Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank [1st ed.] 978-3-030-02028-6, 978-3-030-02029-3

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xv
Front Matter ....Pages 1-1
Origins 1828–48 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 3-19
America 1849–50 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 21-24
The Early Coast Survey 1851–52 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 25-28
Front Matter ....Pages 29-29
Stellwagen Bank 1853–57 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 31-40
Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 41-44
Maine Casco Bay 1861 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 45-50
North Carolina 1862 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 51-53
Casco Bay Continued 1862 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 55-57
Florida Reefs 1863 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 59-64
Maine: Portland Rocks 1863 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 65-73
North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 75-79
Front Matter ....Pages 81-81
California! 1865 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 83-87
Half Moon Bay South 1865 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 89-93
Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 95-99
Point Reyes to Bodega 1866 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 101-108
Currents and Tides 1866–67 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 109-111
Blossom Rock 1867 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 113-119
The Later Coast Survey 1867 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 121-125
Suisun Creeks 1867 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 127-129
Point Sal 1867 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 131-133
Columbia River 1867–68 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 135-141
Vitula Shoal 1868 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 143-150
Point Reyes Light 1869 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 151-157
Front Matter ....Pages 159-159
George Davidson’s Discovery 1853 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 161-165
Searching for the Bank 1868–69 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 167-171
The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 173-188
Logs and Data (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 189-198
First Biological Specimens (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 199-202
How Cordell Bank Got its Name (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 203-205
The First Chart (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 207-209
Front Matter ....Pages 211-211
Santa Barbara Channel 1869 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 213-220
Death of Edward Cordell 1870 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 221-225
Unfinished Work 1870 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 227-227
The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873 (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 229-233
Front Matter ....Pages 235-235
Relatives (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 237-248
The Person Named Edward Cordell (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 249-255
Front Matter ....Pages 257-257
Philippsburg (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 259-262
Stellwagen Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 263-266
San Francisco (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 267-269
Blossom Rock (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 271-273
Currents and Tides (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 275-276
Pt. Reyes light (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 277-278
Vitula Shoal (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 279-280
Visualizing Cordell Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 281-285
Exploring Cordell Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 287-290
Documenting Cordell Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 291-294
The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 295-298
Navigating Around Cordell Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 299-301
Visiting Cordell Bank (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 303-306
Underwater Island (Robert William Schmieder)....Pages 307-308
Back Matter ....Pages 309-379

Citation preview

Robert William Schmieder

Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank

Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank

Robert William Schmieder

Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank

Robert William Schmieder Cordell Expeditions Walnut Creek, CA, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-02028-6    ISBN 978-3-030-02029-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018966522 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To the cherished memory of the explorers who inspired me in childhood and became friends in my adult years: Jean Pierre Hallet Thor Heyerdahl Edmund Hillary and the teachers who guided me into the sciences and became role models for my own work: Palmer Dysart (Electronics) Tom Thorpe (Physics) Mabel Barnes (Mathematics) John Rodes (History) Robert Sharp (Geology) Edward O. Wilson (Biology)

Preface

This book is the fraternal sibling of the Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary (CBNMS), a rocky seamount off the Northern California Coast. The book and the sanctuary had simultaneous birth: a 1977 article in the Oakland Tribune about the dumping of radioactive materials on the continental shelf near San Francisco, about 25 miles from a rocky seamount called Cordell Bank. The article triggered my personal discovery of the Bank and of its namesake Edward Cordell, and both became personal obsessions. Both projects took more than a decade but were finally successful. Almost certainly, you will never see Cordell Bank in person, and since Edward Cordell died in 1870, you will never meet him. This book might help. In order to find out about Cordell Bank, I assembled a large team of divers. The project extended over most of 10 years. With support from numerous organizations, the CBNMS was designated by an Act of Congress in 1989. It is documented in my other book Ecology of an Underwater Island and the sanctuary websites. This book documents the man who discovered the Bank and how it happened. Cordell immigrated from Germany to the USA and went to work for the US Coast Survey. In the middle of an illustrious career as a marine hydrographer, he died of an accidental fall in San Francisco, 2 months before his 42nd birthday. Because he came from Europe and because he worked for the U.S. Government, the records of his life are preserved in the U.S. National Archives, the Bancroft Library at the University of California (Berkeley), and the Stadtarchiv in Karlsruhe, Germany. Almost all of this book is original source material. Herein is essentially everything that exists about Edward Cordell in the world. The research originally made little use of the Internet. It mostly involved multiple trips to various archives and libraries and endless paper copies of documents. The original version of the book was completed on a Macintosh around 1990, but then it “incubated” for 25 years or so. When Springer agreed to publish it, I thought the manuscript needed only minor updating and touch-up. To my surprise, conversion from the draft to the final manuscript took most of a year and included significant new information that was not previously available. With so many new Internet tools (search engines, genealogical websites, blogs, etc.), every revision became not just proofing but also updating. Although the material is extensively ­source-­referenced, vii

viii

Preface

a few sources accumulated over the past 25 years have been lost, and for that, I express my regrets and apologies. On the whole, however, the book retains its look and feel from the earliest days of drafting. One literary tragedy remains: even with decades of searching, I was unable to find a single photograph of Edward Cordell himself. Apparently there are none in the official records. My hope has always been that some individual in some peripheral branch of the family might have inherited a box of old photographs, one of whom is Edward Cordell. If you are such a person, trust me, a phone call day or night will bring whoops of joy and unlimited appreciation. Would you please check your attic now and see whether you have that precious box? Walnut Creek, CA, USA

Robert William Schmieder

Acknowledgments

I am pleased to express my sincere appreciation to numerous persons who have made significant contributions to this book, including Martha Franks, who composed the original manuscript on the very first Macintosh; Randy Schmieder, who created many of the graphics and did multiple edits from the first manuscript to the last; Pamela Tumm, Konrad Odenwald, Konrad Hoferer, Gerhard Baumann, Albert Frank, Wilfried Becker, and Manuella Englemann (all in Germany), who helped search records and translate documents; Charles Burroughs, who did an extraordinarily detailed edit of the whole original manuscript; Cassandra Springer and Robyn Bernard, who did considerable word processing and editing; Robert J.  Cordell, Donna Marie (Cordell) Feigle, Michele Ann (Wilt) Cordell, and Skeet Biber, who provided genealogical information and photographs of the Biber and Cordell families; and the author’s wife, Kay Schmieder, who generously supported the endeavor and proofread the completed manuscript. I am also grateful to the staff of the Bancroft Library, US National Archives, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the California Historical Society, and other organizations. And although it may seem gratuitous, I am grateful to the thousands of people who set up and maintain the Internet as a free and open source of material that otherwise would have been missed, perhaps lost.

ix

Contents

Part I The Early Years 1828–52 1 Origins 1828–48������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   3 2 America 1849–50����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   21 3 The Early Coast Survey 1851–52��������������������������������������������������������������   25 Part II East Coast Expeditions 1853–65 4 Stellwagen Bank 1853–57��������������������������������������������������������������������������   31 5 Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61 ����������������������������������������������������������   41 6 Maine Casco Bay 1861������������������������������������������������������������������������������   45 7 North Carolina 1862����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   51 8 Casco Bay Continued 1862������������������������������������������������������������������������   55 9 Florida Reefs 1863��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   59 10 Maine: Portland Rocks 1863��������������������������������������������������������������������   65 11 North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65������������������������������������������������������   75 Part III West Coast Expeditions 1869–75 12 California! 1865������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   83 13 Half Moon Bay South 1865 ����������������������������������������������������������������������   89 14 Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66����������������������������������������������������������������   95 15 Point Reyes to Bodega 1866���������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 16 Currents and Tides 1866–67 �������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 17 Blossom Rock 1867������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 113 xi

xii

Contents

18 The Later Coast Survey 1867�������������������������������������������������������������������� 121 19 Suisun Creeks 1867������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 127 20 Point Sal 1867 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 21 Columbia River 1867–68 �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 135 22 Vitula Shoal 1868 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 23 Point Reyes Light 1869������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 151 Part IV The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1853, 1869 24 George Davidson’s Discovery 1853���������������������������������������������������������� 161 25 Searching for the Bank 1868–69 �������������������������������������������������������������� 167 26 The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869�������������������������������������������������������� 173 27 Logs and Data�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 189 28 First Biological Specimens������������������������������������������������������������������������ 199 29 How Cordell Bank Got its Name�������������������������������������������������������������� 203 30 The First Chart������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 207 Part V Cordell’s Last Work 1869–70 31 Santa Barbara Channel 1869�������������������������������������������������������������������� 213 32 Death of Edward Cordell 1870 ���������������������������������������������������������������� 221 33 Unfinished Work 1870 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 227 34 The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873�������������������������������������������������������� 229 Part VI Edward Cordell the Man 35 Relatives������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 237 36 The Person Named Edward Cordell�������������������������������������������������������� 249 Part VII Cordell’s World Today 37 Philippsburg ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 259 38 Stellwagen Bank ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 263 39 San Francisco �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 267 40 Blossom Rock �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 271 41 Currents and Tides������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 275

Contents

xiii

42 Pt. Reyes light �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 277 43 Vitula Shoal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 279 44 Visualizing Cordell Bank�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 281 45 Exploring Cordell Bank���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287 46 Documenting Cordell Bank���������������������������������������������������������������������� 291 47 The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary �������������������������������������� 295 48 Navigating Around Cordell Bank������������������������������������������������������������ 299 49 Visiting Cordell Bank�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 303 50 Underwater Island ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 307 Appendices���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 309 Sources���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 337 Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 377

About the Author

Robert William Schmieder is an American scientist and explorer. He has had a dual scientific career, broadly divided between physics and related physical sciences, and natural science/exploration. In most of his projects, he created and led large teams of both professional scientists and volunteers. His work is documented in about 100 technical publications and 10 books. Among his most significant work in physical science was the invention of laser spark spectroscopy (now commercialized), the first application of radiotracers in combustion, and the formulation of nanologic (the use of nanoscale devices in computers). In environmental science, he originated the concept of underwater islands, led teams that established more than 1000 new records (new species, range and depth extensions, etc.), and was instrumental in the establishment of the Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary.  

xv

Part I

The Early Years 1828–52

Born in Germany in 1828, fleeing the revolution in 1849, Edward Cordell immigrated to the United States and became an American. With his technical education, he found employment at the U.S. Coast Survey, working first as a draftsman, then as a member of a survey party.

Chapter 1

Origins 1828–48

This is the story of Edward Cordell, who is immortalized by a place in the Pacific Ocean called “Cordell Bank.” This story is about the man, and how his name came to be associated with the place, and why it’s important in the History of the United States of America. The story begins in a small village near the Black Forest in Southern Germany. In the outskirts of the ancient Roman city of Trier there was a small settlement that is now called Kordel. In 1727, in or near the district of Kordel, was born a boy named Anton. Originally, one name was enough, but as the population grew, people started adding a second name. One way to do this was to use the place where you lived. The German word Kord means cordage or twine. “Kordel” therefore means ropemaking or cordmaking. It seems obvious: Anton Kordel made, and probably sold, rope or cordage. Unlike most of the local inhabitants, who were farmers, Anton Kordel was a rope merchant. For reasons we don’t know, Anton Kordel moved about 90 miles to the east, to another tiny town, dating from the reign of Charlemagne. Originally founded as “Huitenheim” in AD 784 on the banks of the Rhine River, the town later was moved a few kilometers away, and from AD 1191 was known as “Udenheim.” In 1623, Philipp Christoph von Sotem, the Bishop of Speyer, himself named after the Apostle Philipp, renamed the town “Philippsburg.” Whatever its name, the environs of Philippsburg have been central to military events for centuries. For some reason, everyone with sword or a spear seemed to want to assemble there and fight. This was the setting into which one Eduard Kordel was born, in 1828.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_1

3

4

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.1  Edward Cordell was born as Eduard Kordel into mid-nineteenth Century Germany, in the city of Philippsburg, Germany

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.2  Philippsburg was founded beside a bank of the Rhine River

5

6

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.3  Philippsburg originally was situated near a large meander in the Rhine River, about 300 m wide. Eventually this and nearby meanders were cut off and filled, leaving a 40–50 m wide waterway. The Rhine River is now 3 km from Philippsburg. This plan view is rotated–north is to the right

1  Origins 1828–48

7

Fig. 1.4  Philippsburg was the center of a region with long history of warfare and political activism. Its most prominent landmark was the septagonal wall around the fortress. This image is from 1635

Philippsburg was centered on an ancient fortress that had been the scene of repeated battles and sieges. Outside of town, about a mile from the fortress, was a mill that had existed in one form or another for more than 500 years. It had been burned during the French invasion in 1734 and rebuilt the same year. Eventually it was known as the Engelsmühle (Angel’s Mill), and in 1764 Anton Kordel bought it. On the corner of his property, Anton Kordel erected a Bildstock, a triangular religious picture made of stone, mounted on a stone pedestal [1.1]. Across the street from the mill, Kordel built a chapel, to which was attached a cemetery [1.2].

8

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.5  Location of the Engelsmühle to the southwest of the town of Philippsburg. The mill is still there, essentially unchanged over several hundred years

Fig. 1.6  Edward Cordell grew up in the Engelsmühle (“Angel’s Mill”). The mill was separated from the town, which has since expanded to include it

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.7 (a, b) These sculptures on the face of the Engelsmühle were there in Cordell’s time

9

10

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.8 Cordell’s grandfather Anton Kordel erected a stone marker on the corner of his property, a modern reconstruction of which stands there now

The Kordel family lived at the mill for more than a century. Anton Kordel and his wife Maria had only two children, Nikolaus and Maria Elizabeth, much less than normal for families of the time. Maria Elizabeth married, but apparently had no children. In contrast, Nikolaus had some 15 children with two wives, of which the ninth child was Ludwig Peter Jacob Kordel, born in 1800. What Ludwig Kordel did for a living is not entirely clear. When he was married in 1825, he was a postman. Three years later, he was a Zugmeister. Ordinarily, Zugmeister would mean “train master,” and it is possible he was, since the first steam train in Germany was built between Nuremberg and Fürth in 1835. However, the word Zugmeister could also mean: 1 . One who organizes groups such as military units; 2. One who works in a handgun factory making sure the barrels are true; 3. A chimney engineer whose responsibility it is to ensure correct draft; 4. A maker or seller of draft beer.

1  Origins 1828–48

11

Fig. 1.9  Eduard Kordel had four siblings, two brothers and two sisters. He and his sister Stephanie changed their surname to Cordell. Later Stephanie changed from her married name back to Cordell

There appears to be no way of telling which of these was his father’s occupation, although the last of this list (beermaker) was the option preferred by the archivist in Karlsruhe where the Standesbuch of Philippsburg is kept. However, for the purposes of this story, Ludwig’s importance went far beyond his profession: His second child, Eduard Kordel, the hero of this story, was born at the Engelsmühle. The event was recorded in the Standesbuch of Philippsburg:

Eduard was the second of five children. His older brother (b. 1826) was given a traditional Latin name, Marius Aurelius Kordel, as was the custom after the Reformation. The other siblings were Luise (b. 1833), Karl Friedrich (b. 1835), and Stephanie (b. 1843). Stephanie was destined to come to America with Eduard. Essentially nothing is known about Eduard Kordel’s early childhood, although it is probable that he simply went to elementary school in Philippsburg, and did what most German youths did: studied history and religion, played football (soccer), and stole apples from the neighbors’ orchards. Sometime during his early years, Eduard Kordel changed his last name to Cordel. This is an intriguing action, since almost no word in German begins with “C” and practically every one that does is actually French. An obsolete dictionary in Karlsruhe (the closest major city) defines a Cordel as a cuerda, which originated from a Greek word khorde, meaning “string of gut.” It was also an old Spanish unit of distance equal to 33 palmos, or about 6896 m, although in various regions it was

12

1  Origins 1828–48

somewhat greater, equal to 25 pies (the Spanish foot). Eduard Cordel probably knew nothing of Spanish mensuration; he probably was just being contrary, already displaying a rebellious spirit that would get him in deep trouble in just a few years. In 1843, when Eduard was 15 years old, he enrolled in the General Mathematics School of the Fredriciana Technische Hochschule in Karlsruhe, one of the most prestigious engineering schools in Europe. He rented a room in a large building at 26 Zahringerstrasse, about half a mile from the school [1.3]. He had classes in Religion, Analysis, Trigonometry, Analytical Geometry, Graphical Geometry, Physics, Botany, German, French, Freehand Drawing, and Calligraphy. In 1844, he re-enrolled for the second year, taking many of the same classes. We don’t know whether the second year was extensions, or repeats. Eduard Cordel’s school report cards tell about his attendance, conduct, industry, progress, and performance on the examination for each of his classes. Did he attend classes? Yes, apparently regularly. Was he well behaved? Yes, reportedly. Was he industrious? Not particularly. Did he make progress? Not much. Did he do well on the exams? Fair, sometimes well, sometimes poorly. In moderm US terms, his grades would have been mostly C’s, with a few B’s and a few D’s.

1  Origins 1828–48

13

Fig. 1.10  Karlsruhe was a center of scientific and technical activities, centering around the University

14

1  Origins 1828–48

Fig. 1.11  The house in which Cordell lived stands today much as it did in 1844–45, when he was a student

1  Origins 1828–48

15

Fig. 1.12 (a) Cordell’s report card for 1843–44 indicates was a mediocre student. (b) Cordell’s report card for 1844–45. He was absent from all of the final exams

16

Fig. 1.12 ­(continued)

1  Origins 1828–48

1  Origins 1828–48

17

At some point during his second year at the University, Eduard appears to have lost interest in academics: his attendance flagged, his efforts dwindled, and he made little or no progress. Eventually he simply did not show up. At the end of the 1844– 45 school year, he is listed as absent from every final exam. Eduard Cordel, destined to be immortalized by virtue of his technical ability and hard work, was a poor student and a high school dropout! He returned to Philippsburg to join the revolution. Eduard Cordel and his brother Aurelius became soldiers in the revolutionary army. On January 7, 1849, Eduard was appointed secretary to the civil commissioner Friedrich Schanzlin. Aurelius was an outstanding soldier. In May 1849, he took an infantry platoon to Offenburg, carrying a black, red, and gold flag. After fierce fighting, Aurelius gave a fiery speech, in which he declared, “Wir wollen endlich die Grundrechte und die Frankfurter Verfassung!” [We demand our rights and the Frankfurt constitution!]. His oration was so impressive that he was made a member of the committee of the provisional revolutionary government [1.4].

Fig. 1.13 (a, b) Part of the original charges against Edward Cordell included treason

18

1  Origins 1828–48

Nonetheless, by June 1849, the Cordel brothers were in very serious trouble. The revolutionary army was defeated, and nearly everyone involved was arrested. Schanzlin was tied to a horse and dragged to his death. Aurelius was tried and sentenced to 15  years in prison (although eventually he apparently was released or escaped). Eduard Cordel, along with Adrian Murrmann, Franz Riedel, Franz Reiss, Anton Wolpert (all from Philippsburg), and Jacob Herberger (from Reinsheim, a district of Philippsburg), were indicted for high treason. The six, including Eduard Cordel, were deemed traitors! They were ordered to appear in court within 4 weeks to answer to the charges. When they did not appear, the court declared them persona non grata and suspended all their civil rights, effectively revoking their citizenship. Eduard and Aurelius Cordel, the other five Philippsburgers, and undoubtedly thousands of others like them, simply vanished legally.

Fig. 1.14  The official notice of the charge of treason against Cordell

1  Origins 1828–48

19

Kordel’s motivations during the revolution may be better understood given the context that in the 1840s Germany (and most of the rest of Europe) was in political revolution. Two great powers dominated: Austria, under Chancellor Metternich, and Prussia, under King Frederick William IV. The liberal movement grew gradually, pressing for constitutional reform and national unification. In 1847, popular demands finally forced Frederick William to take steps to establish representative government. The effort failed, and in 1848 a full scale revolution broke out, encouraged by revolutions in France, Hungary, and Italy, and the publication of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Frederich Engels. Metternich was forced to resign and went into exile. Finally, on March 21, 1848, Frederick William announced that Prussia would merge with a unified Germany. An assembly was convened in Frankfurt to draft a constitution. By early 1849, the document was ready, and it called for King Frederick William to be renamed Emperor Frederick William. Unfortunately for himself, the King was apparently rather uppity; he simply could not accept the crown from the Assembly, nor from any hand other than a German Prince. In his own words, he refused to “pick up a crown out of the gutter.” As a result, Prussia withdrew from the proposed unification, dashing the hopes of the revisionists. In May, the majority of Parliament resigned. The last gasp of the liberal movement was suppressed in June 1849, by troops in the area around Karlsruhe, where Eduard Cordel lived. With the suppression came the indictments for treason. It probably appeared to Eduard Cordel that his country was being ground into chaos between the anvils of the conservative King and the liberal movement. The liberal cause offered its traditional beckon to youth, and Cordel, then 20 years old, became an activist. When the liberals were crushed in the latter part of 1849, activists were branded traitors and their future was forfeit. Eduard Cordel took the most reasonable course of action open to him: he disappeared.

Chapter 2

America 1849–50

Eduard Kordel fled to France in late summer 1849. In Le Havre, together with 278 others, he boarded the Nicholas Biddle and sailed west, arriving in New York on September 26, 1849, at the age of 20 [2.1]. He had a lot of company. The decade 1844–54 was one of four “boom” times in trans-Atlantic migration (others: 1863–73, 1881–88, 1903–13). Of the more than two million people who entered the United States between 1849 and 1854, 80% were from Germany (where the economic and political pressures drove large numbers of people out) and Ireland (where a potato famine drove them out). While all of these immigrants were arriving on the East Coast, another human migration was in progress on the other side of the continent, into California. President James Polk had pledged to take the territory from the Mexicans, regardless. He was busily engaged in negotiations in 1846 when a small group of rough hands declared California an independent republic. Their point was rendered moot, and the Mexicans were rendered impotent, when the Americans landed marines at Monterey and San Francisco. By January 1847, California was annexed by the United States with little resistance. One year later, James Marshall discovered gold at Coloma, 40  miles north of Sutter’s Fort. At the time, the population of San Francisco was a few hundred lonesome souls. In the year ending April 1, 1848, only four vessels from the Atlantic Coast entered the San Francisco Bay. The discovery of gold changed this radically. Within the next 12 months, more than 30,000 people sailed in on perhaps 800 vessels, with about one woman for every 60 men. Countless others with a gold lust swarmed in by land. By the end of 1849 there were enough people to support 500 saloons, abandon 600 ships in the harbor, and repeatedly burn most of the city to the ground in a series of catastrophic fires. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_2

21

22

2 

America 1849–50

While the mobs sailed into San Francisco, Eduard Cordel arrived in New York. Probably to satisfy a clerk’s insistence on having a middle initial, he adopted the anglicized version “Edward C. Cordel.” Sometime during the next 2 years he began to write his surname name as “Cordell” for unknown reasons, possibly so that Americans could pronounce it more accurately. There is no record of exactly where Cordell was or what he was doing over the next 2 years. It’s a safe bet, however, that he was probably doing what many immigrants did upon arrival in America: learning English. Apparently, Cordell learned the language extremely well. In his correspondence, there are remarkably few instances of incorrect spelling or grammar [see, however, remarks in Chap. 36], and his written English displays academic refinement often associated with members of the British Empire. Cordell also met the requirements for American citizenship, and on November 7, 1855, he received his citizenship papers. He renounced allegiance to the Duke of Baden. Something else as grand as California was in its infancy in those years: the inception of the survey of the entire coastline and waterways of the United States. In 1806, Dr. Robert Patterson had suggested to President Thomas Jefferson that a country as large and important as the United States could not get along without knowing its coastal outline, navigational waterways, and underwater features and resources. Responding favorably, the President influenced Congress to pass “An Act to Provide for Surveying the Coasts of the United States.” It was not until the 1840s, however, that serious offshore surveying began. From 1843 to 1867, the Coast Survey was directed by its Superintendent, one Alexander Dallas Bache, who was the grandson of the only daughter of Benjamin Franklin. By 1849 the Survey Office in Washington supported the Superintendent, 15 assistants, 9 sub-assistants, one disbursing agent, 4 computers, 8 draftsmen, 8 engravers, 3 printers, 5 instrument makers, an artificer (a skilled craftsman or inventor), a carpenter, 3 messengers, 4 drawing clerks, 5 captain’s clerks, and 30 persons on temporary employ [2.2].

2  America 1849–50

23

Fig. 2.1  The naturalization order for Edward Cordell, dated 7 November 1855. Cordell’s signature is identical to the signatures seen on his reports and correspondence over the next 15 years

24

2 

America 1849–50

The U.S. Coast Survey was a magnet for technically-oriented men and was the premier scientific agency of the federal government during that period. Not quite 2 years after he arrived as a fugitive immigrant from Germany, Edward Cordell was employed by the Survey as a Captain’s Clerk. California was still 15 years and 3000 miles away.

Chapter 3

The Early Coast Survey 1851–52

Cordell reported for duty at the Coast Survey office in Washington on October 25, 1851, along with nine other men [3.1]. In charge of the office at that time was Captain H. W. Beuham of the U.S. Army. As a Captain’s Clerk, Cordell probably performed a variety of errands for Beuham. His main task however was reducing and inking soundings made by the field parties. Reduction involved correcting the depths obtained with the sounding lead according to the height of the tide at the time the sounding was made. Because a typical survey might generate many thousands of soundings, the labor was of an extent many modern scientists would regard as intolerable. Cordell must have stuck to business, since he remained almost essentially anonymous in the office for almost 2 years. After 4 months, Samuel Hein, the disbursing agent in charge of all personnel, still did not know Cordell’s first name. The various lists of hydrographic charts contain no reference to any authorship by E. Cordell during this period. Cordell’s name does not appear on any of the various rolls of personnel until 1853, at which time he was assigned to the party of an officer of the U.S. Navy, Lieutenant Henry Stellwagen. Such absence of the 1851–1853 record is a bit mysterious, since under normal circumstances, official records such as personnel lists were meticulously kept. One likely explanation for this omission is that he may have been paid by the Navy. If this had been the case, his name would not appear in the records of the Coast Survey, which was a civilian organization. When Cordell arrived at the Survey, some of the people who would play significant roles in his career were already there:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_3

25

26

3 

The Early Coast Survey 1851–52

Lieutenant Cmdr. James Alden of the U.S. Navy was in command of the steamer Active in San Francisco. In October, 1853, Alden and the Active would transport George Davidson up the coast on a reconnaissance cruise to Alaska. On the way back, they would unexpectedly find themselves on top of a shallow place in the ocean, a rocky bank 20 miles due west of Point Reyes. George Davidson had joined the Survey in 1846 [3.2], and had been appointed an Assistant on October 1, 1850. At the time Cordell joined the Survey, Davidson was in California carrying out some of the first hydrographic surveys on the Pacific. In 1853, aboard the Active on the California coast, he dropped the lead line and came up with 30 fathoms, thereby discovering a “Shoal west of Point Reyes.” Sixteen years later, as the Principal Assistant in charge of the Pacific Coast and Edward Cordell’s supervisor, Davidson would send Cordell out to search for the shoal, inadvertently ultimately denying himself the final credit for its discovery. George Farquhar, who had joined the Survey on August 1, 1850, was employed as a draftsman (at $15 per month, plus board) at the time Cordell joined. Presaging a life of personal disaster, in March 1851 Farquhar sailed from the East Coast headed for San Francisco, but he was wrecked on the coast of Patagonia and he returned to the office in Washington. He finally made it to California and was onboard the Active on its 1853 discovery cruise. Farquhar was a heavy drinker and seemed to have an endless sequence of maladies that prevented him from working. In the 1860s, he became a draftsman for Edward Cordell, who saved him from being fired for drunkenness. Upon the death of Cordell in 1870, Farquhar took over Cordell’s vessel and field party, but his career was eventually ended by his failing health. Henry Stellwagen was already actively conducting hydrographic surveys when Cordell joined the Survey in 1851. On October 22, 1852, Stellwagen was appointed an Assistant in the Survey, and in 1854 Cordell was attached to his party as hydrographic draftsman. Cordell was onboard assisting in the discovery of Stellwagen Bank just outside Boston Harbor in 1854. Fifteen years later, Cordell would use Stellwagen’s sounding lead to locate the bank that would eventually bear his name. Outside the boundaries of the Coast Survey, William Learned Marcy, midway between his terms as Polk’s Secretary of War (1845–49) and Pierce’s Secretary of State (1853–57), had become a presidential candidate. His name was given to the U.S. Revenue Cutter, the William L. Marcy, which Cordell would command for 5 years and on which he would rediscover in 1869, the “Shoal west of Point Reyes,” eventually to be called “Cordell Bank.” In addition to being Secretary of State, Marcy had been a U.S. Senator, Governor of New York, and Secretary of War, and in addition to the eponymous vessel, he is honored by Mt. Marcy (the highest peak in New York State), and the Town of Marcy, New York. For 13 years his portrait appeared on the $1000 Silver Certificate. Just as Cordell joined the Coast Survey (1851), Ferdinand Westdahl was turning 8 years old. In 1873, 3 years after Cordell died, Westdahl would have the task of re-surveying Cordell Bank.

3  The Early Coast Survey 1851–52

27

While Cordell was busy in the Washington office, many in San Francisco were busy looking after its shipping industry. The Active displaced 436 tons; on June 11, 1861 she was sold and the entire crew was transferred to the Marcy. The schooner Fanny was 36′6″ long and displaced 55 tons. She was destined to report dangerous rocks just south of the Cordell Bank, later to be named Fanny Shoal. The steamship Winfield Scott—with space for 660-4/14 passengers (!) [3.3]—went to the bottom at Anacapa Island, off Santa Barbara, in December 1853, at a spot Cordell surveyed some 16 years later. The British ship Monsoon, with space for exactly 428-29/210 passengers [3.4, 3.5] fared better: in 1868, she was the first vessel in 15 years to search for the existence of the 30-fathom shoal west of Point Reyes (Cordell Bank). These oddly and impractical measurements reflect the precision of the Coast Survey at the time. In these years, the Army and the Navy made considerable contributions to the Coast Survey, including both vessels and manpower to operate them. In 1852, The Navy alone provided 35 lieutenants, 55 passed midshipmen, 3 surgeons, 4 personnel assistant surgeons, 23 engineers, and 1 professor of mathematics [3.6]. Job security was not good, however: beginning with 75 officers at the start of 1852, 51 more were attached but 66 were detached within the year, for a net loss of 15 men. The prospects for the Coast Survey Assistants were somewhat better: between 1845 and 1853, only one assistant out of about 15 was lost to death or resignation each year. During this time Edmund Blunt, who was an Assistant from the time he joined the Survey in 1833, was paid $3500 per year, about half the salary of the Superintendent and almost twice that of the next highest-paid Assistants (F.  H. Gerdes and R. D. Cutts). New Assistants began at $1000 per year, and new Sub-­ Assistants received $600–$1000. As a Clerk, Cordell probably received about half the compensation of a Sub-Assistant, or about $300 per year. As meager as this was, it could have been worse: as a branch of the government, the Survey was always subject to the whims of Congress. Conversely, it could have been better: anyone with the talents necessary to succeed within the Survey could find work which was far more lucrative simply by going to California, where such work was readily available. On April 29, 1852, Superintendent Bache approved the design of a label for bottles for preserving specimens of sea bottom [3.7]. The label was still in use in 1869, when Cordell collected eight such specimens from Cordell Bank.

28 Fig. 3.1  The seal approved by the Superintendent for labelling specimens

3 

The Early Coast Survey 1851–52

Part II

East Coast Expeditions 1853–65

For more than a decade, Edward Cordell worked with the Assistants in the Coast Survey, first as a draftsman and gradually taking over responsibilities as master of the surveying vessels. He assisted in numerous important discoveries.

Chapter 4

Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

Like Cordell, Henry S. Stellwagen was German. He became a Lieutenant in the U.S. Navy, and was an accomplished hydrographer. He was appointed an Assistant in the Coast Survey by John Kennedy on October 22, 1852, and immediately took charge of the schooner Morris in Texas [4.1–4.10]. There, along with Lieutenant E. I. DeHaven, he carried out a survey of Galvaston Bay. He lived in Philadelphia, however, and by the next spring had returned home. There he received orders from Superintendent Bache to conduct soundings in Massachusetts Bay. The orders included authority to hire a crew and employ a clerk while the vessel was actually at sea. From Boston, Stellwagen wrote to Beuham [4.11]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_4

31

32

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

Fig. 4.1 Henry Stellwagen. Like Edward Cordell, Stellwagen emigrated from Germany and joined the U.S. Coast Survey

Cordell did join him, and during the first 2 weeks in July, 1853, Cordell accompanied Stellwagen on the steam schooner Bibb as they surveyed Minot’s Ledge, just outside Boston Harbor, and Hogs Head Rock, whose position is now unknown [4.12–4.15]. This apparently was Cordell’s first field experience with the Survey. He drew the sketches of the soundings (which became hydrographic sheet H-412) and performed the reductions when they returned to Boston. In September, they sounded the south side of Martha’s Vineyard, and Cordell prepared a sketch, numbered H-378. During this season, they also surveyed the Cohasset Rocks (right next to Minot’s Ledge), approaches to Nantucket Shoals (H-440), Nantucket Island (H-445), Gloucester Harbor and coast (H-396a) and from Marble Head to Lynn (H-413). Cordell prepared the sketches and copied the logs of observations of tides, angles, and soundings [4.16]. Stellwagen designed his own sounding lead. It had a spring-loaded cap that snapped down over a cup. Not only did Stellwagen use this device, but Edward Cordell also used it when he was transferred to California. During the early part of 1854, Cordell and Stellwagen made minor corrections to their work, and struggled with a chart of Salem Harbor, trying to integrate several sets of observations taken in previous years [4.18–4.24]. Inexplicably, during these months Cordell signed his name “Edward Cordel,” but Stellwagen referred to him as “Mr. Cordell.” The reason for the temporary reversion back to the previous spelling is a mystery. In November, Stellwagen returned home to Philadelphia, and Cordell took the results of the season’s work to Captain Beuham in Washington. The results included several bottles of specimens recovered with “Stellwagen’s Sounding Apparatus” [4.17]. In May 1854, Cordell went back to Washington temporarily to make copies of fair journals and projections for the next season’s work [4.25]. Stellwagen found

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

33

Fig. 4.2  Hydrographers had a variety of sounding leads to choose from. Some of these, including Stellwagen’s, could grab a sample of the bottom, and some of those samples are preserved to this day

himself in a full scale battle to make the Bibb seaworthy [4.26–4.29]. The windlass was so small that it sometimes took 2 h to weigh anchor. The pump would scarcely discharge any water. Caulking and painting were needed all around. To his consternation, Superintendent Bache was not sympathetic because the Bibb was a new vessel. Bache wrote in excruciating detail where to reduce his expenses, then approved Stellwagen’s requested funds with the approbation “beyond the limit of approved expenditures there is no authority to proceed” [4.30]. In June 1854, there was trouble with the engine [4.31]. In October, Stellwagen requested another $300 to complete the season due to the high cost of coal [4.32]. Five days later he decided he was out of money, ceased operations, and applied for permission to disband the party. Bache, however, approved some additional money, but warned that since he, Stellwagen, had inspected the vessel, any additional expenses would be his responsibility [4.33]. Stellwagen responded with a lengthy letter rejecting such responsibility [4.34]. Stellwagen interrupted this protracted debate several times to do some useful work. On August 4, he took the Bibb to Edgartown [4.35], and with Cordell aboard, ran two deep sea sounding traverses, out from Nahant and back into Marble Head [4.36]. They had extraordinary good luck in having 5 consecutive days of good weather, but as they were returning, a gale blew in and broke all their thermometers. Four of the crew were sick (although apparently none with cholera, which was an epidemic at the time). During the remainder of August and the early part of September 1854, Stellwagen and Cordell completed the survey of the south side of Nantucket Island [4.37]. Altogether they ran 354 miles, made 4034 soundings between 1 and 22 fathoms, and measured 326 angles. The weather was terrible. On 7 days they got underway

34

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

and had to return. On only 10 days out of 38 did they actually take soundings. On the 9th of September, more than a dozen vessels were driven ashore. On the 16th, they responded to an urgent distress call from the brig B. M. Prescott which had broken her rudder (they towed her to port) [4.38]. Then in late October, Stellwagen and Cordell made a momentous discovery. About 6 miles and a little west of Race Point, they made several casts of 14 fathoms, where they expected perhaps 30 [4.39]. On October 22, 1854, 2 years to the day after he was appointed an Assistant, Stellwagen wrote to the Superintendent Alexander Dallas Bache [4.40]:

It did not take much convincing. Two days later, Bache wrote back [4.41]

A name for the new bank came fast. The very next day (October 25, 1854), Bache wrote out detailed instructions for surveys in Delaware, “after you have completely sounded out Stellwagen’s Bank” [4.42, 4.43]. A few days later bad weather arrived [4.40], and on November 2 Stellwagen was ready to quit for the season, but Bache insisted [4.41]:

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

35

Fig. 4.3  The first line of survey executed by Stellwagen during which he discovered the bank that bears his name

36

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

Stellwagen obliged, and on November 11 telegraphed [4.45]:

On November 23, they left Boston [4.50] aboard the Bibb, arriving at Philadelphia on November 30 [4.51]. The 1854 season had been a good one. Bache was very excited by the discovery of the bank and its confirmation. But was it a “discovery?” Stellwagen produced tracings of three charts by Imray and one by Lambert that claimed that none showed the bank in the correct position [4.39]. In fact, two of the lmray charts did show three or four soundings of less than 15 fathoms in the correct location. The 1849 Imray chart even gave it a name: “Barren Bank.” The Lambert chart also showed shallows, and Bache had referred to it as “Middle Bank.” Stellwagen clearly was stretching the truth to claim that it was a new bank. But the Superintendent was eager to garner the credit for the Coast Survey. In an interesting piece of logic, he figured that if the Barren and Middle banks were to be admitted, then Stellwagen had discovered two additional banks, one of 14 fathoms and one of 10½ fathoms. But in reality, Bache argued, it was one large bank, and Stellwagen was its discoverer [4.44]. The opinion was not universally held: on December 12, the North American and the United States Gazette in Philadelphia published some “strictures” on the discovery [4.45, 4.46]. Stellwagen went to the editor and obtained permission to publish a rejoinder [4.47]. Regardless of the dispute, it was Edward Cordell’s job to reduce the soundings and prepare the sketch of the discovery [4.47]. The sketch was labelled Stellwagen’s Bank, H-457, with himself (Cordell) credited as draftsman. But in the Washington office, the draftsman W. T. Martin made a revision of the drawing and applied his own name to it. Stellwagen brought that to the attention of Captain Beuham [4.48], who had the drawing altered, reversing Martin’s change and giving Cordell credit [4.49].

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

37

For the next 5 months, Cordell worked with Stellwagen in Philadelphia reducing the observations and preparing the sketches. Stellwagen recommended three buoys be placed on the Bank [4.52], one on each end and one in the middle. In May 1855, as he had done the previous year, Cordell made a trip to Washington to make the projections for the coming season’s work. All during the spring and summer, Stellwagen, as he had done the previous year, struggled to get the Bibb in operating condition and staffed with a crew. Seamen were as scarce as dollars, and the Bibb needed quite a crew [4.53]: 1 captain 1 clerk 4 quartermasters 1 boatsman’s mate 1 carpenter’s mate 1 armour’s mate 2 forecastle captains 1 gunner’s mate

1 purser’s steward 1 hospital steward 1 officer’s steward 1 master at arms 1 officer’s cook 1 ship’s cook 15 seamen 5 ordinary seamen

The crew comprised 38 men. They had eight books onboard [4.54]. 2 Bowditches (the 15th and 22nd editions) 1 Blount’s Coast Pilot 3 Nautical almanacs (1854–55) 2 American almanacs 1 Rogers and Blacks Telegraphic Dictionary 1 Signal Book

Stellwagen had his troubles. He took the Bibb out of the water for repairs, but in the first sea trials the boiler leaked badly [4.55–4.61]. In July, the dinghy was entirely destroyed by being crushed between two sections of the floating dock [4.62]. In spite of the frustration, Stellwagen and Cordell managed to get back into Massachusetts Bay during late summer 1855 and obtained additional soundings on Stellwagen’s Bank [4.63–4.66]. By late October, they had accumulated more than 1600 miles of additional soundings. Stellwagen estimated that he had enough work to occupy a draftsman all winter and requested the Superintendent assign Cordell to the task [4.67, 4.68]. The “Chief” complied and Cordell stayed. They began work on two new hydrographic sheets, Massachusetts Bay with Stellwagen’s Bank (H-516), and Stellwagen’s Bank and Other Dangerous Shoals (H-582). Cordell worked full time on them, day and night, and on February 14, 1856, sent H-516 to the Office [4.69–4.73]. Stellwagen requested that Cordell be kept on at Philadelphia and that he be given additional work to bring him extra pay (the request was approved [4.74]). Cordell (over Stellwagen’s signature) forwarded one sounding journal, 6 sounding books, 3 current observation books, and 23 bottles of specimens to Captain Beuham in Washington [4.75–4.78]. While Stellwagen admired Cordell’s work, he was also clearly impressed with his own work. He continuously remarked to the Superintendent of the great demand

38

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

for charts of Stellwagen’s Bank, of the importance of exercising the greatest precision in their preparation, and of the great need to carry out more exploration. However, he apparently was tired of shipboard work, and his wife’s health and child’s disposition were precarious. Apparently his desire was to retire to the office in Philadelphia and spend his remaining time making charts of his Bank. He was promoted and made plans to do just that. Unfortunately, Superintendent Bache was not impressed with the total amount of field work done. He inquired whether Stellwagen would like to be relieved of command early, in order to allow his successor to carry out some of the surveys. His letter was clear [4.79]:

Stellwagen and Cordell did carry out some surveys during the summer of 1856. Stellwagen claimed to have made another major discovery: shoal water near Nantucket and SW of Georges Bank [4.80–4.82]. He was so anxious to obtain the charts of the area from Beuham in the Washington Office that he offered to pay extra to have tracings made quickly. On August 7, 1856, Cordell was with Stellwagen aboard the Bibb, off the coast from Cape Cod, about 3 miles from Chatham, when disaster struck. The wind came up, and they were no longer able to work, so around midday they turned and headed into the narrow passage beside Monomoy Island. The pilot, John Cursell, gave the course to the deck officer, James G. Maxwell, and retired below, where he joined Cordell, Stellwagen, R. R. Breese, and others for dinner. At about 2 p.m., while they were eating, the steam whistle blew two or three times. Stellwagen rushed up on deck. Bearing directly at them was a large schooner, the Mercy Taylor, from the nearby town of South Dennis. In spite of their attempts to hail her, the schooner crashed into the Bibb, turning hard starboard just as she hit [4.83]. The Bibb’s sounding davits were carried away, and the Mercy Taylor lost her jib boom with attached sails and rigging. Cordell felt the collision, but arrived on deck just after it occurred. The Bibb stopped, but upon seeing the Mercy Taylor was proceeding likewise, continued, and the incident was forgotten. The skipper of the Mercy Taylor, George Nickerson, thought about it for 5 months, and then decided to sue. Writing to the “Capt., C.S.S. Bibb,” he mentioned “gross carelessness” and asked for $260 [4.84]. Superintendent Bache polled the crew of the Bibb and received copious support

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

39

Fig. 4.4  The first chart of Stellwagen’s Bank. The survey lines run by the young lieutenant in 1854 are clearly indicated

that the Mercy Taylor was at fault [4.85–4.89]. Nickerson’s claim was politely but firmly disallowed. By September, Stellwagen was anxiously awaiting his detachment from active duty [4.90–4.93]. He also wrote to Beuham [4.94] stating that Cordell was anxious to obtain a position in the Survey Office in Washington rather than go aboard another vessel. This is one of only two instances in which Cordell indicated anything less than total enthusiasm for the field work. Since we know that Stellwagen badly wanted him in his party, it is entirely possible that this portrayal of Cordell is not entirely accurate. By October 1856, Stellwagen was preparing to disband his field party. In December, Superintendent Bache sent Cordell to New York to assist in the preparation of a sheet for the Harbor Improvement Commission [4.95, 4.96]. By late

40

4  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57

January, he was back in Philadelphia requesting the hydrographic sheets of their work in Massachusetts and Cape Cod Bays in order to add the 1856 season’s results [4.97–4.98]. Again, Stellwagen pressed his desire on the Superintendent that he be relieved of field duty and given an office assignment, although he certainly did not want to be placed on leave (for which the pay was only $1200). During the late winter of 1856 and spring of 1857, Stellwagen and Cordell updated various charts (H-223, H-440, H-457, H-516, and H-519) [4.99–4.105]. By mid-June, they were finished, and Stellwagen’s request for a transfer to the Washington office was finally granted. For the record, Stellwagen wrote to Cordell [4.106]:

Cordell provided the list for Captain M. E. Smith, U.S. Engineers, who was then in charge of the Office [4.107]: 15 Original sounding books 2 Original angle books 2 Tide books First and second reductions of tides Tidal observations at Boston Harbor Sketch of Stellwagen’s Ledge near Cohasset Original hydrographic chart of Mass, Bay (H-516)

Plane table sheet no. 236 1 Volume original soundings in Mass. Bay (1855) 7 Specimen bottles 2 Bowditches Navigation 1 Blunts Coast Pilot 2 Nautical Almanacs (1856) 1 American Almanac (1856)

At the end of November, Cordell and Stellwagen parted [4.108–4.109], linked forever by those 5 years, during which Stellwagen had assured his immortality and Cordell had experienced a precursor of his own.

Chapter 5

Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61

Cordell was detached from Stellwagen’s party in June 1857. For the next few years, he had a rather obscure existence within the Survey, working for several Assistants, including C. R. P. Rodgers (July–November 1857), James H. Moore (1858), John N. Maffit (1858), Alex Murray (1858), Charles M.  Fauntleroy (December 1858– February 1861), Charles A.  Schott (July–October 1861), Henry Mitchell (1862), and T. S. Phelps (1862). During these years, Cordell moved often, bouncing between the Office in Washington, the field parties off the coast of New England, up the Hudson River, and off the coasts of Georgia and the Carolinas. As a hydrographic draftsman, his central responsibility was to reduce the soundings to mean low water and prepare neat, accurate drawings for transmittal to the Assistant in Charge of the Office. The most important charts were assigned sequential numbers, such as H-632, H-633, etc. Cordell’s schedule seemed to leave little time for any activity besides putting numbers on paper. Assistant Rodgers inherited three things from Henry Stellwagen: (1) the schooner Bibb and all her mechanical troubles; (2) an assignment to continue Stellwagen’s surveys in Massachusetts Bay [5.1–5.6]; and (3) Edward Cordell. Cordell probably was attached to Rodger’s party because of his experience with Stellwagen in Massachusetts Bay. They spent most of July in New York waiting for the Bibb to have its boilers and machinery repaired [5.7, 5.8]. Finally, on the morning of August 17, 1857, they sailed for Georges Bank, arriving 2  days later [5.9]. Except for

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_5

41

42

5 

Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61

running sounding lines seaward of the Bank, most of the next 3 months was spent filling deficiencies in charts from previous work. By November 13, they were back in New York, and Cordell took his leave of Rodgers [5.10]. Although Cordell helped Rodgers with the hydrographic work, he was not actually given responsibility for any of the hydrographic sheets. Mr. C. J. Murphy, who had accompanied Rodgers in the 1856 surveys of Cape Lookout and Beaufort Bar off the North Carolina coast, was assigned the task of drafting the charts. Like Cordell, Murphy was a Captain’s Clerk, and drew his entire pay from the U.S. Navy [5.11]. Murphy’s distinction was in the poor quality of his work. His hydrographic sheets of Beaufort Bar (H-577) and Cape Lookout to Bogue Inlet (H-578), although unsigned, were readily identifiable as his work on account of their sloppiness. Sheets H-593, H-595, H-596, and H-597 were so bad the Superintendent sent them all back for corrections and completion [5.12]. Why Rodgers did not have Cordell do the work remains a mystery. Assistant Maffit, on the other hand, apparently recognized a good thing. During the short time Cordell worked for him, they produced four hydrographic sheets: a series of deep sea soundings off the North Carolina Coast (H-622), the Southern Bars of Cape Fear River (H-624), the Main Ship Bar in the Charleston Harbor (H-625), and the South Carolina Coast from Cape Roman to Charleston (H-626). These sheets resulted principally from Maffit’s surveys during 1856–57. But Cordell was with Stellwagen until June 1857 and with C.  R. P.  Rodgers until November 1857. If he had been with Maffit in the field, it must have been for a very short time. More likely, Cordell did Maffit’s work in the Office in Washington. Maffit was prodigious in his work for the Survey, and it is likely that Cordell was not his only draftsman. During 1856–57, Maffit produced 109 sounding books, 36 angle books, 61 tide books, 15 charts, and 174 bottles of bottom specimens [5.13]. In 1859 he voluntarily detached himself from the Coast Survey, and Superintendent Bache was moved to write to him: “… your efforts have been seldom if ever excelled by those of any other officer … As nothing has occurred throughout the long period of your association with the Coast Survey to stay the increasing regard won by your even courtesy and manly bearing, my regret in taking leave of you is the greater …” [5.14]. Maffit apparently had his reasons for wanting to leave: 3 years later, during the Civil War, he had become a Confederate, preying on Union merchantmen! During 1858, Cordell assisted in the field work of Lieutenant Commander James H.  Moore [5.15–5.17]. This work resulted in five hydrographic sheets, including two of Sapelo Sound, NC (H-659, H-660), and two of the Sheep Scot River, Maine (H-675, H-676). The fifth sheet was of the Hudson River from Stony Point to Whortleberry (H-632). Thomas Wilson, in his 1859 report to the Superintendent of the quantity and quality of Cordell’s hydrographic work, described this piece as “an exceedingly beautiful and carefully executed sheet.” Sometime during 1858, Cordell made two hydrographic sheets for another Assistant, Lieutenant Alex Murray. These sheets cover two creeks in the Catskill Mountains, up the Hudson River: Rondout Creek (H-665) and Esopus Creek (H-666). His heart must not have been in the latter, since Wilson called it “tolerably well done.”

