joseon.55 The literary sphere offered imaginative and sympathetic explorations of other ways of viewing captive women’s actions and decisions, and opened possibilities for re-integrating those who survived and returned to Joseon. Conclusions The interpretation of this letter, its record in Hwang Sin’s account, and its inclusion in Sin Gyeong’s later work are far from straightforward. There appear to be tensions between the perspectives provided by the letter-writer from those of Hwang, its recipient. This may give weight to the veracity of the letter as an independent source text, not a creation of Hwang himself. It appears as a striking and rare account of a captive woman’s experiences, a woman who had determined to live even after her removal to Japan. It presented the voice of a woman who persisted in living to fulfil her filial duties, explicitly rejecting suicide as the most appropriate application of contemporary neo-Confucian ideologies in her situation. Instead, the letter-writer asserted a woman’s filial duty, an unusual claim when most contemporary texts understood such duties and responsibilities for ritual activities as matters for sons. The letter-writer’s knowledge of these expectations is perhaps indicated by the fact that no other children are referenced as available to honour her parents, making it central to this author’s literal raison d’être. This remarkable text seemingly asserts a woman’s voice negotiating an individual version of contemporary ideologies in a most disempowered context. There were certainly reasons why Hwang might have wanted to incorporate such a text into his narrative of his work on the diplomatic mission to Japan. In several ways, it asserted the differences of Joseon culture and identity to those of Japan. It presented a rhetorical eloquence and cultural knowledge that even Joseon’s women could be shown to possess. Moreover, although Hwang’s diplomatic mission was able to repatriate only a few of the Joseon-born people that the envoys had encountered in Japan, the recording of such incidences allowed Hwang and his colleagues to perform their own affective displays as a response to the tragedy of these captives’ plight. They were not unfeeling as men, a distinction drawn with Japanese men who were often termed collectively, including in Hwang’s work, as ‘beasts’. On the other hand, the letter also supported Hwang’s rationale as to why he had no responsibility to attend to the needs of captive Joseon-born individuals in Japan. The texts and statements made by the diplomatic officials expected these captured people to be agentive in their maintenance of Joseon identity, which could be witnessed by others through their use or loss of language. The letter participated in making this claim for individual agency, even for women. This letter-writer articulated how she had sought out the mission officials and found ways through the written text to have her experiences known. However, this letter-writer asserted

62  Surviving Women agency with different expectations, it seems, than those that Hwang wanted to draw from it. Here there was tension between the work that the inclusion of the letter did for Hwang’s narrative, and the work that its writer likely hoped it could do for her repatriation. That this episode and the challenging voice of the letter-writer represented complicated and ambiguous negotiations are suggested by the fact that the extant versions of Hwang’s work do not contain this story of the diplomatic officials’ reception of this letter nor do they include its text. It is thus via Sin Gyeong’s work rather than that of Hwang that we now know of this letter. Its absence in remaining copies of Hwang’s work suggests that either the author changed his mind about its power to do work for his narrative in later years or other editors decided this on his behalf. By the time of Sin Gyeong’s work, many years after the events it described, the work had gained power to make new meanings in its context of a reconsideration of the Japanese invasions and of the people who returned home from captivity abroad. Notes 1 On the life of Hwang Sin, see 이태진 (I Taejin), 황신(黃愼) (Hwang Sin), 한국민족 문화대백과사전 (Encyclopedia of Korean National Culture) (1998), online at http://­ encykorea.aks.ac.kr. 2 On this mission, see 김경태 (Kim, Kyong-Tae), 정유재란 직전 조선의 정보수집과 재침 대응책 (Joseon’s Collecting of Information and Preparation of Countermeasures before Japan’s Second Invasion (1597)), 한일관계사연구 (The Korea-Japan Historical Review), 29 (2018): 229–71; J. Marshall Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, 15921598: Eyewitness Accounts (London: Routledge, 2020), Chapter 4, and on the broader context and aftermath of this diplomacy, Hur Nam-lin, ‘Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s Effort of Retreat and the Ending of the East Asian War’, Chinese Studies in History, 52, 1 (2019): 59–75. 3 其時又有我國被擄婦女十七人。在五沙浦倭將重世家。各以書來投。其中一書。卽 京裏士夫之女。言辭悽惋。通達事理。但不能一死。以辱其身。惜哉。其書曰。 妾某郡村居姓某名某女也。壬辰變初。隨父母避亂。父母每執妾手。涕泣言曰。吾之 死不足惜。而其如吾女何。因對坐痛哭。當時妾雖口不能言。而心腸如割。內自思 曰。生不能孝於父母。則胡不遄死。而乃以遺父母之憂乎。不意賊兵搜山谷益急。妾 與父母。各自奔竄。一朝爲毒手所得。不能自死。旣已相訣之後。永自絶矣。音信何 能得通。天乎天乎。妾有何罪。使妾若是之哀痛慘毒乎。父母旣死則已矣。若或至今 生存。則其戀慕哀思。何時可已。天地間豈有如此可痛可憐之事乎。拘在他國。今 將五歲。而苟存性命。不能自決者。只欲生還故國。見我父母。惟是之望而已。父母 若已死。則雖父母所居之家。a欲一見之。死亦何恨。故每朝日出之時。每夜月明之 處。向天而祝。向日月而禱。因念今世其能得見吾父母乎。父母今在何地。此時念我 之情。必與我思父母之情同矣。天必能察我此意。豈無生還相見之時。今者竊聞。兩 國講好。通信使跟隨天使來臨此地云。此是妾再生之日。天意果遂人情也。誠荷救 出拯溺之德。歸我故地。得與父母相見。實是與生我之恩無異也。妾雖以事父母之 禮。其恩不足以盡酬也。抑又聞之。被擄人今從行次還歸者多。妾則成一棄人。雖得 還我國。固知必不容於人類。而但所願一見父母。則其日卽死。甘心焉耳。幸察妾哀 矜之情。千萬是望。 一行人見之者無不矜憐有出涕者。신경 / 申炅 (Sin Gyeong), Jaejobeonbangji, 再 造藩邦志 [四], accessed via https://www.krpia.co.kr/ My sincere thanks to Ming Gao for his thoughts on the interpretation of this text. A recent consideration of this letter is in Junyoung Baik, Memories of Captivity in the Great East Asian War (1592–1598) (Senior Honours Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2022), pp. 15–17.

Surviving Women 63 4 日本よりもよろつのあき(商)人もきたりしなかに、 人あきないせる物来り、 奥陣ヨり あとにつきあるき, 男女老若かい取て、 なわ(縄)にてくひ(首)をくゝりあつめ、 さき へおひたて、 あゆひ候ハねハあとよりつへ(杖)にておったて、 うちはしらかすの有 様ハ、さなからあほうらせつの罪人をせめけるもかくやとおもひ侍る。(慶長 2 年 11 月 19 日) (19 November 1597). 朝鮮日々記を読む: 真宗僧が見た秀吉の朝鮮侵略 (Reading the Joseon Journal: Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea as Seen by a Shin Buddhist Monk) (ed.) 朝鮮日々記研究会編 (Joseon Journal Research Group) (Kyōto: Hōzōkan, 2000), p.49. Translation from Jurgis Elisonas, ‘The Inseparable Trinity: Japan’s Relations with China and Korea’, in Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 4: Early Modern Japan (ed.) John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, reprint 1997), pp. 235–300, here 293. Also discussed in 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁 酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡 -長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), 韓國史論 (Korean History Discourse), 22 (1992): 172–95, here 174. 5 船將等, 逢受男女, 爭先恐後, 縶之維之, 甚於槍擄, 或問所係, 而不能答, 則[少時 被槍者, 徒知朝鮮, 而不知其所係及父母名字矣] 並稱已奴, 美女則縛投其夫于海, 而任爲已物, 如此者非一. 조경남 / 趙慶男 (Jo Gyeongnam), Nanjungjamnok, 亂中 雜錄, vol. 4 (National Culture Promotion Association, 1977), p. 165, cited in 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란기 납치된 조선인의 일본 잔류 배경과 그들의 정체성 인식 (Kidnapped Koreans during the Period of Hideyoshi’s Invasion: The Background of Their Remaining in Japan and Their Recognition of Identities), 한국사연구 (The Journal of Korean History), 140 (2008): 35–65, here 39. 6 Thomas Nelson, ‘Slavery in Medieval Japan’, Monumenta Nipponica, 59, 4 (2004): 463–92, here 481. 7 See the edition in English by JaHyun Kim Haboush and Kenneth R. Robinson, A Korean War Captive in Japan, 1597-1600: The Writings of Kang Hang (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). On the narratives produced by Joseon exiles and captives in varied forms, see 김미선 (Kim, Mi-sun), 임진왜란 포로의 일본 체험 실기 고찰 (A Study of Records of Imjin War POWs’ Experience in Japan), 한국시가문화연구 (Studies in Korean Poetry and Culture), 25 (2010): 25–54; 유채연 (Yu, Chae-Yeon), 임진왜란기 피 로인들과 그들의 기록 강항ㆍ정희득ㆍ노인을 중심으로 (The Joseon Captives and Their Records in the Imjin War, Focused on Kang Hang, Jeong Huideuk, and No In), 인문과 학구 (Humanities Studies), 33 (2012): 291–321; 김정신 (Kim Jung Shin), 임진왜란 조 선인 포로에 대한 기억과 전승－‘節義’에 대한 顯彰과 排除를 중심으로 (The Memory of Joseon Captives during the Hideyoshi Invasions and the Legacy Thereof (1592–1598): With a Special Focus on the Exaltation and Removal of Honor (節義, jeolwui)), 한국사 상사학 (History of Korean Thought), 40 (2012): 105–42; 張庚男 / 장경남 (Jang, KyungNam), 壬辰倭亂 포로 기억의 敍事化와 그意味 (Description and Meaning of Memoirs by Prisoners in Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), 지역과역사 (Region and History), 31 (2012): 41–62; 정출헌 (Chung, Chul-heon), 임진왜란과 전쟁포로, 굴절된 기억과 서 사적 재구 (Imjin War and POWs, Altered Memories and Narrative Reconstitution), 민족 문화 (The Journal of Korean Classics), 41 (2013): 5–40. 8 五野井隆 (Gonoi Takashi) 被虜朝鮮人 とキリシト教―十六、十七世紀日韓 キリシ ト教関係史 (Captive Koreans and Christianity-History of Japanese-Korean Christianity in the 16th and 17th Centuries), 東京大学史料編纂所研究紀要 (University of Tokyo Historiographical Institute Bulletin), 13 (2003): 41–59; 민덕기 (Min, Deok-Kee), 임진왜 란에 납치된 조선인과 정보의 교류 (The Information Exchange among Korean Captives during the Imjin War), 사학연구 (The Review of Korean History), 74 (2004): 193–222; 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란에 납치된 조선인의 귀환과 잔류로의 길 (The Korean Captives during the Imjin War: Repatriation to Korea and Settlement in Japan), 한일관 계사연구 (The Korea-Japan Historical Review), 20 (2004): 115–58; 민덕기 (Min, DeakKee), 임진왜란기 납치된 조선인의 일본 잔류 배경과 그들의 정체성 인식 (Kidnapped Koreans during the Period of Hideyoshi’s Invasion: The Background of Their Remaining in Japan and Their Recognition of Identities); 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 구마

64  Surviving Women 모토의 임란포로에 관한 일고찰 (Study of the Korean Prisoners during the Imjin War in Kumamoto, Japan), 日本學硏究 (The Journal of Japanese Studies), 28 (2009): 7–31; 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 임란포로: 끌려간 사람들의 이야기 (The Captives of Imjin War and Their Stories) (Seoul: Bangmunsa, 2015); 長森美信 (Nagamori Mitsunobu), 壬辰・丁酉(文禄・慶長)乱における朝鮮被擄人の日本定住 : 朝鮮人キリシタンを中 心に (The Settlement of Korean Captives of Imjin War in Japan with a Focus on Christian Koreans), 天理大学学報 (Tenri University Bulletin), 71, 2 (2020): 1–32. 9 JaHyun Kim Haboush (ed.), Epistolary Korea: Letters in the Communicative Space of the Chosŏn, 1392-1910 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), pp. 337–9. 10 通信使上舡之際、我國男婦號泣追送者、不知其幾人。Hwang Sin, 萬曆丙申秋冬通 信使一日本往還日記, 青丘學叢, vol. 11 (Keijō [Seoul]：Ōsaka-yagō Shoten, 1933), p. 15. Also discussed in Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, p. 92. 11 Formal diplomatic ties were reinstated under the Kiyū Agreement of 1609. Later diplomacy has been better studied than the attempts made in the inter-invasion years in which Hwang Sin participated. See Ronald P. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan: Asia in the Development of the Tokugawa Bakufu (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991); Etsuko Hae-Jin Kang, Diplomacy and Ideology in JapaneseKorean Relations: From the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997); Jeong Mi Lee, Cultural Expressions of Tokugawa Japan and Chosŏn Korea: An Analysis of the Korean Embassies in the Eighteenth Century (PhD Thesis, University of Toronto, 2008). On repatriation experiences, see 최관 (Choi Gwan), 鮮 侵略後における被虜人の本国送還について (The Repatriation of Korean Captives after the Invasion of Korea), in 일본과 임진왜란 (Japan and the Imjin War) (Seoul: Korea University Press, 2003), pp. 103–28; 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란에 납치된 조선인의 귀환과 잔류로의 길 (The Korean Captives during the Imjin War: Repatriation to Korea and Settlement in Japan); 米谷均 (Yonetani Hitoshi), 鮮侵略後におけ る被虜人の本国送還について (The Postwar Repatriation of Korean POWs), in 壬 辰戦争: 16世紀日・朝・中の国際戦争 (Imjin War: International War of Japan-KoreaChina in the 16th Century) (eds.) 鄭杜煕 / 정두희 (Chung, Doo Hee) and 李璟珣 / 이 경순 (Gyeong-Soon Lee), (trans) 小幡倫裕 (Obata Michihiro) (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 2008), pp. 103–28. 12 金文子/ 김문자 (Kim, Moon-Ja), 文禄・慶長の役における朝鮮被虜人の帰還とく に女性の場合 (The Return of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: With a Focus on Women)’, in 女の社会史 : 17-20世紀 :「家」 とジェンダーを考える (A Social History of Women from 17th to 20th Century: Focusing on Home and Gender) (ed.) 大口勇次 郎 (Ōguchi Yūjirō) (Tokyo: Yamakawa Publishing Company, 2001), pp. 204–23, here 212–21 and 김문자 (Kim, Moon-Ja), 16–17세기 조일 관계에 있어서의 피로인(被虜人) 귀환 - 특히 여성의 경우 (The Captive Returnees during the Period of the 16th–17th Century of Joseon/Japan Relations, with a Focus on Women), 상명사학 (Sangmyung Historical Society), 8–9 (2003): 179–209. 13 金文子/ 김문자 (Kim, Moon-Ja), 文禄・慶長の役における朝鮮被虜人の帰還とく に女性の場合 (The Return of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: With a Focus on Women), pp. 212–13. 14 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 시코쿠 지역의 임란포로에 관한 일고찰-가가와, 도쿠시마, 고치 지역을 중심으로- (Study of Korean Captives during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Shikoku, Japan), 日本文化學報 (Journal of Japanese Culture), 66 (2015): 199–222, here 203–5, 212, 213. 15 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란에 납치된 조선인의 귀환과 잔류로의 길 (The Korean Captives during the Imjin War : Repatriation to Korea and Settlement in Japan), p. 147. 16 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란기 납치된 조선인의 일본 잔류 배경과 그들의 정체성 인 식 (Kidnapped Koreans during the Period of Hideyoshi's Invasion: The Background of Their Remaining in Japan and Their Recognition of Identities).

Surviving Women 65 17 也一朝遣變甘爲虜之臣妾僕役辱亦甚矣 Song Jemin, Exhortation Letter Sent to the People of Jeolla Province [August 1592]. 조경남 / 趙慶男 (Jo Gyeongnam), Nanjungjamnok, 亂中雜錄 (1618), vol. 1 (Seoul: Jotaehui, 1964), part 92. Translation in Epistolary Korea, p. 134. 18 備忘記曰: ‘釜山等處, 我國人民, 多數投入其中, 豈無欲還而疑阻者? 別作榜文, 明示告諭, 如果出來, 非徒免死, 當終身免役, 或許賞職等事, 參酌議處事, 言于備 邊司。’ 비망기로 일렀다. ‘부산(釜山) 등지에 있는 우리 백성으로서 왜적에게 투항하여 들어간 자가 매우 많은데 돌아오고 싶어도 돌아오면 화를 당할까 의심하는 자가 어찌 없겠는가. 별도로 방문(榜 文)을 만들어 분명하게 고유(告諭)하되, 나오면 죽음을 면제시켜 줄 뿐만이 아니라 평 생토록 면역(免役)시킬 것을 물론 혹 포상으로 벼슬도 줄 수 있다는 등의 일을 참작 해서 의논하여 조처하도록 비변사에 이르라’. Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 26 (1593), September 9. 19 金宗澤 (Gim Jongtaek), 宣祖大王諺敎致 (A Consideration of King Seonjo’s Vernacular Korean Edicts), 國語敎育論志 (Korean Language Education), 2 (1975): 27–34, here 30–1. Translation from JaHyun Kim Haboush, The Great East Asian War and the Birth of the Korean Nation (eds.) William J. Haboush and Jisoo M. Kim, with Sixiang Wang, Hwisang Cho, and Ksenia Chizhova Kim (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016), pp. 114–15. For evidence that the government did provide support to returnees, see 한상우 (Sangwoo Han), 임진왜란 被擄人과 逃還人들의 흔적을 찾아서 – 17 세기 초 호적으로부터 (Finding Imjin War Captives and Returnees in Household Registers of the Early Seventeenth Century), 대동문화연구 (Daedong Culture Studies), 110 (2020): 173–200. 20 언명의 종 춘희가 영암에서 와서 뜻밖에 임매의 펀지를 보니 종이에 가득한 것이 모두 비통 한 말이라, 슬퍼하고 탄식한들 무엇하랴. 또 들으니 전일에 적에게 잡혀간 계집종 수비가 지난해 섣달에 돌아와서 말하기를, 경온이 지난해 4 월에 병을 얻어게 적에게 죽었다고 하 니 더욱 몹시 에통하다. 그러나 살아서 일본에 들어 가 몸을 더덥히는 것보다는 차라리 우 리나라 땅에서 죽은 것이 한편 다행하다. 임진사 (임극신)의 누이 이 서방댁이 그 아를 귀생 과 함께 포로로 잡혀 이미 바다를 건너갔다 하니 불쌍하다. 다만 임매는 진사의 서사촌 임 극성의 침해를 받아 살아 갈 수가 없다니 답답한 일이다. 1599, February 23. 오희문 / 吳 希文 (O Huimun), 쇄미록 (Swaemirok), (ed.) 이민수 (I Minsu), vol. 2 (E-book: Oljae Foundation, 2012), p. 408. 21 배가 칠산 앞바다에 이르자 갑자기 적선을 만났다. 사공의 놀란 고함 소리에 온 배에 탔던 사람이 창황실색하여 어쩔 줄을 몰랐다. 어머님 이씨께서 형수 박씨와 아니 이씨, 시집 안 간 누이동생에게 이르기를, ‘추잡한 왜적이 이렇게 닥쳤으니 횡액을 장차 예측할 수 없구 나. 슬프다. 우리네 부녀자가 자처할 방도는 죽음 하나만이 생사 간에 부끄럽지 않을 뿐이 다.’ 하시니, 아내가 말하기를, ‘집에서 난을 처음 당했을 때, 일찍이 가장과 더불어 함께 죽 기를 약속했지요. 저의 결심은 이미 정해 있습니다.’ 하고는, 낯빛도 변함없이 늙은 어버이 께 하직을 고하고 […] 드디어 어머님ㆍ형 수ㆍ누이동생과 더불어, 앞을 다투어 바다에 몸 을 던졌다. 정희득, 월봉해상록, ‘국역 해행총재’Ⅷ, (National Culture Promotion Association, 1989), p. 226, cited in 張庚男 /장경남 (Jang, Kyung-Nam), 壬辰倭亂 포로 기억 의 敍事化와 그 意味 (Description and Meaning of Memoirs by Prisoners in Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), 46. 22 荷潭破寂錄, 79b, translated in Michael J. Pettid, ‘Fashioning Womanly Confucian Virtue: The Virtuous Woman in Post-War Literary Discourse’, in The East Asian War, 1592–1598: International Relations, Violence, and Memory (ed.) James B. Lewis (London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 357–77, here 369. 23 効嬪雜記, 1:28b–29a, translated in Ibid., 368. 24 一死則可忘此痛, 而以父親勿死歸見之命, 隱忍苟生. - 鄭希得, 月峯海上錄, ｢海上 日錄｣, 1597 年 10月 15日 cited in 김미선 (Kim, Mi-sun), 月峯海上錄의 서술 특성 과 작자 의식 (Wolbonghaesangnok Travelogue, Its Descriptive Characteristics and Its Author’s Attitude), 한국시가문화학회 (Studies in Korean Poetry and Culture), 30 (2012):

66  Surviving Women 93–124, here 113; and 김정신 (Kim, Jung-shin), 임진왜란 조선인 포로에 대한기억과전승 – ‘節義’에 대한 顯彰과 排除를 중십으로- (The Memory of Joseon Captives during the Hideyoshi Invasions and the Legacy Thereof (1592–1598): With a Special Focus on the Exaltation and Removal of Honor (節義, jeolwui)), 129; 장미경 (Jang, Mi-kyung), 戰爭詩에 나타난 여성의 兩價性-壬辰倭亂과 丁酉再亂詩材한시를 대상으로- (The Ambivalence of Women in War Poetry: Centering around Chinese Poetry Related to the Japanese Invasions of Korea in 1592, 1597), 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 11 (2005): 331–55. 25 金宗澤 (Gim Jongtaek), 宣祖大王諺敎致 (A Consideration of King Seonjo’s Vernacular Korean Edicts), 30–1. Translation from Kim Haboush, The Great East Asian War, p. 115. 26 Martina Deuchler, ‘The Tradition: Women during the Yi Dynasty’, in Virtues in Conflict: Traditions and the Korean Woman Today (ed.) Sandra Mattielli (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 1977), pp. 1–47; Yunshik Chang, ‘Women in a Confucian Society: The Case of Chosun Dynasty Korea (1392-1910)’, in Traditional Thoughts and Practices in Korea (eds.) Eui-Young Yu and Earl H. Phillips (Los Angeles: California State University Press, 1983), pp. 67–95; Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea. A Study of Society and Ideology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1992); Hae-joang Cho, (trans.) Jung-eun Park, ‘Korean Women and Their Experiences in the Traditional World’, in Korean Women and Culture (ed.) Hea-sook Ro (Seoul: Sookmyung Women’s University Press, 1998), pp. 25–51; Deuchler, ‘Propagating Female Virtues in Chosŏn Korea’, in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan (eds.) Dorothy Ko, Kim Haboush, and Joan Piggott (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), pp. 142–69. 27 See examples in Kim Haboush (ed.), ‘Daughters’ Letters to Members of Their Natal Families’, in Epistolary Korea, pp. 307–12. For analysis of the differing opportunities that came with identities as a daughter and daughter-in-law, see 이순구 (Lee SoonGu), 조선시대 가족제도의 변화와 여성 (Changes of the Family Systems and the Women of the Joseon Dynasty), 한국고전여성문학연구 (Korean Classical Woman Literature Studies), 10 (2005): 119–42; 이순구 (Lee SoonGu), 조선 전기 ‘딸에서 며느리로’ 정 체성 변화와 재산권 - 경주 양동마을을 중심으로 - (From Daughter to Daughter-inLaw: Women's Property Rights and the Change of Social Identity in the Early Joseon Period Observed from the Case of Gyeongju Yangdong Village), 여성과역사 (Women and History), 23 (2015): 37–66. 28 Lee SoonGu, ‘The Exemplar Wife: The Life of Lady Chang of Andong in Historical Context’, in Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea: New Perspectives (eds.) Youngmin Kim and Michael J. Pettid (New York: SUNY Press, 2011), pp. 29–48; here 33–4. 29 Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese and Korean Slaves (Leiden: Brill, 2018), pp. 127, 541–2. 30 Hesung Chun Koh, ‘Women’s roles and achievements in the Yi Dynasty’, in Korean Women in Transition: At Home and Abroad (eds.) Eui-Young Yu and Earl H. Phillips (Los Angeles: California State University Press, 1987), pp. 29–46; Kim Haboush, ‘Versions and Subversions: Patriarchy and Polygamy in Korean Narratives’, in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan (eds.) Ko, Kim Haboush and Piggott, pp. 279–303; Kim and Pettid (eds.), Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea. 31 Jisoo M. Kim, The Emotions of Justice: Gender, Status and Legal Performance in Chosŏn Korea (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015), pp. 87–88. 32 Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, Chapter 4. 33 Ibid., p. 83. 34 而唯僧及公族、有解文字者、其餘則雖將官輩、亦不識一字。Hwang Sin, 萬曆丙申 秋冬通信使一日本往還日記, p. 26.

Surviving Women 67 3 5 Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, p. 93. 36 Bitō Masahide and Kate Wildman Nakai, ‘Thought and Religion: 1550–1700’, in The Cambridge History of Japan (ed.) John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 373–424, here 397. 37 문명 한 나라 가 변하여 오랑캐 의 나라 로 되고, 인류 가 변하여 금수 가 될 것 인데, 이것을 참을 수 있겠 으며, 그렇게 되도록 내버려 둘 수 있겠는가. [...] 지 금 이 섬 오랑캐 들은 얼마나 추잡한 종족 인가. 김성일/ 金誠一 (Gim Seongil), Letter of Exhortation (14 June 1592). 김성일, 국역 학봉 전집, vol. 1 (Seoul: National Culture Promotion Association, 1998), p. 284. Translation in Epistolary Korea, p. 129. 38 Jea Sophia Oh, ‘Emotions (Jeong 情) in Korean Confucianism and Family Experience: An Ecofeminist Perspective’, in Emotions in Korean Philosophy and Religion: Confucian, Comparative, and Contemporary Perspectives (eds.) Edward Y.J. Chung and Jea Sophia Oh (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), pp. 315–34, here 325, italics in Oh’s translation. See also John Duncan, ‘The Naehun and the Politics of Gender in FifteenthCentury Korea’, in Creative Women of Korea: The Fifteenth through the Twentieth Centuries (ed.) Young-Key Kim-Renaud ((M.E. Sharpe, 2004) London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 26–57; 최진아 (Choi, Jin-a), 韓.中†여성 교육서의 서사책략과 문화이데올로기 - 15 세기 明.朝鮮의≪內訓≫을 중심으로 - (The Narrative Strategy and Cultural Ideology of Women’s Education Books in 15th Century Korea and China – Focusing on ‘Naehun’ in the Ming and Joseon Dynasties), 중국인문과학 (Journal of Chinese Humanities), 44 (2010): 279–92; 김세서리아 (Kim Seseoria),『내훈』 의 사서오경 (재)인용 맥락을 통해 본 여성주체화의 양식 (Subjectification Styles of Women in the Context of Re-citation of the Nine Chinese Classics in Naehun (內訓)), 한국여성철학 (Korean Feminist Philosophy), 32 (2019): 57–85. 39 1597: February 1, 오희문 / 吳希文 (O Huimun), 쇄미록 (Swaemirok), vol. 2, pp. 165– 67; Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, p. 130. 40 一行莫不酸鼻。Hwang Sin, 萬曆丙申秋冬通信使一日本往還日記, p. 15. Also discussed in Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, p. 92. 41 被搶男婦 懷戀首丘 自遠近來集者 千百為群 而兇徒禁抑 幽囚不放 或有聞我聲音 來哭者 慘不忍相視 兒時見俘者 則口熟鴃舌 不解我語 良可悼歎也。Pak Hongjang, 東槎錄, 5b (8.28) cited and translated in Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, pp. 92, 102. On Pak, see 조원래 (Jo Wonrae), ‘박홍장(朴弘長)’, 한국민족문화대백과사전 (Encyclopedia of Korean National Culture) (1997), online at http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr. 42 이경직, 扶桑錄 44: 5–6, cited in Kim Haboush (ed.), Epistolary Korea, p. 339. 43 上曰: ‘我民之擄於倭賊者, 所着何物?’ 曰: ‘衣倭服、語倭言, 我國說話, 全忘不知 矣。’ 상이 이르기를, ‘우리 백성으로서 왜적에게 포로가 된 자들은 어떤 옷을 입었던가?’ 하니, 아뢰기를, ‘왜인의 옷을 입고 왜인의 말로 이야기하면서 우리 나라 말은 전혀 잊어버리고 몰랐습니다. 하였다. Annals of Seonjo, Seonjo 29 (1596): December 21. 44 See endnote 41. 45 同ハ日ニかうらい人子共をハからめとり、おやをはうちきり、ニたひとみせす。たかひ のなけきハさなから獄率のせめ成りと也。(慶長 2年 9月 15日) (15 September 1597). 朝鮮日々記を読む: 真宗僧が見た秀吉の朝鮮侵略 (Reading the Joseon Journal: Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea as Seen by a Shin Buddhist Monk), p. 15. Translation from Sources of Japanese Tradition: From Earliest Times to 1600 (eds.) William Theodore De Bary, Carol Gluck, Arthur Tiedemann, Vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002, pp. 468, 469. See also 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜 人の軌跡 -長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 174. 46 See endnote 5. 47 Hwang Sin, 萬曆丙申秋冬通信使一日本往還日記, p. 15. See also Craig, China, Korea and Japan at War, p. 92.

68  Surviving Women 48 김정신 (Kim, Jung-shin), 임진왜란 조선인 포로에 대한기억과전승 -節義’에 대한 顯彰과 排除를 중십으로- (The Memory of Joseon Captives during the Hideyoshi Invasions and the Legacy Thereof (1592~1598): With a Special Focus on the Exaltation and Removal of Honor (節義, jeolwui)), p. 113. 49 Kim Haboush and Robinson (eds and trans.), A Korean War Captive in Japan, p. xi. 50 Ibid., p. 42. 51 15 March 1594, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter ARSI), JapSin 52, fol. 39v: ‘porque traxia tambem consiguo diversos corais que cativava na guerra honems e molheres’; ‘porque traxia tambem consiguo diversos corais que cativava na guerra honems e molheres’, ‘deles fazer o que lhes parecesse’, ‘e que os molheres se entrase a sua molher não pera as fer por cativas mas pera as fer en sua caza sustendan doas alhe que ellas soubeçem negocearce e falar e pudesem fer algum remedio en Jappao e então lhe dece liberdade e não as largage loguo porque como gente estrangeira e que não ser bião falar serião logo perdidas e cativas’. Translation from Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade, p. 99. 52 ‘所經道路, 或有被擔人, 而其數不多, 到倭京之後, 則連有來腦者而願歸者基少. 年 過十五以後而被擔者, 稙知本國鄕土, 稙解言語似有欲歸之心,而每間本國苦樂如 何投足左右,未定去就,丁寧開說,反覆想諭解惑者亦少. 被揚於十歲以前者言語擧 止, 直一倭人, 特以自知其朝鮮人 氏故聞使臣之來, 偶然來見而略無向國之心. 旦 此欲歸未決, 俳偵於彼此者, 皆備貨奭苦之人, 至於生計稙優, 已着根本者, 頓無歸 意. 或聞或見, 情態可惡, 直欲支새而不可得也 旦倭人之俗, 最緊使吸之人, 朝鮮被 揚, 太半爲人奴僕’. 8 월 22 일, 甲寅 扶桑錄 cited in 김정신 (Kim, Jung-shin), 임 진왜란 조선인 포로에 대한기억과전승 -節義’에 대한 顯彰과 排除를 중십으로- (The Memory of Joseon Captives during the Hideyoshi Invasions and the Legacy Thereof (1592−1598): With a Special Focus on the Exaltation and Removal of Honor (節義, jeolwui)), p. 115; see also 민덕기 (Min, Deak-Kee), 임진왜란에 납치된 조선인의 귀환 과 잔류로의 길 (The Korean Captives during the Imjin War: Repatriation to Korea and Settlement in Japan), p. 155. 53 구지현 (Koo, Jea Hyoun), 임진왜란(壬辰倭亂) 피로인(被虜人)에 대한 회답겸쇄환사(回 答兼刷還使)의 인식 변화 (Change of Viewpoints of Joseon Embassies to Japan (回答 兼刷還使) on the Joseon Captives Taken during the Imjin War), 동악어문학 (Journal of Dong-ak Language and Literature), 63 (2014): 37–61, here 47. 54 張庚男 /장경남 (Jang, Kyung-Nam), 壬辰倭亂 포로 기억의 敍事化와 그 意味 (Description and Meaning of Memoirs by Prisoners in Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), p. 50. See also 김청아 (Kim, Cheong-Ah), 에 나타난 이합(離合)의 다중구조 양상과 그 의미 (Multiple-structured Pattern and the Meaning of Meeting and Separation Described in Choecheok-jeon), 인문학연구 (Journal of Humanities Studies), 86 (2012): 5–32. 55 장경남 (Jang, Kyung-Nam), 17 세기 열녀 담론과소설적 대응 (The Virtuous Women Discourse in the 17th Century and Fictitious Action), 민족문학사연구 (Journal of Korean Literary History), 47 (2011): 108–37.

