Education: Intellectual, Moral, Physical 9781512817065

Table of contents :
Editor’s Preface
Contents
I. The Issues in Education
American Education in a World of Confusion
Quality of Opportunity
Mew Confidence in Education
Who Is Educated?
The Quest for Quality—Challenge of the 1960’s
II. Factors Affecting Education
Social and Technological Change As Affecting Education
Church and State in Relation to Education
Trends in National and State Legislation
Cultural Pressures on Parenthood
III. Comparative Education
Emerging Basic Problems—Dependence to Independence in Africa
Potential for Leadership in Africa Today
Social Influences Affecting Education in Chile
Educational Reorganization in Greece
IV. Elementary Education
Effective Practices in the Kindergarten
Current Emphases in the Teaching of Reading
New Books for Children
Foreign Languages on Television
V. Secondary Education
Developmental Reading in Grades Seven and Eight: The State Mandated Program After One Tear
Conformity Through Diversity
The Secondary School Curriculum—Its Prospects
Teaching Secondary Courses
Self-Correcting Homework in English
Selective Service—Current Policies and Practices
VI. The Teacher
The Teacher’s “Spirit”
VII. Schoolmen’s Week Committees 1960
Appendix
Index

Citation preview

Education: Intellectual, Moral, Physical

University of Pennsylvania Schoolmen's Week

Schoolmen s Week Meeting October 12-15, 1960

Education: Intellectual, Moral, Physical Forty-eighth

Annual

Schoolmen's Week

Proceedings

edited by

HELEN HUUS

Philadelphia UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

© 1961 by the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania Published in Great Britain, India, and Pakistan by the Oxford University Press London, Bombay, and Karachi Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 61-15202 Printed in the United States of America

Editor's Preface of our country, the purposes of education have been related to what the people in general demanded of the schools. The present is no exception. Once again, the public turns to education and demands that it be adequate to meet the current needs in an era of domestic upheaval and international conflict. This faith in education has developed through experience. In the past, schools have provided the information and skills necessary for the people to cope with problems of settling and developing the resources of a new nation. With the passing of the land frontier (until the admission of Alaska) came a different demand, a kind of refinement of culture, now that the essentials of survival had been conquered. The social forces in the increasingly complex society that accompanies urbanization, the pursuit of the almighty dollar and the resulting rise in standard of living, and the political position of the country as an international power made an impact that was reflected in the schools. Book learning alone was not enough. As climbing divorce rates increased the number of children from broken homes, the school began to assume some responsibility for providing continuity and security for the children. And as the rugged pioneer days gave way to ease in living, the need for physical education arose, though admittedly in an unsystematic form, often with those needing it the least being the very ones who were given the most, e.g., members of the football teams and those of other competitive sports. Impetus was given to physical education during World War II, when "physical fitness" became fashionable. Recently, the comparison of American children with those of the same age in Europe on tests of physical co-ordination, strength, and skills has left the American children far behind, with the result that accusations of "softness" have been forthcoming—and deservedly so. That schools should inculcate perTHROUGHOUT THE HISTORY

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manent habits of healthful living, physical exercise, and mental health has always been stated as one of its important objectives, yet often the adults who are the most vocal in their criticism of the school's lack in this area are the very ones who daily abuse their bodies by improper and excessive food, by lack of exercise, and by engaging only in sedentary pursuits. Yet they obviously know better. The emphasis in education today—whether exclusively intellectual or intellectual plus ethical (moral) and physical—is the topic of the current debate. It is argued in part in the pages that follow. These Proceedings of the Forty-eighth Annual Schoolmen's Week of the University of Pennsylvania, held from October 12-14, 1960, contain six sections. The first, entitled "The Issues in Education," contains five papers that relate to the debate in education. Both sides of the question have their adherents, but both agree on the need for increased quality. The second section contains four papers dealing with factors that influence education—social forces, the relation between church and state, the influence of the federal government, and the sociological impact on schools. Four papers relating to education in other countries comprise the third part. Two of these papers deal with the situation in Africa, as underdeveloped countries strive for economic and political independence, one treats problems of education in Chile, and the fourth, educational problems in Greece. The next two sections contain papers on topics relating to elementary and secondary education. Questions related to the teaching of reading at both levels are discussed, new programs, such as the elementary foreign language teaching via television, are described, and one group of short papers, some by noneducators, sets forth ideas on what the content of some high school courses should be. Concluding this report is a sprighdy discussion on "The Teacher's 'Spirit.' " Would that these suggestions be put into practice and infuse new enthusiasm into those who need it! These Proceedings serve as an overview of issues being discussed in educational circles late in 1960. It is hoped that this tangible evidence of Schoolmen's Week will prove helpful both to educators and others interested in the future of education. Not all of the papers presented could be included here. The editor wishes to thank those who submitted their papers, whether or not

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Editor's Preface

they have been included. Thanks are also due the members of the University of Pennsylvania Press and to the authors and publishers who have given permission to use their materials. HELEN HUUS Philadelphia January, 1961

Contents Page 5

Editor's Preface

I.

The Issues in Education

American Education in a World of Confusion—William H. Cartwright Quality of Opportunity—John H. Fischer New Confidence in Education—Lindley J. Stiles Who Is Educated?—Jay B. Nash The Quest for Quality—Challenge of the 1960's—John P. Walsh

II.

Factors Affecting

Education

Social and Technological Change As Aßecting Education— Newton Edwards Church and State in Relation to Education—Newton Edwards Trends in National and State Legislation—John M. Lumley Cultural Pressures on Parenthood—Otto Pollak

III.

Comparative

Elementary

61 74 85 100

Education

Emerging Basic Problems—Dependence to Independence in Africa —Douglas Williams Potential for Leadership in Africa Today—Ruth Sloan Social Influences Affecting Education in Chile—Hobert W. Burns Educational Reorganization in Greece—Walter B. Jones

IV.

13 22 34 43 52

117 131 145 160

Education

Effective Practices in the Kindergarten—Ethel Thompson Current Emphases in the Teaching of Reading—Mary C. Austin New Books for Children—Julie W. Reiff, Margaret Witte, Helen Armstrong Foreign Languages on Television—Sister Miriam Jeanne 9

175 183 194 203

Contents

10

Page

V.

Secondary

Education

Developmental Reading in Grades Seven and Eight: The State Mandated Program After One Year—U. Berkeley Ellis, Walter M. Rhoades, Yita B. Kuner Conformity Through Diversity—Marion Edman The Secondary School—Its Prospects—William H. Cartwright Teaching Secondary Courses—Mildred Custin, Carolyn E. Bock, William E. Langeland, Joseph Gruber, William L. Cooper Self-Correcting Homework in English—Paul B. Diederich Selective Service—Current Policies and Practices—Warren B. Perry

VI.

228 258 272

The Teacher

The Teacher's "Spirit"—Margaret Hay

VII.

211 221 228

Schoolmen's Week Committees

283

1960

Appendix

291

Index

294

I The Issues in Education

American Education in a World of Confusion WILLIAM H. CARTWRIGHT* "American Education in a World of Confusion" seemed to dictate the nature of the content, for it assumes that we are living in a confused world and that a relationship exists, or should exist, between the confusion and American education. Both of these assumptions are accepted as valid. That society is confused about many fundamental issues is manifest. We have not solved, nor come close to agreement as to how to solve, several of mankind's greatest problems. Among the questions which vex us are these: How can society avoid a catastrophic war of annihilation? How can mankind provide food, clothing, and shelter for all its members? How can freedom be kept alive and extended? How can people everywhere be brought to establish worthy value systems, both personal and societal? How can all men be brought to respect the worth and dignity of every individual? How can we learn to use the ever-increasing leisure of the more developed cultures for personal and social good? The problems indicated by these questions are interrelated, and solutions to all of them can be sought only through the application of human minds to human knowledge. The most dangerous confusion in society today is intellectual confusion. Because the confusion is intellectual, education in the broadest sense, including schooling in particular, is both affected by it and necessarily involved in its resolution. That the schools are so involved is beyond question. But the proper manner of their involvement is a subject of further confusion. THE TITLE

THREE POINTS OF VIEW

There seem to be persons who would have the school ignore, at least to a considerable degree, such problems of society as have been • Head, Department of Education, Duke 13

University.

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listed and concentrate on the current needs and interests of children and youth. For these people, at least so it appears too often, the proper approach for the school to take toward the problems of the world is to watch over children's health, solve their personality problems, teach them to co-operate, and get them to observe the Scout law. If this statement is a caricature of their position, so be it. For pointing up distinctive characteristics, a caricature is sometimes more adequate than a portrait. The school must do more than see that personalities unfold and that children grow up in an anxious world. It has been asserted from the public platform that if children are good "school citizens" they will be good citizens of society. I disagree wholeheartedly with what the speaker meant. Acceptable conduct and effective participation in school activities should help train one for participation in the adult world. Nevertheless, more is required from schooling for effective citizenship in our free, complex, adult society than a record of co-operation and adjustment in childhood and youth. There is a second school of thought which seems to hold a position opposite to that just described. These people suggest that the schools should set out to solve directly the great problems of society listed previously—to reconstruct the social order. Advocates of this idea seem to think that they know the direction in which society should move; in some instances they appear to believe that they have found the solutions to the world's great problems. It is desirable and proper that they should so believe. It is incumbent upon every member of a free society to take a position on social issues and to work in support of that position. But he has this duty as a citizen, not as a formulator of curricula. To assert the responsibility of a citizen is very different from saying that curriculum specialists, educational philosophers, or anybody else should be allowed to use the schools to bring about social or economic changes concerning which those who are best informed remain in disagreement. There should be a definite distinction between social education, which is necessarily and properly a school function, and social action, which normally is not a school function. Still a third viewpoint about the schools and social problems is held by those who seem to seek a cure to educational and social ills by having pupils attack those problems directly. The teacher, it is

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pronounced, should not direct his pupils to a solution, but should lead them to study all the issues involved and arrive at their own decisions. This problems-approach proposal has little to offer toward clearing away the confusion in society. It is true that teachers often do not give their pupils credit for as much intelligence, maturity, and knowledge as they have. In such situations, the teachers' attitudes and practices impede education. But it is also true that, at very best, school children do not have and cannot get, as school children, either the knowledge or the maturity necessary to solve the social problems which confound the wise men and the scholars. To delude either teachers or pupils to the contrary is naive. It is not that the three schools of thought with which I have expressed strong disagreement have nothing to offer. On the contrary, each has its desirable feature. But they are not compatible, and no one of them constitutes an adequate approach to the relation between American education and the world of confusion. Yet, the supporters of all three are right in charging that classroom procedures that depend almost solely on rote memory of materials from textbooks and lectures are of little avail. THE CONFUSION IN EDUCATION

The future of our society is too deeply involved in education for the schools to remain confused as to their fundamental purpose. Flexibility, variations, and experiments belong in schooling, but all must be devoted to the end of intellectual development. If it is true that school children, as children, will not solve the problems of the world, it is also true that if those problems are resolved the job will be done by men and women who were once school children. When I was born, only such a man as H. G. Wells would have predicted that radio, television, jet transportation, penicillin, electronic calculators, and nuclear fission and fusion would be parts of everyday life today. Yet these achievements and others totaling to greater material advance than that of all previous time have been accomplished by men and women who were children then. It is now conceded as a reasonable proposition that, if society survives, more material progress will be achieved in the next half-century than was achieved in the fifty years

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just passed. If this is done, it will be done in the main by men and women who are children now. Our generation owes these men and women of the future, men and women who are now our own children and grandchildren, a more carefully considered education than many of them are receiving. To provide the education which they require, we must resolve much of our confusion about the purpose of schools. Often in our professional literature and in our professional conferences there has been a confusion of education and schooling. Even more dangerous, there has been confusion of the combined functions of all the agencies which deal with children and youth and the particular purposes of schools. It is unfortunate that we have come to use the term "education" to mean "schooling," for schools do not and cannot provide all the education that is necessary. Nor is it certain that they do or can provide even the most important parts of education. If schools were to attempt to provide the education of the species, they would become mired in a morass of impossibilities and contentions. Many, possibly the most important, aspects of education belong to the home and the church; to such organizations as the Boy Scouts and the Girl Scouts, the YMCA and the YWCA, the Four-H Gubs and the Future Everybodies of America; to the mass media of communication; and to the individual learner himself. Recognition of this fact in the schools will do much toward the elimination of confusion in American education. Another example of confusion that needs straightening out is that between education and social service. It is one thing to teach children the value of a healthy body and the knowledge necessary to maintain such a body. It is another thing to provide actual health service, other than that required for effective instruction or by emergencies, on school time. It is one thing to teach the value of regular exercise, but it is quite different to compel high school students to play softball during a regular class period. It is one thing to teach the usefulness of desirable hobbies for the occupation of leisure time, but quite a different thing to pressure high school students to attend club meetings instead of studying or taking an additional subject. The school will best place emphasis on the kind of activity named first in each of these examples. To say this is not to say that one activity is more

American Education in a World of Confusion

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important than the other. It is to say that social agencies have distinctive purposes. Some exist to make direct provision for such social service and social action as mental and physical health, food, clothing, shelter, and recreation. The provision of such services and action is not the function of the schools. Some such activity is proper in school, either when an emergency exists or when that activity assists in carrying out the primary function of schools. THE FUNDAMENTAL