5  Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61

43

Fig. 5.1  The Georgia coast. Between l857 and 1861, Cordell moved between this area and the New England coast, working as a draftsman for various field parties. This chart covers the entire Georgia coast, from Tybee at the South Carolina/Georgia stateline south to Cumberland Island at the Georgia/Florida stateline. The details of the coastal island and rivers have, of course, changed significantly since Cordell surveyed them

44

5 

Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61

Although Wilson also stated that Cordell worked for Lieutenant W.  B. Huger during 1858–59, there is no evidence that he actually did. Huger’s draftsman was Charles Ost [5.18]. Huger provided the Superintendent with his view of the new iron ships: “As for myself, I would rather use a wooden boat … the only thing I have to say in favor of iron ones is that worms will not eat them…” [5.19]. In December of 1858, Cordell went to work for Lieutenant Commander Charles M. Fauntleroy, a relative (by marriage) of George Davidson [5.20]. By March 19, 1859 they were off the Georgia coast, sounding the Sapelo Bar aboard the Varina, not far from where Cordell and Moore had sounded the previous year [5.21–5.23]. By July, Fauntleroy was able to send the Office their chart of the Entrance to Port Royal (H-677) [5.24, 5.25]. By November, Cordell was back in the Office in Washington, and completed their chart of Sapelo Bar, and one of the Chechessee and Collector Rivers (H-679) [5.26, 5.29]. At about the same time he completed a sheet of part of the Kennebec River above Bath, Maine, from Moore’s surveys of 1858 [5.30]. On New Year’s Day 1860, Cordell got a promotion, from Hydrographic Draftsman second Class to Hydrographic Draftsman first Class. It would mean not only advancement to the top of the rank, but also an increase in pay. In 1859, the hydrographic draftsmen of the Survey were ranked in four classes: first (paid $75/ month plus $1 day subsidence); second ($65/month plus $.75); third ($60/month plus $.55); and fourth ($50/month plus $.33). During early 1860, Fauntleroy and Cordell surveyed Ossabaw Sound on the Georgia coast [5.31, 5.32]. The Superintendent, however, wanted them to continue Moore’s soundings on the Hudson River, so by June they were back in New York [5.33, 5.34]. By September their work was done, and Fauntleroy sent Cordell back to Washington to work up the charts without interruption [5.35]. Cordell worked independently, although around the first of December, Fauntleroy made a trip to Washington to see how it was going [5.36]. It apparently went well, since on January 23, 1861, Cordell forwarded the chart of Ossabaw Sound, including Vernon and Ogeechee Rivers, Georgia, to Captain Palmer (in charge of the Office) [5.37]. By February 1861, Cordell had finished part of the Hudson River charts [5.38], and made application through Fauntleroy to go to New  York to complete them [5.39]. It is likely that his motivation for going to New York was to be with his sister, Stephanie (Cordell) Biber.

Chapter 6

Maine Casco Bay 1861

Cordell’s next assignment was with Assistant Charles Schott. Schott was a mathematician, and a supervisor’s dream. He carried out his work with easy precision, keeping records of great clarity and completeness [6.1, 6.2]. On July 3, 1861, the Superintendent gave Schott orders to survey Casco Bay and Portland (Maine) Harbor. Three days later Cordell reported to the Office in Washington for duty. After obtaining the necessary materials, Cordell journeyed to Peekskill, NY, where he boarded the Coast Survey’s schooner Joseph Henry. On the 17th he took her to New York, possibly Cordell’s first experience in skippering a vessel. They arrived in New York 2 days later, and were met by Schott, who took charge of the party. In addition to Cordell, Schott was assisted by Henry P. Meade, another hydrographic draftsman, a sailing master, and nine able seamen. After establishing the party, Schott left it to Cordell to take the vessel from New York to Portland, Maine. They arrived there on July 31. Schott rejoined them, and they began work on Casco Bay the next morning. Their job was to survey the water around the bewildering array of tiny islands just to the north of Portland. Between 1853 and 1857, Assistant A. W. Longfellow had carried out a topographic survey of these islands. Perhaps not entirely by coincidence, Longfellow was continuing his work at Casco Bay while Schott and Cordell were in their boat. All during August, September, and most of October (1861), Cordell and Schott ran line after line of soundings. When the weather was “squally” they measured the tides and reduced their observations [6.3].

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_6

45

46

6 

Maine Casco Bay 1861

Fig. 6.1  The New England coast showing where Cordell spent most of his time between 1861 and 1863

Schott paid his crew on the first of the month. On the 1st of September he administered an oath of allegiance to the government of the United States to every crew member. That night they were rewarded with a spectacular aurora borealis. The Superintendent wanted Schott to return to Washington about the middle of September, leaving Cordell in charge of the party, but things were going so well Schott asked (and received) permission to stay [6.4, 6.5]. On October 11, Superintendent Bache arrived for an inspection, and found everything in good order. Finally, in October the weather began to turn, and on the 21st, the party broke up [6.6]. The logs and books were duplicated and sent to Washington [6.6–6.8], and on December 5, Schott forwarded 11 specimens of the

6  Maine Casco Bay 1861

47

bottom of Casco Bay [6.9] to the Office. Cordell went to New York to perform the reductions and plotting. The expedition was complete. The statistics of that expedition are remarkable: in running 573 statute miles, they took 20,954 soundings and measured 3890 angles [6.6]. Working 6 days per week, they had 52 productive days. Assuming 10-h days, this means that, on the average, they took soundings at the rate of about 1 per minute. If we consider that they could not possibly operate at peak efficiency all the time, such a rate clearly indicates that the work must have been carried out by a highly organized and coordinated team effort. The statistics of the reduction of the data are almost unbelievable. Cordell’s job was to compute the difference between the observed depth and the mean low water (as inferred from the tidal measurements) for each position, and then plot the result in the correct position. Since the tide and angles varied during the soundings, each sounding had to be computed independently and there was no way to mechanize the work. During December alone, he computed 20,903 reductions and plotted 6430 soundings and 1691 angles [6.10]. By January 31, 1862, he had plotted the remaining 14,443 soundings [6.11]. If we assume that he spent 2 months of 60-h weeks at the task, he was working at the average rate of one reduction and plotting every 20 s! There is no known explanation for this high productivity. No less wonderful than the statistics is the list of the areas covered during the surveys [6.6]: Long Island, Crotch Island, Bates Island, Little Birch Island, Little Whaleboat Island, Little John’s Island, Little Jebeig Island, Great Jebeig Island, Horse Island, Great Whaleboat Island, Green Island, Cousin’s Island, Mackey’s Island, Cow Island, Clapboard Island, Sturdivant’s Island, Basket Island, Hope Island, Sand Island, Slave Island, Bang’s Island, Ministerial Island, Stockman’s Island, Hussey Sound, Great Hog Island, Luckses Sound, Harpswell Neck, Peak’s Island, Man’s Point, the greater part of Broad Sound, Bate’s Island, Eagle Island, Upper Flag Island, Haskell’s Island, Monument Island, Broken Cave, and Drunken Dick Ledge!

6 

Fig. 6.2  (Rotated) Progress sketch of Casco Bay showing survey work by Stellwagen

48 Maine Casco Bay 1861

6  Maine Casco Bay 1861

49

Fig. 6.3  (Rotated) Sketches such as these were the first made with any reasonable accuracy. They are reproduced here at roughly actual size, showing the extraordinary fineness of the ink sketching done by the surveyors

50

6 

Maine Casco Bay 1861

Fig. 6.4  Note entries on this and previous sketches indicating “limit of old work” and “work of previous seasons”

Chapter 7

North Carolina 1862

On March 9, 1862, two ironclad battleships—the Monitor and the Virginia (which was the new name of the Merrimack)—met at Hampton Roads, Virginia. The battle was indecisive, but it had a profound positive psychological impact to both the Union and the Confederacy. Two weeks later, Edward Cordell was attached to the party of Lieutenant Henry Mitchell, bound for the shores of North Carolina, just a few miles south of the site of the battle. Cordell apparently did not want to go, as he wrote to the Superintendent [7.1]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_7

51

52

7  North Carolina 1862

The Superintendent did find it inconvenient, and refused, “consistent with the interests of the public service” [7.2]. Perhaps to ease the feelings, Bache raised Cordell’s pay to $80/month plus subsistence [7.3]. Cordell was then the highest paid hydrographic draftsman in the Survey. Cordell tracked off with Mitchell to the coast of North Carolina. They were supposed to use the Albemarle, but just before they got there the steamer met with an accident and was disabled. Accordingly, they combined forces with Assistant A. S. Wadsworth on the schooner Bancroft. By the end of May, they had examined the Oregon Inlet to Pamlico Sound, and the lower part of the Neuse River. Among other things, they found that the channels into the Hatteras Swash had sand bars with 3 or 4 ft. of water, and that a steamer could run at them full speed and get through them. While Cordell was dropping the lead into the waters of Pamlico Sound, Union and Confederate soldiers in Tennessee were dropping lead into their guns. In the space of 2 days (April 6–7, 1862), 20,000 men shot and killed each other at Shiloh. The naval war also had its day: on April 11, the Virginia (originally the Merrimack) appeared at Hampton Roads, ready for battle. One month later, when the Confederates evacuated Norfolk, she was intentionally destroyed by her own crew. Her historic opponent, the Monitor lived until December 31, 1862. In tow off Cape Hatteras, she sank in 210 ft of water, taking with her 4 officers and 12 enlisted men. More than a century later (in 1975), the wreck was declared the first U.S.  National Marine Sanctuary.

7  North Carolina 1862

53

Fig. 7.1  The middle coast of the Eastern Seaboard. Cordell was involved in survey work at the listed locations, often under enemy fire by the Confederate Navy

Chapter 8

Casco Bay Continued 1862

July 10, 1862 was Cordell’s last day as a hydrographic draftsman. On that day the Superintendent put him in charge of the hydrographic party, with orders to return to Casco Bay [Mass.] and continue the work he and Schott had carried out the previous year [8.1, 8.2]. He was not yet an Assistant, but he no longer reported to one, either. The Superintendent gave him a $3.50/month raise, to $83.25/month [8.3]. Cordell took charge of the schooner Caswell, and enlisted L.  L. Nicholson, James A. Sample, and G. A. Sengteller as aides, along with two petty officers and eight crewmen [8.4–8.6]. By August 1, they were in Casco Bay, underway for Harpswell Harbor. Their first task was to establish a tide gauge. Then they began the systematic and tedious work of running line after line of soundings. Using Harpswell Harbor as a base, they sounded from the schooner or its boat, or both. Once a week, usually on Saturday or Sunday, they ran to Portland for provisions and mail. They were prepared to work 6 days a week (never on Sunday), but the weather permitted them to work only 3 out of 4 days. The rest of the time they reduced their tidal measurements and plotted and copied and copied and plotted. By the last week of September, they had run out of room in the journals and requested more from the Office [8.7]. Cordell described the effort [8.8]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_8

55

56

8  Casco Bay Continued 1862

Altogether they ran 663.5  miles covering an area of 27 square miles. They sounded Yarmouth River, Cousin’s River, Freeport River, between Bailey’s island and Crotch Island, Mericoneag Sound, Harpswell Harbor, Trundy’s Reef, White Head Passage, a rock off the southeast end of Little Jebeig Island, and the artificial channel across Middle Ground in Portland Harbor [8.9, 8.10]. On the 30th of September, they quit, and Cordell went off to New  York City to see his sister Stephanie [8.11]. In the Office, J. E. Hilgard examined Cordell’s logs, and decided that it would be necessary to run some additional soundings, including some between Peak’s Island and Bang’s Island. The Superintendent echoed this opinion with the orders [8.12– 8.15], and Cordell returned to his waiting crew. Between October 9 and October 17, they carried out the additional work [8.16]. On October 18, 1862, Cordell delivered the Caswell to Assistant Longfellow in Portland, and packed all the instruments except the ship’s compass and barometer and sent them to the Office in Washington [8.17]. He again requested permission to prepare the results of the season’s work in New York City, in order to be with his “ailing” sister Stephanie Biber [8.18–8.20]. The ailment from which his sister was suffering was, in fact, pregnancy: she soon gave birth to a son who was named Arthur. From her house at 113 7th St. in New York City, Cordell estimated how much time it would take to reduce and plot the Casco Bay results [8.21–8.25]: • • • • •

Transferring shore lines, 5 days; Re-plotting 5291 angles, 30 days; Insertion of 30,894 soundings, 37 days; Examination and reduction of tides and currents, 7 days; Sundays, 12 days.

Total, 91 days. He never got the chance to do it; the next month the Superintendent sent him packing again, this time to Florida. Eventually Cordell’s survey data was combined with the topographic and hydrographic work of 16 other men in the Survey, and issued as one magnificent chart in 1870. It represented work that dated from 1852 through 1870. Most, but not all, of the dozens of islands and ledges still have the same names today.

Fig. 8.1  (Rotated) The impressive 1870 chart of the survey of Casco Bay, Massachusetts

8  Casco Bay Continued 1862 57

Chapter 9

Florida Reefs 1863

In November 1862, the Superintendent directed Cordell to execute portions of the hydrography of the Florida reefs, adjoining the 1861 work of George Davidson [9.1–9.3]. In New York (he now lived at 198 10th St.), Cordell pulled together a crew, including Sub-Assistant Charles Iardella as pilot, and aides Thomas C. Bowie, L. L. Nicholson, L. A. Sengteller, H. M. DeWees, and A. M. Wetherill [9.4, 9.5]. He requested and received two favors from Superintendent Bache, namely: 1. The chart for Charlotte Harbor (Florida) be prepared in the Office in Washington and sent to him in Florida [9.6], and 2. His ailing sister would be allowed free passage with him on the Vixen [9.4, 9.7]. By December 8 he was ready to leave for Points South. Then things started to go wrong. Before they could leave, the Navy decided that the guns on the Vixen needed changing, and this necessitated much carpentry [9.8, 9.9]. It was not until the 20th that they could leave New York [9.10]. It took them a full 5 days to make Port Royal, N.C; they arrived Christmas Day. The steamer proceeded at an average of 5½ knots, moving the Superintendent to remark: “the speed of the Vixen is assuredly very small” [9.11, 9.13]. From Port Royal, they struck out for the tip of Florida. The engine on the Vixen was not in top condition, so when they reached Cape Florida (just below Miami), they decided to take the inside passage to Key West. This choice was both good and bad: by staying inside the line of Keys, they would be afforded protection from rough seas, but the inside waters were shallower and very tricky to navigate. About 4 o’clock in the afternoon on New Year’s Day, they were passing Elliott Key. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_9

59

60

9  Florida Reefs 1863

Suddenly the lead shoaled from 14 ft. to less than 9 ft., and then 0 ft.–they were aground on the eastern edge of Margot Fish Shoal, stuck fast in a falling tide [9.14, 9.15]. There was nothing they could do but wait. At high tide the next morning, they ran the engines at full steam, heaving at the same time with the stem anchor, to no avail. So they started throwing things overboard. First, the water was dumped, then 30 tons of coal. They moved the guns aft, and everybody stood on the stern. Still she held fast. Considering their vulnerability to Confederate and pirate ships, their circumstance was precarious. Finally, after 3 days of frustration, they hired the sloop Harriet Crocker and a crew from the U.S. Bark Gernsbank for $50. With everybody pulling together, they were finally able to back off into 12 ft. of water, and there they spent the night [9.16]. Two days later the Sailing Master, Captain E. Hardy, lost his job [9.12]. As soon as they arrived in Key West, they reported to Admiral Bailey [9.17, 9.18]. Bailey hatched a plan to use the Vixen to mount an expedition to Bay Port. It had been reported that schooners supposedly loaded with cotton were going in and out, supplying the Rebels with essential goods and materials. Bailey’s plan was to run in and capture the schooners. Cordell’s pilot, Mr. Iardella, however, was familiar with the locality, and pointed out that since the nearest anchorage for the Vixen would be 8 miles from Bay Port, they would be unprotected from shore attacks, and there were also reports that the shore was “lined with armed forces.” Wisely, and probably to Cordell’s relief, Bailey abandoned the plan, and Cordell prepared to go surveying [9.17]. The hopeful Bailey provided him with printed instructions relative to the capture of prizes of war, just in case he should feel so motivated [9.18]. By January 11, they had taken on 60 tons of coal to replace the coal they had thrown overboard, and the next morning they left for Indian Key, sailing back up the line of Keys. The weather was so bad they had to sit for 5 days, unable to do much more than observe the tides. Finally, on the 17th, the day was clear and they steamed out toward Upper Matecumbe Island. Four hours out, one of the injection pipes in the steam engine burst, and they had to set the sails and return to Indian Key [9.12]. After 3 days of repair work, they were able to proceed, beyond Matecumbe toward Tavernier. From January 21 to February 11, nothing terrible happened; they just went about their job of surveying the area between Indian Key and Rodriguez Key. They were busy: using two boats and the steamer, they ran 454 miles, recording 14,249 soundings and 1614 angles [9.19–9.21]. Cordell himself took the first cutter, along with Iardella, Sengteller, and DeWees [9.22]. Bowie was in charge of the second cutter, assisted by Nicholson and Wetherill. They ran the lines 2 miles seaward from the outer reefs, and examined the channels inside them. The Superintendent provided some encouragement: “If you wait for the trade winds not to blow, you will have very few days at this season to work” [9.23]. The Superintendent also had other advice: “Take great care in regard to pirates afloat. They draw (but) 13 feet [of water]” [9.23]. Pirates were not the only danger Cordell faced. They were, of course, in the middle of a Civil War, and Union vessels were fair game for predatory Confederate vessels. That’s what the new guns on the Vixen were for, after all. Ironically, one of Cordell’s previous mentors, Lieutenant

9  Florida Reefs 1863

61

James N. Maffit, was now a Confederate–a traitor! The Superintendent warned Cordell [9.24]:

Cordell replied his assurances [9.21]:

By February 16, Cordell and crew were loaded with coal again, and steamed out of the harbor at Key West [9.25]. Trouble was always present. This time the steam chest (on the main engine) exploded, blowing a huge hole in its side. Again they limped back to port for repairs. Unfortunately, the local machinists had to give priority to repairing vessels of war, so it was 3 weeks before the Vixen could obtain help [9.26–9.28]. To pass the time, Admiral Bailey suggested that they examine the positions of the buoys at the entrance to the Key West Harbor. The lighthouse inspector Mr. Whalton gave Cordell command of the schooner Florida for the job [9.29]. The Florida was Maffit’s former ship; it had been captured by the Union on October 7, 1862. Only one buoy was moved, by some 20 yards. Finally, on March 2 the repairmen began work on the Vixen, and by March 11, she was underway again for the reefs near Indian and Rodriguez Keys. This time there were no disasters, and within 3  weeks, they had completed the surveys of French Reef, Pickle Reef, Conch Reef, Davis Reef, and Crocus Reef. All of these

62

9  Florida Reefs 1863

reefs had less than 2 ft. of water at low tide, and were separated from one another by channels with three to five fathoms. The statistics were: 1067 miles, 30,339 soundings, and 4263 angles [9.30–9.32]. The rate for the days they were able to work was about one sounding every minute for each of the two cutters. They spent the first week of April 1863 at Key West, taking on more coal and servicing the Vixen (which was in constant need of repair) [9.33]. Anticipating Cordell’s return trip up the Atlantic coast, the Superintendent asked if he could run lines from Florida to the Bahamas and thoroughly sound the area around Cape Canaveral [9.34, 9.35]. Cordell’s reply was in his usual polite form [9.36]:

Apparently he was unsuccessful in obtaining a gunboat, since on April 5th they went north to Charlotte Harbor. For the rest of the month they sounded the approaches and bar, the entrance, and the anchorage inside [9.37]. At the inside point of Boca Grande, they observed the tide day and night for 3 weeks [9.38]. And at four stations inside and outside the harbor they measured the currents. Between April 9 and April 30, they erected 8 signals, ran 574 miles, and recorded 11,744 soundings and 2102 angles. On May 1 they returned to Key West and prepared to return to the North [9.38, 9.39]. But the Superintendent wanted to get as much from the working party as possible. He asked Cordell to complete the hydrography off the south end of Boca Chica, a reef very near Key West. The work was necessary in order to connect previous work of John Rodgers and Captain Craven. They did complete this assignment in early May [9.40], and then they left. On May 23, 1863, after a run of 6 days and 13 h, they arrived back in New York, and Cordell telegraphed the good news to Washington [9.41]. The bad news he wrote in his report later that day: First, the thermometer with which they were supposed to have measured the temperature at 15 fathoms during the entire return trip had failed

9  Florida Reefs 1863

63

Fig. 9.1  Cordell and his crew surveyed seaward of the Keys, staying away from the shore to avoid attacks by Confederate vessels

on the second day, and they discontinued making measurements [9.42, 9.45]. Second, that very morning, while lying at anchor in New York Harbor, the schooner Science of Dennis ran into them, smashing the second cutter and doing slight damage to the stanchions and iron railings. Fortunately, the Dennis’ insurance company promptly agreed to pay for all needed repairs, which pleased the Superintendent [9.43]. He was not pleased with the loss of the thermometers, however: “The loss of

64

9  Florida Reefs 1863

the temperatures at 15 fathoms strikes me unfavorably, and will be set down to the debit of the party” [9.43, 9.44]. The matter was ultimately smoothed over when the pilot, Mr. Iardella, personally reported to the Superintendent, apparently pacifying him [9.45]. The final business of the Florida expeditions was to communicate various pieces of news and gossip which had been acquired during the 4 months they were gone [9.46, 9.47]. Cordell reported that there were no troops at Miami River [9.48]. General Woodbury was planning to build some blockhouses and detail 12 men to protect the lighthouse there, but had not done it yet [9.49]. There were additional details on the surveys [9.50, 9.51]. And he reported that the lighthouse at Cape Florida had been destroyed by four men coming from Indian River, after having put out the light there [9.49]. Finally, he provided a report on the services and qualities of his crew [9.52]. Predictably, everyone got very high marks.

Chapter 10

Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

The year 1863 just was not a good one for Edward Cordell. After the series of disasters which overtook him on the expedition to Florida, he now was poised to fall headlong, but innocently, into a tricky personal dispute with Carlile Patterson, Inspector of Hydrography in the Washington Office. The dispute would reach out 6 years into the future and nearly rob Cordell of his name on a chart and his place in history. His stay in New York lasted only 10 days. On June 1 the Superintendent drafted orders for him to return to Portland (Maine) Harbor and especially to examine several dangerous rocks there [10.1, 10.2]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_10

65

66

10 

Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

Patterson requested the draftsman Mr. Balbach to hurriedly prepare the projection for Cordell indicating the supposed positions of the rocks [10.3, 10.4]. By June 4, Cordell had assembled a new crew, including Aides Sengteller and DeWees, and a new man, Gershom Bradford [10.5, 10.6]. As soon as the orders and projection arrived in New York, off they went in the Vixen. Three days later, they arrived in Portland, having burned 16 tons of coal, and proceeded to sit for two more days to await decent weather [10.7, 10.8]. Over the next several days, they surveyed the area marked on their chart. In spite of great effort, Vapor Rock was nowhere to be found. Another rock, Old Anthony Rock, were marked on the charts, about half a mile to the north, but there was nothing in the location marked Vapor Rock. Cordell hired an old fisherman from Cape Elizabeth to show him the rock, and the man took him directly to Old Anthony, insisting that it was known by both names [10.9]. Finally, the principal pilot of the port, a Mr. Willard, confirmed this statement, and pointed out a number of other dangerous rocks in the area [10.10]. Meanwhile Cordell surveyed Bulwark Shoal, a little over a mile to the northeast, and found 6 fathoms on the ledge, with 14 ft. least water. These soundings contradicted the 1853 results of Woodhull, who found 6 ft. Cordell dutifully reported his non-findings to Patterson, along with a sketch [10.11]. That is when the trouble began. Upon receiving Cordell’s report, Patterson dashed off a strident letter to the Superintendent [10.12]:

Patterson enclosed a sketch showing two positions for Vapor Rock, with the note “both of these positions were described in the Supt’s instructions to Mr. Cordell. Mr. Cordell surveyed Old Anthony (instead)”. Patterson recommended both Vapor Rock and Bulwark be resurveyed [10.12].

Fig. 10.1  One of several working sketches showing Old Anthony or Vapor Rocks. Cordell provided this sketch as partial proof that they were, in fact, the same rock

10  Maine: Portland Rocks 1863 67

68

10 

Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

Superintendent Bache apparently was unable to perceive the error in Patterson’s letter. He shot back a note with a heavy word [10.13]:

Bache, no longer trusting Cordell, was going to have Schott resurvey the rocks. Schott, however, was not immediately available, so Assistant [Lieutenant Commanding] Phelps, in the steamer Corwin, proceeded to re­examine the area, as well as the rocks mentioned by Willard [10.14, 10.15]. For the time being, the dispute rested, and Cordell went on with the rest of the surveying. He found coal outrageously expensive—$9.50/ton—and began to burn wood, although he could only get a cord or two here and there [10.16–10.18]. They moved operations east to Herring Gut Harbor in Penobscott Bay, and surveyed the waters near Burnt and Manhegan Islands. On June 19, they ran to Rockland for supplies and mail, and 10 days later traveled 12  miles up the St. George River to Thomaston to find wood [10.9]. On July 1, they surveyed Mosquito Island, and the next day began examining White Head Channel. The depth was sufficiently great to require stopping the 300-ton steamer for every cast. The weather deteriorated so much that during all of July they could only work 7 full days and parts of 7 more [10.19], and to make matters worse, on July 14, Mr. DeWees took leave of absence on account of illness [10.20–10.22]. On the 20th, the Superintendent received a false report from Patterson that the Vixen was on her way back to New York. Bache sent orders to Cordell to report with her to the Corps of Engineers at the breakwater [10.23]. In a note to Patterson, the Professor indulged himself again [10.24]:

10  Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

69

Cordell finished the Penobscott Bay work, and with his money and fuel exhausted, holed up in Thomaston [10.25–10.28]. He telegraphed Bache in Philadelphia [10.29]:

Bache must have been totally peeved at this point, responding [10.30]:

There is no record of whether Cordell responded to this, but soon he left Thomaston bound for New York. Shortly before arriving on August 14, the Vixen again burst her steam chest, and they had to limp in, just as they had done in Florida 6 months before. Cordell laid her up at the Navy Yard and received permission to carry out the preparation of the charts in New York [10.31–10.34]. Meanwhile, Superintendent Bache was still wrestling with the Vapor Rock controversy between Cordell and Patterson. He ordered Cordell to return any written orders he had received [10.35], and queried Samuel Hein, the disbursing agent in the Washington Office, as to what orders had been sent [10.36–10.38]. He also instructed Cordell to contact Patterson about the problems with the Portland Harbor Rocks, which he did. And Bache interrogated Patterson again about the matter. This time Patterson wrote a deliberate lie [10.39]:

70

10 

Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

With this letter, Patterson included a tracing of Cordell’s sheet, clearly showing Vapor Rock marked in two positions, but no sounding lines indicated across one of them. Patterson also noted that Phelps work had entirely corroborated Cordell’s measurement of 6 fathoms (not 6 ft.) and least water 14 ft. on Bulwark Shoal: “the survey of Mr. Cordell is entirely correct” [10.39]. Perhaps sensing impending censure, Patterson solicitously suggested that the name “Old Anthony or Vapor Rock” be entered on the chart in the position of the former, and the Superintendent approved.

Fig. 10.2  The sketch that C. P. Patterson used in an attempt to discredit Cordell by indicating that there were two rocks

10  Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

71

Fig. 10.3  Another sketch used by Patterson in an attempt to show that Cordell had not competently surveyed the rocks

Again taken in by Patterson’s false report, the Superintendent wrote critically to Cordell [10.40]. In response, Cordell quoted from the Superintendent’s own order [see above], which contains no mention of two positions [10.41]:

Apparently oblivious to the investigation already underway, Cordell added [10.41]:

72

10 

Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

Unable to establish blame, the Superintendent authorized the use of “Old Anthony or Vapor Rock” [10.42]. Then he turned to one of his clerks, W. W. Cooper, to clarify the situation. Cooper did [10.43]:

Then Cooper added:

In other words, in order to cover his lie about Cordell, Patterson had drawn the second position of the rock on the chart after Cordell had returned it! Faced with likely exposure of his duplicity, Patterson made one last desperate effort to abrogate his transgression [10.44]. In a long, overly detailed letter to the Superintendent, he presented the following convoluted argument: 1. The Office draftsman, Mr. Balbach, had noted that the Light House Board had given two positions for the rock. He made a series of plots of various positions from a list of bearings and Argument distances, including both positions for the rock; 2. Then Mr. Karcher had made the projection without being informed that the same rock was identified in two different positions. He highlighted one of the positions as the approximate position of the rock; and 3. The Office then forwarded the projection in that condition to Cordell while he (Patterson) was away in New York!

10  Maine: Portland Rocks 1863

73

Patterson went on to state that Balbach, having plotted and replotted the two positions so many times, was convinced that that was the way the chart was sent to Cordell. In fact, Balbach had only plotted one position and had added the second position after Cordell returned the chart! Finally, Patterson claimed he had verbally told Cordell there were two positions. All of these facts, Patterson said, absolved Cordell of any blame [certainly a true statement, although not for the reasons Patterson had stated!]. Incredibly, the Superintendent bought this story, and wrote to Cordell [10.45]:

Bache mentioned again that Patterson claimed to have informed Cordell orally about two positions, to which Cordell responded with a vigorous denial [10.46]. The last breath of this silly affair was drawn by the Superintendent [10.47]:

Cordell was, at that moment (October 26), in Washington to deposit the sounding books, tidal and current reductions, and charts of his work in Casco Bay from 1862 and on the Florida Reefs during 1863 [10.48]. He must have felt pretty good, since on November 10, 1863, he wrote to the Superintendent and asked for an increase in his salary [10.49–10.51].

Chapter 11

North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65

Between August 1863, and March 1864, Cordell lived in New York, working up the data he had collected from previous field work [11.1–11.12]. He progressed steadily: on September 5, 1863, he forwarded the Florida Reefs chart to the Office; on September 11, Boca Chica; on October 3, Charlotte Harbor; on January 11, 1864, Casco Bay; on January 29, Penobscott Bay. On March 9, he sent his original books and logs to Washington [11.13]. If Cordell ever took a vacation, it must have been then. Unfortunately, it was short: a week later the war called him. The North Atlantic Blockading Squadron needed development of safe passages within the harbors under their control, including Beaufort, NC. On March 17, he received orders to report to the Office [11.14], and arrived there 4 days later. From there he went to Baltimore, and then reported to Acting Rear Admiral Lee at Hampton Roads [11.15, 11.16]. Lee sent him onboard the Spaulding from Fortress Monroe, and he steamed down to Beaufort Harbor. There he reported immediately to Captain Dove, placing himself at Dove’s service [11.17, 11.18]. Dove gave him charge of a small boat with five men and a quartermaster [11.19, 11.20], and assigned him to surveying and examining the buoys in the harbor. One day after Cordell arrived, on March 30, he was appointed Acting Lighthouse Inspector [11.21, 11.22]. Two days after that, sometime during the night of April 3–4, rebel guerillas sneaked into the lighthouse at Point Lookout carrying two 25-pound kegs of gunpowder. The ensuing explosion destroyed the lower two thirds of the stairway leading to the light, but the light itself continued burning. The main iron column was uninjured, and the light was quickly put back into operation [11.20, 11.23–11.25].

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_11

75

76

11  North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65

Fig. 11.1  Some parts of lighthouses of the era

During the rest of March and through April, Cordell and his crew, including Messrs. A. M. Wetherill, Jas. W. Brown, and Franklin Platt, went about the routine business of surveying the harbor, especially the entrance bar [11.26]. They established signals on Shackleford Island, using them to measure the angles to record the positions of their soundings. There had been significant changes in the depths since the previous survey [11.27]. At the end of the month, Cordell and his crew spent 2 days moving three buoys to new positions. They had some difficulty [11.28]:

11  North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65

77

The amount of work they accomplished was not small: When they finished on May 2, they had run 137  miles and recorded 11,959 soundings and 2037 angles [11.29]. At that point, Cordell lost use of his boat, and could not get another. For 2 months, he traipsed around, asking whomever he could for a boat, any boat. But it was the blockade which needed the vessels, and none could be spared. Cordell wandered around inspecting lighthouses, reporting on the keepers’ performance [11.30], and waiting for instructions [11.31]. After a while the Superintendent told him that if he could not get a boat, to come home [11.32]. He did find a harbor pilot who offered to stake the channel at Core Sound for $80, and Cordell hired him [11.33]. They placed 135 stakes to mark the shoals and point the way to the channels [11.34, 11.35]. On June 17, Cordell reported the capture of the Syrin. Although he thought this would make a dandy survey vessel on account of its small draft, he could not wrest it from the Navy [11.36]. Meanwhile, several hundred miles inland a momentous drama was being played out: General William Tecumseh Sherman started in Chattanooga, Tennessee, on his “March to the Sea.” During most of the summer, Sherman’s army marched toward Atlanta, destroying everything they could not take with them. Beaufort Harbor was designated the principal port of entry for supplies to Sherman. In addition, Beaufort was the rendezvous of Admiral Porter’s squadron for the naval attack on the Rebel defenses in the Cape Fear River [11.37]. Control of the harbor and safe passage for Union vessels was essential for both Sherman’s and Porter’s campaigns. In spite of Cordell’s obvious central role in these affairs, no vessel could be spared for his work. Finally, Cordell got the Lighthouse Board to assign the old, rotten schooner Lenox to him, and he went to Philadelphia to get her [11.38, 11.39]. On July 14, 6 days after leaving Philadelphia, he went through Cape Hatteras Inlet, and began to sound the straits of Core Sound. By the end of July he had completed that area, connecting it with his former work in Beaufort Harbor [11.40]. While he was waiting for Admiral Lee to make a visit to the blockading fleet, he occupied himself by moving a few buoys and replacing some with new ones, and wrote out new instructions

78

11  North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65

for navigating in the Bay [11.41]. The Admiral finally showed up on August 14, and made a few suggestions to Cordell for alterations in the buoys [11.42–11.44]. On the day that Cordell completed his examination of Core Sound (September 8), Sherman completed the decimation of Atlanta. At about this time, two infamous Confederate vessels met inglorious ends. For more than 2 years, Captain Raphael Semmes aboard the Alabama, and Lieutenant James N. Maffit (who had been Cordell’s boss in 1858) on the Florida, had preyed upon the Union merchant fleet. The Alabama had scored 64 kills, burning most of the unfortunate vessels. But 1864 was the Alabama’s last year of rebellion. In June, the U.S.S. Kearsarge, commanded by John Winslow, caught the Alabama near Cherbourg, France, and sent her to the bottom. On the Florida, Maffit had run the blockade in and out of Mobile, burning every vessel he could catch. His luck finally ran out in October, 1864, in the neutral port of Bahia, Napoleon Collins, commanding the USS Wachusett, caught and captured the Florida and towed her back to Hampton Roads. There she was “accidentally” sunk [11.45]. On October 4, six men from the Confederate Ram Albemarle, commanded by Acting Master Long, raided the lighthouse at Croatan Sound, destroying the light and taking the Keeper prisoner [11.46]. Revenge was quick: on October 27, a boat’s crew under Lieutenant W. Cushing went up the Roanoke River to Plymouth where the Albemarle was moored, disabled from a battle the previous May. Exploding a spar torpedo, they sank her at the wharf [11.45]. The next couple of months must have been frustrating ones for Edward Cordell. He decided the Lenox was no longer fit for service and embarked on a quest to find another vessel [11.47]. Apparently his brother was involved in the war effort, since on November 8 Cordell asked that the Coast Survey forward a letter of application for “release of my unfortunate brother” [11.48] (The nature of his brother’s difficulty and even his identity are not known). Then in late November, General Butler clamped a quarantine on Beaufort. Cordell wanted to go to Fortress Monroe to ask Admiral Porter for a vessel, but was refused passage and had to remain in Beaufort [11.49]. He did manage to forward his chart of the work at Core Sound to Washington by early December 2 [11.50]. Eight days later Sherman’s troops reached the sea. Cordell did not need to go to Admiral Porter—the Admiral came to him, although not to give Cordell support. The Admiral was rather busy: together with General Butler’s army, he massed for the assault on Fort Fisher. The initial naval engagements took place on Christmas Eve, and on January 13, 1865, Porter gave the fort a terrific bombardment and landed 6000 troops. Two days later they took possession of the fort [11.45]. The Admiral did find time to suggest to Cordell that he examine New Inlet, and add a few buoys if he felt so moved [11.51–11.53]. He did, but was so fast that by February 2, again ran out of things to do. No problem: the Reb’s just blew up a few more lighthouses. Cordell busied himself repairing the lights at Bald Head and the Bug Light on Oak Island, near Smithville, NC [11.54]. For good measure, he added a few more buoys at the Cape Fear River. Then, with little to do, he went back to New York.

11  North Carolina Lighthouses 1861–65

79

Then General Meigs had a great idea: why not place lighted buoys at the entrance to Beaufort Harbor, to allow vessels to enter and leave at night? Meigs wrote to Superintendent Bache, who figured Cordell had little else to do. After a little delay, Cordell hopped onboard the transport Tayooh and made it back to Beaufort by April 6 [11.55]. There he reported to General Easton, the Chief Quarter Master at More Head City. Easton was fascinated, and gave Cordell the men and materiel to do the job. Part of the materiel was a dismasted ordnance schooner which Cordell would use as a light boat [11.56]. On April 18 Cordell wrote to the Office [11.57, 11.58]:

It is likely that the “difficulties and delays” were occasioned 4 days earlier, on April 14. On that day, 5 days after Lee surrendered to Grant in the courthouse at Appomattox and 2  days after the Rebels formally surrendered their arms to the Union, President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated. The entire country, both parts of it, stopped. By early May, Cordell returned to Washington to deposit the original hydrographic chart of Beaufort Harbor, the Straits, and Core Sound [11.59]. He would not remain long: on June 1, he was formally appointed an Assistant of the Coast Survey, the same rank as George Davidson, and he had a new assignment: California!

Part III

West Coast Expeditions 1869–75

Transferred to California in 1865, Edward Cordell took charge of the surveying schooner William L.  Marcy and proceeded to sound offshore California and the inland rivers, including the Sacramento, San Joaquin, and Columbia. His work, as usual, was exemplary.

Chapter 12

California! 1865

The year 1865 was one of big changes: Jumbo, a young male African elephant arrived at the London Zoo and became a major attraction. Liquid soap was invented (or re-invented), and the first American patent on the coffee percolator was granted. Mark Twain published “The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County.” The Matterhorn was climbed by the Englishman Edward Whymper in a highly controversial ascent that led to the leaders being accused of cutting the ropes of climbers below them. Of course, there were other less important events that year: the Civil War ended, and the U.S. Secret Service and the Ku Klux Klan were founded. The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was passed, outlawing slavery. In Europe, Gregor Mendel formulated the law of genetic inheritance. There was a 1-year respite between the Schleswig-Holstein War and the Austro-Prussian War. The year 1865 was pivotal for Edward Cordell: he was appointed Assistant, U.S. Coast Survey, effective June 1, finally reaching a position of considerable prestige, equivalent today to that of Vice President of a large corporation. His salary jumped to $1200 per year. At that time, Superintendent Bache was in Europe seriously ill, and George Davidson went there to bring him back. In Bache’s absence, J. E. H. Hilgard was running the Survey Office. It is unknown whether Cordell requested to go to the West Coast or whether he merely accepted an assignment in the willing and cheerful manner which characterized his service with the Survey. In either case, Hilgard gave Cordell his sailing orders. On May 29, 1865, he wrote to Cordell [12.1]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_12

83

84

12  California! 1865

Cordell wasted no time: he received the orders and booked passage on the steamer Ocean Queen, leaving just 3 days later, on June 2 [12.2, 12.3]. He consulted with Carlile P. Patterson (the same Patterson with whom he had had the disagreement about Old Anthony vs Vapor Rock in 1863). He rushed a note to Hilgard in Washington asking him to send a few printed copies of the chart of the field in which he would be operating. He contacted Assistant Edwards (who was in New York at the time), and asked him to come over for a consultation about the work in California. And he inquired about the two Trowbridge sounding apparatuses which Prof. Trowbridge had ordered made by Mr. Blunt’s firm in New  York expressly for Cordell’s party [12.4]. The Trowbridges were not ready and would have to be shipped by express. Edwards did not show up at the appointed time, but minutes before Cordell went onboard he received the charts from Washington. As they steamed out of New York Harbor he dashed off another note to Hilgard saying that he was on his way, and handed it to the harbor pilot to mail [12.5]. From New York, the Ocean Queen went down the Atlantic Coast, past the harbors at Cape Hatteras, at Port Royal, along the South Carolina shore, down the Florida coast, each place recently the location of part of the Union blockade. Many places had very recently been scenes of violent and sometimes innovative fighting. Cordell knew these shores well, having surveyed many of them in detail over the past 5 years. This time the voyage was uneventful—the Civil war was over. They traveled the length of the Keys, the scene of Cordell’s frustrating expedition in 1863. Moving west they rounded Cuba then swung south, past Central America to that tiny umbilical of land that connects North and South America. The Panama Canal was still half a century in the future, and the only way to cross the isthmus was to disembark, take the train from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and board another steamer for the run up the coast. So it went for Edward Cordell, and on June 26, 1865, after a voyage of slightly over 3 weeks, he arrived in San Francisco [12.6]. But there was no time for sightseeing. The very next day, June 27, he took charge of the schooner W. L. Marcy, and delivered his letter of introduction to Assistants Rodgers and Greenwell, who gave him a hearty welcome and promised him cooperation. And the next day after that Cordell ran the Marcy to Mare Island for provisions from the Navy stores and to get her bottom cleaned [12.6]. With hardly so much as a turn around the city, Edward Cordell was off to find out how deep were the waters of the Pacific Ocean

12  California! 1865

85

Fig. 12.1  General scene of San Francisco around the time Edward Cordell arrived in 1865. In less than 20 years, the city leaped from a handful of settlers to a thronging city of a million

Fig. 12.2  Even today, the ships calling at the City line the docks on the waterfront, just as they did then

86

12  California! 1865

Fig. 12.3  The “City by the Bay.” The City actually extended into the Bay as land was filled and building proceeded

Fig. 12.4  A schooner that probably looks much like Cordell's vessel, the W. L. Marcy

12  California! 1865

87

Fig. 12.5 (a, b) Some of the men who navigated San Francisco Bay in the late nineteenth Century. It is conceivable that Edward Cordell appears in these pictures, but without identification, we cannot be sure

Chapter 13

Half Moon Bay South 1865

According to his orders, within the broad area encompassed by the phrase “Entrance to San Francisco Bay,” Cordell was free to choose his itinerary. In the first few days after arriving in San Francisco, he had a long talk with Assistants Rodgers and Greenwell, both of whom had been on the West Coast for years. Probably because Greenwell was at that time carrying out a topographical survey around Half Moon Bay, Cordell decided that would be his first target [13.1]:

Watching the fog was about all they did for 2  months [13.2–13.5]. Instead of leaving on July 5th, Cordell decided to wait for the mail steamer in the expectation of receiving the Trowbridges (we’re not sure what these were!) from Mr. Blunt and a check from the disburser Mr. Hein. Neither arrived, so on July 12, they sailed © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_13

89

90

13  Half Moon Bay South 1865

through the Golden Gate, turned south, and came to anchor in Half Moon Bay. On board were Cordell, three assistant mates, Andrew S.  Hussey, T.  V. Hussey, and L. W. Poole, plus George Farquhar as draftsman. Cordell’s plan was to establish landmarks with which they could triangulate the positions of their sounding lines. The topographic survey had established various reference points such as mountain peaks, but without regard to what might be visible from the ocean. Cordell could set up temporary markers which could be seen from the vessel during the cruises. The positions of the signals would be determined from the topographic references. Unfortunately, these references, mostly mountaintops, were almost always enveloped in fog, not visible from either the sea or from the signals. On July 15th, the fog cleared for all of 2 h, and they succeeded in establishing the positions of their signals relative to three mountain peaks, but there was precious little sounding in the ocean [13.5]. Cordell later wrote of his frustration [13.6]:

They did have some success: July 18 and 19 were sufficiently clear to allow them to run a line each day. They recorded angles to the signals and peaks on shore until they were about 12 miles off. Beyond that, the land was indistinct, so they let out the patent log and used the compass to run straight out to about 20 miles. The depths out there were 110 and 176 fathoms. On July 28, they enjoyed another clear day and ran a third line [13.7, 13.8]. Cordell apparently did not have high hopes for improvement [13.8]:

13  Half Moon Bay South 1865

91

And then on August 5 they ran back to San Francisco for supplies. In spite of the difficulties, Hilgard was supportive [13.9]:

Even Carlile Patterson wrote supportively, if advisedly [13.10]:

To Patterson, “being good” equalled “being there.” In San Francisco, the Marcy took on water, ballast, food, wood, and coal. On August 12, the Trowbridges finally arrived, and 2 days later the Marcy was back at Half Moon Bay. Being there may have been good, but it was not much help. The weather was fickle, and they were able to run only three more lines during August. For several days, the weather was beautiful, but they were unable to move for want of a breeze [13.11]. Thick fog alternated with haze and smoke (probably from fires on shore), rendering objects too indistinct to be of value for triangulation. They sat at anchor for nearly all of September. On the 19th, a steamer got lost in the fog, and Cordell sent a boat to give her positions and bearings [13.12]. They were able to run lines of soundings only on the 21st (from Pigeon Point) and on the 23rd (from Middle Point). The next day, having almost exhausted their water and provisions, they beat their way back up to San Francisco [13.13–13.15].

92

13  Half Moon Bay South 1865

On October 8, a severe earthquake hit the City. The crew on the Marcy felt three distinct shocks. In spite of serious damage to many buildings, including the customs building which housed the Coast Survey offices, there was debate whether earthquakes were dangerous. The Alta Californian gave its opinion, in good Victorian prose [13.16]:

Fig. 13.1 (a, b) The October, 1865 earthquake was one of the strongest in several hundred years, exceeded only by those in 1858 and 1906

13  Half Moon Bay South 1865

93

Two days later Cordell and the crew of the Marcy sailed out on their third, and last, trip down the coast, reaching Point Año Nuevo by October 13. For a week, as expected, the fog kept them at anchor. Then they got a clear streak, and in 5 days ran six lines. By the end of the month, they were back in San Francisco. “Being there” had made this first expedition a success, modest as that success was. Compared with Cordell’s previous expeditions, however, it seemed modest. In three trips down the coast between Half Moon Bay and Santa Cruz, they had run 288  miles of soundings on 14 lines, made 583 casts, and recorded 1190 angles. Actually, the casts averaged more than a hundred fathoms each; the total line run out and reeled back in was about 75 miles [13.17]. Hilgard gave him his first grade as an Assistant [13.18]:

Cordell gave Farquhar the task of preparing the chart, and forwarding the sounding books and bottom specimens to Washington [13.6]. Unfortunately, he could not get to his office, since the repair work was keeping the building closed. As Farquhar was finally able to work on the charts, Cordell left for Suisun Bay.

Chapter 14

Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66

The only thing predictable about Suisun Bay is that it will not be the same next time you look. The great rush of water pouring down from the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers is like a tongue of flame, its sinews having a specific shape only momentarily before the incessant flow drives it into another. The whole idea of a map of such unstable topography is a totally different thing from that of the static depths in the ocean. The chart becomes a running, rolling, organic description, depreciated by its own volatility. Retreating from the dangers of the winter seas, Edward Cordell set himself to bring the “challenge” of the entire Suisun Bay up to date [14.1, 14.2]. For a week, he provisioned the Marcy. On November 2, 1865, they took onboard 5 gallons of coal oil, 3 gallons of sperm oil, 1 gallon of lard, 2 gallons of tar, 1 pound of beeswax, 10 pounds of nails, 2 boat hooks, and 1 ton of coal. On the 6th they obtained lumber for the triangulation signals they would need to build, and two hand lead lines. On the 8th they took on 200 pounds of flour and a barrel of molasses. Late in the afternoon of the 9th, they left San Francisco, underway for Suisun. They passed Raccoon Straits, Pinole, and Mare Island (where they picked up two barrels of beef, a keg of butter, and a keg of tea), arriving at the entrance to Suisun Bay on the 13th [14.3, 14.4].