3

Fervent Women

This chapter examines the presentation of transformative experiences, speech, and writing of a woman known to us today as Julia Ota, through the archive of the Christian missionaries in East Asia. Julia was one of several women born in the Joseon kingdom who were identified by contemporaries as converts to the Christian faith, and whose experiences and writings were employed by Jesuit missionaries to demonstrate how women could be crucial to the expansion of a Christian presence. Versions of her experiences were recounted to European readers by missionaries, and her letters were transcribed and circulated within the Jesuit order. As this chapter argues, Julia’s experiences were read by these men through their understandings and assumptions about female character, behaviours, and expressions of sexuality. Women mattered to the Jesuit mission in East Asia as the attention to Julia Ota and other Joseon-born women indicates, but the presence of women’s own voices, even as they were mediated through the records of men, offered a sometimes destabilising counterpoint to how women might engage with their new-found faith, particularly as proselytisers. Although there is now considerable literature on the activities of the Society of Jesus in East Asia, studies of Christian developments in relation to the Joseon kingdom tend to focus on the later periods than the immediate aftermath of the Japanese invasions.1 One focus has been the contact of Joseon intellectuals and officials with Christian learning and missionaries through emissaries to the Qing court in Beijing.2 For the earlier period, records from missionaries based mainly in Japan are central to understanding Christian missionary aspirations for, and interactions with, people from the Joseon kingdom. Juan Garcia Ruiz de Medina produced substantial analyses of such records found principally in the Jesuit archive.3 Recent studies have turned from close study of the particular characters and policies that animated the Jesuit encounter with East Asia in this period, to understand the Jesuits as individual men and as a global movement.4 This provides important contexts in which to read the production of letters and documents that circulated within the Society, and which are the focus of this chapter. The role of gender ideologies in missionary strategy also shapes recent scholarship that considers how these encounters with Christianity were experienced

DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-4

70  Fervent Women by women and men. For example, Ulrike Strasser has drawn attention to the Society of Jesus’ commitment to Christian patriarchal rule, which informed and was reflected in performances of certain kinds of masculinity among its adherents.5 Although women were denied participation as members of the Society, their financial support was sought, both in Europe and in Asia.6 Missionary men perhaps hoped that descriptions of the experiences of women converts in their works may have supported such fund-raising for their global work. Jesuits displayed particular ideas about how East Asian women, distinct from men, could participate in Christian practice and proselytising after their conversion, as Nadine Amsler has highlighted in her work on Jesuit strategies in China and the dynamic female religious sociabilities and practices that shaped Chinese Catholicism. 7 Kataoka Rumiko and Haruko Nawata Ward demonstrate that women were just as active in the Christian movements in Japan.8 Unlike these Japanese and Chinese women, however, Joseon-born women encountered Christianity outside of their own society, as captured or enslaved survivors of the Japanese invasions at the end of the sixteenth century. This shaped their interactions with Christian missions and the way that narratives composed by men who made sense of their experiences, voices, and agency were nested in the wider missionary endeavour. Encountering women from Joseon As Chapter 2 explored, an influx of people from the Joseon kingdom entered Japan as a result of the invasions. These contemporary political and military events presented an opportunity for contact between Korean people and the Christian missionaries who had previously had little access to the kingdom. Only a small number of Jesuit men had accompanied Japanese Kirishitan daimyōs to Joseon in the invasions. For example, the Spanish Jesuit Gregorio de Céspedes joined the camp of the Kirishitan general, Konishi Yukinaga, baptised Augustin, who led the initial invasion and provided pastoral care among his forces for the next year.9 However, Céspedes’ letters provided little sense that he interacted directly with the people of Joseon during this time. In Japan, however, in the eyes of Jesuit missionaries, Joseon-born individuals appeared keen for Christian teaching and succour. The Portuguese Jesuit Luís Fróis emphasised the qualities that he perceived in Joseon individuals that made them ideal subjects for conversion to Christianity. He wrote enthusiastically to the General of the Order Claudio Acquaviva in December 1596 of the arrival of captured Joseon-born men, women, and children in Nagasaki, who were ‘people of good understanding, and sincerity’.10 He highlighted the enthusiasm with which converts appeared to hold to Christian beliefs: ‘they are people very well disposed to receive our holy faith. They are very affectionate, are baptised with joy and no less consolation to see themselves Christians’.11 So fervent were they, the Jesuits claimed in their annual report of 1610, that they had built their own church, Saint Lawrence, on the periphery of Nagasaki.12

Fervent Women 71 Jesuits authors celebrated the opportunity that the invasions had produced for new converts. In March 1594, for example, Pedro Gómez, originally from Malaga who had become Vice Provincial in 1590, reported that the previous Christmas some 100 individuals had been baptised in Nagasaki, most of them captives from the invasions.13 In 1596, Fróis interpreted for the Society’s General the arrival in Japan of captured victims of war as ‘these first fruits of that kingdom of Korea brought now by this war, for the greater good of their souls’.14 Later, the Castilian Jesuit Pedro Morejón would reflect on one of the great wonders that I cannot stop admiring is that God our Lord took the ambition and pride of Taiko-sama, lord of Japan, in the war he made on the kingdom of Korea, as a means to remove from that country very many souls that from eternity had been written in the book of life.15 However, these same Jesuit authors left few explicit reflections on the circumstances under which Joseon-born people, who were isolated from the local population and their own networks in Japan, might have been attracted to the practical and emotional support that the Church may have appeared to offer. Yet it was a concern raised by contemporaries. In his Relacion, written between the two invasions, Franciscan eyewitness in Japan Martín de la Ascención criticised the high number of baptisms taking place with, he claimed, ‘little sufficiency to delimit the consciences of those who come to baptism from the impediments they have, to declare the obligations that the law of God brings with it, so they baptise them without examining them’.16 Franciscans were keen to have the opportunities to evangelise in Japan, but they were not granted papal authority to do so until 1608. In the meantime, however, they had established relationships among the country’s Kirishitan elite, including Konishi. 17 In a previous work, Martín de la Ascención had in fact lamented the lack of robust Franciscan presence in Japan. He argued that if there had been ministers now they could have been sent to Korea, because Don Augustin, general of Korea, is a great Christian and would have accommodated them there.18 Such criticism of the Jesuits’ interactions with disempowered Joseon-born individuals whom they encountered in Japan made it all the more important for Jesuit authors to emphasise the deep sense of engagement that these people felt themselves for Christianity, especially as it could be demonstrated through their speech, actions, and letters. Furthermore, Jesuits, mainly based in Japan, continued to lobby for the funds to establish a dedicated mission to the Joseon kingdom, to which the evidence of Joseon converts was brought to bear. Fróis saw a clear role for Joseon-born people in furthering the mission through East Asia, assuring his reader that ‘the common talk’ was that if ‘the law of the Gospel is preached in Korea (which does not seem

72  Fervent Women difficult by the way of Japan), they will receive the faith readily and it will spread greatly in those kingdoms’.19 Fróis’ optimism for the conversion of Joseon was shared by others, including the Italian Jesuit Francisco Eugenio, who constructed a proposal in 1617 that was intended for the General in which he too called for a dedicated mission to Joseon. He argued that, from his experiences in Nagasaki, he had perceived that the people are of very good understanding and disposition to understand our holy Law, as we find here with the Korean Christians (of whom there are very many in Japan among those who were captured in the war these past years), so much so that the Japanese themselves confess that the Koreans surpass them in devotion.20 Among the many accounts of Joseon-born converts’ fervour were exemplifications that employed the experiences of specific individuals whom the Jesuits had encountered in Japan, including Joseon-born women. Presenting Julia’s voice The faith experiences of one woman known in the Jesuit archives as Julia Ota were related in several accounts.21 Her epistolary texts were also transcribed, translated, annotated, and circulated within both the Jesuit and wider Christian community. A version of Julia’s life that was of interest to her Christian biographers can be reconstituted in texts that traversed the globe.22 She had reportedly been taken to Japan in the entourage of the Kirishitan daimyō Konishi. The Portuguese Jesuit Mateo de Couros reported what he suggested was Julia’s own description of her life’s transformation, that although she had been born into paganism in Korea, he [God] had taken her from there, and through Tçunocami dono Augustin [Konishi] she had come to Japan, where he had revealed himself and his most holy law to her.23 Soon after, she had received baptism from Pedro Morejón, who was to remain an important interlocutor in her Christian practice.24 Julia appeared to have secured high-profile roles serving in the residence of Tokugawa Ieyasu. In 1605, João Rodrigues Giram reported that Julia had a hidden oratory at Ieyasu’s household and where she counsels her fellow Christian to keep and persevere in the faith, for which she has already suffered some troubles for, with great courage and constancy, and she does not let the opportunity to conciliate pagans pass and if she cannot persuade them to become Christians, she strives that at least they do not feel or speak ill of our holy law.25

Fervent Women 73 The Franciscan Alonso Muñoz wrote to the Father Provincial of the Franciscans of the Province of San Gregorio in the Philippines of Julia that, in 1606, upon hearing rumours of persecution in Edo by Tokugawa Hidetada, she ‘frequented to church, went to Confession and Communion with fervour, made a will and disposed of many things, distributing money and rice and other things to the poor. She said the first who ought to confess was her’.26 Muñoz recounted that Julia also gave to the Church where there was need, a twelve-year-old boy as a dōjuku whom she had adopted as her son, and another 12-year-old, brother of our Brother Leon in whose cause was our church of Usaca. He is a beautiful and graceful boy called Agustin. He went with another brother to paint and gild the palaces of Casindono, who is the tyrant-lord of Fingo.27 Julia’s devotion was displayed for these authors through her support for the Church and her charitable activities. The Franciscan Muñoz had reported that she was a ‘Christian of great dedication and charity, not only to us, giving us generous alms, but to other poor Christians, visiting them and supporting many with her alms’.28 The Spanish envoy Sebastián Vizcaíno described his meeting in Suruga with ‘one of the ladies of the palace of the said emperor, named Julia, a Christian, on her way to visit the ambassador and to hear mass’.29 Julia’s influence appeared to reach even Ieyasu himself, as Giram suggested in 1609 to the General of the Order: ‘Julia is now higher than before and serves His Highness directly’.30 However, by 1612, Ieyasu began to move more decisively against the Christian Church and against Julia in particular. By 1613, her refusal to abjure her faith saw her expelled from his household, taken firstly to an island named Ōshima. From Mexico, Sebastián Vizcaíno reported how ‘the good lady, as she was so devoted to God and firm in her faith, had the good fortune of being thrown out of the palace […] rather than give up her faith and do the will of the emperor, for many promises were made to her’.31 After 30 days on Ōshima, Julia was taken to the more distant island of Niijima, where she spent time teaching the Christian faith to two other exiled women whom she would provide with Christian names, María and Magdalena. Soon after, however, and perhaps as a result of these activities, Julia was taken to an even more deserted islet, Kōzushima. Although under Ieyasu persecution of the remaining Christian population was heightened, his death in 1616 may have enabled Julia’s return to the mainland. Certainly, in 1619, she was reportedly in Nagasaki, where missionary authors continued to describe her proselytising activities in the city. The Dominican author José de San Jacinto noted how ‘Julia, a Korean, very devout to the Rosary and promoter of the Holy Confraternity, always persevered in this, for which she has been thrown out of her house and on to the streets a few times, and now she has none but goes from one house to another at the mercy of God’.32 A letter of Dominican Francisco

74  Fervent Women de Morales reported how he had given Julia alms donated by the Spanish admiral of the Philippines, Juan Ruiz de Icoaga: The 400 reales which you kindly sent the first time to doña Julia, and the 200 you sent the second time, I know for certain that she received them. But as the Christians are experiencing such a hard time, I have not had any letter from her that she received then, but I had it from the lady through whom you asked me to send the said alms.33 By 1622, Julia was traced to Osaka by the Jesuit Provincial Francisco Pacheco, who described his support to her: ‘The Korean Ota Julia, banished for the faith, is now in Osaka. I have helped her, and am helping her, as I can’.34 Pacheco’s letters remain, for now, our last known trace of Julia in the missionary archives. Clearly, Julia’s relationships within the Christian community were not limited to Jesuits. The Society was by no means the only Christian order which sought contact with Joseon-born individuals. The Franciscan Martín de la Ascensión had encouraged his superiors to provide more personnel to support activities in Japan. The Dominicans too planned a mission direct to the Joseon kingdom from Manila.35 In that context, one reason to foreground Julia’s voice within the Jesuit archive as it was reported in these accounts may have been to demonstrate, in a competitive conversion market, that Jesuit missionaries had access and engagement directly with Joseon-born people. The letters that Jesuits copied as Julia’s voice certainly foregrounded her connections with the Christian community, which, from the missives above, did not appear to be exclusive to the Jesuits. Two letters from Julia appear to have been transcribed and translated into the Jesuit archives, in the period 1612–1613, when she was banished to islands of the Izu-shichitō archipelago. In his correspondence with the General of the Order, Acquaviva, Mateo de Couros copied an extract from one letter that he claimed had been written from Julia to Pedro Morejón as she prepared to leave for Ōshima. Here she celebrated her banishment as an opportunity to demonstrate her fervour yet further. Couros argued that Julia’s intense religiosity ‘may be seen from a letter she sent, when she had the chance, to the Father at Suruga’, requesting ‘some books with the life of the Apostles, Martyrs and Holy Virgins, an hourglass, a bell and two mass candles’.36 Attached to the second letter, purportedly composed by Julia from Kōzushima in 1613, were several textual annotations. In these, Morejón and an unknown colleague identified qualities about Julia that suggested what would be seen as of interest to their colleagues. Morejón annotated his transcription, explaining that it was a ‘letter from Julia, from the palace of the emperor’.37 This highlighted an important aspect for the Jesuits, that Julia had been in proximity to Japan’s most powerful figure — the ‘emperor’, a term frequently used, incorrectly, to refer to the shogun, Ieyasu. The letter text was subsequently annotated by a third party that developed Julia’s biography yet further added: ‘She later went to the emperor’s palace serving his wife’.38 While some details varied between Jesuit sources, a key

Fervent Women 75 attribute frequently foregrounded by authors was that Julia was personally valued by Ieyasu and she operated within proximity to him. The zeal of women Close encounter with evangelised women, however, appeared to identify for Jesuit authors features that made the conversion of Joseon people to Christianity possible and enticing. On the same letter, the anonymous annotator wrote that in her exile, as Julia could not have mass or confession, she had asked to have a table painted with accoutrements, so as to be able to imagine the mass.39 Missionary men’s descriptions of their direct experiences with such women seemed to suggest that they held a particular fervour for the Christian faith. João Rodrigues Giram described in March 1605 how this virtuous woman spends a large part of the night in her spiritual books and praying, which she cannot do by day because of the duties of her service in the palace, as well as because she is in the midst of pagans averse to our holy Law as are the Kubō and his women.40 Although based in Ieyasu’s household, Giram suggested that Julia, preferring ‘freedom to devote herself to her salvation more than all the favours of this world, wishes for an illness in order to get out of there and live among Christians’.41 In his discussions about Julia, Giram even expressed some concern about the intensity of her engagement with Christianity: she ‘behaves with so much devotion and fervour that sometimes she needs to be restrained’.42 Perhaps even more importantly, Julia’s religious convictions were demonstrable for these authors on occasions when her faith was challenged. The missionaries identified Julia’s Joseon origins as rendering her more vulnerable to attack than other women at Ieyasu’s residence, and thus, her resistance to such persuasion more remarkable. When Ieyasu attacked her ‘full of anger and fury […] that Julia did not want to obey his commands, and that in this she showed herself to be ungrateful and without judgment’, Mateo de Couros reported that he argued: That she had to remember the many and great favours that she had received from him, and that being a poor foreigner, taken captive in the Korean war, she had risen so high as to be a lady of the palace of the Tenka, more than others, one of those he trusted the most, always taking her with him wherever he went, and she deserved to be whipped for such great ingratitude and stubbornness.43 In this account, Julia’s Joseon origins mattered both to Ieyasu’s attack upon her and also to the manner in which she formed her faith. When she was importuned by other ladies, Couros informed his readers that Julia replied, with prudent restraint, that she never denied having received many favours from the king, whom she had always wanted to serve as

76  Fervent Women these merited. However, she had a much greater obligation to God, from whom she had received life, but his divine Majesty had bestowed upon her such singular mercy that, being born in the midst of paganism in Korea, he had taken her from there and […] given her news of himself and of his most holy law, in which alone salvation consisted.44 Dissatisfied with her rejection of Ieyasu’s authority, these women, Couros reported, ‘called her a barbaric foreigner, who clearly showed she had neither breeding nor education, all of which she heard but suffered in silence’.45 Authors also emphasised distinctive bodily suffering that Julia experienced and her responses to it. For the Spanish merchant Bernadino de Ávila Girón whose accounts of Julia’s experiences entered the Jesuit archive, Julia’s former life of luxury made her banishment to an obscure island of Ōshima all the more powerful: ‘she did not carry with her the precious kimonos she wore in the palace, for she confided that she would not need them in the wilderness to which she was going’.46 Now, Julia was obliged to carry out manual labour, even forced to fetch water. The holy woman writes with much grace that as the place to bring it was far away and she had nothing to keep it in but a poor vessel such that when they arrived at their poor hut there was little in it, and her clothes were all wet.47 Couros’ account of Julia’s exile from Ieyasu’s court also focused on her embrace of bodily suffering in more graphic and violent terms. He too contrasted her previous lifestyle, in which ‘from a young age, she had been raised in great comfort’, to the actions she now engaged in. She rejected a litter and insisted upon walking barefoot on her way to the boat to take her to Ōshima, ‘and the roughness of the road was great, so much blood flowed from her feet and they were so badly wounded, that although her great fervour gave her strength, she was scarcely able to go forward’.48 Couros reported her rationale, that ‘since Our Lord Jesus Christ, when he went up Mount Calvary with the cross on his back, was not in a litter, nor wearing shoes but barefoot and shedding a lot of blood, she, who was his servant, wanted to imitate him on that path’.49 In Couros’ account, Julia’s longing for martyrdom was intense, even leading her to ‘almost lose hope of being able to sacrifice her life to Our Lord by way of martyrdom’.50 A Christian companion, however, informed her that to be exiled for the faith was also a type of prolonged martyrdom, and that dying there she would remain a kind of martyr, and as proof of this, the Church celebrates the feast of many martyrs who died in exile for the faith without shedding their blood by the sword. She was so pleased with this that, showing an unusual pleasure, she immediately wrote her thanks to the Father who, through this Christian, had brought her such happy news.51

Fervent Women 77 A letter from Julia upon her departure was included in Couros’ text, providing a kind of confirmation for the claims that he made about Julia with the presentation of her own words: In these last few days, the Lord has shown me wonderful mercy. I was sentenced to exile on an island. Oh, how mysterious is divine Providence! Not having yet done any service to your divine Majesty, now you single me out for distinction! I am prepared to suffer whatever labours and afflictions may occur to me.52 Couros also paraphrased other correspondence in which Julia lamented her inability to confess, receive Communion, and hear Mass but assured her confessor that she ‘was not troubled by these hardships, but felt herself, in that poverty and lowliness, richer than when she lived in the palace, and more favoured by her heavenly spouse than she was by the earthly king’.53 Similarly, the letter transcribed by Morejón that was understood to have been sent later from Kōzushima also emphasised her joy at suffering for her faith: I hope everything will happen according to God’s will. I think all will occur for the good of the Church, and you would better not be preoccupied at all about the things here. The place is a very suitable one to serve God while fulfilling his will, and you should not be anxious [about me].54 Julia’s letter texts presented a form of confirmation not only of Jesuit views about her fervour but also her autonomy in the decisions and acts that she had undertaken as a Christian. Through their reports, Christian authors emphasised how Joseon-born women whose uniquely vulnerable position in Japanese society might have persuaded them to recant their faith, instead stayed firm, even to the point of desiring martyrdom. The remarkable trajectory of Julia’s early life and time spent in imagined luxury at Ieyasu’s side made her casting out more poignant and dramatic, and her agency to resist all the more striking. Such accounts about Julia’s experiences were powerfully complemented by records of the speeches and letters accredited to her, ensuring that Julia’s own voice, as well as those of her Jesuit observers, demonstrated her strong will, determination, and resilience in the face of difficulties. Women’s networks The attraction for Jesuits of foregrounding an influential woman such as Julia was not simply for her own conversion, but, as a convert, her ability to proselytise further for the Christian faith. Jesuit authors identified at least three networks which such a woman was able to offer the Christian mission. Firstly, Julia was able to reach a community of women. Christian authors documented women’s proselytising networks in Japan, which involved both Japanese and Joseon-born women. For example, Mateo de Couros’ report of a converted

78  Fervent Women Joseon ‘servant in the house of a pagan’ who resisted his attempt to have her apostatise, noted that she was attending a secret gathering with a Christian woman who helped to sustain her faith: ‘On Sundays she went secretly to the house of a Christian woman, where she commended herself to Our Lord, and engaged in matters of God’.55 In other cases, Jesuit authors suggested that women’s Japanese language skills enabled them to mediate across cultures in their proselytising. João Rodrigues Giram described to Acquaviva a growing group of converts supported by a Joseon-born woman married to a Japanese man in Bitchū. She was ‘a Korean by birth, who had a marvellous grasp of the things of God because she knew very well the language of Japan, and with her a daughter of hers and six or seven other maids were baptised’.56 Julia’s activities were also likewise described as involving networks among women who helped to sustain her. The Dominican Francisco de Morales noted incidentally in his correspondence to Juan Ruiz de Icoaga in 1620 that he knew she had received Icoaga’s gift of alms because ‘I had it from the lady through whom you asked me to send the said alms’.57 These texts hint at a support network among women that is difficult to elucidate fully from these works alone. In Ieyasu’s household, Giram marvelled to see how well these ladies of the palace are doing, and with what edification to the pagans and principal ladies of the Kubō, among whom they live and whom they serve, I baptised a lady of the palace whom they had converted.58 In a later account of 1613, Couros noted how Julia was ‘zealous at bringing other nobles to hear the preaching of the catechism’.59 Giram also described how Julia sought a like-minded community, ‘often leaving the palace, with permission, to visit acquaintances, which she does, otherwise not being able to come to Confession and Communion’. 60 Missionary men reported how Julia was even able to maintain these practices in exile. Describing her exile to Niijima, he likewise flagged Julia’s particular role in liaising with other exiled women there: Julia had a particular friendship with two of these, and little by little she talked with them about our holy faith, to which, by the reasons she gave them and the good example of her life, they became attracted so that they wished to receive it and begged immediately for baptism. But as Julia did not know the form of Baptism, she could not do so; she gave them Christian names, calling one Magdalena and the other María. And with this the two proceeded as Christians, praying and commending themselves to God.61 A consistent feature of Julia’s biography for these authors, therefore, was her particular ability as a leader among women to attract others to the Christian faith through the model of her behaviour and her compelling speech.

Fervent Women 79 Of course, as has been observed already, Jesuit authors saw Julia’s presence in the service of Ieyasu as an important element of her biography. Despite her Joseon origins, authors repeatedly described how Julia had become a lady-in-waiting in the shogun’s residence. Many authors were keen to highlight not only Julia’s links to high-profile women but also her access to the business of high politics. Giram reported how ‘often she gives very useful advice as to what she sees is needed for our good and that of Christendom, because as she is in the palace, she knows everything that goes on there’.62 The Franciscan Muñoz also reported on Julia’s knowledge of Japan’s political elite, and how, of everything that went on in the palace, she wrote so diligently to the church of Yendo, saying to them, now is the time to do this, or to stop doing this or that, also to visit or talk to this or that lord, because it would be very important.63 Embedded in both these accounts was clear evidence that Julia was also communicating regularly with European missionaries, with each author emphasising the value of her information. Julia held high value to the mission as a convert. Julia’s own letters seemed to reiterate her keen interest in conveying and receiving information from within the Catholic officials. From Kōzushima, she wrote to Morejón, asking about the state of her correspondence: ‘Around the 6th moon I wrote you a letter. Did you receive it?’ ‘In another earlier letter I also asked that a person might be sent to me’.64 Mateo de Couros, who described an earlier letter by Julia from Ōshima, reported her request: ‘console me with your letters, because sometimes there is an opportunity for a courier to the island I am going’.65 Both letters were strongly oriented by Julia’s apparent interest in maintaining her communication with the leaders of the Church in Japan: I received your letter with great joy, and I will respectfully answer you in a couple of lines. All day long I am anxious thinking that conditions might have worsened for you. Christmas is coming soon, and I am especially fearful about the situation of the Fathers in those parts. […] Please, convey my respectful regards to all the Fathers.66 Its leadership and direction were matters that appeared part of her engagement with Christianity: ‘Although I am a sinful woman, I always pray for the state of the Church and its prosperity. I respectfully beg that you all pray God for me as well’.67 She likewise wrote, Couros claimed, ‘begging him to inform her also of the state of the Church and the Society, and whether the persecution was continuing’.68 Extracts from Julia’s letters supported Christian authors’ claims of her deep engagement with the state and fate of the Church in Japan. Julia, more than other women who were described by contemporary authors, offered a range of opportunities for fine-grained contact with local communities, from the upper echelons of power at Ieyasu’s household to female-focused

80  Fervent Women networks that ranged from the elite to the poor. These accounts recorded her keen sense of engagement with Christian politics of conversion in Japan and, indeed, her willingness to offer advice to them. The inclusion of Julia’s own, apparently forthright, voice through letter extracts in Christian narratives asserted her agency about her active participation in the Church. Women’s bodies As their texts described female aspirations in letters within the missionary network, women such as Julia, as well as men, were attractive converts. However, these same authors also identified problematic aspects of women’s experiences as Christians in Japan. In particular, they were concerned about women’s ability to control their bodies from sexual slander and misconduct. The assertion of female agency described in these contexts demanded dual attention to protection of convert’s chastity and their Christian faith. The presence of a sexual threat to Christian women often formed part of missionary men’s accounts of women’s sufferings for the Church in Japan. The Jesuit Francisco Colín provided a dramatic narrative about a group of fervent women in Miyako, including the Joseon-born Pak Marina, who had been stripped at the governor’s order, leaving the women ‘in the cold and ice, only in their undergarments, for decency, and much snow falling on them’.69 Colín emphasises the high risk of the women’s steadfast refusal to abjure their faith: [M]any armed soldiers came to threaten them on behalf of the governor that, if they did not give up their faith, they would take them naked to the public place of bad women, so that they would be affronted, and stripped of their honour. Colín ensured that readers could not be left in any doubt that the women equally saw their own sexual dishonour and potential violence as a terrible consequence: ‘this threat caused great horror to the servants of God’ and their leader, ‘fearing that some of her younger companions might falter at the fear of losing such a precious jewel, advised them to get away’.70 Concern for their reputations and bodies, Colín suggested, shaped Christian women’s decisions to protect other women, although it did not cause those who were his protagonists to abjure their beliefs. Similarly, Julia’s sexual behaviour was a key element of her conversion narrative. One of the several origin stories that circulated in Jesuit literature was that conveyed by the anonymous annotator of her letter, who wrote that her conversion had occurred after being ‘taken to Japan; to defend her modesty from her tono [lord] she fled to a Christian tono’.71 While serving in Ieyasu’s household, Christian authors continued to emphasise Julia’s need to protect her chastity. Additionally, accounts of Julia noted attempts to impugn her honour. Giram even marvelled at Julia’s

Fervent Women 81 chastity while residing in Ieyasu’s household, in ways that highlighted conventional assumptions about women’s sexual constancy: Of all her virtues what is most surprising is that being a young girl and in the flower of her youth and above all, very good looking, in the midst of so many opportunities, she remains like a rose among thorns, determined to lose her life rather than her soul.72 Accounts of Julia noted attempts to impugn her sexual morality. Within Ieyasu’s household, wrote Mateo de Couros, those who could not convince Julia to recant then suggested that ‘she had often sneaked out of the palace, which was a clear sign of her disorderly life’.73 An investigation was ordered, but Couros assured his readers that Julia’s reputation was cleared and her sexual honour remained intact: ‘she had gone out to confess, receive Communion and hear Mass in our church’.74 The Franciscan Muñoz highlighted Julia’s fear that she might be the Emperor’s [sic] concubine, as are the other ladies whom he keeps at court, calling them to him as and when he pleases, [Julia] said, if the Emperor called her to his apartments, as he usually calls the other ladies, that she would excuse herself, which she could very easily do. And if this was not enough, she would rather let them cut her into a thousand pieces than consent to it.75 This account, which contrasts Julia’s assertion of agency, even to the point of bodily defilement, to that of other women at court, reinforced the convert’s exceptionality against women’s apparently more typical acquiescence to sexual acts. Vizcaíno described how when Julia was cast out from Ieyasu’s residence for refusing to abjure her faith, ‘the good lady […] cut off her hair rather than give up her faith and do the emperor’s will’.76 Joseon women’s bodies and their sexuality were not simply a matter for women to manage, however. Christian authors also suggested that these matters entailed men as well. Women’s bodies were positioned by such authors as a site for the performance of Christian masculinity in Japan. During the invasions, the Portuguese Jesuit Alfonso de Lucena praised the Kirishitans engaged in Joseon, how for the ‘last three years that they have been in Korea they have given a very great example of chastity’.77 Fróis’ narrative elaborated: don Sancho [Ōmura Yoshiaki] and the elite of Ōmura are especially noteworthy in observing of the word of God and in the example they set, especially in their attention to purity and chastity […] with so many and so frequent occasions as there were in this respect, with the many women of all kinds whom they captured, all were amazed to see with what strength and constancy the Christians of Ōmura were guided, many of them taking a vow of chastity while at war away from home.78

82  Fervent Women Protecting Julia’s sexual honour in the face of considerable vulnerability clearly preoccupied those in her wider support network. After receiving Ieyasu’s order of banishment, Couros notes that ‘the Christians secured the governor’s consent that a serving girl they provided accompany her’.79 That such a course of action was warranted could be demonstrated by the risk run by Julia’s fellow exile, Magdalena, who was later sent to Hachijōjima. Giram reported how, there, the interest paid to her by the local official took a dangerous turn. Magdalena’s continued rejection of the governor’s sexual advances led to her bodily disfigurement and ultimately her death: Annoyed, the governor ordered first to cut off her nostrils and ears, and then her head; and thus, that blessed soul was baptised in her own blood, […] such wonderful means gave her the crown of martyrdom, a thing rare and difficult in itself, and much more for being a young servant girl, raised all her life in paganism, without Christian example or conversation.80 Christian authors, just as did contemporary Joseon authors, concluded that women’s best course of resistance to sexual advances might well be to die. Interestingly, few excerpts from Julia’s letters or speeches appeared to reflect this aspect of interest in the convert’s biography, other than that cited by Muñoz from the time she attended Ieyasu’s household. Unlike accounts of her bodily and spiritual suffering in exile as signs of her fervour or the evidence of her letters to attest to her determined attempts to continue communication with her Christian support network, authors did not appear interested to provide Julia’s own writings or speech to detail a narrative of potential sexual coercion. Such words risked revealing more sexual knowledge or experience than might be considered desirable by Christian men to attach to a leading convert’s name and reputation, for their purposes. This was a delicate topic that, unlike others, they preferred to voice on her behalf. Conclusions This chapter has explored how Christian male authors, primarily within the Jesuit network, utilised narratives such as that of the exemplary Joseon-born convert known as Julia to demonstrate the power and potential of missionary endeavours with Joseon people. With this objective, the inclusion of speeches and texts attributed to Julia played a vital role in confirming some of Christian authors’ claims about her fervour and her unique set of networks that were a key element of her particular biography, as well as positive features of character that they identified with Joseon women, and Joseon people more broadly, which made them attractive subjects for proselytising strategies. The power of Christianity to transform the lives of captured Joseon survivors of the Japanese invasions was a critical part of Julia’s story and her protection in a community of Japanese Kirishitan daimyōs led her to be selected as an attendant in Tokugawa Ieyasu’s household. From that

Fervent Women 83 position of privilege, Christian missionaries initially hoped that Julia might act as a conduit to influence not only other ladies in the residence but perhaps even Ieyasu himself. However, a distinct change to Ieyasu’s position on Christianity led Julia’s life to take a different course as an exile and would-be martyr who suffered through bodily, sexual, and spiritual challenges of her lowered status. Christian authors adapted their presentation of her life to attest to Julia’s exceptional leadership among women as she remained steadfast to her new-found faith, despite the considerable material attractions life in Ieyasu’s household had offered. The words and speeches attached to Julia, copied and circulated among Christians in Japan, Macao, and the Philippines as well as Europe, presented Julia as determined in her faith, and exercising forms of agency at her disposal (particularly through rejection of her material possessions as well as body abnegation and suffering) to maintain her beliefs. The forthright opinions that were revealed in the excerpts that Christian authors provided, however, show glimpses of a woman whose voice and experiences were controlled and constructed by missionaries for a wider purpose, albeit one with which she might well have agreed. Notes 1 For a recent analysis of the extensive historiography of the activities of Jesuits in China and Japan, see Paul Rule, ‘The Historiography of the Jesuits in China’, Jesuit Historiography Online (Leiden: Brill, December 2016), online at https://referenceworks. brillonline.com/entries/jesuit-historiography-online/the-historiography-of-the-jesuitsin-china-COM_192534.Mayu Fujikawa, ‘Studies on the Jesuit Japan Mission’, in Jesuit Historiography Online (Leiden: Brill, 2017), online at https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/jesuit-historiography-online/*-COM_196472. On the Society of Jesus and Korea specifically, see the recent overview by Jieun Han and Franklin Rausch, ‘The Society of Jesus and Korea: A Historiographical Essay’, Jesuit Historiography Online (Leiden: Brill, 2017) available at https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/ jesuit-historiography-online/the-society-of-jesus-and-korea-a-historiographical-essayCOM_198393. Broad studies include Allen D. Clark, A History of the Church in Korea (Seoul: The Christian Literature Society of Korea, 1971); 김성태 (Gim Seongtae), 한국 천주 교회사 (Korean Catholic Church History) 1 and 2 (Seoul: Korean Church History Institute, 2009 and 2010); Donald Baker (ed.), Critical Readings on Christianity in Korea, 4 vols. (Leiden: Brill: 2014); Donald Baker, ‘The Transformation of the Catholic Church in Korea: From a Missionary Church to an Indigenous Church’, Journal of Korean Religions, 4, 1 (2013): 11–42; Sebastian C.H. Kim and Kirsteen Kim (eds.), A History of Korean Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Baker with Franklin Rausch, Catholics and Anti-Catholicism in Chosŏn Korea (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2017). Two studies that do consider the impact of the invasions upon Joseon’s contact with Christianity are 孫承喆 / 손승철 (Son Seungcheol), 17 세기 耶蘇宗門에 대한 朝鮮의 인식과 대응 (Joseon’s Awareness and Response to the Yaso Sect in the 17th Century), 사학연구 (The Review of Korean History), 58–59 (1999): 859–79; Pierre-Emmanuel Roux, ‘The Prohibited Sect of Yaso: Catholicism in Diplomatic and Cultural Encounters between Edo Japan and Chosŏn Korean (17th to 19th Century)’, in Space and Location in the Circulation of Knowledge (1400–1800): Korea and Beyond (eds.) Marion Eggert, Felix Siegmund, and Dennis Würthner (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2014), pp. 119–40.