PURPOSE OF SCHOOLS

What is the primary function of the schools? In spite of all their confusion about democratic and feasible means for carrying it out, that function has been stated more clearly and proclaimed more widely in recent years by non-professional critics of schools than by professional educators. And it has been published more frequendy and more forcefully in the lay press than in the professional press. These statements can be made without seeming a traitor to the profession, for I have used my voice and my pen in vigorous defense of public schools and in answer to outspoken but unrealistic critics of public education. But I have consistently agreed with those founders of the Council for Basic Education and other non-professional critics that the primary function of schools is to provide an intellectual education. Whatever differences there may be concerning the application of this principle, the proponents of intellectual education agree that it must concentrate on knowledge and skill in obtaining and using knowledge. More and more, my professional colleagues are being heard in support of this position. It is challenging to listen to the progressive (and the term is here used in its true meaning) superintendents of schools in Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Washington. It is stimulating to talk with John Walton of The Johns Hopkins University, George Stoddard of New York University, and Lindley Stiles of the University of Wisconsin. Somehow, they seem to clear away the fog and see the stars, while they keep their feet firmly on the ground. If you have not done so, read the clarion call of John Fischer, Dean of Teachers College, Columbia University, in the September 17, 1960, issue of the Saturday Review under the title, "Schools Are For Learning." My only regret is that it seemed necessary for a non-professional journal to provide

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an educational supplement in order to get this kind of sensible approach disseminated more widely. It is too bad that the professional journals dealing with the whole of schooling are devoted so largely to the reactionary line (and, again, the term is used in its true meaning) of the old "progressives." Would that these journals might give more often than they do new ideas that ring with the wisdom of the ages. Now, if I have seemed to criticize the schools unduly, let me try to extricate myself from disfavor. It is my business, as it is the business of every professional educator, to be a professional critic of education. For schools to be truly progressive and most effective, it is necessary that professional criticism be not only accurate, but also that it be given fearlessly and examined with an open mind. Had the critical ideas of such professional educators as those named earlier been adopted generally and publicized by the profession, the school boards of several American cities might not have felt called upon recently to sponsor curriculum surveys conducted exclusively by non-professional investigators. And it will not do to respond to the current wave of such surveys merely by snapping back. No matter what our feelings about the matter, when a school board calls in a group of professors to survey its curriculum and deliberately fails to ask any professional educator to serve among the group, that action can only be interpreted to mean that the board has, at least for the time being, lost its faith in the ideas about curriculum which it attributes to professional educators. And, when the chips are down, the board is in control of the situation. Myron Lieberman's recent book, The Future of Public Education, should be read by every member of the profession. On at least one point, however, Lieberman's hopes are doomed to disappointment. Attractive as it may be to some members of the profession to consider a situation in which the schools would be under the absolute control of the organized teaching profession, that situation will not come about in America in the foreseeable future. I shall not argue the merits of the case, although I think that I disagree with Lieberman. But history and tradition are too strong to be overcome in this matter. Whenever and wherever the American people become sufficiently aroused in opposition to entrenched school practices, they will change those practices. Even now, many American educators do not see the

American Education in a World of Confusion

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handwriting on the wall. Professors of education and school administrators must lead in matters of school policy and practice, or they will be driven. As a professional critic of education, I do not blame American schools for the confused state of the world with regard to the problems which were listed at the beginning of these remarks. In the first place, many of these problems are not of America's making, but were wished upon us. In the second place, the present near-desperate position of the United States and its allies vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, whatever shortsighted critics say, cannot be laid at the door of American schools. As General Gavin said so clearly at the time of his retirement, we had all the human and material resources necessary to maintain our lead in matters of defense if only the right decisions had been made by the men at the United States summit. And I would not even blame the curricula of Carnegie Tech, Princeton, and the United States Military Academy, where those leaders received what must have been a magnificent education, for the failure to make the right decisions. In the third place, the mass media of adult education must assume a considerable degree of responsibility for the education of the American people. Several magazines go regularly into a larger number of American homes than send children to America's secondary schools. The general tenor and content of these magazines is far from intellectual. Typically, half their pages are devoted to commercial advertising, little of it intellectual, yet these journals boast that the educational campaign conducted through their anti-intellectual advertising is effective. Even the articles in these periodicals are generally of "popular" rather than "intellectual" quality. So true is this that the two adjectives are used commonly as antonyms, though there is an occasional valuable article that deals with a matter of importance. Despite this situation, some of these magazines have gone out of their way to charge the schools with anti-intellectualism. To add to this, the low-grade commercials, the low-grade music, the low-grade comedy, and the low-grade drama that would blare from our radio and television sets if they were turned on continuously are interspersed too infrequently by programs that treat serious subjects intelligently. In the fourth place, schools should not ignore their manifold responsibilities. Quite the contrary—the school should do its part toward

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meeting all the "ten imperative needs of youth" which were set forth by the Educational Policies Commission in 1944. But I do mean that the school must concentrate its efforts upon intellectual development. It will make its best contribution to meeting the "ten imperative needs" in this manner. If a choice must be made, there can be no real comparison in intellectual value between the stadium and the library, between the gymnasium and the laboratory, between memorizing the names of the counties of a state and coming to understand the mutual impact of the geography of that state and the cultures of the people who live there, between underlining the subjects and predicates in workbook sentences and writing sentences which say something and which will be looked at critically by students and teachers, between merely gathering sticks in bundles of ten and really learning to understand the basis of our number system, or between learning to repair a leaky faucet and learning the meaning and application of Pascal's Law. Now, it is not imperative that such choices must always be made. Specifically, for example, a well-planned program of health and physical education is a necessary and important part of a school program, and the gymnasium need not be abolished. But in too many instances, in too many places, we have made the wrong kinds of choices. I am violendy opposed to the curriculum proposals of some of the lay critics who seem not to understand the problems involved in teaching all the children of all the people, or who appear to have rejected the fundamental principle of the great religions that all are equal in the sight of God, and the American principle of equal opportunity for all. High arbitrary standards cannot be set for all to reach, nor should the school concentrate on the academically talented at the cost of other children. The primary responsibility of the school is simply to help every child, the gifted, the handicapped, and all the rest, to help to achieve his optimum potential in intellectual development—in the words of a great educational governor of North Carolina, "to burgeon forth all that is within him." Finally, it should be emphasized again that the American schools of the past have really done an enormous job, and those of the present are much better than they are usually portrayed by enthusiastic but uninformed critics outside the profession or by fanatics within the profession who often seem to confuse their farfetched dreams with

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reality. The schools of our past have made Americans and had an important part in the making of America. Our present schools are, in general, the best we have had. Our children learn the so-called fundamentals better than ever, and they learn much more. They have more and better libraries and are reading more. They have more and better laboratories and are learning more science. They are learning more about themselves and the world in which they live. They have available more and better education for the lives which they are likely to lead. Their health, mental and physical, is more carefully watched over in school. They are happier in their school and school-related activities. All this is true; but it could all be true and we still could lose the race. My concern about the relation between American education and the confusion in the world is for the future. Our problems are more complex, and the danger to our existence is greater than ever before. The rising generation must have far more knowledge and wisdom than we have if it and those which follow it are to continue to exist in anything like the free society of which we are so proud. Only students who make intellectual learning, knowledge, and skill in getting and using knowledge the heart of their school activity can achieve the stature necessary to the task. Only schools that encourage and reward intellectual activity over all other activity can provide an atmosphere in which such activity can thrive. "Knowledge," said President Washington in his First Annual Address to the Congress, "is the surest basis of public happiness." "Schools," as Dean Fischer says, "are for learning."

Quality of Opportunity JOHN H. FISCHER* "democracy" includes the principle of equality of opportunity as a basic part of its definition. On precisely what "equality" means our views would vary, but on the central importance of the principle to our society, our legal system, and our conception of what it means to be an American, there is general agreement. Of all our national ideals, none is more firmly held or widely honored than the right of every man, freely and equally, to seek the good life. Our concern here is chiefly with children and their opportunities. It is not enough merely to assert that all children are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. The moral and legal equality of each American infant to every other is seriously modified by circumstances that confer advantages and impose handicaps in patterns that are anything but equal. If equality of opportunity is to mean anything at all in practical terms, opportunity must be defined as something more positive than freedom for a child to fight by himself against all the hazards of a confused world. Equality of opportunity has no sensible meaning whatever to a particular child unless responsible adults conscientiously accept their obligation to give him opportunities of suitable character and quality. It is on the quality of the opportunities now given to American children that this paper deals.

T H E WORD

ELEMENTS OF DIFFERENCES IN OPPORTUNITY

An intelligent approach to the problem of affording all American children at least basic opportunities of suitable and comparable quality must consider what elements make for qualitative differences in the * Dean, Teachers College, Columbia University. 22

Quality of Opportunity

23

conditions children require for sound development and useful learning. The overriding reason for doing everything possible to help a child make the most of whatever potential he has is neither political, social, nor economic; the fundamental reason is moral. The child deserves the best that can be provided simply because he is a human being and because adults share responsibility for his welfare. It may be argued that no such assertion is necessary since its acceptance can be assumed in our society without special justification. The sad truth is that the differential treatment of children in our country offers an embarrassing abundance of evidence to the contrary. Children are being discriminated against in the United States in many places where the things that happen to them day in and day out fall far short of the purposes proclaimed in historic documents and the basic moral principles by which the best human relations are always governed. Unfair treatment of certain children is rationalized on grounds of legal technicality and administrative convenience, but the moral issue remains starkly clear and unresolved. Nor can application of the moral criterion in the treatment of children be limited to issues stemming from laws and courts. The moral standard is not only relevant, but inescapable, in every situation where the child as a person is involved. In classrooms, on playgrounds, in social agencies, in reform schools, wherever children are met and served, the most telling test that can be applied to every relationship and program is to ask whether each child is given the respect and acceptance due a human personality. A second factor that makes a significant qualitative difference in the opportunities offered children is the psychological element. It is not possible to deal effectively with children except as the nature of development, behavior, and learning of human beings—especially young ones—is considered. Respect for the individuality of children has an important moral basis, but it has also an equally relevant psychological aspect. Although it is a truism that no two children are ever alike, institutional arrangements are often set up without taking into account the differences among children or the variety in their backgrounds, their abilities, their ambitions, their hopes, and their fears.

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Nor is it enough to recognize that children differ from each other; the same child will vary from stage to stage in his own development. A boy of fourteen is quite a different person from the youngster he was at eight. Productive work with children requires a knowledge and a sensitivity to the developmental tasks each child must meet as he matures from infancy to adulthood. A sympathetic awareness of the challenges and adjustments every boy and girl must meet in growing up is needed if he is to be helped by those who meet him as parent, teacher, scoutmaster, or nurse. If the quality of the opportunities for children are to be improved, the physical, mental, and emotional effects of laws, institutions, and practices must be considered, as well as the spiritual aspect of all the ways young lives are touched. A third consideration in the quality of the opportunities given children is the cultural element. The child is born a member not only of the human race in general, but of a family, a neighborhood, a community. At the instant of his entry into the world, he is surrounded at once by the culture into which he has been born. He is handled, clothed, fed, and spoken to according to patterns fixed long before his arrival. The values he learns, the fears he acquires, the courage he develops, the ambition he feels will be materially influenced and often completely shaped by the heritage of practices and purposes that permeate his home and the community surrounding it. In a society as complex and as rapidly changing as ours, the occasions for cultural conflict in the life of a child are numerous. But at the same time the cultural resources to nurture a child's growth and enhance his education are rich and widely available. It is important, therefore, in considering ways to improve the opportunities of children to recognize the value of the cultural setting in which the child finds his earliest security. It is essential that every child be helped to draw strength from the good things in his own intimate environment, for he will need this strength to sustain his adjustment and development as he moves into a world which every day will offer him wider horizons and subject him to new experiences. It remains constantly true, as Walt Whitman observed, that when the child goes forth all that he looks upon he becomes. But how he asssimilates what he sees, how he uses each experience, is controlled in large part by the nature and quality of his previous experiences.