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_14

95

96

14  Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66

Fig. 14.1  The upper San Francisco Bay and lower parts of the Sacramento River were major waterways for commerce into the interior of California

As usual, they first established the tide gauge, this one at Army Point, and erected the triangulation signals. The signals were constructed as tripods made from 24-ft scantlings. The framework was then boarded over and whitewashed. Construction of the tripods on the soft “tula marshes” was “difficult and wearisome” [14.5]. Assistant Greenwell furnished their positions from the topographic reference points [14.6]. Altogether they established 24 stations with known positions. Building the signals took the rest of November. On November 26, Cordell went to Goodyear (now Pittsburgh), and on the 29th he went back to San Francisco for 3 days to meet the mail steamer. While he was gone, the crew began sounding [14.7, 14.8]. In the shallow water, the sounding went fast. They used the Gig, a small oared boat designed for shallow water and speed. The weather and water were favorable; almost every day was productive. Sundays, as usual, were observed quietly. By the end of December, they had covered the entire planned survey area. On December 27, they ran the Marcy back to San Francisco for supplies. There they took onboard a coil of manila rope, 6 corn brooms, 2 oars, 2 pair sculls (light oars with curved blades, presumably for the Gig), 50 pounds of white lead, 5 gallons of paint, 2 gallons of turpentine, and 2 rowlocks. Some of the crew was discharged, and new men were hired. On January 4, 1866 they were on their way again, stopping at Mare Island to pick up a barrel of sugar, a barrel of dried apples, 80 yards of satinet (a finely woven fabric with a finish resembling satin), and 10 pea jackets [14.3].

14  Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66

97

Fig. 14.2  A typical early sketch of the sand bar and mud flats of the Sacramento River delta.

By January 9, they were sounding in the upper part of Suisun. Again, it went fast and systematically, except for a few days, when heavy rains raised the river level 22 ft. January gave way to February, and the sounding continued. On February 26, they finished, and Cordell went back to San Francisco, while the crew moved the Marcy to the Carquinez Strait [14.9, 14.10]. If the statistics of the survey below Half Moon Bay had been skimpy, Cordell’s crew made up for it with this one. They had run 608 miles, made 20,071 casts of the lead, and measured 3938 angles [14.11]. In about 40 days of actual work, they averaged 500 soundings per day, or about 60 per hour, or 1 per minute. In addition, they had recorded the tide day and night over a complete lunar month at three stations, including Army Point and Suisun Creek. The full chart incorporating Cordell’s surveys wasn’t published until 1872. The ironic aspect of this fine work is its transience. Many of the places shown by Cordell no longer exist, and those features that are recognizable now are enormously changed. Names seemed to have changed even more than boundaries: Preston Island has become Roe Island; its western tip is called Preston Point. Kings Island is now Ryer Island. Readings Island has become Dutton Island. Simmons Island is still known by that name, but it is no longer an island. Davis, Rodgers, and Warrington Islands have all been incorporated in Wheeler Island, which also is not an island. Jones Island is now Van Sickle Island, and Knox Island has become Chipps Island. The entire upper Suisun Bay is now called Grizzly Bay. And the town of New  York, engulfed by the modern city of Pittsburg, is called New York Point.

Fig. 14.3  (Rotated) The chart of Suisun as released by the Coast Survey

98 14  Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66

14  Suisun and Carquinez 1865–66

99

Fig. 14.4  The shallow waters of the lower Sacramento River delta constantly change, These sketches show the extent of the changes between 1855 and the present

On March 1, the Marcy came to anchor off Benicia, and Cordell came back aboard the next day. They were there to examine the Carquinez (or was it Karquinas, or Carquinas?) Straits, to compare it with the 1863 survey carried out by Augustus F. Rodgers [14.12]. After, erecting two signals, they began the same sounding routine in the Gig. For almost 2 weeks, they worked up and down the Carquinez Straits, missing only 1 day on account of weather. The changes since 1863 had been considerable [14.13–14.16]. They arrived back in San Francisco on March 13. The work of the past 4 months was incorporated in two charts, H-879 (Carquinez Straits) and H-905 (Suisun Bay). A year later Cordell took his crew back to Suisun to extend the surveys and observe any changes during the past year. As expected, there were many.

Chapter 15

Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

It was close, very close. With a little better luck, Cordell would surely have discovered Cordell Bank in the summer of 1866. The hydrography off the coast between Point Reyes and Bodega was the complement to the surveys Cordell had done the previous year, between Half Moon Bay and Santa Cruz. The overall plan was to complete the hydrography of the entrances to San Francisco Bay, a notoriously difficult harbor to get in-to and out-of. Cordell set the general schedule thus [15.1]: Summer, 1865 Winter, 1865–66 Summer, 1866

Southern, Half Moon Bay to Santa Cruz Inside, Suisun Bay Northern, Pt. Reyes

This list may well have read: Summer, 1865 Winter, 1865–66 Summer, 1866

Terrible Weather Good Weather Terrible Weather

Cordell made four voyages up the coast between May and November 1866. The first voyage previewed the way they would all go [15.2, 15.3]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_15

101

102

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

For 3 weeks they sat at Drakes Bay, unable to get outside or even run up to Bodega [15.4]. Time passed slowly, and for the most part, uneventfully. On June 2, Thomas Cramer and Charles Wilson succeeded in capsizing the dinghy on the lagoon bar and they had to take the Marcy to rescue them. Cordell spent much of the time onshore trying to keep the signals together. By June 13 there were 15 vessels tied up in Drakes Bay. On the 20th, they tried to get around the Point, but the wind ripped their sails and they lost the main boom. Finally, at the end of June, they gave up and returned to San Francisco and Mare Island for provisions [15.5, 15.6]. July 8. They left on the second voyage, this time making it all the way to Bodega Bay. They stayed through July and August, and although they succeeded in surveying the near shore area between Tomales and Bodega, they were unable to run the offshore lines, which was the principal goal of the work. Twice they got a calming fog, so calm their sails would not fill. There they sat. July 20. They took the Marcy to Tomales to pick up the Gig. Finding themselves becalmed on the way back, they came to anchor, but that night the swells broke the anchor stock and they had to sail into Bodega at midnight [15.7, 15.8]. August 8. The captain of the topsail, one F. Butcher, was clamped in leg irons for disobeying orders (he was released 3 days later) [15.4]. August 28. About 3 miles below Tomales Point, they came upon a schooner of about 50 tons lying bottom up with no sign of life. Eventually, they anchored in Bodega Bay, where Cordell expressed his frustration [15.9]:

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

103

They arrived back in Mission Bay (San Francisco) on August 31 [15.10–15.14]. Cordell forwarded a petition from the residents for a survey of the Eel and Salt Rivers to the office [15.15, 15.16]. The third voyage took the month of September, and was, as Cordell had ventured to hope, more successful. Between the 10th and 17th the weather was exceptionally fine, and they ran three offshore lines. Unfortunately the rest of the month was lousy: the atmosphere was thick and smoky. Cordell’s spirits picked up in spite of the difficulties [15.12]:

Sure enough, the fourth voyage, done during October, was more successful, although the thick haze alternating with “light airs and calms” did not make it easy. But by the time they returned to San Francisco on November 8, they had run all the planned offshore lines, except one [15.17–15.20]. Quickly, they loaded up with water, wood, tar, coal, coal oil, and sperm oil, skipped the food, and beat it all the way back up to Drakes Bay. And on November 11 they got that last offshore line, turned right around, and ran back to San Francisco. Cordell telegraphed the good news to Hilgard in Washington [15.21]:

104

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

Fig. 15.1  Cordell’s sketch of the track of soundings made off the coast between Pt. Reyes and Bodega in 1866. One track is abnormally short, perhaps stopped by bad weather. Had he been able to complete that line, he would certainly have found shallow water, thereby discovering Cordell Bank

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

105

Hilgard answered “yes” but neither man knew at that time that the offshore lines were not complete. Incredibly, one line running out from Tomales had been stopped about halfway, the only line so abnormally truncated. This particular line points directly to Cordell Bank. Had Cordell succeeded in completing this line he would have begun to see shallower water and would have continued on, discovering the “shoal west of Pt. Reyes” right then and there. In fact, he probably was misled by another feature he did not know about, the Bodega Canyon. He ran a triangular leg, turning when he saw the depths falling sharply. Thus, he had no way of knowing that only a half mile further the depth would have jumped back up again, and continued getting shallower until it reached less than 30 fathoms. Somehow Cordell had managed several times to miss discovering the shoal. Three years later, with more time and not tied to the onshore lines, he finally found it.

Fig. 15.2  The tracks of Cordell’s sounding are clear—he ran to about 18 miles west of the Pt. Reyes head. Had he run two more miles he would have discovered Cordell Bank

106 15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

107

Cordell didn’t create a summary chart showing his extensive cruises, but we can do so from his logs. Essentially, under Davidson’s direction, he went everywhere: east up the rivers and north and south sounding offshore. The places are still familiar names on the map: Bodega Bay, Pt. Reyes, Drakes Bay, Half Moon Bay, Pt. Ano Nuevo, Carquinas Strait, and Suisun Bay.

Fig. 15.3  Tracks of Cordell’s major surveying expeditions. On some of these he retraced the same route many times—those paths are shown expanded here for clarity

The results of all this work were incorporated into a spectacular chart. It doesn’t have an official number, but it was the product of numerous well-known names in the U.S. Coast Survey: A. D. Bache (superintendent), R. D. Cutts, G. A. Fairfield, G. Davidson, A. F. Rodgers, W. E. Greenwell, A. M. Harrison, J. S. Lawson, W. M. Johnson, J. Alden, R. M. Cuyler, B. F. Sands, and of course, E. Cordell. The chart included contributions in triangulation, topography, hydrography, and astronomy. It is so masterfully-done that it is almost the same today, except, of course, for the changes wrought by erosion, re-deposition, and construction!

108

15  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866

Fig. 15.4  The impressive topographic-hydrologic chart originally issued in 1862 and re-issued in 1866 with the inclusion of Cordell’s offshore soundings. Figure 15.2 is a detail from this chart

Chapter 16

Currents and Tides 1866–67

The Golden Gate is so deep and narrow that when the tide goes out, the water rushes out like a river. Pretty much the same thing happens going the other way when the tide goes out. Although every mariner in the early days of the Bay knew about the currents at the Gate, almost no one ever had actually measured them. By the end of August 1865, Cordell was just finishing the survey offshore between Half Moon Bay and Santa Cruz. The weather was turning, and he realized that it would be futile to begin the planned surveys north of Point Reyes. Instead, he proposed to Hilgard that they work “inside” (i.e., inside the San Francisco Bay), measuring the currents near the Golden Gate [16.1]. Hilgard, however, after consulting with Patterson, decided that such measurements were lower priority than extending the offshore sounding, and ordered Cordell to push the hydrography as far south as the weather would permit. The currents could be measured later [16.2]. “Later” turned out to be a year later. In November of 1866, he had a space of time between the Point Reyes/Bodega surveys and his return to Suisun Bay, so he “improved” [=“took advantage of”] the opportunity to “take” [=“measure”] the currents in the Bay. There is no evidence for the statement by Overshiner [16.3] that Cordell made current observations during 1865; it was 1866–67. The process was simplicity itself: they measured the currents by throwing a float overboard and following it in a small boat [16.4]. The float had a 12-ft. pole attached which hung down so that the path of its drift would reasonably represent the path a typical vessel might take, rather than be driven by the surface wind alone. Every 5 or 10  min they recorded the position of the float by triangulating on known landmarks.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_16

109

110

16 

Currents and Tides 1866–67

Cordell and his crew measured the currents during three periods: from November 22 to December 21, 1866; from January 17 to February 1, 1867; and from July 12 to July 14, 1867. During the second period, they were also busily engaged in another task: sounding Blossom Rock in San Francisco Bay. There were sufficient crewmen to carry on both jobs. The Blossom Rock observations in July 1867 were made while at anchor between Alcatraz and Angel Islands, during a lull between their third and fourth survey trips to Suisun Bay. Cordell also attended a tide gauge, known as a “Tube Tide Gauge.” The device worked by lifting a calibrated rod by the pressure of the water above the intake; the (vertical) position of the rod was easily read by eye. Modern instruments use electronics, of course.

Fig. 16.1  Some of the first measurements of the current in the Golden Gate. To obtain these data Cordell set a drifter free and followed it in a small boat

16  Currents and Tides 1866–67

111

Fig. 16.2 A diagram of the tide gauge used by Cordell and others in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay

In July 1870, Assistant Henry Mitchell in San Francisco requested Cordell’s original current data [16.5]. After studying it, he pronounced it “excellent,” and joined it to his own later observations of current in the Bay [16.6]. Assistant Gershom Bradford (who took over Cordell’s party after Cordell died) made more extensive tidal current observations in 1871–1875. There were no more observations until 1923, almost a half century later.

Chapter 17

Blossom Rock 1867

Just a mile or so out into the Bay from San Francisco is a line of rocks, like giant stepping stones leading from the City to Marin: Harding Rock, Shag Rocks, Arch Rock, Blossom Rock, and “The Rock” (Alcatraz). The most dangerous of these was Blossom Rock, or Blossoms Rock, known since 1839 and possibly earlier. Lying directly in the main route of vessel traffic, it was a clear hazard, and had long been marked with a buoy. In December 1866, Colonel Robert Williamson of the U.S.  Army Corps of Engineers decided to blast the rock down to a safe level. He requested Cordell to make surveys before and after each blast [17.1]. Hilgard gave Cordell permission, so long as it did not interfere with his other work [17.2]. That was no problem, since the floodwaters in the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers were too high to carry out surveys there anyway.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_17

113

114

17 

Blossom Rock 1867

Fig. 17.1  Lt. Col. Robert Williamson conducted surveys for the transcontinental railroad in California and Oregon, and ordered the survey of Blossom Rock

On January 14, 1867, Cordell moved the Marcy and crew from their usual stand at Meig’s Wharf to anchorage off Blossom Rock, and began sounding the area with the gig. Apparently they were finished before the blasters were ready, since on January 17 he resumed observations of the currents in the Bay, following the drifting floats in a small boat.

17  Blossom Rock 1867

115

Fig. 17.2  San Francisco Bay as charted in 1839. Blossoms Rock was a navigational hazard, and in spite of extensive attempts to blow its top off, it remains a shallow spot, marked with a flashing light

116

17 

Blossom Rock 1867

By January 30, all was ready, and at 9:00 AM the first blast was set off [17.3]. It made no discernable difference in the depths. A second blast was set off the next morning, with the same result. All during February they set off blasts, waited while Cordell’s crew measured the depths, then set off the next. After the sixth and seventh blasts on February 26, Cordell gave up and returned to Meig’s Wharf. There had been no change in the depth of the water over the rock. At Williamson’s request, Cordell continued work on Blossom Rock [17.4]. Another blast took place on March 4, one on March 5, two on March 6 and the last on March 7. Altogether they blasted it a dozen times. The results were not spectacular, and since their charges were exhausted, they replaced the buoy and abandoned the effort [17.5]. During the survey, Cordell’s Aide Mr. W. E. Dennis was AWOL for 8 consecutive days. In frustration, Cordell suspended him, and wrote to the Superintendent for confirmation [17.6]. Professor Benjamin Peirce (who replaced Bache in 1867) approved, but was disposed toward leniency, asking Cordell to confer with Dennis and reinstate him to duty should he make promises of good behavior [17.7–17.9]. The whole matter was rendered moot when Dennis resigned [17.10].

17  Blossom Rock 1867

Fig. 17.3  Cordell’s survey results, before and after the blasting February–March, 1867

117

118

17 

Blossom Rock 1867

In 1870, after the death of Edward Cordell, Williamson ordered a renewed effort to blast the top off of Blossom Rock. This time they had the advantage of considerable engineering preparation, and much bigger explosives. This time it was successful. The whole project had cost around $75,000. To this day, a buoy sits on Blossom Rock, whose top is now 40 ft. below the surface.

Fig. 17.4 (a, b) The 40-page (plus 10 plates) report issued after the completion of the blasting in 1870. One of the illustrations in the report detailing the scheme for the blasting

17  Blossom Rock 1867

Fig. 17.4 (continued)

119

Chapter 18

The Later Coast Survey 1867

On the other side of the continent, the Force of Destiny was at work. On February l7, 1867, Alexander Dallas Bache, Superintendent of the Coast Survey since 1843 and principal architect of its present glorious structure, died at Newport, Rhode Island. The author of his obituary, with some justification, pulled out all the stops [18.1]: … What (the Coast Survey) is now, he made it. It is his true and lasting monument. It will never cease to be the admiration of the scientific world. His name needs not to be carved by the hand of a sculptor. It is inscribed on the entablature of the survey by his own greatness. It is written upon the flood of the Gulf Stream; upon the pulse of the ocean’s tide; upon the oscillation of the Earth’s magnetism. It is written on the bases of verification, on the great triangles with which these bases were brought into comparison, and on the hilltops which he occupied for his stations. It is written on every shoal and rock and danger to navigation, and every channel discovered by the Survey, and on the beautiful charts used by grateful sailors. And it is written on all the investigations in geology, astronomy, and terrestrial physics which have been conducted by the strongest intellect of the country combined under his control … He still lives, a glorious example and a cheering inspiration to us in the service of our country, of science, and of mankind.

J.  E. H. Hilgard, who during Bache’s protracted illness had served as Acting Superintendent, yielded his seniority to Prof. Benjamin Peirce, a Cambridge mathematician of great reputation. Peirce became Superintendent on February 26, 1867, while Cordell was surveying Blossom Rock. At that time, the U.S. State Department was negotiating with Russia for the purchase of Alaska. The treaty passed the next month, but the appropriation of $7.2 million was in doubt. Peirce insightfully recognized that an expedition of reconnaissance was needed to gather information about the “worthless iceberg,” and picked his best man, George Davidson, to do it. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_18

121

122

18 

The Later Coast Survey 1867

Davidson played hard to get. To entice him, Peirce gave him three sub-­Assistants, A. T. Mosman, Julius Kinchloe, and Cordell’s own George Farquhar, plus the revenue steamer Lincoln. Kinchloe did not make it to Alaska: on May 20, he and six other men were sounding the entrance to Tillamook, Oregon. Suddenly their boat was hit by a breaker, swamped, and capsized. Only one man survived, by climbing the mast and waiting until a local boy wandered past and saved him [18.1]. Davidson did carry out the expedition to Alaska (from July 21 to September 18, 1867), with Farquhar on board, and it was brilliant. His report to the Secretary of the Treasury was passed along to President Johnson, and it was decisive in concluding the appropriation for the purchase of Alaska [18.2]. After the Alaska expedition, Davidson returned to Germantown, Pennsylvania, his original home, where he lived in gentle retirement. But Peirce needed his experience in California. After lengthy negotiations, Davidson finally agreed [18.3–18.10]. What he wanted, and eventually got, was the title of “Assistant in Charge” [of the

Fig. 18.1 Ferdinand Hassler was the first Superintendent of the U.S. Coast Survey. He emigrated to the U.S. in 1805, and was appointed by Thomas Jefferson to the USCS. His career was checkered, although he is credited with establishing the standards for weights and measures of the U.S.

18  The Later Coast Survey 1867 Fig. 18.2 Alexander Dallas Bache the principal architect of the U.S. Coast Survey and Cordell’s Superintendent for many years

Fig. 18.3 Benjamin Peirce, a brilliant mathematician from Cambridge, who succeeded Bache as Superintendent

123

124 Fig. 18.4  Carlile Pollock Patterson , USCS Superintendent following Peirce, beginning about 5 years after Cordell died. Patterson had lost a technical argument with Cordell more than 20 years earlier, a grudge he carried to his grave

Fig. 18.5 George Davidson. From 1850 until 1895, he was in charge of surveying both land and water, and he became the most prominent scientist on the West Coast. He was an extraordinary observer, and he must have kept minutely detailed notebooks. He made the survey of Alaska in preparation for its purchase by the U.S., and it was on his return from that expedition, on 20 October 1853, that he discovered Cordell Bank. He strove vigorously, but in vain, to have it named for himself

18 

The Later Coast Survey 1867

18  The Later Coast Survey 1867

125

West Coast], with authority resembling that of the Commander-in-Chief. His authority over personnel included Edward Cordell, and soon Cordell was writing his official reports not to Washington but to Davidson in the Coast Survey office in San Francisco. Davidson was destined to have a major impact on Cordell: inside Davidson’s brain was the memory of a single cast in 1853 that told him there was a 30-fathom bank west of Point Reyes. Davidson needed someone to find it for him. Ironically, George Farquhar had been with Davidson onboard the Active in 1853 when Davidson made that 30-fathom cast, but apparently he did not trust Farquhar’s ability. Instead, he would turn to Edward Cordell.

Chapter 19

Suisun Creeks 1867

The winter of 1866–67 had been particularly wet, and it had wrought significant changes in the delta and bays. Partially to assess these changes and partially to extend the work from the previous year, Cordell made plans to return to the Suisun Bay area and survey the various creeks and rivers, especially the area around the confluence of the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers. On March 13, the supply ship Water Witch came alongside the Marcy and transferred a few supplies to her [19.1]: 1 package deck plugs 1 package deck spikes 4 hooks 2 oars 6 hanks signal line 6 scrappers 1 doz mast hoops

5 gallons coal oil 2 gallons lard oil 1 side rump leather 3 sheets copper 25 lb white lead 25 lb black lead 2 lb red lead

4 balls wax 25 lb tallow 10 stove bricks 2 pair door knobs 2 doz sail needles 2900 gallons water

Three days later they were on their way to Suisun Bay, arriving on the 18th. Actually, nothing very interesting happened over the next 2 months. Cordell and his crew, including George Farquhar, first scouted Suisun Creek, erecting signals and using the two small boats, Gig and Fanny, for the actual sounding [19.2–19.4]. Then they moved to New York [now Pittsburgh] to examine the area around the confluence of the Sacramento and the San Joaquin, near Collinsville. Now they were busy. In examining the rivers, they established 58 signals, ran 278  miles,

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_19

127

19  Suisun Creeks 1867

128

­ easured 3285 angles, and recorded 18,899 soundings [19.1, 19.5]. All this was m done in just over 6 weeks, from March 23 to May 6, at the usual incredible average rate of one sounding per minute. After this stellar performance, as they got underway for San Francisco, they ran the Marcy aground on Middle Ground, a sand bar appropriately in the middle of the river near Port Chicago. No problem; they ran out a kedge, waited for high tide, and hove off! Back in San Francisco, they set about rebuilding the rigging of the Marcy. To do this they needed a few provisions, which they obtained on June 17 [19.1]: 1 coil manila 3½ 1 coil manila 2¼ 2 coils manila 2 1 coil manila 1 1 coil hemp 7½ 1 coil hemp 7 1 coil hemp 3½ 1 coil hemp 3 1 coil hemp 2½ 2 large coils marline

3 doz. hanks 2 coils rataline stuff 2 coils seizing stuff 1 doz balls cotton twine 1 lb balls hemp twine 5 lb shipping twine 1 bolt canvass #2 cotton 1 bolt canvass #5 cotton 1 bolt canvass #7 cotton 1 bolt canvass #6 hemp

4 sides rigging leather 1 side rump leather 2 10″ blocks 2 doz hooks and thimbles 2 doz sail needles 6 lb copper tacks 3 doz belaying pins 4 bulls eyes 5 lb beeswax

From May to July the crew sewed sails and scraped the vessel. The Marcy must never have looked better. During July 12–14, they came to anchor between Alcatraz and Angel Islands, and continued the observations of the currents using the floats [19.6, 19.7]. The only other thing that happened during this period was that on May 17 they shipped a seaman named Guissippe Garabaldi, Italian, probably.

19  Suisun Creeks 1867

129

Fig. 19.1  A sketch by Cordell of the rivers around Sherman’s Island, this one done in 1867. He surveyed this area numerous times

About the same time Davidson left for Alaska (the third week of July 1867), Cordell left again for Suisun, this is his fourth (and last) trip there in 2 years. This time his quarries were Suisun, Montezuma, and Cordelia Creeks. Suisun Creek was an important commercial waterway. Suisun City, 12 miles up the creek, was in constant steamer connection with San Francisco. Montezuma Creek was used as a waterway, but there was no landing. Cordelia Creek was narrow and little used [19.8]. Somewhere they found the space to establish 58 signals, run 95 miles, make 5844 casts of the lead, and measure 1868 angles. The work in the rivers and creeks during 1867 resulted in two hydrographic charts: Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers (H-935), and Cordelia, Suisun, and Montezuma Creeks (H-948) [19.9, 19.10].

Chapter 20

Point Sal 1867

Jutting out about midway between Point Arguello and San Luis lies Point Sal, a bold sandstone ridge that rises to an elevation of 1640 ft. Point Sal is sharp, but it does not hook sufficiently to make the roadstead a year-round safe harbor. Residents thought there was a shallow reef there, and proposed to construct a breakwater on it in order to enhance its value as a harbor. Patterson recommended that Cordell be sent to examine it. There was considerable confusion about when Cordell should take his party to Point Sal [20.1–20.5]. After completing the survey of the Sacramento/San Joaquin Rivers in early May, he prepared for the trip. Assistant Greenwell was instructed to interrupt his operations near Santa Barbara and provide markers for Cordell’s hydrographic work, but he informed Patterson that he could not possibly be there before June 1. Patterson wired Cordell to return to Suisun and complete the work on the creeks. Cordell wired back, “Too late. Preparing for Point Sal work.” Patterson responded: “All right, do the [Point Sal] work,” adding specifics about the range of operations. But Greenwell then informed Cordell that he could not have the markers until September 1 so Cordell changed his mind and went back to Suisun, completing it by August 3. Even the new Superintendent Benjamin Peirce was confused by all this [20.6]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_20

131

132

20  Point Sal 1867

Cordell finally was ready to leave on the Marcy for Point Sal on August 5. Unfortunately, while still at anchor that morning the steamer Montana ran into them and carried away their flying jib boom [20.7]. Cordell ordered a new one, but it was a week before they were enroute. They finally arrived at Point San Luis on August 14. They used the good harbor at Point San Luis, a few miles from San Luis Obispo, as their base. From there it was a run of about 25 miles down the coast to Point Sal. It took them 3½–4 h to go down, and 5–6 h to make the return trip (against the prevailing wind and current). Between August 19 and September 19, they made four trips, of 6, 3, 3, and 5 days [20.8, 20.9]. Apparently Greenwell got his act together and provided Cordell with the markers they needed [20.10, 20.11]. The work went smoothly, except for one or two days in which they left Point St. Luis and had to return in the face of high seas. Because of the potentially shallow water, the actual surveying was dangerous and difficult. They ran a total of 78 miles, measured 851 angles, and made 3687 casts of the lead. Cordell reported their conclusions [83.2]:

20  Point Sal 1867

133

Having finished the soundings, Cordell returned to San Francisco on September 19, leaving it up to the crew to return the Marcy. They had a terrible time beating back up the coast. Two days out a gale split their top sail. It took them four days to make it to Santa Cruz, and they put in there for a rest of two days. Three more days were required to make anchorage on the S.F. bar, where they were stuck in a thick fog. The next day they could not see to make it into the Bay, and came to anchor at Bolinas. Finally, on September 30 they tied up at their usual place on the Third Street Wharf [20.8]. In two weeks, they would leave again.

Fig. 20.1  The chart resulting from the surveys around Pt. Sal (the enlargement was added by the author)

Chapter 21

Columbia River 1867–68

In between San Francisco and Cape Flattery, a distance of 700 miles, there is only one deep-water harbor, in the mouth of the Columbia River. Because of bars, tides, winds, and the huge outflow of water (averaging a million cubic feet per second), it has always been very difficult to get in and out of the river. It was not until 1792 that Robert Gray in the vessel Columbia entered the river and changed its name (formerly it was called the Oregon River). The territorial claim to the area by the United States was based on the 1804–05 explorations of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. Thirty years later, coast surveys in the area of the Columbia were in high gear. The United States Exploring Expedition (The “U.S. Ex. Ex”, or “The Wilkes Expedition”) conducted extensive surveys of the Pacific Ocean and surrounding lands from 1838 to 1842. Lieutenant Alden carried out the first hydrographic survey of the Columbia River in 1852. At that time Cordell was still a Captain’s Clerk in the Washington Office, with only one year’s service. Between then and 1867 no further surveying was done on the Columbia River, although it was clear that significant changes had occurred in the bars and channels. In that year, General Barton S.  Alexander of the U.S.  Army Corps of Engineers requested a resurvey. Cordell was selected do the job. In late September 1867, Superintendent Peirce sent Cordell the authorizing order [21.1, 21.2]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_21

135

136

21  Columbia River 1867–68

There was a small delay: the crew of the Marcy took her to Mare Island for provisions and promptly ran her aground [21.3]. They put out the kedge but were unable to pull themselves off the bar. They threw all their water overboard and called a tug. Three times the tug pulled them, but three times the hawser broke, and there they sat for three days. Finally, the Navy sent another steam tug which succeeded in getting them off. Finally, on October 15 they sailed for Astoria, Oregon, arriving safely on the 28th [21.4]. Actually, Cordell did not leave with the Marcy. George Davidson was on his way back to San Francisco from his reconnaissance of Alaska, so Cordell decided to wait for him. But Davidson did not show up by November 7 (he arrived on the 18th), and Cordell could wait no longer, so he caught a ride on a steamer to Astoria. From there he wrote to Davidson in Victoria, requesting that George Farquhar be released from Davidson’s party to assist with the Columbia River work [21.5, 21.6]. But for rather selfish reasons, Davidson refused, keeping Farquhar with him. He also failed to return two sextants which Farquhar had borrowed from the Marcy for the trip to Alaska.

Fig. 21.1  The entrance to the Columbia River, from a contemporary (ca. 1868) survey. Some of the features seen in this sketch no longer exist. The “Marcy Channel” is there but is no longer called by that name

21  Columbia River 1867–68

137

After rejoining the Marcy, Cordell’s first task, as usual, was to establish tide gauges [21.7, 21.8]. Next, he had to recover the survey marks from 1852 in order to establish reference signals for the hydrographic survey. Laborious but fruitless searches were made for many of the marks, but they were able to recover a sufficient number to reconstruct the rest. By the early part of December they were on the river near Woody Island, using both boats (Fannie and Gig), sounding once a minute, at depths of a few fathoms. Just before Christmas, they ran back to Astoria for supplies, staying until after New Year’s. On January 3, they returned to Woody Island, but three inches of snow fell, and they had trouble seeing the signals. Then on the 8th large chunks of ice began to come down the river. Immediately they picked up and ran for a more sheltered anchorage, going up Youngs River on the advice of local pilots. All was not well [21.9]:

Finally, there was a break in the ice, and the Marcy and another vessel followed the pilot back to Astoria, holding up to lick their wounds for the rest of the month [21.10]. Cordell expressed his feelings in his report [21.9]:

138

21  Columbia River 1867–68

The ice ran until the middle of February [21.11]. 0n the 17th the Marcy crew ventured out to resume the sounding above Tongue Point. They found that all the buoys marking the channel had been cut adrift by the ice, along with most of their signals and the tide gauge between Tongue Point and Three Tree Point. Over the next several months they worked mostly around Tongue Point, from Three Tree Point to Grays Bay [21.12]. They made great progress. North of the Snag Islands, they discovered a new channel, wider, straighter, and 1½ ft. deeper than the well-known channel to the south of those islands [21.13]. Cordell named this the “Marcy Channel.” Another channel caught his fancy. Writing to General Alexander in San Francisco, he remarked [21.13]:

There were small personnel problems: On January 29 the mate Mr. Woods was suspended for a week for being AWOL (the log was signed by Mate L. W. Poole). On August 1 Mr. Poole was suspended (the log was signed by Mate G. Woods). On August 8 Andrew Phillips was thrown in chains for disobeying orders [21.14]. Otherwise, everything was fine! As the work progressed, Cordell looked ahead to July and August, which were the most favorable months for the survey of the Bar. Because of the unpredictable winds there, a steamer was much more suitable than the schooner. Cordell asked Alexander if he could be authorized to hire a steam tug, or whether there might be another government steamer available. Apparently it was not simple, since on May 20 Cordell left the Marcy and went to San Francisco to try to make the arrangements [21.15]. As he left, Ferdinand Westdahl came on board. It was Westdahl who would carry out the resurvey of

21  Columbia River 1867–68

139

Cordell Bank three years after Cordell’s death. While Cordell was gone, the crew on the Marcy went on with the survey work, examining the area near Point Ellice, Sand Island, Bakers Bay, Scarborough Hill, and Fort Stevens. Meanwhile the Surveying Superintendent finally ordered George Farquhar to report to Cordell’s party, overruling Davidson [21.12, 21.16–21.18], and he showed up on May 25. Cordell was successful in arranging for a steamer, and on July 22 the Katy showed up at Astoria. On the 27th they began surveying the Bar. (That same day Alaska was purchased from the Russians for about $6 million, principally on the basis of Davidson’s report). The Katy worked the Bar for a month, then on September 3 she left to return to San Francisco. Cordell reported on the considerable changes that had occurred since 1852 [21.19]:

In order to highlight the changes, Cordell later prepared a chart of comparison of his soundings with those of Alden in 1852 [21.20]. The party also made observations of the currents in the river, using the Lighthouse schooner Ellen, made available by Commodore I. M. Watson. At his request, they took up the buoy off the entrance to the North Channel and placed it on the south channel, which was temporarily the larger and more used passage. They also placed a First Class Red Buoy on Clatsop Spit [21.19]. On September 15, Farquhar moved to the Nehalem River, about 30 miles to the south. There he surveyed the entrance to this small river, finding a depth of only 7 ft. in mid-channel. The spit bounding the channel was made of quicksand. The atmosphere was foggy and smoky the whole time [21.21].

140

21  Columbia River 1867–68

Fig. 21.2  A portion of the charts of the Columbia River produced by Cordell and his crew

Finally, on October 12, the Marcy left the Columbia River and returned to San Francisco. Cordell and Farquhar began the long process of working up the charts, a process which would take them five months. From the logs, he totaled the season’s statistics: 2455  miles run, 21,282 angles observed, and 91,479 casts of the lead made between November 23, 1867 and August 22, 1868. By anyone’s measure, it had been a phenomenal performance. C. P. Patterson agreed [21.22, 21.23]:

There was nothing more to be said. Eventually, all the data and charts were forwarded to the office [21.24–21.27]. A small mystery remains: a letter from George Davidson in 1874 contains a reference to the “Cordell Channels”, but no one now knows to what he referred [21.28].

21  Columbia River 1867–68

141

Fig. 21.3 (a, b) The San Francisco earthquake on 21 October 1868 was also centered on Oakland, like that of 1865. It also caused widespread damage in the City

On October 21, 1868, another severe earthquake made a mess of the Coast Survey Office and Cordell had to move out again.

Chapter 22

Vitula Shoal 1868

As things turned out, it should have been called the “Phantom Shoal,” or the “No-Show-Shoal.” It was surely a wild goose chase, protracted over the better part of twenty five years. In all likelihood, this fruitless chase resulted from one of George Davidson’s numerous obsessions. In January 1863, there was very important news for mariners: Captain Bearsley aboard the Vitula reported he had found 5–7 fathoms some 80  miles SW of the South Farallone Island (=Farallons). He gave the position as 37°06’ N, 124°22 W [22.1]. This indicated a potential hazard to shipping and the need for an aid to navigation, at a most unexpected place in the ocean. Interest in such reports was high, since on January 2 the clipper ship Noonday had struck a previously unknown rock 8 miles WbyS1/2S of the North Farallon and sank within an hour. George Davidson, ever alert for new discoveries, included the reference to the “Vitula Shoal” in his 1863 Coast Pilot, although it was totally without authentication. The same information was included in Imray’s hydrographic chart, and in Finnert’s Almanac (in which the bearing was changed to SSW). On the morning of December 16, 1866, Captain Seldon commanding the Steam Revenue Cutter Wyanda, sounded 60 fathoms 65–70 miles SW1/2S of the Farallons, and 65 fathoms at 44 miles. Almost a year later, on October 29, 1867, Milton Badger on the C. S. Coy reported dark green water very near the Bearsley location. Then in 1868, Captain Harrison obtained shallow water 72 miles SW, and that was enough to trigger the issuance of a Notice to Mariners advising of the danger.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_22

143

144

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

But was there any danger? Were there even any rocks, or shoal water? In mid-­1868 Captain Simpson of the U.S. Navy took the Mohongo to the area and crisscrossed it for two full days. There was no bottom anywhere, at least to 100 fathoms. On November 2, 1868, Superintendent Peirce, forwarding orders written by Davidson, turned to Edward Cordell [22.2–22.4]:

Cordell could not find an available pilot boat, and so on December 3 sailed in the Marcy in spite of her deplorable condition. At noon the next day he began sounding every half-hour, letting the lead fall to 110 fathoms before reeling it in again. By noon the next day, he had run smack across the positions given by Harrison and Davidson (quoting Bearsley) with no indication of shoal water. At about 6 p.m. the next day, he crossed the position shown on the Imray chart. Two more days of soundings were similarly unproductive, and on December 8 he crossed the second and third positions given by Bearsley. Finally, late in the afternoon of the next day he crossed the spot where the Coy had seen the dark green water. There was nothing this time except the flat, featureless, dark, and deep ocean. Cordell returned to San Francisco and wrote to Peirce [22.5]:

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

145

That really should have ended this project. But unfortunately for Cordell, Davidson had just returned to San Francisco to take charge of all the survey work as the Principal Assistant, a title he insisted Superintendent Peirce bestow upon him as condition for returning. He brought with him two longstanding obsessions: the shoal west of Point Reyes (which he was quick to remind everyone that he had discovered in 1853), and the Vitula Shoal (or was it the Bearsley Shoal?) reported 60–80 miles SW of the Farallons. The very day that Cordell was writing to Peirce that the Vitula Shoal did not exist, Davidson was drafting orders (for Peirce’s approval) to go back out and look for it [22.6]. Captain Seldon, meanwhile, assured Cordell that he had sounded 70, 60 and 48 fathoms 60–70  miles SW of the Farallons, providing yet another site to examine. Not waiting for Peirce, Davidson was needlessly explicit in his orders to Cordell [22.7, 22.8]:

The Marcy was unseaworthy. Cordell obtained permission to go on the revenue steam cutter Lincoln, with none other than Captain Seldon in command. They left San Francisco December 21, but were forced to return Christmas Eve in the face of high seas [22.9, 22.10]. On January 5, 1869, Cordell began his third expedition, again on the Lincoln with Captain Seldon. This time he had good weather and carried out an almost perfect scan of the 1866 track of the Wyanda. Beginning at the position of the first 60-fathom cast, he ran a series of tight saw teeth across the Wyanda’s track, moving 6–8 miles to each side and advancing 1–2 miles on the return pass. Nowhere did they find bottom, or even discolored water. For good measure, they again ran across the positions given by Harrison and Imray, and took a measure of the current (1½ knots to the South) [22.10]. Davidson was not going to give up. He transmitted Cordell’s report to Washington, adding [22.11–22.16]:

146

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

Preliminary examination! Cordell had covered 700 square miles with soundings spaced every mile or so. There was nothing there! In March, Davidson again sent Cordell out with the orders [22.17]:

Cordell dutifully searched twice more, both times on the Wyanda. On his fourth trip, March 31–April 3, the steamer’s machinery broke down, prematurely terminating the cruise. On the fifth (and last) expedition, Cordell left San Francisco April 13, stopping by Point Reyes on his way, He carried out additional soundings without result, and returned five days later. Altogether, he had spent more than 20 days surveying more than 2500 square miles lying 40–100 miles generally southwest of the Farallons [22.18–22.21], without finding anything shallow. Incredibly, Davidson still was not satisfied. In his 1869 edition of the Coast Pilot, he included a reference to the Vitula Shoal and changed the position to 36°42’ N, 124°10’ W. The beast rested but it did not die. Cordell died only a few months after making his last report on his surveys. Four years later, Commander Parry aboard the British vessel Eastern Light recorded the following, quoted by Davidson [22.22]:

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

147

Shaky as this report was, it exceeded Davidson’s very low threshold for action. He immediately requested the Superintendent, now Carlile P. Patterson, to ask Commander P.  C. Johnson of the U.S.  Navy to investigate (there was no vessel available to the Coast Survey at the time). Johnson carried out a search from May 17 to May 19 aboard the Hassler (named for Ferdinand Rudolph Hassler, the first Superintendent of the Coast Survey). He, too, sounded between 100 and 200 fathoms without finding bottom. On the very spot reported by the Eastern Light, he ran the line out 1000 fathoms. There was no bottom anywhere. Shortly after this ­expedition, the Tuscarora found green mud bottom at 2165 fathoms six miles NE of the Bearsley positions, and 2104 fathoms three miles ESE.  In November 1874, Commander Erben of the U.S.  Navy found blue mud at 2141 fathoms midway between two of the Bearsley positions.

Fig. 22.1 The Hassler, a steamship sometimes used off the coast of California

148

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

By all reason, Davidson should have given up at this point. But in his 1889 revision of the Coast Pilot, he devoted as much space to it as to Cordell Bank [22.23]. Perhaps his motivation was a new (1888) report from the Eastern Light, coincidentally again on March 3, that in light breezes and moderate sea, she “saw” the supposed shoal at 6 p.m., when it was too dark to notice the color of the water. The crew was afraid to return to the spot on account of its bad appearance. This time the position was given as 37°17.75’N, 124°20.5’W, 11 miles from the position of the 1874 observation. And then on November 18, 1888, the British ship Drumlanrig reported a depth of 35 fathoms over rocky bottom 35  miles SW of the South Farallon, although they were in a thick fog at the time. The Vitula Shoal was not the only non-shoal in that area. In 1855, rocks with 3–5 fathoms of water were reported at 37°25’N, 137°30’W. These became known as the Reed Rocks, after the Captain who reported them, although in an 1865 admiralty chart they were marked “doubtful” at 37°29’N, 137°24’W. The U.S. Ship Falmouth discovered a rock with 3–5 fathoms at 37°22’N, 137°22’W. In 1869 it was reported that Captain Redfield of the whaling brig Susan Abigail found dangerous rocks nearly awash at 37°35’N, 137°30’W. Around 1870, the Falmouth reported a shoal between 37°15 and 8’N, 137°05 and 10’W. As numerous as these reports were, they could not withstand investigation. In May and June of 1873, the same Commander Johnson on the Hassler made 109 casts in the vicinity without finding bottom at 2400 fathoms. They reported [22.24]:

Caused by the shadow of a cloud?! Surely, the crew of those various vessels reporting discolored water knew about clouds!

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

149

Fig. 22.2 The tracks of various vessels as they searched for the elusive Vitula Shoal (unsuccessfully)

150

22  Vitula Shoal 1868

Fig. 22.3  Additional tracks of vessels searching for the Vitula Shoal (also unsuccessfully)

Later, various lines of deep sea soundings were run across the Pacific, and depths of 2900 fathoms over brown ooze were found uniformly at the positions of the Reed Rocks and Falmouth Shoal. As good as those observations were, in 1888 the ship British Yeoman reported actually seeing the Reed Rocks! Whatever is or is not there now, the area SW of the Farallons certainly was given every chance to be rocky and shallow. Instead, it is dark, with muddy bottom, and deep, deep, deep!

Chapter 23

Point Reyes Light 1869

George Davidson first ran across Cordell Bank in 1853, turning eastward until he made Point Reyes. The need for a light on the rocky promontory must have impressed the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, because less than a year later, Congress appropriated $25,000 for a lighthouse and fog whistle [23.1]. The owners of the land presented the Lighthouse Board with more than fog. Their asking price was exorbitant, and the light remained just a rumor. And what a rumor! Appearing on a chart from the British Admiralty, the nonexistent light misled the commander of the Russian corvette Novik, and the large vessel was wrecked, one of many shipwrecks on or near the Pt. Reyes head [23.2]. Finally, in 1867, Davidson made his reconnaissance of Alaska in preparation for its purchase by the U.S. Twice he passed the Point Reyes Head at sea. The Lighthouse Board suddenly became serious and had an initial survey made to locate a site for a light. The highest point on the head was recommended by the Board. By April 1869, the government had the place condemned and was about to buy it. The Board asked the Coast Survey for a final opinion on the location of the light. The Inspector of Hydrography (later Superintendent) Carlile Patterson suggested to Superintendent Peirce that, because the fogs which are prevalent in the areas often lift to 100– 300  ft., a high light would be useless, and a lower site, which he indicated on a sketch, should be utilized. Also, he recommended that a steam fog horn be built. He suggested that Davidson and two other Coast Survey Assistants, Augustus F. Rodgers and Edward Cordell, be consulted on a final location [23.3]. Both Rodgers and Cordell, of course, were familiar with the area around Point Reyes. Davidson decided that the three of them should make a personal investigation [23.4–23.7]. It would have to be before mid-June, since he was preparing to depart again for Alaska. At the same time, Cordell was preparing to make another © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_23

151

152

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

attempt, the fifth, to locate the shoal west of Point Reyes. As the day for their trip approached, Cordell dashed off a note to Davidson [23.8].

Apparently it was absolutely necessary, since on Thursday, June 3, 1869, he and Davidson took the ferry to San Quentin [23.9]. After a six hour ride on horseback, they arrived at Olema at 7:15  in the evening. Rodgers made a special trip from Mendocino to meet them. The next morning they hired a spring wagon and guide at Olmstead and drove to the head at Point Reyes.

Fig. 23.1  An early, but amazingly detailed topographic/hydrographic chart of the Pt. Reyes head, made in 1855

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

153

They stopped in a depression a few yards from the site selected two years earlier for the light. On foot they followed a sharp jagged ridge beyond it as far as they could go, to a shelving, projecting point about 275 ft. below. The point was 225 ft. above the sea. The rock was solid, and it was obvious that with a little effort at clearing and leveling, this was the place to put the light. If the atmosphere had been clearer, they could have seen the South Farallon, although they were able to identify the white rocks near Tomales Point. From where they stood, a beacon would be visible 20 miles out to sea, all the way to the position where Davidson had been on that October night in 1853 when he discovered bottom at 30 fathoms [23.10]. A new road would have to be made to reach the site, with an average grade of 25%. They thought some of it would have to cut into the rock, and because of the strong winds and steep slope, it should be covered. There was no room for a dwelling within view of the light, but there was room for a small working cottage and sufficient space several hundred yards away for a major keeper’s dwelling [23.10]. The only other spot in contention was a small ledge 40–50 ft. below the new site, but it had an arc of visibility 15–20° less, and was almost inaccessible. So the trio made a small mound of stones at the selected spot and retreated to their wagon. It was 9:30 in the evening, dark and very foggy when they reached Olema. The next day, Rodgers returned to the north, and Davidson and Cordell returned to San Rafael, then to San Francisco. Davidson left Cordell to continue preparations for the upcoming voyage and returned to his home in Oakland.

Fig. 23.2  A sketch of the Pt. Reyes Head made by George Davidson, showing the position of the light well below the crest. Access was by a very long, very steep stairway, which is still navigated by dozens of people daily

154

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

All the next day, Sunday, June 6, Davidson drafted the report to the Superintendent [23.11–23.13]:

He sent the letter to Col. Robert W. Williamson, local head of the Army Corps of Engineers, and also to the office in Washington. A week later, Davidson was enroute to Alaska, and Cordell was on the Marcy enroute to Point Reyes to search for the 30-fathom shoal to the West. In Washington, Carlile Patterson was not happy. He thought the light should be yet 125 ft. lower, even given the added expense [23.14]:

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

155

But he accepted the report as the best that could be done and sent it on to Peirce. Meanwhile, Williamson took it upon himself to make a separate report to the Lighthouse Board. Rodgers reminded him sternly that it was the Coast Survey, not the Army Corps, which selected the sites for lighthouses [23.7]. Davidson’s report was forwarded to W. B. Shubrick, Head of the Lighthouse Board, who accepted it without question and ordered work to begin.

Fig. 23.3  The Pt. Reyes light, in an early photograph taken shortly after its completion. The light continued to burn for a 100 years

156

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

Fig. 23.4  Another view of the light, together with the additional buildings added after 1870

In July 1870, Congress appropriated another $45,000 for the light, and by November 11, Shubrick issued a Notice to Mariners announcing that the light would be exhibited for the first time on December 1 [23.15]. Examining a draft of the Notice, Davidson asked Williamson about the angle through which the light would show. Not understanding that the question was about the field of view limited by the cliffs, or with a fine sense of humor, Williamson replied: “360°, as all revolving lights do!” Eventually Davidson got his answer: 285°. Rodgers somehow computed the position of the light as 37°59′36.06′′ N, 123′01′24′.28 “W, apparently believing it was known to within one foot! J.C. Bull was hired as the first Keeper, with Melissa C. Bull, E. Bull, and B. Crandall, Jr., as Assistants [23.16]. And so on December 1, 1870, the Point Reyes light did indeed shine forth. Its farthest reach, the 30-fathom shoal to the west had just acquired its name: Cordell Bank. For almost a century thereafter, the brilliant beam swept a fan across a thousand square miles, offering its characteristic five second flash intervals to countless ships.