84  Fervent Women 2 Shin Ik-Cheol, ‘The Experiences of Visiting Catholic Churches in Beijing and the Recognition of Western Learning Reflected in the Journals of Travel to Beijing’, The Review of Korea Studies, 9, 4 (2006): 11–31; Jo Yoong-hee, ‘The Relationship between Joseon Envoys and Western Missionaries in Beijing in the Early 18th Century: Focusing on Lee Gi-ji’s Iramyeon-gi’, Review of Korean Studies, 9, 4 (2006): 33–43; Lee Hyung-dae, ‘Hong Dae-yong’s Beijing Travels and His Changing Perception of the West—Focusing on Eulbyeong yeonhangnok and Uisan mundap’, Review of Korean Studies, 9, 4 (2006): 45–62; Jongtae Lim, ‘“Postponed Reciprocity”: How Did a Korean Traveler Portray His Encounter with Westerners in Early Eighteenth-century Beijing?’ Horizons: Seoul Journal of Humanities, 1, 2 (2010): 175–93; Roux, 조선 架橋의 쟤발견: 16-19 ㅔ기 천주교 선교사의 조선 진출 전략에 대한 기초연구 (The Rediscovery of the Korean Bridge: A Preliminary Study of the Catholic Missionaries’ Strategies Regarding Korea, 16th–19th Centuries), 淵民學志 (Compassion Studies), 16 (2011): 189–233; Kevin N. Cawley, ‘Deconstructing Hegemony: Catholic Texts in Chosŏn’s Neo-Confucian Context’, Acta Koreana, 15, 1 (2012): 15–42; 임종태 (Lim, Jongtae), “서양의 물질문화와 조 선의 衣冠”: 李器之의『一菴燕記』 에 묘사된 서양 선교사와의 문화적 교류 (How did a Korean portray his meeting with Westerners in the late Joseon period: Yi Kiji’s Beijing travel in 1720 and his travelogue), 한국실학연구 (Korean Silhak Review), 24 (2012): 367–401; 신익철 (Shin Ik-Cheol), 18–19 세기 연행사절의 북경 천주당 방문 양상과 의 미 (The Aspect and Meaning of Korean Envoys Visiting Catholic Churches in Beijing in the Eighteenth to Nineteenth Centuries), 교회사연구 (Research Journal of Korean Church History), 44 (2014): 143–83; Christopher Wong, Jesuits, Korean Catholics, and the State: Narratives of Accommodation and Conflict to 1784 (PhD Thesis, St John’s University, 2015); Marion Eggert, ‘Failed Missions in Early Korean Encounters with “Western Learning”’, in Early Encounters between East Asia and Europe: Telling Failures (eds.) Ralf Hertel and Michael Keevak (London: Routledge, 2017), pp. 87–100; Roux, ‘The Catholic Experience of Chosŏn Envoys in Beijing: A Contact Zone and the Circulation of Religious Knowledge in the Eighteenth Century’, Acta Koreana 19, 1 (2016): 9–44; So-Yi Chung, ‘Introducing Christian Spirituality to Joseon Korea—Three Responses from Confucian Scholars’, Religions, 9, 329 (2018), online at https://www. mdpi.com/2077-1444/9/11/329 3 Juan G. Ruiz de Medina, Origenes de la Iglesia Católica Coreana desde 1566 hasta 1784 (Rome: Institutum Historical Societatis Jesu, 1986); a revised and expanded version of which was published in English as The Catholic Church in Korea: Its Origins, 1566–1784 (trans.) John Bridges (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korean Branch, 1991); Ruiz de Medina, ‘The First Korean Catholic Nun in History Pak Marina (1572–1636)’, The Japan Missionary Bulletin 41, 4 (1987): 233–35. There has been considerable criticism, however, of his conceptualisation of a Korean Catholic Church before the end of Europe’s eighteenth century. 4 Antonella Romano, ‘Multiple Identities, Conflicting Duties and Fragmented Pictures: The Case of the Jesuits’, in Le monde est une peinture: Jesuitische Identität und die Rolle der Bilder (eds.) Elisabeth Oy-Marra and Volker R. Remmert (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2011), pp. 45–69. See also Markus Friedrich, ‘Government and InformationManagement in Early Modern Europe. The Case of the Society of Jesus (1540–1773)’, Journal of Early Modern History, 12 (2008): 539–56; Camilla Russell, ‘The Jesuit Missionary Path from Italy to Asia’, Renaissance and Reformation, 43, 1 (2020): 9–50; Russell, Being a Jesuit in Renaissance Italy: Biographical Writing in the Early Global Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2022). 5 Ulrike Strasser, Missionary Men in the Early Modern World: German Jesuits and Pacific Journeys (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), see also Mary Laven (ed.) ‘Special Issue: The Jesuits and Gender: Body, Sexuality and Emotions’, Journal of Jesuit Studies, 2, 4 (2015); Laven, ‘Jesuits and Eunuchs: Representing Masculinity in Late Ming China’, History and Anthropology, 23, 2 (2012): 199–214.

Fervent Women 85 6 See examples in Aurora Egido, ‘La Nobleza virtuosa de la Condesa de Aranda, doña Luisa de Padilla, amiga de Gracián’, Archivo de Filología Aragonesa, 54–5 (1998): 9–41; Ronnie Po-chia Hsia (ed.), Noble Patronage and Jesuit Missions: Maria Theresia von Fugger-Wellenburg (1690–1762) and the Jesuit Missionaries in China and Vietnam (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 2006). 7 Nadine Amsler, Jesuits and Matriarchs: Domestic Worship in Early Modern China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018) 8 片岡瑠美子 (Kataoka Rumiko), キリシタン時代の女子修道会 (Women of the Christian Era) (Tokyo: Christian Culture Study Group, 1976); Haruko Nawata Ward, Women Religious Leaders in Japan’s Christian Century, 1549–1650 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009) 9 Ralph M. Cory, ‘Some Notes on Father Gregorio de Cespedes: Korea’s First European visitor’, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 27 (1937): 1–55; 朴 哲 (Pak Cheol), 서구인이 본 임진왜란 (The Imjin War as Seen by Westerners) in 새롭 게 다시 보는 임진왜란 (A New Look at the Imjin War) (Jinju: Jinju National Museum, 1999), pp. 79–88; 朴哲 Pak Cheol, 세스페데스—한국 방문최초 서구인 (Cespedes: The First Westerner to Visit Korea) (Seoul: Sogang University Press, 1987); some of Pak’s arguments are nuanced by Seung Ho Bang, ‘An Assessment of the Role of Gregorio de Céspedes, S.J. during the Imjin War in the Late Sixteenth Century: Church and State Collaboration in the Spanish Colonization’, Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies, 14, 40 (2015): 186–208. 10 ‘tiene esta gente buen entendimiento a con paria do con simplicidad’. 3 December 1596, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter ARSI), JapSin 52, fol. 203v. 11 ‘esperiencia clara que es gente muy dispuesta por recibir nossa Santa fee. Son muy amorosos, bautizarze con alegria y no menos consolacão de uerse Cristianos’. Ibid. 12 ‘ha nesta Cidade muitos christãos Coreas de naçam, os quaes entrado em feruor e deuaçam determinarão de ter sua propria e particular Igreja e nella sua confraria. […] Celebrouse sua dedicacão com solennidade e concurso assi delles como dos Japoens, que por todo aquelle dia concorreram em grande numero a uisitar adita capella edificados grandemente dapiedade e deuação dos christãos Coreas, e de sua unison e concordia pera as cousas da saluação, os quaes sem respertar a sua muita pobreza mais que puramente ao serviço, que nesto Japiam a Deos.N. Senhor e a seu santo, e tambem as proueito espiritual de suas almas intentauam tam santa obra e tanto sobre suas forças’. ARSI JapSin 57, fols 5v-6r. Joseph Schütte, 長崎の創立と発展におけるイエズスの「 コンパニア」(The Jesuit Company in the Founding and Development of Nagasaki), 長 崎談叢 (Nagasaki Stories), 50 (1971): 2–34, here 31. 13 Ruiz de Medina, Origenes de la Iglesia Católica Coreana, p. 52, fn. 148. 14 ‘primicias de aquel reino de Coray con la captividad desta guerra para major bien desus almas’. 3 December 1596, ARSI JapSin 52, fol. 203v. 15 ‘Una de las mas insignes marauillas de que no acabo de admirarme es auer tomado Dios nuestro senor la ambicion y soberunia de Taycosama senor de Japon, en la guerra que hizo al Reyno de Cōria por medio para sacar de aquella tierra muchissimas almas que ab eterno tenia escritas en el libro de la uida’. Macao, 31 March 1627, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Jesuitas 9/2666, fols 461v-462r. 16 ‘tengan poca suficiencia para deslindar las concinecias de los que vienen al bautismo de los impedimentos que tienen, para declararles las obligaciones que trae la ley de Dios consigo, así a bulto los bautizan sin examinarlos’. José Luis Alvarez-Taladriz (ed.), Documentos franciscanos de la cristiandad de Japón (1593-1597): San Martín de la Ascensión y Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneira: Relaciones e informaciones (Osaka: José Luis Alvarez-Taladriz, 1973), p. 78. 17 On Konishi Yukinaga, see Michael Steichen, Les Daimyô chrétiens ou un siècle de l’histoire religieuse et politique du Japon 1549–1650 (Hong Kong: Société des Missions Étrangères, 1904); Maria Grazia Petrucci, In the Name of the Father, the Son and the Islands of the Gods: A Reappraisal of Konishi Ryusa, a Merchant, and of Konishi

86  Fervent Women Yukinaga, a Christian Samurai, in Sixteenth-century Japan (PhD Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2005); 鳥津亮二 (Torizu Ryōji), 小西行長:「抹殺」 されたキリ シタン大名の実像 (Yukinaga Konishi: The Real Image of the ‘Eradicated’ Christian Daimyo) (Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 2010). 18 ‘y si ahora hubiera habido ministros se podían haber enviado a Corea, porque don Augustín, general de Corea, es gran cristiano y los hubiera acomodado allá’. San Martín de la Ascensión and Fray Marcelo de Ribaneneira, Relacions e informaciones, p. 104. See also Lorenzo Pérez, (ed.), ‘Cartas y Relaciones del Japón’, Archivo Ibero-Americano: Publicacion bimestral de los padres franciscanos, vi, 30 (1919): 232–92. 19 ‘la comun platica’, ‘la predicacão de la ley Euangelica en Coray (loqueparece no sera dificultoso por via de Japõ) que recibira la fee com facilidad y se poder mucho dilatar em aquelles Reinos’. 3 December 1596, ARSI JapSin 52, fol. 203v. 20 ‘la gente é di molto buono intendimento, e dispositione per intendere le cose della nostra S. legge, come qui esperimentiamo nelli Cōraijin Cristiani (de quali ui sono moltissimi nel Giappone, di quelli che furono cattiuati nella guerra de gli anni passati) tanto che le medesimi Giapponi confessano, che li cōraijini gli leuano uantaggio nella divotione’. Nagasaki, 12 December 1617, ARSI JapSin 17, fol. 112. 21 For an interesting perspective on how Japanese and Korean scholars and local communities have approached Ota’s history, see 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 조선인 임란포로 오 다 쥬리아에 관한 일고찰 (A Study of Christian Ota Julia), 동북아 문화연구 (Journal of North-East Asian Cultures), 39 (2014): 477–99. 22 See Ruiz de Medina for a construction of her biography, ‘History and Fiction of Ota Julia’, The Japan Missionary Bulletin, 43, 3 (1989): 157–67. 23 ‘com ser naçida no meyo da infidelidade da Corea, de la a tirara, e por meyo de Tçunocamidono Agostino uiera ter a Japam onde lhe dera notícia de sy, e de sua santissima ley’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fol. 244r. 24 ‘Nata est haec Julia in Insula Corai, captiva in Japonia delata, ad tuenda pudictia a dono suo perfugit ad tono Christianus, ibiq. baptizata est a P. Morejon’. Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten, Bayern, APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r. 25 ‘ali aque a conselha as companheiras Christãos que tenhão não e perseuere na fé, polla qual tambem padeceo ja alguns trabalhos com grande animo e constancia, e não deixa passar occasião de abrandar as gentias, e ja que não pode persuader lhes que se faça christãos procura pello menos que não sinbam nem fallem mal de nossa santa ley‘. 10 March 1605, ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. 26 ‘frequentando la yglesia ay los Sacramentos con mucho Spiritu, y mulgo e hizo Testamento y dispuso de muchas cosas repartiendo plata y Arroz y otras cosas con los Christanos pobres. Diziendo Laprimera que se avia de publicar era ella’. Osaka, February 1607, British Library, Harley 3570, fol. 390v. 27 ‘y dio para la yglesia por dezir que abria nescesidad aun ninõ de doze años para Dojico, el qual auia adoptado por hijo suyo, y otro muchacho de doze años hermanito de nuestro hermano Leon en cuya causa estaua nuestra Yglesia de Usava, esmuy hermoso ya graciado llama se Augustin, fue con otro su hermano apintar y dorar los palacios de Casindono, el qual tirano es Señor de Fingo’. Ibid. 28 ‘gran christiana de mucha deuocion exenplo y charidad porquela haze nosolo con nostros dando nos buenas limosnas sino con los de mas Christianos Pobres vistiendo los ysus tentando a muchos con sus limosnas’. Ibid. 29 ‘do hallamos una criada a por mexor dizir de las damas de palacio del dito emperor que se llama Julia cristiana, auissitar a lembaxador y oir missa’. Mexico, 1614, Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Ms 3046, fols. 96v. 30 ‘Julia esta agora melhor que primeiro e serue immediatemente a S. A’. Nagasaki, 14 March 1609, ARSI JapSin 56, fol. 13v. 31 ‘la buena señora como tan seruia de dios y firme en la fee tubo por bien de ser ejientada y hechada de el Palacio […] que dejar la fee in hazer la voluntad de lemperador, por

Fervent Women 87 muchas promessas que le hizeron’. Mexico, 1614, Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Ms 3046, fol. 110v. 32 ‘La una, llamada Julia, de nación corea, muy devota del Rosario y gran favorecedora de la santa Confradía; siempre perseveraba en esto, por lo cual, la han ecgado algunas veces de su casa y calle, y agora no la tiene, suno que anda de una casa en otra a la Misericordia de Dios’. [Nagasaki] 25 March 1620. ‘Relación Breve por el beato José de San Jacinto’, Misiones Dominicanas, 1 (1925): 26–7. 33 [Suzuta] 28 February 1620, cited in Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church in Korea, p. 279. 34 ‘A córaijin Vota Julia desterrada por fide esta agera em ozaca, eu a ajudei, e ajudo com oque posso’. 15 February 1622, ARSI JapSin 38, fol. 87v. 35 See Diego Aduarte, Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario de Filipinas, Iapón y China, de la sagrada orden de Predicadores, vol. 1 (Saragossa: Domingo Gascon, 1693), p. 471, and the letter by Mateo de Couros, Nagasaki, 8 October 1618, ARSI JapSin 35, fol. 89r. 36 ‘algum liuro que contenha as vidas dos Apostolos, dos Martyres e das Santas Virgens, hum Relogio de area, huma campainha, e duas velas da missa’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fol. 245v. 37 ‘ex aula imperatoris japonis’. APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r. 38 ‘deinde ad aula imperatoris uxori eij seruiens’. Ibid. 39 ‘petijt In tabula depicta sacerdote sacrificarte, et campanila ut missa fibi representaret’. Ibid. 40 ‘Gasta esta virtuosa molher grande parte da noite em ser liuros espirituaes e rozar suas deuaçones o que dedia não pode fazer assi polla obrigação do seruico do paço como tambem por estar em meo de gentios tam auersos anossa santa ley como he o Cubõ e suas molheres’. ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. 41 ‘e como deseja mais aliberdado pera se dar mais de proposito as cousas da saluçam que ordas as priuanças do mundo deseja que lhe venha huma doença perase sair dali, e ir viuer enere christãos’. Nagasaki, 14 March 1609, ARSI JapSin 56, fol. 13v. 42 ‘procede com tanta deuaçao e feruor que ha mister as vezes freo’. Nagasaki, 10 March 1606, ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. 43 ‘A principal das très era Julia, huma Donzela Corea denaçam, pessoa de singular auiso e discriçam, e como tal estimada do Rey, e acatada dos de casa por onde sabendo da resoluçam em que estauam, cheyo de ira e furor, disse que pouco lhe daua de nam tornarem atrás Luzia e Clara, mas nam querer Julia obedeçer a seu mandado, era cousa insofríuel, e que nisso mostraua ser huma ingrata, e sem juizo’. ‘que deuera de selembrar das muitas e avatajadas merces que delle tinha reçibido, e que sendo ella huma pobre estrangeira catiua na guerra de Corea, veo amontar tanto, que chegou a ser Donzela do paço do senhor da Tenca de Japam. E nam qual quer, senam das principais de quem mais fiaua, leuandoa sempre consigo onde quer que fosse, que em todo caso merecia ser castigada por tam grande ingratidam e contumacia’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fols 243v, 244r. 44 ‘Aoque Julia com hum prudente comedimento respondeo, que nam negaria nunca auer reçibido Delrey muitas merces, ásquais sempre desejara seruir como ellas mereçiam. porem que em muito mor obrigaçam estaua a Deos, do qual alem deter reçibido o ser, usara S diuina Magestade come ella de tam singular misericordia, que com ser naçida no meyo da infidelidade da Corea, de lá atirara, e […] onde lhe dera notícia de sy, e de sua Santissima ley, naqual só consistia a saluaçam’. Ibid., fol. 244r. 45 ‘lhe chamauam estrangeira barbara, e sem primor; que bemmostraua nam ter sangue nem criaçam, o que tudo elle ouuia calando com sofrimento’. Ibid. 46 ‘nollevo consigo bizarros quemonos que usarva em palaçio como quien confidencia queno los avia menester pera el yermo donde ira’. Nagasaki c. 1615, ARSI JapSin 58, fol. 219r.

88  Fervent Women 47 ‘necessario yr por agua para ambas y escriue com mucha gracia la sancta muger que tambien allugar donde la mismas lejos y que no tenia en que tenerla sino una uassija tal que quando llegaron a la pobre cabana auisa que dado poca en ella y ne nia com los vestidos todos molados’. Ibid., fol. 219v. 48 ‘E como sempre desde minina foi criada em muito mimo, e a aspereza do caminho era grande, corrialhe tanto sangue dos pés, e estauam ja tam mal tratados, que posto que seu muito feruor lhe daua forças, todauia escaçamente podia dar posso’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fol 245r. 49 ‘que pois N.S. JESU Xo, quando hia ao monte Calvario com a Cruz áscostas, nam hia em andor ou liteira, né calçado se nam descalço derramando muito sangue, ella que era serua sua oqueria imitar naquelle caminho’. Ibid., fol. 245r. 50 ‘e que perdia quasi as esperanças de poder sacrificar sua uida a N.S. por uia do martyrio’. Ibid., fol. 245r. 51 ‘odesterro polla fé era tambem hum genero de martyrio prolongado, e que morrendo lá, ficaria verdadeira Martyr, e em proua disso que a Igreja çelebraua a festa de muitos martyres que morreram no degredo polla fé sem uerterem sangue a ferro. Agradoulhe tanto isto que mostrando hum desusado prazer, escreueo logo dali os agradeçimentos ao padre que por Via do Christão lhe fizera dar tam alegre noua’. Ibid., fols 245r-v. 52 ‘Vsou o Senhor comigo de huma marauilhosa misericordia por occasiam do que estes dias socedeo. Eu fui condenada a degredo em huma Ilha. Ócomo a diuina prouidencia he oncomprensiuel! nam tendo eudantes feito algum seruiço a S D Magestade, fazerme agora tam assinalada merce, o estimo em muito, e fico disposta pera soffrer quantos trabahlhos, e aflições se offerecerem’. Ibid., fol. 245r. 53 ‘Nam afrontou a deuota Confessora de Christo com estes trabalhos, antes naquella pobreza, e mingoa se tem por mais rica que quando no paço viuia. E por mais fauoreçida do esposo celestial, do que era do Rey temporal’. Ibid., fol. 245v. 54 Kozushima, December 1613. APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r. English translation of Morejón’s transcription of the Japanese text in Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church in Korea, p. 244. See also translation in Spanish and Japanese reconstruction in Ruiz de Medina, ‘History and Fiction of Ota Julia’, pp. 540, 543. 55 ‘Viva a li huma moça, Corea de nação, aqual esteua dous annos seruindo em casa de hum gentio’, ‘Aos Domingos secretamente se hia a casa do casa christãa, aonde se encommendaua a N. Senhor, e trataua dos cousas de deus’. Nagasaki, 6 October 1603, ARSI JapSin 54, fol. 210v. 56 ‘sua molher que com ser Corea de naçam pormou marauilhoso concerto das cousas de Deus por saber muito bem alingoa de Japam, e com elle se bautizarão huma filha sua e outras seis ou sete criadas’. Nagasaki, 14 March 1609, ARSI JapSin 56, fols 55v–56r. 57 [Suzuta] 28 February 1620, cited in Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church in Korea, p. 279. 58 ‘pera dargracas a N.Senhor verquam bem procedem a quellas molheres do paço, e com quanta edificaçam daquellas gentias e molheres principaes de Cubo entra quem estam et aquem seruem: bautizei huma molher do paço que esas tinhão conuertido’. Nagasaki, 14 March 1609, ARSI JapSin 56, fol. 13v. 59 ‘zelosa de trazer outras pessoas nobres aouuir as pregações do Cathecismo’. ARSI, JapSin 57, fol. 244v. 60 ‘muytas vezes sanido com licença do paço com achage deir a visitor suas conhecidas, como a faz por doutra maneira não poder, seddem a confessar e commugar’. 10 March 1606. ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. 61 ‘Com duas destas tomou Julia particular amizade, e pouco e pouco lhes foi praticando as cousas de nossa santa fee, à qual assi polas rezões que Julia lhes daua, como por seu bom exemplo de vida, se affeiçoarão de modo que a desejarão receber, a pedirão instantemente as baptizasses. Porem como Julia não sabia a forma do Baptismo, não pode isto ter effeito; pos lhes nomes de christão chamando a huma Magdalena e a outra Maria.

Fervent Women 89

62 63

64

65 66

6 7 68

69

70

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76

E com isto procedião as duas como christãas, rezevão e se encomendavão a Deos’. 10 January 1620, Archivo Jesuitas, Alcalá de Henares C-286, fol. 465r. ‘da muytas vezes mui proueitosos auisos de que ve sor necessario pera nossa cousas e bem da Christandade porque como esta no paço sabe tudo o que la passa meudamente’. 10 March 1606, ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. ‘tenia tanto cuyda do enesta ocasion quetodo quanto pasaua en palacio lo escreuia ala Yglesia de Yendo diziendo juntamente ahora conuiene que se haga esta diligencia o que se deje de hazer esto olo otro que se visitase o hablase aeste o a lotro Señor, porque seria de mucha ynportancia’. Osaka, February 1607, British Library, Harley 3570, fol. 390v. APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r; English translation of Morejón’s transcription of the Japanese text in Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church, p. 244. See also translation in Spanish and Japanese reconstruction in Ruiz de Medina, ‘History and Fiction of Ota Julia’, pp. 540, 543. ‘tambem me console com suas cartas, pois a miude ha opportunidade de portador pera a Ilha aonde vou’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fol. 245r. APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r; English translation of Morejón’s transcription of the Japanese text in Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church, p. 244. See also translation in Spanish and Japanese reconstruction in Ruiz de Medina, ‘History and Fiction of Ota Julia’, pp. 540, 543. Ibid. ‘se da a communicação com Deos N.S. como bem se colhe de huma carta que offerecendose boa occasiam escreueo dali ao padre de Surunga’, ‘rogandolhe juntamente que a auisasse do estado da Christandade e da Companhia, e se hia por diante a perseguiçam’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fols 245v. ‘Pero como ellas en mucha conformidad protestassan, que perderian antes mil vidas’, ‘Alli estuuo Iulia son sus compañeras al frio, y yelo con solos los vestidoes interiores, por la decencia, cayendo sobre ellas gran cantidad de nieue’. Francisco Colín, Labor evangélica de los obreros de la Compañia de Jesús en las Islas Filipinas (ed.) Pablo Pastells vol. 3 (Barcelona: Henrich y Companía, 1902), p. 501. On Pak, see Ruiz de Medina, ‘The First Korean Catholic Nun in History Pak Marina (1572-1636),’ and Hayoung Wong, ‘Marina Pak (c. 1572–1636): An Attempted Reconstruction of her Years in the Philippines, Religions, 13, 7 (2022): 621, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13070621. ‘Causó esta amenaca gran horror a las sieruas de Dios; y temiendo Iulia [a different Japanese woman, Julia Naitō], que algunas de sus compañeras de las mas moças, no flaqueassen con el temor de la perdida de joya tan preciosa, les aconsejo, que se ausentassen’. Ibid. ‘captiva in Japonia delata, ad tuenda pudictia a dono suo perfugit ad tono Christianus’. APECESJ, Abt. 43, Nr. 53, fol. 22r. ‘mas o que de suas virtudes espanta mais he que sendo anida moça e na flor da idade e sobre tudo de muito boas partes naturaes no meo de tantas occasioens, se conserua como rosa entre as espinhas determinada e apostada aperder antes a vida que não char sua alma’. Nagasaki, 10 March 1606, ARSI JapSin 55, fol. 283v. ‘dizendo que muitas vezes tinha saido fora do paço ás escondidas, o que era manifesto sinal de andar desconcertada na vida’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI Japsin 57, fol. 244v. ‘e nam acharam mais que saira a se confessar, commungar, e ouuir missa emnossa Igreja’. Ibid. ‘el temor de qué seria manjaba del Emperador como lo son laso tias Damas de quien se aprouechaua enbiando las allamar como y quandole da gusto dixo que si el Emperador lallomase su aposento como suele llamr alas otras damas que es escusaria loqual podia hazer muy façilmente quando esto nobastase dejaria hazer mill pedaços antes que consenter enello’. Osaka, February 1607, British Library, Harley 3570, fol. 390v. ‘la buena señora […] corta do los cauellos que dejar la fee in hazer la voluntad de lemperador’. Mexico, 1614, Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Ms 3046, fol. 110v.

90  Fervent Women 77 ‘tres anos que estem no Coray tem dado mui grande exemplo de castidade’. Ōmura, 1593, ARSI JapSin 12-I, fol. 1r. 78 ‘Dom Sancho e os mais fidalgos de Vomura se assinalarão particularmente tambem na guarda da ley de Deos e no exemplo que derão, especialmente na guarda da limpeza e castidade. […] com tantas e tão frequentes occasziões, como nesta parte houve come a infinidade de nulheres que cativarão de toda a sorte, ficavão admirados de ver com quanta Fortaleza e constancia se guiavão os christãos de Vomura, dos quaes muitos, por estarem mais fortes, se obrigarão com voto de castidade emquanto andassem na Guerra for a de suas cazas’. Fróis, Historia do Japam (ed.) José Wicki, vol. 5 (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1984), p. 463. 79 ‘Porem os Christãos acabaram com o Gouernador que consentisse acompanhala huma moça de seruiço que elles lhe deram’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI JapSin 57, fol. 244v. 80 ‘daqual agastado o Governador lhe mandou primeiramente cartar os narizes, o orelhas e depois acabeça, indo aquella ditosa alma baptizada em seu proprio sangue […] tam marauilhoso meyo lhe deu a coroa do Martyrio, cousa na verdade rara e difficultosa em si, e muito mais porlo ser de huma molher moça criada toda sua vida na gentilidade sem exemplo e conuersação de christãos’. 10 January 1620, Archivo Jesuitas Alcalá Henares C-286, fol. 465r.

4

Conforming Women

This chapter analyses a series of narratives about Joseon-born women living in Nagasaki, which emphasised their choices to conform to the faith communities of Japanese society. In Kan’ei 19, Europe’s 1642/3, the local officials of the city of Nagasaki compiled accounts produced by women and men from the Hirado ward. The purpose of these accounts was, ostensibly, ‘an inquiry into the places of birth of those who are registered as living in Hirado-machi’ (Hirado-machi ninbetsu seisho tadashi, 平戸町人別生所糺).1 However, this register also formed part of a long history of documentation about the faith status and identity of the city’s inhabitants. Included within this register were narratives about a number of Joseon-born women, most presented by the women themselves, eight of whom were still living in this ward within Nagasaki at the time. These were not narratives designed by these women or the collecting officials to be detailed biographical accounts.2 The listings were mediated by the recorders who noted down what they perceived as relevant information, much of it seemingly formulaic. Nonetheless, each account provided elements of discrete information about the individual it documented, information that was specific to their past experiences and present situation. These details were offered as personal responses to standard questions, and the variability and emphasis of the accounts differed in ways that suggest a degree of agency in their construction.3 Importantly, the register offers insights into decisions taken by Joseon-born women who remained in Japan, to operate within its systems for social organisation. This documentation, therefore, foregrounded their compliance and integration into Japanese society. This chapter’s analysis thus complements the viewpoints examined in the previous chapter produced within the Christian missionary community, furthering our understanding of Joseon-born women’s faith choices in contexts of encounter at this period. Most scholars have studied this register and other similar documents for the history of religious change and faith conformity in Nagasaki during this turbulent period.4 In this analysis, I argue that the register not only provides information about faith positions, but also about Joseon-born women’s experiences in Japan and, importantly, their decisions to remain there and how to do so. This chapter highlights how the Kan’ei 19 register may be explored from the perspective of these women’s agency and experiences in a foreign country, analysing DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-5

92  Conforming Women the mobility, identities, decisions, and negotiations that these revealed. I examine how this register reflected and produced concerns about the agency of Joseonborn women to conform to Japanese society, especially in terms of their faith identity. By considering the document as actively producing concepts of identity in response to the position taken by the Japanese state, I explore how it provided room for individual agency in the presentation of self and identity. Creating conformity In this chapter, I understand the register as not simply reflecting relevant notions of identity held by inhabitants of the Hirado ward but as actively producing these. The register aimed to attest to the compliance and integration of listed individuals within Japanese society. As this section explores, it did so in both overt and covert ways. Ostensibly, the register completed on Kan’ei 19.12.25 (13 February 1643) captured the nature of the population within the Hirado ward of Nagasaki. The city’s unique history of connections with Christian missionaries made faith a point of particular concern for authorities here. Nagasaki’s origins could be traced back to the arrival of the Jesuit Francisco Javier (Francis Xavier) in the region almost 100 years earlier. However, it had been after the negotiations for lands from the daimyō Ōmura Sumitada that the beginnings of the cityscape had developed through Europe’s 1580s.5 By the early seventeenth century, relations between Japan’s authorities and its Christian missionaries had become deeply fraught. An edict formally limiting the propagation of Christianity had been issued by Toyotomi Hideyoshi as early as 1587, but by the early seventeenth century, the Tokugawa regime had hardened its position and the repression of Christianity in practice. After the Keichō 18 edict (Bateren tsuihō no bun, 伴天連追放之文) expelling the missionaries and their local supporters, missionary men and Christian faith practice were driven underground.6 Anti-Christian policy, weeding out what were now secretive Christian practices, only gained momentum under successive Tokugawa shōguns, Ieyasu, Hidetada, and Iemitsu, intensifying state-sanctioned violence towards Christians, including investigations, torture, and execution of certain individuals.7 Nagasaki, which had the most developed Christian infrastructure, was a site of particularly visible acts of structural repression. The city’s churches had already suspended liturgical activities but, in Genna 6/1620, the city’s chief administrator (bugyo, 奉行), Hasegawa Gonroku, attacked the sites of Christian presence themselves, including not only former sites of worship, but also those of care and memorialisation.8 The city’s Christian churches were destroyed, including Saint Lawrence, which Christian authors had reported had been built by the city’s Joseon-born community.9 So too were Christian charitable provisions disrupted, including those within alms and leper houses. The consequences of these acts of violence, to the bodies of Christians and to their faith infrastructure, were that those who chose to persevere in identifying and practising their faith were required to do in increasingly covert ways. Missionary men in hiding in Japan passed through

Conforming Women 93 their regional networks many accounts of the ways in which the local Christian community sustained each other through chains of support that were less visible to the eyes of authorities. Marta and her husband, a Joseon-born man known as Akashi Jiemon Cayo, for example, were both arrested after they were found to have been harbouring missionaries in their home.10 The Kan’ei 19 register also bore witness to the maintenance of links among the Christian community for many years after the destruction of the faith’s physical sites. Only 2 inhabitants were recorded as having apostatised under Hasegawa Gonroku, and only 8 under his successor in the late 1620s (Kan’ei 3-5/1626–28), Mizuno Kawachi, whereas the vast majority, 98, did so under Takenaka Uneme, who governed the city from Kan’ei 6-9/1629–32.11 While Takenaka had a particular reputation for cruelty, it is possible that the ward’s adherents assessed the future for Christianity in Japan as increasingly doubtful by the time of his tenure as governor of the city and made decisions to conform accordingly. In coordination with investigations of specific Christians, a series of registers from Nagasaki not only secured information about the city’s population but also worked to survey the faith status of inhabitants. From 1614, the abbots of Buddhist temples were required to produce certificates asserting the conversion of ‘fallen Christians’ (korobi Kirishitan, 転びキリシタン). Tamamuro Fumio has explored how, during this period, the danka system gave Buddhist temples and clergy a determining role (and gained financially as a result) in ensuring that local populations complied with the Tokugawa anti-Christian policies.12 This compliance could be demonstrated through household parish membership and participation in memorial rites. As part of the old town precinct (uchimachi, 内町), the Hirado ward was also among the parts of the city most associated with the Jesuits who had first developed the urban area, and populated by those supporting the maritime trade of its port, whether as translators, merchants, or servants in the district’s many inns.13 Here they, perhaps more than others, had opportunities to be exposed to influences beyond Japan. However, from Kan’ei 15/1638, a new policy was introduced, which aimed to force Japanese Kirishitans to renounce their faith and pledge loyalty to a Buddhist temple. Each temple was ordered to provide certificates of registration for every Japanese, which were to then be compiled by local officials in each town in a ledger. In the 1660s, this system would be expanded into offices of religious investigations based in the domains, led by a magistrate of religion (shūmon bugyo, 宗門奉行). In Kanbun 11/1671, a standardised procedure for making the registry was introduced, stipulating that the ‘intendants (daikan, 代官) for inquiring into religion’: Those of you in the office of intendant and office of inquiry into the Christian religion have been working carefully, but you need to be even more vigilant. Hereafter you should record the household of each peasant, tally the number of males and females for each village, district, and province, and promptly inform us of these matters. You should make and keep a registry and send us a one-page report.14

94  Conforming Women Typically, these entries identified a head of household, dependent family members such as spouses, children, and elderly, and others such as servants and those enslaved. It established the age and sect of each, their residence, and birthplace and certified the family’s temple according to the guarantee of the temple abbot.15 Although produced after the period of the register examined in this chapter, these instructions articulate a framework that is similar to what can already be observed in the earlier Hirado-machi register. The Kan’ei 19 register, though, added additional information, where relevant, about apostasy, baptism, and present Buddhist affiliation as well as details of migrants’ origins and arrival to the city. This was particularly pertinent as more than half of the 225 inhabitants came from beyond the city and even more had parents who had been immigrants.16 As the register concluded: We have checked that there were no unrecorded persons, male or female, either owning or renting in the above ward. We have investigated those whose relatives were Koreans, those who have gone to Edo in connection with Christian affairs, those who have gone into the mountains at the time Christianity was suppressed, those who have served in Christian temples, those who have been sent to Macao, and we have appointed sponsors for them. We have also made sure that those who said they had apostatised elsewhere or in a different ward, had registered in new temples of the [Buddhist] sect they belonged to.17 In the Kan’ei 19 register, each of the ward’s migrants from Joseon, as foreignborn individuals, was required to have a sponsor, and this fact and the whereabouts of the sponsor’s letter were also recorded.18 Thus, the entry for the 62-year-old wife of Jingozaemon noted that ‘because the above person was born in Korea, an investigation was conducted in the ward and a sponsor found. The letter of sponsorship is kept at the kumi office’.19 In total, eight residents who were born in Joseon were registered in this way.20 These sponsorship letters demonstrate how some Joseon-born women and men were required, and able, to negotiate their identity within their local community. Their status as conforming members of the ward was dependent upon the perceptions and efforts of others. This made Joseonborn registrants, as foreigners, vulnerable in ways that native-born individuals were not. Yet the register also attests to the abilities of the residents, including women, who were able to secure such letters, to negotiate successfully within their communities and the systems of Japanese social order. The register and the information provided by its subjects were in their own ways both designed to assure Japanese authorities of the socially and political conforming status of the inhabitants. It is not surprising that according to the register no one identified themselves as an adherent of Christianity. Every individual had an affiliation to one of the city’s Buddhist temples, some of which had been built on the site of Christian churches.21 The wife of Jingozaemon, for instance, noted that when she came to Hirado, she had become a member of the Jōdo sect, and was a member of the Daionji in Nagasaki, just as was her husband.22 She made no mention of a previous Christian affiliation but 121 of the register’s individuals did admit that they