Quality of Opportunity

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This is why the role of the school and the work of the teacher are so crucial in today's world. One of the chief responsibilities of the school is to help the child understand, interpret, and organize what he observes—in brief, to learn from his experience. If the school is unable to do this, the child may find the world not a richly diversified opportunity for self-development and expression, but a deeply disturbing chaos in which he is unable to make a wholesome response. A fourth factor in the qualitative improvement of opportunities for childien is the economic element. It goes without saying that many of the opportunities children may enjoy depend very direcdy on the wealth of the families or the communities in which they happen to live. Whatever purposes a family or a community may have for its children, the ability to achieve those purposes is modified by the economic power that can be tapped. Indeed, the amount of money available frequently influences not only the goals children reach, but, what is vastly more important, their identification of certain objectives as even worth thinking about in the first place. To discuss the economic element in relation to children's opportunities involves at once the question of values. In families or in national councils when anything more than the essentials for food, clothing, and shelter are available, decisions must be made for using the remainder. And inevitably it is used for that believed to be most important or most desirable. Often families profess one value system and live by another. The same conflict exists in communities and on a national scale. No thoughtful person would argue that money can solve all the youth problems, for it is clear that some of them are aggravated by the unwise use of money. But the evidence is abundant and dear that many of the ills that affect young people could be materially improved if education and other youth services were allocated a part of the national productivity that is now committed so liberally to trivial and often harmful nonessentials. MEANS FOR IMPROVING OPPORTUNITIES

Though the proposition be accepted that the quality of children's opportunities can be improved by serious attention to the moral, psychological, cultural, and economic elements which shape them,

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there still remain questions of practical application. Where and how can the necessary improvement be made? The home. There can be little doubt that the central point for affecting the development of most children is at home. When the home life of the child is sound and wholesome, he is able to deal with even quite serious inadequacies in other situations. But if his home life is weak or harmful, the effect of even the best work by other agencies will be seriously diminished. Most families, fortunately, meet their responsibilities without special help. This is not to say, however, that family life cannot be materially assisted through relations with religious institutions or private groups, or that governmental services of various kinds are not useful. Even the strongest family can scarcely claim to be entirely self-sustaining or self-controlled, for every home is influenced by a multitude of environmental forces ranging from the prevailing mode of teen-age dress to the current state of international relations. Certainly not all, but many, of these currents of influence are set in motion by the organized agencies of society and can accordingly be altered by these agencies when they choose to do so. Thus publishers, advertisers, and the owners of television stations possess enormous power and carry commensurate responsibility for the quality of opportunities available to children in their homes. In somewhat less dramatic but none the less important ways, churches, libraries, social agencies, and other groups can also contribute to strengthening the best homes and improving weaker ones. Community services. In cases of families with special problems, the availability of suitable services from health and welfare agencies is a matter of the highest priority. Exactly how the responsibility for preventive and remedial services is to be apportioned among public and private agencies and how the necessary funds are to be obtained are difficult questions everywhere. To buttress the family, or occasionally to substitute for it, health and welfare services in sufficient variety and at a proper level of intensity and quality must be assured if these basic aspects of children's opportunities are to be improved. Such services must be adequate to work successfully in preventing and treating children's problems. To cope with the manifold unfortunate effects of modern life, systematic provision must be made for the mental and physical health of children, as well as for their adequate

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material support, their guidance, and their care when necessary in homes and institutions. Not only should each of these types of service be well planned and administered, but the entire complex of offerings needs to be integrated intelligently as a community-wide effort. The work of the schools, the courts, and the correctional institutions can be made much more fruitful when they operate in proper relationships to each other. Every child in need should receive a combination of material and human support that will assure him not only scientific and professional service of the highest quality, but also the sympathetic and understanding care that is so vital an ingredient of all child-service programs. Recreation. The rapid increase of urbanization and its effect upon family living underscores the need for expanded and improved recreation services and other activities to help children use their leisure time profitably and productively. The association of adequate public support with widespread voluntary service by interested adults produces highly beneficial results. One aspect of recreational services often overlooked is that they place young people in situations where choices can be made voluntarily to contribute to worth-while organizations, activities, and causes. It is at this point that the voluntary characterbuilding agencies such as the Scouting groups and others, including church-related movements, have critically important roles to play. Education. Of all the ways in which the quality of the opportunities available to children can be improved, the one with the greatest effect over the longest period of time upon the largest number of children is education. In defining the mission of the school, it is not enough to outline the objectives of education; this is necessary, but it is only a beginning step. A distinction must be made between educational objectives in general and the task of the school in particular. Despite the varied philosophies from which they spring, most statements of educational goals, when the jargon has been filtered out, may be reduced to two main purposes. One is self-realization, and the other is social effectiveness. Or, to use somewhat different language, schools bring children together in order that each child make the most of himself as he learns the essentials of his cultural heritage, so that he may carry forward for one more generation its knowledge, techniques, and values.

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But the child begins to acquire something of this social heredity very soon after he is born. First his parents, then others in the family and his playmates, and, as he grows older, a variety of institutions become sources of knowledge and stimulators of learning in different aspects of the culture. Among these institutions, schools have been established to play a specific part in this complex, lifelong process. If the school is to make its best contribution to the child and to society, its unique role must be defined and its resources used with deliberate economy to carry out that role. To be sure, the school shares in common with other institutions many of the general and specific objectives which are sought, but if the school is to achieve its greatest effectiveness, we must have some consensus upon its peculiar functions and responsibilities. It is the school, beyond all other agencies, which is expected to teach the child the systematic use of language. He first learns to speak and to understand speech in his home, but his introduction to the linguistic system—reading, writing, spelling, the composition of thought into organized and effective expression—this is the work of the school, carried out by teachers who have studied and mastered the techniques for building such competencies. The child first becomes aware of quantity as one aspect of experience in his early contacts with things at home. But it is in the school, again, that he learns of number systems, of mathematical symbols and relationships, of mathematics as a way of interpreting experience and expressing imagination and calculation. Similarly, the child discovers before he comes to school that he is surrounded by objects and phenomena that interest and puzzle him. Sometimes these natural manifestations frustrate and frighten him. The function of the school is to help him understand them, relate them to each other, and differentiate them from each other in sensible classifications. Here the child comes to see the connection between cause and effect and begins to be aware of dependable generalizations that remove some of the uncertainty from random experience. Another principal contribution of the school is helping the child see himself in his social setting and know himself as a unique person among other persons. He begins to acquire the concept of social continuity and to understand how he is related to others in space and

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time. Gradually his social horizon expands and his understanding deepens as he learns of other human beings who live with him in the family, the classroom, the neighborhood, and in the wider circles of the community, the state, the region, the nation, and the world. And now, as the space age dawns, the children in school today will as adults be concerned with relationships beyond the earth. The school has its part to play, also, in teaching the practical arts— the mastery of tools and techniques for controlling, shaping, and using the physical environment. In an earlier age, this instruction was solely the responsibility of the home and the master craftsman to whom the apprentice was bound. But modern specialization and mechanization have changed the old order, and now it has become the school's task to teach the child the rudiments of the industrial arts and the techniques of homemaking. For a substantial number of children, it is the school's function also to teach skills directly usable and marketable in industry and commerce. No list of the school's proper functions is complete if it does not include the fine arts. It is especially important to recognize the significance of music, the drama, the dance, the plastic and the graphic arts for nurturing the sound development of young people. In the anxiety to produce more complicated hardware, it is so easy to forget that children must have a chance to live humane and fruitful lives. It would be poindess to pursue efficiency in weaponry and ignore excellence in artistry. But perhaps more than anything else, the school should teach the child a value system and encourage his commitment to the values of importance. In any educational effort honestly committed to liberal purposes, the humanities hold a central place. And it is here that it becomes most difficult to distinguish the role of the school from that of the home, the church, the community as a whole. But the school particularly should embody in its work a tone and an emphasis produced by deliberately selected materials and methods of instruction that will foster respect for truth, goodness, and beauty, and build in young people a sense of personal responsibility to reach for the best. In supporting high aesthetic, intellectual, and moral values, the school may find itself encouraging what the community ignores and may, indeed, at times oppose. If the school is to perpetuate the best of the

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cultural heritage, it has no choice but to teach for excellence as best it can, in whatever circumstances it must face. It is sometimes argued that the school should be charged with nothing but the intellectual development of its pupils. If such a school were not psychologically impossible, it would be morally irresponsible. The human mind is not a separate entity to be trained apart from the body or the emotions. All learning is colored by the emotional condition of both the teacher and the pupil and, in turn, sets up emotional interactions between them. Inevitably, the teacher touches the student's personality, affecting him in one way or another. The teacher may choose to ignore this influence or to disclaim personal responsibility for what he does. But he cannot in truth deny what happens. The only defensible course is to acknowledge that every teacher to some degree shapes his pupils' personalities, to take this influence responsibly into account, and to make the wisest possible provision for it in the program of the school. It may be conceded that personality formation is not particularly the school's business in the sense that intellectual development is, but to argue that the school has no responsibility for values, attitudes, and the other elements of character and personality would be to support irresponsible teaching and to deny both psychological science and common sense. A principal value of academic discipline is that it can improve the character of the student as well as his mind. Sound scholarship and moral character are complementary objectives. The best teachers assiduously serve and build excellence in both dimensions. An understanding of the need for improving children's opportunities and the determination to meet the need can readily be measured locally and nationally by the extent of the efforts to strengthen the educational establishment. REASONS FOR IMMEDIATE ATTENTION

The deliberate and systematic improvement in the quality of services provided for children is important at this time for three reasons. For one thing, there is a vital necessity to increase our strength as a people. The unsatisfactory progress in producing the means of defense and of

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conquering outer space is attributed to the inability to conceive, design, and produce the instruments needed. But these are probably the least important of the gaps that must be filled. A great deal of unfinished business is faced in the field of human relationships, at home and abroad. There is much to be learned of how to live well in large cosmopolitan, urban communities, for the evidence is abundant that life in our big cities is anything but good for millions of people. Many Americans are still denied rights that almost two centuries ago were claimed to be the inherent possession of all men. On the international scene, there is a compelling urgency to work more helpfully than ever with our sister nations, but it is difficult to find enough Americans with the combination of competence and unselfishness required. At home there is concern with the low level of moral responsibility that characterizes the conduct of both public affairs and influential private activities. The power of marvelously effective media of mass communication is used with only rare exceptions in the interest of excellency. More often it is dedicated to the deliberate mass production of mediocrity. The implications of the facts can be ignored, but it is almost impossible to misinterpret what they mean. If our country is to meet its present needs and prepare for a future in which needs can be expected only to increase, the sole approach of any long-run promise is through improving the knowledge, the understanding, the competence, and the tastes of the people—one by one. To do this, the children must be reached—all of them—where they are now in terms of geography and psychology, and each must be aided in moving ahead as far and as fast as he can go. A second reason for raising the quality of children's opportunities is the fact that the whole system, what is usually called the American way of life, is on trial throughout the world. In the newly emerging nations, as in the older countries, our daily approach to problems, our success in reaching goals—in brief, our entire social and political philosophy—are under constant examination and comparison with the Communist system. Cultural competition, which is the natural consequence of coexistence, is likely to continue as far ahead as anyone can see into the future. If today's children are to meet this competition with greater success than the past generation, they must come to

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the task as well prepared as they possibly can be. Failure to give them the necessary preparation, even at the expense of unusual sacrifice, would be inexcusable. For what is involved is an obligation both to the children of today and to all the succeeding generations for whom we are now the temporary custodians of Western democratic culture. Let us not mistake the nature of this competition. Esteem in the eyes of humanity will ultimately depend not upon force but upon the total excellence of our performance as a people. The physical power carried beyond our shores can produce alone, at best, no more than apprehension among our enemies and a sense of static security for our friends. But it is entirely possible that the frightful development of moidern weapons may have brought about the situation that differences, between nations will no longer be settled by the relatively simple competition of military forces. Every day the evidence grows that the influence which nations exert on each other today reflects the intelligence, competence, and persuasiveness of the representatives, piublic and private, who go as emissaries from one country to anolther. Other nations are convinced of the superiority of the American vaalues only to the extent that, as a nation, which is to say, finally, as indlividuals, Americans demonstrate the ability to live by those values. DIMENSIONS OF THE CURRENT SITUATION

The problem of the quality of opportunity for youth is national i in its scope and impact. To be sure, every community and every statee are affected by it and have an inescapable responsibility for participating in its solution, but essentially the challenge of the world in the jyears ahead is a challenge to the United States of America. The problenms of American children are national problems, and their solution muust be approached far more regularly and consistently on a nation-wide 1 basis than has been done heretofore. To an extent that was probbably unimaginable to the founding fathers, the nation is now one peeople. Our very mobility is unifying; only rarely do Americans live their whole lives where they are born or educated. To discriminate aggainst a child in any community is to discriminate against an Amenrican. To deny anyone a good education because of local poverty or • local

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custom is to send into adulthood a m a n or woman with undeveloped potential—potential which the nation is certain urgently to need. T o be sure, it is important to encourage local initiative and to respect the rights of states to deal with those matters clearly within their own provinces. But in no state can high quality of opportunity properly be denied an American child when the nation's welfare, as well as the child's, depends upon the opportunity he receives. Nor is a wealthy state wise to ignore its obligation to assist in educating children who, though temporarily living beyond its own borders, may in a few years become the culturally handicapped adults of its own slums. The social and economic conditions under which many of our present legal and administrative patterns were set no longer obtain. In most other areas of governmental activity the new facts have been recognized and procedures have been changed to deal with them. In industry and commerce, in communication and transportation, in public health, the broad public interest can be served only by using the facilities of the federal government to support and complement what is done within the states. It is a strange commentary on our wisdom and intelligence that action has been slowest in the very fields that furnish the foundations of those other fields in which action has been taken. The unwillingness to use federal means to improve quality of opportunity for youth, especially the failure in education, so illogical as to defy explanation. The purpose now must be not merely to allow children a fair field tnd a clean start, but to see to it that everywhere in the country each child has the equipment and the encouragement to run the best race he can. The ideal of equal opportunity to which lip service has so long been given becomes a tragic delusion for any child when the quality of his opportunity remains below what the nation offers the more fortunate members of his generation. The day when the awareness of this truth is translated into a nation-wide determination to achieve for all children opportunities for education will mark a pivotal point in the history of America and the world.

Mew Confidence in Education LINDLEY

J.