23  Point Reyes Light 1869

157

Except, of course, when it was foggy! The steam whistle was built in 1871, but was an almost total failure. On April 28, 1872, it burned to the ground. It was rebuilt, but then stopped in 1873 for want of water. In 1877, a series of gales blew the roof off the keeper’s dwelling and blew down the chimneys and fences. But even when the signal was running, it could not be heard even a mile offshore in thick weather, so in 1880 the whistle was replaced with a siren like that operating at Point Bonita. Then, in 1890, the sirens were replaced with whistles again. The whole works was severely damaged in the 1906 earthquake [23.17]. Apparently, the Point Reyes Head was untamable; the best defense against maritime disaster was to steer 20 miles to the west and “feel” for the Cordell Bank, “God’s own gift to Frisco-bound shipmasters.”

Part IV

The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1853, 1869

In 1869 Edward Cordell searched for a reported “shoal west of Pt. Reyes,” first reported 16 years earlier. In documenting the 9-mile-long bank, he charted its outlines and saved samples of the bottom. It was eventually named “Cordell Bank.”

Chapter 24

George Davidson’s Discovery 1853

Cordell Bank was discovered accidentally by George Davidson in 1853. Through his voluminous notes and correspondence, Davidson made sure we would know exactly what happened. The year 1853 was a bad one for ships but a good one for shipwrecks [24.1]. In January, the J. Bragdon and the Comanche collided in the Carquinez Strait, with loss of life. In February, the Independence was lost at Margarita Island. In March, the S.S. Lewis, valued at more than $150,000 was wrecked off San Francisco Bay, and the R. K. Page exploded on the Sacramento River, killing two dozen people. In April, the Washington was lost off Mexico, and the Pacific Mail Steam Ship Company lost the Tennessee, valued at $300,000, near San Francisco. The same month, the Jenny Lind exploded in San Francisco Bay, killing 30. In October, the American Eagle and the Stockton both blew up on the San Joaquin River and many people were killed. In December, the Winfield Scott went down at Anacapa Island, carrying with it a reported fortune in gold. With the explosive growth in population and shipping which followed the discovery of gold in northern California, such misadventures were becoming intolerable, and the Coast Survey took up the challenge of the reconnaissance of the coast, determination of dangers, and installation of aids to navigation. George Davidson arrived in 1849, and in spite of the lure of lucrative commercial work, threw himself energetically into the surveys. Although there is ample evidence that he was driven by a soaring ambition for historical immortality, that did not matter at the moment. What did matter was that he was an acute observer, a meticulous keeper of records, and that he was on a ship called the Active on October 22, 1853, farther west of Point Reyes than he should have been. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_24

161

162

24  George Davidson’s Discovery 1853

Davidson was onboard for a survey cruise up the coast from San Francisco. Leaving San Francisco on July 8, they stopped at Point Reyes, then visited Bodega Bay, Richardson’s Harbor, Shelter Cove, Humboldt Bar, Trinidad Bay, Crescent City, Port Oxford, Point Coquille, Umpqua Head, the mouth of the Columbia River, and finally arrived at Cape Foulweather on October 21. Then they turned right around and ran straight back toward San Francisco. The Active was skippered by Captain James Alden of the U.S. Navy. Also on board was another Assistant of the Coast Survey, James A. Lawson, acting as an aide to Davidson, and the draftsman, George Farquhar, who many years later would play an important role in the work of Edward Cordell. Lawson later recounted what happened on the return cruise [24.2]:

Davidson apparently was not sleepy that night. He was on deck, straining into the darkness for some hint of where they were. He perceived a decided change in the character of the swell, and determined the latitude by observation of the stars. Unfortunately, he could not determine the longitude, probably for lack of an accurate time. Repeatedly he heard noises from a great distance which, although muffled, must have been very loud at their source. As they moved slowly eastward, he realized with amazement that the sounds were the echo of the ship’s own steam whistle echoing from Point Reyes head, returning to the vessel “after more than a minute.” A quick calculation told Davidson they were almost 20  miles away [Author’s note: If the signal return was 1  min, the inferred distance to the head would have been 6 miles, not 20. The attenuation over a 40-mile roundtrip would have been at least a million-fold.] Finally, he unrolled the lead line and dropped it over the rail. He expected the line to run out 60–70 fathoms. Instead, it hit bottom at 30. Nowhere on any chart was there an indication of any depths that shallow so far off Point Reyes. It took no imagination to realize that there was a shoal there, only the courage to believe it and remember.

24  George Davidson’s Discovery 1853

163

And remember it he did. Five years later, he wrote the first edition of the Directory of the Pacific Coast (later to be called the Coast Pilot) in which he described the state of knowledge of the coastal waters, headlands, harbors, and other navigational information. Among the directions for sailing into and out of the dangerous San Francisco Bay, he wrote [24.3]:

Davidson repeated this statement in the 1863 edition of the Coast Pilot [24.4], and it surely establishes Davidson’s claim to the discovery. In view of the regular reports of shoal water which subsequently were found to be spurious, it was a bold statement, and probably indicates how sure he was of his single 30-fathom cast. Curiously, he omitted reference to it in the 1869 edition of the Coast Pilot [24.5], and ironically, it was that year that the bank was finally rediscovered and mapped, by Edward Cordell. Twenty years later Davidson gave a complete description of the “Shoal West of Point Reyes,” under the name “Cordell Bank” [24.6].

164

24  George Davidson’s Discovery 1853

Fig. 24.1  San Francisco in the early 1850s, first published in 1852. This astonishing chart was produced by R. D. Cutts, who was, like Cordell, an Assistant in the U.S. Coast Survey. This chart makes obvious the reason for defining Market Street: it was the bisector of the crescent-shaped waterline. The Ferry Building is now at the tip of the original pier

24  George Davidson’s Discovery 1853

165

Fig. 24.2  Detail of the previous figure. This chart shows how much the city spread over Yerba Buena, including out into the Bay itself on a massive landfill. Of particular interest is the trace of the waterline, now completely obliterated by landfill and buildings

Chapter 25

Searching for the Bank 1868–69

Edward Cordell officially had the same rank as George Davidson: Assistant to the Superintendent, U.S. Coast Survey. Since his arrival in California in 1865, Cordell had done very well in prosecuting the hydrography of the West Coast. Davidson was in quasi-retirement in Pennsylvania, but in 1867 he was persuaded to return to California, and demanded to be given a whopping pay raise, broad authority over all other assistants, and a fancy title, which was finally settled to be “Assistant in Charge.” Suddenly Cordell found himself working directly for Davidson, who demanded that Cordell funnel all communications to the Superintendent through himself. In late 1868, Davidson sent Cordell out looking for rumored shoals, including the nonexistent Vitula (or Bearsley) Shoal and the 30-fathom bank west of Point Reyes. Since Davidson was the most prominent geographer on the West Coast, it was natural for maritime news and rumors to come his way. In December of 1868, he got reports of soundings of 17, 17, 19, and 22 fathoms, with red coral, red slime, and broken shells, at some distance west of Point Reyes [29.1]. This, of course, correlated perfectly with his belief that there was a shoal out there somewhere. Davidson drafted the proposed work for the Assistants during the coming year for the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, Benjamin Peirce [25.1]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_25

167

168

25  Searching for the Bank 1868–69

This entry is the first record of the impending rediscovery of Cordell Bank. That very day, Cordell was already writing a report to Davidson on the first of five fruitless searches for the Vitula Shoal. A month later, Superintendent Peirce, following Davidson’s draft, wrote orders to Cordell to search for the reported “bank off Pt. Reyes,” as well as continue the search for the Vitula Shoal [25.2]:

Cordell received these orders through Davidson on February 2, but was unable to comply immediately since his vessel, the Marcy, was under repair [25.3–25.6]. On March 29, Davidson elaborated the orders to Cordell [25.7]:

25  Searching for the Bank 1868–69

169

Five days later, Cordell made another attempt to search for the Vitula Shoal, using the Revenue Steamer Wyanda, but had to return empty-handed three days later in the face of a storm [25.8]. He sailed again on April 13, making it to Point Reyes, and from there to the search SW of the Farallons. Meanwhile, on the same day, Davidson, aboard the Revenue Steamer Lincoln, had attempted to leave for Alaska but was detained in San Francisco. He wrote to the Superintendent [25.9]:

Significantly, Davidson had remarked about the (as yet unnamed) shoal which he had (presumably) discovered so many years before, rather than the primary goal of the voyage, namely to find the Vitula shoal. Eventually, Cordell concluded his fifth (and final) search for the Vitula Shoal, with no results [25.10]. In spite of Davidson’s instructions, he did not pass Point Reyes on the return trip.

170

25  Searching for the Bank 1868–69

Finally, in June 1869, Cordell concluded the repairs of the Marcy, and sailed off in search of the bank west of Point Reyes. The instruments available to him were rudimentary: to measure positions he would depend on his compass to run lines in a given direction. The sextant could measure their latitude and triangulate land falls such as the Point Reyes Head, Mt. St. Helena, and the Farallon Light. In the absence of visual references (which happened often due to the regular fogs in the area), he would have to use dead reckoning, measuring his course with the compass and the distance traveled with the patent log. The latter was a towed device with a propeller that turned a dial, which thus indicated the total distance traveled (uncorrected for current). Combined with the time, it gave the speed. To measure the depths he had several lead weights on marked lines, of which the most valuable was the Stellwagen Lead, an 1841 invention of his former mentor which allowed recovery of small samples of the bottom. The lead had to be armed before each deployment, and, of course, there was no way to control what it grabbed. Fig. 25.1  The nautical compass used by nineteenth Century mariners. It is gimbal-­ mounted so it stays level even in uneven seas

Fig. 25.2  The sextant, used to determine latitude. It works by measuring the angle of elevation of a star (or the sun) above the horizon, which is precisely the latitude

25  Searching for the Bank 1868–69

171

Fig. 25.3  The patent log, used for determining the distance travelled by a boat. The device was dragged behind the boat, causing the blades to spin and the counter to increment. The total increment converted to the distance travelled, and the time interval then gives the (average) speed

Fig. 25.4  The sounding lead that Cordell used in the discovery of Cordell Bank. It was invented by Henry Stellwagen

Chapter 26

The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

It really did begin on a dark and foggy night [26.1, 26.2]:

The vessel and crew rested during the night. Just over the ridge, a scant 20-min walk away was the Pt. Reyes head, where just a few days before, Cordell, Davidson, and Rodgers selected the site for the new lighthouse. Twenty miles to the west, unknown to the crew, lay the rocks at 30 fathoms.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_26

173

174

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

His crew contemplated the task ahead, a rigorous regimen of sailing and sounding, hoping the lead line would “sock home” short. Thirty fathoms, it was supposed to be. Thirty fathoms… Cordell probably had a reasonable idea of what lay ahead, having participated in the discovery of Stellwagen Bank fifteen years earlier. Still, the ocean looks pretty much the same everywhere, and there were only the slightest clues of shoal water, mostly rumors and hearsay, and Davidson’s single cast in 1853. The next morning they went around the Point and struck out for the West.

The lead indicated the bottom was rocky. The crew thought the discovery was in progress, but they were wrong. Although Davidson had (correctly) predicted that the shoal would be found at the intersection of the extension of the line of the Farallons and the line to the west of the face of Point Reyes (the 38° latitude), Cordell chose to begin his search midway between that point and the North Farallon. His plan was to run a series of saw teeth toward the north, presumably eventually to run across the shoal. The plan did not work. After the first exciting sounding of 46 fathoms, the depths dropped off: 52 fathoms, 74, and then no bottom at 250 fathoms. They tacked to N½W, not knowing that a current was driving them NE. Tacking again to SW½S, they ran another series: 55 fathoms, 65, 68. They were getting dark green sand and fine black sand. Evening approached, and at 7:00 p.m. they furled the topsail and flying jib. They were sounding every half hour, running at an average speed of 1½ knots. 115 fathoms. At 8:30 they abandoned the line, turned and jogged north a mile. Just before midnight they turned again to run a third line to the southwest. In the distance, they could see the Farallon light, but nowhere could they find any bottom; it was deeper than 150 fathoms everywhere. Midnight drifted into early morning. At 1:25  a.m. they ran north again. By 3:45 a.m., Cordell knew he was too far west, and he tacked hard to the east. Fatigue must have taken its toll, since at this point he uncharacteristically made two incorrect entries in the log, showing the Farallon light to be SbyE½E (it was EbyS½E) and their heading SWbyW (it was SEbyE). And still no bottom. By 6:00 a.m. he again decided to turn north.

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

175

If Cordell made any soundings during the next four hours, he did not write them down, since the log is silent for almost that long. They ran due north some 15 miles, probably sleeping! Apparently they ran right across the Bank without even knowing it. At 9:45 a.m., they suddenly made a hard turn to starboard and began a new series of saw teeth. The lead gave 85 fathoms. Then 77, 77, 83, and 89; they were getting black gravel, shells, and mica. No shoal here. Just before noon he turned west and executed a perfect pass across the Bank. At noon they got 69 fathoms. At 12:30 p.m. it was 55 fathoms. Then, at 12:53 p.m., the lead socked home at 33 fathoms! The bank was found! Feverishly they hauled in the lead and threw it out again, again getting 33 fathoms. The next cast returned a few small pebbles and gravel, and Cordell saved the specimen. Then at 1:15 p.m. they hit 29 fathoms! The lead gave broken shells and fine sand, and Cordell saved the specimen in a small jar. At 1:40 a 50-fathom cast gave them coarse gray sand and broken shells. Cordell put the sample in another jar and saved it. Then realizing that he was running off the bank to the west, he turned back sharply and ran smack across the center of the bank. The series of depths clearly revealed the profile of the rocks: 50 fathoms, 28, 29, 32, 40, 52, 56, 60. By 3:00 p.m. they were well off the east side, over the sediment deposits with Point Reyes on their bow. With these casts, the Bank was found, and after running another line to the SW, Cordell and his crew ran for shelter at Point Reyes.

Every man aboard knew an historic discovery had been made. How did Cordell know exactly where to find the Bank, after a day of fruitless search in a completely different area? Cordell himself provided the answer in his report to the Superintendent.

Apparently the crew passed right through the concentration of mammals and birds, and then suddenly realized what it meant and turned hard around to sound the area.

176

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

The crew also felt there was a decided change in the character of the swells on the bank. To Cordell, it was as if the swells came in from the open ocean and were deflected by the bank, exiting a different direction than they approached. The quartermaster thought the swells were “all jumbled up,” and the mate felt they reached higher crests and lower valleys on the bank. Bad weather kept the Marcy at Point Reyes for the next five days. On June 19th it was windy. On the 20th it was windy and foggy. On the 21st they got underway but returned when it became calm and foggy. The 22nd was likewise calm and foggy. Finally, on June 23rd, they were working again:

Judging by the erratic course and lack of any sounding data, they probably were wandering around in the fog, unsure of where they were and making little headway. At 7:30 the next morning Cordell began sounding again every half-hour. Having run in fog for hours, they could only guess where they were. The guess was not good; for 6 h they got no bottom above 100 fathoms. Then suddenly they hit it again: 30½ fathoms at 4:10 in the afternoon. Rocky. They started sounding every 10 min, about as fast as they could recover the lead and throw it out again. Apparently they were on the western edge of the bank, since the depths dropped off to 58 fathoms, then 53, then rose again to 27, 31, and 31½ fathoms. Then at 5:30  p.m. they ran over a pinnacle: 26½ fathoms. Quickly they dropped a black and white painted barrel buoy with a black and white flag. It was a lucky hit; the pinnacle they found was tiny, so tiny it was not found again until 1985! With the wind rising, darkness coming, and the main task accomplished, Cordell decided to return to Point Reyes.

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

177

The next day, Cordell took the Marcy out again, leaving at 5:30 in the afternoon. It was clear, and there was a light breeze from the east. This time he knew better where to go, although he took all night to get there. At 6:20 the next morning, at a point well east of the bank, they started sounding again. His aim was perfect: they ran smack across the top, again finding 29 fathoms. They saved specimens from 38, 34, and 32 fathoms. On the other side, he turned, ran a mile south, and turned again, making two perfect passes over the top of the bank. At 6:40 p.m. they spotted their buoy, placed two days before, bearing NW½N. A few minutes later, just beyond a 27 fathom pinnacle, they dropped anchor. They were the first vessel in history to overnight at anchor on the bank. Sometime during the night, Cordell decided to measure the current. Tossing out a small stave, he marked its progress past the anchored vessel. Its transit along the 50-foot length of the vessel took 20 s, from which he calculated 1½ knots. The lie of the Marcy revealed the direction of the current: to the south. The evening was calm, but during the night the wind rose. By morning it was really blowing, and there was a heavy swell from the NW. At 7:45 in the morning the hawser parted, leaving the anchor and 60 fathoms of hawser on the bottom in 34 fathoms, and setting the vessel adrift. What to do was obvious: they sailed off and began sounding every 10 min. They continued sounding all during the 28th, making two saw teeth toward the south, and then returned north to make several more. They worked all through the night, eventually sounding every 20 min, getting 40–50 fathoms. Cordell got some sleep while the crew kept working. By 1:40 a.m., the depths were increasing, and it was obvious that they were running off again. They reversed to the east, and then ran back west again to execute more saw teeth.

178

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.1  The track of Cordell’s vessel on the day he discovered Cordell Bank. His initial running of saw teeth too far to the South was abandoned, and after moving north, the party ran neatly across the shallowest part of the Bank

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

179

Fig. 26.2  The log of the discovery of Cordell Bank, June 18, 1869, written almost entirely by Edward Cordell

180

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

If Cordell had had a detailed hydrographic chart, he could not have done a better job of avoiding the Bank. Somehow in all those saw teeth, he managed to avoid running up on the Bank, stopping and turning away as soon as the water got shallow. The uniformity with which he avoided the Bank indicates that he was doing it deliberately; he was determining the general outlines of the shoal, just as instructed to do. Considering the almost irresistible urge to find the shallowest water, such self-­ control must surely speak of an extraordinarily professional attitude. The crew of the Marcy sounded continuously for 28  h, recording depths, distances indicated on the patent log, and the nature of the bottom. Cordell totaled the two weeks’ work: during the survey, they had traversed 106 nautical miles covering 45 square miles, made 155 casts of the lead up to 250 fathoms [26.3, 26.4], and preserved eight small jars of biological specimens [28.2]. At 9:30 a.m. on the 29th, they turned and sailed for San Francisco.

The Marcy came to anchor at China Basin.

Cordell updated the ship’s log, which was a record of the operations of the Marcy. The soundings had been recorded in real time in the Sounding Log. Cordell immediately drafted a report to the Superintendent, dated July 1, 1869. He made several copies of the four page document [26.5], leaving one for Davidson (who was in Alaska at that time), and taking one to the Chronicle, which published extracts two days later [26.6]. The report was received in Washington on July 12, and published the same day as a Notice to Mariners [26.7].

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

181

Fig. 26.3  The page from the ship’s log recording the re-discovery of Cordell Bank by Edward Cordell on June 18, 1869, at 2:15 in the afternoon

182

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.4  The official report written by Cordell to USCS Superintendent Benjamin Peirce on 1 July 1869

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.4 (continued)

183

184

Fig. 26.4 (continued)

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.4 (continued)

185

186

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.5  Cordell’s report was published almost verbatim less than two weeks later as a “Notice to Mariners”

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

187

What did Cordell do then? Probably he caught up on the news. Earlier that day, Mr. Henry Seward, the U.S. Secretary of State had arrived in San Francisco with much hoopla and ceremony. It was Seward who, in 1834, had been nominated by the Whigs for the governorship of New York but lost to William F. Marcy, the name sake of Cordell’s schooner. Furthermore, it was Seward who had championed the purchase of Alaska (“Seward’s Folly”), for which Davidson had made the reconnaissance trip in 1867. The year Cordell discovered his bank (1869) was a busy one elsewhere in the world. On the Zendfontein farm in South Africa, a Grique shepherd boy picked up a diamond weighing more than 83 carats, thereby launching a prospecting boom unlike the world had seen since the gold rush in California twenty years earlier. About the same time, a Russian chemist named Dmitri Mendeleyev was enunciating a new law of nature–the periodic table of the elements, and in England the astrophysicist J. Norman Lockyer, who had discovered helium less than a year earlier, was founding a scientific periodical that is still published today: Nature. Petr Ilyich Tchaikovsky was writing Romeo and Juliet, Bret Harte The Outcasts of Poker Flat, Jules Verne Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea, and Richard Wagner Die Walkure. Mahatma Ghandi, Henri Matisse, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Neville Chamberlain were newborns. In Washington, debate over the fifteenth amendment to the U.S. Constitution was raging. Celluloid was invented by J. W. Hyatt, and the corkscrew was patented. The clipper ship Cutty Sark was launched. The Golden Spike was driven at Promontory, Utah. In Egypt, the last sections of the Suez Canal were being excavated. In California, less than 300 miles from San Francisco, John Muir was standing among the megaliths of Yosemite Valley, and in the Grand Canyon of Arizona, John Wesley Powell was lurching down the Colorado River. It was doubtful that Cordell knew much of these events–he was very busy sounding the waters off the coast of California. In 1888, Davidson forwarded Cordell’s sounding log to Washington. Apparently the log was confused with Westdahl’s 1873 resurvey of the Bank, since it was filed under the number of Westdahl’s hydrographic sheet, No. 1298a. Davidson reminded posterity with a handwritten note on the cover of the log that Cordell had carried out the search under his (Davidson’s) instructions [30.16]. This log is held at the Washington National Records Center in Suitland, Maryland.

188

26  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869

Fig. 26.6  Cover on Cordell’s original log of the discovery of the Bank. Davidson’s notations characteristically indicate that he wanted us to know that Cordell’s search was made under his (Davidson’s) instructions

Chapter 27

Logs and Data

Cordell’s sounding log of the discovery of Cordell Bank is divided into three segments, corresponding to the periods of continuous sounding: Segment 1 Segment 2 Segment 3

15:00 17 June 1869 → 18:30 18 June 1869 19:38 23 June 1869 → 05:50 24 June 1869 18:20 27 June 1869 → 11:10 29 June 1869

27.5 h 10.2 h 52.8 h

The Bank was discovered on the first segment (at 13:15 on 18 June 1869). The second segment was cut short by high seas and fog. Most of the elaboration of the Bank was made during the third segment.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_27

189

190

27 

Logs and Data

Fig. 27.1  Cordell measured his position by sighting angles on two distant landmarks, Pole Mountain (the highest peak on Sonoma County, 38 miles to the NW), and Pt. Reyes (22 miles to the E). Obviously without direct sighting in both marks the position could not be determined uniquely

27  Logs and Data

191

During the first segment, Cordell determined his position by taking the angle between Point Reyes to the East, the Farallon Islands to the South, and Pole Mountain (which was known at that time as the Wilson Trees) north of Bodega Bay. The log includes the following entries: 18 June 1869—Segment 1—The Discovery Track Time fm Bottom Marks 09:45 85 Black gravel 09:55 10:10 10:32 10:55 11:20 12:00 12:30 12:53 13:00 – 13:15 13:30 13:40

Pt. Reyes & Wilson Trees 77 77 83 89 69 55 33 33 30 29 47 50

Black gravel, shells, mica Gravel, sand, mica Coarse black and gray sand Fine grey sand Black gravel & pebbles Sand & broken shells Sand & broken shells Sand & broken shells Small pebbles, gravel – White broken shells, fine sand BROKEN shells, coarse grey sand 14:05 28½ Hard 14:15 29½ Hard 14:30 32½ Hard 14:40 40 – 14:55 52 White and black gravel, shells 15:08 56 Broken shells 15:23 60 Fine grey sand

Angle Course Start line SEbyE 73.00° “

[Same] [Same] [Same] [Same] [Same]

79.40° 82.20° 77.30° 72.42° 69.05°

[Same]

62.42°

[Same] [Same]

“ “ “ SWbyW “ “ “ “ “ “ “ SEbyE

“ “ “ “ “ 72.22° “ 73.28° SWbyS End line

Unknown to Cordell, during the nighttime run to the north, while the crew slept, the Marcy passed directly over the bank. At 09:45, Cordell tacked to the east in order to position themselves to the east of the presumed bank. Over the next 5½ h they executed a perfect sawtooth over the bank: running to the west they obtained 29 fathoms, then obtaining deeper water (47, 50 fm), running east again, obtaining 28 ½ fathoms before running into deeper water again on the other side. In Fig. 27.1 we show the track as logged and Cordell’s outline of the bank as shown on the original chart (No. 661) of Cordell Bank (1873). In Fig. 27.2, the discovery track is replotted superimposed on a coarse bathymetric plot of the Bank as known ca. 1980, when the author began exploring Cordell Bank by diving. It is remarkable how well the depths from Cordell’s log fit onto the actual topography of the Bank.

192

27 

Logs and Data

Fig. 27.2  The discovery track, executed 18 June 1869

Fig. 27.3  A best-fit reconstruction of the path of Cordell’s vessel on the leg of discovery, superimposed on a chart from about 1995. The circles show the locations of soundings made by Cordell

27  Logs and Data

193

Although the log and the charts agree on most points, there are various details that are inconsistent. For instance, three soundings (33, 47, and 32 fathoms) appear in the log but were not entered on the original chart (No. 661), although there was quite sufficient room. Conversely, one sounding (36 fathoms) appears on the chart and is not in the log. Since we do not have Cordell’s original sketch that he forwarded to Washington, we do not know whether it was Cordell, or the draftsman who took these licenses, although in this author’s opinion is was Cordell: only he would have known which soundings were suspect or needed shifting; the draftsman would not have been as careless or cavalier as to make such changes. With the advantage of modern surveys, we can reconstruct the path taken by the Marcy as they made the discovery pass over the Bank (Fig. 27.3). Within the errors attendant to Cordell’s positions and depths, there is amazing agreement between his observations in June, 1869, and the modern bathymetric surveys more than 130 years later. Cordell was extraordinarily lucky in his soundings: of the five casts he made on the top of the bank, he managed to hit a local shallow spot on four of them. A few minutes earlier or later and he would have dropped it into much deeper intervening water, and the interpretation of the profile as a bank would have been much less clear. Depth profile. The sequence of depths on the discovery track correspond very well with the actual depths on the Bank, and in fact, was used to fit the track of the vessel over the bank. The original chart indicates a tack of 325° at 1:40  p.m., whereas the best fit track indicates it must have been more like 332°. Ship’s velocity. The log records distances (measured by the patent log) every few hours, and from these we can calculate the velocity (speed and direction) of the vessel during the search on 17–18 June 1869. A plot of these velocities reveals something interesting: apparently they were fighting a northwest wind, or more likely, a current from the North. On legs run to the southwest, they averaged about 3 knots, while on legs run to the north; they made only about 1.5 knots. And on the eastward legs during the discovery, they made between 5 and 6 knots. As seen in the plot, these vectors suggest that the vessel was running “uphill” to the north, “downhill” to the south. The consistency of the velocities across two days when the winds would vary greatly suggests these differences were due to currents, which would likely be somewhat more constant. The direction of the current would have been from the northwest, consistent with what we know today about the California Current. Pushing the interpretation of the logged data on the discovery tack on 18 June 1869 even further, we plot the speed against the time (Fig.  27.6). These speeds were calculated by dividing the distance between plotted positions by the time interval between the soundings. The logged data has significant scatter, but we note that the scatter itself is anti-correlated: three times a relatively high speed is followed by a corresponding low speed. This pairing is exactly what we would expect if the position of a sounding is wrong. That is, suppose that we took three soundings: ------------55--------------------34--------------------------67-------but that we inadvertently locate the middle sounding (34) incorrectly: ------------55-----------------------------34-----------------67--------

194

27 

Logs and Data

Fig. 27.4 (a, b) The depths recorded in the log for the path of discovery on 18 June 1869

27  Logs and Data

195 8am Jog to North Southern Searches 10pm

3am

6pm

Discovery 5am Searches too far South

M 8pm 5pm

2pm

N Last leg

Second Eastward Sweep

10pm

First Eastward Sweep

Fig. 27.5  A velocity plot from the log of 18 June 1869. These data suggest that he was being driven by a reasonably brisk northwest wind

Fig. 27.6  Analysis of the speed of Cordell’s vessel during the discovery leg. The circles represent speeds obtained by dividing the known distances between soundings by the elapsed times. The open circles are the original calculations, but noting that they show paired opposite-sign errors about an otherwise smooth curve, they have been replotted near their paired means. The break in the curve shows that Cordell made higher speed after tacking back to the East around 2 p.m., and that his speed then increased, probably due to the afternoon westerly winds

27 

196

Logs and Data

Clearly, the speed calculated for the 55—34 leg now will be too large, and that for the 34—67 leg too small, compared with the actual speed of the vessel. Since in the plot the errors occur in adjacent equal pairs, it seems reasonable to believe that the speed of the vessel did not really change, and therefore we can average the ­adjacent pairs to infer the actual speed. When we do this, we find that Cordell ran his southwest leg (from 11:20 AM to 1:40 p.m.) at an almost constant 3.5 knots, but that after he tacked at the 50-fathom sound to the southeast, his speed jumped to about 5.5 knots. Furthermore, it increased almost uniformly as the afternoon wore on. All this is entirely consistent with the idea that he was running into a northwest wind that blew fresher into the afternoon. The second segment of Cordell’s voyage (23–24 June 1869) was only partially successful. Starting in the evening, he measured his position: 23 June 1869—Segment 2 first day Time Bottom Markers 19:38 Rocky Pt. Reyes & Tomales

Angle 94.40°

[Start]

This was the only position they took. After passing the night in fog, they started at 7:00 a.m. to take soundings, having only their course and distance (from the patent log) to locate them. Late in the afternoon, they ran across the Bank. The sounding log and the ship’s deck log disagree on the time and depth of the shallowest sounding: 24 June 1869—Segment 2 second day Time (Sounding Log) Depth [fm] 16:10 30½ 16:20 58 16:40 53 17:05 27 17:10 31 17:24 17:30

31½ 26½

Time (Ship’s Log)

Depth [fm]

17:15

26½

(Dropped buoy)

The simplest explanation is that the crew did, in fact, make a sounding at 17:15, but incorrectly wrote it in the Ship’s Log rather than the Sounding Log.

27  Logs and Data

197

The third segment of the voyage (27–29 June, 1869) was the most successful. The sounding log includes the following: Time Depth [fm] Bottom 27 June 1869—Segment 3 first day 06:20 54 Mud 10:30 57 Broken rock 12:00 Rocky 14:00 45 16:00 46 17:10 50½ Broken shells 19:00 34 28 June 1869—Segment 3 second day 08:05 80 Rocky 08:50 45 Broken shells 09:45 67 Shells 10:55 54 Broken shells 12:40 34½ Broken shells 13:15 50 Rocky 15:35 51 Broken shells 17:50 57 23:30 67 Rocky 29 June 1869—Segment 3 third day 01:40 70 Broken shells 03:35 85 Fine sand 06:40 68 Black sand 08:40 56 Fine black sand 09:36 57 Hard 10:45

Course

Pat. Log

Increment

WbyS

4½ 14¾

10¼

Lat. Obs’d 38°04′30” Course to ESE Course to NE½N Course SSW [At anchor]

17½ 19¾ 22½ 24¾

2¾ 2¼ 6¾ 2½

Course to ENE Course to S Course to ENE Course to NWbyW½W Course to N Course to SW Course to N Course to SW Course to N

1¾ 4 6½ 10¼ 16½ 18¾ 22¼ 26½ 31¼

3¼ 1½ 4¼ 4¼ 2¼ 3½ 4¼ 4¾

Course to EbyS Course to SSW Course to EbyN Course to SbyW Course to NEbyE½E N Farallon bears SE Pt. Reyes bear NE½N

34½ 39¼ 48¼ 55 57 64

3¼ 4¾ 9 6¾ 2 7

The track of the vessel can be plotted roughly from these data. However, because of the fog, Cordell was unable to record his position by triangulation; the entire survey was done by dead reckoning. Because of the lack of position control, these data are much poorer, and Cordell wisely elected to omit much of it from the final chart. However, we need not be so circumspect, so we will plot these tracks, for what they’re worth. Figure 27.7 shows the tracks for the three days. Cordell’s sounding log records the obvious facts of the discovery of Cordell Bank. But the logs tell much more about the event than mere depths and times: they hint of the strategy and frustration of the crew, of fatigue and errors, and of the spectacular professionalism with which Edward Cordell did his job. Furthermore, since we have several specimens he recovered, knowing the precise locations at which they were taken should get the appreciation of marine biologists.

27 

Fig. 27.7  Tracks of the Marcy on 27, 28, 29 June 1869, the third segment of the discovery cruise. In principle, the positions B–-B and C–-C should be coincident. However, the log is ambiguous, so we have left them separate. If they are, in fact, coincident the track over the three days is complicated and overlapping

198 Logs and Data

Chapter 28

First Biological Specimens

During his discovery of Cordell Bank in June 1869, Edward Cordell recovered several samples of the bottom. His log lists only two of these (by the comment “specimen saved”) [28.1]: Log entries of specimens taken on Cordell Bank Date Time Depth [fm] 18 June 1869 13:00 30 18 June 1869 13:40 50

Remarks Small pebbles and gravel Coarse sand, broken shells

Cordell actually took eight specimens during the cruise. On July 31, 1869, he forwarded a package and cover letter to Carlile P. Patterson in Washington [28.2]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_28

199

200

28  First Biological Specimens

The specimens were received, and at least four of them still exist in the collections of the National Museum of Natural History in Washington (USNMNH). The small jars are labeled in Cordell’s handwriting as being from Sec. X (of the Coast Survey), from the “Shoal off Point Reyes.” Other data are as follows: Jar labels on specimens from Cordell Bank held at the USNMH No. Date Time Depth [fm] Latitude Longitude 1 18 June 1869 13:40 50 38°02′30″ 123°30′ 2 27 June 1869 13:00 38 38°03′ 123°29′ 3 27 June 1869 13:15 34 38°01′ 123°29′ 4 27 June 1869 17:30 32 38°01′30″ 123°28′

Remarks Specimen No. 2 Barnacles Shells and barnacles Rock, sponge

It seems safe to identify Bottle #1 (“Specimen No. 2”) with the corresponding entry in the log for the specimen taken June 18, 1869 at 13:40 h. From the sequence of the depths in the log, it is clear that the specimen was taken in 50 fathoms. Probably there was a “Specimen No. 1,” possibly the one logged June 18, 1869 at 13:00 from 30 fm, but it was not found in the USNMNH collection. The log for June 27, 1869 does not identify the soundings from which specimens were saved, and the coordinates must be regarded as only relative, since the crew was operating with dead reckoning during the day. From the sequence of depths in the log, it is possible to reconstruct the path of the vessel and therefore the locations at which the specimens were most likely taken. The “Barnacles” from 38 fathoms were taken at 1:00 p.m., the “Shells and barnacles” from 34 fathoms at 3:15 p.m., and the “Rock, sponge” from 32 fathoms at 5:30 p.m. The locations of these three hauls are shown in the following plot. In 1986, the author made a search for specimens from the period around 1869 preserved in the U.  S. National Museum of Natural History (USNMNH) in Washington. Four jars were found, shown in Fig. 28.2. These four jars were sent on loan to the author, and were examined on March 25, 1987. The examination was carried out at the California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, under the auspices of Academy staff and documentation personnel. The entire event was recorded on videotape, and KGO TV (Ch. 7) carried a news story about the event that evening.

28  First Biological Specimens

201

Fig. 28.1  The paths taken by Cordell during which he collected samples of the bottom. These samples are preserved in the U.S. Natural History Museum in Washington, DC

During the examination, two jars were opened: “Specimen No. 2 (6/18/1869, 50 fm)” [No. 1 in Fig. 28.2] and “Shells and barnacles (6/27/1869, 34 fm)” [No. 3 in Fig. 28.2]. The other two were left closed. The contents of the two jars were emptied into separate dishes and examined with a microscope by Academy biologists Dustin Chivers, Mike Kellog, and Al Mahout, and the author. Photo documentation was done by Bill Kruse (35 mm) and Lee McEachern (video). Jar #1 (“Specimen No. 2”) contained broken fragments of shells. The following were identified: Homolapoma sp., Callistemon sp., Hinnites sp., a turbinellidae, and a cephalospidian. These are all common in the recent collections from Cordell Bank. The small fragments made other identifications uncertain. No species were identified in Jar #3 (“Shells and barnacles”).

202

28  First Biological Specimens

Fig. 28.2  The four extant jars of specimens taken by Edward Cordell during his discovery of the Bank in 1869. The side and cork labels are the same; both were written by Cordell. Jars #1 and #3 were opened and examined by the author

The greatest surprise of the examination was the complete absence of diatoms in either sample. Not a single diatom of any kind was observed. It was hoped that the rare diatom Entopyla, observed prominently in the specimens recovered in 1978 and since, would be present in the old samples. Unfortunately, it appears that the diatoms, being silica, were completely dissolved by the glass jars. The specimens were returned to the USNMNH on January 4, 1988.

Chapter 29

How Cordell Bank Got its Name

If it had been up to George Davidson, it would have been Davidson Bank. For whatever commendable qualities Davidson possessed, sharing credit was not one. But then, he did have good claim to the discovery of Cordell Bank, since it was his 30-fathom cast in 1853 that told him there was a “shoal west of Point Reyes.” For 16  years, Davidson waited, referring to it by that neutral phrase. Then, in 1869, Cordell found it. As soon as Davidson saw the Notice to Mariners, he shot off a pointed letter to the Superintendent, Benjamin Peirce, reminding him that he (Davidson) had described the shoal in his Directory of the Pacific Coast and that Cordell “had executed the survey under Davidson’s direct and detailed instructions” [29.1]. Cordell himself was considerably more modest. In fact, the tradition within the Coast Survey was to immediately name any major discovery after the person in charge of the survey party. Hence, Cordell was strictly following protocol when he ended his report [29.2]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_29

203

204

29  How Cordell Bank Got its Name

Cordell’s report was received in Washington by Carlile P. Patterson , who was in charge of hydrography for the Survey. Although competent, Patterson was not unbiased. In fact, he was nursing an old wound received from Cordell on an entirely different matter. Recall that in October 1863, Cordell surveyed some dangerous rocks in the Portland (Maine) Harbor, including one called Old Anthony’s Rock. Cordell reported that another danger, Vapor Rock, did not exist, but was in fact the same as Old Anthony’s. Patterson engaged Cordell in a protracted debate about whether the survey had been properly done, even accusing him of dereliction. Subsequently it was found that Patterson had given faulty instructions to Cordell and also had faked the record, adding an incorrect notation to the preliminary chart. Eventually, Cordell was completely exonerated, which must have been acutely embarrassing for Patterson. Now, with Cordell’s reported discovery in hand, Patterson had a chance to even the score. He forwarded it to the Superintendent with the comment [29.3]:

This did cause some confusion. On that same day, the Notice to Mariners of a “Shoal Off Pt. Reyes” was issued, and on July 16, a draftsman laid out a chart with that title. But Superintendent Peirce apparently had other ideas. The protestations of Davidson and Patterson notwithstanding, that very afternoon the engraver E.  H. Sipe was at work on Chart No. 661, CORDELL BANK. Peirce thought it politic to avoid confrontation with Davidson, so although the chart was finished by Oct. 7, it simply wasn’t issued. Davidson continued to wrangle to have it named for himself. Even as late as December, 1869, Davidson continued to refer to the Bank as the “Shoal west of Pt. Reyes,” waiting, hoping [29.4].

29  How Cordell Bank Got its Name

205

Then in January, 1870, Cordell suddenly fell on the street in San Francisco and died almost immediately, trivializing the dispute over the name. Davidson then laid low for a while, but nine months later he referred to the Bank as the “Cordell Shoal” [29.5]. Finally, in October, 1870, he drafted plans for a reexamination of the “Cordell Bank,” thereby giving up his personal quest [29.6, 29.7]. Other matters took precedence over the new survey, but in 1872, he again made plans to resurvey the Bank, and a few copies of the chart were printed. By 1873, when the resurvey was finally carried out, Cordell Bank appeared on the list of charts available from the Coast Survey, and this time the Notice to Mariners read “The Cordell Bank, Off Pt. Reyes, California” [29.8]. Of course, Davidson’s ego would have been less tolerable had he been wrong, but in fact, he had not only discovered the Bank in 1853 but also told Cordell exactly where to find it in 1869. Now, in 1888, perhaps it is forgivable that he would still feel cheated. But Davidson was in fact amply rewarded with names: Davidson Current off the California Coast, Mt. Davidson in San Francisco, and Davidson Glacier in Alaska.

Chapter 30

The First Chart

Probably we will never know exactly what happened, but one thing is certain: something was lost in the translation of Cordell’s soundings into the first published chart of the Bank. Although a few minor errors are discernible in the logs, on the whole Cordell was a careful and thorough worker. Within a few days after returning from Point Reyes on July 1, 1869, he made a sketch on a scale of 1/100,000 and forwarded it to Washington. There, for 2 h on the morning of July 16, draftsman S. Karcher made a copper projection on a scale of 1/200,000 and gave it to the engraver R. F. Bartle. He began immediately on the outlines of the chart, completing it early the next day. At that point, the engraver E. H. Sipe took the plate, and spent the rest of the month and most of August entering Cordell’s soundings. It must have been exacting work, since he devoted a half day to drawing the compass and 2½ days to drawing the border (which consisted of 12 straight lines!). By September, Sipe was adding the embellishments: general lettering, the compass design, the title (CORDELL BANK), the scale, sand deposits, general lettering, catalog number (661), and price (25 cents). Finally, on October 7, it was finished, and he cleaned the plate. Sipe had spent a total of 38-1/4 days over 4 months [30.1–30.7]. The title of the chart was CORDELL BANK, and the legend read (in part):

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_30

207

208

30  The First Chart

But with George Davidson still refusing to recognize the name, the plate was quietly put into storage. To suppress the publication of so important a discovery was unprecedented in the Survey, and undoubtedly was due to Davidson’s discomfort and pointed effort to have his own name on it. In December 1870, almost a year after Cordell died, the Point Reyes lighthouse was put into operation, and A. Peterson added the light to the Cordell Bank chart. Again, the plate went to storage. Then, in 1872, Davidson began planning for a resurvey of the Bank and asked for copies of the chart. On July 27, 22 copies of Chart 661 were printed and offered for sale to the public, and on December 4 another 105 were printed. In 1885 the aids to navigation on chart 661 were updated by the same E. H. Sipe, and but in 1887 it was declared obsolete [30.9–30.14]. Cordell’s original sketch was at first missing, but was found by Davidson in November 1870, who sent it to Washington in August 1873 [30.15]. The sketch was missing again in 1888, and was never found. The author has searched diligently for this sketch, without success.

Fig. 30.1  The original chart, No. 661, of Cordell Bank, issued posthumously. This chart includes data from several surveys by Cordell and others

30  The First Chart

209

An interesting aspect of Chart 661 [30.8] is why it disagrees with Cordell’s logs in so many places. The log contains the record of 207 casts of the lead, of which 187 yielded depths (the other casts were stopped before hitting bottom). But in a separate letter [26.6], Cordell had listed only 155 casts. On the chart, only 82 soundings appear, although there is quite sufficient room for more. Cordell also had said the least water was 25 fathoms, and this appears on the chart, although his log reports a least water of 26½ fathoms. Further, at least four soundings whose positions are unambiguous are listed differently in the log and on the chart. It is entirely possible, perhaps likely, that the omissions and commissions were introduced in the Washington office. Apparently, it is very common practice to use only selected soundings from original survey work when compiling a chart.

Part V

Cordell’s Last Work 1869–70

Following the historic 1869 discovery of Cordell Bank, Edward Cordell continued sounding offshore Central California, principally around Santa Barbara. His brilliant career ended abruptly in San Francisco when he died of an accidental fall on January 25, 1870.

Chapter 31

Santa Barbara Channel 1869

By July 1, 1869, Edward Cordell had been part of the Coast Survey for 18 years. He was by this time very good at his job. His expedition to the Santa Barbara Channel was destined to be a tour de force. Cordell began planning it the previous February, requesting lead line tracings of the topography, and triangulations [31.1–31.7]. On July 7, exactly one week after returning from the discovery of Cordell Bank, he left San Francisco aboard the Marcy and came to anchor at Point Santa Barbara three days later [31.8]. Santa Barbara would be his base: from there they would run “legs” down the coast, up the coast, and across the channel to Prisoners Harbor on Santa Cruz Island. The first job was to establish a tide gauge and erect signals with which to triangulate the offshore soundings. They carried with them the lumber for building the triangular signals, rafting it ashore. Each of the signals was given a descriptive one-­ word name: Camp, Bluff, Lighthouse, High, Small, Gap, Green, Round, Black, Sharp, Ridge, Artega, Iron, Mound, Rip, Eastend, Peak, and Westend [31.9]. Within 2 days, they had enough signals erected to begin the sounding. Cordell chose to begin by examining the near shore waters below Santa Barbara [31.8]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_31

213

214

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

Preparations for the actual field work were elaborate: they wrote out explicit directions for the path to be taken by the two small boats [31.9]:

Over the next four weeks, from July 18 to August 18, they sounded down the coast during two legs, stopping for various times at Carpinteria, Rincon Point, Punta Gorda, and reaching as far as Buenaventura in order to join with the 1856 survey by Lt. James Alden. Cordell wanted to run a few lines across the channel, but forest fires burning in the mountains made the atmosphere smoky and hazy, preventing sighting the signals at the greater distances. They used both small boats, Gig and Fanny, sounding, as usual, once per minute. When it was too rough to be on the water, they went onshore to erect more signals, eventually putting up 49 of them [31.10, 31.11].

Fig. 31.1  The sequence of tracks run during Cordell’s survey of 1869

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

215

Toward the end of August, they ran a leg to the west of Santa Barbara, anchoring the Marcy at several spots to support the sounding boats. They stopped at Moore’s Landing (7 miles west of Santa Barbara), Dent Ranch (3 miles from Ventura), and Davis Ranch, none of which appears on any modem map [31.12, 31.13]. About a mile offshore from a place now called Naples, they found a dangerous rock, with but 15 ft of water [31.14]. [The rock is as yet without a name.] On August 30, a hundred miles north of them, the bark Harlech Castle discovered another shallow rock, this one literally by accident: the rock tore her hull and she careened to port. By morning all that could be seen of her were the tips of her masts. In time, this rock would take the name of the unfortunate ship: Harlech Castle Rock. About the middle of September, Cordell left the Marcy and went back to San Francisco. That same morning the crew got underway and ran their first line of soundings across the Channel, reaching Prisoners Harbor about dinnertime. They set up a second tide gauge and took on water. And after a couple of days, they returned to Santa Barbara, leaving two men on the Island to tend the gauge [31.15].