Conforming Women 95 had once been Christian.23 For example, the entry for ‘Uba’, a 95-year-old servant in the household of Ōsakaya Yaemon no Jō, recorded that she had arrived in Moto Kōzen-machi in Nagasaki in 1621, where she became Christian. During the time of the bugyo Takenaka Uneme, she had apostatised and become a member of the same sect and temple as the wife of Jingozaemon.24 Registering women’s experiences Women represented 122 of the 225 living individuals who were recorded as residing in Hirado-machi. Women featured in the register as grandmothers, mothers, wives, widows, daughters, sisters, nieces, and servants of householders. These women were predominantly Japanese. However, reflecting the recent history of Hideyoshi’s invasions of Joseon, there were also eight female residents who had been born in the Joseon kingdom.25 Moreover, the register’s documentation of residents’ parents from Joseon also recorded information about a small number of further women from the Joseon kingdom who were mothers of residents of Hiradomachi. Joseon women clearly formed a far smaller cohort than the more than 100 Japanese women who were recorded in the register.26 The registered Joseon-born women were accordingly presented in a more limited range of roles—they were either wives or servants. Many women were recorded in the register as korobi Kirishitan. This would not have surprised the officials. Contemporary anti-Christian propaganda that circulated during this period, such as the 1639 anonymous chapbook Kirishitan Monogatari, suggested that women were more vulnerable to Christian teachings, for ‘women are very easily cheated’, and, as such, were targeted by Christian proselytisers.27 Japanese authorities may thus have been primed to expect women to have been Christians in the past. All but 1 of the 13 Joseon-born women about whom the register provides such information had once been Christian. Only the wife of Jingozaemon made no mention of Christianity. Her record indicated her arrival in Hirado as a 7-year-old, where she had become a member of the Jōdo sect.28 This placed her arrival around Tenshō 15/1587, before the Japanese invasions during which the first sustained engagement from missionary men in Japan with captured individuals from Joseon had commenced.29 On the other hand, the entry regarding Maki, a 25-year-old servant of Senmatsu, noted that her mother had been born in the Joseon kingdom but had come to Mukai Funazu Shita-machi 53 years ago, where she had become a Christian. This would have been around Tenshō 17/1589, although she may have become Christian some time after her arrival.30 The register’s evidence of the past experiences of Joseon people generally suggested that they had displayed a high level of engagement with the Christian faith. All of the men born in the Joseon kingdom who were referenced in the register were also former Christians. As Nakamura Tadashi has emphasised, Christianity may have offered particular resources to vulnerable individuals with few other networks and sources of support in a foreign land.31 Moreover, the environment of Nagasaki itself may have influenced their affiliations. Notably, almost all the

96  Conforming Women Joseon individuals reported that they became Christians after arriving in Nagasaki.32 Ito, a 58-year-old servant in the household of Kyūemon no Jō, converted upon her arrival in Ōmura-machi in Genna 1/1615, although she had previously lived in Mogi for some 20 years.33 Ninety-five-year-old Uba had arrived in Chikugo in Keichō 3/1598, but it was when she came to Nagasaki’s Moto Kōzen-machi in Genna 7/1621 that she converted.34 The 60-year-old wife of the former Japanese kirishitan Mago’emon no Jō was born in Joseon and had come to Shita-machi as an 18 year old, around Keichō 5/1600, where she converted.35 Another Joseon-born woman, the 68-year-old wife of Jinsuke, had come to Ima-machi as an adolescent, in the Bunroku years/early 1590s, where she had become a Christian.36 Most of those who specified their ward had been attached to the city’s uchimachi wards, the stronghold of the founding Jesuits, with only a few attached to the wider area covered by the sotomachi.37 For example, Kame, the 58-year-old servant to the widow of Gennojō, arrived in Yaoya-machi as an 8 year old, around Bunroku 1/1592, where she became Christian.38 The entry for the 26-year-old wife of Jūzaemon no Jō recorded that her Joseon-born mother, the wife of Gonzaemon, had come to Shimabara-machi as a child, where she became Christian.39 Jinzaemon’s mother and father had both been born in Joseon and arrived in Ōmura as children, where they became Christians.40 The strength of both the Joseon-born and Christian communities in Nagasaki likely influenced their faith choices, perhaps offering newcomers, female and male, support in the city.41 However, the extreme youth of some women may also have given them little control over the faith practices they engaged with in the new environment to which they had been brought. By their nature, the entries recording the experience of Joseon-born women and men displayed a particular degree of mobility. Almost all who specified had arrived in Japan during the decade of the 1590s, corresponding with the enforced movement of many Joseon people to Japan. In addition to their movement from Joseon to Japan, some had moved across the country since. The elderly woman Uba, who was listed as a servant, had arrived in Chikugo in Keicho 3/1598 before coming to Nagasaki in 1621, while Ito had first come to Mogi when she was 11, around Bunroku 5/1595, before arriving in Nagasaki in Genna 1/1615.42 The entry for Matsu, the 30-year-old servant who was from the same household as Uba (that of Ōsakaya Yaemon no Jō), recorded that her parents had arrived in Japan as children, first living in Hizen. They had later come to Nagasaki, where in Gotō-machi they had become Christians.43 While the register records these movements, its wording provided little opportunity to reflect the agency of the individuals involved in these acts. It is unclear whether the women moved within Japan as captured or enslaved individuals, or otherwise. The requirements for foreigners to be able to provide letters of sponsorship where they were resident would have likely made the independent mobility of Joseon women and men challenging. Reflecting Nagasaki’s contact with the wider world via its port, a few residents or their relatives had travelled beyond Japan, to Macao and to Cochin-China. The register referenced two Joseon-born travellers to Macao. Ikemoto Koshirō’s father had been born in Joseon and been brought to Nagasaki as a child. Converted to Christianity, he travelled to Macao but returned to Nagasaki by Keichō 2/1597.

Conforming Women 97 After his apostasy, he cared for children whose fathers were Portuguese traders, and in Kan’ei 13/1636 was exiled with them to Macao.44 The 53-year-old wife of Kawasakiya Suke’emon no Jō was like her husband Joseon-born. She had arrived first in Yatsuhiro in Higo in Keicho 4/1599 before coming to Nagasaki in Keichō 16/1611, whereupon she was sold to Macao. It was there that she became a Christian. She returned to live in the Hokaura-machi five years later.45 It is possible that both these Joseon-born individuals had first moved to Macao as part of the thriving slave trade through Nagasaki. Slavery was an established practice in both Japan and Joseon during this period, one in which women were involved as owners and as enslaved individuals.46 However, the opportunities for Japanese invaders to capture Joseon individuals as part of the invasions’ profiteering were widely documented and lamented by contemporaries, as noted in Chapter 2. The movement of Joseon-born women within the trade was also identified by eyewitnesses and participants as a particular feature of the post-invasion slave market operating from Japan. The Spanish merchant Bernadino de Ávila Girón, for example, reflected in 1597 upon how the invasions had ‘brought to this [land] of Japan a large number of captive Koreans, especially women’.47 He even claimed ownership of a woman from Joseon named Maria among the five enslaved individuals he maintained in Nagasaki.48 Another purchaser of Joseon enslaved individuals at this time was the Florentine merchant Francesco Carletti, who observed the ‘great number of slaves, men and women, of all ages; among the latter there were many beautiful young ladies, and they were all sold indiscriminately at a very low price’.49 In his wide-ranging analysis of the Portuguese slave trade, Lúcio de Sousa suggests that Joseon-born women may have been particularly prized within the sex trade. He notes that a new brothel was established at this time in Nagasaki, in Ima Shikkui-machi‚ a parallel street to the new residential area, Kōrai-machi, that was created to accommodate the influx of Korean people.50 The Kan’ei 19 register’s record of Joseon-born women, whether as residents of Hirado-machi or as references that gave context to residents’ situation, is important. It stands as witness to these women’s experiences of mobility voluntary or forced, faith, marriage, and family that otherwise left few textual records. Documenting women’s faith decision-making The register’s purpose and format did not produce opportunities for extended narratives from the residents whose experiences it recorded. Nonetheless, although individuals responded to the same questions, they provided varying and diverse information in their answers that was transferred into the recorded texts. This constituted a narratological agency, and one that the register’s Joseon women residents, like others recorded in the document, employed to leave a record of their historical agency, especially in relation to their decisions about their faith. Women employed the space of the register, or at least the time of the recorder, to make known distinct things about their lives and identities. They did so both as Joseon-born individuals and as women born in Japan whose Joseon ancestry

98  Conforming Women was referenced. In one case, the register provided an entry for both a Joseon-born mother and her daughter born in Nagasaki. The entry for the wife of Gonzaemon, then 60, recorded that she had come to Nagasaki’s Shimabara-machi as a child, where she had become Christian. She had apostatised in Shita-machi at the time Takenaka Uneme was bugyo and was presently a member of the Zen sect, registered at the Kōtaiji. Her daughter was the wife of Jūzaemon no Jō. She too had apostatised at the time of Takenaka’s governance of the city and was registered in the same sect and temple as her husband and parents. This entry went further, recording details about both her parents who were also residents in Hirado-machi.51 This further information matched the details of her parents’ accounts, while the entries for the Gonzaemon household did not provide information about the daughter and sister of those who lived within it. The account of the wife of Jūzaemon no Jō was not unique in documenting her Joseon heritage. The entry of Matsu similarly recorded that she was born in Nagasaki to two Joseon natives who were both still living in Yaoya-machi across the city. Although they lived in different parts of Nagasaki, they were all registered as members of the Ikkō sect at the Daikōji.52 It was not only women whose entries provided details of their Joseon ancestry. The entry for Jinzaemon, who was born in Nagasaki to Joseon-born Christian parents, similarly recorded that his mother and father had come to Ōmura as children where they had become Christians, but they had all subsequently apostatised at the time of Takenaka and joined the same sect and temple. Jinzaemon’s father had since died, but his mother remained in the city in another ward, Shimabara-machi.53 Such information may have provided an opportunity for recorders, or for children or their Joseon-born parents, to ensure that their stories of religious conformity matched. Although references to parents were not unique to Joseon-related individuals, those who were both foreign and ‘fallen Christians’ may have taken particular care, or been the object of particular demands, to outline their present conformity and align it with living family members. The register entries, however, did not always present histories of residents whose choices were in alignment with their parents. The entry documenting the servant Maki recorded that she had a Joseon-born mother who was living in Ima Shikkui-machi, with Maki’s Japanese father. They were members of the Ikkō sect and registered at the Daikōji, while Maki herself was a member of the Zen sect, registered at the Kōtaiji.54 Their different temple affiliations may have reflected their different locations within the city and before temple membership eventually became understood within Japanese society as a hereditary identity. The entry regarding the 30-year-old servant, Matsu, who resided in the household of Ōsakaya Yaemon no Jō, presented a different kind of break with the choices of her parents. Matsu’s mother and father both were born in Joseon but had come to Japan as children, living first at Hizen. Her entry noted that they had come to Gotō-machi where they had become Christians. Under bugyo Mizuno Kawachi, they had each apostatised, joining the Daikōji as members of the Ikkō sect. However, Matsu had not followed them, despite then being only in her early teens. Perhaps she was already living apart from them and was therefore less influenced by their actions. She

Conforming Women 99 had apostatised some years later, as had so many, while Takenaka was bugyo. Now she was, like her parents, a member of the Ikkō sect, registered at the Daikōji, effectively conforming to Japanese expectations regarding both her faith and familial temple affiliation.55 In the end, the record attested that Matsu and her Joseon-born parents had all abjured their Christian faith, but the register allowed for the details and distinctions in their individual choices about when and how they did so to be presented. Perhaps the double identity of foreign and ‘fallen Christians’ made these individuals more concerned to offer precise details of their conforming pathways, which could be verified by officials if required. In some cases, the register presented information that suggested a particular insistence on faith displayed by Joseon-born women. The entry of Mohei, the 39-year-old renter, for example, presents an intriguing account of his life and his familial and faith contexts. His deceased father had been a member of the Ikkō sect and had died in Kan’ei 17/1640. However, his mother had been Joseon-born and had arrived in Ōmura before his own birth there around Keichō 8/1603. Unlike his father, she was represented as a Christian and had remained so at her death some 30 years ago, around Keichō 17/1612. Mohei had once also been Christian, seemingly following the faith position of his Joseon-born mother rather than his Japanese father. Indeed, he had continued to do so for considerable time after his mother’s death and while his father was alive. Mohei had finally apostatised during the governance of bugyo Takenaka in the late 1620s and was at the time of the register, like his father, a member of the Ikkō sect.56 Mohei’s pathway to conformity suggested that he mirrored his mother’s faith, perhaps suggesting the influence that women within the household could have while raising children in determining their faith affiliation. The entries of another Joseon-born woman, the 68-year-old wife of Jinsuke, and her husband, also documented a long-held refusal to conform. Nakamura Tadashi describes this example as one of ‘active resistance’.57 The accounts of the couple explicitly noted that they had not apostatised at the time that Mizuno Kawachi governed the city. Instead, they had fled into the mountains. Later, however, they had done so in Shimabara, under the daimyō of Takaku, Matsukura Bungo, and became members of the Zen sect, registered at the Kōtaiji that had once been the affiliation of Jinsuke’s parents.58 This couple were the only living residents of the ward who attested to evading the authorities by heading into the mountains, a practice that missionary men who were themselves in hiding documented as a common strategy. The Jesuit Pedro Morejón, for example, described Japanese Kirishitan women fleeing to the mountains in Arima and Kuchinotsu as a way of avoiding sexual violence, the threat of which formed one of the mechanisms of officials to force conformity.59 The entries related to this couple thus concluded with the confirmation of their examination, insisting that an investigation had been conducted into both. As noted earlier, the compilers concluded the register by assuring their readers that they had thoroughly investigated all sort of individuals potentially disruptive to Japan’s social and political order.60 These accounts suggest that despite the risks that Joseon-born individuals ran in maintaining an adherence to the Christian faith, they, like their Japanese

100  Conforming Women contemporaries, continued to resist the authorities’ demands for conformity and held out for considerable lengths of time despite the violence metered out against Christians. Of the 15 Joseon-born apostates referenced in the document, none were recorded as having apostatised under Hasegawa Gonroku, only two under Mizuno Kawachi, and all but one other under his successor, Takenaka Uneme. This mirrored the wider experience of the Japanese Kirishitan inhabitants of Hirado-machi.61 Gender, households, and faith Typically, when Japanese authorities investigated the activities of suspected Christians, their attention fell largely upon adult men. As householders, men were responsible for the actions within their household (ie, 家), as far as most government administrative documentation was concerned.62 Thus, the Joseonborn convert, Cosme Sōzaburō, was executed because he had frequently housed religious men in his home, including two Dominican Fathers whose discovery had prompted his own imprisonment.63 Girón described the bravery of another Joseon-born man, Hachikan Joaquin, who, the merchant suggested, ‘supported the religious most in the troubles and trials that they had, bringing them into his home without the fear and cowardice that others showed’.64 The Franciscan Diego de San Francisco, writing in November 1629 from hiding, reported that only male heads of households were being sought to recant in Nagasaki.65 The gender ideologies and patriarchal social structures of Japan were in many aspects shared with the Christian missionary authors who provided records of such investigations and made assumptions about the faith of women as well as men. San Francisco, for example, assumed that Christian wives, children, and servants would lose faith soon after the apostasy of male householders who had been investigated by the authorities.66 Certainly, the structure that the Japanese office for investigating sectarian behaviour foregrounded was the household. These registers, in the format of a census, were ordered through the unit of an individual household, identified a head, and outlined its membership. Servants may have mentioned their family connections, as noted earlier, but they were registered within their household of residence. The register reinforced the notion that men were the appropriate leaders of such units. Its own figures suggested that 228 people had been accounted for in the document, but 3 of them were the deceased husbands of widows who were counted as the heads of their households even in death, rather than their living widows.67 The importance of the faith of the male householder also seemed to make sense of the concluding sentence to the entry about Jinsuke and his Joseon-born wife. Jinsuke, it noted, was investigated because of his claim to have apostatised after fleeing into the mountains, and his wife likewise because she was born in the Joseon kingdom.68 Authorities’ assumptions about household representation and reponsibility for its members seemed to be reflected in the consequences that were metered out upon wives compared to their husbands. In 1620, the Jesuit João Rodrigues Giram related

Conforming Women 101 the experiences of a Christian woman and her husband, the Joseon-born Arizō Pedro, whose faith status came to the attention of Japanese authorities. Arizō Pedro was beheaded but, wrote Giram, although ‘his wife who was also a very good Christian, wanted to accompany her husband’, ‘they merely threw her out of the house with only the dress she was wearing’.69 Similarly, both Marta and her husband, the Joseon-born Akashi Jiemon Cayo, were arrested for hiding the Jesuit Baltasar de Torres in their home and where an array of Christian accoutrements such as vestments and images were discovered.70 According to her Jesuit biographers, Marta displayed ‘great spirit and courage’, enduring silently ‘following the example of her good husband Cayo’.71 However, ultimately, while Cayo was executed, Marta was released, ‘entrusted to the people of the street, who must give an account of her any time they asked, according to the custom of Japan’.72 Marta’s origins are not stated in this account; it is possible that she was Japanese, unlike her husband. Her experience appeared to reflect the kind of sponsorship by locals that could be seen also in the Kan’ei 19 register. Perceptions of Joseon women’s faith engagement Given the household as a key social and political unit in Japanese culture, and men’s role as its representative with authorities, the registers did not seem an obvious place in which Joseon women’s faith agency might be articulated. However, these documents pulled in two directions, recording population data and faith conformity. The survey required to document one produced the opportunity to verify the other. In giving attention to each individual, it made known women’s faith experiences, including Joseon-born women, and reported how the decisions that they had made conformed to Japanese social expectations. There were reasons why asserting the conformity of women in the register was nonetheless important for Japanese authorities, even if they were not perceived to hold official status as representative of, and responsible for, the household. First, as noted earlier, anti-Christian texts suggested that women were susceptible to the persuasions of Christian missionaries. Second, men may have been the external ‘face’ of the ie, but women had long been recognised as providing important complementary contributions from within it, as Haruko Wakita and Michiko Goto have demonstrated.73 Third, Japanese officials employed offers of high positions and status to tempt Christian men away from their faith. The Jesuit Giovanni Battista Zola recorded how authorities attempted to convince the Joseon-born convert, Vicente, to apostatise: the ‘governors had learned that Vicente was a good calligrapher and knew Chinese letters. They wanted him for the tono’s service, if he would be a pagan and not a Christian, and they worked very hard to get him to renounce his faith’.74 Women, however, could neither be offered nor benefit from the social and political advantages of such invitations to apostatise. Perhaps authorities feared that, without deeper investigation, a male householder’s conversion might not always signify the total membership’s compliance. Certainly, missionary eyewitnesses suggested that women did not follow their husbands immediately in their faith behaviours. For example, the Jesuit Cristávão Ferreira reported on the experiences of Isabel, the married

102  Conforming Women Joseon-born woman who was interrogated as part of the campaign of the bugyo Mizuno Kawachi to investigate and eradicate Christians from Nagasaki in the late 1620s. In 1629, in a letter to the General of the Society of Jesus, he described how, even under torture, ‘neither the example of the others nor the weakness of her husband nor the persuasions of the infidels nor the cruelty of her torments were enough to move her from her constancy’.75 Joseon-born women were identified by contemporaries, both Japanese and foreign eyewitnesses, as particularly fervent converts to Christianity. Julia, the subject of the previous chapter, was cited as one example of a passionate adherent to her new faith by missionary men. So too was Isabel for the Jesuit Ferreira, who was writing from hiding in Japan. During Mizuno’s investigations, he suggested that ‘one among all of them [who] held to her confession of faith, complying with the honour of God and his holy law, named Isabel, Korean by nation, should be rightly praised, as a strong and brave woman’.76 It was not only European missionary men who wrote of Joseon women’s fervent faith engagement, so too did the very officials seeking to prevent their continued adherence to Christianity. Around Manji 1/1658, the inquisitor Inouye Chikugo no kami, a key protagonist in the official campaign to eradicate Christian practice, left a confidential report on his activities for his successors, Kirishito-ki. There he observed that ‘Korean Kirishitans, once converted, are deeply dedicated, the men and the women. Especially the women, once persuaded, are deeply dedicated’.77 Perhaps that had been the experience, in Hirado-machi, of Mohei who attested that he had for a long time followed the same faith as his Joseon-born mother rather than the Buddhist affiliation of his father. Joseon-born women, as well as Japanese women and Joseon-born men, were prepared to die for their faith in Japan. As discussed in Chapter 3, Mateo de Couros recorded in his account of Julia’s exile that she lamented not ‘being able to sacrifice her life to Our Lord by way of martyrdom’.78 Two years after her husband, the Joseon-born widow, Takeya Inés, was executed in Nagasaki, following the path that had already been taken by her husband in 1620. Clearly, his death had not been persuasive in causing Inés to apostatise, as perhaps the authorities might have hoped. Instead, as the Jesuit Giram reported, this cohort of martyrs were ‘dressed festively, and most particularly the holy wives, all of whom were so happy and merry’.79 In 1624, a Joseon-born couple, Catalina and her husband Kuzaemon Sixto, were first imprisoned before they were beheaded.80 Other Joseon-born women also went into exile rather than apostatise, as did Pak Marina, persecuted by the governor of Miyako, who left for Manila.81 Ultimately, however, Ferreira’s account of the steadfast Isabel also documented what he described as her forced apostasy. After subjecting her to days of torture, she had been brought back to Nagasaki and to the governor, where despite ‘resisting as much as she could, they seized her hand by force and putting ink to it, pressed it onto the paper, on which it was written that she had retracted her faith, as if she had signed it’.82 Ferreira argued that Isabel’s apostasy was made under duress, a result of her bodily frailty, for she had been rendered ‘very weak from the injuries of the torture’.83 Finally, and consistent with the Japanese authorities’ actions in other cases, having Isabel’s mark on the document, ‘not allowing her to say

Conforming Women 103 a word, they sent her home’.84 Ferreira’s account reminds us that however much the Hirado-machi register asserted the social conformity of those who appeared within it, there were almost certainly complex histories that lay behind the pathways that people had taken to conformity. Conclusions The Kan’ei 19 register actively aimed to assert conformity among the Nagasaki population, produced as and through a particular vision of Japanese society, social order, and organisation. It sought to demonstrate the compliance of all, women as well as men, Joseon-born as much as Japanese. In doing so, the register visualised authorities’ concerns that Joseon-born women’s beliefs as well as those of men, and those of Japanese inhabitants, mattered to be controlled. This suggests that the household and the designation of its male representative, however important in organising relations between the Japanese state and the people, could not operate as the only point of negotiation or the only mechanism for achieving Japanese social order. It was not enough to enquire at the level of each household; it was important to demonstrate that everyone within it, including Joseon-born women, conformed to the will of Japanese society and its social order. While Joseon-born women’s acceptance of Buddhist affiliations was not the focus of this document, their inclusion in the register as residents of the Hirado ward made visible aspects of their lives, identities, faith practices, and negotiations within their community. The register not only therefore captured a record and a history of Joseon-born women’s actions in matters of belief. These actions reflected wider choices about their lives in Japan and their understanding of Japanese social order and organisation, and their opportunities to manoeuvre within local communities. The register offered a contrast to the information produced by missionary men about women who were identified as Christian converts and members of the global community it seemed to offer, just as it did to the histories made by Joseon officials about women who sought to return to their Joseon homeland and thus maintaining its language and cultural traditions. The register emphasised the decisions of Joseon-born women in another kind of agentive transformation, as they integrated into Japanese society through their adoption of local faith and community practices. Notes 1 Reinier H. Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies, 18–19 (2009): 9–66, here 11. Years provided are not a precise match as the Chinese lunar−solar and Christian Julian/Gregorian calendars do not begin at the same time of the year. 2 Hesselink has translated this register into English. Although this work forms an important reference for this chapter, I have elected generally not to cite from his work because, as Hesselink indicates, ‘In order to make the text a little livelier to read for a Western reader, I have taken the liberty to translate the personal information as if it were taken down verbatim, i.e. in the first person singular’. ‘An Anti-Christian Register from

104  Conforming Women Nagasaki’, p. 18. In the present context, in which the agency of the text is paramount, this presentation may create misunderstandings for readers about the degree to which women and men were crafting the precise wording of the written texts. 3 Amy Stanley has provided an excellent analysis of how repetitive documents such as a series of Japanese family inventories describing material possessions might be analysed for negotiating complex meanings and experience of family in the early modern period. See her ‘Fashioning the Family: A Temple, a Daughter, and a Wardrobe’, in What Is a Family? Answers from Early Modern Japan (eds.) Mary Elizabeth Berry and Marcia Yonemoto (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019), pp. 174–94. 4 On the early modern Nagasaki registers, see 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 人別帳より みた近世初期の長崎平戸町 (Nagasaki’s Hirado-machi in the Early Modern Period as Seen from the Registers), 九州史学 (Kyushu History), 26 (1964): 12–28. See also 中村 質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡—長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), 韓 國史論 (Korean History Discourse), 22 (1992): 172–195; 池上尊義 (Ikegami Takayoshi), 長崎平戸町にみる宗教事情 ー 寛永十九年「平戸町人別生所乱」 をもとにして (Religious circumstances in Hirado-cho, Nagasaki: Based on the Hirado-cho Register of Kan’ei 19), 東海史学 (Tōkai History), 1 (1996): 53–67; 長森美信 (Nagamori Mitsunobu), 壬辰・丁酉(文禄・慶長)乱における朝鮮被擄人の日本定住 : 朝鮮人キリシ タンを中心に (The Settlement of Korean Captives of Imjin War in Japan with a Focus on Christian Koreans), 天理大学学報 (Tenri University Bulletin), 71, 2 (2020): 1–32. 5 Diego Pacheco, ‘The Founding of the Port of Nagasaki and Its Cession to the Society of Jesus’, Monumenta Nipponica, 25, 3/4 (1970): 303–23; Joseph Schütte, 長崎の創 立と発展におけるイエズスの「コンパニア」(The Jesuit Company in the Founding and Development of Nagasaki), 長崎談叢 (Nagasaki Stories), 50 (1971): 2–34. 6 Although 1614 mostly falls within Keichō 19, this work was dated 慶長十八竜集 癸丑臘月 日. See translations in French and English by Nathalie Kouamé, ‘Sûden’s Anti-Christian Edict (The) (1614)’, in Encyclopédie des historiographies: Afriques, Amériques, Asies (eds.) Nathalie Kouamé, Eric P. Meyer, and Anne Viguier, vol. 1 (Paris: Presses de l’Inalco, 2020), pp. 1760–79, online at https://books.openedition.org/ pressesinalco/31744?lang=en 7 For an overview of developments against Christianity in Japan, see Peter Nosco, ‘Early Modernity and the State’s Policies toward Christianity in 16th and 17th Century Japan’, Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies, 7 (2003): 7–21; Ōhashi Yukihiro, ‘New Perspectives on the Early Tokugawa Persecution’, in Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses (eds.) John Breen and Mark Williams (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 46–62; Martin Nogueira Ramos, ‘Neither Apostates nor Martyrs. Japanese Catholics Facing the Repression (1612–Mid-Seventeenth Century)’, in Interactions between Rivals: The Christian Mission and Buddhist Sects in Japan (c.1549–c.1647) (eds.) Alexandra Curvelo and Angelo Cattaneo (Frankfurt-am-Main: Peter Lang: 2022), pp. 361–92. 8 On the biography and career of Hasegawa Gonroku, see 清水紘一 (Shimizu Hirokazu), 長谷川権六考 (Hasegawa Gonroku), 外政史研究 (Foreign Affairs History), 12 (2001): 28–70, his interactions with Christianity, 51–59. For interpretation of his character, in the context of the violence towards Christians, see the assessment of Charles Ralph Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–1650 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951), pp. 345–6. On the Japanese administration of Nagasaki at this period more broadly, see 清水紘一 (Shimizu Hirokazu), 近世初頭長崎奉行の一考察 (A Note on the Nagasaki Bugyo of the early Edo Period), 中央史學 (Chuo History), 1 (1977): 26–46, on anti-Christian measures, see 33–6. In relation to the formation of this register, see 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合(The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), pp. 175–6.

Conforming Women 105 9 Annual Letter, 1620, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter ARSI), JapSin 59, fols 240–43; Mateo de Couros to Muzio Vitelleschi, 20 March 1620, ARSI Japsin 35, fol. 138r. 1 0 João Rodrigues Giram to Vitelleschi, Macao, 24 March 1627, ARSI, JapSin 61, fol. 112r. 11 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, pp. 14–15. See also the wider evidence matching this pattern drawn upon by 長森美信 (Nagamori Mitsunobu), 壬辰・丁酉(文禄・慶長)乱における朝鮮被擄人の日本定住 : 朝鮮人キリシ タンを中心に (The Settlement of Korean Captives of Imjin War in Japan with a Focus on Christian Koreans), pp. 8–9. 12 圭室文雄 (Tamamuro Fumio), (trans.) Holly Sanders, ‘Local Society and the Temple– Parishioner Relationship within the Bakufu’s Governance Structure’, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 28, 3/4 (2001): 261–92, here 266. 13 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 11. Hesselink provides a map (Figure 1) of the districts of Nagasaki in 1614 in his (ed. and trans.), ‘104 Voices from Christian Nagasaki: Document of the Rosario Brotherhood of Nagasaki with the Signatures of Its Members (February 1622): An Analysis and Translation’, Monumenta Nipponica, 70, 2 (2016): 237–65, here 240. 14 石井良介 Ishii Ryōsuke (ed.), 徳川禁令考, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1959), p. 1605 cited in 圭室文雄 (Tamamuro Fumio), (trans.) Sanders, ‘Local Society and the TempleParishioner Relationship within the Bakufu’s Governance Structure’, p. 262. Takashi Tsukada, (trans.) Timothy Amos, ‘Early Modern Osaka hinin and Population Registers’, in Japan’s Household Registration System and Citizenship: Koseki, Identification and Documentation (eds.) David Chapman and Karl Jakob Krogness (London: Routledge, 2014), pp. 21–42. For an example of registration practices for former Christians in other cities, see Onoda Kazuyuki’s study of Osaka, where one of the city’s four fraternity was for ‘fallen Christians’ and their descendants. 小野田一幸 (Onoda Kazuyuki), 天王 寺村における転びキリシタンと類族の動向 (Patterns of Fallen Christians and Their Community in Tennoji Village’, 祁落解放研究 (Liberation Studies), 191 (2011): 2–19. 15 圭室文雄 (Tamamuro Fumio), (trans.) Sanders, ‘Local Society and the Temple–Parishioner Relationship within the Bakufu’s Governance Structure’, pp. 263–5. 16 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 13; 中村 質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 人別帳よりみた近世初期の長崎平戸町 (Nagasaki’s Hiradomachi in the Early Modern Period as Seen from the Registers), p. 17. 17 右町内家持借屋男女不残相改申候。高麗人並きりしたん事に付、江戸へ参候も の、きりしたん御政道之硼、山上り、又はきりしたん寺江奉公仕候もの、天川へ被 遣候もの、親類吟味仕、請人を取置申候。其外他所他町に而ころひ申もの、元来 迄も念を入改申候。武野要子 (Takeno Yōko) (ed.) 寛永十九年平戸町人別生所 糺 文政三辰年写之「朱書」(The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado), in 日本都市生活資 料修正 (Compilation of Historical Materials on Japanese Urban Life), (ed.) 原田伴 彦 (Harada Tomohiko), vol. 6: 港町編 (Tokyo: Gakken Company, 1975), pp. 253–77, here pp. 275–6, translation from Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, pp. 62–3. This passage does not appear in the Yanai transcription of the register. 18 The children of Joseon-born individuals did not require such a letter. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 人別帳よりみた近世初期の長崎平戸町 (Nagasaki’s Hirado-machi in the Early Modern Period as Seen from the Registers), p. 18. 19 生國高麗之者. (天正十五年) 七歳のとし平戸ニ参、淨土宗ニ罷成、寛永十三年ニ男同 前ニ参、同宗同寺を頼申候。 右之女房高麗之者ニ而御座候間、町中吟味仕之上 造成請人立させ、 請狀取組中ニ召置申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平 戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), in 九州史料叢書 (Kyushu Historical Materials), vol. 16 (Fukuoka: Kyushu Historical Materials Publishing Association, 1965), pp. 64–155, here p. 124, translation from Hesselink (ed. and

106  Conforming Women trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 58. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 182. 20 The entry of the Joseon-born wife of Mago’emon no Jō did not include this detail. Nakamura proposes that as her husband occupied an official position as gatekeeper, the family members may have already previously been scrutinized by the town officials. 中 村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 183. 21 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 14, fn 21. (天正十五年) 22 生國高麗之者. 七歳のとし平戸ニ参、淨土宗ニ罷成、寛永十三年ニ男同 前ニ参、同宗同寺を頼申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 124. 23 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 14. 24 生國高麗之もの、慶長三年ニ筑後え参. 元知七年ニ長崎本興善町ニ参. 則きりした んニ罷成候へとも、竹中采女様御代ニ當町ニ而ころひ、淨土宗ニ罷成、大音寺ヲ頼 申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 107. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜 人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), pp. 184–5. 25 Nos 85, 111, 142, 165, 169, 198, 200, 216 (Joseon-born women), Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’. 26 Nos 42, 141, 157, 190, 201 (Hirado ward residents with mothers born in Joseon), Ibid. 27 Translated in George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1973), p. 339. 28 See endnote 22. 29 See Chapter 3. 30 生所兵庫之もの、(元和三年) ニ拾六年以前ニ長崎 (今鍛治屋町)今かちや町ニ参、則きりした んニ罷成候へ共、竹中采女様御代ニ同寺ニ而ころひ、淨土宗ニ罷成、大音寺を頼申 候、父母生所同之者、元來禅宗ニて爾今存命ニて二親ともニ在所ニ罷居申候。 箭 内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hiradomachi, Nagasaki), p. 110. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌 跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 192, who highlights also some inconsistencies in this household’s entries. 31 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合(The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 180. 32 池上尊義 (Ikegami Takayoshi), 長崎平戸町にみる宗教事情 ー 寛永十九年「平戸町 人別生所乱」 をもとにして (Religious Circumstances in Hirado-cho, Nagasaki: Based on the Hirado-cho Register of Kan’ei 19), pp. 56–57. 33 生所高麗之もの、(文緑四年)拾喜のとし茂木村ニ参、慶長戝拾年ニ長崎大村町ニ参、則 切したんニ罷成、(寛永六一九年) 竹中采女様御代ニ當町 (ニこ脱力)ころひ、法花 (ニ脱力) 示罷 成、本(運)連寺ヲ頼申候。 箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 98. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬 辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 184. 34 See endnote 24. 35 生國高麗之もの、(慶長五年)拾ハ歳ニ而長崎下町=参、 きりしたんニ罷成、竹中采女様御 代ニ男同前ニころひ、同宗同寺を頼申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町 人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 128. As Nakamura points out, there is something curious about the record of this couple, aged 59 and 60, having a 4-year-old son. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌 跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 183.