STILES»

F R O M COLONIAL TIMES t o t h e a c h i e v e m e n t of n a t i o n a l s t a t u s

and

now as the United States undertakes world leadership, a number of historic appeals have been made to education. Each has carried with it expressions of faith in and dependence on man's capacity to use his intelligence—provided it was properly developed—to meet the challenges of the times. Each has reflected the determination of a courageous people in a new land to pursue freedom and to enhance human dignity. In differing ways, each educational demand has reflected a substantial break with past customs and tradition, for each has introduced a new era of educational responsibility. As a consequence, each of these assignments to schools generated general uneasiness, and at times bitter controversy, about the functions that formal schooling should serve and the manner in which such obligations should be met. Yet when viewed in historical perspective, each of these significant appeals to education has reflected, above all else, greater confidence in formal schooling and stronger dedication to the process of education itself than ever before.

UNIQUE AMERICAN APPEALS TO EDUCATION

In different times, but in much the same spirit, the people of the American colonies and later of the United States have called on schools ( 1 ) to provide an avenue to salvation, ( 2 ) to serve as the instrument for vocational success, and ( 3 ) to provide the key to self-government. Interestingly enough, each of these demands on education was prompted by the burning desire of men to achieve individual freedom and happiness, each according to his own inclinations. As is always the case when educational functions are being established, each new * Dean, School of Education,

University of 34

Wisconsin.

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demand on schools originated from sources outside the institutions themselves from factors that were integrally related to the hopes, ideals, ambitions of people, as well as to the social, economic, and political conditions of particular periods of history. Avenue to salvation. The quest for freedom to worship led the Pilgrim fathers to establish a system of public schooling that would provide every child with the skills of literacy necessary to read and interpret the Bible for himself. The belief that salvation required a personal relationship between man and his God led men like Cotton Mather to appeal for public schools that would be open to all, regardless of creed, national origin, or economic status. From this determination to provide an avenue to salvation to every person the roots of general public education grew. Instrument for vocational success. Although early colonists recognized that schooling contributed to vocational success as well as to religious attainments, this emphasis was not predominant until the latter half of the eighteenth century. Benjamin Franklin is recognized as the leader of the appeal made to schools—secondary schools particularly—to teach "the important business of living" and to prepare young men, and women, for success in the world of business and vocational pursuits. Although Franklin's Academy—established in 1751 on the grounds of the University of Pennsylvania—disappointed him in his later years for not living up to the image he envisioned for it, the foundation it laid for an expanded conception of educational service paved the way for the system of public high schools that was to emerge during the nineteenth century. The revolutionary emphases Franklin advocated for his Academy sound almost as up-to-date today as the recent report of the President's White House Conference on education. They included: nonpartisan control of schools, tax support, nonsectarian instruction, a differentiated curriculum, elective subjects, books and teaching in the English language, citizenship education, applied subjects, modern foreign languages, coeducation, emphasis on science, use of audio-visual aids, physical fitness, universality of service, the campus-type school, and the development of marketable skills. 1 1

Lindley J. Stiles, Lloyd E. McCleary and Roy C. Turnbaugh, Secondary Education in the United States (Yonkers-on-Hudson: World Book Company, 1961). Chapter IV.

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The academy was the first attempt to create a public school adapted to the variety of people, the political and economic conditions, and the spirit of freedom that represented colonial America. It grew out of Franklin's sensitivity to the range of differences possessed by inhabitants of Philadelphia at mid-eighteenth century and his enthusiasm for the advances in commerce and industry of the new world. His goal was to create an institution that would serve all, inasmuch as it was his conviction that "The good education of youth has been esteemed by wise men in all ages as the surest foundation of the happiness both of private families and commonwealths." 2 This dual responsibility of education—to both the individual and the commonwealth—increasingly characterized the role of education in subsequent years as a new nation was founded and universal free public schooling became a national objective. Yet it was to the appeal for training for life, for vocational success, that the academy was to make its lasting response. This revolutionary idea that public education should help the individual develop marketable skills and prepare for personal success in life caught the imagination of people who were pushing back frontiers industrially as well as geographically. It led to emphases on science and mathematics, as well as applied subjects that broadened the functions of education beyond any previously accepted. Key to self-government. As the eighteenth-century appeal to education was for the useful and scientific as preparation for life, the 1900's saw the development of the concept of education for citizenship in a democratic nation. Mr. Jefferson of Virginia first formulated this demand when he proposed a plan for public education for his native state in 1779 that would have provided district, county, and regional elementary and secondary schools culminating in an educational capstone—the University of Virginia. Although Jefferson's plan was rejected by his own state—even by his own beloved Albermarle County where he later founded his state university—it caught the imagination of a new nation that turned to its schools to provide "that certain degree" of education, as Mr. Jefferson put it, that would "render the people safe, as they are the guardians of their own liberty." Consequently, beginning with the establishment of the public high * David Excelmons Cloyd, Benjamin Franklin and Education (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1902), p. 73.

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school in 1823 and continuing in ground-swell proportions into the twentieth century, the function of preparation for citizenship became a dominant mission of public education in the United States. Interestingly enough, although Jefferson saw education as the key to self-government, which made it mandatory for all citizens, he also envisioned it as the source of political and intellectual leadership that required graduated degrees of excellence in programs of preparation. His plan for selecting students for continuation in school, based only on intellectual competence and without reference to financial ability or social status, presaged an interest in the discovery and development of talent in public schools that did not materialize until the middle of the twentieth century. T W E N T I E T H CENTURY APPEAL

ARSENAL OF NATIONAL DEFENSE

The confidence established in education by the successful responses of schools to the responsibilities they were asked to assume is the major factor supporting the latest demands directed toward educational programs. This new appeal, which reflects a new level of confidence in schools, calls upon them to serve as arsenals of national defense. Literally, the people of the United States since the conclusion of World War II have turned to their schools for protection against possible military aggression and ideological challenges from abroad, as well as internal dissension and deterioration at home. The outstanding spokesman for the new appeal to education is conceded to be James Bryant Conant, former president of Harvard University and High Commissioner to Germany, who is currently engaged in helping chart the course for fulfilling the new responsibilities for education, particularly at the junior and senior high school levels. As Cotton Mather, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson became symbols of educational advance in their times, Dr. Conant has exerted vigorous leadership, in both his writing and public addresses, for the quality of education needed as the schools face new responsibilities today. His books, Education in a Divided World, The American

High School Today, and The Child, the Parent and the State, have analyzed the role of education in a democratic nation and sought to help the people of the United States, as well as educational leaders,

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appreciate the mission of education in an age when highly developed intelligence is at a premium. Perhaps no other voice today is stating so clearly the appeal to schools to face the challenge of a scientific age. The major factors contributing to the greater responsibilities of schools, of course, are the rapid advances that have occurred in the expansion of scientific knowledge. The fission discoveries of the past twenty years, for example, have exploded an awareness that wars between nations can no longer be won by sheer strength of physical manpower. They have dramatized the sober fact that the only reliable source of national defense against military aggression is educated brain power translated into scientific inventions and technical competence. This realization has generated a demand for the discovery and refinement of intellectual talent, in the interest of national survival, that points directly at elementary and secondary schools and colleges. In addition, it is recognized that advancements in all fields that are essential to a strong healthy nation depend upon the availability of all kinds of skill and competence. The automation of industry has forecast the elimination of much of the drudgery of common labor; at the same time it has created demands for higher levels of technical skills for workers in all fields. In effect, the mandates confronted by the United States today are: for the nation, to educate or perish; for each individual, to learn or lose out. Appeals to schools to defend national interests reach well beyond the need for scientists and technicians to create instruments of military destruction and counterdefense. These objectives are important only as means to the end of preserving peace. National needs also extend into fields and developments other than those that have been dramatized by the recent satellite race. National defense in this period of nonmilitary conflict—popularly called the Cold War—is advanced by a wide variety of activities that relate both to strengthening democratic self-government at home and to lending assistance to other free nations of the world. It is to the schools, for example, that the people turn when they desire to press further the extension of equality of treatment and opportunity and dignity of person to members of all racial groups. In addition to the moral, legal, and human motives for bringing the blight of segregation to an end in all aspects of life, it is obvious that

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a democracy that cannot accord equal status to the Negro race at home has little chance of competing abroad with Soviet Russia for friendship and for economical and political ties, or of demonstrating dedication to the common cause of freedom for the individual to nations whose people are different from our own. In addition, schools are being called upon to prepare in all fields intellectual leaders who can provide specialized assistance to underdeveloped nations to help them bring to their people the advantages that scientific discoveries and technical inventions afford. In fact, the aid to other nations that promises to win their respect and confidence is not, as some presume, the dollars sent abroad but the caliber of the leaders in science, industry, economics, agriculture, medicine, politics, and education who are sent to assist them in learning to help themselves. High on the list of assistance given to underdeveloped nations is the example held before them by the United States. An important part of this image is the extent and quality of education itself. At a time when communistic nations are extending the benefits of schooling to masses of peoples at a rate that exceeds even the past phenomenal accomplishments in this country, the example set by our schools is under close scrutiny. As newly freed people throughout the world reach for the benefits that only education can bring, they eagerly study our system of education in comparison with those in communist nations for ideas for their own schools. Challenge to the United States. Today the most critical question directing new appeals to education and focusing attention on the functions and quality of our American schools, is not, as many believe, whether we produce more, better, and bigger satellites than Russia does. This issue, alert observers point out, has been used by our opponents in the Cold War to keep our attention away from the major ideological thrusts by which uncommitted nations are being attacked. The main, and deeper, consideration on which the real ideological battle lines are drawn is whether a system of democracy that rests its existence on the individual and combined thinking of all the people and that extends freedom of choice to its citizens can stand firm against a despotic communism that is directed by the master plans of a few and which can regulate the development and use of the talents of its subjects. The outcome of this global contest, which has as its audience

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the free people of the entire world, depends primarily upon the relative success of the diametrically opposed educational programs of the two political systems. Schools must bear the burden of freedom. Awareness of the vital role of education in national defense has prompted widespread concern throughout the United States about the goals, quality, and processes of education in much the same fashion that former appeals to education stimulated unrest. Desire to strengthen schools in accordance with their new assignment has resulted in criticism of education and in recommendations that are shaking the foundation of school organization, as well as that of teaching theory and practice. Through the clouds of uncertainty and confusion that are being raised, one beam of agreement seems to prevail: all are convinced that our schools must bear the burden of freedom. As to how this responsibility can best be discharged, disagreement is common. The central point of contention seems to be how our schools can accept the challenge to serve as the arsenal for national defense without weakening previously accepted commitments and violating values that are distinctive to the American way of life. New decisions for education. The 1960's may well come to be called The Age of Education for National Defense and Human Freedom. During this decade, basic educational decisions will be made and actions initiated that may well shape not only the character of education itself but the future of free men everywhere. Examples of the questions about schools and education that now confront the nation are: 1. How may universality, quality, and efficiency be achieved and maintained in educational programs? 2. How may the national requirements for intellectual skills and specialized training be met without violating the "rights of choice" of individuals? 3. How may academic and cultural priorities be established in the public schools of a nation that de-emphasizes intellectual accomplishment, worships material success, and resorts all too often to decisions by pressures rather than by the bare facts? 4. How may the total resources—both financial and intellectual—

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at local, state, and national levels be marshaled to strengthen educational programs? 5. How may the "best" young people—those with the keenest minds, the strongest characters, and the most wholesome personal qualities—be attracted to and retained in teaching? 6. How may suitable post-high school educational opportunities be made available to all youth who can benefit from continuing their formal preparation for life and work? 7. How may lifelong learning be made a habit of every citizen? Belief that schools can assume a national commitment—a new confidence in education. The appeal to schools to assume a national commitment, as was true of all previous responsibilities assigned to education, represents a radical break with past customs and traditions. It suggests a heavy dependence on public education at the national level that runs contrary to the age-old conception of education as a personal prerogative and challenges long-established practices of control and support for public education. The strength of the demands for schools to assume a national commitment can be seen in the general endorsements of educational changes to practices that serve national as well as individual needs. The National Defense Education Act of 1958 gave legal expression to the role of public education in national defense. Proposals for national leadership for school curricula and recommendations of various individuals and of educational and citizen groups for strengthening schools all endorse, either directly or indirectly, the position that education should serve national purposes. As has been true with previous appeals for emphases in education, the schools have no choice but to respond when the mandate has general support. As social instruments, they are subject to the will of the people. Failure of established institutions to follow the wishes of the public that they assume responsibility for national defense will only force the nation to look for or to create other agencies to serve its needs for highly developed intellectual talent. The confidence of the people of the United States in their elementary and secondary schools and colleges, however, is highly justified. These institutions have already moved rapidly to assume the new functions that the public has been advocating. Anyone who has been in close

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touch with education at any level during the past few years is aware of the dramatic changes that are taking place as schools respond to the challenges of the times. Business as usual in schools these days is the exception rather than the rule. Only a few educational leaders continue to wring their hands and decry the advent of an age when intellectual development promises to assume its rightful place in educational programs and quality is sharing the spotlight with universality. The vast majority are already busily engaged in programs of school improvement that seek through research and experimentation for answers to the critical questions related to education's new mission. They read correctly the new appeal to education as a new and broader expression of confidence in schools. They accept the challenge to adapt educational programs to the needs of the nation, while preserving the traditional values that have proved essential to a democratic society and which are the source of the general dedication to education that prevails among our people.