Fig. 31.2  Cordell’s sketch of his survey lines in the Santa Barbara Channel

216

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

Next they ran a leg back up the coast, stopping first at Refugio Station to establish intermediate points. Although Assistant Cleveland Rockwell supplied the reference positions on land for the signals, they were unable to survey in the haze. Instead, they moved on to Coxo Harbor and spent the rest of September completing its hydrography, up to 2  miles offshore. By that time they had run 878  miles, recorded 5322 angles and 18,986 soundings [31.16]. Cordell returned to the Marcy on October 1 and found the atmosphere so smoky from the forest fire they were unable to see the signals. He was not happy [31.17]:

Cordell also made a few observations about kelp [31.18]:

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

217

Somehow they managed to operate. During all of October and into November they ran alternate legs, first across the Channel to Prisoners Harbor, then up the coast to Moore’s Landing or down to Rincon Point. Using a 50  lb. lead with a Stellwagen cup attached, they obtained a maximum of 312 fathoms in the Channel, and found the bottom was mostly green mud. From October 1, they added 300 miles and 1200 angles but only 1000 soundings, reflecting the difference between making many casts in shallow water and fewer casts in deep water. Cordell’s crew then prepared to return to San Francisco [31.19]. Meanwhile, George Davidson received in the mail from the Superintendent a package of printed copies of a Notice to Mariners dated September 30, 1869. The Notice warned of a sunken rock off Piedras Blancas, recently “discovered” by the British Bark Harlech Castle (“discovery by wrecking”!). Davidson, in ignorance, was skeptical [31.20]:

Captain Hughes of the Harlech Castle, of course, could have told Davidson he was wrong. For Davidson, it was a rare case of valor over discretion. But to cover himself, Davidson asked Cordell to examine the area on his way back, as well as the area around Punta Gorda for another reported rock [31.20]. Punta Gorda was in the opposite direction from where Cordell wanted to go, and he found the weather unfavorable for such a search [31.21]. Cordell arrived with the Marcy at San Simeon on September 17 and searched for the “Harlech Castle Rock,” after which he returned to San Francisco. In late November, he wrote to Davidson describing his search for the Harlech Castle Rock [31.22]:

218

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

Cordell’s last statements referred to the fact that Captain Hughes had reported the rock to be 3 miles offshore, whereas Cordell found it to be only 1 mile offshore. Of its existence and danger, however, there was no doubt. Davidson distributed the Notice to Mariners warning of the danger. Davidson also asked Cordell whether he had knowledge of a reported fishing ledge off Santa Barbara [31.23–31.25]. Cordell provided a sketch of the area in question which showed no such ledge, but at Davidson’s insistence he agreed to determine its position (how, we do not know!) before completing the chart of the area. Davidson also asked Cordell if he could make a tracing, per Alden’s request, of a chart in the possession of the Santa Barbara firm of Hutchinson, Kohe, & Co. They found no sign of any such chart [31.26–31.30]. On January 23, 1870, Cordell wrote to Davidson [31.31]:

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

219

Fig. 31.3  Location of Harlech Castle Rock on the Santa Barbara coast. Cordell found the ship that was wrecked by the rock only about 100 ft. away

Cordell’s report points out discrepancies, albeit small, on Alden’s chart. A few days after Cordell’s death, in order to resolve these discrepancies, Davidson asked George Farquhar to answer a list of questions such as: “Who was in direct charge of the sounding?” (ans: Cordell and the Masters Mate Mr. Gorham), and “Had any unusual tide occurred that day?” (ans: no) [31.32]. Farquhar took credit for making the observation of the discrepancy and bringing it to Cordell’s attention. Cordell had prepared a comparison sheet, with Alden’s depths in red and his own in black

220

31  Santa Barbara Channel 1869

[31.33]. Davidson ended up asking Assistant Greenwell to resurvey the area; Greenwell made 3558 casts, confirming Cordell’s results. The conclusion was that since the original survey had been completed the freshets had carried down large quantities of sediment, reducing the depths by a fathom or two [31.34–31.37]. This was the last report Edward Cordell wrote. Two days later, his life ended suddenly on a street in San Francisco.

Chapter 32

Death of Edward Cordell 1870

January 25, 1870. It was a Tuesday. The last day of Edward Cordell’s life was a workday. He spent most of it in his cramped office in the tiny Coast Survey building at the comer of Kearny and Commercial Streets, only half a block from Portsmouth Square, where San Francisco began. The task at hand was to reduce the soundings from the survey at Santa Barbara, plotting their locations in preparation for transmittal to Washington. With thousands of numbers to manipulate, the process was a long one, and he labored until past seven in the evening. The lengthening shadows spoke silently of transition, but Cordell’s mind was on the progress he was making on the job before him. At last, he rolled up his worksheets, tucked them under his arm, and departed [32.1]. Exiting the building, he turned right and walked down Kearny, toward Market Street six blocks away, on his way to his sister Stephanie’s house on Clara Street, the other side of Market. He crossed Sacramento, and then walked past [John] Tothill’s Drug Store at 512 Kearny. Reaching Pine Street, he walked across and approached the curb on the other side. Then, suddenly, inexplicably, he fell, striking his head on the curbstone and receiving a grievous gash above his left eye. Within a few minutes, he slipped into unconsciousness. A crowd quickly gathered, and two citizens picked him up. Police Sergeant Seybold, who was passing in a carriage, saw the gathering and had Cordell carried to Tothill’s. Someone called for Dr. Black, but before any medical help arrived, Edward Cordell was dead [32.2–32.6]. His body was taken to the coroner’s office, where an inquest was planned. However, the congestion of blood about the head and the consequent disfigurement of the face was enough for the coroner to ascertain the cause of death as “apoplexy,” and the inquest was not held [32.7]. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_32

221

222

32  Death of Edward Cordell 1870

Augustus F. Rodgers, long a friend and fellow Assistant in the Coast Survey, learned of Cordell’s passing the next day and went to the coroner’s office to identify the body. Shortly after, he sent a telegram to the Superintendent in Washington [32.8, 32.9]:

The funeral was held at 1:00 P.M. on Thursday, from the house of Cordell’s sister Stephanie Biber and her husband Adolph at 173 Clara Street. Before the funeral, Rodgers sent a telegram to George Davidson and wrote a letter to J. E. Hilgard (who was in charge of the Washington office of the Survey), providing additional details about the events [32.10]. Half an hour later he went to the funeral, acting as a pall-­bearer in the procession as it wound up Bush Street to Masonic Hill. Cordell was buried in the old Masonic Cemetery bounded by Turk, Fulton, Parker, and Masonic Streets. Rodgers went home and wrote details of the events to Davidson [32.11]. Davidson was moving camp from San Buenaventura and did not receive Roger’s telegram until February 2. He was shocked. Taking his pen, he wrote back to Rodgers [32.12]:

32  Death of Edward Cordell 1870

223

Fig. 32.1  Map of San Francisco showing the location of Cordell’s accidental death, and the funeral two days later

224

32  Death of Edward Cordell 1870

Fig. 32.2  Location of the cemeteries in San Francisco in the later 1800s.The Masonic Cemetery, where Cordell was buried, is in the lowest rectangle, center. All these cemeteries were moved in the 1920s, to make way for the University of San Francisco and other development

Laboring until past midnight, Davidson drafted a letter to the superintendent, rewriting and revising it until the paper was a mass of scribbles, then copying it over [32.13]. Of course, by the time it arrived in Washington, it was old news [32.14, 32.15]. Davidson put Cordell’s assistant George Farquhar in charge of completing the hydrographic charts from Santa Barbara [32.1, 32.13, 32.16]. But Farquhar took the opportunity to claim that he had not been paid the full amount due him for his services [31.17]. Cordell’s financial books vanished without a trace, a deed Davidson hinted may be traceable to Farquhar. Cordell’s brother-in-law Adolph Biber, as administrator of the estate, refused to pay Farquhar without proper records [32.18, 32.19]. Whether Farquhar ever received additional money is unknown. Davidson provided the official obituary of Edward Cordell [32.20, 32.21]:

32  Death of Edward Cordell 1870

225

Cordell lay in his grave for sixty years, until the westward expansion of the city claimed the old Masonic cemetery. In a massive relocation project during the 1920s, the remains of all those buried there were exhumed and deposited in mass graves in the new cemeteries in Colma, seven miles to the south. Many of the markers were used for fill, or dumped into the ocean; some were ground up for building material. On the site was built the Lone Mountain College, now the University of San Francisco. No clue now remains as to the exact location of Cordell’s grave or remains, but it’s entirely possible that somewhere, silently and unobserved under the din of a modern city, lies a granite slab, inscribed:

Chapter 33

Unfinished Work 1870

Cordell’s work ended without warning. But what if he had lived through the next year? Davidson had outlined for the Superintendent the work he proposed for the coming 1870 season [33.1–33.3]. The list for Cordell, written on December 19, 1869, read: • • • • •

Minute examination of Shoal off Point Reyes. Hydrography of Cape Mendocino to Humboldt Bay. Search for 60 fathom bank WSW of Mendocino. Hydrography of Crescent City Reef. Hydrography of Cape Oxford Reef.

Davidson admitted that unless it should prove to be a remarkably fine season, all this work could not be carried out by a single sailing vessel. Farquhar was to be Cordell’s aide, as before. But Death intervened with the “minute examination” of the shoal west of Point Reyes, and it was not until 1873 that any re-examination was accomplished. As for the “60-fathom bank WSW from Mendocino,” it was just as well that Cordell did not have to waste his time: like the fictional Vitula (or was it the Bearsley, or the Falmouth?) shoal, it simply did not exist!

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_33

227

Chapter 34

The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873

Eight months after Cordell’s unfortunate demise, George Davidson began to think seriously about having the Bank resurveyed [34.1]. His principal motivation (probably) was the fact that Cordell had reported least water of 25 fathoms, whereas in late 1868 Davidson had received several reports from commercial ships of depths of 17 fathoms. Of course, Cordell had been forced to use dead reckoning over much of his survey, so Davidson had reason to believe there were positional errors as well. In September, 1870, he requested a tracing of Cordell’s chart from Washington, but in November he found Cordell’s missing original [34.2–34.4]. Davidson summarized his hopes for a resurvey to the Superintendent [34.5, 34.6], but there was no one to do the work, so there the matter rested for three years. In January 1873, Assistant Gershom Bradford reported to Davidson and took charge of the Marcy, which had been kept by George Farquhar since Cordell’s death. Davidson was not an admirer of Bradford, and wrote several letters to Superintendent Benjamin Peirce describing the “paucity of soundings,” and that he was “timid about the dangers of the coast which he magnifies very largely.” Peirce, however, came to Bradford’s defense, telling Davidson that “no civilian on the Atlantic side is more qualified for sea service.”

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_34

229

230

34  The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873

Bradford received orders from Peirce (which were actually an echo of Davidson’s recommendations [34.7, 34.8]) to make a further examination of the Cordell Bank. However, the Marcy was in such poor repair that Davidson kept her on survey duty inside San Francisco Bay throughout the entire 1872 season. Then in May of 1873, Bradford received orders from the Superintendent to attempt the resurvey [34.9, 34.10]. Unfortunately, Bradford fell ill, so Ferdinand Westdahl took the Marcy out and executed the resurvey [34.11]. Westdahl had been hired in January 1872, as an aid to Bradford, at a pay off $60/month. He came with the recommendations of Bradford, Farquhar, and (posthumously!) Cordell, and also fortunately had Davidson’s blessing. Westdahl’s survey was an almost identical copy of Cordell’s survey four years earlier. Leaving San Francisco at 8:30 a.m. on June 5, 1873 (Cordell left at 7:30 a.m. on June 15, 1869), he came to anchor in Drake’s Bay at 8:15 p.m. in 6 fathoms of water (Cordell came to anchor at 7:40 p.m. in 10 fathoms). He then proceeded to wait for the weather to calm (as Cordell had done). Five days later he was able to commence sounding in a saw tooth pattern and drop a buoy on the Bank, then return to Point Reyes (as Cordell had done). A few days later, he again made the Bank and made a series of soundings, then came to anchor on the Bank (as Cordell had done). And incredibly, the next morning, they lost their kedge anchor and were obliged to survey continuously for 24 h, then run for San Francisco (all just as Cordell had done!). Even the statistics were almost identical: 274 soundings (compared to Cordell’s 207), 119 miles traversed (compared to Cordell’s 106). On the return trip, Westdahl came upon the wreck of the Patrician on Four Fathom Bank, just outside the entrance to San Francisco Bay. That was one thing Cordell had not done! Apparently Bradford wrote the report of Westdahl’s work, and Davidson forwarded it to Washington [34.12, 34.13]. There were some new results: the position of the Bank was determined to be about 2 miles further west than Cordell had determined, and the temperature and current of the water were determined for the first time (40°F and “irregular and weak,” respectively). On September 1, a new Notice to Mariners was published, which read, in part [34.14, 34.15]:

Fig. 34.1  The chart of the 1873 resurvey of Cordell Bank, carried out by Ferdinand Westdahl

34  The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873 231

232

34  The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873

Fig. 34.2  The Notice to Mariners issued after the resurvey in 1873

34  The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873

233

Davidson certainly was persistent; even after Westdahl’s survey he wrote to Peirce expressing his conviction that there was 17 fathoms somewhere on the Bank [34.16–34.19]. In 1981, more than a century after this claim was first advanced, the shallowest point on Cordell Bank was found by the author at 18½ fathoms. The amazing thing is that this depth is found on a bladelike ridge less than 50 ft long and ten feet wide. Even with sophisticated depth sounders on a modem vessel, it took four surveys and a team of divers to find the point and measure its depth. With only rudimentary survey data, Davidson either was very, very good, or very, very lucky! Ferdinand Westdahl is honored as the namesake of Westdahl Rock, near Point San Luis, not far from the wreck of the Harlech Castle.

Part VI

Edward Cordell the Man

From the large body of Cordell’s work and the descriptions of him after his death, we have a reasonably complete picture of him as a person: he was universally liked and admired.

Chapter 35

Relatives

Edward Cordell was a bachelor when he died. So far as we know, he had no descendants. Considering how little time he spent onshore (less than a few weeks total all year), he probably had little opportunity for romance. Eduard Kordel (=Edward Cordell) was one of an extended family named Kordel. The Kordel family name originated and expanded in and around Trier, Germany, which is near the French border. About 5 miles from Trier is the small town of Kordel, Germany. It was there that a boy named Anton was born in 1827. In those days, a person usually had only one name, and so it was with Anton. But about that time it became the habit to adopt a second name indicating profession, patronage, or other association. As an adult, Anton made and sold ropes, or cordage (kord), so Anton became Anton Kordel. In the mid-1700s, about age 25, he moved to Philippsburg, about 95 miles to the east of Kordel. In 1764 he bought a mill, called the Engelsmühle, and had a son, Nikolas, who in turn had 15 children with two wives, plus five grandchildren, one born in 1828 and named Eduard, the hero of this story. About that time, some of the family changed the spelling to Cordell, but there is no record of the reason. Regardless, Eduard Kordel became Edward Cordell.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_35

237

238

35 Relatives

The records show several lines of families named Kordel in the early and mid-­ eighteenth century, but how (or whether) these are part of a single earlier family named Kordel is unknown. There are about 160 Kordels in Germany today, most along the Moselle River from Trier to the Rhine River, and along the Rhine and Ems Rivers. Interestingly, there are more than triple that number of Kordels in Poland, more than any other country. The number of persons named Cordell is far smaller. Maiden names of women who married into the Kordel (or later Cordell) families included Duboni, Klein, Will, Oswald, Riehl, Meysan, and Anderson. Women in the Kordel or Cordell families married into families named Hoffman, von Lenger, von Kleck, Kramer, Wagner, Biber, Bonnet, and Woll. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Maria and Katharina were favorite female first names; Franz and Anton were favorites for the males. We know of two sets of twins. Many children, including twins, died in infancy. Figure 35.1 presents a genealogical chart to the extent we know it. On this chart there are 20 persons named Kordel and 25 named Cordell for a total of 45 from 1727 to 2013. The average number of children over this period was three, and the average interval between children was 6 years. Of those 18 persons for whom we have birth and death dates, the average lifespan was 39.1. If we neglect the six who died in infancy (5 years or younger), the average lifespan was 57.5, and if we also neglect the two who died at 18 and 25, the average lifespan was 66.5. In fact, we have only the barest outlines of Cordell’s relatives. The records are so fragmentary and scattered that we are forced to speculate, hoping that an idea could lead to a discovery. Surely there is more information out there, but it is so finely divided that recovering it moves us into the realm of pure serendipity. Edward Cordell’s mother, born Katharina Oswald in 1803, died at the age of 64 on November 29, 1867. At that moment, Edward was in Oregon surveying the Columbia River. His father, Ludwig Peter Jacob Kordel, died at age 68 not quite a year later, on November 3, 1868, when Edward was in San Francisco, preparing to search for the Vitula Shoal and the shoal west of Point Reyes. Cordell had four siblings: two brothers and two sisters. We have only fragmentary information about these siblings. There are suggestions (but no definitive record) that the two brothers came to America, and we definitely know that Stephanie was with Edward in New York and later San Francisco. Cordell’s oldest brother, Marius Aurelius Kordel, is perhaps the most interesting. Together with Edward, he was active in the revolution in Germany, was charged with high treason and escaped to France. But although we know that he was not with Edward on the boat to America, we do not know where he went. A man with the name Adolph Cordell lived in San Francisco about the same time as Edward, but it has not been possible to associate him with Edward Cordell’s brother Marius Aurelius. In fact, probably he was Cordell’s nephew (by Stephanie). Of Edward Cordell’s sister, Luise Kordel, we have no information whatsoever, other than she was born in 1833. Of Edward Cordell’s younger brother, Karl Friedrich Kordel, again we know little. A Charles Cordell lived at 132 Clara Street in San Francisco during 1870–71,

Fig. 35.1  Genealogical chart of Edward Cordell. He was never married and has no known descendants. The colors indicate the flow of the family names. Normally in this kind of chart adjacent name areas are linked by a single marriage, hence have only one point of connection. In this case, after her brother died, Stephanie (Cordell) returned to her maiden name Cordell. She had three more sons, who were all named Cordell, but it’s a mystery who the father was

35 Relatives 239

Fig. 35.1 (continued)

240 35 Relatives

35 Relatives

241

Fig. 35.2 (a, b) Stephanie Cordell, sister of Edward Cordell, sometime before 1865. In 1861 she married Adolph Biber (at right). They had two childred (Ida and Arthur) before her brother Edward died (in 1870). Stephanie had three more (Edward, Theodore, and Adolph) after he died, altough the father is not known

and he certainly was related to Edward Cordell (see next paragraph). If he was Edward’s brother, he also had changed his name, from Karl to Charles. Charles Cordell was a merchant. Of Cordell’s sister, Stephanie (Kordel→Cordell) Biber, we know something more. She was born in Prussia in 1843, when Edward was already 15 years old. In 1861, she married Adolph Biber, who was also born in Prussia (in 1838). During 1850–1865, Stephanie and her husband lived in New York near her brother Edward. In 1864, they had a daughter named Ida, who lived to at least 5 years of age. When Edward was assigned to California (1865), Stephanie and Adolph moved with him to San Francisco, taking a room at 173 Clara Street, very close to Charles Cordell. Adolph Biber was a watchmaker; he set up his shop at 329 Kearny, among other jewelers including William Nolte and the Weyl Brothers. On Nov. 8, 1869, they had a son named Arthur Welcome Biber. Whenever Edward returned from a surveying cruise (which were typically several months long), he would walk from the port to Clara Street for the night, departing again the next morning. On January 25, 1870, while on his way to see his sister (and brother?), he fell, hit his head, and died within a few minutes. The funeral was held from the Stephanie’s house. Shortly after, Stephanie and Adolph Biber moved in with Charles at 132 Clara. The next year, 1871, Stephanie had another son, whom she named Edward Charles Biber, obviously to honor Edward. It is most interesting that he was born in Callao, a district in Lima, Peru. In 1873, they had another son, whom they named Theodore Gabriel Biber. There is some evidence that they then moved back to

242

35 Relatives

New York for 4 years, where they had a fourth son, Adolph Oscar Cordell, born 1878. The Bibers returned to California in 1879. Apparently Adolph Biber died before 1881, since Stephanie is recorded in the city directory then as a widow and governess. Stephanie changed the surnames of her the boys from Biber to Cordell, i.e., Edward Charles Cordell and Theodore Gabriel Cordell, although when she did that is unknown. There is some suggestion that Stephanie and Adolph were not together as early as 1870, and that might have precipitated return to her maiden name. Of Stephanie’s first son (second child), Arthur Welcome Biber, we know that there is information available within the Biber family genealogy. The genealogical chart (Fig. 35.1) shows that in 1892 he married Rosalie Huguelet. The next year they moved to Spartenburg, S.C. where A. W. Biber set up a jewelry business and had the first of their two children, Reginald Eugene Biber. Apparently they had good times and bad: in 1898 A. W. Biber was offering his creditors 25 cents on the dollar. In 1909, a fire destroyed several buildings, including the one housing Biber’s business. After Arthur died in 1919, his son Reginald closed the jewelry business to operate an optical business, which has continued through three generations to the present time. The connection to the Biber family produced a surprising link: “Skeet” Biber, who keeps the genealogical records of his part of the Biber family name, forwarded two photographs of Stephanie and a letter written by Stephanie Biber on Dec. 5, 1869. Apparently she had been befriended by a Mrs. Kerr and wanted to thank her for kindnesses.

The letter describes a recent journey, the birth of her son Arthur, her appreciation for the mild weather, and the (surprising) fact that she is living alone at 173 Clara St. Since so far as we know she was still married to Adolph Biber, perhaps this

35 Relatives

243

Fig. 35.3  Stephanie (Cordell) Biber around Dec. 1869. On her lap is her son Arthur Biber (1 month old), and by her side is her daughter Ida. Sometime after 1870 she changed her surname name and that of Arthur back to Cordell. She would have three more children in the 1870s: Edward Charles, Theodore Gabriel, and Adolph Oscar, all of whom were given the family name Cordell

means that he was elsewhere temporarily, perhaps associated with business. Or he might have died, leaving her a widow. Of Stephanie’s second son, Edward Charles Cordell, we know much more. He was born in Lima, Peru, on September 10, 1871, just 18 months after his uncle fell and died. At four he was in New York and at eight he came to San Francisco. He was of higher than average ability and received the “First Medal” for perfection of studies in Grammar School. In 1890, he began law school, and was a clerk for William W. Davidson. After passing the bar on August 8, 1894, he set up a private practice of civil law. In 1903, he was listed as a school teacher, and in 1904 he became a Mason (joining the King Solomon, now Seaport, Lodge). Apparently tiring of the legal profession, he joined the firm of Strong, Belden, and Farr in 1907 as manager

244

35 Relatives

Fig. 35.4  A letter written to a friend by Stephanie Cordell, on 5 Dec. 1869, about 2 months before her brother Edward died

of their real estate department. Then in 1911, he became the treasurer of Lundborg, Morgan, and Co. Finally, in 1920 he went to work for the U.S. Bureau of Public Roads as a clerk, eventually becoming their auditor. He constantly moved his residence: in the 41 years between 1891 and 1932, he lived at no less than 25 addresses in San Francisco, probably all hotels. In 1927, one “Albert Cordell” (probably actually his brother Adolph Oscar Cordell) was living with him at 711 Leavenworth. A 1932 listing of “C. E. Cordell” in the Keystone Hotel at 54 fourth Street probably refers to Edward Charles. He died on February 27, 1932, in St. Francis hospital, of complications from arthritis and endocarditis, and embolus of the anterior branch of the coronary artery [35.1]. His brother, Adolph O. Cordell was listed on the death certificate as the informant [35.2]. An autopsy

35 Relatives

245

Fig. 35.5  Edward Charles Cordell, one of three nephews of Edward Cordell, all of whom lived in San Francisco, at least for most of their lives. Another picture of him is in Fig. 35.6

was performed, and he was cremated at Woodlawn on March 1. Like his namesake uncle, Edward Charles Cordell died single, without known descendants. Of Stephanie’s third son, Theodore Gabriel Cordell, (1873–1934) we know less. He was born in 1873, probably also in Lima, Peru. He married Adeline Lucie Meysan (1876–1959), and they had three sons, Adolph Cordell (1909–1909), Theodore Randall Cordell (1912–1983), and Maurice Meysan Cordell (1916–1993). To this author’s delight, Theodore Randall Cordell also had three sons, each of whom had a son and a daughter, and at least one granddaughter. Thus, there are at least 19 known descendants of Theodore Gabriel Cordell. One of those descendants Is Robert J. Cordell (b. 1940), with whom the author has had significant correspondence about the family.

246

35 Relatives

Fig. 35.6  Edward Charles Cordell, nephew of Edward Cordell, the third child of his sister Stephanie. He was born in 1871, the year after Edward died

Fig. 35.7 Theodore Gabriel Cordell, another nephew of Edward Cordell, the fourth child of his sister Stephanie. He was the father of two sons, seven grandchildren, six great-grandchildren, and (at least) one great-great-granddaughter

Fig. 35.8  Genealogical chart for another family line with the name Kordel. Unfortunately we do not know how (or if) these are related to Edward Cordell. The Cordell name ends in this chart, due to the marriage of these women into other families

35 Relatives 247

248

35 Relatives

Of Stephanie’s fourth son, Adolph Oscar Cordell (1878–1936), we know considerably less. He was born in New York in 1878, and also given the Cordell surname. He, too, lived in a succession of hotels in San Francisco, 13 of them between 1900 and 1932. His entire career was spent as a clerk for the U.S. Navy Pay Office. In 1920 his wife was listed as Camille, but Adolph and Camille had different addresses in 1917, three years earlier. By 1932, he was divorced, and there is evidence that he was married to Delores and lived with his bother Edward Charles at 322 Ellis. Adolph died in the City on December 4, 1936, four years after his brother Edward Charles died [35.3]. The record contains another Kordel line, originating from a Franz Anton Kordel (1757–1821). We have been unable to link this line to the line given above, and therefore it is not clear whether this branch is related to the branch containing Eduard Kordell. The tantalizing aspect of this branch is that it contains many of the same forenames as the other branch. Was Franz Anton Kordel (b. 1857) a nephew (or son) of Anton Kordel (b. 1827)? The record contains many more tantalizing references to various Cordell’s and Bibers, but as yet there are too many broken links to associate those with Edward Cordell of the U.S. Coast Survey. Until additional information can be unearthed, we shall have to be content with the knowledge that somewhere in a box in an attic or bedroom closet may be a box of letters, photographs, and genealogical charts that would make reasonable sense out of all this confusion!

Chapter 36

The Person Named Edward Cordell

Of this, there is no doubt: Edward Cordell was universally liked and admired, both professionally and personally. Cordell’s reputation began early, when he was a draftsman in the Coast Survey Office in Washington. It was the neatness and accuracy of detail of his drawings which attracted the attention of Lt. Stellwagen, who invited Cordell to be his Aide. In his official reports to the Superintendent, Stellwagen regularly included a statement, such as this one referring to the work Cordell did on the newly discovered Stellwagen Bank [36.1]:

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_36

249

250

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

Or this one, in an 1856 letter to W.  R. Palmer, Assistant in Charge of the Washington office [36.2]:

Such complimentary reports usually surfaced in the annual Reports of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, such as that for 1861 which reports that “Mr. E.  Cordell efficiently assisted in prosecuting the soundings made by (the) party” [36.3]. In 1859, Superintendent Bache requested a report on the quantity and quality of the hydrographic sheets prepared by Cordell [36.4]. The report, by Thomas Wilson, first Lieutenant in Charge of the Drawing Division, provided a detailed list of Cordell’s work, beginning with sheet No. 440, 1853 (“well and carefully executed”), and ending with sheet No. 679, 1859 (“a very carefully and beautifully executed sheet”) [36.5, 36.6]. During these five years, Cordell produced 24 hydrographic sheets, of which 15 contain a total of 131,390 listed soundings. Nearly all those sheets are described as being “well executed,” or “very well executed.” Two sheets, Nos. 576 and 577, generated the comment “poorly done; cannot believe they were done by Mr. Cordell.” This is rather mysterious, and suggests some exceptional explanation.

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

251

Probably no one knew Cordell professionally as well as did George Davidson. In his annual report to Superintendent Benjamin Peirce for 1869, five months after Cordell had rediscovered Cordell Bank, Davidson wrote [36.7]:

Later in this report, he ranked Cordell first among all the men under his direction:

Davidson was distraught when Cordell died, and wrote copiously, perhaps therapeutically, to everyone about his late friend. To Superintendent Peirce, he wrote [36.8]:

252

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

Two weeks later, Davidson was moved to elaborate further [36.9]:

There was truth in Davidson’s assessment. In the season surveying the mouth of the Columbia River, Cordell had made 91,479 casts and measured 21,282 angles in covering 2455 miles of water. His Aide, George Farquhar, gave some insight into how he did it [36.10]:

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

253

Farquhar had reason to be loyal to his friend Cordell. Farquhar was an alcoholic who constantly served up excuses for poor performance. Eventually Davidson had enough, and drafted a letter to the Superintendent reporting Farquhar for drunkenness [36.11]. Cordell came to Farquhar’s defense, pleading to give him another chance. Reluctantly, Davidson pulled out an orange crayon and crossed out the draft of the letter, adding the comment “withdrawn at the request of Asst. Cordell.” What about Cordell’s personality? Judging by the obituaries, Cordell had a good sense of humor, was “of a jovial character,” and was polite and courteous. He had an even temperament and a calm nature. Cordell learned English very well. In fact, his writings display the kind of refinement that might be surprising in a seaman. Some errors did persist, however. For instance, he planned to “safe [=save] much valuable time” [36.12] and pointed out that “much coal can be safe [=saved] [36.13]. He “improved [=utilized] every available hour” [36.14] and “improved [=took advantage of] an opportunity …” [36.15]. He “embraced the opportunity to ask the superintendent’s kind attention.” He invented a few words, like “inexceptionable” [36.16] and impracticable [36.17] (although the latter actually is a word, meaning incapable of being put into practice with the available means). He “apprehended [=expected] delays” [36.18] and “preferred a more grateful [=rewarding] task for my exertions” [36.19]. Once in a while he went on a “cruize” [=cruise] [36.20]. And probably stemming from his German origin, he capitalized some words that should not have been. For example, “… in regard to a Bank reported …”, “…live Barnacles were…”, “…the Chart shows …”. But by-and-large, these errors were quite insignificant; they probably indicate much of his English was learned through speaking. Cordell’s handwriting was distinctive and consistent with being generally neat, meticulous, and confident. Out of curiosity, the author had a professional analysis of Cordell’s handwriting done. The sample was Cordell’s report of the discovery of Cordell Bank, shown as the Frontispiece of this book. Working from copies of Cordell’s official correspondence, but with no information about his background or personality, the analyst offered the following [36.21]:

254

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

Without prompting, the analyst identified Cordell’s origin as Germany, although later said the style of writing was actually taught in Denmark. We probably should not put too much credence in the handwriting analysis, since there are some notable misses. Almost certainly, Cordell was not “nervous and restless,” and he certainly had high regard for the rules and customs of society. However, the overall picture presented in the analysis is consistent with what we already knew from other sources.

36  The Person Named Edward Cordell

255

The Superintendent was expansive in his wording of Cordell’s obituary in the Superintendent’s Report for 1870 [36.22]:

At not quite 42 years of age, Edward Cordell had earned the admiration of his co-workers and enjoyed a large circle of friends in San Francisco. He left a complete record of an exemplary career in the service of the U.S. Coast Survey and made a notable mark on the history of the United States. Generations of mariners benefited from his discoveries, and he remains the epitome of the excellence that so aptly describes the nineteenth-century American explorers.

Part VII

Cordell’s World Today

The world of Edward Cordell was very different from the world of today, 150 years after his death. Links between the two worlds are a fitting tribute to his work and his legacy.

Chapter 37

Philippsburg

As a child Edward Cordell’s world was centered on the Engelsmühle (the “Angel’s Mill”), just outside the village of Philippsburg, Germany. After more than a millennium, the town has nearly 12,000 inhabitants in an area of about 5 square miles. The Engelsmühle is still there, almost unchanged from the earliest images we can find, and it still functions as a farm and residence, although now there is also a restaurant in the building.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_37

259

260

37 Philippsburg

Fig. 37.1  The Engelsmühle seen from the front. It is almost unchanged from 200 years ago, and it is still an operating mill

Fig. 37.2  The Engelsmühle. The residence is in the lower left building, while the upper right building is the dairy and other farm operations. The buildings are unchanged from Cordell’s time

37 Philippsburg

261

Fig. 37.3  The town of Philippsburg has expanded, but as it grew to the south it bypassed the Engelsmühle (circle). The fortress, seen in seventeenth–nineteenth century lithographs, is gone, although town streets trace its hexagonal outline. The Rhine river was adjacent to the town in the past, but now is a considerable distance from the town, due to the cutoff of a meander. About a mile from the Engelsmühle, on the edge of Philippsburg, is a short street called “Cordellstrasse,” but it wasn’t named for Edward Cordell; rather for the family who owned and ran the mill for centuries. Why is isn’t named “Kordelstrasse” is a mystery

Visitors to Philippsburg first notice the gigantic nuclear power plant to the northwest. There are two units, a boiling water reactor (BWR) and a pressurized water reactor (PWR). The former was scheduled to be shut down in 2011 and the latter in 2017. But in 2010, these dates were extended to 2026 and 2032 respectively. Then, following the incident at the Fukushima plant in Japan, the BWR was closed for a three-month moritorium. Eventually it was shut down permanently.

262

37 Philippsburg

Fig. 37.4  The nuclear power plants at Philippsburg. One of the reactors is now permanently shut down, a result of re-evaluation after the Fukushima incident

Chapter 38

Stellwagen Bank

After coming to America in 1849, Cordell was employed at the U.S. Coast Survey office in Washington, D.C. In 1853 he was attached to the party of Henry Stellwagen, who was directed to survey the area in front of Boston Harbor. There they discovered a large shallow bank, which was immediately recognized as a major discovery and named Stellwagen Bank. In 1992, nearly 150 years after its discovery, Stellwagen Bank was designated a U.S. National Marine Sanctuary, and later renamed the “Gerry E. Studds Stellwagen Bank National Marine Sanctuary,” the prename honoring a congressman who championed protection of the environment. According to the sanctuary website, “Stellwagen Bank has proved to be a rich and productive fishing ground, particularly for groundfish species like cod, haddock, and flounder. Fishermen have also been able to catch giant Atlantic bluefin tuna, large sharks, and large schools of herring. During the second half of the twentieth century, the area gained fame as a whale watching destination.”

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_38

263

264

38  Stellwagen Bank

Fig. 38.1  The home web page for the Stellwagen NMS. Like the websites for all the U.S. national marine sanctuaries, this page provides links to extensive information on the sanctuary, including history, legal status, management, personnel, and activities

38  Stellwagen Bank

265

Fig. 38.2  The boundaries of the Stellwagen NMS, encompassing 842 square miles. It lies about 25  miles east of Boston, totally within federal waters. If you have sailed out of or into Boston Harbor, you have crossed the Bank

266

38  Stellwagen Bank

Fig. 38.3  Isometric bathymetric image of Boston Harbor, including Cape Cod Bay, Race Point, and Stellwagen Bank. The shallowest points on the Bank are about 10 fathoms (60  ft.) deep. Because of these shallow depths, both fishing and sport diving is popular

Chapter 39

San Francisco

Cordell arrived in San Francisco in 1865, 15 years after the great gold rush. By then, the City had expanded, and the streets were laid out in the pattern we see today. What has changed, of course, is the buildings and the landscape. Two places were important in Cordell’s life: The first was 132 Clara Street, where Edward Cordell’s sister Stephanie lived with her husband Adolph Biber and their two small children Ida and Arthur. Habitually, Cordell would return from an extensive surveying cruise and walk to the apartment. Clara was an extremely narrow street running between fourth and sixth streets. Like other nearby narrow streets, Clara resembled an alley more than an avenue, lined with two- or three-story wooden buildings. Clara Street is still there today, but where Stephanie and her family lived are two high-rise buildings, only one block from the modern freeway that flows to and from the Bay Bridge.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_39

267

268

39  San Francisco

Fig. 39.1  The modern neighborhood of 132 Clara St., looking north. Today Cordell would recognize the street, which is as narrow as it was in the 1860s, but he would marvel at the huge buildings that have replaced the old neighborhood

The second significant place is the location of the university bookstore at the center of the campus of the University of San Francisco. This building stands at the original location in the Masonic Cemetery where Cordell was buried on 27 January 1870, two days after he fell on the street and died. In the 1920s the cemetery land was reclaimed–the human remains were exhumed and moved to new cemeteries in Colma, six miles to the south. The grave markers, presumably including one that said “Edward Cordell 1828–1870,” were used as fill or dropped into the bay.

39  San Francisco

269

Fig. 39.2  Location of the Masonic Cemetery in the 1860s, looking SW. In this picture, the bookstore sits at the site of Cordell’s burial. The NE corner of Golden Gate Park, which was already established when Cordell was buried, appears about 1000 ft. away in the distance

Chapter 40

Blossom Rock

The U.S. Coast Survey considered bays and rivers to be part of the “coast,” hence within the purview of their field work. The Assistants, including Edward Cordell, were routinely assigned to survey the waters of such bodies. Cordell did not actually survey San Francisco Bay, but he did extensive surveys above Carquinez, in the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers, and in the Columbia River. The U.S. Coast Survey was driven by the need to identify and mitigate navigational hazards, especially submerged rocks that might wreck wooden ships. As described in the text, Blossom Rock, lying just off the San Francisco shore and directly on the path of ships navigating into the South Bay was a prime example of such dangers. The least water was only 1 fathom (6 ft.). Indeed, the rock was discovered in 1826 when the Blossom ran onto it and was wrecked. Something had to be done. Cordell worked to blast the top down, but the blasting didn’t work. After his death in 1870, the task was completed–the depth was increased to 4 fathoms. With the development of the maritime industry, the socio-economic complexity of San Francisco Bay increased. Today’s maritime chart is a dense set of information for mariners, including depths, contours, traffic lanes, navigational aids, area designations, beacons, and placenames.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_40

271

Fig. 40.1  A portion of the NOAA San Francisco Bay navigational chart 18,649. It is one of numerous overlapping/nested charts that provide navigational information. The area within the red rectangle is enlarged in the next figure

272 40  Blossom Rock

40  Blossom Rock

Fig. 40.2  Detail of Chart 18,649, highlighting the location of Blossom Rock

Fig. 40.3  The buoy that sits on Blossom Rock, which now peaks at 4 fathoms (24 ft.). This buoy is a popular anchor point for sailboat races. It is marked with the obvious eponymous acronym “BR”

273

Chapter 41

Currents and Tides

Among many other assignments, Cordell spent some time in late 1866–1867 measuring the currents and tides in San Francisco Bay, especially in the vicinity of the Golden Gate. Naturally the facilities for automated measurements of these (and other environmental properties) have developed extensively since then. However, the system now in place for environmental measurement is not nearly as complex as the navigational system shown in the previous figures. In fact, a relatively small number of stations is sufficient to monitor the currents and tides.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_41

275

276

41  Currents and Tides

Fig. 41.1  The system of stations monitoring the currents and tides in and around San Francisco Bay. The stations shown in this figure report measurements of currents, water levels, waves, and meteorological data. Relatively few stations are sufficient to provide continuous data with enough spatial resolution for interpolation to all points in the area. This chart shows only a small fraction of the instrumentation, communications, software, and personnel comprising the environmental monitoring of San Francisco Bay

Chapter 42

Pt. Reyes light

The historic Point Reyes Lighthouse served mariners for 105 years before it was replaced. It endured many hardships, including the 1906 earthquake, during which the Point Reyes Peninsula moved north 18 ft in less than 1 min, carrying the lighthouse with it. The only damage to the lighthouse was that the lens slipped off its tracks. The lighthouse keepers quickly effected repairs and by the evening of the 18th, the lighthouse was once again in working order. The earthquake occurred at 5:12 AM, but ironically the lighthouse was scheduled to be shut down for regular maintenance at 5:25 AM. Although the earthquake caused much devastation and disruption elsewhere, the Point Reyes Lighthouse was essentially off-line for only 13 min! The National Park Service is now responsible for the maintenance of the lighthouse. Park rangers clean, polish, and grease it, just as lighthouse keepers did in days gone by. With this care, the light can be preserved for future generations—to teach visitors of maritime history and of the people who worked the light, day in and day out, rain or shine, for so many years.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_42

277

278

42  Pt. Reyes light

Fig. 42.1  The light at Pt. Reyes, kept in excellent condition for more than 140 years, is a magnet for thousands of visitors each year. After walking 308 ft. down the steep staircase, you can look due west to the horizon, 20 miles away. That is where Cordell Bank lies 20 fathoms below the surface

Chapter 43

Vitula Shoal

Whatever else George Davidson was, he was a hunter. When he got several fragmentary reports of shallow water SW of the Farallon Islands, he just had to go find it. Some reports were that the shoal almost broke the surface. Three ships were launched to track it down, including Cordell’s schooner the W. L. Marcy. All three vessels cruised back and forth, crisscrossing an area of more than 4000  square miles. Davidson’s persistence was still at work in 1874, after Cordell had died, so he sent out another party to continue the search. All this effort was fruitless. More than a century after this endeavor, high-resolution multi-beam bathymetric surveys showed clearly why they failed to find any shallow water–there is none there. The search areas lie well off the continental shelf, in areas where the ocean is some 2 miles deep.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_43

279

280

43  Vitula Shoal

Fig. 43.1  The two areas searched diligently by Cordell and others for shallow water SW of the Farallon Islands. With the avent of modern high-resolution bathymetry, it became obvious why those searches would fail–the water is deep, deep, deep!

Chapter 44

Visualizing Cordell Bank

For years after its discovery in 1853 and re-discovery in 1869, Cordell Bank was known mainly as a pointer to San Francisco Bay. Sterling Hayden captured it vividly in his epic novel Voyage, tracing the circumnavigation of a ship called Neptune’s Car. As the vessel came up west of Pt. Reyes, the captain explained: “Rocky bottom with live barnacles. That’ll be the Cordell Bank: God’s own gift to Frisco-bound shipmasters…the lead socked home at 30 fathoms…he was right where he wanted to be…” For many decades, no one really cared what was beneath the surface, only that it was about 20 fathoms deep and 20 miles from the Pt. Reyes Light. A century after its discovery, systematic depth surveys began to reveal the details of the Bank. The navigational charts did not need high-resolution bathymetric scans, but the management of offshore resources, including exploration for oil, did. Over three decades, the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, increasingly higher resolution surveys revealed the details formerly only vaguely known. Eventually the surveys recorded the depths with a spatial resolution of about 3 m (10 ft.). A representation of this kind of imagery is easily found on Google Earth/Cordell Bank.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_44

281

282

44  Visualizing Cordell Bank

Fig. 44.1  The best bathymetric chart of the Pt. Reyes-Cordell Bank area available in the 1970s. This was all that was available to the author when he began the diving exploration of the Bank. Because of the poor resolution (about 100 ft.), it was necessary to do extensive surveys in order to find locations that were accessible to divers

Fig. 44.2  The current bathymetric image of the same area as Fig. 44.1. Zooming in on the Google Earth website will reveal considerable detail. The full resolution of the most recent survey is ca. 3 m

44  Visualizing Cordell Bank

283

For more than a century, contour plots of bathymetry were a normal and common way to visualize a submerged area. As new and more detailed survey data became available, contour plots became inadequate for visualization; they became so complicated that the details of the contours were meaningless. When the number of survey points reached millions, it became pointless to compute and plot the contours. Coloring the areas within contour lines helped give contrast to the plots. For example, in 1990 the author and colleagues developed state-of-the-art images of the contours of Cordell Bank, and colored them (Fig.  44.3). The bathymetric data thereby became an image. Further processing could add apparent shadowing, giving the images a three-dimensional look (Fig. 44.4).

Fig. 44.3  A medium-resolution plot of the contours on Cordell Bank ca. 1990. The colors indicate 10 m depth intervals

284

44  Visualizing Cordell Bank

Fig. 44.4  A colored-coded image generated from the higher-resolution data available in the 2000s

While the images are a worthy end in themselves, they also have practical value. For example, Fig. 44.5 shows a detail of the shallow area on the northeastern edge of the Bank, which includes the shallowest point on the Bank (18 fathoms). This point was discovered by the author and his team during the 1980 expeditions, and we made numerous dives on this feature. Since then, other divers, including the Cousteau organization Ocean Futures, the Bay Area Underwater Explorers, professional divers working for the Cordell Bank NMS, ROVs, and submersibles have documented this area with underwater photographs and video. In our early dives, we had no idea of the overall topography, hence we merely explored whatever areas our bottom lines would permit. Now, with the pseudo-visual imagery of the detailed topography, such exploration can be planned.

44  Visualizing Cordell Bank

285

Fig. 44.5  (opposite) The most detailed athymetric image of Cordell Bank to date. The combined effects of stratigraphy and erosion are clear

Chapter 45

Exploring Cordell Bank

Cordell Bank is a challenge to see in person. You have to go 20 miles out into the ocean and dive to about 150 ft. The biggest challenge in the early years (ca. 1980) was finding it. By “it” we mean a place that is less than 150 ft. deep, and there aren’t many. Initially we knew of only one spot, 120 ft. deep, and we knew it from the existing chart only within a circle about 1000 ft. in diameter. Our navigation onsite gave us our position only within about a mile, so it was necessary to run sounding lines back and forth to locate a relatively shallow area, and then successively close in on the shallowest point. As soon as we found a pinnacle or high ridge, we dropped a marker buoy on it, then systematically set an anchored diver descent line and proceeded with the dives. The author was the first person to actually see Cordell Bank itself, and to collect specimens of the organisms living there. Edward Cordell could only imagine what the bottom was like–he would have been amazed at what became possible with the invention of powered vessels, high resolution surveys, and scuba. It’s unlikely you will have a chance to see Cordell Bank underwater. Diving on the Bank requires a permit from the sanctuary and presents a technical challenge that should not be attempted by casual sport divers. Only professional divers, or groups that invest considerable time in developing the equipment and skills necessary for this kind of dive, should attempt it. Fortunately, divers have obtained thousands of high-quality photographs of the community covering the Bank. Almost without exception, they show an astonishingly rich and vigorous community of marine invertebrates, plus huge numbers of fish and a small amount of lost fishing gear. There are no shipwrecks or jettisoned debris. It is invariably described as “world class” or “the best dive I have ever had.”

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_45

287

288

45  Exploring Cordell Bank

Fig. 45.1  The author’s scheme used for exploring Cordell Bank. The availability of ROVs and submersibles makes this exploration easier and safer, but much more expensive

45  Exploring Cordell Bank

289

Fig. 45.2  A sketch made by a newspaper artist showing divers exploring a shallow area. The sketch was made from a verbal description of the first dive (20 Oct. 1978) by the author

Fig. 45.3  A diver deploying a fish trap on a pinnacle at about 125 ft. depth. The pink organisms are anemones (Corynactis). Most of the yellow-green and brownish organisms are sponges. Also present, but not resolvable in this photograph, are barnacles, bivalves, decorator crabs, brown and red algae, and various rockfish. The diver also has a canvas bag which he is using to collect representative plants and animals for identification and study

290

45  Exploring Cordell Bank

Fig. 45.4  The community on Cordell Bank is astonishingly dense. No bare rock appears anywhere–the rocks are completely covered by plants and animals. We say it is more than 100% covered, meaning that some plants and animals live on top of other plants and animals. This strobe photograph shows the color balance representative of daylight, hence the true colors that would be seen if the specimens were brought to the surface. The myriad fish aggregating above the rocks attest to the vigor of the community, and are the reason why the Bank is (or was) a prime sport fishing destination

Chapter 46

Documenting Cordell Bank

The author’s expeditions to Cordell Bank produced thousands of specimens and underwater photographs. Many of these were distributed to specialists in various institutions, including the U.S. Museum of Natural History, the California Academy of Sciences, the University of California at Berkeley, the U.S. Geological Survey, Stanford University, the Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History, Texas A&M University, and others.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_46

291

292

46  Documenting Cordell Bank

Fig. 46.1  Some of the specimens collected from Cordell Bank over the period 1978–85

Fig. 46.2  Some of the nearly 5000 underwater photographs obtained from Cordell Bank 1978–85

46  Documenting Cordell Bank

293

Fig. 46.3  The California Academy of Sciences, Golden Gate Park, San Francisco

Probably the best way to explore Cordell Bank is to use the resources of archival institutions, especially the California Academy of Sciences, the Los Angeles Museum of Natural History, and the National Museum of Natural History. There are three visitor centers in California (Oakland Museum, Pt. Reyes Station, and the Cal Academy) where you can see exhibits about Cordell Bank. All of the specimens and underwater photographs were accessioned into the permanent collections of the California Academy of Sciences, and are used by staff and available to guest researchers. The photographs have been digitized, and can be scanned using image recognition software. In many cases, these images can give identification of organisms to species. But you can also do your exploration from home, using various databases available online. An example is the bathymetric data available through the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). It may take a bit of searching and patience to obtain the images, but it will be worth it. The following image is of the shallowest area on Cordell Bank, only 112 ft. deep.

294

46  Documenting Cordell Bank

Fig. 46.4  A detail of Fig. 44.4. The compass design marks the location of the shallowest point on Cordell Bank, 18 fathoms (112 ft.)

Chapter 47

The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary

It took only one glance by divers in 1978 to see that the environment on Cordell Bank was extraordinary. It was obvious that there exists a combination of factors that generate the exceptionally lush community. It’s all in the water: it’s clear and clean, allowing sunlight to penetrate; it upwells from abyssal depths, carrying a heavy burden of nutrients; it’s cold, which favors invertebrates; and it’s deep, protecting the bottom from the violence of crashing surf. It’s the overlap of all these factors that make Cordell Bank exceptional, and it was immediately obvious to us that it should be protected. Since 1972, the U.S. has maintained a system of national marine sanctuaries (NMS). The federal program designates marine areas to protect and enhance biodiversity, ecological integrity and cultural assets of national significance. Currently, there are 13 national marine sanctuaries and one national monument covering a total of 150,000 square miles of marine waters. The resources protected by sanctuaries range from coral reef and kelp ecosystems to shipwrecks. Established in 1972, the system has worked to expand its coverage across the country and receive sufficient funding for the program. The sanctuary system is only one of many such programs within the government, such as the U.S. Coastal Zone Management Program, the Coastal Barrier Resources System, the Essential Fish Habitat Program, the Clean Water Act, the U.S. National Estuary Program, the U.S. National Wildlife Refuge System, and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ Coastal Programs. In addition to the sanctuaries themselves, there is a National Marine Sanctuary Foundation that performs an oversight role.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_47

295

296

47  The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary

Fig. 47.1  The home page of the U.S. National Marine Sanctuary Program

For Cordell Bank, the process of designation was initiated by a letter of recommendation submitted by the author in 1982. Formal designation of the Cordell Bank NMS (CBNMS) was done in January, 1989, by an Act of Congress, the only sanctuary so protected (all other sanctuaries are established by regulations).