Conforming Women 107 36 生國高麗之者、(文浸元年)五十一年以前ニ長崎今町ニ参、則きりしたんニ罷成、當町ニ て水野河内様御代ニきりしたんころひ不申、山ニ入、嶋原ニて男同前ニころひ申、同 宗同寺を頼申候. 右之仁介切したんノころひ不山ニ入申、女房ハ高麗之者ニ而御座候故、町中吟味 之上慥成請人立させ、請狀取中ニ召置候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸 町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), pp. 123–4. 37 On patterns of mobility suggested by the register, see 内藤莞爾 (Naitō Kani), 近世初 期長崎の家族動態 (The Family Dynamics in Nagasaki City, 17th Century), Japanese Sociological Review, 19, 1 (1968): 83–104. 38 生 國 高 麗 之 者 . ( 文 緑 二 年 ) 五 拾 年 以 前ニ 長 崎 ( 八 百 屋 町 カ ) 町ニ 参、きりしたんニ 罷 成 候へ共.(寛永六ー九年)竹中采女様御代ニ今(今鍛治屋町)かちや町ニてころひ、禅宗ニ罷成. (脱 力) 同寺を頼申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 116. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉 倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 185. 39 生國高麗之者、幼少之時長崎嶋原町ニ参、切したんニ罷成候へ共、右之御代ニ同 町ニてころひ、同宗同寺を頼申候。(the mother of the wife of Jūzaemon no Jō) 生所 嶋原町之内三㑹村之もの、幼少よりきりしたんニて、寛永四年ニ長崎五嶋町ニ参、(寛 永六ー九年) 竹中采女様御代ニ同町ニ而ころひ、禅宗ニ罷成、洪泰寺頼申候、父母生所 同所ノ者、父ハ寛永元歳ニきりしたんノ内ニ在所ニ而病死仕候. 母ハ嶋原ニてこ ろひ、同宗ニ罷成、爾今存命ニ而在所ニ罷居申候。(the wife of Jūzaemon no Jō) 箭 内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hiradomachi, Nagasaki), pp. 115 and 121. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被 虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 180. 40 父 母 共 ニ 生 國 高 麗 之 者 . 幼 少 之 時 大 村 ニ 参 、切したんニ 罷 成 、( マ ゝ ) 卅 年 以 前ニ右ノ御代ニニ親共ニころひ。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 125. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 191. 41 See Hesselink (ed. and trans.), The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: World Trade and the Clash of Cultures, 1560–1640 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 2016); Carla Tronu, Sacred Space and Ritual in Early Modern Japan: The Christian Community of Nagasaki (1569–1643) (PhD Thesis, University of London, 2012); Pacheco, ‘The Founding of the Port of Nagasaki’; Schütte, 長崎の創立と発展におけるイエズスの「 コンパニア」(The Jesuit Company in the Founding and Development of Nagasaki). 42 See endnote 24 (Uba) and endnote 33 (Ito). 43 生所長崎之もの、幼少ら切したんニ而御座候へとも、(寛永六ー九年)竹中采女様代ニ引地 町ニ而ころひ、一向宗ニ罷成、大光寺を頼申候、父母生國ハ高麗之もの、幼少え時 肥前=参、慶長六年=長崎五嶋町=参、則きりしたんニ罷成、(寛永三ー五年)水野河内様御 代ニ同町ニ而ころひ、一向宗=ニ罷成、同寺を頼申候.ニ親共ニ爾今存命ニ而八百 屋町ニ罷居申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 107. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉 倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 191. 44 父生國高麗之もの、幼少ら長崎當町、則きりしたんニ罷成、其午(マカオ)天川へ参、慶 長貮年ニ長崎當町ニ帰宅仕、(寛永六一九年)竹中采女様御代ニ同町ニ而ころひ、同宗 同寺を頼申候. 爰元ニ而爰元なんはん人之子やしない申候ニ付、寛永拾三年ノと し天川へ被遣候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 102. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉 倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers)’, pp. 187–9. 45 生國高麗之もの、慶長四年肥後八代ニ参、同拾六年ニ長崎ニ参、則(マカオ)天川へ被 賣渡きりしたんニ罷成、元和二年ニ帰宅仕、外浦町ニ参、竹中采女様御代ニ同

108  Conforming Women 町ニ而ころひ、一向宗ニ罷成、大光寺ヲ頼申候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎 平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 90. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 179. 46 Mark Peterson, ‘Slaves and Owners; or Servants and Masters? A Preliminary Examination of Slavery in Traditional Korea’, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch 60 (1985): 31–41; both Stephen Turnbull and C.R. Boxer emphasise the role of Wako raids in enslaving people that preceded the invasions sanctioned by Hideyoshi. Boxer, The Christian Century, Chapter 6; Stephen Turnbull, Pirate of the Far East, 811–1639 (Oxford: Osprey, 2007); Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese and Korean Slaves (Leiden: Brill, 2018) 47 ‘quando Taicosama hazia guerra al Reyno de Coray trajeron a esta de Japon mucha cantidad de Corays captivos en especial mugeres’. ARSI JapSin 58, fol. 198r. 48 Ibid., fol. 198v. 49 ‘ne conducevano per ischiavi numero grande d’Uomini, e di Donne, d’ogni età; fra le quali vi erano assai belle fanciulle, e tutti indifferentemente eran venduti a vilissimo prezzo’. Francesco Carletti, Ragionamenti di Francesco Carletti Fiorentino (Florence: Giuseppe Manni, 1701), p. 40. 50 Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade, p. 111. 51 See endnote 39. 52 See endnote 43. 53 See endnote 40. 54 See endnote 30. 55 See endnote 43. 56 父生所肥後之者、元來一向宗ニて、寛永十七年ニ大村ニて病死仕候、母生國高麗 之者、我不生さる先ニ大村ニ参、(慶長十ハ年)三拾年以前ニ切したんノ内右ノ所ニて病 死仕候。箭内健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 113. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜 人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 190. 57 ‘固い信仰に基づく積極的な抵抗とみなければならない’. 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 壬辰丁酉倭亂の被虜人の軌跡-長崎在住者の場合- (The Trajectory of Korean Captives in the Imjin War: Focusing on Nagasaki Settlers), p. 181. 58 生所平戸の者, 元和六年ニ長崎當町ニ参、則きりしたんニ罷成、(寛永三ー年)水野河 内様御代ニきりしたん(マゝ)のころひ不申、山ニ入、嶋原ニ而松倉豊後様前ニ而こ ろひ、禅宗ニ罷成、爰元ニ而ハ洪泰寺をたのら申候、父母生所同所之者、元來同 宗ニ而、(ハ脱力)父慶長ハ年ニ、母ハ元和三年ニ在所ニ而ニ親とも、病死仕候。箭内 健次 (Yanai Kenji) (ed.) 長崎平戸町人 別帳 (The Kan’ei 19 Register of Hirado-machi, Nagasaki), p. 123. See endnote 36 for Jinsuke’s wife. 59 Ward, ‘Women in the Eyes of a Jesuit between the East Indies, New Spain, and Early Modern Europe’, in Western Visions of the Far East in a Transpacific Age, 1522–1657 (ed.) Christina H. Lee (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 89–101, here 94. 60 See endnote 17. 61 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 15. See also on the impact of anti-Christian policy reflected in Nagasaki’s registers, 中村質 (Nakamura Tadashi), 人別帳よりみた近世初期の長崎平戸町 (Nagasaki’s Hiradomachi in the Early Modern Period as Seen from the Registers)’, pp. 21–23. 62 However, women had a complementary role to support household activities, and to provide economic labour for its support. Haruko Wakita advanced important early analysis on this theme but her conclusions have been nuanced by more recent studies, as discussed in Goto. Haruko Wakita, (intro.) Suzanne Gay, ‘Marriage and Property in Premodern Japan from the Perspective of Women’s History’, Journal of Japanese Studies,

Conforming Women 109 10, 1 (1984): 70–99; Wakita, (trans.) Gary Leupp, ‘The Medieval Household and Gender Roles within the Imperial Family, Nobility, Merchants, and Commoners’, in Women and Class in Japanese History (eds.) Hitomi Tonomura, Anne Bouchy, and Haruko Wakita (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999), pp. 81–97; Michiko Goto, ‘The Lives and Roles of Women of Various Classes of the ie of Late Medieval Japan’, International Journal of Asian Studies, 3, 2 (2006): 183–210. For recent studies of the ie, see Berry and Yonemoto (eds.) What Is a Family? David Spafford notes how women and younger sons lost rights over time to the eldest son as the patriarchal concentration of assets with one son, a pattern that first began with the warrior class and expanded to others. ‘The Language and Contours of Familial Obligation of Fifteenth- and SixteenthCentury Japan’, in What Is a Family? (eds.) Berry and Yonemoto, pp. 23–46, here 24. 63 João Rodrigues Giram, Macao, 10 January 1620, Archivo Jesuitas, Alcalá de Henares C-286, fol. 402v. 64 ‘y fue el elque en los trabajos y destierros que los religiosos tuvieron mas los emparo recogiendolos em sa casa sinel temor y cobardia que otros lo hazian’. Nagasaki, 1613, ARSI Japsin 58, fol. 199r. 65 Boxer, The Christian Century, p. 352. 66 Ibid. 67 Hesselink (ed. and trans.), ‘An Anti-Christian Register from Nagasaki’, p. 62, endnote 81. 68 See endnote 58. 69 ‘A molher que tambem he muito boa christãa desejou de acompanhar a seu marido, mas não lhe fizerão mais que botala fora de casa com hum só vestido singelo’. Macao, 10 January 1620, Archivo Jesuitas, Alcalá de Henares C-286, fols 418r-v. 70 Macao, 24 March 1627 ARSI, JapSin 61, fol. 112r. 71 ‘Mas ella com muita animo e valor’, ‘a exemplo de seu bom marido Gaio’. Ibid. 72 Macao, 31 March 1627, ARSI JapSin 63, fol. 75v, cited in Juan G. Ruiz de Medina, The Catholic Church in Korea: Its Origins, 1566–1784 (trans.) John Bridges (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korean Branch, 1991), p. 318. I have not been able to locate this sentence in the original text. 73 See endnote 62. 74 ‘Tinhão os Governadores notiçia que Vicente era bom escrivão, e sabia asletras sinicas desejaramno pera oseruico do tono mas gentio e não christão e trabalharão muito pera o fazerem retroceder na fée’. Zola’s account is relayed in Giram’s letter to Vitelleschi, Macao, 24 March 1627, ARSI JapSin 61, fols 103r-v. 75 ‘Pois nem o exemplo das outras nem afraqueza domarido, nem aspersuasões dos infieis nem acrueldade dos tormentos foram bastantes pera a mouer de sua constancia.’ Japan, 20 August 1631, ARSI JapSin 62, fol. 4r. 76 ‘So entre todas ellas ficou tendo mão na confissão da fé, e aconodindo polla honra de Dios e desua santissima lei huma chamada Isabel Corea de naçao a qual com rezam deue ser louuada de forte e valorosa molher’. Ibid. 77 Elison, Deus Destroyed, p. 206. See also Anesaki Masaharu, ‘Prosecution of Kirishitans after the Shimabara Insurrection’, Monumenta Nipponica 1 (1938): 293–300; Boxer, The Christian Century, pp. 337, 340. 78 ‘e que perdia quasi as esperanças de poder sacrificar sua uida a N.S. por uia do martyrio’. Nagasaki, 12 January 1613, ARSI Japsin 57, 245r. 79 ‘Chegarão tambem as molheres e filhos dos quatro caseiros dos religiosos, que ha tres annos morrerão assados viuos nodito lugar, huns e outros uestidos de festa, e muito mais particularmente as santas molheres, todos tam alegres, e prazenteiros’. Macao, 15 March 1623, ARSI JapSin 60, fol. 16r. On Inés, see 長森美信 (Nagamori Mitsunobu), 壬辰・丁酉(文禄・慶長)乱における朝鮮被擄人の日本定住 : 朝鮮人キリシタンを中 心に (The Settlement of Korean Captives of Imjin War in Japan with a Focus on Christian Koreans), p. 10.

110  Conforming Women 80 Juan G. Ruiz de Medina, Origenes de la Iglesia Católica Coreana desde 1566 hasta 1784 (Rome: Institutum Historical Societatis Jesu, 1986), p. 154; Ruiz de Medina, El Martirologio del Japon, 1558–1873 (Rome: Institutum Historical Societatis Jesu, 1999), p. 531, no. 0737. On evangelised Korean martyrs, see 長森美信 (Nagamori Mitsunobu), 壬辰・丁酉(文禄・慶長)乱における朝鮮被擄人の日本定住 : 朝鮮人キリシ タンを中心に (The Settlement of Korean Captives of Imjin War in Japan with a Focus on Christian Koreans)’, p. 8 on. The exact number depends on how firmly women and men were identified by contemporaries as Koreans. 81 ‘que boluia firmer, y constante en la Fé de Iesu Christo, por quien deseaua morir’. Francisco Colín, Labor evangélica de los obreros de la Compañia de Jesús en las Islas Filipinas (ed.) Pablo Pastells, vol. 3 (Barcelona: Henrich y Companía, 1902), p. 504. 82 ‘respugnando ella quanto pode lhe tomarão por pura força amão, e pondolhe tinta nella nelle lha cheguarão ahum papel. em que tinha escrito retrocedia na fé, como seo assinara’. Japan, 20 August 1631, ARSI JapSin 62, fol. 5r. 83 ‘mui fraca por causa das chagas dos tormentos’. Ibid. 84 ‘E não consentindo que fallasse palaura alguma, amandarão pera sua caza’. Ibid.

5

Treasured Women

The final two chapters of this book explore accounts about women who mattered to the texts in which they appeared, performing a key role not only in its narrative but also for the formation of community that these works described. This chapter’s texts told the story of women whose actions in key moments were critical to the future of their family’s ceramic production in Japan. One such story is told at Hōon Temple in Hiekoba (today’s Saga prefecture), where a faint inscription on the side of an eighteenth-century stone monument recounts how a Joseon-born woman was brought to Japan as Hideoyshi’s invasions ravaged her native kingdom1 (Figures 5.1 and 5.2). It honours Hyakubasen (Buddhist name: Banryōmyōtaidōba), a woman who had passed away in Meireki 2/1656 at the age of 96. The monument had been erected by her great-grandson, Jissen, ‘at the commemoration of the 50th year of Hyakubasen’s death’, in Hōei 2, Europe’s 1705.2 Jissen was a son of the Fukaumi family, a house that had been central to the establishment of Japan’s ceramic industry in Arita, which produced the world-famous porcelain known as Aritaware. Jissen’s monument honouring the memory of his Joseon-born great-grandmother was well attuned to the religious politics of contemporary Japan. The traditional Japanese system of ancestor worship combined elements of Shintoism and Buddhism but by the period in which the monument to Hyakubasen was created, mortuary rituals had become embedded in the Tokugawa policy for social conformity, and especially to eliminate Christian practices. As noted in Chapter 4, Buddhist temples and clergy were enlisted in the delivery of the government’s anti-Christian policies, providing documentation of the religious and political compliance of local people, including Joseon-born individuals. Jissen’s monument made explicit the close and continuing relationship of the Fukaumi to Buddhism, and to local Japanese communities, from the family’s earliest experiences in Japan. The monument’s narrative emphasised how support from religious personnel, as well as the domain lord, had been critical to the family’s initial establishment in Japan as potters. In early Bunroku period, when Japan attacked Korea and on Gotō Ienobu’s way back to Japan, Ienobu insisted upon bringing along [Jissen’s] greatgrandparents. […] They followed his orders and returned with the monk Bessō, and lived for many years in front of the Kōfuku Temple. Lord Gotō DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-6

112  Treasured Women

Figure 5.1  The Hyakubasen monument at Hōon Temple, Hiekoba.

Ienobu bestowed them with lands in Uchida which they began to use as a site for making pottery. They made excellent tea bowls and incense burners and presented them to Lord Gotō Ienobu and Monk Bessō.3 Each family member mentioned on the monument was referenced by their Buddhist name.4 The monument further announced that Biku, son of Kichizaemon, was a monk at the Hōon Temple and Jissen at the Yutoku Shrine Temple in Kashima.

Treasured Women 113

Figure 5.2  Side inscription on the Hyakubasen monument at Hōon Temple, Hiekoba.

This monument stood alongside two others dedicated to family members: one for Heizaemon (Buddhist name Sōkai), the son of Shintaro (Buddhist name Sōden), and another for Heizaemon’s second son, Tankyū, who was Jissen’s father.5 Jissen even suggested on the monument that perhaps it had been his ancestors’ good deeds that helped three of their great-grandchildren enter the Buddhist world. The family history and genealogical accounts left by ceramic houses have been studied in terms of the evolving understandings of household (ie, 家) in Japan. Morgan Pitelka and Andrew L. Maske have both produced important analyses of how ceramic families contemporary to Hyakubasen, such as the Takatori, Sen, and Raku, developed a coherent identity for themselves through such texts. This enabled mercantile families to assert a skilful corporate narrative about their origins, their founding figure, their lineage, and their future, one that established

114  Treasured Women generational leadership and business continuity.6 To date, these studies have largely focused on the patriarchal lines that were established through such texts, the employment of a ‘family head system’, in the identification of a male individual as a founding figure, and on the names bestowed on successive generations of the houses’ male leadership. These accounts have understandably been employed within scholarship concerned with the history of Japanese ceramic development.7 They have also been examined in analyses of the experience of the many diverse Joseon individuals who were captured and brought to Japan and the impact of their skills in Japanese industries and culture.8 However, this monument from the early years of Hōei/ Europe’s eighteenth century also foregrounded the particular role of a woman from the Joseon kingdom in the ceramic industries of Arita. In fact, it was not the only site in which Joseon-born women’s involvement in ceramics was narrated. A series of text forms presented founding histories of ceramics involving such women, as well as men, brought to Japan at the time of the invasions. The individual identified on this monument as Hyakubasen has been a focus of attention and discussion in heritage and popular history contexts, such as novels, television dramas, and statues. In South Korea today, she is better known as Baek Paseon, a version of her name that appears to be a combination of a sense translation of hyaku (baek is Korean for 100), and a sound combination of the remaining part of her name. As the principal source of information about her explored in this chapter is the Japanese monument, I will adopt its version of her name. Hyakubasen is one of several women who have been recorded in ceramic histories. Rather than exploring the histories and realities of individual women such as Hyakubasen, this chapter explores what such narratives, read collectively, offer as ways of imagining the transformative role of Joseon-born women in nascent ceramic environments in Japan. Its concern is not to assert the authenticity of the experiences of the women depicted but to consider why articulating the agency of such women mattered to the producers of the narratives in this industry. Joseon potters in Japan The Hyakubasen monument text recounts how this family from the Joseon kingdom came to Japan during the period of Hideyoshi’s invasions. Many thousands of Joseon-born individuals were taken back to Japan during the conflict, as noted in Chapter 2, among them potters and their families.9 Joseon ceramics were held in particularly high esteem among the contemporary Japanese elite, where the cultural performance of the tea ceremony (chanoyu, 茶の湯) and its attendant ceramic utensils were highly valued as an integrated component of political culture.10 This was no more so than for Hideyoshi himself, who was well known for travelling accompanied by his tea masters, the most famous practitioners of the era, Sen no Rikyū and later Furuta Oribe.11 Joseon potters were thus seen by participating daimyōs as valuable assets to bring to their lands.12 Maske emphasises that a number of the daimyōs who had been involved in the invasions, such as Kuroda

Treasured Women  115 Nagamasa, Mōri Terumoto, Shimazu Yoshihiro, Terazawa Hirotaka, Hosokawa Tadaoki, and Nabeshima Naoshige, were all tea practitioners steeped in its cultural performances, and involved in establishing ceramic production, usually on their domain lands.13 Hideyoshi directed his daimyōs to use the invasions as an opportunity to source Joseon skills, talent, and a labour force. To Nabeshima Naoshige, for example, in a letter of Bunroku 2/1593, he wrote: ‘While encamped in Korea, locate any skilled craftsmen and bring them back when you return’.14 Women as well as men could feature among those with skills that interested the Japanese, as a letter from Hideyoshi to Tachibana Muneshige suggests. Here, he asked that not only skilled craftsmen but also ‘skilled women should be brought back to Japan. They can be presented at court and used as servants’.15 While some who were engaged in the invasions simply captured those who could become a useful labour force, others took the opportunity to coax those with specialist skills back to their estates in Japan, providing, in some cases, housing, lands, and even income.16 The unique styles of Joseon ceramics made potters a desirable workforce for domain lords to attract to their lands. In the later Genna years/1620s, the daimyō of Satsuma, Shimazu Iehisa, had provided financial incentives for potters to settle in Naeshirogawa.17 In order to preserve their unique ceramic aesthetics brought from Joseon, Japanese were not permitted to enter Naeshirogawa, nor were Joseon allowed to marry outside of the community. In such communities, Joseon language, dress, and customs appear to have preserved for considerable lengths of time, fascinating later visitors.18 The Nabeshima dynasty likewise controlled a series of potters in Okawachiyama, who were kept in a guarded compound in order to make an exclusive porcelain known as Nabeshimaware.19 Depending on the lord and kilns that they worked for, some Joseon-born individuals had relative freedom of movement, while others appear to have been isolated, and still others remained effectively captive.20 The Hyakubasen monument identified the same conflict as the time when the Fukaumi family arrived in Japan, likely following its patriarch, the man it named as Shintaro. Its narrative made no mention of any forced relocation to the area; indeed, it suggested a positive relationship between Fukaumi and the local daimyō, lord of the Takeo domain: ‘Lord Gotō Ienobu bestowed them with lands in Uchida which they began to use as a site for making pottery. They made excellent tea bowls and incense burners and presented them to Lord Gotō Ienobu and Monk Bessō’. This interpretation emphasised Japanese recognition of Fukaumi’s specialist skills. The agency of Joseon women in ceramic histories Jissen’s monument to Hyakubasen was not the only account that suggested a woman from the Joseon kingdom had been instrumental in Japanese pottery manufacture. While Joseon women by no means dominated early accounts of ceramic establishment, given the patriarchal dynastic focus of that industry’s operation, their presence at all deserves further analysis. Accounts about the activities of individual women appear in a range of source types, from historical texts, domain records,

116  Treasured Women and monuments. Within these, precise details are difficult to establish, with variations across retellings. Nonetheless, these accounts share common features that reflect Joseon women’s transformational role in the texts. As Hideyoshi’s missives above suggested, women with specialist skills were desirable targets for the invading daimyōs. A contemporary European publication, based on the report from an eyewitness who had lived in Joseon, suggested that ‘the porcelain is finer than Japanese porcelain and is usually made by women’.21 However, the precise role of female relatives, as well as other assistants beyond the nuclear family, within the day-to-day operations of ceramic workshops in Japan appears little documented.22 Just as did other professional trades in Japan at this period, ceramic manufacture operated through extended family units. Based on the gender-segregated practices of ceramic operations since the Edo period, scholars have generally considered that it was unlikely that women were regularly involved in artistic or practical aspects of these manufactures. Yōko Osaki, though, has proposed that women may have had specific skills and duties, such as applying glaze and preparing firewood used in climbing kilns.23 Yet these accounts recorded women who provided critical stability at moments of potential disruption and even periods of creative transformation of production and businesses. The Hyakubasen monument described the Fukaumi family’s initial settlement near the Kōfuku Temple. There, they received lands in Uchida from Lord Gotō, making bowls and incense burners for the daimyō, as well as the monk, Bessō. Gotō operated under one of Japan’s most influential ceramic patrons, Nabeshima Naoshige. However, in Genna 4/1618, tragedy struck Hyakubasen’s family, when Shintaro died in October that year. Hyakubasen, the monument records, emerged as a key figure. Great-grandmother taught her children well and fulfilled the duty of a mother. […] Therefore, nearly all Koreans went to great-grandmother for help. […] Her filial descendants remember her virtues and everyone calls her Hyakubasen. Such women, typically widows as was Hyakubasen, were described as maintaining family workshops after the death of their husbands. Their role may have involved supporting the household and ensuring the continuation of the dynastic manufacturing unit. This was critical, as familial ceramic operations usually passed from father to son, retaining a family name that reflected ancestral traditions.24 The Fukaumi were no different and the conventional hereditary pathways from father to son were made explicit on the monument. After Hyakubasen, Grandfather Heizaemon whose Buddhist name was Sōkai, made the family extremely affluent and brought honour to the family name. He fathered two sons and seven daughters. My deceased father, Tankyū, fathered three sons and allowed the eldest son, Jissen, and the youngest son to enter the Buddhist priesthood, whereas the middle son worked hard at the family business.

Treasured Women 117 The monument traced a line from the first to the fourth generation in the still flourishing Fukaumi ceramic dynasty. Jissen’s great-grandmother Hyakubasen had continued the dynasty’s operations, which meant that the patrilineal line was maintained.25 However, ceramic texts presented women as having done more than serve as the transition point of skills transfer between generations of the family’s men. Jissen’s presentation of his great-grandmother suggested that when Shintaro had died, Hyakubasen ‘then left Uchida and moved to Hiekoba. Kuroyama mountain is rich in high quality white earth and seemed a blessed pottery place’. Under Hyakubasen’s leadership, the family had, it seems, transitioned its workshop to Hiekoba.26 The move narrated on the Hyakubasen monument finds echoes in other accounts of the development of Japanese ceramics at this period. In some instances, Joseonborn individuals were protected against local Japanese competition. Nabeshima Naoshige had overseen the settlement of many from Joseon to the Saga area of Hizen, in addition to bringing back a great deal of kaolin clay required for porcelain manufacture.27 Thirty years on from the Japanese invasions, however, it seemed evident to Japanese officials that local forest resources could not sustain ever-increasing ceramic production of both local and Joseon manufactures, which demanded large amounts of fuel. Records from the Nabeshima estates aimed therefore to prioritise the Joseon manufacturers by limiting the number of Japanese potters.28 With financial support and protection from the Nabeshima family, around Genna 2, a group of potters were said to have established a traditional Joseon-style, multi-chambered kiln at Tengudani in Arita and brought together a large population of close to a thousand to work there.29 Hyakubasen’s family and their followers perhaps numbered among these new arrivals to the area who came to work the new ceramic styles. In Hiekoba, where the Hōon Temple monument was erected, Jissen’s explicit mention of his great-grandmother made sense. She was the individual responsible for the family’s association with that village, and for the family’s successful transition to a new and flourishing ceramic industry. The monument made this claim explicit. The foundational role attributed to Hyakubasen in shifting the family’s ceramic production to Hiekoba finds parallels with narratives of other Joseon-born women. For example, in the village of Mikawachi (in today’s Nagasaki prefecture), a shrine is dedicated to an individual known as the ‘Korean grandmother’ (Kōraibaba, 高麗 媼), who is also referenced in local historical sources from the seventeenth century onwards. These suggest that a young woman whose Korean name was Gatnan, from Ungcheon or Busan, was taken during the invasions to the domain lands of the daimyō Matsura Shigenobu.30 In Japan, she married a potter whose family name was Nakazato, with whom she had a son. After the death of her husband, Nakazato Ei, as she was then known, took over the leadership of their ceramic manufacture and engaged in various negotiations with the domain lord of that time. Revered by her fellow potters, recorded one account written in Kanbun 12/1672, ‘people called her the Korean grandmother, Kōraibaba’.31 Ei’s narratives share common features with that of Hyakubasen, in her role as a figure of continuity for the ceramic business and as a community leader. Moreover, as with Hyakubasen, she was also

118  Treasured Women identified as an entrepreneur and innovator. In Genna 8/1622, the Nakazato potters led by Ei merged with another group of potters, who had been relocated there. Ei was recorded as part of the reinvigorated pottery manufacture at Mikawachi in the second half of Europe’s seventeenth century. She was specifically recorded in historical sources as a maker of pottery, having in one account been taught to make pottery and in the other noted as a maker of bowls in a Joseon style.32 The 1672 account’s author opined that ‘her talent and brilliance surpassed the books. She never neglected her pottery studies, and she always encouraged her students’.33 Her skills were such, the chronicle recorded in 1664, that she was asked by the domain lord to produce pottery at the Tokugawa court, but she declined, citing her advanced age (she would have been 98 in 1664).34 These narratives highlighted that, in times of challenge and transition, it was the family’s women who had made key decisions to position their ceramic businesses for a successful future. The presence of another Joseon woman known as Takatori Hachizō Shirato was recorded in the early history of Takatori stoneware in Chikuzen province (in today’s Fukuoka prefecture). This ceramic enterprise was led by a Korean dynasty in a relationship that extended from the time of daimyō Kuroda Nagamasa, who participated in Hideyoshi’s invasions, through some nine generations and 260 years.35 Their ceramics had already gained sufficient renown to be prized by renowned tea master Kobori Enshū, and gifted by Kuroda lords to Tokugawa Hidetada.36 Towards the end of the century, Kaibara Ekken had written about Takatori pottery when the second generation was still living, his account later published in 1708 in his Gazetteer of Chikuzen Province, Continued (Chikuzen no kuni zoku-fudoki, 筑 前国続風土記). Importantly, his text made a connection between the men through a woman who was both daughter and wife.37 Takatori pottery was begun at the time of the Korean Wars by a skilled potter who was among the many Koreans captured by Lord Nagamasa. His [Korean] name was changed to Hachizō. Katō Kiyomasa also brought a fine potter back; his name was Shinkurō. These two were both from the village of Ido, and Hachizō was Shinkurō’s son-in-law. Hachizō’s wife also came with him to Japan.38 In a different version of the foundations of this manufacture, the Takatori Family Record in a version made in Bunsei 3/1820, the connection formed between the men by Hachizō’s wife was again noted: There was a man named Ido Shinkurō who lived in the same village as Palsan [Hachizō] and made pottery as a profession. At the same time, he accompanied Katō Kiyomasa across [from Korea] to Higo province. Later, he was invited by our lord and came to Mount Takatori in our province, where he received a stipend in silver and made tea utensils and other items along with Hachizō. This Shinkurō was the father of Hachizō’s wife.39 The couple known in Japan as Takatori Hachizō and Shirato were buried in a Korean-style earthen mound in the town of Nakamura. This was excavated in 1966

Treasured Women 119 and found to contain pottery, including tea and spouted bowls of the kind known to be produced in their kilns.40 As with Hykubasen and Nakazato Ei, Takatori Hachizō Shirato was depicted in the family’s histories as active in transitions within the production; indeed, as leading them. Thus, we find accounts that the widowed Hyakubasen moved her family’s pottery manufacture to Hiekoba around 1618, while, after her husband’s death in 1622, Nakazato Ei opened her own kiln, in some accounts joining forces with another potter of Joseon origins, Geogwan, in others with her own son, in doing so, establishing the origins of Mikawachi pottery.41 Similarly, the Takatori Family Record (1820 version) records specifically that, after Takatori Hachizō’s death in Joo 3/1654, ‘this man’s wife moved to Tsuzumi village’.42 The move of some branches of the workshop and kiln to the quite distant village of Tsuzumi, suggests Maske, appears likely due to the availability there of suitable materials, at a time when the family were experimenting with making porcelain wares.43 Shirato the widow features at a narrative point of mobility between ceramic production sites, in a search of new resources, and of potential business rupture as sons and grandsons moved in rather complicated arrangements that created alternative possibilities for family leadership. She functioned in the relevant texts as did the other women, as symbols of continuity, maintaining (whether in a practical way or simply figuratively and narratologically) the household and/or the business unit of ceramic manufacture, as each family underwent transformations in its ceramic practice, workshop locations, and/or dynastic leadership, moments of potential dynastic rupture. In such texts, these women are identified with varied forms of agency, including decision-making powers that had important consequences for the longevity of their family’s manufacture of ceramics. They were presented as key ancestors who both made and marked the transitions of their family’s past in Joseon to its future in Japan. Joseon women’s role in ceramic histories Japanese ceramic texts depicted Joseon-born women as important agents in their family’s histories. The descriptions of Joseon women and their activities in these texts was shaped not only by internal narrative rationales but also by present concerns of their authors to make meaning for their communities. These interests informed the presence and discussion of women in their texts in particular ways. These women represented the profound transition that families had made during the period of the Japanese invasions. They juggled and straddled two cultures and acted as repositories for multiple cultural identities. Two local historical sources, for example, claimed to record Nakazato Ei’s articulation of Joseon expressions of self and new, local meanings in Japan, at her death: When I die, be sure to burn this shrine down. When the smoke stays on the ground, my soul stays here to protect the arts, and if the smoke rises to the sky, my soul will return to Joseon.44

120  Treasured Women These women also hovered between the earthly and heavenly worlds. Rituals are still prepared for Kōraibaba in Mikawachi, where some understand her as a deity.45 Women’s multiple identities were demonstrated through their actions and their words, and also in their bodies. Jissen’s monument to his great-grandmother, for example, emphasised several corporeal and affective elements reflective of her multiple aspects of identity: Always laughing heartily, great-grandmother was a beautiful woman with particularly good-looking eyebrows and long, earlobes reaching to her shoulders, with noticeable pierced holes. 46 The reference to such features on a textual site of limited space and concentrated focus suggests that Hyakubasen’s Joseon identity was a key part of how the family wanted her remembered. Nomura Ikuyo suggests that, as Japanese women plucked their eyebrows, Hyakubasen might have appeared memorably distinct in Japan. Certainly, such a discernibly exotic and Buddhist appearance, as Nomura has suggested, may have aimed to contribute to the prestige of the family’s unique identity.47 Modern memorialisation of Hyakubasen also connects to her Joseon-born identity. The Sairei-byō on Kannon Hill, close to the Hōon Temple, once served as a festival shrine for Korean ancestors until local officials banned these commemorations in the nineteenth century but is now linked in local signage and pamphlets with Hyakubasen.48 Women were depicted in the historical records as inhabiting multiple cultural identities in their memorialised forms, as capable of embodying the past, present, and future of their families. Women’s important narrative role in such history and identity-making for families continued in death as well as in life. These women physically and textually represented elements of family continuity as both their bodies and textual memories were transferred between locations. For example, the family’s genealogy records a death date for Hachizō’s wife in Kanbun 10/1670. However, the Takatori Family Record offers her death date as Enpō 1/1673, while Shirato’s death and a subsequent ceremony are recorded in the death register of Seinen Temple near Tsuzumi as occurring in ‘Enpō 2, the year of the rabbit’/either 1674 or 1675. A grave marking the wife of Hachizō is located in Nakamura. Maske proposes that the family may have created multiple grave sites and observed funeral ceremonies in several locations, associated with the branch of the family that had moved with her to Tsuzumi and also at the site where her husband had been buried.49 Texts made Shirato live and die at multiple times and places, each important to the family’s sense of itself and its sense of her as a wife and as a progenitor of the family’s production base at Tsuzumi. Hyakubasen is also memorialised by the Fukaumi family not only through Jissen’s monument at Hōon Temple, but in another site in stone, a grave site in Izumiyama-Kamikohira kyodo cemetery. The stone, engraved with ‘First generation—Fukaumi Hyakubasen’, appears to be from the nineteenth century and now forms part of an assemblage of stone plinths for the first six generations of the family50 (Figure 5.3).

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Figure 5.3  The Hyakubasen grave site in the Izumiyama-Kamikohira kyodo cemetery, Arita.