Who Is Educated? JAY B. NASH* THIS QUESTION is age-old and world-wide. Who is educated? What are the paths that lead to education? On an Indian reservation in Arizona there is a large, flat-topped ridge known as Navajo Mountain. When an old Indian was asked how many trails there were to the top, he replied, "There are a thousand trails to the top of the mountain, but when you get there you will all be at the same place." And so it is with education. No age has thought its education good enough. Life, at least in the ideal, is never good enough, and education is advocated as the panacea for all ills. Each generation has been dissatisfied, and the present one is no exception; but this dissatisfaction has led to improvements at each age upon which future generations have built. EDUCATION FOR ALL

For the first time in history, a country—this country—has declared itself dedicated to state-supported free schooling (as used here to be synonymous with "education") for all children. State laws set the age limit to sixteen or eighteen, but provide education on the graduate level free or at a low cost for those who qualify. The stand of the United States on education is a broad one. Though many countries provide liberally for the education of select groups of engineers, scientists, and physicians, the goal of our country is to reach all children. Not only is free public education offered, but it is made compulsory. What would the founding fathers or Lincoln have thought of the term "compulsory education"? Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and Horace Mann saw public schooling as the hope of * Executive cation, and

Secretary, New Recreation.

York State Association 43

for Health,

Physical

Edu-

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MORAL,

PHYSICAL

democracy. They thought that to know the past was a guarantee for plotting the future on higher moral and spiritual levels. Has this happened? In the nineteenth century, new forces that no one could have foreseen were at work. Population increased rapidly—democracy was planned for a rural society—the machine age was augmented by the atomic era, and world-wide rapid transportation and mass media of communication developed. With the passing of rural and guild aspects of farm life, a society evolved where the boy and the girl no longer learned a trade or skills at home; there was no seat for a small boy in the blacksmith or carpenter shop and no place for the girl to learn skills in the kitchen or at the dressmaking table. The world was becoming "one world." Undeveloped countries sought freedom as the American colonies had done, and tensions between the "haves" and the "have-nots" reached a point of explosion. The dream of equality of opportunity, especially for children, has survived the Crusades, wars, revolutions, and scientific changes. Each man has his talents, and his right to develop them is preached from pulpit and rostrum. It is set forth in pamphlets, reports, surveys, and books on education; but how far has action progressed? Reports and oratory of the present day, too, champion the cause of all men. The Fund for Adult Education states, "We must provide equality of basic opportunity for all"; the Education Policy Commission, ". . . education for all American children"; the Conant Report, "We must provide for the educational needs of all the youth of the country"; The Carnegie Report on Education, "We must provide opportunity for individual development of all"; President Eisenhower's Science Advancement Committee, "We need a broad basis of education to make America a better place in which to live"; the Christian Science Monitor, "First teach people how to live together"; the College Conference on Leadership, "Produce a whole man who can do things in the world"; and Governor Rockefeller has appointed a task force "to plan college education for all," including the worthy use of leisure. Education for health and the worthy use of leisure have been placed first in several reports on school objectives since 1918. Other reports have indicated that the three R's are not enough, that educa-

Who Is Educated?

45

tion for all is lagging, that there must be more humanities in the science curriculum, and that schools must tap the potentialities of all youth. Even the Council for Basic Education and Admiral Rickover (two of the most reactionary forces concerned with educational problems) insist on the right of equal opportunities for all. People shout for the rights of all men, then immediately set up an educational system for the few—some 15 per cent. The few include the fortunate ones who had an opportunity to develop a vocabulary, who were endowed with a visual memory, and whose cultural background has been rich. They also had rooms of their own, with tables and lights for studying, and their parents could both encourage and help them go to college. One school man has an answer for the 85 per cent—"Throw them out," he says.1 A reliable source claims that 42 per cent of our youth are not acceptable for military service, and that 25 per cent of those who are accepted are "only smart enough to dig ditches and swab floors." Such statements belie the whole concept of the oneness of mind and body, the relationship of the hand and the brain, and the very process by which man developed an integrated nervous system and climbed to dizzy heights. This so-called educable group—the 15 per cent—are even called spiritual leaders chosen by a wise providence to save the rest of society. However, fullness of life is built on attitudes and principles inherent in all cross sections of society. I have seen no evidence that these so-called "college caliber people" have more social consciousness and more honesty or more ability to "show us the beauties to enrich our lives" than any other people. Certainly the Benedict Arnolds, Leopolds, Loebs, Fuchs, Jay Goulds, and Jim Fisks indicate that the so-called "intellectuals" have no monopoly on high spiritual motives and good works. The hope of tomorrow, in my judgment, rests with "little men," who at least outnumber the élite. Our neighbors are the men who constitute our juries; they have the ability to judge between right and wrong and to evaluate the quality of brotherhood. This ability is not necessarily concentrated in the top few who possess high I.Q.'s. The ordinary people are the ones whom Lincoln meant when he "'Throw Them Out," Time, XLVII (May 7, 1956), 77.

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said, "God must have liked the common man. He made so many of them." I believe in the people in humble places—the grocer, plumber, mechanic, teacher, bus driver, janitor, housewife, farmer, and nurse— whether they went to college or not. Professor Walter A. Lunden of Iowa State University, at Ames, Iowa, in a report to the American Association for the Advancement of Science, stated that the moral behavior of ruling groups tends to be more criminal and subnormal than that of other persons. He said, "Ruling groups contain a larger proportion of the extreme mental types of the gifted and the mentally sick than the rank and file of the ruled population." 2 Thus it has been from the time of the tribal chiefs, through the reign of the nobles, princes, and robber barons, and on to the activities of some politicians, industrial chiefs, and TV magnates of the present day. In 1928, a very important meeting was held at the Edgewater Beach Hotel, in Chicago. Attending this meeting were ten of the world's most successful financiers. Certainly here was a group of men who had found the secret of making money. But what has happened to them now? The president of the largest independent steel company, Charles Schwab, died a bankrupt and lived on borrowed money for five years before his death. The greatest wheat speculator, Arthur Cutten, died abroad, insolvent. The president of the greatest utility company, Samuel Insull, died a fugitive from justice, and penniless, in a foreign country. The greatest "bear" in Wall Street, Jesse Livermore, died a suicide. The president of the largest gas company, Howard Hopson, went insane. The president of the N e w York Stock Exchange, Richard Whitney, served time in Sing Sing Penitentiary. The member of the President's Cabinet, Albert Fall, was pardoned from prison, so that he could die at home. The head of the greatest monopoly, Ivar Krueger, died a suicide. The president of the Bank of International Settlements, Leon Fraser, died a suicide. * "Man's Role as Pet of Gods Disputed," The New York Times, CIX (December 30, 1959), 8.

Who Is Educated?

47

The president of the National City Bank, Charles Edwin Mitchell, who lost a fortune and made another, settled all his debts and back income taxes before he died.

All these men had learned well the art of making money, but only one of them had learned how to live. They were clever, smart, and may have been voted by classmates as the most likely to make good, but they lacked the essential elements of the truly educated. All, not just a select few, have a right to educational opportunities, a right to find the best trail to success. Only 8 to 10 per cent of employed people will be in the so-called professions. That means some five to six million out of sixty-seven million employees. The school has the responsibility to help develop talents, and the community needs the services of all of the others. Among these are the twenty-four million with a variety of impairment and handicaps who also need education. 3 VARIED NEEDS OF

INDIVIDUALS

Many young people with talents are being overlooked because no one discovers them. It was only through chance that Beatien Yazz, the Navajo artist whose Indian name is "Little-No-Shirt," was found. Spin a Silver Dollar is the story of this boy, who had great artistic ability but no formal schooling, and whose drawings are as fresh and uninhibited as those of Neanderthal Man found on the walls of caves in southern France. Practical skills. Even in the face of apparent varied needs, "over 90 per cent of the nation's high schools offer only one type of diploma," 4 and that is tied very closely in the thinking of the public to college entrance requirements. To give what Newton Baker called the "irreducible minimum of knowledge common to all educated people," the "liberal" must be restored to liberal education. Most colleges give entrance credit for the history of drama and art, but not for ® Howard A. Rusk, "Rehabilitation Inventory: Nation's Achievement in Year Hailed. But Impairments Still Plague 24 Million," The New York Times, CIX (January 10, I960), 80. 1 "High School Diplomas," NEA Research Bulletin, XXXVII (December, 1959), 114.

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the drama; for the theory of music, but not for music; for physiology and mental health, but not for health education; for history of the dance, but not dance; for the theory of play, but not play and recreation. Credit is listed for the study of employment trends, but not for vocational training; for the study of the evolution of the nervous system, but not for skills; for the social studies (citizenship education), but not for the business that takes place in City Hall. The life span has been extended, but mental hospitals bulge with patients. Antibiotics have battled vigorously against disease, but luxury living on sweets and fats and too little exercise have hardened arteries and increased the number of cancer cases. Leisure has been extended, but few know what to do with it. Citizenship training for youth and adults has been expanded, but crime and delinquency increase. An attempt is made to find jobs for all, but men hate their work. Education should employ the usable. Self-expression. Another very basic need is to present opportunities for expression of talents to act, to pursue, to try for seemingly unattainable goals. This need for self-expression was recognized by early educators, many of whom were creative craftsmen themselves. T h o m a s Woody, a great historian, says in his book Life and Education in Early Societies: . . . Before his mind struggled after the fruits of reason; before his heart essayed the flights of song; before imagination peopled the world around him with invisible beings, man had cause to be physically active, in work and in play. Through informal physical activities he gained most of that which physical education provides in more formal fashion today. Such simple, primitive, natural forms of activity ran back far beyond man's written history; indeed, they were a continuous part of his experience long epochs before the dawn of settled civilizations.5 The need to act and to do was, and is now, often expressed in wage-work. What man wants and needs, if morale is to be built and maintained, is an opportunity to work, but this is no plea for long hours of repetitive wage-work. It is no defense of drudgery for drudgery's sake. This concerns challenging work, where the individual 'Thomas Woody, Life and Education in Early Societies (New York: Macmillan, 1949), p. 7.

Who Is

Educated?

49

has sufficient skill to bring himself within reach of success, so that he may have the joy of achievement. Work, with security, is the only foundation for a normal life. Albert Schweitzer offers a very simple recipe, "Never cease to work, never cease to wrestle." This wrestling against circumstances, against men, and against one's self is necessary, according to Dr. Schweitzer, if the great humane ideals of the eighteenth century are to be translated into the reality of today. The educated man should consider three specific objectives that those in the fields of health, physical education, and recreation consider also as worthy objectives of education: optimum health, challenging leisure activities, and citizenship. Optimum health. The physical activitiy needs cannot be separated from the intellectual, the cultural, the spiritual, and the emotional needs of man. The time will come when mental and physical health will be considered together simply as "health." The American Medical Association in the pamphlet, "Exercise and Health," points out the values of physical activity and plain, old-fashioned exercise. Three eminent medical experts, Howard Rusk, Hans Selye, and Harold Wolff, emphasize that hope and faith are medicinal, and that traveling hopefully is therapeutic. Leisure-time activities. The second objective, challenging leisure activities, requires that man have the time, the knowledge, and the skill for basic recreation activity that can even be the catalyst for solving problems facing civilizations. Every man should provide for creativity, for artistic and cultural growth, and for an increasing understanding of his state, his country, and the world. No great civilization has yet survived the prevalence of unproductive leisure. In the time of Nero, the active Gauls came to Rome and there were none to defend the walls. The Romans had become soft in body and spirit through luxurious living and misspent leisure. Mortimer Adler, Director of the Institute for Philosophical Research and no educational liberal, charges that, "Educators have failed to provide man with the proper liberal arts training for his leisure hours." Too much has been written on the increased hours for leisure in man's schedule. Additional leisure bids fair to cater to the spectator and to present an excuse for millions to avoid participation in the struggle for personal mastery. Retirement or compatible

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financial status should never become a lazy man's dream of doing nothing. Senile dementia is more prevalent among stupid, nonmotivated individuals than among busy people. There are years of "borrowed time" ahead for the busy man. And schools must assume some of the responsibility for laying the basis for leisure-time skills. Citizenship. The third objective, citizenship, is a worthy aim of all education. The really educated man is a good citizen and should use his powers to allay and prevent delinquency. And what is the cause of delinquency but lack of hope of success in some worthwhile act? The Juvenile Delinquency Induction Center at Auburn, New York, indicates that at least 75 per cent of the youths sent there lack skills and any hope of achieving a full normal life. Delinquency prevention is a generation too late; the cure for delinquency lies early in childhood, with a father and a son on a fishing trip or with stimulating activity provided by the church, the home, the school, and the city recreation department. A developing, driving, purposeful hobby is essential to children and adults alike, and aids in the prevention of delinquency. Too often neglected children become the disinherited, with no ties to any constructive group or activity, with no standards or goals, with little hope, and cover their discouragement and despair with bravado or happy-go-lucky clownishness. They feel wanted by no one; they know no one they can call friend. They are adolescents adrift, with no rudder, no compass, no motive power, no beckoning harbor. Is education that could prevent this situation a frill? THE CURRENT PROBLEM

"We cannot afford this education for all," is the cry of many who send their children to private schools, yet the country is spending billions of dollars for past and present wars and security. Why? Because it is deemed important enough to be done. Today there are about forty-six million people, nearly a fourth of the population of the United States, in schools of various types. Some of these basic educational problems can be solved if plans are made in advance. It will take money, but the nation can afford it; in fact, it cannot afford to ignore the need.