47  The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary

297

Fig. 47.2  The home page of the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation

The original boundary of the CBNMS is shown in Fig. 47.3. The rather weird shape was determined by the boundary of the Gulf of the Farallones NMS (GFNMS, est. 1981). Instead of simply including Cordell Bank within the GFNMS, it was decided to establish a completely separate sanctuary, and the CBNMS was ­designated in 1989. Then, in 2015, following an initiative by Congresswoman Lynn Woolsey, the boundaries of both sanctuaries were enlarged, as shown in Fig. 47.4. The GFNMS encompasses 3295 square miles. and the expanded CBNMS encompasses 1286 square miles.

298

47  The Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary

Fig. 47.3  The original boundaries of the Cordell Bank NMS and the Gulf of the Farallones National Marine Sanctuary

Fig. 47.4  The expanded boundaries of the Greater Farallones NMS and the Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary

Chapter 48

Navigating Around Cordell Bank

When we started exploring Cordell Bank in 1978, the large ships leaving San Francisco Bay bound for points north would pass Pt. Reyes from 5 to 25 miles from the head. Sometimes we were diving on the Bank as huge freighters passed within a mile or so of our vessel, which was at anchor and unable to move. But when Cordell Bank was designated a national marine sanctuary, a channel for vessel traffic was established that ran exactly midway between Pt. Reyes and the Bank. The traffic would therefore pass about 10 miles from the Bank, essentially eliminating the potential for damage or contamination. Navigational charts don’t need the very high resolution provided on the hydrographic charts. Consequently, the number of soundings shown for Cordell Bank is relatively small, and the depth contours shown on the navigational chart are not very different now from what they were 50 years ago. In 1978 there was only one shallow depth indicated: 20 fathoms on the south end. The most recent charts show three shallow depths: 18, 20, and 22 fathoms, none in the place of the original 20 fathoms. These points, and numerous others, now have been documented by divers, ROVs, and submersibles.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_48

299

Fig. 48.1  Ship traffic, whether northbound or southbound, is required to stay in the designated lane in order to stay away from Cordell Bank. Chart 18,640

300 48  Navigating Around Cordell Bank

48  Navigating Around Cordell Bank

301

Fig. 48.2  The navigational chart shows only enough soundings and contours to outline Cordell Bank. At this resolution, the contours appear almost the same as they did 50 years ago

Chapter 49

Visiting Cordell Bank

Perhaps you would like to see Cordell Bank for yourself, and you are welcome to do that. Here is a picture of it. Of course, the ocean looks pretty much the same everywhere, so probably you will have to be content to see the birds, whales, sharks, seals, and other creatures that appear on the surface. If you are lucky. Otherwise you’ll need help to descend into the depths under the surface. Unless you’re a marine scientist with lots of funding, you’ll probably never see Cordell Bank in person. But a reasonable alternative would be to visit one of several locations that present displays and information about the sanctuary. By far the best place to get a Cordell Bank experience is the Oakland Museum, located in downtown Oakland, California. The museum has a large section devoted to Cordell Bank and the marine life on the coast. A looping video, drawers of specimens, a scale relief map, and a spectacular diorama provide visitors with understanding of the location, structure, and biology of the Bank. In addition to the Oakland Museum, there is also a display about Cordell Bank at the visitor center at Pt. Reyes Station, which is also the location of the CBNMS office. From there, it is a short drive to the Pt. Reyes lighthouse, from which one can see the actual location of Cordell Bank (at the horizon 20 miles away).

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_49

303

304

49  Visiting Cordell Bank

Fig. 49.1  The ocean over Cordell Bank, as it appears on a beautiful day

Fig. 49.2  Entrance to the Oakland (California) Museum

49  Visiting Cordell Bank

305

Fig. 49.3  The spectacular moving display of video footage from Cordell Bank. Visitors sit on soft pillows or couches and watch as the huge (ca. 50 ft. long) display evolves. Many of the organisms, including sponges, starfish, hydrocoral, and fish, are seen greatly enlarged. The experience is in some ways better than seeing it live in the ocean

Fig. 49.4  A breathtaking diorama, showing a typical section of the cover on the Bank. The diorama, which required hundreds of hours to construct, is a faithful recreation of the cover at Cordell Bank

306

49  Visiting Cordell Bank

Fig. 49.5  Detail of the diorama in Fig. 49.4. This display is so accurate that the divers remarked that it was indistinguishable from the real environment on Cordell Bank

Chapter 50

Underwater Island

If this book has excited your interest in Cordell Bank, there is some help for you. The only book about it is shown in the following figure. At its core, it is a case study of Cordell Bank, but it goes well beyond that: it defines the idea of an “underwater island,” by which we mean a geologic formation that peaks relatively sharply at relatively shallow water (but is always submerged). The fundamental ecological question is “What lives there, and why?” The book is 100 pp. long, with illustrations on every page and 98 color plates. It is available from the author: [email protected].

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3_50

307

308

50  Underwater Island

Fig. 50.1  The book about Cordell Bank that defines the term “underwater island”

Appendices

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3

309

Appendices

310

Cordell’s Major Expeditions

Fig. A.1  The major expeditions of Edward Cordell

Chronology—Edward Cordell The following table includes nearly all of the recorded events of Edward Cordell’s life. Those set in bold are the more significant events. Abbreviations: Key AM CAS CMF CRPR HM HSS JNM

Alex Murray Charles A. Schott Charles M. Fauntleroy C. R. P. Rogers Henry Mitchell Henry S. Stellwagen James H. Maffit

NC SC NY NYC SF

North Carolina South Carolina New York New York City San Francisco

Appendices From 1828 13 Apr 1828 1843 7 Jan 1849 1849 Sep 1849 1849 26 Sep 1849 1849 1851 25 Oct 1851 Oct 1851 Jul 1853 1 Jul 1853 Jul 1853 May 1853 4 Aug 1854 16 Aug 1854 Oct 1854 23 Nov 1854 30 Nov 1854 Winter 1854 May 1855 Summer 1855 Winter 1855 Summer 1856 7 Aug 1856 Dec 1856 Jan 1857 Jun 1857 Jul 1857 17 Aug 1857 19 Aug 1857 1858 Early 1858 8 Apr 1858

1858 Dec 1858 20 Dec 1858 19 Mar 1859 Mid 1859

311 To 1849 1845

1851 1853 Jul 1853 Jun 1857 Oct 1853 9 Aug 1854 24 Sep 1854

Spring 1855

Jun 1856

Jun 1857 Nov 1857

Jun 1861

Event(s) Germany Born in Philippburg, Germany, at the Angelsmühle Technische Hochschule in Karlsruhe Appointed secretary to civil commissioner Active in revolution; indicted for treason Escaped to France Immigration to the U.S. Arrived in New York aboard the Nicholas Biddle In New York Early years in the Coast Survey Joined the U.S. Coast Survey Captain’s Clerk (Capt. H. W. Beucham?) Draftsman with H. S. Stellwagen Reported to HSS for work Surveys near Boston Harbor In Washington making projections Deep sea soundings out of Boston Harbor S. of Nantucket Island Stellwagen’s Bank discovered Lv. Boston on the Bibb Arr. Philadelphia Draftsman for Stellwagen in Phil. In Washington making projections Stellwagen’s Bank, additional soundings Draftsman for Stellwagen in Philadelphia Surveys near Nantucket and George’s Bank Onboard Bibb during collision In NY for Harbor Improvement Commission Draftsman for Stellwagen in Phil. Reported to Office in Washington Draftsman with C. R. P. Rogers ?Sailed with Rogers from NYC ?Arr Georges Bank Draftsman with Maffitt, Moore, Murphy NC, SC coast JHM) In the Office, depositing Moore’s sheets Sheepscot Bay (JHM) Sapelo Sound, GA (JHM) Sheepscot River (JHM) Rondout, Esopus Creeks (AM) ?Draftsman with Huger Draftsmanwith CMF In Office, req. sheet for Fauntleroy With CMF in Sapelo Sound on Varina With CMF in Sapelo Sound on Varina, Port (continued)

Appendices

312 From Nov 1859 9 Dec 1859 12 Dec 1859 14 Dec 1859 1 Jan 1860 Early 1860 Jun 1860 Summer 1860 Sep 1860 29 Sep 1860 23 Jan 1861 12 Feb 1861 Early 1861 Jul 1861 6 Jul 1861 12 Jul 1861 17 Jul 1861 19 Jul 1861 25 Jul 1861 26 Jul 1861 27 Jul 1861 28 Jul 1861 29 Jul 1861 30 Jul 1861 31 Jul 1861 1 Aug 1861 21 Oct 1861 Nov 1861 31 Jan 1862 Mar 1862 25 Mar 1862 28 Mar 1862 Apr 1862 Jun 1862 1862 23 Jun 1862 10 Jul 1862 1 Aug 1862 16 Aug 1862 17 Aug 1862 23 Aug 1862 24 Aug 1862 1 Sep 1862 2 Sep 1862

To

Jun 1861 Jan 1862

21 Oct 1861 Jan 1862 Mar 1862

May 1862 Nov 1862

15 Oct 1862 22 Aug 1862 31 Aug 1862 13 Sep 1862

Event(s) In Office, depositing chart Sapelo Bar (CMF) In Office, requesting charts for CMF In Office, depositing charts of Kennebec, JHM In Office, depositing charts Sapelo, rivers Promoted to Hydrographic Draftsman 1st class With CMF in Ossabaw Sound, “Varina” To NYC With CMF surveying Hudson River, Varina Rtn to Washington In Office, depositing materials of JHM, CMF In Office, depositing materials Ossabaw Sound, …, CMF In Office, depositing materials Hudson River, CMF In NYC to complete Hudson River, CMF Draftsman with C. A. Schott, Casco Bay Reported for work Left Washington for NY Left Peekskill with the Joseph Henry Arr NYC. Preparing vessel and party Lv NYC, Joseph Henry Off Stratford Light Off Montauk Point Off Brenton Reef Lightship Off Chatham Light Off Race Point Arr Portland, Maine Surveying in Casco Bay Left party In NYC, reducing and plotting In Office, delivering results Draftsman with H. Mitchell in NC In Office, req. to be excused Compensation increased to $80/month Surveying off No. Oregon Inlet, Neuse River Survey of Casco Bay, ME *Promoted to Acting Assistant USCS. In Office, req. data on Casco Bay *Compensation increased to $83.50 Survey of Casco Bay, Caswell Portland for provisions On Casco Bay Portland for mail On Casco Bay Portland On Casco Bay (continued)

Appendices From 14 Sep 1862 15 Sep 1862 21 Sep 1862 22 Sep 1862 28 Sep 1862 3 Oct 1862 8 Oct 1862 9 Oct 1862 18 Oct 1862 22 Oct 1862 Oct 1862 31 Oct 1862 9 Nov 1862 8 Dec 1862 16 Nov 1862 Dec 1862 20 Dec 1862 25 Dec 1862 1 Jan 1863 6 Jan 1863 7 Jan 1863 Jan 1863 12 Jan 1863 14 Jan 1863 17 Jan 1863 18 Jan 1863 21 Jan 1863 22 Jan 1863 28 Jan 1863 29 Jan 1863 30 Jan 1863 3 Feb 1863 11 Feb 1863 14 Feb 1863 Feb 1863 16 Feb 1863 20 Feb 1863 2 Mar 1863 Mar 1863 12 Mar 1863 13 Mar 1863 31 Mar 1863 1 Apr 1863

313 To 20 Sep 1862 27 Sep 1862 30 Sep 1862

17 Oct 1862

Dec 1862

19 Dec 1862 May 1863

3 Jan 1863 11 Jan 1863 Feb 1863 17 Jan 1863

20 Jan 1863 28 Jan 1863

1 Mar 1863 11 Mar 1863 Apr 1863 29 Mar 1863 2 Apr 1863

Event(s) Portland On Casco Bay Portland On Casco Bay Portland, depositing Journal of Occupation Address 113 7th St., NYC S. Freeport Bay (nr Portland); rcpt of orders for add’l work Casco Bay, Caswell, add’l work Portland, rpt compl. of add’l work Portland, dep. add’l work, req NYC duty Office work in NYC 113 7th St., NYC, req. proj. of 1861 work Estimate time to prepare 1862 work 198 10th St., NYC, re-req proj. 198 10th St., NYC, dep. tide obs. 1862 198 10th St., NYC, prep. to go to Fla. Surveys in Florida near Key West Lv NYC, Vixen Arr Port Royal Aground on Margot Fish Shoal Arr Key West Preparing ship 1st Survey Indian/Rodriguez Keys Lv Key West Arr Indian Key; wait for weather Lv for Upper Matacombe Island; Injection pipe burst; rtn to Indian Key Repairing steam pipe To Tavenier; erect sigs; begin surveys Running sounding lines Rtn to Indian Key Rtn on line to Tavenier Rtn to Rodriguez Key Rodriguez Key; made rept on grounding Lv Indian Key; Arr Key West Key West; coaling Surveying buoys Key West harbor; Florida Lv Key West; Steam chest on Vixen exploded; Rtn to Key West Misc duty re buoys, tracings, etc. Repairing steam chest 2nd Survey of Indian Key, Rodriguez Key Lv Key West Surveying btn Indian Key, Rodriguez Key Lv Indian Key; Arr Key West Key West; coaling (continued)

Appendices

314 From 3 Apr 1863 4 Apr 1863 Apr 1863 8 Apr 1863 9 Apr 1863 10 Apr 1863 30 Apr 1863 May 1863

18 May 1863 22 May 1863 23 May 1863 Jun 1863 24 May 1863 4 Jun 1863 5 Jun 1863 6 Jun 1863 7 Jun 1863 Jun 1863 8 Jun 1863 10 Jun 1863 Jun 1863 12 Jun 1863 14 Jun 1863 15 Jun 1863 19 Jun 1863 20 Jun 1863 29 Jun 1863 30 Jun 1863 1 Jul 1863 2 Jul 1863 3 Jul 1863 6 Jul 1863 7 Jul 1863 13 Jul 1863 14 Jul 1863 22 Jul 1863 24 Jul 1863 6 Aug 1863 8 Aug 1863 14 Aug 1863 Aug 1863 20 Aug 1863 25 Aug 1863

To 7 Apr 1863

29 Apr 1863

3 Jun 1863

9 Jun 1863 11 Jun 1863 Aug 1863 13 Jun 1863 18 Jun 1863 28 Jun 1863

5 Jul 1863 12 Jul 1863 21 Jul 1863 23 Jul 1863 31 Jul 1863

Jan 1864

Event(s) Key West; made rept Repairing Vixen Survey of Charlotte Harbor, Fla., Vixen Lv Key West Arr Charlotte Harbor Surveying Charlotte Harbor, Boca Grande Lv Charlotte Harbor for Key West Survey of Boca Chica, Florida, Vixen Arr Boca Chica Lv Boca Chica; Arr Key West Lv Key West Arr NYC Collision of Vixen w/schnr, NYC Aug 1863 Survey of Maine, Vixen NYC preparations, on Vixen Lv NYC, Vixen Arr Holmes Hole Lv Holmes Hole Arr Portland, ME Survey of rocks in Portland Harbor Waiting for weather Surveying Old Anthony Rock, Vapor Rock Survey of Penobscot Bay, Maine Taking supplies, waiting for weather To Penobscott Bay (Herring Gut Harbor) Survey nr Burnt, Manhegan Islands Rockland for supplies Survey vicinity Herring Gut Up St. George River to W. Thomaston Coaling Survey Mosquito Island Survey in White Head Channel Rockland, poor weather Survey in White Head Channel Poor weather (S. St. Geo. on 8th) Survey Poor weather (S. St. Geo. on 14th) Survey Manhegan to Metinic Islands Little work-weather (St. Geo. on 31st) Thomaston, awaiting orders Lv Thomaston Arr NYC (Navy Yard) Office work NYC 162 13th St. Vixen repairs Repairs; Fla. chart progressing (continued)

Appendices From 27 Aug 1863 5 Sep 1863 8 Sep 1863 11 Sep 1863 22 Sep 1863 3 Oct 1863

315 To

9 Oct 1863 26 Oct 1863 10 Nov 1863 28 Dec 1863 11 Jan 1864 12 Jan 1864 29 Jan 1864 Mar 1864 9 Mar 1864 17 Mar 1864 21 Mar 1864 24 Mar 1864 25 Mar 1864 28 Mar 1864 Mar 1864 30 Mar 1864 31 Mar 1864 1 Apr 1864 5 Apr 1864 7 Apr 1864 13 Apr 1864 16 Apr 1864 28 Apr 1864 29 Apr 1864 2 May 1864 3 May 1864 20 May 1864 21 May 1864 3 Jun 1864 17 Jun 1864 Jul 1864 8 Jul 1864 14 Jul 1864 30 Jul 1864 11 Aug 1864 15 Aug 1864

May 1864

Apr 1864

4 Apr 1864

29 Apr 1864

Sep 1864

Event(s) Waiting instructions Fla. reefs chart sent to Office Responding to charges re Vapor Rock; est. of remaining work Boca Chica chart sent to Office, req. Charlotte Harbor data Proposals for addl Fla. work Defense against Vapor Rock charge, Charlotte Harbor chart sent to Office Re progress on Casco, Penobscott sheets In Office in Wash. to submit original data (Casco, 1862; Portland, 1863; Florida, 1863) Requested pay raise Ask re pay raise Fwd chart Casco Bay, 1862 Requested data on Herring Gut Fwd hydro char, Appr. to Penobscott Bay Survey of Beaufort Harbor, Core Sound, NC Addr. 6 14th Ave.; Fwd books, 1862–63 Addr. 6 14th Ave.; Rcv ord. to rept to Office Rpt for duty in Office (Washington) Lv Baltimore Rpt to Adm Lee, Hampton Rds Lv Fortress Monroe, Str. Spaulding Survey buoys in Beaufort Harbor Arr Beaufort, rpt to Capt. Dove; boat assigned. Obs currents, erect sigs *Appointed Acting Lighthouse Inspector Establishing signals Begin surveying Beaufort entrance Rpt Cape Lookout LH damaged Apr 3–4 nite Continuing surveying harbor entrance Rpt to LH Board on Cape Lookout LH Shifting buoys on the bar Complete survey, buoying Beauf. entr. Rpt on work in Beaufort Fwd rpt on work Fwd rpt on LH keepers, lights Cannot find vessel for surveys Trying to locate boat Rpt capture of Syrin for survey Survey of Core Sound, NC Lv Phila on Lenox Arr Hatteras Inlet (Beaufort) compl. straits survey Rpt replacement of buoys w/new Rpt sailing directions Beaufort entrance (continued)

Appendices

316 From 8 Sep 1864 23 Oct 1864 4 Nov 1864 8 Nov 1864 1 Dec 1864 2 Dec 1864 Dec 1864 16 Dec 1864 24 Jan 1865 27 Feb 1865 Apr 1865 6 Apr 1865 9 Apr 1865 18 Apr 1865 22 Apr 1865 4 May 1865 Jun 1865 29 May 1865 30 May 1865 1 Jun 1865 2 Jun 1865 26 Jun 1865 27 Jun 1865 28 Jun 1865 Jul 1865 3 Jul 1865 13 Jul 1865 18 Jul 1865 20 Jul 1865 6 Aug 1865 7 Aug 1865 11 Aug 1865 12 Aug 1865 14 Aug 1865 16 Aug 1865 17 Aug 1865 22 Aug 1865 23 Aug 1865 26 Aug 1865 21 Sep 1865

To

Mar 1865 2 Feb 1865

May 1865

Jul 1865

2 Jul 1865 Sep 1865 12 Jul 1865 17 Jul 1865 19 Jul 1865 5 Aug 1865 10 Aug 1865

13 Aug 1865 15 Aug 1865 21 Aug 1865 25 Aug 1865 20 Sep 1865

Event(s) At New Bern; Core Sound chan., str. compl. At Roanoke Is.; rpt Croatan LH destroyed Lenox old, rotten; req vessel Hatteras Inlet; appl rel of brother (?). On way F. Monroe seeking vessel Beaufort; refused passage; seeking vessel Fwd Core Sound chart Placing buoys Rpt to Adm Porter; orders place buoys New Inlet; rpt buoys place, Ft. Donalson At Smithville, NC; Repairing LH on Bald Head Bug Lights on Oak Is. buoying Cape Fear Rive 5 Placing lighted buoys Beaufort Harbor NYC; Lv on export schooner Tayooh Arr Beaufort; rpt to Gen. Easton Compl. arr. for lighting entr. to harbor, plan to leave in few days Fwd Notice to Mariners In Office, DC; Dep. chart, books Move to California JEH orders EC to west coast In NYC; Ack orders Appointed Assistant USCS Salary increased to $100/year Left NY for California, Steamer Ocean Queen Arrived in San Francisco Took charge of the schooner Marcy Mare Island, provisions Survey of Half Moon Bay First voyage S.F. Half Moon Bay Sounding lines (2) Half Moon Bay Sounding line S.F. Second voyage Mare Island S.F. Half Moon Bay Sounding line Half Moon Bay Sounding line Running up to HM Bay Half Moon Bay Sounding line (continued)

Appendices From 22 Sep 1865 23 Sep 1865 24 Sep 1865 Oct 1865 1 Oct 1865 2 Oct 1865 11 Oct 1865 13 Oct 1865 22 Oct 1865 26 Oct 1865 30 Oct 1865 Nov 1865 9 Nov 1865 13 Nov 1865 28 Dec 1865 29 Dec 1865 5 Jan 1866 8 Jan 1866 3 Mar 1866 13 Mar 1866 May 1866 8 Apr 1866 13 Apr 1866 30 May 1866 31 May 1866 22 Jun 1866 29 Jun 1866 2 Jul 1866 9 Jul 1866 10 Jul 1866 10 Aug 1866 16 Aug 1866 17 Aug 1866 28 Aug 1866 29 Aug 1866 30 Aug 1866 31 Aug 1866 6 Sep 1866 7 Sep 1866

317 To

Event(s) Moving northward Sounding line 30 Sep 1865 S.F. Nov 1865 Survey of Pt. Ano Nuevo Mare Island 10 Oct 1865 S.F. 12 Oct 1865 Underway to Pt. Ano Nuevo 29 Oct 1865 Pt. Ano Nuevo 25 Oct 1865 Sounding lines 29 Oct 1865 Underway to S.F. 9 Nov 1865 S.F. Mar 1866 Survey of Suisun Bay, Carquinas, Marcy   Suisun First voyage (lower bay) 12 Nov 1865 Underway to Suisun Bay 27 Dec 1865 Suisun Bay (EC in SF, 11/29-12/2) Underway for S.F. 4 Jan 1866 S.F.   Suisun Second voyage (upper bay, Carquinas) 7 Jan 1866 Mare Island 2 Mar 1866 Suisun Bay (EC in SF, 2/26-3/2) 12 Mar 1866 Carquinas Straits 7 Apr 1866 S.F. Survey of Pt. Reyes, Bodega Head, Marcy   First voyage 11 Apr 1866 Mare Island 29 May 1866 S.F. Underway for Drakes Bay 21 Jun 1866 Drakes Bay 28 Jun 1866 S.F.   Second voyage 1 Jul 1866 Mare Island 8 Jul 1866 S.F. Drakes Bay 9 Aug 1866 Bodega Bay 15 Aug 1866 Drakes Bay Sounding line to Bodega Bay 27 Aug 1866 Bodega Bay Sounding line fr. 3 mi S. of Tomalas; Passed shipwreck Drakes Bay Underway for SF 5 Sep 1866 S.F.   Third voyage Underway for Bodega Bay 10 Sep 1866 Bodega Bay (continued)

Appendices

318 From 11 Sep 1866 12 Sep 1866 17 Sep 1866 19 Sep 1866 20 Sep 1866 21 Sep 1866 25 Sep 1866 26 Sep 1866 28 Sep 1866 29 Sep 1866 30 Sep 1866 1 Oct 1866 9 Oct 1866 10 Oct 1866 11 Oct 1866 15 Oct 1866 27 Oct 1866 27 Oct 1866 28 Oct 1866 8 Nov 1866 10 Nov 1866 11 Nov 1866 Nov 1866 12 Nov 1866 22 Nov 1866 22 Dec 1866 2 Jan 1867 3 Jan 1867 4 Jan 1867 5 Jan 1867 6 Jan 1867 Jan 1867 14 Jan 1867 17 Jan 1867 23 Jan 1867 28 Jan 1867 30 Jan 1867 31 Jan 1867 1 Feb 1867 3 Feb 1867 8 Feb 1867 9 Feb 1867 10 Feb 1867

To

Event(s) Sounding line 16 Sep 1866 Bodega Bay 18 Sep 1866 Sounding lines Bodega Bay Sounding line to Drakes Bay 24 Sep 1866 Drakes Bay Underway for Bodega Bay 27 Sep 1866 Bodega Bay Sounding lines to SF S.F.   Fourth voyage Mare Island 8 Oct 1866 S.F. Underway for Pt. Reyes Off Pt. Reyes 26 Oct 1866 Bodega Bay 2 Sounding lines; Rtn Bodega Bay Sounding line to Drakes Bay 7 Nov 1866 Drakes Bay 2 Sounding line 9 Nov 1866 S.F.   Fifth voyage Underway for Pt. Reyes Sounding line; Rtn to S.F. Feb 1867 Measurement of San Francisco Bay Currents 19 Nov 1866 S.F. 21 Dec 1866 Current obs. 2 Jan 1867 S.F. Goat Island Bird Rock Mare Island Goat Island 13 Jan 1867 S.F. Mar 1867 Survey of Blossom Rock for blasting 16 Jan 1867 Anchor on Blossom Rock; setting buoys Begin daily current obs. 25 Jan 1867 Dragging Blossom Rock for buoys Took up buoys Survey Blossom Rock, 1st blast Survey Blossom Rock, 2nd blast End daily current obs. 4 Feb 1867 Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock, 3rd blast Survey Blossom Rock (continued)

Appendices

319

From 14 Feb 1867 17 Feb 1867 26 Feb 1867 28 Feb 1867 1 Mar 1867 3 Mar 1867 4 Mar 1867 5 Mar 1867 6 Mar 1867 7 Mar 1867 11 Mar 1867 Mar 1867

To

13 Mar 1867 16 Mar 1867 17 Mar 1867 18 Mar 1867 19 Mar 1867 23 Mar 1867 30 Mar 1867 31 Mar 1867 7 Apr 1867 29 Apr 1867 7 May 1867 8 May 1867 9 May 1867

15 Mar 1867

27 Jun 1867 29 Jun 1867 12 Jul 1867 15 Jul 1867 16 Jul 1867 4 Aug 1867 21 Aug 1867 12 Aug 1867 14 Aug 1867 19 Aug 1867 25 Aug 1867 1 Sep 1867 4 Sep 1867 7 Sep 1867 10 Sep 1867 14 Sep 1867 19 Sep 1867 21 Sep 1867

18 Feb 1867

Aug 1867

22 Mar 1867 29 Mar 1867 6 Apr 1867 28 Apr 1867 6 May 1867

26 Jun 1867 28 Jun 1867 11 Jul 1867 14 Jul 1867 3 Aug 1867 11 Aug 1867 19 Sep 1867 13 Aug 1867 18 Aug 1867 24 Aug 1867 31 Aug 1867 3 Sep 1867 6 Sep 1867 9 Sep 1867 13 Sep 1867 18 Sep 1867 20 Sep 1867 23 Sep 1867

Event(s) Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock Rtn to Meig’s wharf Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock Survey Blossom Rock, 8th blast Survey Blossom Rock, 9th blast Survey Blossom Rock, 10th, 11th blasts Survey Blossom Rock, 12th blast Survey Blossom Rock Additional Survey of Suisun Rivers   First voyage Taking on provisions nr Mare Island San Pablo Bay Carquinas Strait Suisun Bay; surveying Suisun Creek Off New York Off Collinsville Mouth of San Joaquin River Off Collinsville, sounding rivers Off Antioch, sounding rivers Aground on Middle Ground Underway for S.F. S.F. (stores rcvd 6/17/67)   Second voyage Mare Island S.F. Current obs. btwn Alcatraz, Angel Island S.F. Suisun Bay: Montezuma, Suisun Creeks S.F. Survey of Pt. Sal, Marcy Underway for San Luis Obispo San Luis Obispo Pt. Sal San Luis Obispo Pt. Sal San Luis Obispo Pt. Sal San Luis Obispo Pt. Sal San Luis Obispo (EC left for SF) Underway (continued)

Appendices

320 From 24 Sep 1867 26 Sep 1867 28 Sep 1867 29 Sep 1867 1 Oct 1867 Oct 1867 3 Oct 1867 5 Oct 1867 6 Oct 1867 14 Oct 1867 29 Oct 1867 7 Nov 1867 10 Nov 1867 25 Nov 1867 14 Dec 1867 23 Dec 1867 3 Jan 1868 8 Jan 1868 9 Jan 1868 11 Jan 1868 17 Feb 1868 21 Feb 1868 12 Mar 1868 3 Apr 1868 7 Apr 1868 9 Apr 1868 1 May 1868 4 May 1868 5 May 1868 18 May 1868 20 May 1868 25 May 1868 2 Jun 1868 30 Jun 1868 3 Jul 1868 6 Jul 1868 7 Jul 1868 13 Jul 1868 14 Jul 1868 15 Jul 1868 18 Jul 1868 22 Jul 1868 3 Aug 1868 11 Aug 1868

To 25 Sep 1867 27 Sep 1867

Event(s) Santa Cruz Underway for SF SF bar Bolinas S.F. Oct 1868 Survey of Columbia River, Marcy 4 Oct 1867 Aground off Mare Island Mare Island 13 Oct 1867 S.F. 28 Oct 1867 Underway for Columbia River 24 Nov 1867 Astoria (EC arr 11/10) EC Lv S.F. (delayed waiting for GD) EC Arr Astoria 22 Dec 1867 Woody Island 14 Sep 1868 Meas. of Tides at Columbia River 2 Jan 1868 Astoria 7 Jan 1868 Woody Island (Tide Gauge Creek) Youngs Bay 10 Jan 1868 Smiths Point (aground) 16 Feb 1868 Astoria (repairs) 20 Feb 1868 Woody Island (above Tongue Point) 11 Mar 1868 Woody Island (Tide Gauge Creek) 6 Apr 1868 Woody Island (Marcy Channel) 6 Apr 1868 EC to Astoria and rtn 8 Apr 1868 Astoria 30 Apr 1868 Tongue Point 3 May 1868 Astoria Tongue Point (towed there) 17 May 1868 Astoria 2 Jul 1868 Btn Smiths Point and Point Ellice EC to Astoria Farquhar onboard EC to S.F. EC rtn from S.F. 5 Jul 1868 Astoria Sand Island 12 Jul 1868 Bakers Bay Sand Island Scarborough Hill 17 Jul 1868 Fort Stevens 2 Aug 1868 Astoria Katy arr 10 Aug 1868 Ft. Stevens (towed) 21 Aug 1868 Bakers Bay (towed) (continued)

321

Appendices From 22 Aug 1868 24 Aug 1868 26 Aug 1868 3 Sep 1868 7 Sep 1868 11 Sep 1868 15 Sep 1868 23 Sep 1868 24 Sep 1868 12 Oct 1868 13 Oct 1868 Dec 1868 3 Dec 1868 21 Dec 1868 5 Jan 1869 31 Mar 1869 13 Apr 1869 3 Jun 1869 3 Jun 1869 4 Jun 1869 5 Jun 1869 15 Jun 1869 15 Jun 1869 16 Jun 1869 17 Jun 1869 19 Jun 1869 23 Jun 1869 29 Jun 1869 30 Jun 1869 Jul 1869 Jul 1869 7 Jul 1869 10 Jul 1869 18 Jul 1869 30 Jul 1869 1 Aug 1869 19 Aug 1869 24 Aug 1869 13 Sep 1869 17 Sep 1869 2 Oct 1869 6 Oct 1869 10 Oct 1869 13 Oct 1869

To 23 Aug 1868 25 Aug 1868 6 Sep 1868 10 Sep 1868 22 Sep 1868

11 Oct 1868

Mar 1869 11 Dec 1868 24 Dec 1868 9 Jan 1869 3 Apr 1869 18 Apr 1869 5 Jun 1869

30 Jun 1869

18 Jun 1869 22 Jun 1869 28 Jun

Jan 1870 Nov 1869 9 Jul 1869 17 Jul 1869 29 Jul 1869 31 Jul 1869 18 Aug 1869 23 Aug 1869 12 Sep 1869 17 Sep 1869 1 Oct 1869 5 Oct 1869 9 Oct 1869 13 Oct 1869 17 Oct 1869

Event(s) North Channel (towed) South channel (towed) Astoria Katy Lv for S.F. Tongue Point Astoria Farquhar Lv for Nehalem River Ft. Stevens, rtn to Astoria Astoria Lv for S.F. Underway for S.F, Arr S.F. Logs Missing Search for the Vitula Shoal   1st Search, Marcy   2nd Search, Lincoln   3rd Search, Lincoln   4th Search, Wyanda   5th Search, Wyanda Siting of Pt. Reyes Lighthouse Travel to Olema Visit to Pt. Reyes head Return to San Francisco Searching for Cordell Bank Underway for Pt. Reyes Waiting for weather, Drakes Bay Discovery of Cordell Bank Waiting for weather, Drakes Bay Completion of survey Underway for San Francisco Arrive San Francisco Last work Survey of Santa Barbara Channel   Leg 0 (S from SF to Santa Barbara) on Marcy Santa Barbara   Leg 1 (S to Rincon Pt.) Santa Barbara   Leg 2 (S to Buenaventura) Santa Barbara   Leg 3 (N to Davis Ranch)   Leg 4 (Cross channel to Prisoners Harbor)   Leg 5 (N to Coxo) Santa Barbara   Leg 6 (Cross channel to Prisoners Harbor)   Leg 7 (N to Moores Landing)   Leg 8 (Cross channel to Prisoners Harbor, rtn to Rincon Pt.) (continued)

Appendices

322 From 17 Oct 1869 21 Oct 1869 26 Oct 1869 3 Nov 1869 5 Nov 1869 11 Nov 1869 13 Nov 1869 14 Nov 1869 15 Nov 1869 16 Nov 1869 17 Nov 1869 18 Nov 1869 21 Nov 1869 22 Nov 1869 Jan 1870 25 Jan 1870 27 Jan 1870 1870

To 21 Oct 1869 26 Oct 1869 2 Nov 1869 4 Nov 1869 10 Nov 1869 12 Nov 1869

Event(s)   Leg 9 (N to Moores Landing)   Leg 10 (N to Dent Ranch, Cross channel to Prisoners Harbor)   Leg 11 (S to Rincon Pt.) Santa Barbara   Leg 12 (Cross channel to Prisoners Harbor) Santa Barbara Lv Santa Barbara Off San Luis Obispo Off San Simeon San Simeon Survey Harlech Castle Rock 20 Nov 1869 Underway for S.F. Arr S.F. 24 Jan 1870 Office work in S.F. Death Death caused by fall in San Francisco Burial in Masonic Cemetery, eventual site of Golden Gate Park Golden Gate Park planning and construction begun.

Chronology—Modern From To 1929 1939 Summer 1977 Jul 1977 20 Oct 1978 Oct 1979 1980 1985 1983 1985 1989 1995 2015 18 Jun 2019 25 Jan 2020 13 Apr 2028

Event(s) Remains in SF cemeteries moved to Colma R. W. Schmieder plans expeditions to Cordell Bank Organizational meeting for Cordell Bank Expeditions First diving expedition to Cordell Bank Second diving expedition to Cordell Bank Regular diving expeditions to Cordell Bank Nomination to NOAA for Cordell Bank to be designated a National Marine Sanctuary (CBNMS) Last regular diving expedition Cordell Bank CBNMS designated by Act of Congress Supplementary diving expedition Boundary of CBNMS expanded 150th anniversary of the discovery of Cordell Bank 150th anniversary of death of Edward Cordell 200th anniversary of birth of Edward Cordell

Appendices

323

People Relatives Anton Kordel Nikolas Kordel Ludwig Peter Jacob Kordel Katharina (Oswald) Kordel Marius Aurelius Kordel Eduard Kordel (→Edward Cordell) Luise Kordel Karl Friedrich Kordel Stephanie Kordel (→Cordell) Biber Edward Charles Cordell Theodore Gabriel Cordell Adolph Oscar Cordell Supervisors Henry S. Stellwagen C. R. P. Rogers James N. Maffit James H. Moore Alex Murray Charles M. Fauntleroy James Alden Charles A. Schott Henry Mitchell George Davidson

1727–1791 Great grandfather 1760–1837 Grandfather 1800–1868 Father 1803–1867 Mother 1826–?

Brother

1828–1870 “EC” 1833–? 1835–?

Sister Brother. May have changed his name to Charles Cordell

1843–?

Sister. Lived in NYC, SF; married to Adolph Biber. Had five children: Ida, Arthur, Edward, Charles, Adolph. Returned to maiden name Cordell ca. 1870 1871–1932 Nephew (son of Stephanie Cordell Biber). Lived in SF 1873–1934 Nephew (son of Stephanie Cordell Biber). Lived in SF 1878–1936 Nephew (son of Stephanie Cordell Biber). Lived in SF

1853–1857 1857 1858 1858 1858 1858–1861

USCS Asst. Lt. USN USCS Asst. USCS Asst. Later became Confederate USCS Asst. Lt. USN USCS Asst. Lt. USN USCS Asst. Lt. USN

1860s 1861–1862 1862 1868–1870

USCS Asst. Lt. USN USCS Asst. USCS Asst. USCS Asst. Principal scientist on West Coast. EC’s direct supervisor in from 1867.

USCS Superintendents Alexander Dallas 1843–1867 Bache Benjamin Peirce 1867–1874 Carlile Pollock 1874–1881 Patterson Julius Erasmus 1881–1885 Hilgard

Principal architect of the U.S. Coast Survey A mathematician of great reputation from Harvard. Held a grudge re EC for years. Cordell made many reports to him. (continued)

324 USCS Office Personnel Henry W. Beuham 1851 Samuel Hein 1851 Co-workers James A. Sample 1862 L. L. Nicholson 1862 G. A. Sengteller 1862 Charles Iardella 1862 Thomas C. Bowie 1863 H. M. DeWees 1863 A. M. Wetherill 1863 George Farquhar 1863

Appendices

In charge of the office when Cordell reported for work Disbursing agent for the office

Aide for Casco Bay survey Aide for Casco Bay and Florida surveys Aide for Casco Bay and Florida surveys Pilot in Florida Aide in Florida Aide in Florida Aide in Florida Cordell’s closest assistant in Calif. Was a weak and sickly person, often supported by Cordell Augustus F. Rodgers USCS Asst. in California Gershom Bradford USCS Asst. Took over Cordell’s party after EC died Ferdinand Westdahl 1867–1919 Carried out the re-survey of Cordell Bank in 1873 Robert S. Williamson 1860s Engineer in charge of the West Coast. Ordered blasting of Blossom Rock and erection of Pt. Reyes light.

Henry S. Stellwagen There are many parallels between the lives of Stellwagen and Cordell. Both men came from Germany, and their handwriting was astonishingly similar. Both men were assistants in the Coast Survey, in charge of schooners that needed major repair. They worked together for 5 years. Both Stellwagen and Cordell discovered rocky banks of about equal size, shape, depth, and orientation. Both banks are near the entrance to a major harbor, and both were designated national marine sanctuaries. Stellwagen used Cordell as his draftsman, and Cordell used a Stellwagen lead when he discovered Cordell Bank.

George Davidson Davidson was the foremost scientist on the West Coast for many years, and was Cordell’s supervisor from Nov. 1868 until the latter’s death in Jan. 1870. Davidson ranked Cordell first among all his subordinates, probably because Cordell had no apparent ego and he produced enormous amounts of high-quality results. Nevertheless, Davidson was unrelenting in trying to get “The Shoal West of Pt. Reyes” named for himself. He forwarded an extensive series of letters to the Superintendent, with suggestive comments. For instance:

Appendices

325

Even long after the name was established, Davidson made sure we would understand. On the cover of the Marcy log in which Cordell recorded the discovery, Davidson wrote, not once, but twice:

Davidson crossed Cordell Bank many times during his career. Once, at least, in 1884, he made a deliberate trip there to go fishing [A.30]:

Several biographies of Davidson are available [A.31–A.38]. Interestingly, every extant portrait and photograph shows Davidson from his right side.

George Farquhar George Farquhar was a sub-assistant in the USCS. He applied for employment by the USCS on 4 Aug. 1850, and was hired soon thereafter [A.39]. He was Cordell’s principal aide, and Cordell supported him in many disputes with Davidson. Farquhar’s dedication far exceeded his ability, and he became an alcoholic. A long

Appendices

326

series of letters (113 in all!) to George Davidson, preserved in the Bancroft Library [A.40], document his continuous troubles: “…have been very sick…” “…made sketch on my own time…” Claims back pay after EC death “…unfit for duty…so sick…” Requests leave to enter hospital Complains of painful back “…my dismissal is sad news!” Claims condition due to duty “…I shall never drink another drop…” Profuse thanks for reinstatement Suffering from abscess in back Complains about health “…do not like being bossed…” Complains of reduction in pay “…neuritis, heart palpitations, colds…” "…liver complaint, Bright’s disease…”

20 Jul. 1867 31 Mar. 1869 21 Feb. 1870 29 Apr. 1870 2 Feb. 1871 7 Jun. 1971 29 Jun. 1871 26 Aug. 1871 26 Aug. 1871 13 Sep. 1871 3 Mar. 1872 30 Sep. 1872 13 Oct. 1874 15 Apr. 1876 15 Apr. 1876 29 Dec. 1879

About a year later, sensing his approaching death, Farquhar wrote a last letter to Davidson [A.401]

…and then he died.

Appendices

327

Vessels The following list includes vessels either used by Edward Cordell or important in his career in some way. They are ordered chronologically.

Nicholas Biddle Active

Bibb

Varina Jos. Henry

Bancroft

Caswell Vixen

Florida

Lenox Ocean Queen Marcy

Gig, Fanny Katy

Vessel on which Eduard Kordel (=Edward Cordell) emigrated from La Havre, France, to New York, departing Sep. 26, 1849, at the age of 20. Steamer used by George Davidson for his 1853 reconnaissance of the northern coast of the U.S. On the return to San Francisco, he discovered Cordell Bank, on Oct. 20, 1853. George Farqhuar, Cordell’s sub-assistant during his 1869 discovery of Cordell Bank, was on the Active that night. 436 GT, 172.5 ft LOA, 245 ft beam, 10.3 ft draft. Purchased by the USCS in 1852 for $43,000. Steamer used by Henry Stellwagen during his 1854 discovery of Stellwagen’s Bank. Cordell was Stellwagen’s draftsman during these surveys. The ship had much mechanical difficulty. 150 ft LOA, 22 ft beam, 10 ft draft. Purchased by the USCS in 1853 for $25,000 Schooner used by C. M. Fauntleroy during the 1859–60 surveys of the Georgia coast. Purchased by the USCS in 1854 for $8000. Schooner used by C. S. Schott for the 1861 survey of Casco Bay. Cordell was the draftsman for the survey. 67 GT, 70 ft LOA, 20 ft beam, 3 ft draft. Purchased by the USCS in 1853 for $4000. Schooner used by H. Mitchell for the 1862 surveys off the coast of N. Carolina. Cordell was the draftsman for the surveys. 40 GT, 60 ft LOA, 175 ft beam, 4 ft draft. Purchased by the USCS in 1846. Schooner used by Cordell during his 1862 survey of Casco Bay. 44 GT. Built in 1859 and purchased by the USCS in 1859 for $5500. Schooner used by Cordell for the 1863 surveys of the Florida reefs and Penobscott Bay Had much mechanical difficulty. Built in Maine in 1851. It was transferred from the USN in 1855. 37 GT 56 ft LOA, 16.4 ft beam, 6.5 ft draft. Hoover used by Cordell to move buoys in Key West harbor, 1863, while the Vixen was under repair. A vessel with this name formerly had been commanded by Lt. J. N. Maffit, who defected from the USCS to join the Confederate Navy. He used the schooner to prey on Union shipping. It was captured by the Union on Oct. 7, 1862. It is not clear whether this is the same vessel used by Cordell, since the USCS records list three vessels of this name, all steamers. Schooner used by Cordell to survey Core Sound (NC) in 1864. The old, rotten vessel was lent by the Lighthouse Board. Steamer on which Cordell left New York bound for California, June 2, 1865. Sailed NY to Paznama, then train across ithmus, then steamer to San Francisco. Schooner commanded by Cordell during his entire time in California (1865–70). Named for William. F. Marcy, U.S. Senator, Governor of New York State, Secretary of War, and Secretary of State. Cordell made very detailed records of her equipment and the repairs in early 1869. In spite of being roundly condemned as unseaworthy by everyone, including Cordell, she was still afloat in 1876, when Gershom Bradford sold her to A. W. von Schmidt, and in 1890 when she was sold again. Dinghies attached to the Marcy and used by Cordell for shallow sounding. Steam tug used by Cordell to survey bar of Columbia River, 1868. A steam vessel was used because of the unpredictable winds (continued)

Appendices

328 Lincoln

Wyanda

Steamer owned by the U.S. Revenue Service. Used by Cordell to search for the nonexistent Vitula Shoal during 1868–69, while the Marcy was under repair. Built 1866 in Bath, ME. 636 GT. Steamer owned by the U.S. Revenue Service. Used by Cordell to search for the nonexistent Vitula Shoal during 1868–69, while the Marcy was under repair.

Hydrographic Sheets The following hydrographic sheets were executed by Edward Cordell. Note lists the person in charge of the survey, when applicable (cf., Key and Notes, see below). Year 1853 1854

1853–56 1854 1854–55 1855–56 1856

1857

1858

1859

Sheet H-378 H-396a H-406 H-412 H-413 H-440 H-445 H-457 H-516 H-519 H-569 H-570 H-578 H-582 H-576 H-577 ?H-621 H-622 ?H-623 H-624 H-625 H-626 H-632 ?H-653 H-659 H-660 H-675 H-676 H-665 H-666 H-677 H-679

Key HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS HSS RPR RPR JNM JNM JNM JNM JNM JNM JHM ?H JHM JHM JHM JHM AM AM CMF CMF

Locality South of Martha’s Vineyard Gloucester Harbor Deep Sea Soundings off Nantucket Minot’s Ledge off Boston Harbor Lynn to Marblehead, Mass. Approaches to Nantucket Shoals South side of Nantucket Island Stellwagen’s Bank, Mass. Harbor Mass. Bay, with Stellwagen Bank Cape Cod from Race Pt. to Nausett Lights Entrance to Nantucket Sound Cape Cod from Nausett Lights to Monomoy Cape Cod Bay, Provincetown Harbor Stellwagen’s Bank and other dangerous shoals Beaufort Harbor and Bar Cape Inlet toward Bogue Inlet New Inlet Bar Deep sea sounds off NC coast Maffit Channel, SC Southern bars of Cape Fear River, NC Main ship bar, Charleston, SC Cape Roman to Charleston, SC Hudson River from Stony Pt. to Whortleberry Coast of SC, Ga., Fla. Sapelo Sound, GA (sheet 1) Sapelo Sound and adjacent waters (sheet 2) Sheepscot River, ME (sheet 1) Sheepscot River, ME (sheet 2) Rondout Creek, NY Esopus Creek, NY Entrance to Port Royal Chechessee and Collector Rivers, SC (continued)

Appendices Year 1861 1862

1863

1864

1865 1866

1866–67

1867–68

1869 1869

1873

329 Sheet H-754 H-762 H-788 H-796 H-820 H-777 H-779 797a 797b 823a 823b 823c H-854 H-855 H-856 H-871 H-879 H-889 H-890 H-905 H-921 H-935 H-948 H-973 H-1015 H-1016 H-1017 H-1018 H-1019 H-1037 H-1037 H-1038 H-1039 H-1040 H-1041 H-1042 H-1043 H-1044 H-1045 a 1298a 1298b 1298c

Key CAS HM w/TSP

w/GF

w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF w/GF

Locality Lower Casco Bay, ME Oregon Inlet, NC Portland Harbor, ME Rocks in Portland Harbor, ME Casco Bay, ME Florida Reefs, between Alligator, French Reefs Near Boca Chica, Fla. Charlotte Harbor, Main entrance Part of Charlotte Harbor (by W. S. Edwards) Penobscot Bay: SW side of Entrance Metinic Island (by Ch. Junken) Monhegan Island (by Ch. Junken) Beaufort Harbor and Cove Sound, NC Cove Sound, NC Beaufort Harbor, NC Pt. Pedro to Santa Cruz, CA Carquinas Strait, CA Pt. Reyes to Bodega Head Pt. Reyes to Tomales Pt. Suisun Bay Pt. Sal Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers Cordelia, Suisun, Montezuma Creeks Nehalem River entrance, Ore. Columbia River, Three Tree Pt. to Gray’s Bar Columbia River, Cathlemet Head to Settlers Pt. Columbia River, Settlers Pt. to Tongue Pt. Columbia River, Tongue Pt. to Cape Disappointment Columbia River, Entrance Santa Barbara Channel, Entrance, Coxo Anchorage Santa Barbara Channel, Entrance, Coxo Anchorage Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #1 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #2 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #3 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #4 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #5 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #6 Santa Barbara Channel, inshore #7 Santa Barbara Channel, offshore Cordell Bank A shoal near the Farallones Hurst Shoal, off the South Farallone (continued)

330 Key AM CAS CMF GF ?H HM HSS JHM JNM RPR TSP

Appendices In charge of the party Lt. Alex Murray C. A. Schott Lt. C. M. Fauntleroy George Farquhar Lt. ? Huger H. Mitchell Cmdr. H. S. Stellwagen Lt. Jas. H. Moore Lt. J. N. Maffit C. R. P. Rogers Lt. Cmdr. T. S. Phelps

Sources: A list of hydrographic sheets was compiled by the USCS (National Archives, Record Group 23, SHS Series, Item 146). That list is not complete, however; the table above was compiled by the author from various sources. a This number (1298a) actually refers to the 1873 survey by Westdahl. Cordell’s original sketch of his 1869 survey of Cordell Bank was misplaced and found again in 1873. Apparently, no hydrographic sheet number was assigned to that sheet, so the number H-661 was given to it. The sounding log was labelled (incorrectly) with the number 1298a.