A further feature that these Joseon-born women shared in the texts was their activities and status as mothers, progenitors of dynastic bloodlines linked to Joseon. Each was noted to have had children, more specifically sons. Even where the father of their children was noted as Japanese, these women’s reproductive labour and dynastic achievement in producing sons ensured Joseon bloodlines and heritage for each of these specific ceramic productions. This was important in a context in which Joseon skills and knowledge had at various stages provided priority access to manufacturing resources and been held in high regard by daimyōs who were prepared to offer generous allowances and to recognise potters as high-status members of local domains.51 These women’s production of heirs offered in the long term a critical point of difference and identity in an increasingly crowded and competitive Japanese ceramic market over this period. Additionally, each woman was represented as enjoying noteworthy longevity. Hyakubasen was recorded on Jissen’s monument as passing away ‘on the 10th day of the 3rd month in the 2nd year of Meireki [1656] at the age of 96’. Nakazato Ei was framed as a community stalwart of great age, and, like Hyakubasen, as a grandmother figure. Ei was recorded as having died in 1672, an age that would have made her extremely long-lived (both Sung-Hwan No and I Soryeong suggests she was then 106), having established a new industry in the region with her son, and maintained by a long line of descendants.52 This long-lived vitality may have been, like Hyakubasen’s long earlobes, a sign of these women’s adherence to Buddhist practices. The Bunsei 3/1820 Takatori Family Record specifically noted

122  Treasured Women that Shirato ‘died during the Enpō era (1673−80) so she was blessed with a long life’, although it observed that ‘her age [at death] is uncertain’. 53 All of the possible death dates suggested for her would imply considerable longevity, just as did the narratives of Hyakubasen monument and of Nakazato Ei. The long lives of these women mattered to their narratives because these women were vital anchors within families in a highly volatile period—they were foundational members of family lines, representatives of its transformation, and figures of stability within it at the same time. Moreover, as individuals, such women helped assert their family’s place in particular ceramic historiographies. Hyakubasen, for example, was central to the monument text that her great-grandson Jissen created. Indeed, he explicitly tied the erection of the monument to her. On the side of the stone plinth was written, ‘This monument has been erected by Jissen, great-grandson of Sōden at the commemoration of the 50th year of Hyakubasen’s death’. However, there were other reasons why Fukaumi family members might also have felt that such a shrine was required at that time. In the decades just before the commission of the monument, the early history of Arita pottery and of its leading dynasties of producers was beginning to be written in textual and in material form. The desire of the Fukaumi family, or perhaps Jissen specifically, the desire to mark the fortunes of their ancestors, may have been prompted by the history-making work conducted by the Shinto Tōzan (Sueyama) Shrine in Arita, rich with porcelain decorative elements. This shrine had been dedicated to the Emperor Ōjin, Nabeshima Naoshige, and the Joseon-born potter known as Kanegae Sanbee, who was said to have died the year before Hyakubasen. Komiya Kiyora has argued that such foundation narratives were shaped to assert long-held connections to regions and ruling families, in order to secure financial support.54 Jissen may have been spurred by the desire to stake his own family’s claim to participation in the foundations of the industry at Arita, at a time when narratives were being made material. Hyakubasen represented the key ancestor who marked the transition of the family’s production to Hiekoba. Finally, the presence of Joseon wives such as Hyakubasen and Takatori Shirato may have also been important in suggesting how these families had arrived in Japan during the period of the invasions. Some texts avoided clarity on this point. As noted earlier, the Hyakubasen monument focused upon the appreciation of Joseon ceramic skills rather than the specific context in which they had arrived, voluntarily or otherwise. However, this matter was pertinent for some in the context of ongoing allowances that families could receive, if they could argue that they had been sponsored to work in Japan by a daimyō. Outside of a temporary disruption in the 1620s, for example, the Takatori potters had generally enjoyed high status, generous stipends, and the personal attention and interest of successive Kuroda lords. However, in the 1770s, several of the leading families saw their rank as members of the warrior class, and associated rights, reduced.55 Maske argues that establishing their long-held loyalty and status at this time was an impetus for Takatori Tadasaku to compile the Takatori Family Record in 1781,

Treasured Women 123 and may have also prompted the Domain Office Record first produced in 1779.56 These records clarified, or constructed, an origin story for the Joseon potters, in which the presence of women was particularly important. Although Kaibara Ekken’s account made from discussions in the 1680s had already mentioned Shinkurō’s daughter who was Hachizō’s wife, the Domain Office Record of Bunsei 3/1820 elaborated in ways that suggest a new meaning could be attached to the presence of such women. The Takatori family began at the time of Lord Hideyoshi’s Korean campaigns. In the district near the camp of Lord Josui and Lord Nagamasa was a place called Ido, where ceramics were made. Among the several households of potters was a skilled artisan named Palsan who behaved very properly while within the camp. When the forces were returning home, he felt great affection for the two lords because of their kindness to him, and petitioned to accompany Kiriyama Jōemon, one of Gotō Matabei’s men [to Japan]. Permission was granted and he was taken along. The record then introduced an important additional text in smaller font, perhaps added later or in the manner of a footnote: One view holds that many of the Koreans were taken as captives, and there is a tradition that the man described above was one of them. However, because of the information that his wife and child were brought as well, it is thought best to adhere to the account above. The main account then continued, with a further clarification of the key Joseon individuals involved: There was a potter who later changed his name to Shinkurō, who was brought to Japan by the lord of Higo, Katō Kiyomasa. This man’s daughter was married to Hachizō, and Hachizō, his wife, and child came together to Japan. Shinkurō longed to come to our province as well [, so he came] and made pottery with Hachizō, dying soon after.57 This extended discussion suggested that the presence of the wives and families of these men was evidence that they had not been captured or captive in Japan but had instead moved as a family unit of their own volition, and with promises of protection and reward from Japanese lords. Conclusions The presence of Joseon women in historical texts about Japanese ceramic manufacture in written and material form was significant. Their appearance in narratives followed patterns that suggest the presence of women could give particular

124  Treasured Women meaning to these early histories of disruption, transformation, and eventual success in the establishment of new pottery industries and forms. In some contexts, the presence of Joseon wives also suggested a planned arrival in Japan, accepting an invitation extended by their daimyō hosts. Joseon women anchored these texts, just as they anchored families as they moved through these challenging phases. They were generative figures, certainly in their role as mothers who provided Joseon bloodlines, knowledge, and skills to these ceramic businesses, but not only so. Their status as widows was key because it was in that role that they helped to ensure the transfer of skills between one generation of the male dynastic line to another. They could also be depicted as entrepreneurial agents willing to make major changes to their workshops in search of new and better opportunities for their families, and moreover being successful in doing so. Frequently, their presence in texts coincided also with a physical move to a new location, in which they marked a connection from one site in Japan to another, as well as from Joseon to Japan. In such contexts, remarkable longevity enabled each woman to act as both a foundational and a transformational presence across generations, oceans, and ceramic production sites.

Notes 1 萬了妙泰道婆塔 曾妣不知姓、高麗深海人、文祿初、本朝攻高麗、帰菏後藤家信頗命曾大孝妣、諗 廣福別宗、従来仍在門前、盖有年矣、信公命 已能之幸得蒙恩、賜內田、剏一開 陶器地、自作茗盌香鑪、乃棒信公并別宗和尚、到今寺僧謂之新太郎燒。元和四年 十月廿九日歿、法号天室宗傳。曾妣訓子女得母道、而後捨內田、来稗古場、黑髮山 秀白玉堆、以為天賜陶地、由是家居高麗人等悉頼爾、以明曆二年三曰十日、卒壽 九十六、呵淑容嶷狀揚且顏耳垂肩有充璫迹、慈孫尊德常称百婆仙、惟曾公婆宲 （（實ニ同シ））是皿始者也。祖父平左エ門法名宗海、以業大振家聲、生二男七 女。伯父宗光生男投廣福薙落、先考湛丘生三男、許仙与季皈佛、中子力家事、外曾 孫三子為僧、不是先祖善因所致乎。仙攣緇索來裔、立石浮屠伊基之次、迺記二三 口實、伏願障雲忽盡、心月圓明遠垂慈陰孫業繁榮。 宝永二乙酉天三月十日 茲丁五十年 祐德祠法比丘絶玄實仙敬白 Nomura Ikuyo, ‘The Context of Korean Woman Ceramist Baek Pa-sun’s Career in Japan,’ 여성과 역사 (Women and History), 27 (2017): 23–42, here 28–9. The monument’s inscription, now too worn to be read on the physical surface, is known by a transcription in Memoirs of the Battle Victories of the Gotō Clan (後藤家御戦功記), within the Takeo-Nabeshima Clan Historical Documents Catalogue (武雄鍋島家歴史資料 目録 :続編), in the Takeo-city Library Historical Documents Museum (武雄市図書 館・歴史資料館), Shelf mark: 目録番号B-20(-2). A transcription with slight variations was earlier published in 中鳥浩氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History), (肥前陶磁史考刊行会, 1936, reprinted Tokyo: Seichosha, 1985), p. 142, Korean translation in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본의 조선 여성 도공 백파선 (Baik, Pa-Seon, a Korean female potter in Japan), 日語日文學研究 (Journal of Japanese Language and Literature), 112 (2020): 291–316, here 305–6. I have previously studied Hyakubasen’s monument from the perspective of narrative constructions of family in ‘Shaping family identity among Korean migrant potters in Japan during the Tokugawa period’, in Keeping Family in an Age of Long-Distance Trade, Imperial

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Expansion, and Exile, 1550−1850 (ed.) Heather Dalton (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), pp. 29–56. It should be noted that in modern signage at the temple, erected March 1999 (Heisei 11), Jissen’s name is written with modernised characters that give a pronunciation of Sousen. However, in this text, I have followed the view of Arita Folk and History Museum curator Ms Yōko Osaki, on the likely original character pronunciation, which gives Jissen. Bessō appears to have attended Gotō while on campaign in Korea. 中鳥浩氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History), p. 137. Nomura considers in detail whether the family were potters before or only after they left the Joseon kingdom, ‘The Context of Korean Woman Ceramist Baek Pa-sun’s Career in Japan’, pp. 19–22. See 圭室文雄 (Tamamuro Fumio), (trans.) Holly Sanders, ‘Local Society and the Temple–Parishioner Relationship within the Bakufu’s Governance Structure’, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 28, 3/4 (2001): 261–92, on such naming practices, 271–3. Explanation on the signboard next to the monument. A family tree is provided in中鳥浩 氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History). Morgan Pitelka, ‘Inventing Early Modern Identity; The Birth of the Raku House’, in his Handmade Culture: Raku potters, Patrons and Tea Practitioners in Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), pp. 69–88; David Spafford, ‘The Language and Contours of Familial Obligation in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Japan’, and Pitelka, ‘Name and Fame: Material Objects as Authority, Security, and Legacy’, in What Is a Family? Answers from Early Modern Japan (eds.) Mary Elizabeth Berry and Marcia Yonemoto (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019), pp. 23–46, 109–25. Pitelka, Handmade Culture and Andrew L. Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan: Takatori Ware and the Kuroda Domain (Abingdon: Ashgate, 2011). Bong, Ha Woo (trans.) Grace Koh with James B. Lewis, ‘War and Cultural Exchange’, in The East Asian War, 1592–1598: International Relations, Violence and Memory (ed.) James B. Lewis (London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 323–3; Nam-lin Hur, ‘Korean Tea Bowls (Kōrai chawan) and Japanese Wabicha: A Story of Acculturation in Premodern Northeast Asia’, Korean Studies, 39 (2015): 1–22; 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 조선 피 로인이 일본 시코쿠에 전승한 한국 문화 (Korean culture transferred to Shikoku by Korean captives) (Seoul: Minsogwon, 2018). On potters specifically, 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자기 문화임 진왜란 당시 납치된 조선인 도공 이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War), 역사 비평 (Critical Review of History), 11 (2008): 168–201; 이미숙 (Lee, Mi-Sook), 400 년전의 도자기전쟁:임진왜란과 조선사기장 (Pottery War Four Centuries Ago: Korean Master Potters) (Seoul: Myeonggyeongsa, 2013); 이미숙 (Lee, Mi-Suk), 16 세기 被虜沙器匠의 출신지 연구 (A Study of Captive Potters Taken to Japan in the 16th Century), 인문과학연구 (Humanities Research), 33 (2012): 323–41; 魯成煥 / 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 규슈의 조선도공 (Joseon Potters in Kyushu, Japan) (Seoul: Bangmunsa, 2020) 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자기 문화임진왜란 당시 납치된 조 선인 도공 이야기 (이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War). See Louise Cort, ‘The Grant Kitano Tea Gathering’, Chanoyu Quarterly, 31 (1982): 15–44; Morgan Pitelka, Spectacular Accumulation: Material Culture, Tokugawa Ieyasu, and Samurai Sociability (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press, 2016). Beatrice M. Bodart, ‘Tea and Counsel. The Political Role of Sen Rikyū’, Monumenta Nipponica, 32, 1 (1977): 49–74; Seizō Hayashiya, ‘The Korean Teabowl’, Chanoyu

126  Treasured Women

12

1 3 14

15

16 17

18

19

Quarterly, 18 (1977): 28–46; Jon Carter Covell, ‘Japan’s Deification of Korean Ceramics’, 19, 5 Korean Journal, (1979): 19–26; Dennis Hirota, ‘Memoranda of the Words of Rikyū Nampōroku Book I’, Chanoyu Quarterly 25 (1980): 31–48; Murai Yasuhiko, ‘Furuta Oribe’, Chanoyu Quarterly 42 (1985): 24–48. Kumakura Isao (trans.) Paul Varley, ‘Sen no Rikyū: Inquiries into His Life and Tea’, Theodore Ludwig, ‘Chanoyu and Momoyama: Conflict and Transformation in Rikyū’s Art’, Haga Kōshirō (trans. and adapted) Martin Collcutt, ‘The Wabi Aesthetic and Its Historical Development’, in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu, (eds.) Paul Varley and Kumakura Isao (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1989), pp. 33–69, 71–100, 195–230; Herbert Plutschow, Rediscovering Rikyu and the Beginnings of the Japanese Tea Ceremony (Leiden: Brill/Global Oriental, 2003); Charley Iten, Zur Töpferkunst der von Sen no Rikyū und Furuta Oribe Geschätzten Brennöfen (PhD thesis, Universität Zürich, 2004); Hur, ‘Korean Tea Bowls’. See Pitelka, Handmade Culture, Chapter 1 on the historiographies developed around Rikyū and the development of raku specifically in late sixteenth-century Japan. 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자기 문화임진왜란 당시 납치 된 조선인 도공 이야기 (이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War), p. 171; Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 60, fn 82. Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, pp. 9 and 26. 朝鮮に滞陣中に腕ぎきの細工人を碓認したならば帰陣の折に同道するように. 1593, November 29. 林屋時三 (Nagatake Takeshi) and 楢崎彰一 (Narasaki Shōichi), 日本やきもの集成 12: 九州II 沖縄 (Japanese Ceramics: Kyushu II Okinawa) vol. 2 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1982), p. 86; Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 55, fn. 6. 熊被仰出候、朝鮮人捕置候内、細工仕者并ぬいくわん、手のきゝ候女、於有之を可 進上候、可被召仕御用候、家中相改可越申候也. 西日本文化協会 (Nishi Nihon bunka kyōkai) (ed.), 柳川藩初期: 福岡県史 (The Early Period of the Yanagawa Domain: Fukuoka Prefectural History) (Fukuoka-city: Fukuoka Prefecture, 1989), p. 411; Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 55, fn. 6; 이미숙 (Lee, Mi-Sook), 조 선사기장 李參平의 피납과정과 활동에 관한 연구 (Study of the Kidnapping Process and Performance of Sampeong Yi (A Joseon Potter)), 인문과학연구 (Humanities Research), 26 (2010): 227–48, here 230. See, for example, the recent study by Maske, which analyses the work of Korean potters brought to Chikuzen by the Kuroda lords to produce Takatori ware, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan. 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 나에시로가와의 조선도공 마을에 관한 일고찰 (A Study of the Korean potters’ village in Naeshirogawa), 일어일문학 (The Japanese Language and Literature Association of Daehan), 35 (2007): 331–46; 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자기 문화임진왜란 당시 납치된 조선인 도공 이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The Story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War). See accounts from the 1780s by physician and scholar Tachibana Nankei who visited Noshiroko and scholar Furukawa Koshoken, in Herbert Plutschow, A Reader in Edo Period Travel (Leiden: Global Oriental, 2006), pp. 75–123, and the 1887 visit of the British diplomat and Japanologist Ernest Satow, described in his ‘The Korean Potters in Satsuma’, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 6, 2 (1878) (republished Tokyo: The Hakubunsha, 1889): 193–203, here 201. P.L.W. Arts, Japanese Porcelain: A Collector’s Guide to General Aspects and Decorative Motifs (Lochem-Poperinge: DeTijdstroom, 1983), p. 73; 李素玲 / 이소령 (I Soryeong), 秀吉の朝鮮侵略と二人の女性陶工: 高麗媼と百婆仙 (Hideyoshi’s Korean Invasion and Two Female Potters: Kōraibaba and Hyakubasen), 歴史地理教育 (History, Geography, Education), 838 (2015): 68–73, here 69.

Treasured Women 127 20 Johanna Becker, Karatsu Ware: A Tradition of Diversity (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1986), p. 21. 21 ‘Het overtreft in fijnheit dat van Japan, en werd meest door de Vrouwen gemaekt, Nicolaes Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, vol. 1 (Amsterdam: François Halma, 1705), p. 59; translation by Jean-Paul Buys in Hamel’s World: A Dutch-Korean Encounter in the Seventeenth Century (eds.) Vibeke Roeper and Boudewijn Walraven (Amsterdam: SUN, 2003), p. 190. 22 See, for example, Pitelka, Handmade Culture, pp. 8, 81, on the wider groups involved in contemporary Raku workshops. 23 See commentary by Yoko Ozaki, 尾﨑葉子、有田焼400年を支えてきたおんな たち (Women who have supported 400 years of Arita porcelain), 季刊皿山 (Sarayama Quarterly), 108 (2015) : 女性たちは呉須を摺る作業やワクスイカケ（釉薬か け）、登り窯で使用する薪の皮を剥ぐ作業など、 それぞれの分野で仕事を行ってい ます。Cited in Nomura Ikuyo, ‘The Context of Korean Woman Ceramist Baek Pa-sun’s Career in Japan’, pp. 34–5. 24 Nomura Ikuyo, ‘The Context of Korean Woman Ceramist Baek Pa-sun’s Career in Japan’, p. 36. 25 Ibid., p. 37. 26 中鳥浩氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History), pp. 142, 153. 27 Becker, Karatsu Ware, p. 24. 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자 기 문화임진왜란 당시 납치된 조선인 도공 이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The Story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War). 28 Becker, Karatsu Ware, p. 22; Sung Jae Koh, ‘The Place of the Pottery and Porcelain Industry in East Asian History’, Journal of Korean Studies, 1, 1 (1969): 143–171, here 155. 29 中鳥浩氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History), pp. 143–52; Becker, Karatsu Ware, p. 25; 구태훈 (Khoo, Tae hoon), 일본에서 꽃핀 조선의 도자기 문화임진왜란 당시 납치된 조선인 도공 이야기 (이야기 (The Blossoming of Joseon Pottery Culture in Japan: The Story of the Korean Potters Abducted to Japan in the Imjin War). 3 0 1622 년(元和8) 가라츠의 시이노미네(椎ノ嶺)에서 에이도 마가와치의 나가 하야마(長葉山)에 이주하여 요업을 시작하였다. 에이는 웅천사람으로 거관과 동시 에 귀화하여 나카노의 도공이었으나, 훗날 나카자토 무에몬와 혼인하여 가라츠 시이 노미 네에 이주하였다. 1613년(慶長18)에 아들을 낳았으나, 무에몬이 이어서 죽자 아들에 게 습명(襲名)케 하였을 때 에이의 나이는 56세, 아들 무에몬은 10살이었다. 에이는 고 려계통의 검은 그릇을 만드는 기예가 뛰어났다 한다. 元和 8 壬戌(1622)條, 佐藤獨嘯 (Sato Dokusho), 平戸焼沿革一覧 (Summary of the History of Hirado Ware) (Matsura Clan Family Library: Rakushido, 1918) cited in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일 본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), 日本言語 文化 (Journal of Japanese Language and Culture), 24 (2013): 465–86, 469. See also 김문길 (Kim Mun-gil), 임진왜란은 문화전쟁이다: 빼앗긴 문화유산을 찾아서  (Imjin War as a Cultural War: Finding Lost and Stolen Cultural Heritage) (Seoul: Hyean, 1995), pp. 212–23; 황정덕 (Hwang Jeongdeok), 도진순 (Do Jinsun), 이윤 상 (I Yunsang), 임진왜란과 히라도 미키와치 사기장 : 세계적 보물을 밎은 피랍 조선 사기장을 찾아서 (Imjin War and Hirado Mikawachi Porcelain) (Seoul: Northeast Asian History Foundation, 2010), pp. 55–65, here 56. Previous references to this individual include 中鳥浩氣 (Nakashima Hiroki), 肥前陶磁史考 (Examination of Hizen Porcelain History), pp. 218–9; Becker, Karatsu ware, pp. 27, 29; 이소령 (I Soryeong), 秀吉の朝鮮侵略と二人の女性陶工: 高麗媼と百婆仙 (Hideyoshi’s

128  Treasured Women Korean Invasion and Two Female Potters: Kōraibaba and Hyakubasen). There is particular confusion as to her place of birth, since different records suggest Busan and Ungcheon. 31 ‘고라이 바바(高麗媼)’이라고 했다. 佐藤獨嘯, 寬文 12 壬子(1672) 條 “고라이 바바(高 麗媼)” in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선 여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), p. 475. 32 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), pp. 468–9; 황정덕 (Hwang Jeongdeok), 도진순 (Do Jinsun), 이윤상 (I Yunsang), 임진왜란과 히라도 미키와치 사기장 (Imjin War and Hirado Mikawachi Porcelain), p. 56; 이소령 (I Soryeong), 秀吉の朝鮮侵略と二人の女性陶工: 高麗媼と百婆仙 (Hideyoshi’s Korean Invasion and Two Female Potters: Kōraibaba and Hyakubasen), p. 70. 33 장부를 능가하는 호기와 기개가 있었다. 언제나 도예연구를 게을리 하지 않았 고, 늘 자제들을 격려했다. 佐藤獨嘯, 앞의 책 寬文 12 壬子(1672)條 in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), p. 475. 34 佐藤獨嘯, 앞의 책, 寬文 4 甲辰(1664)條 in Ibid. 35 This name is listed in the death registry at Seinen-ji, cited in Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 56 fn. 27. 36 Ibid., pp. 54, 195–7. 37 Although Maske debates the likelihood that Shinkurō and Hachizō were indeed connected through marriage (Ibid., p. 22), my analysis examines the role that this woman’s presence performs for the text. 38 Chikuzen no kuni zoku fudoki (Tokyo: Meichō shuppan, 1977), pp. 656−7, translation in Ibid., p. 16 and on Kaibara Ekken’s visit occurring in the 1680s, Ibid., p. 21. 39 井土新九郎と云者有。是も八山と同里に住し、瓷器を業とせし者也。同時加藤清 政公に随ひ肥後国に渡海し後国君御招に依鷹取山に来りしに、月俸白銀給り八 蔵と同しく茶器等を製せし由也。此新九郎八蔵か妻乃父也。然れ共墓所等も不 分明。同人妻ハ鼓村に引越しの後、延宝年中死せし由長寿成しや。墓所抔鼓 村に有。年数不審。 高取靜山 (Takatori Seizan) (ed.), 高取家文書 (Takatori Family Documents) (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1979), p. 184. Translation in Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 19. 40 Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 18, and p. 56, fn. 22. 副島邦 弘 (Soejima Kunihiro), 飯塚市幸袋高取家墓所出土の遺物について (Artefacts excavated from Kobukuro Takatori Family Cemetery in Iizuka City) in 内磯篜跡: 福岡 県直方市大字頓野字二/瀬所在近世陶器窯跡発掘調查報告書 (Excavation Survey Report on Early-Modern Pottery Kiln Sites) (直方市文化財調查報告書第4集) (Nogata-city: Nogata City Board of Education, 1982), pp. 203–16, here 206–7. 41 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선 여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), p. 483. 42 See endnote 39. 43 Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 63, fn. 124. 44 「せばずこのをくべし。にせばこのにまり、をすべし、 もしにせば我魂朝鮮に帰るべ し」cited in 이소령 (I Soryeong), 秀吉の朝鮮侵略と二人の女性陶工: 高麗媼と百婆 仙 (Hideyoshi’s Korean Invasion and Two Female Potters: Kōraibaba and Hyakubasen), p. 71. 내가 죽으면 반드시 이 사당을 불태워라. 연기가 땅에 머무르면 나의 혼이 이곳에 머물며 도업(陶業)을 보호하고, 만약 연기가 하늘로 올라가면 내 혼이조선으로 돌아가는 것이다.

Treasured Women 129 寬文 12 壬子 (1672) 條 and 내가 죽으면 이 사당을 불태워라. 연기가 하늘로 올라가 조 선이 있는 쪽으로 간다면 이 제사는 그만두고, 새로이 산신을 모시는 사당을 세우고 제사를 지내거라. 만일 연기가 올라가지 않고 땅에 머물다가 사라지면 영원히 이사당에 제사를 지 내거라. 佐藤獨嘯, 앞의 책 寬 12 壬子(1672) 條 in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가 사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), p. 476. 45 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), pp. 476–7. 46 No suggests that the reference to pierced ears may be a sign that she was of elite status (pp. 310–2), or perhaps she was later imagined to be. 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본의 조선 여성 도공 백파선 (Baik, Pa-Seon, a Korean female potter in Japan). 47 Nomura Ikuyo, ‘The Context of Korean Woman Ceramist Baek Pa-sun’s Career in Japan’, pp. 33–4. Interestingly, O Huimun describes captured women being made to emphasise their eyebrows by their Japanese captors. 또 들으니 왜적이 영남 사녀 (士女) 중에 그 얼굴이 고운 자를 뽑아서 배 다섯 채에 실어 먼저 저희들 나라로 보내서 머리를 빗고 분 바르고 눈썹을 칠하게 하고, 만일 그렇지 않으 면 문득 노하기 때문에 모두 죽음을 두려워하여 억지로 따른다고 한다. 오희문 / 吳希文 (O Huimun), 쇠미록 (ed.) 이민수 (I Minsu), vol. 1 (E book: Oljae Foundation, 2012), p. 45. Michael J. Pettid, ‘Fashioning Womanly Confucian Virtue: The Virtuous Woman in Post-war Literary Discourse’, in The East Asian War, 1592–1598: International Relations, Violence, and Memory, (ed.) James B. Lewis (London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 357–77, here 369. 48 Kannon Hill was designated a Town Historic Site on 10 March 1965. Signage at Kannon Hill, at Hōon Temple and communication with Remco Vrolijk and Yōko Osaki. 49 Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 56, fn. 27. 50 My thanks to Remco Vrolijk and Yōko Osaki for their advice about this site. 51 There are further examples of Japanese ceramic dynasty histories of this period asserting Joseon origins. See for example, 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 하기의 조선도공 사 에키가에 관한 일고찰 (A Study of the Joseon Potter Saeki Family in Hagi, Japan), 日本 學硏究 (The Journal of Japanese Studies), 59 (2020): 7–22. 52 佐藤獨嘯, 앞의 책 寬文 12 壬子(1672) 條 in 노성환 (No, Sung-Hwan), 일본 나가 사키현 미가와치 부산신사의 신이 된 조선여인 (A Joseon Woman Became a Goddess of Busan Shrine of Mikawachi, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan), p. 475; 이소령 (I Soryeong), 秀吉の朝鮮侵略と二人の女性陶工: 高麗媼と百婆仙 (Hideyoshi’s Korean Invasion and Two Female Potters: Kōraibaba and Hyakubasen), p. 71. 53 See endnote 39. The importance of documenting the transfer of ashes from the site of the living to other locations, and the documentation of where husbands and wives were buried is similarly attested in the Takatori Family Record, for example, for the next generation of the family. See Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, p. 50. 54 小宮木代良 (Komiya Kiyora),「陶祖」言説の歴史的前提 (The Historical Premise for the ‘Ceramic Founders’ Discourse) in 日朝交流と相克の歴史 (eds.) 北島万次 (Kitajima Manji) et al (Tokyo: Azekura Shobo, 2009), pp. 363–81; 小宮木代良 (Komiya Kiyora), 「陶祖」言説の成立と展開 (The Origins and Expansion of the ‘Ceramic Founders’ Discourse), 九州史学 (Kyushu History), 153 (2009): 49–74. 55 Maske, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan, pp. 75–7. 56 Ibid., pp. 17 and 76. 57 右五人御家高取陶造り家職也。高取之姓ハ 秀吉公朝鮮御征伐之時 如水公長政 公之御陣所近郷井土と申所陶工ヲ産業として罷在候数家之内、壱人八山と号す る良工有、御在陣之内御制度御正敷御座被成候付、御帰陣之節両君ヲ奉慕御恩 徳ヲ御供之儀、後藤又兵衛家人桐山常右衛門江手寄奉願、則御許容有之被召 連(ー説に朝鮮人多く擒と成右之者も其内也と云説有併妻子迄召連候趣と相聞江

130  Treasured Women 候ニ付本文之通可成と被考候事)。以後於御国可然所柄を撰ひ井土焼物を仕立候 様被 仰付、御国内にして地土藥石ヲ撰ひ出し、手塚水雪居城高取山の麓ニ 初て陶 工を始む。其後朝鮮よりも土薬を取寄て製之。竃道具等に今其余風を不改、唐 音ニて唱る所数々有之。此巳後高取を在名に唱へ、名を八蔵と改七十人扶持を被 下寺社格迄相成候。今壱人(後に新九郎と改名)陶工肥後城主加藤清政公之手よ り日本へ陶工肥後城主加藤清政公之手より日本へ渡海致し侯。 右新九郎か姉八 蔵に嫁して八蔵妻子共御国に来候付、新九郎も又御国へ慕来り、陶工を八蔵と同し く製作し無 程新九郎ハ歿ス。慶長十九年鷹取を転して鞍手郡 ノ内、内ケ磯ニて製 作す。高取靜山 (Takatori Seizan) (ed.) 高取家文書 (Takatori Family Documents), pp. 237–8. Translation in Ibid., p. 16.

6

Silent Women

This chapter explores a series of related accounts that described the activities and roles of women in Joseon society, through the eyes of crew of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) vessel, Sperwer (Sparrow Hawk). In August 1653, during the fourth year of King Hyojong’s reign, the Sperwer was shipwrecked off Jeju Island, en route from Formosa (Taiwan) to Deshima (in the Bay of Nagasaki, Japan). Thirty-six men, just over half the crew, were first interned on Jeju, travelling to meet Hyojong at the royal court in the capital where they spent three years in royal military service, and on to Jeolla province for their remaining years. During their time in Korea, 20 of the men died. However, after 13 years, 8 of them managed a successful escape, arriving in Nagasaki on 14 September 1666/Hyeonjong 7. Two years later, seven of the eight further crew members who wished to leave were released. Travelling via Deshima and then Batavia, all 15 had returned home to the Netherlands by July 1670. The story of the men’s experiences in the Joseon kingdom was recorded in both Joseon and European sources.1 The first European account was accredited to the Sperwer’s bookkeeper Hendrick Hamel who responded to questions about both the kingdom and the crew’s collective experiences first for the Governor of Nagasaki upon the arrival of the first group in Japan. He then delivered a fuller report for the VOC Governor General Joan Maetsuijcker and the Council of the Indies.2 In the years to follow, the stories of the crew filtered through a range of European publications. Versions of their plight based on Hamel’s account were first published in the 1668 Journael, Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie (The Account of an Unlucky Voyage). Some editions were accompanied by illustrative woodcuts that imaginatively depicted the world of the Joseon kingdom that few had ever penetrated.3 Five editions from three different Dutch publishers were published within two years. French, German, and English translations followed.4 A further narrative of the group’s experiences—incorporating oral statements by two other survivors, Sperwer’s cabin boy Benedictus Klerck and the junior surgeon Mattheus Eibokken, somewhat muddled with information from Hamel’s account—was presented in the broad-ranging, early eighteenth-century study of Eastern cultures, Noord en Oost Tartarye (North and East Tartary), produced by Nicolaes Witsen and published in the second edition of 1705.5 Witsen was a man of wide-ranging scientific DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-7

132  Silent Women and ethnographic interests as well as mayor of Amsterdam and an administrator of the Dutch East India Company, the latter position giving him privileged access to information and artefacts about cultures worldwide.6 The group’s story quickly became embellished to engage new readerships as it circulated in print back in Europe. A key focus for the original account made by Hamel, and reflected in the information that it presented, was the Dutch East India Company’s opportunity for trade with the hermit kingdom. Through their residence in Japan since the beginning of the seventeenth century, officials of the Company were aware of the Joseon kingdom. The very recent conflict between Japan and Joseon had brought many Joseon-born individual into contact with Europeans resident in Japan, as Chapter 3 has explored in the context of Catholic missionaries. Similarly, Jacques Specx, the first Dutch Chief Merchant in Japan, had proposed to the administrative board of the Company in Amsterdam, the Heeren, in 1610 that trade with Joseon might be possible, and further Company men raised the prospect of commercial potential with Joseon in their reports.7 The return of the Sperwer survivors renewed attention to such opportunities. The first men who returned to the Netherlands attended a Company board meeting in August 1668, where they proposed from their experiences that the Dutch-made textile, laken, might well be suitable for trade in Korea. As Hoetink has suggested, enthusiasm in the Netherlands was perhaps reflected in the naming of the Zeeland Chamber’s jacht Corea in 1669.8 The Heeren asked the Governor General in Batavia to investigate further. Daniël Six, the opperhoofd (head) of the Deshima outpost, was duly contacted, but his response was discouraging and his survey of Japanese contemporaries offered little impetus to see the Company open trade with Korea.9 The trade suggestions of the Sperwer’s crew were not pursued further by the Company. This left these accounts as representatives of an isolated event. Nonetheless, the information produced by Sperwer crew constituted one of few insights into Joseon society produced by Europeans at this period that was not motivated by the Catholic mission or reflective of its experiences. A tone of judgement about Joseon society necessarily shaped texts that were designed to respond to interest not only in the kingdom’s wares for potential trade but also its society’s needs and its suitability as a stable trading partner for the Company. To understand this required a comprehensive account of Joseon’s political structure and alliances, its military capabilities, its social, legal, and administrative systems and its agricultural, technological, and other resources as well as an understanding of its cultural world. Jeong-Gu Kang and Jihie Moon have argued that the men who composed the Sperwer texts, just as did their Joseon counterparts, aimed to assert their cultural superiority over these other worldviews that they were encountering.10 Hamel and his Western contemporaries drew wider conclusions about Joseon people that aimed to place them in a European-constructed hierarchy of nations with which they were familiar in the Asian region. These texts were also narratives that were crafted within the contemporary conventions of their genres. Literary scholars such as Hangsung Jeon have given particular attention to Hamel’s work, with its strong underlying narrative of the