Who Is

Educated?

51

The educated mature man sees good in all men around the world whenever judgments of worth are based on achievement and never on conditions of race, religion, economic status, or nationality. He sees beauty in nature and art, and strives in all things for perfection. He tries to live with all men as brothers. His passions are guided by vigorous will and a tender conscience. Above all, the educated man has learned to hate vileness, crudeness, or anything that tends to make men lose respect for themselves or their fellow beings. The mature educated man loves people, maintains a pride in his own accomplishment, and expects happiness along the trail.

The Quest for Quality—Challenge

of the

1960's

JOHN P. WALSH* IF WE ARE to plot effectively the course of trade and industrial education for the years ahead, we must base our decisions on an understanding of the trends that shape the future. Indeed, we must "focus on the future." All our efforts as educators are programmed for fruition in the future. Trends now established will unquestionably alter "the shape of things to come." However, not all the trends that have implications for trade and industrial education in the 1960's will be discussed here. There are too many handy aids to help in plotting the future. First is the U. S. Department of Labor publication, Manpower— Challenge of the 1960's, and second, the Tempo Reports, publications of the General Electric Company, both of which lay out and describe plans and projects for the future. POPULATION TRENDS

Nevertheless, one or two points might be helpful in bringing the topic into focus. These are the trends in the development of population and of households. The two, of course, go together. Between them they have implications that will have much to do with the quantity and quality of trade and industrial education needed for the future. First, let us look at population. The figure 30 million is an interesting one, because that was the population of this entire nation in the year 1857. The prediction now is that by 1970 the population of our country will rise to over 200 million. Just since 1947 there has been an increase of 30 million. An additional 30 million are expected to be added to the population between now and the close of the 1960's. Certain members of this population will unite to form families, * Director, Trade and Industrial Education, U. S. Office of 52

Education.

The Quest for Quality—Challenge

of the 1960's

53

and, in turn, to form household units. By household is meant any of these dwelling units in which families live, such as apartments, homes, farmhouses, or any other type of dwelling. At the present time, this nation is composed of 51 million such households. This number has been increased at the rate of approximately 850,000 per year. While it is true that in 1960 and in 1961 the number of households will increase only at about 600,000 per year because of the small birth rate during the World War II period, beginning in 1963, the number of households will increase by approximately one million per year. This means that by 1970, the estimated number of households, based on firmly established figures, will reach 61 million. DEMAND FOR GOODS AND SERVICES

It does not take much imagination to realize that all the families living in those households will have many needs to be met by the productive efforts of those who are trained in trade and industrial education programs. Not only do the materials for the housing have to be produced, milled, or manufactured, but they must be transported and assembled in such a way as to form the kinds of dwelling places required. Once the dwelling units are constructed, they will have to contain the latest household furnishings and "gadgets" demanded by our forward-looking standard of living. It is difficult to estimate how many television sets, communications units, freezers, and other appliances will be needed. The point is clear, however, that the growing number of households creates a growing demand for goods and services—goods and services that have to be manufactured and maintained by people having high levels of competence and great depths of understanding in technologies that are now only beginning to develop. TECHNOLOGY IN TRANSITION

I like to think of this period, with its inevitable problems, as "the turbulence of technology in transition." Each day, from dawn to dusk, there appears on the scene some new development, some modification of the old, or a hybrid offspring of the wedding of technologies

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that changes the requirements for technical know-how and knowwhy. This is not a new phenomenon; it is the speed with which such change takes place that astounds. Even more astounding is the decrease in the so-called "lead time" from concept to design to commercialized product. Photography took 112 years from the concept to commercialization, the telephone 56, television 12, the transistor five; and now the tunnel-diode in two years. Truly, we have crossed the frontier of the technological age into the space era. Yesterday's science fiction has become today's fact. In the decade of the sixties, man is destined to soar beyond the film of earth atmosphere in which he and his ancestors have previously been imprisoned. Let us look back for a moment at the fabulous fifties. During that decade automation, computers, transistors, supersonic flight, atomic power, man-made satellites, radio control beyond the million-mile limit, and many other scientific advances were developed. Now the question is, "What about the sizzling sixties?" Space technology will feed back a wealth of engineering ideas that can be put to use in hundreds of unforeseen ways. Like the atomic energy quest, the space venture will present a host of baffling problems. Efforts to solve them will deepen and broaden man's understanding of nature and extend his control of it. In many instances, evidence of change is apparent as new ideas and new concepts result in the kinds of programs needed to develop the competencies required for tomorrow. In other instances, some minds seem to have hardened when faced with the thought of moving from the tried and true and venturing into areas heretofore unexplored. We must ask ourselves the question, "How do we bring about such necessary change?" One thing is certain: change will be the keynote of the decade. And if the future is to be approached with a willingness to develop flexibility and to change with the requirements of the time, then the prime attribute is the inquisitive mind. There must be an honest research effort to determine the "why" and the "what" and the "how," as well as "how much" and "when." The question of "how much" is an interesting one, especially when considered in terms of dollars. For example, in 1950, industry spent about three billion dollars on research; in 1959, about twelve billions.

The Quest for Quality—Challenge of the 1960's

55

During the decade of the fifties, sixty billions went for research, and the prediction for the sixties is double or triple that amount. But, what about the spending for educational research? Viewed economically, education is one of the nation's largest "growth industries," whether measured by employment expenditures, rate of expansion, capital facilities, or size of clientele. One-fourth of the population of the United States is attending school today in one form or another. However, the estimated amount for research is but onetenth of one per cent of the total expenditure for education. The question can well be asked, "How long can we endure on such a research effort?" Where are the bricks and the mortar for the building of tomorrow's programs, unless objective studies are made of the forces that shape the future? THE CHALLENGE OF THE

FUTURE

The only answer to the challenge of the future is the development of quality programs that meet the needs—not for yesterday, not for today, but for tomorrow. It is this quest for quality that must remain our challenge as we work toward the promotion, development, and expansion of trade and industrial education for the years ahead. Let us look at some measures of quality with which we should become concerned. Measures of quality. Since the development of skills, abilities, knowledge, and attitudes results from teacher influence in the instructional process, the first measure of quality in the trade and industrial program must be taken at the instructor level. Such searching questions must be asked as: What about the recency of experience of the instructional staff? The recency of occupational contact? The accuracy of the instructor's technical information? The up-to-dateness of his instructional technique? The second measure of quality must be taken at the curriculum level. The curriculum must be measured in terms of its adequacy in the light of the challenge of the future. Here questions must be asked: How up-to-date are the instructional units? How recent are the instructional materials? How flexible is the curriculum? What

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provisions are made for changing with the times? Is the focus on the days ahead rather than on yesterday or today? The third measure must be taken in terms of hardware and facilities —the environment in which the learning is to take place. How flexible are the facilities? Can they be adapted to the new occupations of tomorrow? Can changes be made according to the shifts in emphasis in the occupational structure? How up-to-date is the equipment? Are the tools of tomorrow being used to build from the base of today? In other words, is use made of the "speeds and feeds" in keeping with the times? A fourth and perhaps the key measure must be taken at the trainee level. Are personal characteristics being matched to job requirements? Is selective recruiting practiced in order to assure a quality product? These factors may well be the key to success or failure. The fifth measure must be taken in terms of the product—those individuals who complete the training programs. Are they employable? Are they adaptable? Are they flexible? Do they possess job competence as well as community competence? And last but not least, there must be a measure taken at the community program level. What is being done to insure "the continuum of industrial educations needed"? Is the kind of program provided that matches the range of manpower requirements, as well as the range of ability levels, of those who seek training? Is each provided with the opportunity for the pursuit of excellence in trade and industrial education? What is the quality of the over-all program? All across this nation, the echoes of voices are being heard as they discuss the role that education is to play in building for the future. Admiral Rickover has stated his position and the U. S. Commissioner of Education, Lawrence G. Derthick, has presented Congress with a blueprint for the future that takes into account the abilities and the aptitudes of all the youth that must be served. He made this quite clear when he said, "Americans want a diversity of subjects in the curriculum which will develop the skills and talents of those who are mechanically minded and those who are artistically minded as well as those who are academically oriented." Let me add my voice by saying, "Your role for the decade of the sixties must be the quest for quality in trade and industrial education."

The Quest for Quality—Challenge

of the 1960's

57

Method for developing quality. The question may well be asked, "How do we pursue the quest?" The procedure in itself is simple; it is the action and reaction among individuals and groups that requires some working out. First, standards must be set. These must be attainable standards organized in the light of the demands of the future and the personnel and apparatus available to do the job. The second step is the validating of the standards through the involvement of those who have a stake in the program from the point of view of the consumer of the product—management and labor in industry. When such a group attacks the problem in an objective manner, with an honest look at the needs of the future, and reaches agreement that the standards which have been set are true, then we have the framework for program development that will have the support of the public. The third step is honest self-evaluation—looking at the present status and the ultimate goal, then measuring whether or not what is being done and how it is being done are in keeping with the requirements of the future. If not, change must be made. The fourth step is getting the stamp of approval. This is a form of accreditation that comes from any one of many sources. It is similar to the seal of Good Housekeeping approval or an underwriter's approval. It is the stamp of approval that is placed on the program by a forward-looking State Department of Education, or the National Association, or an industry group. When these four steps have been accomplished—standard setting, validation of standards, self-evaluation, and the setting of the stamp of approval—there results the kind of a program that will receive the firm backing and the support of the citizens of our communities. Conditions for progress. Now a prescription for progress. The challenge of the future which requires change and flexibility must be paralleled by your reaction and action, so that programs can be streamlined to meet the challenge efficiently and effectively. This can be done when these six conditions are met: (1) a total program that meets the needs of the individual as well as the needs of management and labor; (2) quality instruction that will develop the individual to his fullest; (3) research that will uncover weaknesses and help

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accentuate strengths; (4) leadership that will point the way for the alert and motivate those who falter; (5) a citizenry enlightened as to the great potential inherent in vocational, trade, and industrial education and willing to support the efforts of vocational education; and (6) learners with a capacity to profit from instruction and to apply in action the skills, knowledges, and attitudes developed in trade and industrial education programs. This, then, is the challenge—the quest for quality. The challenge is directed to those who are or aspire to become leaders—a challenge that calls for honest effort on the part of each and every one. If the effort is sustained to the extent that quality programs keep pace with progress, then indeed is the job well done.

II Factors Affecting

Education

Social and Technological Change As

Affecting

Education NEWTON EDWARDS * were departing from the Garden of Eden we have it on good authority that Adam remarked to Eve, "My dear, we are living in a rapidly changing world." And so it has ever been. But in our own day social change has taken on enlarged dimensions and a new significance. The forces that disturb the equilibrium of our world and drive us this way and that in search of solutions for new problems are complex in their nature and in their impact upon society. Indeed, at times our world may present itself to us as chaotic and confused, cut loose from its old moorings and unable to right its course. And yet beneath the surface of events one may detect certain ordered patterns of change. These movements are so vast and so fateful in their consequences that we may properly regard them as revolutionary. They may be designated as (1) technological revolution, ( 2 ) democratic revolution, and (3) demographic revolution. These movements do not, of course, embrace all the major social changes of our time, but an analysis of them will serve to illustrate the problems of public and social policy with which we and our children must come to grips both in primary, face-to-face relationships and in the larger area of national and international affairs.

W H E N A D A M AND E V E

TECHNOLOGICAL

REVOLUTION

First, let us direct attention to technological revolution. No one attempting to appraise American society during the past half-century can fail to take into account the revolutionary effects of technological * Professor

Emeritus,

University

of

Chicago.