Statistics of the Hydrographic Work In most of the sections describing Cordell’s survey work we quoted the basic statistics: numbers of miles run, soundings made, and angles measured. The following table lists the main expeditions. Place Stellwagen Bank Casco Bay 1 Casco Bay 2 Florida Reefs Half Moon Bay Suisun 1 Pt. Reyes Bodega Suisun 2 Pt. Sal Columbia River Cordell Bank Santa Barbara Channel Totals

Miles 354 573 663 11,744 288 608 200 95 78 2455 106 878 18,042

Soundings 4034 20,954 3315 2102 583 20,071 350 5844 3687 91,497 155 18,986 171,578

Angles 326 3890 663 420 1190 3938 70 188 851 21,282 30 5322 38,170

A plot of these numbers shows a relatively linear dependence of both the number of soundings and the number of angles measured vs. the number of miles run. While this seems perfectly reasonable (even expected), perhaps it should be surprising, even astonishing, considering the widely varying environments and conditions of the surveys.

Appendices

331

# Soundings

# Angles

Linear (# Soundings)

Linear (# Angles)

25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 0 0

200

400

600

800

1,000

# Miles Fig. A.2  The number of soundings and the number of angles measured, as a function of the number of miles run. This plot clearly shows that the boat crew worked in a rhythm: the longer they sailed, the more data they accumulated, and it was approximately linear

A dependent quantity from the table is the following: the number of angles measured vs. the number of soundings. This quantity is a measure of how often the party felt it was necessary to record angles, or turning that around, the number of soundings they could take before feeling compelled to take another angle. The following plot confirms the linear relationships, and gives the conversion:

(#

soundings ) ≈ 4.5 ( # angles )



Appendices

332

6,000

# Angles

5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000 0 0

5,000

10,000

15,000

20,000

25,000

# Soundings Fig. A.3  The linear relationship between the number of soundings and the number of angles recorded

Thus, Cordell seemed to have been in the habit of taking an angle, then 4 or 5 soundings, and then another angle. This is perfectly sensible, because the soundings could be interpolated between the positions determined from the two bounding angles, as shown here:

Fig. A.4  A graphical representation of Cordell’s pattern of recording one angle for every four or five soundings

Appendices

333

Tidal Observations Date 3 Aug 1862 16 Sep 1862 23 Sep 1862

Date 18 Sep 1862 13 Oct 1862 21 Oct 1862

Key 1-112 1-112 I-11

15 Jan 1863 10 Apr 1863 10 Jun 1863

30 Mar 1863 30 Apr 1863 7 Aug 1863

VI-30 VI-31 1-114

31 Mar 1864 Jul 1865 14 Nov 1865 2 Mar 1866 1 Jun 1866 21 Mar 1867 19 Mar 1867 22 Jul 1867 28 Mar 1868

22 Jun 1864 16 Aug 1865 1 Mar 1866 28 Aug 1866 26 Sep 1866 29 Apr 1867 6 May 1867 3 Aug 1867 14 Sep 1868

IV-26 X-34 X-14 X-36 X-31 X-15 X-15 X-14 XI-13

19 Sep 1868 13 Jul 1869 15 Sep 1869

9 Oct 1868 15 Sep 1869 21 Sep 1869

XI-13. X-28 X-29

Location Casco Bay: Harpswell Steamboat wharf Casco Bay: Long Wharf, South Freeport Casco Bay: Shell Bank off Little Moges and Peak’s Is. Florida Reefs: Indian Key Charlotte Harbor: Boca Grande, Gaspari Penobscott Bay: Gilman’s Wharf, Herring Gas Harbor Beaufort Harbor: Fort Macon Wharf Half Moon Bay: End of Wharf Suisun Bay: Army Point, Suisun Creek Carquinas Straits and Pt. Reyes Pt. Reyes and Bodega: Drakes Bay Sacramento, San Joaquin Rivers: Collinsville Wharf Sacramento, San Joaquin Rivers: Collinsville Wharf Suisun Bay: Suisun Creek Columbia River: Marsh Island-Cape Disappointment: Ft. Stevens Nehalem River Santa Barbara Channel: Wharf Santa Barbara Channel: Pt. Conception

Key: X-N indicates USCS Section X, sheet N, e.g., VI-31 represents section VI, sheet 31 Source: U.S. National Archives, Record Group 23, Tidal Registry 1856-1898, Item 115

Equipment Aboard the Marcy A month before he died, Cordell prepared a detailed list of the equipment aboard the Marcy, and forwarded it to George Davidson. The list includes [A.23, A.24]: Equipment aboard the Marcy Instruments: 5 sextants 3 theodolites 9 compasses 3 barometers 2 watches 4 glasses 2 chronometers 4 patent logs

Boatswains Department 4 anchors 3 jibs 2 topsails 2 top gallant sails 1 foresail 1 main sail 1 storm sail 1 rain awning

Cook and Stewards Department 1 stove and fixtures (condemned) 2 iron kettles 1 5-gallon coffee kettle 4 baking pans 4 baking pans 2 large spoons 1 flour strainer 1 rolling pin (continued)

Appendices

334 Equipment aboard the Marcy Quartermasters Department 3 deep sea leads and lines 1 medium lead and line 5 Stellwagen cups 13 loglines and reels 1 speaking trumpet 1 deck clock 2 bullseyes 5 hand leads and lines Carpenters Department 1 adz 4 saws 3 augers 3 chisels

2 dinghys 1 16-in. hawser 3 messenger blocks 4 palms 40 hammocks 17 tons iron ballast 8 water tanks 6 cranes for boats 2 12-pound howitzers 2 12-pound guns 2 9-pound brass guns 14 cutlasses 1 box grape [shot] 75 12-pound shots 150 6-pound shots 30 rifles 8 six-shooters 20 boarding pikes

3 small pitchers 8 cups and saucers 29 dinner plates 13 tablespoons 1 crumb brush Cabin and Wardrobe 6 chairs 2 mirrors 2 lamps 2 washbasins, pitchers 3 mattresses 1 writing desk 9 pillows 8 table cloths

Items in the Office In late 1868, the Coast Survey moved from the Custom House in San Francisco to a new building, possibly on account of the recent earthquake. In an apparent housecleaning move, Cordell made an inventory of the charts and other articles in his crowded office, including [A.1]: 4 drawing tables 2 chairs 2 benches 1 chart stand 31 tin cases containing copies of original surveys 4 boxes containing notebooks from 1857 to 1863 1 box containing stationery 3 boxes containing original charts, tracings 6 boxes of instruments 1 desk for Asst. Greenwell 7 boxes instruments 1 package for Asst. Rockwell Copies of old original charts Levelling rods, telemeter rods, tripods Drawing instruments and stationery.

Appendices

335

Hydrographic Notebooks Early in 1869, probably as a follow-up to the housecleaning after the earthquake, Cordell made a list of the hydrographic notebooks on hand in the office [A.1–A.9]. He then packed up many of them and sent them to Washington. Books received there included: 168 sounding books 11 deck books 8 angle books 30 tide books 1 current book …and various duplicates and fair journals.

Record of Compensation Date 1854 1855 28 Mar 1862 15 Jul 1862 1 Jun 1865 1 Jul 1867 1 Jan 1869

Compensation $50.00 per mo. $60.00 per mo. $80.00 per mo. $83.25 per mo. $1200.00 per ann. $1500.00 per ann. $1650.00 per ann.

Sources

General Most of the material in this book is from primary sources–original correspondence, sketches, photographs, logs, etc. However, several secondary sources are particularly valuable, and have provided guidance for assembling the primary material. These are listed here with a key number used in the text. [RS…] Reports of the Superintendent, U.S.  Coast Survey. Every year the Superintendent assembled reports from the Assistants on their field work and published summaries. These reports are available in several libraries, including the National Archives in Washington, DC, the Bancroft Library in Berkeley, CA, and the California Academy of Sciences and the National Maritime Museum in San Francisco, CA. The various volumes are cited in this work as [RS1868], [RS1869], etc. [CP…] Coast Pilot for California, Oregon, and Washington. George Davidson produced a “Directory of the Pacific Coast” in 1858, published by the U.S. Coast Survey (USCS) [CP1858]. It gave the first complete description of the coast, bay entrances, sailing directions, dangers to shipping, navigational aids, and the first indication of the existence of Cordell Bank. A revised version was published under the same name in 1863 [CP1863]. In 1869, Davidson published a revision and enlargement which he called the Coast Pilot of California, Oregon, and Washington Territory [CP1869]. It is significant that Cordell Bank was not mentioned in this volume. Finally, in 1889 he published a greatly enlarged revision, a massive tour de force [CP1889]. This last contains the first reasonably complete description of Cordell Bank. Later editions of the Pilot were developed by the USCS without Davidson.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3

337

338

Sources

Eventually revised editions were published annually. The description of Cordell Bank in these volumes was progressively reduced until it became one sentence long. Several summary descriptions of the U.S. Coast Survey are available: Report on the History and Progress of the American Coast Survey up to the Year 1858. American Association for the Advancement of Science, August, 1857. Centennial Celebration of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey. U.S. Department of Commerce, April 5–6, 1916. G.  A. Weber, The Coast and Geodetic Survey: Its History, Activities, and Organization. Institute for Government Research, Monograph 16, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, MD, 1923. V. D. Lenzen, Benjamin Peirce and the U.S. Coast Survey. San Francisco Press, 255 12th St., San Francisco, CA, 1967.

Primary Sources The great majority of the primary source records for this monograph are in the U.S. National Archives, the Bancroft Library (Berkeley), and the California Academy of Sciences. A few records are found at the Federal Records Center (San Bruno, CA), the California Historical Society, the San Francisco Public Library, the Sutro Library, the California Maritime Museum, the Marin Civic Center, and the California State Library. Most of these records are official correspondence between the assistants in the field and the USCS office in Washington, and logs of the vessels made during field operations. The largest collection of primary materials is preserved in the U.S.  National Archives. Most of these materials are in Record Group 23 (U.S.  Coast Survey), which is accessed through: N.  Reingold, Preliminary Inventory Number 105, Records of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, 1958. A few additional records are in RG26 (Coast Guard), RG37 (Hydrographic Office), RG19 (Bureau of Ships, RG45 U.S. Navy), and RG24 (Bureau of Navy Personnel). Presumably, a large number of photographs were assembled during the work of the USCS, but the author has been unable to locate such a collection. In 1977, some photographs were in the possession of Mr. William Stanley, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Rockville, MD, but the author was unable to get access to this collection. It is believed (2018) that the photograph collection has been reorganized but no image of Edward Cordell is indexed. The papers of George Davidson in the Bancroft Library and the California Academy of Sciences contain many photographs.

Format of the Citations Almost all the official orders and reports during the 19th century were in the form of handwritten letters from one person to another. Citations of this correspondence are listed in the following form:

Sources

339

WRITER to RECIPIENT, DATE ( LOCATION : COLLECTION,e,v,i,b,z ) where the major keys have the following meanings: WRITER RECIPIENT DATE LOCATION COLLECTION

Writer Recipient Date on document Institution Collection within the institution

WRITER and RECIPIENT are keyed using the following abbreviations. Persons not on this list are entered by name. ADB AFR APH BP CMF CPP

Alexander Dallas Bache, Superintendent USCS, 1843–1867 Augustus F. Rodgers, Assistant USCS A. P. Hill, Assistant in charge of the Washington office Benjamin Peirce, Superintendent USCS, 1867–1874 Charles M. Fauntleroy, Assistant USCS Carlile Pollock Patterson, Assistant in charge of the Washington office; Superintendent USCS, 1874–1881 CRPR C. R. P. Rogers, Assistant USCS EC Edward Cordell, Assistant USCS GD George Davidson, Assistant USCS GF George Farquhar, Sub-assistant USCS HSS Henry S. Stellwagen, Assistant USCS HWB Henry W. Beuham, U.S. Army, in charge Washington office JEH Julius Erasmus Hilgard, Assistant in charge Washington office; Superintendent USCS, 1881–1885 JJK John J. Kennedy, Secretary of the Treasury JNM James Newland Maffit, Assistant USCS MLS M. L. Smith, Assistant in charge Washington office RSW Robert S. Williamson, Lt. Col. U.S. Army Corps Engineers SH Samuel Hein, Disburser USCS WEG W. E. Greenwell, Assistant USCS WRP W. R. Palmer, Assistant in charge Washington office

LOCATION is keyed as follows: BL CAS NMM CSL FRC NA SL

Bancroft Library, Berkeley, CA California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, CA National Maritime Museum, San Francisco, CA California State Library, Sacramento, CA Federal Records Center, San Bruno, CA National Archives, Washington, DC; Suitland, MD; and Riverdale, MD Sutro Library, San Francisco, CA

Sources

340

COLLECTION is keyed as follows: RG GDP

Record group (in the National Archives) Davidson papers (in the Bancroft Library)

The minor keys have the following meanings: e v i b z

Entry Volume Item number Box Other identifying information

Example: The official report by Edward Cordell to George Davidson on the discovery of Cordell Bank is cited as: EC to GD, 1 Jul. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Small variations on this nomenclature will be obvious.

Part I: The Early Years 1828–52 The history of Philippsburg, including the ancestry of Eduard Kordel, is preserved in the Heimatsmuseum in Philippsburg, and in the following small book: Karl Heinz Jutz and Josef M.  Fieser, Philippsburg: Geschichte der Stadt and ehemaligen Reichsfestung, Kruse-Press, Philippsburg, 1966. A small book summarizing the events of the 1849 revolution in Germany is: J.  Fieser, Das Sturnjahr 1849: In and um Philippsburg, Privately published, Philippsburg, 1949. Copy provided by Dr. Hoferer. Parts of this section are based on material in the General Landesarchiv of the state of Baden, Germany, located at Nordliche Hilda Promenade, Karlsruhe, Germany. These documents include Cordell’s birth record, school records, and notices of his indictment for treason. Additional information about the mills, the Kordel families, and the town of Philippsburg were obtained through personal contacts and visits with persons living there (all 7522 Philippsburg, Germany): Konrad Odenwald (Heimatsmuseum, Hansthomasstrasse 4) Konrad Hoferer (Schulmeister, Vorwerkstrasse 11) Gerhard Baumann (Kunstler, Muhlfeldsiedlung 19) Albert Frank (Wutgenaustrasse 14).

Information about the building where Cordell lived when he was a student was obtained from a person living in the building (ca. 1970): Wilfried Becker, 26 Zahringerstrasse, 75 Karlsruhe

Sources

341

1.  Origins 1828–48 1.1 A portion of the original marker of the Kordel property survives. In 1986, a reproduction was erected at the original site. 1.2 Now a bare field, the site of the cemetery was due (in 1977) to be excavated. It is considered likely that this is the location of burial of Anton Kordel, his son Nikolaus Kordel, and his grandson Ludwig Peter Jacob Kordel, the father of Eduard Kordel (=Edward Cordell). 1.3 The building where Cordell lived as a student, built in 1800, still stands. Recently (1970s) it was renovated by its present occupant, Wilfried Becker. 1.4 In the modern town of Philippsburg, about 1 km south of the central square, is a short street called “Cordellstrasse,” honoring the revolutionary activities of Aurelius and Eduard Kordel. 2.  America 1849–50 2.1 U.S. Immigration Records, Port of New York, Roll 84: Sep. 26–Oct. 31, 1849, National Archives, Washington, DC. 2.2 List of employees, U.S. Coast Survey, Apr. 15, 1850 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). 3.  The Early Coast Survey 1851–52 A potentially important document relating to Cordell apparently is missing. In (NA:RG23,e5,b896) is the record of receipt of two private letters from H.  S. Stellwagen to W. R. Palmer, 14 Feb. 1856, 27 Feb. 1856. These letters include biographical data of Cordell, but the letters have not been found. 3.1 Distribution of parties in the office, USCS, Feb., 1852. (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Earliest known reference to EC in the USCS. 3.2 GD to ADB, 31 Mar. 1845 (NA:RG23,e5). Inquiry regarding employment in the USCS. 3.3 W. W. Queen, Inspection of the ship Winfield Scott, 23 June 1852 (FRC:RG36). 3.4 W. W. Queen, Inspection of the ship Monsoon, 23 June 1852 (FRC:RG36). 3.5 W. W. Queen, Inspection of the ship Monsoon, 28 June 1852 (FRC:RG36). 3.6 Sea Service and other Duty of Naval Officers, 1 Jan. 1853 (NA:RG23,e5,v20). 3.7 Approval of label for sea bottom specimens, 29 Apr. 1852.

Part II: East Coast Expeditions 1853–65 4.  Stellwagen Bank 1853–57 4.1

John J. Kennedy to HSS, 22 Oct. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Appointment of Stellwagen to Chief of Hydrographic Party.

342

Sources

4.2

John J. Kennedy to HSS, 12 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Orders to command vessel Morris. HSS to ADB, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Acknowledge orders to the field. HSS to Thomas Corwin, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Reporting for duty. W. L. Hodge to ADB, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Forwarding HSS letter. ADB to HSS, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Orders to proceed to New York. W. L. Hodge to ADB, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Re: crews for the Morris. ADB to HSS, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Re: crews for the Morris. John J.  Kennedy to W.  L. Hodge, 13 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Re: crew for the Morris. W. L. Hodge to ADB, 16 Nov. 1852 (NA:RG23,e5,v22). Re: crew for the Morris. HSS to HWB, 24 Jun. 1853 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for tracings by EC. First reference to EC work. HSS to HWB, 16 Jul. 1853 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: Minot and Hogshead Rocks. HSS to HWB, 7 Aug. 1853 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: crew for the Corwin. HSS to HWB, 15 Sep. 1853 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Completion of survey of south coast of Martha’s Vineyard. HSS to HWB, 19 Nov. 1853 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: crew for the Bibb. Also re: EC and tracings of work to that date. HSS to ADB, 14 Feb. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Progress of survey sheets. HSS to HWB, 17Jan. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request specimens left with EC to be preserved. HSS to HWB, 9 Feb. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC reduction of Salem Harbor sheet. HSS to HWB, 23 Feb. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC work on Salem Harbor sheet. HSS to ADB, 7 Mar. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,vlO). Salem Harbor reduction complete. HSS to HWB, 12 Apr. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress report. EC to HWB, 13 Apr. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v3). EC transmission of current observations of Salem Harbor, 1852. Earliest known letter written by EC. HSS to HWB, 18 Apr. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: current observations. HSS to HWB, 2 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress on sheets. HSS to HWB, 15 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC copies of fair journals. HSS to ADB, 19 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Repairs of Bibb. ADB to HSS, 22 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Reply to 4.26. HSS to ADB, 25 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Recommends condemning Bibb as unseaworthy.

4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24 4.25 4.26 4.27 4.28

Sources

343

4.29 HSS to ADB, 28 May 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Estimates of expenses. 4.30 ADB to HSS, 1 Jun. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: reducing expenses of survey party. 4.31 HSS to ADB, 14 Jun. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: engine on the Bibb. 4.32 HSS to HWB, 2 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Obtaining coal for the vessel. 4.33 ADB to HSS, 7 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Authorization of additional expenses. 4.34 HSS to ADB, 16 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: cond. and expenses of repair of Bibb. 4.35 HSS to ADB, 4 Aug. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Arrival of Bibb at Martha’s Vineyard. 4.36 HSS to ADB, 10 Aug. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: deep soundings off Nantucket. See also https://static-hw.xvideos.com/v3/img/player/iconscreen-fullscreen.svg 4.37 HSS to HWB, 26 Sep. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Completion of survey off Nantucket. Details of Prescott incident. 4.38 Isiah M. W. Thatcher to HSS, 16 Sep. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Rescue of the Prescott. 4.39 HSS to ADB, 2 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: previous charts of area around Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.40 HSS to ADB, 22 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Discovery of Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.41 ADB to HSS, 24 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Orders to develop Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.42 ADB to HSS, 25 Oct. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Instructions for work after developing Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.43 HSS to ADB, 3 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Progress report. 4.44 ADB to HSS, 8 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Orders to continue survey. “I must have the bank…” 4.45 HSS to ADB, 11 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Telegram. Completion of survey of Stellwagen’s Bank survey. 4.46 ADB to HSS, 13 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Re: credit for discovery of Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.47 HSS to HWB, 22 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: EC reducing Massachusetts Bay. 4.48 HSS to HWB, 6 Feb. 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Re: credit for EC work on drawing. 4.49 HSS to HWB, 16 Mar. 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Acknowledge due credit to EC for reduction of Stellwagen’s “Shoal.” 4.50 HSS to HWB, 23 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC reducing survey of Stellwagen’s Bank. Much work done at night. 4.51 HSS to ADB, 30 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Arrival of Bibb at Philadelphia.

344

Sources

4.52 HSS to ADB, 15 Mar. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Recommending three buoys for Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.53 HSS to ADB, 4 May 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Shipping crew on the Bibb. 4.54 HSS to WRP, 11 Jan. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Inventory of books in the party. 4.55 HSS to ADB, 4 May 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Crew mistrust of the Bibb. 4.56 HSS to HWB, 12 May 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Re: plans for season’s work; EC to make the projections. 4.57 HSS to HWB, 17 May 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Re: crew of the Bibb. 4.58 HSS to ADB, 5 Jun. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Progress on Bibb repairs. 4.59 HSS to ADB, 7 Jun. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Progress. Bibb is relaunched. 4.60 HSS to ADB, 6 Jul. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Bibb trials. 4.61 HSS to ADB, 11 Jul. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Bibb boilers leaked badly; need more work. 4.62 F. A. Parker to HSS, 18 Jul. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Bibb dinghy destroyed in dock accident. 4.63 ADB to HSS, 19 Jun. 1855 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders for continuing surveys. 4.64 HSS to ADB, 21 Jul. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Req. further appropriations for the party. 4.65 HSS to HWB, 31 Jul. 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Waiting for weather. 4.66 HSS to HWB(?), 8 Oct. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Money exhausted; ceasing operations. 4.67 HSS to ADB, 29 Oct. 1855 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Re: Bibb repairs; requests EC as draughtsman to the party. 4.68 HSS to WRP, 14 Feb. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Requests EC as draughtsman. Praise of EC ability. 4.69 HSS to WRP, 25 Nov. 1855 (NA:RG23,e36). Requests tracings. 4.70 HSS to WRP, 9 Jan. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Requests sheets. 4.71 HSS to WRP, 22 Jan. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: publication of sheet including Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.72 HSS to WRP, 14 Feb. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Recommend EC do reduction of Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.73 ADB to HSS, 21 Feb. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Ack. receipt of Stellwagen Bank chart. 4.74 HSS to WRP, 27 Feb. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Thanks for EC appointment and request raise in pay for him. 4.75 HSS to WRP, 18 Mar. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: EC reduction of Mass. Bay. 4.76 ADB to HSS, 29 Mar. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Questions re unfinished parts of Mass. Bay. 4.77 HSS to ADB, 2 Apr. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v20). Request to complete Mass. Bay. 4.78 HSS to HWB, 14 Jun. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Shipping journals and books. Letter written by EC.

Sources

345

4.79 ADB to HSS, 25 Apr. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v20). Unofficial. Arrangements for HSS relief of duty. 4.80 ADB to HSS, 10 Jun. 1856 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). New orders for Mass. Bay to Georges Bank. 4.81 HSS to HWB, 21 Jun. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request tracings. 4.82 HSS to HWB, 13 Aug. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request charts. Reports discovering new ridge on Nantucket and Georges Bank. 4.83 HSS to ADB, 7 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Circumstances of collision with Mercy Taylor. 4.84 George Nickerson to HSS, 30 Dec. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Request for compensation to Mercy Taylor for collision with Bibb on 7 Aug. 1856. 4.85 K.  K. Bru… to HSS, 14 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Statement on collision. 4.86 John Hursell to HSS, 15 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Statement on collision. 4.87 HSS to ADB, 22 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Enclosing statements of officers about collision with Mercy Taylor. 4.88 EC to HSS, 22 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Statement on collision. 4.89 ADB to HSS, 26 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Ack. receipt of statements on collision. 4.90 HSS to HWB, 7 Sep. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Last work by Stellwagen for the Coast Survey. 4.91 HSS to ADB, 29 Sep. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v20). Request to be assigned to Philadelphia due to wife’s indisposition and child’s poor health, to do office work with EC as draughtsman. 4.92 HSS to ADB(?), 14 Oct. 1856 (NA:RG23e5,v13). Request to disband party and take up office work in Philadelphia with EC as draughtsman. 4.93 HSS to ADB, 14 Oct. 1856 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). End of field work. 4.94 HSS to HWB, 21 Sep. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: detachment from Coast Survey. Reporting EC wish to go to Washington office. 4.95 (Unknown) 4.96 (Unknown) 4.97 HSS to APH, 24 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for charts. Letter was written by EC. 4.98 HSS to MLS, 13 Feb. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for sheets. 4.99 ADB to HSS, 25 Feb. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Transmitting letter and report on Stellwagen’s Bank by R. B. Forbes. 4.95 HSS to APH, 16 Dec. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC in New York working on harbor improvements. 4.96 HSS to ADB, 11 Feb. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v20). Re: EC in New  York for Harbor Commission. Includes cryptic reasons for retiring from the USCS. 4.97 HSS to APH, 24 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for charts. Letter written by EC. 4.98 HSS to MLS, 13 Feb. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for sheets.

346

Sources

4.99 ADB to HSS, 25 Feb. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Transmitting letter and report on Stellwagen’s Bank by R. B. Forbes. 4.100 HSS to MLS, 24 Mar. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding sheets of Cape Cod and Nantucket. Letter was written by EC. 4.101 HSS to MLS, 8 Apr. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for proof of sheet of Boston Harbor. Letter written by EC. 4.102 HSS to MLS, 9 Apr. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding sheets Mass. Bay and Stellwagen’s Bank. 4.103 HSS to ADB, 16 Apr. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Additional rocks and ledges in Boston Harbor. Letter was written by EC. 4.104 HSS to MLS, 25 May 1857 Request for sounding book of Mass. Bay, 1855. Letter was written by EC. 4.105 HSS to MLS, 2 Jun. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding chart of Cape Cod Bay. Letter was written by EC. 4.106 HSS to EC, 18 Jun. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Orders to report to ADB in office in Washington. 4.107 EC to MLS, 20 Jun. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Inventory of materials forwarded to office. 4.108 HSS to MLS, 12 Nov. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Plan to report to ADB in Washington for further orders. 4.109 HSS to ADB, 24 Nov. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Corrections to chart. 5.  Hydrographic Draftsman 1857–61 With C. R. P. Rogers: 5.1 ADB to CRPR, 28 May 1856 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders to the field. 5.2 ADB to CRPR, 30 Jan. 1857 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders to survey Cape Lookout and Beaufort Bar using “Bibb.” EC did drawings. 5.3 ADB to CRPR, 20 Mar. 1857 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders to extend Stellwagen’s surveys off Mass. 5.4 ADB to CRPR, 6 Jul. 1857 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders to continue Stellwagen’s survey of Georges Bank using the Bibb. 5.5 CRPR to MLS, 17 Jul. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress report regarding Monomoy Shoals. 5.6 CRPR to MLS, date unreadable (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Remarks concerning shoals. 5.7 CRPR to MLS, 4 Aug. 1957 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Additional remarks concerning shoals. 5.8 CRPR to MLS, 6 Aug. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Bibb repair completed; leaving within the hour. 5.9 CRPR to MLS, 28 Aug. 1857 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Arrival at Georges Bank. 5.10 ADB to CRPR, 29 Sep. 1857 (NA:RG23,e25,v208.5). Orders Re: closing season’s work.

Sources

347

5.11 CRPR to ADB, 19 Jan. 1858 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Regarding draughtsman C. J. Murphy. 5.12 CRPR to ADB, 27 Nov. 1857 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Re: quality of charts 595, 597. With James N. Maffit: 5.13 JNM to MLS, 10 Apr. 1858 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). List of hydrographic books and charts in the archives. 5.14 ADB to JNM, 17 Jun. 1859 (NA:RG23,e5,v13). Praise of JNM’s work, apparently on the occasion of his detachment. With James H. Moore: 5.15 EC to HMS, 8 Apr. 1858 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Dep. charts of Hudson River at the archives. 5.16 EC to WRP, 19 Mar. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v3). Progress on chart of Sheepscot River. With Charles M. Fauntleroy: 5.17 Thomas Wilson to WRP, 6 Sep. 1859 (NA:RG23,PI,i5,v4). Report on quantity and quality of EC’s hydrographic sheets. 5.18 W.  B. Huger to (?) (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for projection of Maffit’s Channel. 5.19 W. B. Huger to ADB (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Re: iron boats. 5.20 EC to WRP, 20 Dec. 1858 Request sheet 721, Sapelo Sound for use by Fauntleroy’s party. 5.21 ADB to CMF, 16 Dec. 1858 (NA:RG23e5,v12). CMF assigned to duty on the Firefly. 5.22 CMF to ADB, 18 Dec. 1858 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Acknowledge Chart 427. 5.23 ADB to WRP, 29 Jun. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v1). CMF will continue Moore’s survey of the Hudson River. 5.24 CMF to WRP, 29 Jul. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Completion of chart of Sheepscot River. 5.25 CMF to WRP, 31 Jul. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding sheets and logs of Sheepscot River. 5.26 EC to WRP, 21 Nov. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmitting sheet of Sapelho Bay. 5.27 EC to WRP, 9 Dec. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36.v2). Application for books and charts of S. Carolina. Acknowledge Chart 449. 5.28 EC to WRP, 14 Dec. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Submitting data from surveys of Sapelho Bar and S. Carolina rivers. 5.29 EC to WRP, 29 Apr. 1860 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of tide book and sounding books for S. Carolina.

348

Sources

5.30 EC to WRP, 12 Dec. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmitting sheet of Kennebec River surveyed by Moore. 5.31 CMF to WRP, 5 May 1860 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request projection of Ossabaw Sound, SC. 5.32 CMF to WRP, 24 May 1860 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Acknowledge Chart 477. 5.33 CMF to WRP, 23 Jun. 1860 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for projection of Hudson River. 5.34 CMF to WRP, 26 Sep. 1860 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of Hudson River sounding books. 5.35 CMF to ADB, 12 Apr. 1860 (NA:RG23,e5,v9). Proposing to send EC to Washington to complete plotting. 5.36 CMF to ADB, 7 Nov. 1860 (NA:RG23,e5,v9). Re: refitting of the Firefly. Ref. to EC in Washington. 5.37 EC to WRP, 23 Jan. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of sounding books and chart of Ossabaw Sound and rivers in Georgia. 5.38 EC to WRP, 12 Feb. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmitting hydrographic chart of Hudson River. 5.39 ADB to CMF, 19 Feb. 1861 (NA:RG23,e5,v5). Auth. EC to proceed to New York to complete charts of Hudson River. 6.  Casco Bay 1861 6.1 Log of the Joseph Henry, Jul–Oct. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v12). 6.2 CAS to ADB, 31 Jul. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v12). Monthly report for July 1861. Includes reports for August, September, October. 6.3 CAS to ADB, 2 Sep. 1861 (NA:RG23,e5,v14). Re: tide observations. EC was to take temporary charge of the party. 6.4 CAS to ADB, 21 Sep. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v12). Progress report, Casco Bay. 6.5 CAS to ADB, 22 Sep. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v12). Report of season. EC assisting. 6.6 CAS to ADB, 28 Oct. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v12). Final report. 6.7 CAS to WRP, 7 Nov. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v5). Trans. of records and data for Casco Bay. 6.8 CAS to WRP, 22 Nov. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v5). Transmission of sounding books from Casco Bay. 6.9 CAS to ADB, 5 Dec. 1861 (NA:RG23,e36,v5). Transmission of bottom specimens from Casco Bay. 6.10 CAS to ADB, 13 Jan. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Statistics of EC work during the month. 6.11 EC to CAS, 31 Jan. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Statement of work during January.

Sources

349

7.  North Carolina 1862 7.1 EC to ADB, 25 Mar. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Request to be excused from reporting to field duty with Mitchell on account of eyesight. 7.2 ADB to EC, 25 Mar. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Refusal to excuse EC from duty. 7.3 ADB to Samuel Hein, 28 Mar. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Setting pay at $80/mo. during duty with Mitchell. 8. Casco Bay Continued 1862 8.1 EC to JEH, 23 Jun. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for positions of Casco Bay. 8.2 EC to JEH, 12 Jul. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for books and charts. 8.3 ADB to SH, 10 Jul. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Raise of pay to $83.25/month. 8.4 EC to ADB, 31 Aug. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Journal of occupation. 8.5 EC to ADB, 31 Aug. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Transmission of journal of occupation. 8.6 ADB to EC, 5 Sep. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Acknowledge 8.5. 8.7 EC to JEH, 21 Sep. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request new journal to add soundings. 8.8 EC to ?, 21 Sep. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Letter of recommendation for Mr. Sample, aide. 8.9 EC to ADB, 29 Sep. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. 8.10 EC to ADB, 30 Sep. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Transmission of journal of occupation for September. 8.11 EC to JEH, 3 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: limits of projection requested from office. 8.12 JEH to ADB, 4 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v5). Request that EC complete Casco Bay hydrography. 8.13 ADB to EC, 4 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Orders as per 8.10. 8.14 ADB to EC, 6 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Acknowledge receipt of report and journal of occupation. 8.15 EC to ADB, 8 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Acknowledge orders in 8.13. 8.16 EC to ADB, 18 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Completion of Casco Bay. 8.17 ADB to EC, 20 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Instructions for shipping instruments from the vessel at the close of work. 8.18 ADB to EC, 21 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Orders to close work. 8.19 EC to ADB, 22 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Request assignment in New York near “ailing sister.” 8.20 ADB to EC, 27 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Approval of duty in New York. 8.21 EC to ADB, 22 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart of Portland harbor. 8.22 EC to ADB, 31 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Est. of time to complete preparation of charts.

350

Sources

8.23 EC to JEH, 31 Oct. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request projection of last season’s work on Casco Bay. 8.24 EC to JEH, 9 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Projection for Chart 823 not yet received. 8.25 EC to JEH, 26 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of tidal observation books. 9.  Florida Reefs 1863 9.1 EC to JEH, 16 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request data on Florida reefs. 9.2 EC to JEH, 21 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request data on Indian Key. 9.3 EC to JEH, 29 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request data on Charlotte Harbor. 9.4 EC to ADB, 25 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Requests Sub-assistant Iardella as pilot on Vixen. Also requests passage for sister to Florida for health. 9.5 EC to ADB, 29 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Request L. L. Nicholson, aide. 9.6 EC to JEH, 1 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Preparations for departure on the Vixen. 9.7 ADB to EC, 26 Nov. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v8). Approval of officers and passage for sister. 9.8 EC to JEH, 8 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Plans to leave for Florida. 9.9 EC to ADB, 11 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Vixen depart. delayed by change of guns. 9.10 EC to ADB, 15 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Ack. orders to Florida. 9.11 EC to ADB, 25 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Arrive Port Royal. 9.12 Harbor Log of the “Vixen,” Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). 9.13 ADB to EC, 2 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Acknowledge 9.11. 9.14 ADB to EC, 13 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Req. for report on grounding of the Vixen. 9.15 ADB to EC, 19 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Acknowledge 9.18. 9.16 EC to ADB, 3 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Report on grounding of the Vixen. 9.17 EC to ADB, 6 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Arrival Key West, details of war activities. 9.18 EC to ADB, 11 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Expecting to begin work on the following day. 9.19 EC to ADB, 31 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Transmission of journal of occupation for January. 9.20 EC, 31 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. 9.21 EC to ADB, 11 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Progress report on surveying reefs. 9.22 EC to ADB, 29 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Report on officers. 9.23 ADB to EC, 2 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Winds, pirates, and burst pipes. 9.24 ADB to EC, 29 Jan. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Reference to Maffit as Confederate.

Sources

9.25 9.26 9.27 9.28 9.29 9.30 9.31 9.32

351

EC, 28 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. EC to ADB, 28 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Machinery on vessel broken. ADB to EC, 9 Mar. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Acknowledge 9.26. EC to ADB, 10 Mar. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Repairs of the Vixen. See [RS1863]. See [RS1863, p. 491. EC, 31 Mar. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. EC to ADB, 1 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Transmission of monthly report for March. 9.33 EC to ADB, 1 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Arrival at Key West. 9.34 ADB to EC, 10 Mar. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Orders to survey Cape Canaveral if no pirates. 9.35 EC to ADB, 7 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Not safe to approach the Bahamas without gunboat. 9.36 EC to ADB, 3 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Compl. of hydrography of the Florida reefs. 9.37 See [RS1863, p. 83]. 9.38 ADB to EC, 10 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Additional survey at Boca Chica; return to N. 9.39 EC, 1 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. 9.40 See [RS1863, p. 49]. 9.41 EC to ADB, 23 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Vixen arrival in New York. 9.42 EC to ADB, 23 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Measurement of water temperatures; collision of Vixen with another vessel. 9.43 ADB to EC, 25 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Response to 9.42. 9.44 EC to ADB, 26 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Report on repairs to Vixen and loss of thermometer. 9.45 ADB to EC, 28 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Re: failure to obtain temperatures. 9.46 EC to JEH, 14 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). List of charts turned over to Admiral Bailey. 9.47 CPP, date unknown (NA:RG23,e5,vl1). Comments on grounding of the Vixen. Addendum to 9.16. 9.48 ADB to EC, 27 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Request info on war activities in Florida. 9.49 EC to ADB, 29 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Details of Confederate troops, destruction of lighthouse. 9.50 ADB to EC, 26 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Request report of Florida surveys. 9.51 EC to ADB, 28 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Re: nonexistence of a reef in Florida. 9.52 ADB to EC, 26 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl1). Request confidential report on officers.

352

Sources

10.  Maine: Portland Rocks 1863 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4

Order to return to Portland (document missing). EC to ADB, 2 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Ack. orders. EC to JEH, 29 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request chart of Maine. CPP to JEH, 2 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v5). Re: preparation of projection for EC. 10.5 ADB to SH, 30 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Appt. of Gershom Bradford to EC party. 10.6 EC to ADB, 3 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Mr. Wetherill detached from EC party. 10.7 EC to ADB, 7 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Vixen left NY and arr. in Portland, ME. 10.8 ADB to EC, 11 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Ack. 10.7. 10.9 EC to CPP, 28 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Progress report; comments re: Vapor Rock and Old Anthony’s Rock. 10.10 EC to ADB, 12 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl1). Progress report. 10.11 EC, sketch, 6 Dec. 1863. Letter is missing. 10.12 CPP to ADB, 16 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Re: surveys of Vapor Rock and Old Anthony’s Rock. 10.13 ADB to CPP, 20 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). EC’s “egregious” error; request Schott to resurvey. 10.14 CPP to ADB, 20 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Re: Bulwark shoal. 10.15 CPP to ADB, 22 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Re: Schott resurvey of Bulwark shoal. 10.16 EC to CPP, 14 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Cost of coal and request for chart. 10.17 EC to CPP, 21 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Coal for Vixen. No work according to orders. 10.18 EC to CPP, 5 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Obtaining coal. 10.19 EC, 30 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. 10.20 H. M. DeWees to EC, 1 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Request for leave of absence for health. 10.21 EC to ADB, 14 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl l). Forwarding DeWees request. 10.22 ADB to EC, 21 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Auth. to give leave to DeWees. 10.23 ADB to EC, 20 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Vessel needed for breakwater. 10.24 ADB to CPP, 20 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Ref. to EC “fiasco.” 10.25 EC, 31 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation. 10.26 EC to ADB, 31 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Transmission of journal of occupation. 10.27 SH to ADB, 5 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Re: accounts. 10.28 ADB to EC, 6 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). End of season’s work (telegram). 10.29 EC to ADB, 6 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Reporting completion of work.

Sources

353

10.30 ADB to EC, 10 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Expense of telegram 10.28. 10.31 SH to ADB, 12 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Vixen to NY; damage to steam plant. 10.32 EC to ADB, 14 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Arrival in New York. 10.33 EC to CPP, 20 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Repairs to Vixen and re: ledges off Portland Harbor. 10.34 EC to ADB, 25 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Progress of repair to Vixen, and on Florida charts. 10.35 ADB to EC, 14 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Request any orders be sent to ADB in Philadelphia. 10.36 SH to ADB, 17 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). EC rcv’d 2 sets orders. 10.37 ADB to EC, 19 Aug. 1863 Re: orders from ADB and CPP. 10.38 EC to ADB, 27 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl1). Awaiting instructions. 10.39 CPP to ADB, 29 Aug. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). CPP’s explanation of the conflict of Vapor Rock and Old Anthony’s Rock. 10.40 ADB to EC, 7 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl1). Omissions in Vapor Rock survey. 10.41 EC to ADB, 8 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Response to 10.40. 10.42 ADB to CPP, 8 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Approval for name “Old Anthony or Vapor Rock.” 10.43 W. W. Cooper to ADB, date unknown (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Analysis of EC/CPP dispute. 10.44 CPP to ADB, 29 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Explanation of Vapor Rock controversy, according to CPP. 10.45 ADB to EC, 1 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Exoneration of EC from blame in Vapor Rock affair. 10.46 EC to ADB, 3 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Ack. 10.45, but rejection of CPP claim. 10.47 ADB to EC, 27 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Advise dropping matter of Vapor Rock. 10.48 EC to JEH, 26 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of sounding books from Florida and Casco Bay. 10.49 EC to ADB, 10 Nov. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Requests increase in pay. 10.50 ADB to EC, 14 Nov. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Ack. 10.49. 10.51 EC to ADB, 28 Dec. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vll). Inquiry re: 10.50. 11.  North Carolina Lighthouses 1864–65 11.1 EC to JEH, 8 Jul. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Rcvd chart of Florida. 11.2 EC to JEH, 5 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of Florida chart. 11.3 WWC to ADB, 11 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,vl 1). Transmission of chart of Florida reefs. 11.4 EC to JEH, 11 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Trans. of additional data on Florida reefs.

354

Sources

11.5 EC to JEH, 11 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request tide table for Charlotte Harbor. 11.6 EC to ADB, 22 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Proposal for additional field work. 11.7 ADB to EC, 22 Sep. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Requesting suggestion for work on the Vixen. 11.8 EC to JEH, 3 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart of Charlotte Harbor. 11.9 EC to ADB, 9 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Progress on Casco Bay sheets. 11.10 CPP to ADB, 26 Oct. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Orders for EC. 11.11 EC to JEH, 12 Jan. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request positions of certain points near Penobscott Bay. 11.12 EC to JEH, 29 Jan. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart “Approaches to Penobscott Bay.” 11.13 EC to JEH, 9 Mar. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of sounding books, logs. 11.14 EC to ADB, 17 Mar. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Ack. orders to report for field work. 11.15 ADB to EC, 21 Mar. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Orders to report to Adm. Lee, Hampton Rds. 11.16 EC to JEH, 21 Mar. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for 1853 survey of Chesapeake Bay. 11.17 EC to ADB, 30 Mar. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Arrival at Beaufort Harbor. 11.18 ADB to EC, 7 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Acknowledge 11.17. 11.19 EC, 6 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v6). Journal of occupation for April. 11.20 ECC to CPP, 7 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e49). Currents, tides; lighthouse destroyed by guerillas. 11.21 EC to ADB, 13 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Appointment as Acting Lighthouse Inspector. 11.22 ADB to EC, 14 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Acknowledge 11.21. 11.23 EC to ADB, 7 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Details of destruction of lighthouse at Cape Lookout. 11.24 EC to ADB, 16 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Request enclosed letter be transmitted to lighthouse board. 11.25 EC to ADB, 20 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Enclosing letters for the lighthouse board. 11.26 EC to ADB, 29 Apr. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Progress on survey of Beaufort Harbor. 11.27 EC to ADB, 3 May 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Enclose progress report for April. 11.28 EC to CPP, 2 May 1864 (NA:RG23,e49). Progress on Beaufort Harbor. 11.29 See [RS1864, p. 27]. 11.30 EC to ADB, 20 May 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Enclose report on lighthouse keepers. 11.31 EC to ADB, 21 May 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Scarcity of crew, request instructions.

Sources

355

11.32 ADB to EC, 27 May 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Orders to return if a boat cannot be found. 11.33 EC to ADB, 3 Jun. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Progress on obtaining a boat. 11.34 See [RS1864, p. 58]. 11.35 JEH to EC, 13 Jun. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Orders to secure the pilot. 11.36 EC to CPP, 17 Jun. 1864 (NA:RG23,e49). Capture of the Syrin, and possible use for survey. 11.37 See [RS1865, p. 22]. 11.38 EC to ADB, 8 Jul. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Departure from Philadelphia on Lenox. 11.39 EC to ADB, 14 Jul. 1864 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Encl. letter to lighthouse board re: arrival of Lenox at Hatteras Inlet. 11.40 EC to JEH, 30 Jul. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress on Straits and Core Sound. 11.41 EC to JEH, 11 Aug. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: blockade. 11.42 EC to JEH, 15 Aug. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress at Beaufort Harbor. 11.43 EC to CPP, 8 Sep. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Ack. receipt of 30 copies of Beaufort chart. 11.44 EC to CPP, 8 Sep. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Straits and Core Sound complete. 11.45 Encyclopedia Britannica, 1911, “American Civil War,” p. 827. 11.46 EC to JEH, 23 Oct. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Croatan Island (Roanoke Is.) lighthouse destroyed. 11.47 EC to JEH, 4 Nov. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Poor condition of the Lenox. 11.48 EC to JEH, 8 Nov. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Application for release of “my unfortunate brother.” 11.49 EC to JEH, 1 Dec. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Infected districts. Core Sound complete. 11.50 EC to JEH, 2 Dec. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding charts of Straits and Core Sound. 11.51 EC to JEH, 16 Dec. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: offering services to Adm. Porter. 11.52 EC to JEH, 23 Jan. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Leaving for New Inlet. 11.53 EC to JEH, 2 Feb. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Buoys placed at New Inlet. 11.54 EC to JEH, 27 Feb. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress report on repair of lighthouses. 11.55 EC to JEH, 6 Apr. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Delay in leaving New York on Tayooh. 11.56 EC to JEH, 11 Apr. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Arr. Beaufort. 11.57 EC to JEH, 18 Apr. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Completion of lighting of Beaufort Harbor. Leaving for Wilmington. 11.58 EC to JEH, 22 Apr. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Notice to Mariners. Re: Harbor lights. 11.59 EC to JEH, 4 May 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of sounding books of Beaufort Harbor.

356

Sources

Part III: West Coast Expeditions 1865–69 12.  California! 1865 12.1  Orders quoted in 12.2. 12.2  EC to JEH, 30 May 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Ack. orders to proceed to California. 12.3  EC to JEH, 31 May 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Telegram: “Will sail at noon…” 12.4  EC to JEH, 30 May 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Preparations to leave New York. 12.5  EC to JEH, 2 Jun. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). On way out of NY harbor. 12.6  EC to JEH, 27 Jun. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Arrival at San Francisco. 13.  Half Moon Bay South 1865 13.1 EC to JEH, 27 Jun. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Plans for survey S. of S.F. to Half Moon Bay. 13.2 WEG to JEH, 2 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Greenwell will aid EC by fixing topo. points. 13.3 AFR to JEH, 7 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Rodgers will render EC any assistance. 13.4 JEH to EC, 27 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Acknowledge 13.1. 13.5 EC to JEH, 16 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Beginning hydrography in Half Moon Bay. 13.6 EC to JEH, 4 Nov. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Progress report, work near Pt. Ano Nuevo. 13.7 AFR to JEH, 27 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Re: topographic sheet of Half Moon Bay. 13.8 EC to JEH, 31 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e49). Progress on Half Moon Bay survey. 13.9 JEH to EC, 13 Aug. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Encouragement. 13.10 CPP to EC, 29 Aug. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Support and advice. 13.11 EC to JEH, 31 Aug. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Monthly progress report for August. 13.12 EC, Aug. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v?). Journal of occupation. 13.13 EC to JEH, 30 Sep. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Monthly progress report for September. 13.14 JEH to EC, 30 Sep. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Re: difficulties of work, orders for continuation. 13.15 EC, Sep. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v?). Journal of occupation. 13.16 Alta Californian, 9 Oct. 1865. 13.17 EC, Oct. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v?). Journal of occupation. 13.18 JEH to EC, 2 Dec. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Acknowledge 13.6 and congratulations.