Silent Women 133 eventual triumph of freedom, and characterisation of the author as an individual whose personal experiences and feelings provided nuance and detail, while also presenting as part of a collective European ‘we’.11 However, there has been little assessment of the important gendered dimensions of these texts.12 Significantly, the crews’ assessments of the superiority and subordination of countries and peoples were conceptualised in gendered terms. In presenting their analysis in this way, they followed conventions for gendered language already circulating in the Company’s texts. When, in 1637, the Chief Factor in Japan, Nicolaes Couckebacker, prepared a report at the request of Governor-General Antonio van Diemen and the Council of the Indies about the potential of Joseon for the Company, he framed what he perceived as the kingdom’s lack of engagement with the wider world as timidity and cowardice.13 These were not neutral assessments; they utilised loaded terms. Joseon’s unwillingness to interact with other nations (on the Company’s terms) was in Couckebacker’s mind, it seems, to lack the kind of masculine spirit that defined the Company and its actions. The texts of the Sperwer crew made implicit critical judgements about Joseon masculine conduct such as that of Couckebacker explicit. Pivotal to their analyses of the Joseon kingdom were their perceptions of the society’s response to the recent international violence in which the kingdom had been engaged, first through the Japanese invasions, then via conflict with the Later Jin. ‘They are as faint-hearted as women; reliable people told us about what happened a number of years ago, when their King was murdered by the Japanese, and towns and villages burned down and destroyed’, wrote Hamel, incorrectly, for King Seonjo had not been killed.14 This assessment relied on a distinctly different cultural and moral understanding of self-murder. Hamel relayed information provided by a Dutchman whom the crew had encountered in Joseon, Jan Jansz Weltevree, the survivor of a previous stranding event. ‘The Dutchman Jan Jansz Weltevree told us that when the Tartar came over the ice and occupied the country more soldiers hanged themselves in the woods, than were killed by the enemy. They do not consider committing suicide to be shameful; they pity such people, saying they did it out of necessity’.15 Witsen claimed his knowledge from Benedictus Klerck: ‘[T]he Koreans are very faint-hearted; some of them hang themselves through fright or fear, and this is not considered a disgrace there’, and from Eibokken, ‘the Koreans are very afraid of the Tartars and the Japanese, because they are very soft-hearted, so much so that if there is about to be a battle or a fight you see hundreds of men hanging themselves the day before, from fear’.16 In the eighteenth-century English translation of Witsen’s work, published in the bookseller Awnsham Churchill’s six-volume Collection of Voyages and Travels, Korean ideas about self-murder were further mis-characterised: ‘[T]hey are an effeminate people, and shew very little courage and resolution when they are put to it. […] They are not asham’d of cowardice, and lament the misfortune of those who must fight’.17 This suggestion contradicted the information presented elsewhere in the text that all the Company men in Korea had been brought into royal service as part of the King’s bodyguard where they reported the well-developed rigorous military training and intensive mock battle exercises that Hyojong insisted upon, exercises undertaken, Hamel wrote, ‘as if all

134  Silent Women the weight of the world was resting on their shoulders’.18 Although Hamel’s representation had acknowledged that self-murder held different meanings for Koreans, drawing attention to these acts contributed meaning for him in a European Christian context that suited his purpose. Gender was critical to how the Sperwer texts interpreted Joseon culture. Their authors made cultural interpretations through a gendered lens, judging the behaviours of the kingdom’s men through the ideologies and assumptions of male and female behaviour of their own society. It was in this context of asserting the superiority of his own community that these texts also examined the status of women in Joseon society, considering their capacity for agency and action. The role of women in the Sperwer texts Women played an important role in how the Sperwer’s crew understood Joseon society and judged it as a potential trading partner for the Company. In their accounts, they implicitly compared women’s lives and opportunities in Joseon to those of women in the regions of Europe from which the Sperwer crew came. While the known commentators, Hamel, Eibokken, and Klerck, were born in the Netherlands, other survivors were from Norway, Scotland, and German lands.19 What they knew of their own cultures was formed at young ages, for most of the men were only in their teens and 20s at the time of the shipwreck. Importantly, they constructed an impression of Joseon women’s lives in general terms, describing Joseon’s legal and marital systems. No individual woman was referenced by name and no personal relationships with Joseon women were suggested as formative to their knowledge. However, their records revealed that they had indeed had closer ties to Joseon women than this suggested. The Sperwer accounts indicated that at least some men married Joseon women. It was Witsen in the 1705 second edition of his work who recorded that, when the final group of men were released from Joseon, ‘children and women, whom some of them had married there, were left behind’.20 Hamel had not mentioned any relationships with local women in his documentation some 40 years earlier. As Boudewijn Walraven has proposed, ‘[i]t may well be that what Hamel had to say about women was considerably less than what he knew’.21 Hoetink has suggested that the survivors’ enthusiasm to promote a Korean trade mission in the meeting with the Heeren in Amsterdam may have been because they wished to reconnect with families left behind.22 Among the people whom the Sperwer crew met in Joseon was Dutchman Jan Jansz Weltevree, originally from De Rijp in North Holland. The crew first encountered Weltevree on Jeju Island, where he had been summoned from the royal court to serve as a translator. Weltevree, then in his late fifties, recounted how he had been in Joseon since 1627, when he had come ashore with two fellow crew to seek water, before the group became stranded. They had worked in the king’s bodyguard as military officials, although his two companions had both died fighting in the Joseon army during the Later Jin conflict of 1637.23 In Witsen’s description, he noted that Weltevree ‘had married there’.24 This is matched by similar claims in the near-contemporary Korean source of Jeong Jaeryun, the son of a family of high officials who wrote of the man he knew as Pak Yeon: ‘He

Silent Women 135 married a Korean woman who bore him a son and a daughter. It is not known whether they survived after Yeon died’.25 Another later account by Yun Haengim, who worked at the royal library, suggests that Weltevree’s descendants were enrolled on the ‘Wheel Register’ of the General Directorate for Military Training.26 Why was Hamel circumspect about the men’s relationships with Joseon women? Perhaps several of the men already had wives and families in the Netherlands or had married on their return. Hamel was recording their experiences in texts aimed at reiterating their allegiance to their community of origin, both European and Christian. Asserting their quest for freedom and reconnection with their culture of origin made a better narrative than one that revealed to Christian readers their moral failings as adulterers and/or men who had abandoned wives and children to their fate in the non-Christian society of Joseon. Critically, the careful presentation of Joseon women in these texts was also key to how these men identified themselves. For example, Hamel’s account was prepared expressly for his VOC superiors and was designed to re-integrate the crew into the Company. Hamel stayed behind in Batavia when his compatriots returned to the Netherlands, because he sought payment for 14 years’ salary as a member of the Company.27 In the end, this would prove unsuccessful; the authorities in Batavia determined that his recognition as a Company member (and therefore, wages) re-commenced from the day the men were handed over to Company officials in Deshima. When Hamel was writing his account, however, he was still hopeful of receiving a considerable payment. His account, with its emphasis on the men’s desire for escape and reconnection with the Company, would logically also avoid providing evidence that might suggest they had become integrated into Joseon society, and relationships with local women could be construed as a sign of that. Indeed, families were central to how Hamel framed their sense of their ‘fatherland’. He described how the men, when they received an audience with the king, explained that they were ‘deprived of our parents, wives, children, friends and relatives’, and requested to be returned to Japan, ‘to find our countrymen and return to our fatherland’.28 Indeed, Hamel made the Company, rather than any specific nationality, the central identity of his work. When the Governor of Nagasaki asked ‘Did we have on our ship any Christians, or any other nationality but Dutch?’ the answer that Hamel claimed to give was telling: ‘None but employees of the Company’.29 This was a clever obfuscation, since identifying themselves clearly as Christians could have deadly consequences in a period of lethal purges in Japan, but it also helped insist upon the centrality of Company over any particular nationalities. These men were not all Dutch, but they were all members of the Company.30 In this context, Hamel’s silence about the survivors’ relationship with local women was understandable, the hints of which largely emerge in Witsen’s much later account. Avoiding mention of local relationships from his account helped Hamel to show his Company readers that they had always remained Company men at heart. Consequently, the Sperwer accounts set up a distinction between those men who returned and the crew member who remained in Joseon. Indeed, relationships with Joseon women were powerful, because these texts implied their capacity to transform men. Witsen’s account suggested that the ship’s cook, Jan Claesz van

136  Silent Women Dort, had elected to stay in Korea: ‘He had married and said that there was no single hair on his body which still resembled that of a Christian or Dutchman’.31 Hamel had earlier described how, at the crew’s first encounter with Weltevree, ‘it was surprising that this man, about 57 or 58 years old, had almost forgotten his mother tongue. At first, as was said, we could hardly understand him, but within a month of mixing with us, he learned it again’.32 That Dutchmen could forget their mother tongue was also remarked upon in Witsen’s version: ‘These people had completely forgotten the customs of their native country, like greeting each other and other things like that’.33 Moreover, Hamel’s account pointedly gave thanks to God for releasing the men from what he termed ‘imprisonment, with so much sadness and perils lasting 13 years and 28 days’ or ‘from the hands of the heathens, having roamed about in great misery and sadness during 14 years and having returned to our authorities’.34 Although in many places Hamel recognised the generosity of Koreans in supporting and assisting their survival, and documented the suffering of the Joseon people alongside them in a period of severe famine, ultimately his presentation of his experiences and Joseon culture were made as these men were rejoining European society. These accounts asserted the identity of the returnees as European and Christian, made in comparison to the Joseon culture that they had left. The title page of Dutch editions of the work reinforced this idea, referring to the experiences of the men among ‘the savages’ (de Wilden).35 Women played an important role therefore not just in how the Sperwer’s crew understood Joseon society and judged it as a potential trading partner for the Company, but also in how they understood themselves. Hamel’s silence about their relationships with Joseon women in their initial texts likely reflected the interpretations later made in Witsen’s text, as relationships that reflected and held the capacity to alter their identities until they were no longer men of the Company or morally upstanding Christians. In this sense, contact with Joseon women, even reference to it, held a power to transform their perceptions of themselves and how others perceived them. The status of Joseon women Analysing Joseon women’s agency formed a significant aspect of the way that the crew of the Sperwer understood the lands and society in which they had lived for more than a decade. Depictions of women’s activities and status were important aspects of how the Sperwer crew made sense of Joseon society to their readers. Their assessments of women’s lives emphasised especially what they perceived as women’s different differentiation from men in a range of social experiences, including marriage, sexual behaviours, inheritance practices, punishments, and their access to household and public space. Their judgements about the treatment of women in Joseon society, and the gender dynamics upon which it was based, were implicitly found wanting by comparison to their own Christian and European culture. This was hardly surprising in works designed to foreground identities and communities with which these men hoped to reconnect.

Silent Women 137 The Sperwer texts emphasised how specific, key aspects of Joseon culture shaped women’s experiences. Hamel’s account, in particular, foregrounded the consequences for the status of women of a patriarchal culture that prioritised the eldest son. He noted that the ‘[e]ldest son remains in the ancestral home and keeps all that belongs to it’, while other sons were entitled to a share of other possessions, property and goods. He contrasted this with the vulnerability of Joseon women in this system: ‘We have never heard that daughters inherit anything (if there are sons), nor do wives, who keep only their clothes and what belonged to them and was brought in at their weddings’.36 This implicit theme of women’s subjugation continued in his analysis of marital rights for women and men. Hamel suggested that a ‘man may dismiss his wife even if he has already begot several children with her. Then he can take another wife. A woman has no such privilege, unless a judge has granted it to her’.37 Hamel’s account did not accurately represent the legal entitlement of at least principal wives.38 This may have been a distinction that Hamel did not perceive or one that he perhaps did not perceive operating in practice. Moreover, Hamel’s narrative made no mention, whether deliberate or through ignorance, of women’s significant employment of the system of legal petitioning, of which, as Jisoo M. Kim has studied, they could make use to voice personal and family grievances, including as married women pursuing larger family matters.39 Hamel highlighted local attitudes about men’s behaviour towards their wives and children in Joseon society in implicit comparison to Christian values. He considered how men managed relationships with and between multiple wives: A man may have as many wives as he can support and feed. […] Only one wife stays in his house and runs the household. The other women live elsewhere in separate houses. Nobility in general have two or three women in their homes, one of whom is in control over the household. Each of these women has her own apartment, where the master of the house visits as he pleases.40 He emphasised men’s ability to renounce wife and children in several places, a noteworthy point of difference between their cultures: ‘If the man does not want the children, the renounced women has to take them all with her’.41 In law, Hamel suggested that a ‘man who kills his wife goes free, if he can prove he had any reason, such as adultery or the like’, although gendered differentiation also existed in contemporary European law codes where husband murder could be considered petty treason.42 Hamel’s account drew attention to dramatically violent qualities of Joseon punishments, including that a ‘woman who kills her husband is buried up to her shoulders along a highway over which many pass. Beside her is placed a wooden saw with which all passers-by, except nobility, must saw once at the head until she dies’.43 The cumulative examples across his account gave weight to Hamel’s overarching claim about the position of women as wives, that ‘[t]his nation treats their women as no more than female slaves, whom they can renounce on account of a trifle’.44

138  Silent Women While many of Hamel’s descriptions of women’s experiences as wives in Joseon Korea found their way into Witsen’s text, the additional contributors to the latter account also offered counterpoints to the coherence of Hamel’s claims. While Hamel emphasised, more than once, that men, especially of the nobility, could have more than one wife, Witsen’s interlocutors qualified that claim. Men ‘usually have only one wife, but if that wife dies they take a mistress, and the majority of women there may be taken as such’.45 In a later passage describing the royal court, Witsen’s reporters suggested that ‘just like a commoner he [the king] too has only one real wife’.46 These statements offered the possibility of nuance to Hamel’s generalisations and different perspectives and interest to his topics of focus. As his discussion on marital rights suggested, Hamel highlighted attitudes about men’s behaviour towards women and children in Joseon society, making implicit comparison to Christian values. This also included an account of views regarding the extramarital sexual behaviour of Joseon men: ‘If he likes he goes to the whorehouses, without being condemned’.47 He noted cultural practices and sites that favoured male sexual behaviours: ‘There are many taverns and pleasure houses, where men go to hear and see whores dance, sing and play musical instruments’.48 One may well wonder how far this differed from the behaviour of the men of the Company in practice, but his textual attention to such aspects attuned readers to interpret the gender politics of Joseon culture through a deficit model by comparison to Christian moral teachings. This appeared to be compounded by his conclusions regarding monasteries in Joseon society, which, he opined, ‘should be regarded more as brothels and taverns than temples’, for ‘noblemen often go to a monastery to enjoy themselves with whores and other company’.49 Scholars of the early modern Netherlands have detected relatively severe attitudes in both theory and practice in municipal and consistory courts as well as in the Politieke Ordonnantie van Holland betreffende het Echtreglement, from 1580, that governed responses to marital misconduct. These gave harsher punishment to married women who committed adultery than it did married men, although married men and women were given harsher punishment than unmarried individuals and men, whether unmarried and married, were unquestionably censured for illicit sexual behaviour.50 In fact, Hamel himself recorded that Joseon society likewise had punishments for those who committed adultery. Anyone who commits adultery with or abducts a married woman is led through the town together with that woman, sometimes naked, or clad in thin small drawers, faces covered with lime. An arrow is pierced through both their ears. Behind them a small drum is tied on which a servant of the law beats, crying: ‘They are adulterers!’ Having been led thus through the town they receive 50 or 60 blows each on the buttocks.51 Although the additional contributions of the later Sperwer accounts helped to nuance Hamel’s initial interpretations about women’s and men’s marital expectations and conduct, it was clear that Joseon gender relations were an important aspect of understanding this culture for all the crew, for their own ability to negotiate

Silent Women 139 living there and, in their texts, to help the Company determine the kingdom’s viability as a potential trading partner. The Sperwer texts also perceived particularities in the status and experience of elite women, those of merchant status, and enslaved women. For example, they were sensitive to gender segregation and its relationship to the stratification of Joseon society. Hamel noted his impression of gendered spatial dynamics, including that in noble households, ‘[w]omen live in the rear part of the house, so that they cannot be stared at by every passer-by’.52 Witsen’s text suggested that ‘[p]rominent women cover up themselves and hide from men they do not know’.53 By contrast, among merchant households, ‘wives are free to visit everyone, but at banquets they sit together, opposite their husbands’.54 However, these descriptions about women’s visibility and activities outside the household space had transformed in Churchill’s eighteenth-century English translation into a commentary on women’s virtue. While the ‘womens apartment is in the most retired part of the house, that no body may see ‘em’, ‘there are virtuous women among them, who are allow’d the liberty of seeing people, and going into company, and to feasts, but they sit by themselves, and opposite to their husbands’.55 However, the same cluster of characteristics also functioned as a critique of Joseon masculinity, ‘the men are naturally very amorous, and so jealous, that they seldom, and with much difficulty, allow their best friends to see their wives’.56 The Hamel and later Witsen texts demonstrate slightly differing attention to the question of Joseon women’s status, consistent with their own contexts of production. However, unsurprisingly, in accounts designed to re-integrate their authors into European Christian society and to assert its superiority, as a whole, the Sperwer texts consistently employed descriptions of Joseon gender dynamics and its perceived consequences for women’s agency as a mechanism to critique Joseon society as morally inferior to their own. The agency of Joseon women To be sure, the crew’s accounts were at pains to highlight what they saw as the relatively poor status of women in Joseon society. Yet other aspects of their narratives revealed interactions with women that implicitly countered these claims. This included descriptions of women’s political activities, their religious influence, and their participation in aspects of everyday life that the crew witnessed, descriptions that were often made somewhat incidentally to the focus of the Sperwer authors’ texts. Hamel’s account had described the situation of elite women as largely confined to the household and of wives treated as little better than enslaved. His remarks about how an elite husband might manage relationships between and with his female companions suggested, however, that women were critical to the management of noble households. Hamel proposed that ‘one wife stays in his house and runs the household’, and again that noble men ‘in general have two or three women in their homes, one of whom is in control over the household’.57 Control of the household, Hamel claimed, was an important skillset, sufficiently so to be a key

140  Silent Women part of girls’ training. He remarked that, upon betrothal, generally ‘girls go to live in the house of the parents of the boy, unless her own parents have no sons. They remain there until they have learned how to manage a house and how to make a living’.58 Additionally, Hamel described women as literate, using the hangeul script, noting that through it ‘one is able to write everything’.59 This implied that women were thought, and expected to be, capable of conducting affairs through written communication. Moreover, when he came to describe his time in the capital, Hamel noted: ‘Daily we were bid to come to the homes of important people, since they as well as their wives and children were curious to see us’.60 Perhaps these women observed Hamel and his compatriots without being seen themselves, but it is notable that Hamel’s phrasing make these women both interested in the world beyond the home and engaged in it. Indeed, it was not that such women were prevented from interaction beyond the household; by his account, the world came to Joseon women within their homes. Women were also depicted in the Sperwer texts as important political protagonists at the royal court. The crew spent a number of years in service to the king in the capital. This enabled them to provide Witsen with a detailed description of the court, including that the ‘king’s consort and concubines live there too’.61 Other commentaries suggested that the crew perceived individual women as able to exert power in the royal court. In his discussion of Joseon justice, in which he particularly emphasised the violence of punishments metered out upon women, Hamel related how the king’s judgement could not be challenged. In doing so, he recorded a demonstration of women’s political influence. In our time it happened that the sister-in-law of the King was very skilful with the needle. The King ordered her to make a coat for him. It so happened that this woman despised the King, so she sewed some charm in the lining of this coat, so that whenever the King wore it he could find no rest. The King ordered the stitches to be pulled out and the garment to be inspected. The evil stuff hidden inside was discovered. He had the lady confined in a room with a floor of copper plates under which a fire was lit until she died. An acquaintance of this lady, at that moment a high-ranking official of noble birth, highly respected at the court, protested. He wrote to the King that a woman, and moreover a lady of distinguished position, could have been punished another way. That official was summoned to court, given 120 strokes on the shins and then beheaded. All his goods and slaves were confiscated.62 Hamel’s description of the nature of the punishment appears a distorted account of the death penalty for high-ranking individuals, as Walraven has noted, in which poison was administered and floor heating then increased to force the poison to act more quickly.63 Hamel does not identify the people involved, for this was irrelevant to his account, but it seems likely that the case he referenced was that of Crown Princess Gang, wife of Hyojong’s older brother, Sohyeon, who was known after her death as Minhoe. After the second Manchu conflict with Joseon, Hong Taiji and King

Silent Women 141 Injo had entered into a new political relationship in which Injo’s two sons, Crown Prince Sohyeon and his brother Bongrim (later King Hyojong), were sent to Manchu territory, spending eight years in Shenyang and then almost two more in Beijing. The princes were accompanied by their wives, Princess Gang and Lady Jang (later Queen Inseon), and an entourage of several hundred.64 Princess Gang managed affairs of the residence and acted as hostess in Sohyeon’s absence, activities for which she was criticised upon return to Joseon. Soon after their return from almost a decade spent away in captivity, Sohyeon and Gang found themselves deeply embroiled in court politics. Against King Injo’s anti-Manchu politics, Sohyeon was suspected of advancing pro-Manchu politics. Sohyeon unexpectedly (and suspiciously) died just a few months after his return. Gang and her family were systematically eradicated, her brothers initially exiled to Jeju Island, then fatally tortured. In Injo 24/1646, Gang was herself accused of attempting to poison the king, and was, with a number of her ladies, sentenced to death by poison.65 This turbulent period, including Princess Gang’s death, had occurred in the years preceding Hamel’s time at the Joseon court of Hyojong, but the events, which involved both the capital and Jeju Island, seemingly resonated sufficiently among contemporaries for Hamel to have perceived and recorded a muddled version of it. If Hamel’s account only contained echoes of politically influential women, his presentation of their significance to spiritual and supernatural life in Joseon society was more concrete. As Bhang Won Il has observed, the crew’s experiences enabled them to observe both elite and popular presentations of beliefs and practices.66 Hamel’s account noted the social work conducted by mudang, women he termed ‘fortune-tellers and sorceresses’, whose intermediary power between the living and dead he saw as benign: ‘They do nobody any harm’. 67 Hamel seemingly dismissed such beliefs, just as he did the spirituality of monasteries, in the context of his assessment of the religious forces that might compete with Christianity in Joseon Korea. He was perhaps reflecting the views of elite men with whom he interacted, who, steeped in neo-Confucianism, were more dismissive of these practices, for he suggested that the ‘higher ranks and nobility do not show any respect for idols. They seem to esteem themselves higher than the idols’.68 The Joseon regime’s neo-Confucian orientation had made shamans an immediate target of repression through formal strictures including prohibition from conducting rituals but mudang nonetheless remained influential with the populace, as Hamel was able to perceive.69 His report suggested that female spiritual advisors held power in their communities as he documented their role in determining the satisfaction with the dead with their burial: ‘If according to them this is not the case the body is exhumed and reburied elsewhere. Sometimes it happens that tombs are relocated two or three times’.70 By his own account, people respected the insights of such women and acted upon the information that they provided. Moreover, Hamel noted how such practitioners were employed by common people in their illnesses. ‘They heed their counsel, either in making offerings in the mountains, near rivers, on cliffs or rocks, or in idol sanctuaries call upon the devil, but this is not done anymore since these were abolished and destroyed at the King’s command in 1662’.71 That such shrines had received the attention of the king might have led the attentive reader to

142  Silent Women suspect that many in Joseon society had vested far more importance in the powers of such intermediaries than Hamel’s account seemed to allow. Finally, the Sperwer texts also documented the dissolution of two key Buddhist nunneries in the capital under Hyeonjong. These institutions, Insuwon and Jasuwon, had serviced populations of elite women of the court, including the consorts and concubines of previous kings, and in previous eras, through which royal women had been able to demonstrate publicly their support for Buddhist beliefs and practices.72 Here, Hamel wrote, just as did monks, these women had their hair shaved and ate no eggs or meat, and were supported by elite and royal funds. However, ‘[f]our or five years ago the present King abolished both nunneries and gave the nuns permission to marry’.73 This was a fairly accurate description of one of the early, and striking, actions in Hyeonjong’s reign. In Hyeonjong 2/1662, the king ordered the tearing down of both nunneries, ordering women under 40 to ‘return to the secular world’, which in practice meant their marriage, while those over 40 were to be sent to other nunneries.74 This was a powerful signal of his continuing allegiance to the Joseon regime’s Confucian foundations, at a time when, with the arrival of the new Qing dynasty, Joseon elites perceived themselves to be the last and best demonstration of the Confucian tradition.75 Moreover, as John Jorgensen has explored, Buddhist nuns had been investigated and died under torture for their perceived role in assisting Princess Gang’s attempts to poison the king, Hyeonjong’s grandfather Injo.76 In this affair, a dangerous collusion was claimed among a network of female protagonists, the pro-Manchu Gang and Buddhist nuns, a convenient combination for the anti-Manchu, pro-Confucian kings, that justified the suppression of both factions, and the women they involved. In making his observation about the destruction of these nunneries, Hamel did not perhaps intentionally highlight the important influence of royal women interacting with these royal monastic houses and the court, but his knowledge of this event, and his mention of it in a discussion of the role of religion in Joseon society, speaks to its significance in the gendered political and religious realms that he was elucidating. The Sperwer authors, especially Hamel, may have wished to convey the subordinated status of Joseon women but the agency of women to shape society through individual lives, spiritual interventions, and political actions resonated through their accounts. These echoes presented to readers the possibilities of more complex realities about Joseon women’s lives than those their authors claimed. Conclusions The Sperwer sources added a further account about Joseon women to those that were circulating in Asia and Europe among European readers. Women mattered deeply to how these authors attached to the Dutch East India Company conceptualised Joseon society, its men as well as its women. As wives and mothers of their children, Joseon women held the power to transform how the crew identified themselves as men of the Company and as Christians. Some European men, these authors revealed, were never the same after their encounter with the women of Joseon, suggesting how women provided them with the means to integrate into

Silent Women 143 Joseon society, accessing support and family structures that made sense locally and made them part of other communities and affiliations. For the authors who stood apart from such men by their decision to leave Joseon, the names of individual women were studiously avoided in their works, but women with whom they had relationships, whom they had seen and of whose actions they heard tell, echoed throughout. The assessments that these men made about the status and agency of women, about Joseon society’s gender dynamics and about Joseon Korea in the east Asian political sphere, have been analysed here for the power they held to make meaning for the European authors and readers for whom they were intended. In that context, the claimed agency, or lack of it, of Joseon women transformed these men’s understanding of their own place in the world, both as they experienced it in Joseon Korea and as they wrote about it afterwards. Notes 1 濟州牧使李元鎭馳啓曰: "有舡一隻, 敗於州南, 閣於海岸, 使大靜縣監權克中、判官 盧錠, 領兵往視之, 則不知何國人, 而船覆海中, 生存者三十八人, 語音不通, 文字 亦異。船中多載藥材、鹿皮等物, 木香九十四包、龍腦四缸、鹿皮二萬七千。碧眼高 鼻, 黃髮短鬚, 或有剪髯留髭者。其衣則長及䯗, 而四䙆衿旁袖底, 俱有連紐, 下服 則襞積而似裳。使解倭語者問之曰: ‘爾是西洋吉利是段者乎?’ 衆皆曰: ‘耶耶。’ 指 我國而問之, 則云高麗, 指本島而問之, 則云吾叱島, 指中原而問之, 則或稱大明, 或 稱大邦, 指西北而問之, 則云韃靼, 指正東而問之, 則云日本, 或云郞可朔其, 仍問其 所欲往之地, 則云郞可朔其云。" 於是, 朝廷命上送于京師。前來南蠻人朴燕者見之 曰: "果是蠻人。" 遂編之禁旅, 蓋其人善火炮。或有以鼻吹簫者, 或有搖足以舞者。 제주 목사(濟州牧使) 이원진(李元鎭)이 치계(馳啓)하기를, "배 한 척이 고을 남쪽에서 깨져 해안에 닿았기에 대정 현감(大靜縣監) 권극중(權克中)과 판관(判官) 노정(盧錠)을 시켜 군사를 거느리고 가서 보게 하였더니, 어느 나라 사람인지 모르겠으나 배가 바다 가운데에서 뒤집혀 살아 남은 자는 38 인이며 말이 통하지 않고 문 자도 다릅니다. 배 안에는 약재(藥材)·녹비(鹿皮) 따위 물건을 많이 실었는데 목향(木香) 94 포(包), 용뇌(龍腦) 4 항(缸), 녹비 2 만 7 천이었습니다. 파란 눈에 코가 높고 노란 머 리에 수염이 짧았는데, 혹 구레나룻은 깎고 콧수염을 남긴 자도 있었습니다. 그 옷은 길어 서 넓적다리까지 내려오고 옷자락이 넷으로 갈라졌으며 옷깃 옆과 소매 밑에 다 이어 묶는 끈이 있었으며 바지는 주름이 잡혀 치마 같았습니다. 왜어(倭語)를 아는 자를 시켜 묻기를 ‘너희는 서양의 크리스챤[吉利是段]인가?’ 하니, 다들 ‘야야(耶耶)’ 하였고, 우리 나라를 가리켜 물으니 고려(高麗)라 하고, 본도(本島)를 가리켜 물으니 오질도(吾叱島)라 하고, 중원(中原)을 가리켜 물으니 혹 대명(大明)이라고도 하고 대방(大邦)이라고도 하였으며, 서북(西北)을 가리켜 물으니 달단(韃靼)이라 하고, 정동(正東)을 가리켜 물으니 일본(日 本)이라고도 하고 낭가삭기(郞可朔其) 라고도 하였는데, 이어서 가려는 곳을 물으니 낭가 삭기라 하였습니다." Annals of Hyojong, Hyojong 4 (1653), August 6. For discussions of Joseon literary sources about the Sperwer crew, see Gari Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea: An Account of the Life of the First Westerners in Korea (1653–1666) (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 1971); 김수연 (Kim Soo-youn), 조선후기 ‘표류’에 대한 서사적 기억과 문학적 의미 –한문 서사와『하멜 표류기』 를 중심으로 (The Literary Epic Memory and Literary Meaning of ‘Southern Barbarians’ Being Cast Away on Joseon: Focusing on Chinese Short Stories and Hamel’s Journal), 이화어문논집, (Journal of Ewha Korean Language and Literature), 49 (2019): 5–29. 2 ‘Journael van ’t geene de overgebleven officierin ende Matroosen van ’t Jacht de Sperwer ’t zedert den 16en Augustus A° 1653: dat ’tselve Jacht aan ’t quelpaerts eijland (staande onder den Coninck van Coree) hebben verlooren, tot den 14en September A° 1666 dat met haar 8en onvlught, ende tot Nangasackij in Japan aangecomen Zijn, Int

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3

4 5

6 7

8 9 10

selve Rijk van Coree is wedervaeren, mitsgaders den ommeganck van die natie ende gelegentheijt van ’t land’. Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, transcribed and published by Bernardus Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1920). All citations here come from the translation by JeanPaul Buys in Hamel’s World: A Dutch-Korean Encounter in the Seventeenth Century (eds.) Vibeke Roeper and Boudewijn Walraven (Amsterdam: SUN, 2003). A very useful line-by-line transcription and translation, as well as many scans and transcriptions of pertinent original documents, have been gathered together by Henny Savenije at https:// www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/bijlagene.htm (last accessed 2 January 2023). On the diplomatic sources and negotiations between Joseon and Japan over the release of the remaining Sperwer crew members, see 신동규 (Shin, Dong-kyu), 네 덜란드인의 日本行 ‘도주사간’과 德川幕府의 대웅 (The Escape Incident of the Dutch to Japan and the Response of the Tokugawa Shogunate), 한일관계사연구 (The KoreaJapan Historical Review), 14 (2001): 77–121 and W.J. Boot, ‘“If you were birds, you might fly there”: Hendrik Hamel in Japan, 1666–1667’, in Hamel’s World, pp. 59–78. The first published edition was Journael, Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie van ’t Jacht de Sperwer van Batavia ghedestineert na Tayowan in ’t Jaer 1653 (Amsterdam: Jacob van Velsen, 1668). The work’s publication history is discussed in Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, pp. 121–34; Walraven, ‘Reluctant Travellers: Shifting Interpretation of the Observations of Hendrik Hamel and His Companions’, Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies, 7, 1 (2007): 19–32. Roeper and Walraven, ‘Introduction’, Hamel’s World, pp. 11–12; Ledyard, The Dutch, pp. 121–34; Walraven, ‘Reluctant Travellers’. On Eibokken’s Korean word list and Witsen’s sources additional to Hamel’s insights, see Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, pp. xxii-xxiii; Frits Vos, Master Eibokken on Korea and the Korean Language: Supplementary Remarks to Hamel’s Narrative (Seoul: Transactions of the Royal Society, Korea Branch no. 50, 1975); and Myongsuk Chi, ‘Nicolaas Witsen as a western pioneer of Koreanology. Reflections on Frits Vos’s study “Master Eibokken on the Korean language: Supplementary Remarks to Hamel’s Narrative”’, in The Fascination with Inner Eurasian Languages in the 17th Century: The Amsterdam Mayor Nicolaas Witsen and His Collection of “Tartarian” Vocabularies and Scripts (eds.) Bruno Naarden, Tom van Brederode, Tjeerd de Graaf, Wim Honselaar, Janine Jager, Cecilia Odé, Lisa van Schaik, and Nicoline van der Sijs (Amsterdam: Pegasus, 2018), pp. 603–14. 조희영 (Jo, Heeyeong) considers the Sperwer crew’s progressive acquisition of Korean language skills in『하멜 표류 기』 의 한국어 교육학적 분석 (A Study of Hamel’s Journal based on Korean Language Education Studies), 語文論集 (Journal of the Society of the Korean Language and Literature), 90 (2022): 487–518. On Witsen, see the biography of Johan Fredrik Gebhard, Het Leven van Mr. Nicolaas Cornelisz. Witsen (1641–1717) 2 vols (Utrecht: J.W. Leeflang, 1881–82) 신동규 (Shin, Dong-kyu), ‘VOC’의 동북아시아 진출에 보이는 조선무역의 단절 과 일본무역 유지정책 (VOC’s Plan for the Trade with Joseon and Maintenance of the Trading Policy with Japan), 한일관계사연구 (The Korea-Japan Historical Review), 22 (2005): 47–79; Leonard Blussé, ‘Encounters and Discoveries: The Dutch Perception of the Far East in the Seventeenth Century’, in Hamel’s World, pp. 15–28, here 19. Vibeke Roeper, ‘The Castaways of the Sperwer’, in Hamel’s World, pp. 79–103, here 94. Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, pp. xli, 85–7, 90–4, 114–7. Blussé, ‘Encounters and Discoveries’, p. 27. On the importance of worldviews shaping the text, see Jeong-Gu Kang and Jihie Moon, ‘Antinomy of the seventeenth-century discourses between the Orient and the West, regarding the Joseon Dynasty of Korea and Hendrik Hamel of the Dutch East India Company (VOC)’, Dutch Crossing, 41, 2 (2017): 129–42; 李九義 / 이구의 (Lee, Ku-eui), 崔

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11

12 13

14

15

16

1 7 18 1 9 20

溥의 漂海錄과 하멜의 漂流記에 나타난 東西洋의 交涉 (A Study of the Understanding of the Orient and the Occident between Choe Bu and Hamel’s shipwreck accounts), 동 아인문학 (Dong-a Humanities), 49 (2019): 25–55. Others have been interested in the intercultural exchange between the crew and Joseon contemporaries. See, for example, 김숙현 (Suk-hyon Kim), 17 세기 한국인과 화란인간의 문화간 커뮤니케이션에 대한 연구: 하멜일지 분석을 중심으로 (Intercultural Communication between Koreans and Dutch in the 17th Century: An Analysis of Hamel’s Diary), 커뮤니케이션학 연구 (Korean Journal of Communication Studies), 13, 4 (2005): 94–115; 보데왼왈라번 (Boudewijn Walraven), 하멜의 조선표류와 강진 생활이 함축하는 의미 (Reading between the Lines of Hendrik Hamel’s Report, with a Focus on the Seven Years in Gangjin), 다산과 현대 (Dasan and Hyeondae), 10 (2017): 157–70. 전한성 (Jeon, Hangsung),『표해록』과『하멜표류기』에 나타난 ‘표류’(漂流)의 서사적 상징의 의미 (Meaning of the Epic Symbol of Castaway in Pyo Hae-rok and Hamel’s Journal), 동서비교문학저널 (The Journal of East-West Comparative Literature), 54 (2020): 379–405; see also 김수연 (Kim Sooyeon), 조선후기 ‘표류’에 대한 서사적 기억 과 문학적 의미 –한문 서사와『하멜 표류기』를 중심으로 (The Literary Epic Memory and Literary Meaning of ‘Southern Barbarians’ Being Cast Away on Joseon: Focusing on Chinese Short Stories and Hamel’s Journal). Susan Broomhall, ‘Early Modern Emotions and Global Encounter as Gender History: The Dutch East India Company in Korea’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 50, 1 (2019): 82–90. See discussion of VOC reports about Joseon in 신동규 (Shin, Dong-kyu), ‘VOC’의 동 북아시아 진출에 보이는 조선무역의 단절과 일본무역 유지정책 (VOC’s Plan for the Trade with Jo-Sun and Maintenance of the Trading Policy with Japan), p. 61. ‘oorsaeck die natie een zeer cleijnhertige ende vreesachtige volck is, dewelcke sonderlingh voor vreemde natiën verschrict zijn’, in Memorie van pampieren pr t Schip Amsterdam over Taijouan aen d’Ed. Heer Gouverneur Generael in dato 23e Nov. Ao 1637 geconsigneert. No. 7; also in Daghregister Japan, 5 February 1637, cited in Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 155. ‘hebben een vrouwenhart gelijck ons van gelooffwaerdige luijden vertelt is, dat over ettelijcke jaren wanneer door den Jappander haren Coninck wiert vermoort, steden en dorpen verbrant ende gedestrueert’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 47; Hamel’s World, p. 149. ‘en Hollander Jan Jansz. verhaelde ons dat bij sijn tijt wanneer den Tarter over ’t ijs quam ende ’t land in nam, datter meer inde bossen gevonden worden die haer selven opgehangen hadden, dan van haer vijand doot geslagen waren, alsoo ’t selve voor geen schande gereekent wort ende beclagen soodanige persoonen, seggen sulcx uijt noot gedaen te hebben’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 47; Hamel’s World, p. 149. ‘doch zijn de Koreanen zeer kleinhartig, dies zy zich uit schrik en angst, veeltijds zelf verhangen, ‘t welk echter voor eere aldaer werd getrekent’, ‘De Koreers vrezen de Tarters en Japanders uittermaten zeer, want zy zijn zeer blohartig, ja zoodanig, dat als een Veldslag, of gevecht zal aengaen, ziet men, dat daegs voor het gevecht, eenige honderden, uit schrik zich zelf verhangen’, Nicolaes Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, vol. 1 (Amsterdam: François Halma, 1705), pp. 47, 58; Hamel’s World, pp. 181, 189, with my addition of ‘very’ to the first translation. A Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. 4 (London: Messrs. Churchill, 1732), p. 593. ‘sij den swaersten vande werelt op den hals hadden’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 23; Hamel’s World, p. 124. Roeper, ‘The Castaways of the Sperwer’, pp. 101–3. ‘Kinderen en Wyven, die eenige daer getrouwt hadden, verlietenze’. Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 53; Hamel’s World, p. 184.