61

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change. Science translated into invention and technology is the great disturber of the ways of men. The influence of technology is all-pervasive; directly or indirectly it affects every strand that goes to make up the warp and woof of the life of a people. Already the impact of technology on American life has brought changes of the first magnitude. It has increased the productivity of labor and made possible such a vast increase in the production of goods and services that we have in fact an affluent society; it has wrought fundamental changes in the pattern of life of the industrial worker; it has contributed to the concentration of economic power in the hands of a few large corporations; it has affected the pattern of income distribution; it has modified the functions of the family and changed the status of women in society; it has influenced the birth rate and the growth of population; it has to a considerable degree erased the line which separated government from the economy; it has been a force in bringing about a unified culture in the United States; and it has acted as a solvent of world cultures and forced a reformulation of international policies. The impact of technological change upon the individual has affected profoundly the world of face-to-face relationships in which he lives. The individual today is faced with a rapidly shifting occupational pattern and instability of job opportunity. The change in occupational pattern. The most striking feature of the changing occupational pattern has been the sharp decline in the percentage of the labor force employed in agriculture. The part of the labor force working on farms dropped from 38 per cent in 1900 to 10 per cent in 1956. And it is estimated that by 1975 no more than 6 per cent of the labor force will be engaged in agriculture. The absolute number of those engaged in manufacturing has materially increased but the percentage increase has not been very striking since 1900. In fact, in 1950, the percentage of the labor force engaged in manufacturing was somewhat less than in 1920. The decline in the number of those engaged in agriculture and the failure of manufacturing to make any marked increase in the percentage of those employed in it have released a large fraction of the labor force from physical productions and made it available for other work. Employment opportunity has been markedly expanding in the dis-

Social and Technological Change As Affecting Education

63

tributive and service occupations. In recent years a large percentage of our population have earned their living in jobs connected with the movement and distribution of goods from the factory to the consumer. The percentage of those engaged in trade has more than doubled since 1900. A striking increase has also occurred in the percentage of the gainfully employed whose work falls in the service occupations. The professions, the public service, and the clerical occupations have all absorbed a large share of the gainfully employed. The percentage of those engaged in professional service and government service has more than doubled since 1900. The changing pattern of work opportunity is important; far more important, however, is the imperative need of an upgrading of the entire labor force. The ever-increasing tempo of technological advance, the advent of automation, the world political crisis which calls for a constant strengthening of the economy—all these demand a better-qualified labor force. And this need for greater competency is not confined to any segment or level of the labor force; it permeates the whole economy and affects all who work. The need for "creative manpower" will be great in scientific research, in all the professions, in executive and managerial groups, and among all kinds of skilled workers. The demands on the labor force for intelligence, imagination, creativity, and skill may be expected to be such as to handicap severely the poorly educated and unskilled and to force them to remain on the periphery of employment opportunity. The demand for social skills. No aspect of technological revolution has been more significant than the need which has been created for new social skills. By social skill we mean capacity to communicate, to understand, and to co-operate. The problem of interpersonal and intergroup co-operation has become increasingly important and difficult. This fact may be observed in interracial relations, in the conflicts between labor and management, and in the whole area of international relations. Our society has adopted policies that have been relatively successful in meeting the demand for new technical skills; it has been scarcely aware of the problem of developing the required social skills. The consequences of this neglect can be seen in the high incidence of personal frustration and in the intergroup conflicts that work

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against the unity of our national life. To develop the skills that will enable individuals to adjust satisfactorily to the complex social relationships of their daily lives and that will bring about better communication and co-operation among conflicting-interest groups is one of the major problems of our time. It is one of the major responsibilities of education. Technology has transformed the world of primary, face-to-face relations in which men live and has forced the constant reshaping of policies governing these relationships. Its impact on social institutions and on policy decisions at state, national, and international levels has been even more significant. The effect on institutions. The consequences of technological advance, as they affect the ordered pattern of social institutions, may be observed at a number of stages or levels. In the first stage, the processes and products of technology—its division of labor, its assembly lines, its tin cans, elevators, telephones, automobiles, television, and atom bombs—are accepted and put to use with little regard for the ways they will affect the family, the school, the system of local government, the structure and operation of the economy, the functions of government, or international relations. The second stage occurs when technology's gadgets and machines so change the social context in which men live that established institutional arrangements begin to function poorly or even dangerously. The family is stripped of many historic functions and has to redesign the pattern of its life. The school is called upon to perform responsibilities once met by home, church, and community. The local community is disrupted and has to be reformed to embrace a larger territory, and in the process old leadership is lost and new leadership must be uncovered. A simple rural economy gives place to a highly complex and delicate economic mechanism which requires great insight and skill in its direction. In industry, labor, and agriculture, policy decisions at the societal level profoundly affect the lives of all citizens and determine the health and efficiency of the economy as a whole. The functions of state and national governments expand to the point where they seem to operate in nearly every aspect of life. And finally, technology forces fundamental changes in international relations. New means of communication and travel and new

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weapons of war act as a solvent of cultures; they bring nations and civilizations that were hitherto more or less separate into one orbit; they bring about a new world in which men can live in peace and prosperity or can destroy civilization itself. The third aspect of technological change occurs when science and invention have so changed a culture that established institutions begin to weaken. Old institutions must be modified or new ones invented if men are not to be crushed by the forces unleashed by physical technology. Now social technology becomes an imperative; men must cultivate the spirit of social inventiveness and adaptation if they are to find satisfactory solutions for the problems that confront them. And social technology—social inventiveness—requires social understanding of a high order on the part of leadership and on the part of the masses as well. To provide this understanding is a central task of our schools and colleges. The impact on the economy. The impact of technology on all our social institutions has been profound, but perhaps its most significant impact has been on the economy. Both the structure and the operation of the economy have been greatly modified. Technology has made possible and has greatly stimulated the concentration of economic power in the hands of a few large corporations. In 1933, two hundred of the largest nonfinancial corporations controlled approximately 20 per cent of the national wealth, between 46 and 51 per cent of the nation's industrial wealth, and about 60 per cent of the physical assets of all nonfinancial corporations. Five of the largest corporations controlled assets in 1935 greater than the assessed valuations of property contained in one-half of the American states. The assets of four great corporations exceeded the value of property, as measured by assessed valuation, of the eleven states that went to make up the Southern Confederacy; and fifteen corporations controlled assets greater than all the taxable property located west of the Mississippi River. The evidence indicates that during the past two decades there has been further concentration of economic power in a few great industrial giants. The Federal Trade Commission in 1947 reported that 113 of the largest corporations owned 46 per cent of the capital assets of all manufacturing, both corporate and noncorporate. In

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the same year, in twelve large manufacturing industries the two largest concerns owned SO per cent or more of the capital assets of the entire industry. The evidence clearly indicates that economic power in this country is highly concentrated in a relatively few big corporations. One hundred and thirty-five own 45 per cent of the industrial wealth of the United States, or almost one-fourth of the manufacturing assets of the entire world. In something like 70 per cent of American industries, a pattern of high concentration has emerged. The rise of the large corporation to a dominant position in the economy resulted in the concentration of production of many commodities in the hands of a few large producers. For example, in 1954, the four largest companies in the respective fields produced 100 per cent of primary aluminum, 93 per cent of electric lamps, 91 per cent of aircraft propellers, 91 per cent of locomotives and parts, 89 per cent of telephone and telegraph equipment, 88 per cent of the cereal breakfast foods, 87 per cent of steam engines and turbines, 86 per cent of the primary copper, 86 per cent of the salt, 83 per cent of the typewriters, 82 per cent of the cigarettes, 81 per cent of the sewing machines, 75 per cent of the motor vehicles and parts, 73 per cent of the tractors, 71 per cent of the biscuits and crackers. In many other industries the four largest companies produced in excess of 50 per cent of a particular commodity. Where a few manufacturers of a product dominate the trade, steps are almost sure to be taken to control or eliminate competition through such practices as price leadership, formal and informal agreements, or friendly sharing of markets. The net result is that, in many segments of the American economy where a few large producers are able to dominate the market, price competition has largely been supplanted by competition in packaging, in styling, and in advertising. That is to say, in the case of many manufactured products the prices of goods to a major extent are formed on an administered basis rather than on the basis of a free market. It should be pointed out, too, that labor unions have been able to limit free competition in the labor market and that farmers, through federal legislation, have been able to limit production and in a measure to control prices. Each of these three major groups—industrialists, laborers, and farmers—

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have now abandoned to a marked degree the old free-enterprise economy; each of these major groups is now in a position to restrict production and to regulate the price of goods or services it places on the market. The trend toward administered rather than competitive prices has had profound economic consequences. The way prices are determined is of the first importance in any economy. Where there are many small independent producers of goods and services competing with one another in the open market, prices are sufficiently competitive to permit the law of supply and demand to operate. In such a case, the economy can properly be regarded as a market-regulated economy. And a market-regulated economy is more or less selfregulating; it requires a minimum of human decision and of governmental regulation and control. The case is vastly different when prices are brought under administrative control, either in industry, labor, or agriculture, and all the more so, as with us, when prices are brought under a measure of control in all three. As prices shift from a competitive to an administered basis, the whole nature of the economy is changed; a market-determined economy gives place to an administered economy. And an administered economy poses problems of public and social policy of the first magnitude. The area of decision-making with respect to the management of the economy has been vastly enlarged. To prepare citizens to participate wisely in the making of these decisions has come to be one of the main obligations of education. DEMOCRATIC

REVOLUTION

A second significant social movement of our time may be appropriately designated as democratic revolution. Indeed, much of the social crisis of our time grows out of the fact that we are experiencing a democratic revolution world-wide in its sweep. In our own country, there is an attempt to put into operation programs of social action designed to release more fully the democratic ideals that lie at the base of our tradition. It is not too much to say that today, the world over, men are trying to reconstruct the whole ordered pattern of their social institutions so as to make them the effective carriers of

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democratic ideals. However much their means may differ in reaching their goals, however much they may in fact be misguided or enslaved, the peoples of the world are seeking for a way of life that recognizes the dignity of individual human beings, that will make the gains of civilization the gains of all, and that will release the potentialities of personality latent in each human being. Everywhere common men are becoming aware that ignorance, poverty, and disease are no part of a divinely ordered plan of human life, that many of their frustrations are man-made, and that better provision can be made for their essential spiritual and material needs. Even the most arbitrary dictatorships find it necessary to capitalize on the democratic aspirations of common men and, through holding out to them false hopes, perpetrate the cruelest deception in human history. To give this democratic revolution wise direction is a major obligation of American policy and of American education.

DEMOGRAPHIC

REVOLUTION

Population change constitutes another revolutionary movement of vast importance. In our own country, population problems growing out of high birth rates, the aging population, differential fertility, and internal migration have become an integral part of the total structure of public and social policy. It is, however, the explosive growth of world population that creates one of the most dangerous problems of our time. The United Nations estimates that at present growth rates the world's population will double between 1965 and the year 2000. This high rate of population growth creates severe population pressure on the resource structure and compounds ignorance, poverty, and disease. More than half of the people now on earth are underfed, and more than one hundred million babies born this year will not have enough to eat. In a newscast from London in 1959, President Eisenhower said to Prime Minister Macmillan: "I believe that the problem of the undeveloped nations is more lasting and more important for Western Civilization than is the problem of SovietWestern differences and quarrels." Certain it is that population growth makes it difficult for democracy to hold its own in the world.

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Here again is an area of policy-making calling for wise decision and prompt action. THE IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION

The burden of what has been said up to this point is that ours has become an adaptive civilization. Capacity for adjustment and adaptation has come to be the price of survival, for individuals and for nations as well. And a fundamental difference between the age that has closed and the one that is opening is a difference of concept with respect to the ways and means of dealing with new social forces. In the past, we could rely, or thought we could, on more or less automatic processes of social evolution. In the United States, and indeed in the whole Western world, people long deluded themselves into believing that ad hoc decision could be substituted for over-all policy and long-range program. It is perfectly clear that much of the social crisis of our time is chargeable to this flight from decision. It is equally clear that in the future we shall have to chart a different course. The forces that are transforming the modern world, whether in the economy, government, or international relations, are forces that require channeling and direction. The need of a more conscious, deliberate, intelligent direction of human affairs has come to be the central meaning of our time. A new orientation. As the basis of historic liberalism is shifted from more or less irresponsible self-interest and drift to responsible action and a more conscious direction of human affairs, it will be necessary to give education a new orientation, a new center of interest. In the future, schools and colleges alike will need to give more attention to the education of the citizen, to the cultivation in him of that breadth and precision of knowledge of the workings of our political, economic, and social arrangements essential for policy formation. In the not very remote past, life was highly individualistic, decision-making was confined in the main to face-to-face relationships in home and community, and no great attention needed to be given to broad and positive programs of civic action. The future presents a far different prospect. The individual will, of course, always be the basic unit in society, and the local community will remain the focal

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point of decision-making of vast importance for its members; but the welfare of both individuals and communities is coming to be affected more and more by policy decisions at the national and international levels. The larger society of nation and world confronts the citizen with more complicated problems than those he encounters in his local community. In agriculture, in industry, in labor, in practically every phase of the operation of the economy, in the relation of the government to the economy, in social welfare, in the proper functions of government—in these and other areas of our national life are, and will be, problems of policy of vast significance. Even more fateful are the problems of international order. Many of the people of the world today are in restless movement, in search of a way of life that will have in it less poverty and insecurity. Old colonial systems are crumbling and new political forms are emerging. So-called backward countries are striving to reorganize their economic systems and to reorient them in the world economy. And they look to us for help, if not for leadership. To bring about understanding and cooperation among nations, to help safeguard human freedom, and to help make possible the extension of the benefits of science and technology to the masses of mankind—these are responsibilities the American citizen cannot avoid. The need of a new emphasis on education for decision-making— for effective citizenship—is stressed here because in the past there has been a tendency to neglect it. In keeping with our humanistic and religious traditions and in harmony with our whole economic and social theory, education in America has been individual-centered; its fruits have been more private and personal than public and social. The chief concern of our educational system has been to bring the individual to intellectual, emotional, and physical maturity and excellence and to make him professionally and occupationally proficient. Even the scientific study of education has been oriented around the concept of education as psychological process rather than around the concept of education as public and social policy. No one, to be sure, would quarrel with these objectives. Individual excellence, of course, is essential in any great civilization. But in the kind of adaptive civilization ours has come to be, it is not enough. For children and youth in school today, the quality of individual living in the years