Sources

357

14.  Suisun and Carquinas 1865–66 14.1 EC to JEH, 27 Jun. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Plans for survey south of S.F. to Half Moon Bay; plans for Suisun Bay survey (Same as 12.6). 14.2 JEH to EC, 30 Sep. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Re: difficulties of work, orders for continuation, including Suisun. 14.3 Logs of the Marcy, 1862, 1863. 14.4 EC to JEH, 4 Nov. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Progress report; Ack. 14.2 and proceeding to Suisun. 14.5 EC to JEH, 30 Nov. 1865 (NA:RG23,e49). Beginning survey on Suisun Bay. 14.6 See [RS1866, p. 221]. 14.7 EC to JEH, 31 Dec. 1865 (NA:RG23,e49). Transmission of journal of occupation for Dec. 14.8 EC, Dec. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v3). Journal of occupation. 14.9 EC to JEH, 28 Jan. 1866 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Completion of Suisun Bay. 14.10 JEH to EC, 28 Feb. 1866 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Acknowledge 14.9 and 14.7. 14.11 EC to JEH, 8 Mar. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of survey of rivers. 14.12 See [RS1866, p. 221]. 14.13 EC to JEH, 30 Apr. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Transmission of chart of Carquinas, incl. changes since last survey. 14.14 JEH to EC, 19 May 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Compliments on work. 14.15 JEH to EC, 23 May 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 14.13. 14.16 AFR to JEH, 6 Jul. 1866 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: topographic of Suisun Bay. 15.  Point Reyes to Bodega 1866 15.1 EC to JEH, 18 May 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Preparations for Pt. Reyes survey. 15.2 EC to JEH, 15 Jun. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Beginning of Pt. Reyes survey. 15.3 JEH to EC, 10 Jul. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 15.2 15.4 Logs of the Marcy, 1866. 15.5 EC to JEH, 2 Jul. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Transmission of journal of occupation. 15.6 JEH to EC, date unknown (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge letter from Drakes Bay, 25 Jun. 1866 (missing). 15.7 EC to JEH, 28 Jul. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Monthly report for July. 15.8 JEH to EC, 1 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 15.7. 15.9 EC to JEH, 28 Aug. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Monthly report for August. 15.10 EC to JEH, 1 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of survey between Pt. Reyes and Tomales.

358

Sources

15.11 EC to JEH, 5 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Trans. of chart of Pt. Reyes to Tomales. 15.12 EC to JEH, 28 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Trans. of journal of occupation for Sep. 15.13 JEH to EC, 10 Oct. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 15.9, 15.10, and 15.11. 15.14 JEH to EC, 2 Nov. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 15.12. 15.15 EC to JEH, 3 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Encl. petition of residents for survey of Eel and Salt Rivers. 15.16 JEH to ADB, 11 Oct. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Forwarding petition of residents (re: 799). 15.17 EC to JEH, 27 Oct. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Monthly report for October. 15.18 EC to JEH, 9 Nov. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Reporting additional survey lines run. 15.19 JEH to EC, 30 Nov. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Ack. 15.17 and 15.21. 15.20 JEH to EC, 12 Dec. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Ack. 15.18. 15.21 EC to JEH, 13 Nov. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of Pt. Reyes to Bodega survey. 16.  Currents and Tides 1867 16.1 EC to JEH, 31 Aug. 1865 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). Plans for meas. tides and currents in S.F. Bay. 16.2 JEH to EC, 30 Sep. 1866 (NA:RG23,e5,v2). S.F. Bay tides observations low priority. 16.3 W. H. Overshiner, “Currents in San Francisco Bay,” in: Tides and Currents in San Francisco Bay, L.  P. Disney and W.  H. Overshiner, U.S.  Coast and Geodetic Spec. Publ. No. 115, 1925, p. 59. 16.4 EC to JEH, 27 Dec. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Details of observations. 16.5 H. Mitchell to JEH, 28 July 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request EC observation data. 16.6 H. Mitchell to JEH, 29 Dec. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request tide data for several past years. 17.  Blossom Rock 1867 17.1 EC To JEH, 28 Dec. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Rept agreement to survey Blossom Rock. 17.2 JEH to EC, 28 Dec. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Authorization for Blossom Rock work. 17.3 Logs of the Marcy, 1867. 17.4 EC to JEH, 27 Feb. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Progress report on the blasting.

Sources

359

17.5 R. S. Williamson to EC, 26 Mar. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Ack. receipt of sketches with thanks. 17.6 EC to JEH, 11 Mar. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report of suspension of W. E. Dennis. 17.7 CPP to BP, 17 Apr. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Forwarding EC letter re: Dennis. 17.8 BP to EC, 10 Apr. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Approval of suspension of Mr. Dennis. 17.9 BP to EC, 17 Apr. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Instructions for resolving the matter of Mr. Dennis. 17.10 EC to BP, 28 May 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report of resignation of Mr. Dennis. 18.  The Later Coast Survey 1867 18.1 See [RS1867]. 18.2 See [Lenzen, p.15]. George Davidson’s preparations for returning to California: 18.3 GD to BP, 29 Jan. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Re: Santa Barbara survey. 18.4 GD to BP, 5 Jul. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Plan. 18.5 BP to GD, 18 Oct. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Orders to California. 18.6 BP to GD, 2 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Detailed instructions. 18.7 GD to BP, 2 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Negotiations for salary, title. 18.8 GD to BP, 5 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Apology for dictating conditions. 18.9 GD to EC, 16 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). General plan for West Coast. 18.10 GD to BP, 26 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Personnel assignments. 19.  Suisun Creeks 1867 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 19.6 19.7 19.8

Logs of the Marcy, 1867. EC to JEH, 6 Apr. 1866 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress near Collinsville. EC to JEH, 27 Dec. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Progress report, Suisun. JEH to EC, 30 Jan. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Ack. 19.3 and authorization for work. EC to BP, 17 May 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Season’s report, including Blossom Rock, Suisun, rivers, plans for Pt. Sal. EC to BP, 6 Jul. 1867 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart of rivers. Plans for Pt. Sal. EC to BP, 13 Jul. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge BP letters 7, 15 June 1867 (missing?), apparently regarding increase in salary. EC to BP, 7 Aug. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Survey of Montezuma and Suisun Creeks.

360

Sources

19.9 EC to BP, 7 Feb. 1868 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart of creeks. 19.10 AFR to JEH, 25 Feb. 1868 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Req. copy of EC chart of Suisun Bay. 20.  Point Sal 1867 20.1 BP to EC, 10 Apr. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Approval of plan of work at Pt. Sal. 20.2 EC to BP, 17 May 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Season’s report, incl. Blossom Rock, Suisun, rivers, plans for Pt. Sal. 20.3 CPP to BP, 19 May 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Update on work, incl. EC plans for Pt. Sal and Columbia River. 20.4 EC to BP, 6 Jul. 1867 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of chart of rivers. Plans for Pt. Sal. 20.5 CPP to BP, 7 Sep. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Update on work, incl. EC. 20.6 BP to CPP, 9 Sep. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Re: delay of Pt. Sal data. 20.7 EC to BP, 8 Aug. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Delay in leaving for Pt. Sal due to collision. 20.8 Logs of the Marcy, 1867. 20.9 EC to CPP, 25 Sep. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of Pt. Sal work. 20.10 EC to BP, 29 Oct. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report on Pt. Sal work. Marcy on way to Columbia River. 20.11 EC to JEH, 29 Oct. 1867 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of tidal observations at Pt. Sal. 21.  Columbia River 1867–68 21.1 BP to EC, 28 Sep. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Orders to proceed to the Columbia River. 21.2 BP to EC, 7 Oct. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Detailed instructions. 21.3 Logs of the Marcy, 1867. 21.4 EC to BP, 11 Oct. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Marcy sails Monday. 21.5 EC to GD, 29 Oct. 1867 (BL:GDP,b36,ECletters). Request George Farquhar to be assigned to party. 21.6 EC to GD, 10 Nov. 1867 (BL:GDPb36,ECletters). Arrival in Astoria. 21.7 CPP to BP, 21 Nov. 1867 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Update on work, incl. completion Pt. Sal. 21.8 EC to JEH, 4 Dec. 1867 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Setting up stations. 21.9 EC to BP, 24 Jan. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report on narrow escape from ice in river. 21.10 CPP to BP, 28 Feb. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Informing of ice threat to Marcy. 21.11 EC to BP, 29 Feb. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Progress and difficulties.

Sources

361

21.12 BP to EC, 5 Mar. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Response to 21.11; Farquhar assigned to EC. 21.13 EC to Gen. B. S. Alexander (U.S. Eng.), 24 Apr. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Transmission of Columbia River chart H-1015. “Marcy Channel” named by EC. 21.14 Logs of the Marcy, 1868. 21.15 EC to BP, 27 May 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge instructions. 21.16 JEH to BP, 7 Apr. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i6). Recommending Rockwell continue topographic for EC. 21.17 AFR to JEH, 14 May 1868 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). GD not permit Farquhar to report to EC. 21.18 AFR to GD, 16 Jun. 1868 (BL:GDpapers,b51,AFRletters). Re: Cordell and Farquhar. 21.19 EC to BP, 8 Sep. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of Columbia River Bar. 21.20 EC to GD, 15 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapersb36,ECletters). Trans. charts H-1018, H-1019. 21.21 See [RS1868, p. 34]. 21.22 CPP to BP, 7 Oct. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Update. “Cordell has done splendidly…” 21.23 CPP to BP, 7 Oct. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Forwarding 21.19 with comments. 21.24 GD to BP, 17 Mar. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,il0). Reporting transmission of EC charts to B. S. Alexander, U.S. Eng. 21.25 EC to GD, 23 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Transmission of original Col. River charts. 21.26 GD to BP, 26 Mar. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding EC charts. 21.27 BP to GD, 29 Apr. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b50,letterbooks). Auth. to furnish Alexander Columbia River charts. 21.28 GD to CPP, 8 Aug. 1874 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Contains a reference to the “Cordell Channels.” The location of these channels is unknown. 22.  Vitula Shoal 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4

See [CP1863, p. 631]. BP to EC, 2 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Orders to search for shoal. EC to BP, 27 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Acknowledge 22.2. EC to BP, 27 Nov. 1868 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC will cooperate with GD (newly on W. Coast). 22.5 EC to BP, 16 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report on search. 22.6 GD to EC, 16 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). General plan for W. Coast, incl. shoals W. of Pt. Reyes and the Vitula Shoal. First mention of plan to rediscover Cordell Bank.

362

Sources

22.7 GD to EC, 16 Dec. 1868 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks). Orders to search for shoals. 22.8 EC to GD, 17 Dec. 1868 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Ack. of 22.7. 22.9 BP to EC, 16 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b50,letters). Copies in: (NA:RG23,e22,i7), (NA:RG23,e25). Orders for search for shoals. 22.10 EC to GD, 20 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Report on searches 2.3. 22.11 GD to EC, 2 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,vl2). Forwarding orders from the Superintendent. 22.12 EC to GD, 3 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Ack. of 22.11. 22.13 EC to BP, 3 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Ack. orders 22.11. 22.14 GD to BP, 8 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmission of ack. of orders 22.11. 22.15 GD to BP, 27 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Results of search. Also remark of Cordell Bank first reported in 1862. 22.16 GD to JEH, 27 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Copy in: (BL:GDP,bl,letterbooks,vl2). Transmission of EC search for shoal. 22.17 GD to EC, 29 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooksvl3). Detailed instructions to search of Vitula shoal. Orders to search for shoal west of Pt. Reyes (Cordell Bank). 22.18 GD to BP, 8 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Progress of EC on Vitula shoal. 22.19 EC to GD, 12 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Addenda to previous report: data on search for shoals. 22.20 GD to JEH, 29 Oct. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for tracing of EC search for Vitula Shoal. 22.21 GD to JEH, 21 Nov. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks). Ack. receipt of tracing of EC search; has located original sheet of EC discovery of Cordell Bank. 22.22 GD to CPP, 28 Mar. 1874 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Additional observations and searches for the Vitula Shoal. 22.23 CP1889, p. 165 22.24 RS1873, p. 541. 23.  Point Reyes Light 1869 23.1 The Pt. Reyes Light Station (NA:RG26). Cumulative record of notices, clippings, etc., of the light station. 23.2 GD to JEH, 30 Jan. 1865 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: loss of the Novik. 23.3 CPP to BP, 2 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Lifting fogs require lower light; requests GD, AFR, and EC to select site. 23.4 GD to BP, 19 May 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Preparations for going to Pt. Reyes. 23.5 BP to GD, 23 Apr. 1869 (BL: GDpapers,b50). Orders per 23.3. 23.6 GD to BP, 12 May 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Acknowledge 23.5.

Sources

363

23.7 AFR to R. S. Williamson, 21 May 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letters). Re: report to Lighthouse Board. 23.8 EC to GD, 1 Jun. 1869 (BL: GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Preparing for survey. 23.9 GD, diary for June 1869 (BL:GDpapers). 23.10 EC, AFR, and GD to BP, 6 Jun. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks). Draft report on lighthouse site. Written by GD. 23.11 EC, AFR, and GD to BP, 6 Jun. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Final copy of report. 23.12 BP to GD, 23 Jun. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letters). Acknowledge 23.11. 23.13 BP to W. B. Shubrick, 24 Jun. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i19). Transmission of 23.11. 23.14 CPP to BP, 18 Jun. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Suggesting lower height. 23.15 Notice to Mariners, No. 115, 11 Nov. 1870 (CAS:GDP, working papers). Re: Pt. Reyes light. 23.16 E. B. Jerome, 3 Nov. 1870 (FRC:RG36). First lighthouse keepers. 23.17 Jack Mason, The Solemn Land, North Shore Books, 1970, Ch. 2.

Part IV: The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869 24.  George Davidson’s Discovery 1853 24.1 H.  H. Bancroft, History of California, Vols. 18–24 of Works. The History Company, San Francisco, 1890. 24.2 James S. Lawson, Autobiography (BL:PA44,microfilm). 24.3 G.  Davidson, Directory of the Pacific Coast of the United States, 1858. Contains first mention of Cordell Bank: “It is believed… that a 30 fathom bank exists at a considerable distance to the westward of [Pt. Reyes].” 24.4 G. Davidson, Directory of the Pacific Coast of the United States, 1863. Repeats 1863 remark about shoal west of Pt. Reyes. 24.5 G.  Davidson, Coast Pilot of California, Oregon, and Washington Territory, 1869. No mention of Cordell Bank. 24.6 G.  Davidson, Coast Pilot of California, Oregon, and Washington Territory, 1889. Complete description of Cordell Bank. 25.  Searching for the Bank 1868–69 25.1 GD to BP, 16 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,PI105,22-10). First mention of plan for renewed search for the shoal west of Pt. Reyes. 25.2 BP to EC, 16 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b50,letters). Copy in (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Orders to search for the “shoal west of Pt. Reyes.” 25.3 GD to EC, 2 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks-v12). Forwarding orders 25.2.

364

Sources

25.4 EC to GD, 3 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Copy in [1004] (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge 25.3. 25.5 GD to BP, 8 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmission of ack. of orders, 25.3, to Sup. 25.6 GD to BP, 27 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Shoal, reported in 1862, recently reported again; search will be made. 25.7 GD to EC, 29 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Detailed instructions for search for shoal west of Pt. Reyes. 25.8 GD to BP, 8 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Hoping to get revenue cutter for search. 25.9 GD to BP, 14 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). EC searching for shoal (actually no search was made). 25.10 EC to GD, 12 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Addenda to previous report: data on search for shoal. 26.  The Discovery of Cordell Bank 1869 26.1 Sounding Book, Marcy, June 1869. (NA:RG23,Soundings,SH series,941-1298). Cordell’s log of the discovery of Cordell Bank. Archived in Suitland, MD. 26.2 Log of the Marcy June 14–July 4, 1869 (NA:RG23,e102). This is the ship’s deck log during the discovery of Cordell Bank. 26.3 EC to GD, 1 Jul. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Copy in (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Cordell’s official report on the discovery of the Shoal West of Pt. Reyes [=Cordell Bank]. 26.4 Records of weather, shipping, and other events are found in the newspapers S.F. Chronicle and Alta Californian. The departure of EC on June 15, 1869 and return on July 1, 1869 are noted in the latter. 26.5 Notice to Mariners, Shoal off Pt. Reyes, California, No. 1, July 12, 1969 (CAS:GDpapers). 26.6 EC to GD, 6 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Addenda to 1 July 1869 report 26.3. 26.7 GD to BP, 10 Dec. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Forwarding addenda 26.6. 28.  The First Biological Specimens 28.1  Logs of the Marcy, 1869. 28.2 EC to CPP, 31 Jul. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Forwarding eight specimens taken from Cordell Bank.

Sources

365

29.  How Cordell Bank Got Its Name 29.1 GD to BP, 10 Sep. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Comments re: additional survey of shoal west of Pt. Reyes. Attempt to get credit for discovery. 29.2  EC to GD, 1 Jul. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Same as 26.3. Copy in (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Cordell’s report on the discovery of the shoal west of Pt. Reyes [=Cordell Bank]. 29.3 CPP to BP, 12 Jul. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Forwarding EC’s July 1 report, 29.2. Recommendation for naming the shoal “Sutter Bank.” 29.4 GD to BP, 10 Dec. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Forwarding addenda 26.6. 29.5 GD to BP, 10 Sep. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for tracing of “Cordell Shoal.” 29.6 GD to JEH, 13 Oct. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v15). Plans for further survey of “Cordell Bank.” 29.7 GD, diary, 1870. In the rear, under “memoranda,” is a note to “ask Hilgard for tracing of Cordell Bank.” 29.8 Notice to Mariners, The Cordell Bank, Off Pt. Reyes, Cal. 1 Sep. 1873 (CAS:GDpapers). Establishing the name “Cordell Bank”. 30.  The First Chart 30.1 30.2 30.3 30.4 30.5 30.6 30.7 30.8

Monthly reports, USCS Office, July 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Monthly reports, USCS Office, August 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Monthly reports, USCS Office, September 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Monthly reports, USCS Office, October 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Monthly reports, USCS Office, November 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Monthly reports, USCS Office, December 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). Summary of work on Chart 661, date unknown (NA:RG23,e90). Chart 661, CORDELL BANK, USCS, 1869. The first official chart of Cordell Bank. 30.9 Monthly reports, USCS Office, December 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). 30.10 Monthly reports, USCS Office, July 1872 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). 30.11 Monthly reports, USCS Office, December 1872 (NA:RG23,e36,v4). 30.12 Catalogue, Hydrographic Maps, Charts, and Sketches, USCS, 1872. (CAS:GDP). Listing of Chart 661, Cordell Bank. 30.13 Summary of work on Chart 661 (NA:RG23,e91,v2). Modifications to 1885. 30.14 Catalogue of Charts and Other Publications, USC&GS, 1887. (CAS:GDP). Listing of Chart 661, Cordell Bank, as obsolete. 30.15 GD to JEH, 21 Nov. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). “Original sheet of Cordell Bank has been found.” 30.16 Logs of the Marcy, 1869.

366

Sources

Part V: Cordell’s Last Work 1869–70 31.  Santa Barbara Channel 1869 31.1 EC to GD, 5 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Request new lead lines. 31.2 GD to JEH, 21 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request tracing of Santa Barbara (SB) channel. 31.3 EC to GD, 30 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,EQetters). Request triangulation of SB channel. 31.4 GD to JEH, 7 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Req. JEH send triangulation directly to EC. 31.5 EC to GD, 11 May 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Request tracing vicinity Pt. Conception. 31.6 EC to CAS, 16 May 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Ack. receipt of triangulation. 31.7 GD to CPP, 26 May 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Re: triangulation. 31.8 EC to BP, 10 Jul. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Arrival in Santa Barbara. 31.9 Sounding log of the “Marcy,” (NA:RG23,no.941,1038-1044). NA in Suitland, MD. 31.10 EC to BP, 31 Jul. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Progress report for July. 31.11 EC to GD, 28 Aug. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Progress report for August. 31.12 EC to BP, 4 Sep. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Completion of hydrography SB to Buenaventura. 31.13 EC to GD, 4 Sep. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,EQetters). Encl. monthly report for Superintendent. 31.14 See [RS1870, p. 41]. 31.15 EC to BP, 4 Oct. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Copy in (BL:GDP,b36,ECletters). Progress report for September. 31.16 EC to GD, 4 Oct. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Encl. monthly report for September for Superintendent. 31.17 EC to GD, 11 Oct. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Smoky atmosphere. 31.18 EC to BP, 8 Nov. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Copy in (BL:GDP,b36,ECletters). Season’s report on SB hydrography. 31.19 EC to GD, 8 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Encl. season’s report for Superintendent. 31.20 GD to BP, 10 Nov. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,il0). Advising of instructions to EC to survey Pt. Piedras Blancas. 31.21 EC to GD, 12 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Re: Harlech Castle Rock.

Sources

367

31.22 EC to GD, 23 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Report on search for Harlech Castle Rock. 31.23 EC to GD, 27 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Re: fishing ledge near SB. 31.24 GD to EC, 31 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v15). Info re: fishing ledge near SB. 31.25 EC to GD, 6 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Will determine location of SB fishing ledge. 31.26 EC to GD, 15 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,EQetters). Request tracing of Greenwell’s 1868 SB shoreline. 31.27 EC to GD, 7 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Request tracing. 31.28 EC to GD, 11 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b36,EQetters). Re: request for tracing by Alden: chart was unknown to EC. 31.29 GD to BP, 17 Jan. 1870 Re. Alden’s request. 31.30 GD to EC, 17 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v15). Acknowledge 31.28. 31.31 EC to GD, 23 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Differences between EC and Alden’s 1855 SB survey. This is the last letter EC wrote before he died (two days later). 31.32 GF to BP, 31 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Enclosing report of office work. 31.33 GD to BP, 21 Feb. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Re: EC/Alden discrepancy. 31.34 GF to GD, 21 Feb. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Re: discrepancies of EC and Alden’s SB surveys. Also re: EC death. 31.35 GD to BP, 17 Mar. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Possible resolution of EC/ Alden discrepancies. 31.36 BP to GD, 30 Apr. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b50). Acknowledge 31.35. 31.37 GF to JEH, 13 Aug. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Transmission of SB hydrography. 32.  Sudden Death 1870 32.1 R51870, p. 81 32.2 S.F.  Chronicle, 26 Jan. 1870. News of EC death. 27 Jan. 1870, p.  3. Announcement of death. 32.3 S.F. Daily Examiner, 26 Jan. 1870, p. 3. News of EC death. 32.4 Alta Californian, 26 Jan. 1870, p.  1. News of EC death. 27 Jan. 1870. Announcement of death. 32.5 Daily (Morning) Call (S.F.), 26 Jan. 1870. News of EC death. 27 Jan. 1870. Announcement of death. 32.6 Abend Post (S.F.), 26 Jan. 1870. News of EC death. 32.7 EC Certificate of Death, 25 Jan. 1870, City and County of San Francisco, 101 Grove Street, San Francisco, CA 94102. Obtained 14 Dec. 1977. 32.8 AFR to BP, 26 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDPb51). Telegram announcing EC death. 32.9 CPP to BP, 27 Jan. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Forwarding AFR telegram.

368

Sources

32.10 AFR to JEH, 27 Jan. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Details of EC death. 32.11 AFR to GD, 27 Jan. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b51). Details of EC death. 32.12 GD to AFR, 2 Feb. 1970 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v15). Response to 32.11. 32.13 GD to BP, 2 Feb. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Obituary of EC. The draft of this letter is in (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,vl5). 32.14 N. Y. Times, 27 Jan. 1870. News of EC death. 32.15 CPP to BP, 29 Jan. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i16). Summarizing bad news of the day, incl. EC death. 32.16 GD to GF, 2 Feb. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,vl5). Putting George Farquhar in charge of EC’s party. 32.17 GF to GD, 9 Feb. 1970 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Acknowledge 32.16 and claim for back pay. 32.18 GD to SH, 20 Dec. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Adolph Biber (EC brother-inlaw) has not paid accounts. 32.19 SH to GD, 31 Dec. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). EC accounts. 32.20 GD, date unknown (CAS:GDpapers,letterbook,19 Jun. 1870–?). Obituary of Cordell. 32.21 GD, 9 Dec. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). “Obituary of Assistant Edward Cordell.” 33.  Unfinished Work 33.1 GD to BP, 10 Sep. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Suggests additional survey of “shoal west of Pt. Reyes.” 33.2 BP to GD, 1 Oct. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b50). Orders for further survey of the shoal off Pt. Reyes. 33.3 GD to BP, 19 Dec. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Plans for coming season’s work. 34.  The Resurvey of Cordell Bank 1873 34.1 GD to BP, 4 Oct. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Plans to resurvey shoal during 1871. 34.2 GD to BP, 10 Sep. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Request for tracing of “Cordell Shoal.” 34.3 GD to JEH, 13 Oct. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,vl5). Plans for further survey of “Cordell Bank.” 34.4 GD to JEH, 21 Nov. 1870 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Original sheet of Cordell Bank found. 34.5 GD to BP, 9 Dec. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Statement of work to 1 Nov. 1870. 34.6 GD to BP, 9 Dec. 1870 (CAS:GDpapers). Draft of 1870 annual report in 34.5.

Sources

369

34.7 GD to BP, 3 Feb. 1872 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Proposed program of work for 1872-73. 34.8 GD to BP, 1 Feb. 1873 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Proposed program of work for 1873. 34.9 BP to GB, 18 Mar. 1873 (NA:RG23,e25). Orders to resurvey “Cordell’s Bank.” 34.10 BP to GB, 27 Feb. 1873 (NA:RG23,e25). Orders to resurvey “Cordell’s Bank.” 34.11 Log of the Marcy 7 Sep. 1872–Mar. 31, 1874 (NA:RG23,e102). 34.12 GD to BP, 6 Aug. 1873 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmission of Bradford’s report of Westdahl’s survey. 34.13 GD to BP, 12 Aug. 1873 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmission of tracing of EC’s 1869 survey. 34.14 BP to GD, 19 Aug. 1873 (BL:GDpapers,b50,letters). Approval for issuing Notice to Mariners. 34.15 Notice to Mariners, “The Cordell Bank, Off Pt. Reyes, Cal.,” 1 Sep. 1873 (CAS:GDP). 34.16 BP to GD, 3 Sep. 1873 (BL:GDpapers,b50,letters). Receipt of tracing per 34.13 of Cordell Bank. 34.17 GD to BP, 31 Oct. 1873 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmitting annual report of the field parties. 34.18 GD to BP, 31 Oct. 1873 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Summary of work, including resurvey of Cordell Bank. 34.19 GD, 1873 (CAS:GDpapers). Draft of contribution to Report of the Superintendent, 1873.

Part VI: Edward Cordell the Man 35. Relatives Records of the ancestors of Eduard Kordel (=Edward Cordell) in Germany were compiled by Konrad Odenwald, Heimatsmuseum, Philippsburg. Gerhard Baumann and Konrad Hoferer, also of Philippsburg, provided additional records of the Kordel family. Recently, Dieter Haas of Philippsburg, Germany, has published an enormous list of historic families of Philippsburg. The persons listed by Haas under the family name Kordel are:

→ →

→

Name Kordel, Adelheid Kordel, Amalie Kordel, Anna Kordel, Anton Kordel, Anton

Birth 27.09.1806 16.12.1804 12.01.1824 07.11.1786 1727

Death 1806 1807 1824 1848 1791

Sources

370

→ →

→

→ →

→ →

→ →

→ → → →

Name Kordel, Anton Kordel, Antonetta Kordel, Eduard Kordel, Emma Franziska Kordel, Emma Theresia Kordel, Ferdinand Kordel, Franz Kordel, Franz Anton Kordel, Franz Anton Kordel, Franziska Leopoldina Maria Kordel, Johann Ferdinand Kordel, Johann Nikolaus Kordel, Johann Peter Kordel, Karl Anton Kordel, Karl Friedrich Kordel, Karl Friedrich Kordel, Karolina Kordel, Karoline Kordel, Katharina Elisabeth Kordel, Katharina Maria Eva Kordel, Knabe Kordel, Leopoldine Rosina Kordel, Ludwig Peter Jacob Kordel, Luise Kordel, Maria Anna Kordel, Maria Elisabeth Kordel, Maria Elisabeth Kordel, Maria Eva Kordel, Maria Katharina Elisabeth Kordel, Maria Luise Kordel, Maria Luise Kordel, Maria Rosina Kordel, Maria Theresia Kordel, Marius Aurelius Kordel, Nikolaus Kordel, Peter Joseph Kordel, Stephanie Kordel, Wilhelmina

Birth 25.05.1781 31.12.1798 13.04.1828 06.12.1835 29.03.1833 07.09.1827 22.11.1790 1757 24.01.1787 21.03.1809 27.05.1795 04.11.1784 08.02.1797 04.11.1784 25.01.1804 31.10.1835 10.12.1828 05.10.1798 08.01.1783 30.06.1789 04.1800 23.04.1825 1800 26.05.1833 21.09.1793 05.06.1789 24.10.1767 15.01.1826 25.12.1787 03.07.1802 19.01.1797 15.09.1791 17.02.1792 27.06.1826 08.03.1760 27.06.1793 15.09.1843 16.12.1804

Death 1782 1823

1835 1828 1821 1853 1884 1784 1797 1784 1804

1800 1834 1800 1891 1868

1807 1792 1818 1837 1795 1807

Every person in this table is represented on the genealogical chart (Figs. 35.1 and 35.8). However, only the persons marked with an arrow (→) are clearly on the ancestral chart of Eduard Kordel. Interestingly, there is not a single person named Kordel listed in the directory for Kordel, Germany.

Sources

371

Haas’ tables can be found at available online at https://www.philippsburg.de/ files/philippsburg/stadt/Ortsfamilienbuecher/Philippsburg/index.html.

Particular People Since Edward Cordell (EC) was buried in the Masonic cemetery in 1869, it seems likely that he was a Mason, a member of the King Solomon Lodge, S.F. Unfortunately, the early records of the Lodge were destroyed in the earthquake fire in 1906. Inquiries to other Masonic lodges gave no indication that he was known to any other lodge. Addresses of prominent persons in San Francisco are found in the San Francisco City Directories, available at the San Francisco Public Library and the California Historical Society, S.F. Additional information about the contemporary relatives of EC in S.F. is found in the records of the U.S. Census Bureau, 1870 available at the California Historical Society. These records include EC’s sister Stephanie (Cordell) Biber and her family on Clara Street. 35.1 Notice of death, Edward C. Cordell (EC’s nephew), S.F. Chronicle, 28 Feb. 1932. Edward C.  Cordell was a member of the California State Bar Association, S.F. Their early records were destroyed in 1906. Halsted Mortuary, S.F., handled the funeral of Edward C. Cordell in 1932. 35.2 Certificate of Death, Edward C. Cordell (EC’s nephew), S.F. Dept. of Public Health, Reg. No. 1516. 35.3 Notice of death, Adolph O.  Cordell (EC’s nephew), S.F.  Chronicle, 6 Dec. 1936. California State Bar Association, S.F. A large family named Cordell developed from about 1800  in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia. In the obituaries of Edward Cordell, the newspapers included the statement “Georgia papers please copy.” Apparently, the editors thought that EC might have relatives in Georgia. The record of this large family in the Georgia State Archives, Atlanta, show that EC was not related to them. In 1977, the author wrote to every person in Atlanta named Cordell, searching for relatives of Edward Cordell, with no result. The town of Cordele, GA, presumably is named for this family. The town of Cordell, Oklahoma, was named after John Cordell, who was the postmaster of a small settlement that sprang up in a land rush. He had no relation to Edward Cordell (the name honors Wayne W. Cordell, a longtime postal employee in Washington, DC). This town, naturally, has many local businesses such as the Cordell Library, Cordell High School, Cordell Auto Parts (now NAPA), Cordell Light and Power, Cordell Chiropractic, and, inevitably, in 1977, the Cordell (National) Bank.

372

Sources

36.  The Person Named Edward Cordell 36.1 HSS to ADB, 22 Nov. 1854 (NA:RG23,e5,v10). Report on examination of localities for lighthouses. 36.2 HSS to WRP, 27 Feb. 1856 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Thanks for EC appointment and request raise in pay for him. 36.3 See [RS18611]. 36.4 ADB to APH, 30 Aug. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,vl). Request report on quantity and quality of EC’s hydrographic sheets. 36.5 Thomas Wilson to WRP, 6 Sep. 1859 (NA:RG23,PI,i5,v4). Report requested in 36.4. 36.6 ADB to WRP, 10 Sep. 1859 (NA:RG23,e36,v1). Ack. receipt of 36.5. 36.7 GD to BP, 30 Nov. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Transmitting annual reports of Assistants, with comments on the performance of each. 36.8 GD to BP, 2 Feb. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Personal obituary of EC. The draft of this letter is in (BL:GDP,bl,letterbooks,v15). 36.9 GD to BP, 17 Feb. 1870 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Suggests organizing a second hydrographic party for the W. Coast. 36.10 GF to GD, 11 Mar. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Re: differences between Alden’s and EC’s surveys of Santa Barbara. 36.11 GD to BP, 26 Dec. 1868 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,vl2). Reporting GF to Superintendent for drunkenness. 36.12 EC to JEH, 1 Dec. 1862 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Preparations for departure on the Vixen. 36.13 EC to CPP, 14 Jun. 1863 (NA:RG23,e49). Cost of coal and request for chart. 36.14 EC to ADB, 11 Feb. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v4). Progress report on surveying reefs. 36.15 EC to ADB, 1 Apr. 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v11). Arrival at Key West. 36.16 EC to ADB, 29 May 1863 (NA:RG23,e5,v12). Report on officers. 36.17 EC to JEH, 1 Dec. 1864 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Infected districts; Core Sound complete. 36.18 EC to JEH, 31 Jul. 1865 (NA:RG23,e49). Progress on Half Moon Bay survey. 36.19 EC to JEH, 28 Aug. 1866 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Monthly report for August. 36.20 EC to BP, 16 Dec. 1868 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Report on search. 36.21 Wilma Stevenson, Analysis of Edward Cordell’s handwriting, Walnut Creek, CA, 1985. 36.22 See [RS1870].

Supplementary A.1 A.2

EC to GD, 28 Dec. 1868 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). EC to GD, 25 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Enclosing list of hydrographic notebooks and logs since 1849 and a summary of work since 1865.

Sources

373

A.3 EC, 25 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). List of hydrographic notebooks. A.4 EC, 25 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapersb36,ECletters). List of work by EC. A.5 GD to EC, 27 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v12). Ack. A.2 and instructions to send books to Washington. A.6 EC to GD, 30 Jan. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Ack. of A.5. A.7 EC to JEH, 30 Jan. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Enclosing list of notebooks. A.8 EC to JEH, 5 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Encl. bills of lading for 2 boxes of notebooks. A.9 A. Zumbrock to JEH, 1 Apr. 1868 [=1869, sic.] (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Books were received. A.10 EC to GD, 24 Feb. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Accounts. A.11 GD to EC, 25 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,bl,letterbooks,v13). Authorization for repair of Marcy. A.12 EC to GD, 27 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Ack. of A.11; accounts. A.13 EC to GD, 28 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Accounts; allowance insufficient. A.14 EC to GD, 28 May 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Accounts. A.15 EC TO BP, 10 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i7). Acknowledge increase in pay. A.16 EC to GD, 28 Nov. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECIetters). Paying crew of the Marcy. A.17 EC to GD, 10 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECIetters). Marcy crew is laid off. A.18 EC to GD, 13 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECIetters). Estimates of repairs. Crew: G. Farquhar, Albert P. Redding, G. W. Wood, A. H. Bugge, Joseph Billings, William Burge. A.19 EC to GD, 17 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). Estimates of repair costs. A.20 EC to SH, 31 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECIetters). Accounts. A.21 GF to GD, 28 Mar. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Comments re: EC’s accounts. A.22 GF to GD, 1 Apr. 1870 (BL:GDpapers,b37). Re: EC’s Navy accounts EC drew his crew’s wages and rations from the Navy. A.23 EC to GD, 27 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECIetters). Enclose Marcy inventory. A.24 EC, 27 Dec. 1869 (BL:GDpapers,b36,ECletters). “Inventory of U.S. Coast Survey Property on Board the Surveying Schooner Marcy in charge of Edward Cordell, Asst. USCS, 10 Dec. 1869.” A.25 GD to BP, 27 Feb. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Shoal, reported in 1862, recently reported again; search will be made. A.26 GD to EC, 29 Mar. 1869 (BL:GDpapersb36,ECIetters). Detailed instructions for search for shoal west of Pt. Reyes. A.27 GD to BP, 10 Sep. 1869 (NA:RG23,e22,i10). Comments re: additional survey of shoal west of Pt. Reyes. Attempt to get credit for discovery.

374

Sources

A.28 GD to BP, 8 Apr. 1869 (NA:RG23,e36,v2). Hoping to get revenue cutter for search. A.29 Log of the Marcy, June 1869. A.30 GD, Notebook labeled “San Francisco Entrance 1881–1884” (CAS:GDpapers). A.31 U.S. Coast Survey (NA:RG23,e22,i7). A.32 California Biography (NA:RG23,e22,i7,suppl.vol529). A.33 Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, 1888, Vol. 11. A.34 California Academy of Sciences, “Report of the President,” Proc. Calif. Acad. Sci. 4, 10–13, 1914. A.35 Dictionary of American Biography, 1930. A.36 National Academy of Sciences, Biographical Memoirs, 1937. A.37 Oscar Lewis, George Davidson: Pioneer West Coast Scientist, Univ. Calif. Press, 1954. A.38 W. F. King, Pacific Coast Scientist for the U.S., University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, MI, 1973. A.39 GF to ADB, 5 Aug. 1850 (NA:RG23,e5,v7). A.40 GF to GD (B:GDpapers). 113 letters.

Website Addresses Cordell Bank NMS David Rumsey Map Collection Energie Baden-Württemberg FoundSF Internet Archive National Park Service NOAA NOAA Historical Charts NOAA Tides and Currents Oakland Museum Pressure-drop US Stellwagen Bank NMS U.S. National Archives Record Group 23

https://cordellbank.noaa.gov/, https://marinesanctuary.org/explore/ cordell-bank/ https://www.davidrumsey.com/luna/servlet/detail/ RUMSEY~8~1~205857~3002619:Half-Title-Page--Report-UponThe-Re http://www.world-nuclear-news.org/WR-Philippsburg-1-reactorsegmentation-contract-0809154.html http://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=File:Cemetery-maphighlighted_1873.jpg https://archive.org/dwetails/ ReportUponTheRemovalOfBlossomRockInSanFranciscoHarbor https://www.nps.gov/pore/learn/historyculture/people_maritime_ lighthouse.htm https://celebrating200years.noaa.gov/magazine/shipwrecks/welcome. html#ships https://historicalcharts.noaa.gov/ https://tidesandcurrents.noaa.gov/map/index.shtml?region=California http://museumca.org/ http://www.pressure-drop.us/forums/content. php?4124-CYC-Midwinters-Blossom-Or-Bust https://stellwagen.noaa.gov Pacific Coast from Point Pinos to Bodega Head California. http:// www.photolib.noaa.gov/htmls/cgs06322.htm

Sources

375

Illustration Credits Anna Marie (Cordell) Feigle, 2018 Bancroft Library Bay Area Underwater Explorers California Academy of Sciences, George Davidson Papers California Geology Cordell Bank NMS Cordell Expeditions David Rumsey Map Collection Energie Baden-Württemberg FoundSF Frank Pinnock, Oakland Tribune, 1978 General Landesarchiv, Karlsruhe, Germany Google Earth Internet Archive Jutz and Fieser, Philippsburg, 1966 Manuella Englemann, Library, Philippsburg National Park Service NOAA NOAA Historical Charts NOAA Navigational Charts NOAA Tides and Currents Oakland Museum http://museumca.org/ Pressure-drop US Robert Cordell Robert Schmieder Robert Schmieder and Bill Kruse Robert Schmieder and Randy Schmieder San Francisco Chronicle archives Skeet Biber Stellwagen Bank NMS U.S. National Archives Record Group 23

U.S. National Archives Record Group 23, R. W. Schmieder United States Coast Survey Annual Report 1865 United States Library of Congress’s Prints and Photographs Division Wikipedia, Public Domain Wilfried Becker, Karlsruhe

35.2b 22.1, 26.3, 26.4 37.24 26.5 17.2 37.29, 37.30, 37.31, 37.32 37.23 17.4 37.4 32.2 37.22 1.1, 1.10, 1.12–1.14 37.2, 37.3, 37.8, 37.9, 37.15, 37.17, 37.20 17.3 1.2–1.7 37.1 23.3, 23.4, 37.14 22.1 4.4, 8.1, 14.3, 15.2 31.3, 37.10, 37.11, 37.16, 37.33, 37.34 37.13 37.36–37.39 37.12 35.6, 35.7 1.8, 1.9, 28.2, 35.1, 35.8, 37.25–37.26, 35.35, 37.40, A.1–A.4 37.18 6.1, 14.2, 14.3, 7.1, 9.1, 15.3, 21.1, 26.1, 27.1, 27.8, 28.1, 21.1, 37.21 35.5 2.1, 35.2–35.4 4.1, 37.5–37.7 3.1, 4.2, 6.2–6.4, 10.1–10.3, 11.1, 14.1, 14.4, 16.1, 16.2, 19.1, 21.2, 22.2, 22.3, 23.1, 23.2, 24.1, 24.2, 26.2, 30.1, 31.2, 34.1, 34.2 15.1, 36.1 15.4, 20.1 17.1 12.1–12.5, 13.2, 18.1–18.3, 18.5, 21.3, 25.1–25.4, 37.27 1.11

Index

A Acting Lighthouse Inspector, 75 Active, 161 Act of Congress, 296 Alaska, 121, 122, 151 Albemarle, 78 Alden, J. Lt., 26, 162, 214 American citizenship, 22 Angel’s Mill, see Engelsmühle Arthur Welcome Biber, 242 B Bache, A.D., 22, 34, 121, 123 Beaufort Harbor, 77, 79 Bibb, 32, 33, 38, 41, 311 Biber, A., 241 Biber, E.C., 241 Biber, S.C., 222, 241 Biber, T.G., 241 Biddle, N., 311 Blossom, 271 Blossom Rock, 113, 271 Bodega, 101 Bodega Bay, 191 Bodega Canyon, 105 Boston Harbor, 32 Bradford, G., 229 Bulwark Shoal, 70 C California, 21 California Academy of Sciences, 200, 291 California Current, 193

Captain Bearsley, 143 Carquinez, 99 Casco Bay, 45, 57, 73 Caswell, 55, 313 Chart 661, 209 Chart of the Bank, 207 Chronology, 310 Clara Street, 221, 241, 267 Coast Pilot, 163, 337 Coast Survey, 22 Coast Survey assistants, 27 Colma, 225, 268 Columbia River, 135, 136 Compensation, 335 Confederate Navy, 53 Cordell, A.O., 242, 248 Cordell Bank National Marine Sanctuary, 295, 297 Cordell Bank underwater, 287 Cordell, E.C., 242, 243 Cordell Shoal, 205 Cordell’s major expeditions, 310 Cordell, T.G., 242, 245 Currents and tides, 275 Currents in the Bay, 109 D Davidson Current, 205 Davidson Glacier, 205 Davidson, G., 26, 121, 124, 143, 151, 161, 217, 251, 279, 324 Death of Edward Cordell, 221–225 Diatoms, 202 Directory of the Pacific Coast, 163, 337

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 R. W. Schmieder, Edward Cordell and the Discovery of Cordell Bank, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02029-3

377

Index

378 Discovery of Cordell Bank, 179, 181, 188 Discovery track, 191 Drakes Bay, 102, 103 E Earthquake, 92, 141 Engelsmühle, 237, 259 English, 253 Esopus Creek, 42 F Farquhar, G., 26, 90, 122, 125, 136, 162, 219, 224, 252, 325 Fauntleroy, C.M., 44 Ferdinand Westdahl, 138 First biological specimens, 199 Florida, 61 Florida reefs, 59 Fredriciana Technische Hochschule, 12

Lenox, 77 Lighthouse Board, 151, 155 Lighthouses, 77 Logs and data, 189 Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History, 291 M Maffit, J.N., 41, 61 Mammals and birds, 175 Marcy, 128, 136, 140, 144, 168, 176, 213, 230, 333, 334 Marcy Channel, 138 Marcy, W.F., 187 Marcy, W.L., 84, 86, 279 Mare Island, 84, 95, 136 Masonic Cemetery, 222, 225, 268 Massachusetts Bay, 31 Meig’s Wharf, 114 Mitchell, H., 51 Montana, 132 Mt. Davidson, 205

G Georgia coast, 43 H Half Moon Bay, 90, 91, 109 Hampton roads, 75 Handwriting, 253 Harlech Castle, 217 Harlech Castle Rock, 217 Hassler, 148 Hassler, F., 122 Hilgard, J.E.H., 121 Huitenheim, 3 Hydrographic draftsman, 41 Hydrographic notebooks, 335 Hydrographic sheets, 250, 328 I Instruments, 170 Items in the office, 334 K Kordel, 3, 237 Kordel, Marius Aurelius, 238 L Label for bottles, 27 Lawson, J.A., 162

N National Museum of Natural History, 200 National Park Service, 277 Nautical compass, 170 Navigational hazards, 271 Neptune’s Car, 281 The New England coast, 46 New York City, 56 Noonday, 143 North Carolina, 52 North Carolina lighthouses, 75–79 Notice to Mariners, 186, 203, 217, 218, 230 O Oakland Museum, 303 Old Anthony Rock, 66 Ossabaw Sound, 44 Outline of the bank, 191 P Patent log, 171 Patterson, C.P., 65, 84, 124, 147, 151, 204 Peirce, B., 121, 123, 167, 182, 229, 251 Penobscott Bay, 68 People, 323–324 Philippsburg, 3, 7, 259, 261

Index Pirates, 60 Point Sal, 131 Pole Mountain, 191 Portland Harbor, 69 Pt. Reyes, 101 Pt. Reyes head, 106, 151, 152, 162 Pt. Reyes light, 155, 156, 277 Pt. Reyes Peninsula, 277 R Reduction of the data, 47 Relatives, 237 Reports of the Superintendent, 250, 337 Resurvey of the Bank, 187, 208 Revolution, 19 Rodgers, A.F., 151, 222 S Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers, 129 Sacramento River delta, 99 San Francisco, 85, 164 San Francisco Bay, 96 Santa Barbara Channel, 213 Santa Cruz, 109 Sapelo Sound, 42 School report cards, 12 Schott, C., 45 Science of Dennis, 63 Sextant, 170 Shipwrecks, 161 Shoal Off Pt. Reyes, 204 Shoal west of Point Reyes, 203 Signals, 90 Sounding lead, 171 South Farallone Island, 143 Specimen, 175, 177, 202, 291 Speed of Cordell’s vessel, 195 Standesbuch of Philippsburg, 11 Stanford University, 291 Stellwagen and Cordell, 33, 324 Stellwagen Bank, 34, 36, 38, 249, 263 Stellwagen, H.S., 25, 26, 31, 171 Stellwagen’s Sounding Apparatus, 32

379 Suisun Bay, 95, 127 Suisun Creek, 127, 129 T Texas A&M University, 291 Tidal observations, 333 Tide gauge, 110, 111, 137 Tomales, 105 Track of Cordell’s vessel, 178 U Udenheim, 3 Underwater Island, 307 Underwater photographs, 291 United States Exploring Expedition, 135 University of California at Berkeley, 291 University of San Francisco, 225, 268 U.S. Coast Survey office, 263 U.S. Geological Survey, 291 U.S. Museum of Natural History, 291 V Vapor Rock, 66, 69, 70 Varina, 44, 311 Vessels, 327 Vessel traffic, 299 Virginia, 52 Visualization, 283 Vitula, 143 Vitula Shoal, 143, 146, 169, 279 Vixen, 59, 66, 69, 313 Voyage, 281 W Washington National Records Center, 187 Water Witch, 127 West Coast, 83 Westdahl, F., 230 Westdahl Rock, 233 The Wilkes Expedition, 135 Williamson, R.W., 113, 154 Wyanda, 146