146  Silent Women 21 Walraven, ‘Korea in the Days of Hendrik Hamel’, in Hamel’s World, pp. 29–58, here 48; 보데왼왈라번, (Walraven), 하멜의 조선표류와 강진 생활이 함축하는 의미 (Reading between the Lines of Hendrik Hamel’s Report, with a Focus on the Seven Years in Gangjin), p. 164. 22 Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. xxix. 23 Hamel, ‘Journael’, Translation, Buys in Hamel’s World, p. 169. On Weltevree, see Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, pp. 35–7 and reference to Weltevree, 정시(庭試)를 설 행하여 문과에 이정기(李廷夔) 등 9 인을, 무과에 박연(朴淵) 등 94 인을 뽑았다. Annals of Injo, Injo 26 (1648), August 25. 24 ‘die daer getrouwt’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarije, p. 53; Hamel’s World, p. 185. 25 Translation from Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, p. 29 citing 정재륜(鄭載崙), 한거 만록(閑居漫錄) 2, from 이병도 (I Byeongdo), 하멜표류기 (Seoul: Iljogak, 1954), p. 95. 26 Translation from Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, p. 29 citing 윤행임(尹行恁), 석재 고 (碩齋稿) 9 from 이병도, 하멜표류기 p. 31. 27 Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, p. 96. 28 ‘van ouders, vrouwen, kinderen, vrunden en maeghen ontbloot waren, dat den Coninck ons de genade wilde bewijsen om naer Japan te senden, om aldaer weder bij ons volcq te comen ende in ons vaderlant te geraken;’ Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 22; Hamel’s World, pp. 122–3. 29 ‘Of wij ooc eenige Christenen of andere natie als Hollanders op ons schip hadden gehadt. Niet dan Compes dienaers’. Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 67; Hamel’s World, p. 168. 30 See endnote 19 above. 31 ‘Hy was aldaer getrouwt, en gaf voor geen haair aen zijn lijf meer te hebben, dat na een Christen of Nederlander geleek', Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 53; Hamel’s World, p. 184. Hoetink, Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. xvi; Ledyard, The Dutch Came to Korea, p. 95; Walraven, ‘Korea in the Days of Hendrik Hamel’, pp. 48–9. 32 ‘het was te verwonderen, desen man out omtrent de 57 a 58 jaren, sijn moeders tael soo nae vergeten hadde, alsoo in ’t eerste als vooren geseght hem qualijck verstaen conde, binnen een maent ommegaens met ons al weder leerde’. Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 14; Hamel’s World, (eds) Roeper and Walraven, p. 116. 33 ‘Dit Volk had hunne Vaderlandsche zeden, zoo in 't groeten, als ander, geheel verleert’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 53; Hamel’s World, p. 184. 34 ‘Wij konnen den goeden Godt niet genoch dancken dat ons uijt een gevanghenisse, soo veel droef heijt ende perijckulen van 13 jaren en 28 dagen soo genadelijck heeft verlost’, ‘en goeden Godt sij gedanckt dat ons soo genadelijck uijt de handen der heijdenen heeft verlost, daer over de 14 jaren met groote commer ende droefheijt onder hebben gesworven en nu weder bij onse overigheijt heeft gebracht’. Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, pp. 65, 74; Hamel’s World, (eds.) Roeper and Walraven, pp. 166, 175. 35 JOURNAEL, Van de Ongeluckige Voyagie van't Jacht de Sperwer, van Batavia gedestineert na Tayowan, in't Jaar 1653, en van daar op Japan; hoe 't selve Jacht door storm op't Quel-paarts Eylant is ghestrant, ende van 64. personen, maar 36, behouden aan't voornoemde Eylant by de Wilden zijn gelant: Hoe de selve Maats door de Wilden daar van daan naar 't Coninckrijck Coeree sijn vervoert, by haar ghenaamt Tyocen-koeck; Alwaar zy 13. Jaar en 28. daghen, in slavernije onder de Wilden hebben gesworven, zijnde in die tijt tot op 16, na aldaar gestorven, waar van 8. Persoonen in 't Jaar 1666, met een kleen Vaartuych zijn ontkomen, latende daar noch acht Maats sitten, ende zijn in't Jaar 1668, in t Vaderlandt gearriveert. (Rotterdam: Johannes Stichter, 1668). 36 ‘soo blijft den outsten soon int huijs ende wat daer toe behoort’, ‘hebben noijt hooren seggen dat de dochteren (soo daer soonen sijn) eenig part int goet hebben, alsoo de

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vrouwen niet dan haer clederen ende ’t geen tot haer lijf behoort ten houwelijck brengen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 46; Hamel’s World, p. 148. ‘een man mach sijn vrouw al had hij daer verscheijde kinderen bij wegh jagen ende een ander nemen, maer de vrouw geen ander man, tensij sij bij den rechter daer van is geset’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. Walraven, ‘Korea in the Days of Hendrik Hamel’, p. 50. On the shifts from the middle to late Joseon period in terms of inheritance distribution towards the eldest son, see 윤진숙 (Jin-Sook Yun), 저선시대 균분상속제도와 그 의미 (The Joseon Dynasty’s Equal Division of Inheritance and Its Significance), 번철학연구 (Korean Journal of Legal Philosophy), 16, 2 (2013): 273–92; 최증조 (Choi, Jung-Jo) and 한복룡 (Han, Bok-Yong), 朝鮮王朝 實錄에 나타난 妻의 財産상 지위 - 中國 同居共同財産制와의 비교를 중심으로 - (The Wife’s Property Status in the Joseon Dynasty), 法學硏究 (Chungnam Law Review), 29, 3 (2018): 177–212. Jisoo M. Kim, The Emotions of Justice: Gender, Status and Legal Performance in Chosŏn Korea (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015), pp. 74–5. ‘een man mach soo veel wijven houden als hij onderhouden ende den cost geven can […] hebben een wijff altijt in huijs dat de naeste is, ende ’t huijs op hout, de andere woonen buijten in bijsondere huijsen; den adel ofte grooten hebben gemeenlijck 2 a 3 wijven binnen ’t huijs, dog is altijt een als gouvernante over de huijshoudingh; ider woont gemeenlijck appart ende gaet bij degeen die ’t hem belieft’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. ‘soo d’man d’kinderen niet wil houden, moet d’vrouw se altemael nae haer nemen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. ‘een man die zijn vrouw om ’t leven brengt ende weet te bewijsen daertoe eenige redenen gehad te hebben, ’t sij door overspel ofte andersints, wort daer over niet aengesprooken’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 38; Hamel’s World, p. 139. On English legal codes for husband murder, for example, see Frances E. Dolan, ‘Home-Rebels and House-Traitors: Murderous Wives in Early Modern England’, Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities, 4, 1 (1992): 1–31. ‘Een vrouw die haer man om hals brenght, wort aan een wegh daar veel volcx passeert, tot de schouders inde aerde gedolven, met een houte saeg daerbij, ende moeten alle, uijtgesondert edelluijden, die daar voorbij passeeren een treck int hooft haalen, tot dat sij doot is’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, pp. 37–8; Hamel’s World, p. 139. On legal aspects of marriage, see 장병인 (Jang Byeongin), 기획 1: 혼인의 사회사 조선전기의 혼인제도와 여성의 지위 (The Social History of Marriage: The Marriage System and the Status of Women in the Early Joseon Dynasty), 역사비평 (Historical Criticism), 27 (1994): 87–97; 장병인 (Jang Byeongin), 조선전기혼인제와 성 차별 (The Marriage System and Gender Discrimination in the Early Joseon Dynasty) (Seoul: Iljisa, 1997). For nuanced consideration of how the Joseon penal system treated women, operating within the Confucian framework of differences between women and men, see 심재우 (Sim, Jae-Woo), 조선시대의 법과 여성의 몸 - 여성 처벌 규정을 중심으 로-(Law and Women’s Body in Joseon Korea, Focussing on the Punishment of Women), 역사와 실학 (History and Science), 51 (2013): 147–79; and for understanding of the somatic in the Joseon punitive regime, see Anders Karlsson, ‘Law and the Body in Joseon Korea: Statecraft and the Negotiation of Ideology’, The Review of Korean Studies, 16, 1 (2013): 7–45. ‘dese natie achten haer vrouwen niet meer als slavinnen ende om een cleijne misdaet verstooten deselve’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. ‘Zy zijn meest tijds gewoon, maer eens te trouwen, doch de Vrouw verstorven zijnde, nemen zy een byzit tot zich, gelijk de meerderheit van Vrouwen aldaer toegelaten is’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 59; Hamel’s World, p. 190.

148  Silent Women 46 ‘want hy, als al het volk, maer een echte Vrouw heft’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 59; Hamel’s World, (eds) Roeper and Walraven, p. 191. 47 ‘in de hoerehuijsen gaen als ’t hem belieft, sonder daer over aengesproocken te worden’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. 48 ‘als ’t gene sij dagelijcx gebruijcken; daer sijn veele tap ende vermaeck huijsen, alwaerse gaen om de hoeren te hooren en sien dansen, singen en op instrumenten spleen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 42; Hamel’s World, p. 144. 49 ‘soo dat d’selve meer voor bordeelen en brashuijsen als tempels mogen gerekent worden’, ‘den adel om haer vermaeck met hoeren en ander geselschap te nemen, gaen dickmaels inde cloosters’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 41; Hamel’s World, p. 143. 50 Willemijn Ruberg, ‘Adultery and the double standard in a Dutch city in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries’, Cultural and Social History, 12, 4 (2015): 445–64; Manon van der Heijden, ‘Misdrijf en zonde. Sociale controle van huwelijksgedrag in Holland tijdens de Vroegmoderne Tijd’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 27 (2001): 281–308. 51 ‘die met een getrouwde vrouw overspel doet of d’selve vervoert, worden beijde tot spot somtijts heel naect ofte een dun enckel broeckje aan, ’t aengesicht met calck gesmeert, door yder oor een pijl, met een trommeltje opden rugh gebonden, daer op slaende ende roepende dit sijn overspeelders, door de stadt geleijt en yder met 50 a 60 slagen op d’billen gestraft’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 38; Hamel’s World, p. 139. 52 ‘d’vrouwen woonen inde agterhuijsen alsoo se van niemand mogen gesien worden, dog sitten altijt bijsonder ende tegen de mans over’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 42; Hamel’s World, p. 144. 53 ‘De Vrouwen van aenzien, gaen daer bedekt, en verschuilen zich voor de vreemde mannen’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 58; Hamel’s World, p. 189. 54 ‘hare vrouwen mogen vrij bij ydereen comen praten ende op gast maelen gaen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 42; Hamel’s World, p. 144. 55 A Collection of Voyages and Travels, pp. 591–2. 56 Ibid., p. 590. 57 See endnote 40. 58 ‘de meijsjens comen meest d’ouders vanden jongman thuijs, tensij haer ouders geen soonen hebben, blijvende daer soo lange woonen, soo lange sij haer selven connen behelpen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 43; Hamel’s World, p. 145. 59 ‘het derde ofte slechtste wort vande vrouwen ende gemeene man geschreven, Is seer licht voor haer te leeren, doch connen daardoor alle dingen ende noijt gehoorde namen seer licht ende beter als met ’t voorgaende schrijven’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 51; Hamel’s World, p. 153. 60 ‘Wij wierden dagelijcx bij veel groote heeren geroepen, door dien zij als mede hare vrouwen ende kinderen nieuwsgierigh waren om ons te sien’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 23; Hamel’s World, p. 124. 61 ‘daer binnen onthoud zich ook zijn Gemalin en By-wyven’, Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, p. 59; Hamel’s World, p. 191. 62 ‘gelijck bij onsen tijt is geschiet des Conincx broeders vrouw, die vermaert was met d’naelde wel te connen om gaen; liet den Coninck haer voor zich een rock maken, sij eenigen haet opden Coninck hebbende, naeijde daer eenige toverije in, soo dat wanneer den Coninck den rock aen hadde, noijt conde rusten, den Coninck deselve latende los tornen ende visiteren, vont tselve daerin, waerover hij de voorsz. vrouw liet in een camer setten, waer van de vloer van copere platen gemaect was, ende vuijr daeronder stooken, totdat sij doot was; een van hare vrunden sijnde doen ter tijt een stadthouder van grooten

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65

66 67 68

69 70

71

afcomste en ten hove in grooten aensien, schreeff aanden Coninck datmen een vrouw ende te meer gelijck sij was, wel een andere straffe conde opgeleijt hebben, een vrouw meer als een man behoorde te verschoonen; waer over hem den Coninck liet ophalen; naer dat op eenen dagh 120 slagen op d’scheenen gecregen hadde, ’t hooft liet afslaen ende alle sijne goederen ende slaven geconfisqueert’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 37; Hamel’s World, p. 138. Walraven, ‘Korea in the Days of Hendrik Hamel’, p. 53. 박주 (Park, Joo), 조선후기 소현세자빈 강씨의 리더십에 대한 재조명 (Reappraisal of the Leadership of the Crown Princess Kang in the Late Joseon Dynasty), 한국사상과 문화 (Korean Thought and Culture), 62 (2012): 201–27; 김남윤 (Kim, Nam-Yun), 소현세자 빈 강씨의 심양관 생활 (A Study of the Life of Princess Kang), 역사연구 (The Journal of History), 24 (2013): 141–68; 양성국 (Yang, Sung Kuk) and김봉현 (Kim, Bong-Hyun), 소현세자빈 강씨(昭顯世子嬪 姜氏)의 생애와 기업가정신 (The Lifetime and Entrepreneurship of Lady Gang, Wife of Prince Sohyeonseja), 경영사연구 (The Review of Business History), 28, 2 (2013): 123–46; 심현철 (Shim, Hyun-Chul), 민회빈의 경영실천에 대한 고찰 (A Consideration of the Management Practice of the Crown Princess Minhoebin), 경영사연구 (The Review of Business History), 30, 4 (2015): 51–70; 김남윤 (Kim, Nam-Yun), 조선여인이 겪은 혼란, 이역살이, 환향의 현실과 기억 - 소현세자빈 강씨를 중 심으로 (The Realities and Memories of Joseon Women’s Experience in the Manchurian Invasion, Living in an Alien Country, and Homecoming), 역사연구 (The Journal of History), 17 (2007): 71–94. 이왕무 (Lee, Wang-moo), 昭顯世子嬪 姜嬪의 獄事와 伸寃 (The Death Case of Princess Kang), 역사와 담론 (Journal of Historical Review), 69 (2014): 109–42. For consequences in Hyojong’s reign, see JaHyun Kim Haboush, ‘Constructing the Center: The Ritual Controversy and the Search for a New Identity in Seventeenth-Century Korea’, in Culture and the State in Late Chosŏn Korea (eds) JaHyun Kim Haboush and Martina Deuchler (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 1999), pp. 49–69. 방원일 (Bhang Won Il), 하멜 보고서의 한국 종교 서술에 대한 고찰 (A Study of Hamel’s Description of Korean Religion), 종교문화비평 (The Critical Review of Religion and Culture), 18 (2010): 204–36. ‘daer sijn waerseggers ofte toveresse, dog en connen niemand leet doen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 46; Hamel’s World, p. 148. ‘d’grooten ofte edele weten daer gants niet van, om haer afgoden eenige eer te bewijsen, achten haer selven meer dan deselve te wesen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, pp. 39-40; Hamel’s World, p. 141. The complementary roles of this range of practices in Joseon society is discussed by Boudewijn Walraven, ‘Popular Religion in a Confucianized Society’, in Culture and the State in Late Chosŏn Korea, pp. 160–98. Han Hee-sook, ‘Women’s Lives during the Chosŏn Dynasty’, International Journal of Korean History, 6 (2004): 113–62, here 151. ‘die haer seggen of de dooden gerust of ongerust gestorven en op een goede plaetse begraven zijn, waer naer sij haer reguleren, ’t gebeurt wel, datse wel 2 a 3 mael verleijt worden’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 46; Hamel’s World, p. 148.Seung-hoon Han studies a popular uprising involving mudang and their rituals just after the Sperwer crew left Joseon, see 한승훈 (Seung-hoon Han), 조선 후기 僧• 巫의 민중종교결사–1688 년,「逆賊呂還等推案」– (A Study of a Popular Religious Movement (Minjung Religious Society) Organized by a Monk and Mudangs in the Late Joseon Period), 중교연구 (Studies in Religion), 47 (2007): 113–51. ‘wiens raet zij doen en volgen, ’t sij met offeren op ’t geberghte, aen rivieren, clippen en rutsen, ofte in afgoden huijsen den duijvel om raet te vragen; dit laetste wort nu soo niet meer gebruijct, alsoo den Coninck int jaer 1662 deselve altemael heeft laten afbreeken ende vernielen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 49; Hamel’s World, pp. 151–2.

150  Silent Women 72 李起雲 / 이기운 (Lee, Ki-Woon), 조선시대 왕실의 比丘尼院설치와 信行 (Establishment of the Bhkṣunī-won of the Royal Family and Belief in Buddhism during the Joseon Period), 歷史學報 (History Gazette), 178 (2003): 29–58; 황인규 (Hwang, InGyu), 조선 전기 정업원과 비구니주지 (The Activities of Jeongeobwon (淨業院) in the Early Joseon Dynasty), 한국불교학 (The Journal of the Korean Association for Buddhist Studies), 51 (2008): 103–30; 한희숙 (Han Hee-sook), 조선시대 선왕 후궁에 대한 처우와 궁가(宮 家)의 변천 (The Treatment of Concubines of Former Kings in the Joseon Dynasty), 여 성과역사 (Women and History), 30 (2019): 179–214. For their use by royal women in the previous century, see Sungoh Yoon, ‘Power-Sharing and the Tug of War at the Royal Court: The Significance of Queen Munjeong’s Restoration of Buddhism in Mid-Joseon Korea Reconsidered’, Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 34, 2 (2021): 233–60; 황인규 (Hwang, In-Gyu), 조선전기 후궁의 비구니 출가와 불교신행 (Buddhism and Royal Concubine as Nuns in the Early-Joseon Dynasty), 불교학보 (Buddhist Studies), 57 (2011): 117–43. On the measured, but nonetheless important, support of royal women for Buddhism, see Hwansoo Kim, ‘Buddhism during the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392–1910): A Collective Trauma?’ The Journal of Korean Studies, 22, 1 (2017): 101–42, here 116–20. 73 ‘zijn over 4 a 5 jaren bij den jegenwoordigen Coninck afgeschaft ende verloff gegeven om te trouwen’, Hoetink (ed.), Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht de Sperwer, p. 42; Hamel’s World, p. 143. 74 上乃命罷城內兩尼院, 女尼年四十以下者, 竝令還俗許嫁, 其餘老無所歸者, 盡黜城 外尼院。年雖過限, 欲爲還俗者, 亦許之可也。 상이 이에 도성 내의 두 이원의 혁파를 명하고 40 세 이하의 비구니는 모두 환속시켜 출 가(出嫁)하게 하고, 그 나머지 늙어서 돌아갈 곳이 없는 자들은 모두 도성 밖 이원으로 내보 냈으며, 나이가 넘은 사람도 환속하려는 자는 허락하라고 하였다. 또 예관에게 명하여 자수 원에 가서 열성(列聖)의 위판을 모셔 내다 봉은사(奉恩寺)의 예에 따라 바로 정결한 곳에 파묻게 하였다. Annals of Hyeonjong, Hyeonjong 2 (1661), January 5. 75 See Kim Haboush, ‘Constructing the Center: The Ritual Controversy and the Search for a New Identity in Seventeenth-Century Korea’. 76 John Jorgensen, ‘Marginalised and Silenced: Buddhist Nuns of the Chosŏn Period’, in Korean Buddhist Nuns and Laywomen: Hidden Histories, Enduring Vitality (ed.) Eun-su Cho (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011), pp. 119–45, here, 129–31, 136.

Conclusions

The period from the reign of the Yi dynasty’s King Seonjo to that of Hyeonjong represents a time when the east Asian region was particularly volatile, as states and entities were making new meanings for their identities and communities through often violent encounters. Whether the Joseon kingdom or newly developing shogunate government of Japan, as Christians or Kirishitans, or as members of the Dutch East India Company or of Japan’s ceramic manufacturing houses, each was assessing and asserting what identity, belonging, and community meant for them in their own contexts. Women, and ideas about women, had a central part to play in these debates and in the transformations that resulted from them. They did so as individual women through their actions and in the narratives that were made about them. All the sources this book considers are mediated in some way, in the context of their production as well as in their processes of survival. Their narratives emerge in a variety of personal contexts, forms, and genres that shape their meaning. None are not straightforward ‘stories’ with a clear development or outline of an individual woman’s life. In some chapters, a single source, text form, or cultural product forms the limited material for the information that we can construct about a particular woman. In a few cases, we can complement this source with insights from other contemporary materials or similar accounts. This work has sought to understand, albeit through these mediated sources, how women manoeuvred, or were described as manoeuvring, within often constrained circumstances, making decisions that seemed best for themselves in life or in the legacy that they would contribute for their communities—familial, faith-based, or national—through their death. Transformation occurred not just within communities but also, for these women, with their transition from living to new forms as martyrs, restless ghosts, or revered ancestors in which they accrued, or had accredited, agency for their voices and experiences. Agency, as these chapters have shown, was always complicated in these texts, mediated by narrators who spoke for women or determined how and how much to foreground their voices. These works suggest that we cannot ignore the ways that understanding of women’s roles, experiences, decision-making, and authority were fundamental also to how contemporary men understood themselves and DOI: 10.4324/9781003321477-8

152  Conclusions constructed communities around themselves, as they articulated it in these forms. Women’s voices and actions mattered to their societies as too did the gender ideologies in which their contributions were embedded. Ideas and practices about women and gender were expressed at a range of scales, such as in the street registers of Nagasaki produced after a period of violent repression of Christian practice, and in the histories produced for Japan’s ceramic manufacturing communities some 50 or 100 years later, but often in contexts where the family or household unit was understood as critical to the formation of national culture and its social order. The faith conformity of other Joseon-born women was not simply a matter for the officials registering inhabitants of the Hirado ward but reflected the power of the state to enforce compliance and control over even the most marginal of individuals. Yet other Joseon-born women in Japan elected to join the global community of Christianity instead and to accept the exile or execution that this entailed, a fate borne of their fervour and determination celebrated in the accounts of missionary men. Consideration of women’s experiences and agency, however, were also narrated in works designed explicitly for consumption as part of debates and decisions about the meaning of nation. Such was the case for the production of the New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom, a courtsponsored publication, but so too was it the case for Hwang Sin’s eloquent account of his diplomatic labour in Japan and Sin Gyeong’s analysis of international relations many years later. Similarly, the detailed account by Hendrick Hamel and his colleagues of their perceptions of Joseon may have been compiled initially for the Dutch East India Company who employed them, and with an eye to Joseon’s trading potential in mind, but their assessments took on wider resonance as an intercultural analysis for European consumption in the hands of Nicolaes Witsen and Awnsham Churchill. Here, women and their behaviours were very much part of how not just a single nation but whole spheres of the globe might be understood. In such ways, analyses of these representations of women as presented in this work, and gender history approaches more broadly, offer opportunities to produce important perspectives that can fruitfully be integrated into our scholarly understanding of transnational and intercultural relations at this period.

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Index

Adorno, Theodor W. 7 Ahearn, Laura M. 6 Alexander, Jeffrey C. 6 Amin, Prince 3 Amler, Nadine 70 Arita 9, 111, 114, 117, 121–122 Ascención, Martín de la 71, 74 Baek Paseon see Hyakubasen Beijing 70, 141 Bhang Won Il 141 Bohnet, Adam 5 Boxer, Charles Ralph 108n46 Buddhism 4, 61, 91–110, 111–112, 120–121, 142 Campbell, Colin 5–6 Caputi, Mary 6–7 Carletti, Francesco 97 Catholicism 9, 69–90, 132 Céspedes, Gregorio de 70 ceramics 111–130, 151–152 Chang Hong 52 chastity, women’s 5, 16–17, 36–38, 55, 80–82 Cho, Sookja 37–38 Christianity 9, 69–90, 91–110, 131–152 Churchill, Awnsham 133, 139, 152 Cochin-China (Vietnam) 96 Colín, Francisco 80 Couckebacker, Nicolaes 133 Couros, Mateo de 72, 74–79, 81–82, 102 court, women at Joseon 138, 140–142 Craig, J. Marshall 56 Derrida, Jacques 7 Deuchler, Martina 4 Diemen, Antonio van 133 Dominican Order 73–74, 78

Dort, Jan Claesz van 135–136 Dutch East India Company 10, 131–152 Edo (Tokyo) 73 education, women’s 57, 140 Eibokken, Mattheus 131, 133–134 Elder, Glen H. 6 Eugenio, Francisco 72 Ferreira, Cristávão 101–103 filial piety 15–16, 25, 36, 53–56, 58, 61 Franciscan Order 71, 73–74 Fróis, Luís 14, 60, 70–72, 81 Fukaumi, ceramic dynasty 111–113, 115–117, 120–122 Gang, Crown Princess (Minhoe) 140–142 Giddens, Anthony 6 Gim Seongil 56–57 Gim Siyang 52 Giram, João Rodrigues 72–73, 75, 78–82, 100–102 Girón, Bernadino de Ávila 76, 97, 100 Go Sangan 53 Go Yeonhui 18 Gómez, Pedro 71 Goto, Michiko 101, 108n62 Gotō Ienobu 115–116 Gwanghae-gun, King 15, 16, 38, 60 Hachijōjima 82 Hamel, Hendrick 131–150, 152 Hasegawa Gonroku 92–93, 100 Hiekoba 111–113, 117, 122 Hitlin, Steven 6 Hoetink, Bernardus 132, 134 Hong Taiji 3, 140

Index  173 Hwang Sin 8–9, 49–69, 152 Hyakubasen 111–130 Hyeonjong, King 8, 131, 141–142, 151 Hyojong, King 8, 10, 131, 133, 140–142 I Gyeongjik 51, 58, 60 I Jeonggwi 36 I Soryeong 121 Icoaga, Juan Ruiz de 74, 78 Im Daeun 17–18 Injo, King 1, 3, 37, 39, 140–142 Inseon, Queen (Lady Jang) 141 Itō Sukekatsu, Jerónimo 60 Jang, Kyung-Nam 61 Jeju Island 131, 134, 141 Jeon, Hangsung 132–133 Jeong Huideuk 52, 54, 59 Jeong Il-yeong 16 Jeong Jaeryun 134 Jo Wihan 60–61 Jorgensen, John 142 Kaibara Ekken 118, 123 Kang Hang 50, 59–60 Kang, Jeong-Gu 132 Kang MyeongKwan 17 Kataoka Rumiko 70 Keinen 14, 50, 59 Kim, Jisoo M. 4, 55, 137 Kim, Moon-Ja 51 Kim Haboush, JaHyun 3, 5–6, 14, 37, 60 Klerck, Benedictus 131, 133–134 Komiya Kiyora 122 Konishi Yukinaga, Augustin 70, 72 Koo, Jea Hyoun 60 Kōraibaba see Nakazato Ei Kōzushima, island 73–74, 77, 79 Kuroda Nagamasa 118 Lee, Sook-in 17 Lee SoonGu 54 legal status, women’s 137–138, 140 The Legend of Choe Cheok 60–61 letters, women’s 4, 8–9, 49–68, 69, 72, 74, 76–77, 79–80, 82 literature, Joseon 37–38, 60–61 Lucena, Alfonso de 81 Macao 83, 94, 96–97 Maetsuijcker, Joan 131

Manila 74, 102 masculinities, performances of 2, 14, 16, 56–58, 69–70, 81–82, 133–134, 139 Maske, Andrew L. 113–114, 119–120, 122, 126n16, 128n37 Matsura Shigenobu 117 Mikawachi 117–119 Min, Deak-Kee 51 Ming dynasty 2, 3, 17, 49 missionaries 3, 9, 14, 69–90, 92–95, 99–103, 132, 152 Miyako (Kyoto) 80, 102 Mizuno Kawachi 93, 98–102 Moon, Jihie 132 Morales, Francisco de 74, 78 Morejón, Pedro 71–72, 74, 77, 99 mudang 141 Muñoz, Alonso 73, 79, 81–82 Nabeshima Naoshige 115–117, 122 Naeshirogawa 115 Nagasaki 9, 70–73, 91–110, 131, 135, 152 Nakamura Tadashi 95, 99, 106n35 Nakazato Ei 117–122 neo-Confucianism 4–6, 8–9, 15, 38–39, 52, 54–57, 61, 141–142 New Sequel to the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds of the Eastern Kingdom 8, 14–48, 52, 55, 152 Niijima, island 73, 78 No, Sung-Hwan 51, 121, 129n46 Nomura Ikuyo 120, 125n3 Nongae 3, 17 Nurhaci 3 O Huimun 52, 57, 129n47 O Yungyeom 51 Oh, Young Kyun 15, 17–18 Ōmura Sumitada 92 Ōmura Yoshiaki, Sancho 81 Onuda Kazuyuki 105n14 Osaka 74 Osaki, Yōko 116 Ōshima, island 73–74, 76, 79 Ōshima Tadayasu 50 Ota Julia 9, 69–90, 102 Pacheco, Francisco 74 Pak Hongjang 58–59 Pak Marina 80, 102 Pak Yeon see Weltevree, Jan Jansz Pettid, Michael J. 18

174 Index Philippines 74, 83 Pitelka, Morgan 113, 127n22 Qing dynasty (including Manchu, Later Jin) 1, 3, 8, 37, 69, 133, 135, 140–142 Raku, ceramic dynasty 113 repatriation 49–69 Robinson, Kenneth R. 60 rape see sexual violence Record of a Dreamer’s Journey to Gangdo 37–38 Ruiz de Medina, Juan Garcia 69 San Francisco, Diego de 100 San Jacinto, José de 73 Sejong, King 15 self-murder see suicide Sen, ceramic dynasty 113 Sen no Rikyū 114 Seongjong, King 57 Seonjo, King 1, 2, 15, 16, 38, 51–52, 54, 59, 133, 151 suicide 14–48, 52–55, 61, 133–134 sexual behaviour, men’s 81, 138 sex trade 97 sexual violence 8, 14, 17–18, 31, 36, 38, 50, 55, 80, 82, 99 Shenyang 141 Shin Sookyoung 18–19, 36 Sin Gyeong 8, 49, 56, 61–62, 152 Six, Daniël 132 Sixto, Catalina 102 slavery 50–51, 59, 70, 94, 96–97, 137, 139–140 Society of Jesus 5, 9, 69–90, 92–93, 96 Sohye, Queen (Madam Han) 57 Sohyeon, Crown Prince 140–141 Song Jemin 14 Soseong, Queen Dowager (Inmok) 16 Sousa, Lúcio de 97

Spafford, David 109n62 speech, women’s 9, 30–36, 75–77, 82 Specx, Jacques 132 Stanley, Amy 104n3 Strasser, Ulrike 70 Sukjong, King 49 Suruga 73–74 Taejo, King 2 Takatori, ceramic dynasty 113, 118–120, 122, 129n53 Takatori Hachizō Shirato 118–120, 122 Takenaka Uneme 93, 98–99, 100 Takeya, Inés 102 Tamamuro Fumio 93 tea ceremony 114 Tokugawa Hidetada 73, 92, 118 Tokugawa Iemitsu 92 Tokugawa Ieyasu 72–83, 92 Toyotomi Hideyoshi 1–2, 8–9, 15, 49, 92, 114–116 Turnbull, Stephen 108n46 Uchida 115–117 Vizcaíno, Sebastián 73, 81 Wakita, Haruko 101, 108n62 Walraven, Boudewijn 134, 140 Ward, Haruko Nawata 70 Weltevree, Jan Jansz 133–135 Witsen, Nicolaes 131, 136, 138–140, 152 Wives, women’s status as 15–16, 137–139 Xavier, Francis 92 Yujeong 50, 59 Yun Haengim 135 Zola, Giovanni Battista 101