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ahead will be determined quite as much by the kind of world they are living in as by any personal qualities they may bring to building a life. The conditions of our time require that education become a positive instrument of social policy, a means of providing youth with the learning experiences that will enable them to comprehend the moving forces of their day; that will enable them to order and understand the world of human relationships of their time, so that they will not be lost in it or be so baffled by it that they seek to escape from it; that will develop in them the knowledge, the understanding, the motivations, and skills they will need to solve the problems they cannot avoid in working out co-operatively and experimentally the design of what we hope will be a better and more kindly world. Education for decision-making. Following are suggested the principles which should be applied in determining the learning experiences, as well as some of the essential elements in any program of education designed to cultivate in youth the capacity for wise decision-making in our national life. I cannot express too strongly the conviction that the content of the curriculum should be determined not by the interests or so-called felt needs of children but by the outcomes society expects of its schools. Those who make the curriculum can never abdicate their responsibility to immature children and youth; the belief that children and youth left to their own devices will unerringly identify and want to learn those elements in our cultural heritage which are essential to their needs is the most romantic thing since Rousseau. Teachers in good conscience cannot side-step the hard intellectual task of a continual reinterpretation of race experience in terms of its educational value for the youth of their day, even though they may try to justify their action by reliance on the outmoded doctrines of interest and a naive interpretation of the rights of children in a democracy. A knowledge of the interests of children, of the way they learn, of the way they grow and develop is fundamental in the implementation of any program of education, but it is not the essential factor in determining what the program shall be. Any program of education designed to cultivate capacity for intelligent decision-making in our national life will be based upon the

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assumption that there is a body of common values, knowledge, awareness of social forces, social skills, and attitudes which is the central element in our common culture and should be the common possession of all. Such a program will recognize the principle of diversity in unity; it will set common objectives and goals, but it will take into account variation in interest and aptitude. It will be so designed and administered that common outcomes can be attained by various means. Very briefly, what might some of these outcomes very well be? First is the attainment of some fundamental understanding of and an emotional commitment to the core values, the wide community of ideas and ideals, that lie at the base of our democratic tradition and upon which the whole superstructure of our civilization has been built. And to understand these ideals and values, we must regard them as something more than intellectual abstractions. They must be examined in relation to the social context in which they developed, and their career in human history must be traced in very considerable detail. In the second place, the importance of an appropriate substantive content in education must be recognized—a content so selected, organized, and presented that the learner grasps those elements in the funded capital of human experience essential for living in our world today. Any program of education designed to prepare the individual for intelligent decision-making in a democracy must employ appropriate means of helping him understand and interpret the accumulation of ideas, knowledge, values, and skills that constitute the funded capital of human experience. The individual who has not attained some systematic understanding of the achievement of the race, who has confined his outlook to the contemporary and the local, or who has built his knowledge and understandings around his personal needs and urges will not be able to participate effectively in many of the most important areas of civic life. The individual who has been permitted to select and organize his experiences largely in terms of his own personality development will surely fail to arrive at an understanding of the forces operating in the world about him. Lacking any fundamental understanding of the moving forces in human history, he will have little sense of direction and be unpre-

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pared to help formulate social policy. In short, the capital of human experience is the coin of the realm, and to debase it overly much is sure to lead to intellectual bankruptcy and ineffectual social action. And finally, the effective citizen must be equipped with certain mental skills and habits. He must have some understanding of the processes by which knowledge is attained, and he must develop the habit of critical evaluation of the evidence before arriving at a conclusion. Appeal to reason has been regarded as important in a free society, and therefore free access on the part of all to the mind of each has been maintained. And the critical issues of our time make it more important than ever that no iron curtains be erected around individual intellect, that the channels of access which all may use to reach the mind of each—the press, the radio, television, the platform, and all the rest—be kept open. But herein lies great danger, as well as positive good. If the citizen is not to become the victim of special interest, of half truths, of false promises, of propaganda, and if he is to escape the grip of mass hysteria, he must be equipped with the habit of demanding adequate evidence and with the power to analyze it rationally. Thus the challenge to educational statesmanship today is to provide children and youth with the learning experiences that will enable them to understand clearly the nature of their contract with society and that will inspire them to keep it with a high sense of fidelity.

Church and State in Relation

to

Education

NEWTON EDWARDS * long the almost exclusive prerogative of the church; for centuries, throughout the Western world, the church stood guard at the citadel of learning. During the period of the Renaissance, it is true, humanism successfully challenged the dominance of religion in the field of education, but with the coming of the Protestant Reformation that dominance was restored. As the national state took form and expanded its powers and its functions, education naturally became one of its primary concerns. And as national states began to establish school systems, as they intruded themselves into the field of education, and as the principle of religious freedom became more firmly established, conflicts developed between church and state. For centuries the relation of church and state has been an important item on the agenda of Western Civilization. Even yet the issues in conflict have not been entirely resolved, as anyone familiar with French education today knows very well. In our own country, education was long essentially a function of religion. In early New England, education was under the jurisdiction of the state, but the state was acting as the agent of the church. The schools maintained by the New England towns were essentially schools of the local Puritan Congregation. Elsewhere in the American colonies education was essentially religious in its goals, its curriculum content, and its means of control and support. In fact religion held a firm grip on the entire intellectual life. But as the eighteenth century progressed, there was a definite secularization of thought and feeling, and in the decade preceding the Revolution the movement was rather swiftly toward a lay, secular civilization. The shock of the American Revolution, and especially that of the War of 1812, broke the bonds that held men in their old ways. "Of a sudden America was becomEDUCATION WAS

* Professor

Emeritus,

University

of

Chicago. 74

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ing a new world with potentialities before undreamed of; and this new America was no longer content with its homespun past, with the narrow ways of a more cautious generation." In religion, as well as in politics and economics, men were in an experimental state of mind. At the outbreak of the Revolution, in nine of the colonies there was an established church, but within a few years America had achieved the ideal of the secular state. In New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts, Congregationalism lingered on as the established church, but elsewhere in the new commonwealths and in the new nation religious toleration and freedom were the order of the day. Moreover, the problems which men faced in the Revolutionary and early national period served to deepen secular interests. Theirs was the task of fashioning new governments, state and national, of steering the new republic through the rough sea of international relations, and of repairing and expanding an economy suffering from the ravages of war. The development of the secular state and the attainment of religious freedom were necessary forerunners of the establishment of democratic, secular systems of public education. But the attainment of the secular state and of religious freedom did not resolve all the issues involved in the relation of church and state to education. Many of the issues involved have had to be settled by appeals to the courts. And today there are many who do not believe that the courts have properly interpreted the constitutional provisions pertinent to the issues involved. There are also those who believe that we have carried the secularization of the American public school too far. This paper is not concerned with these issues; it is limited to what the law actually seems to be. EXPENDITURE OF PUBLIC FUNDS FOR SECTARIAN SCHOOLS

Beginning about the middle of the last century, the various states began to insert into their constitutions provisions prohibiting the use of tax moneys for the support of sectarian purposes. Today practically every state has such a provision in its constitution. The constitution of Mississippi is more or less typical. It reads: "No religious or other sect—shall ever control any part of the school or other educational funds of this state; nor shall any funds be appropriated toward the

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support of any sectarian school, or to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school." In a number of cases, most of them decided before 1900, the courts held unconstitutional any attempts to provide financial aid to sectarian organizations or institutions. It is no longer common for states to make direct appropriations to sectarian schools. But in a number of states statutes have been enacted which do directly benefit pupils of sectarian schools, although they may or may not be construed as benefiting the school directly. Statutes authorizing the payment of public funds to pay the cost of transporting pupils to parochial schools belong to this class of legislation. TRANSPORTATION OF PUPILS TO PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS

In a number of cases the courts have been called upon to decide the constitutionality of board rules or statutes providing for the free transportation of pupils to parochial schools. Before the issue came before the Supreme Court of the United States, a number of state courts had passed upon it. They were not in agreement in their rulings. In an Oklahoma case the constitution provided that "no public money or property shall ever be appropriated, applied, donated, or used, directly or indirectly, for the use, benefit or support of any sect, church, denomination, or system of religion." In holding that a statute authorizing the expenditure of public funds in the payment of transportation of pupils to parochial schools was clearly unconstitutional, the court said: "It is urged that the present legislative act does not result in the use of public funds for the benefit or support of this sectarian institution or school as such; that such benefit as flows from these acts accrues to the benefit of the individual child or to the group of children as distinguished from the school as an organization. This argument is not impressive." So, too, in the state of Washington the court, in interpreting a similar constitutional provision, came to the conclusion that free transportation of pupils served to aid and build up the school itself. A similar conclusion was reached by the highest courts in Kentucky, New York, and Delaware. In Maryland, on the other hand, where virtually the same issue was involved, the court took the position that the aid to the school was

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only incidental and that it did not prevent the legislature from providing free transportation to parochial schools. In 1947, the Supreme Court of the United States was called upon to decide whether a statute of New Jersey permitting local school boards to reimburse the cost of bus transportation to parents of children attending parochial schools was in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments. As you will recall, the First Amendment provides that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." The Supreme Court of the United States had previously ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment made the First Amendment applicable to the states as well as to the Congress. The court laid down the principle that the First Amendment means separation of church and state; that it requires, on the part of the state, neutrality among all religions and between "religious believers and non-believers"; and that no tax, large or small, "can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions." The First Amendment establishes a "wall of separation" between church and state which must be "kept high and impregnable." "We could not," said the court, "approve the slightest breach." The court went on to hold, nevertheless, that the First Amendment did not prohibit New Jersey from spending tax-raised funds to pay the bus fares of parochial school children as part of a general program under which it paid the fares of pupils attending public and other schools. Such an expenditure was not to be regarded as aid to parochial schools; it was, rather, to be regarded as aid to children as recipients of the benefit of public-welfare legislation. Moreover, it would be a denial of the religious freedom guaranteed by the First Amendment to exclude individual Catholics, Lutherans, Mohammedans, Baptists, or nonbelievers from the benefits of public-welfare legislation of the kind involved here. Attention should be called to the vigorous dissent of four of the justices in the New Jersey case. They were quite unwilling to accept the conclusion that the payment of the cost of transportation of pupils to Catholic parochial schools was nothing more than the carrying out of a legitimate social-welfare program on the part of New Jersey. They regarded the reasoning of the majority opinion as inconsistent:

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it established an "impregnable wall of separation" between church and state and then proceeded to breach it. If the state could pay the cost of transportation of pupils to parochial schools, it could, by the same logic, bear the cost of other parts of the educational program. As already pointed out, nearly all the states have provisions in their constitutions prohibiting the use of public funds in aid of religious or sectarian education. In interpreting its own constitution, a state supreme court is not bound to follow the reasoning of the Supreme Court of the United States. In most instances, the state courts have not accepted the child-benefit theory in passing upon the constitutionality of statutes providing for paying out of public funds the cost of transporting school children to private or parochial schools. They have found that such statutes are violative of some provision in their own state constitutions. Such has been the holding of the courts in New York, Delaware, Wisconsin, Oklahoma, Kentucky, and Washington. It should be pointed out, however, that New York has amended its constitution so as to permit the payment of the cost of transportation of pupils to parochial schools out of public funds. It can be said, then, that there is nothing in the constitution of the United States that prevents a state from passing a statute providing for free transportation of pupils to parochial schools; that the state courts, in interpreting their own constitutions, are not bound to follow the reasoning of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the "child-benefit" theory propounded by the Supreme Court of the United States has not been commonly followed by the state supreme courts; and that most state supreme courts have found provisions in their state constitutions which prohibit the use of public funds to pay the cost of transportation to parochial schools.

DISTRIBUTION OF FREE TEXTBOOKS

A number of cases have come into the courts, testing the constitutionality of furnishing free textbooks to parochial school children. In New York, a statute provided for the distribution of free textbooks to schools of the school district. Here, as in the transportation cases, the argument was made that the giving of free textbooks to

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parochial school children was a benefit to the public and not an aid to sectarian schools. In rejecting this argument the court said: It seems to us to be giving a strained and unusual meaning to words if we hold that the books and the ordinary school supplies, when furnished for the use of pupils, is a furnishing to the pupils, and not a furnishing in aid or maintenance of a school of learning. It seems very plain that such furnishing is at least indirectly in aid of the institution, and that, if not in actual violation of the words, it is a violation of the true intent and meaning of the constitution, and in consequence equally unconstitutional.

In Louisiana, on the other hand, where the state constitution provided that "no public funds shall be used for the support of any private or sectarian school," the court applied the child-benefit theory and upheld a statute which authorized the distribution of textbooks free to parochial school children. An appeal was taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, the contention being that the statute was in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Supreme Court of the United States sustained the statute on the ground that the books were not granted to parochial or private schools but to the pupils thereof. Some years later the Supreme Court of Mississippi sustained a statute authorizing free textbooks to be distributed to parochial school children. The court followed the reasoning of the Supreme Court of the United States, to the effect that the giving of the books was a benefit to the pupils and not to the schools involved. The law governing the free distribution of textbooks to parochial school children may be stated as follows: If a state elects to provide free textbooks its statute will not be held to be in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The statute may, however, be held by the state supreme court to be in violation of the state constitution. In such a case the matter ends, and jurisdiction in the case will not be assumed by the Supreme Court of the United States. RELEASED TIME FOR RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION

Some of the most bitter litigation in recent years has been over the authority of a local school board to release children from their regular school time to attend religious instruction at some designated

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place in the community. These released-time programs became rather common, and in time their constitutionality was challenged in the courts. In an early New York case, the board of education furnished cards to parents which they were to use in requesting that their children be released from regular school time in order to attend religious instruction. The court ruled that this practice was in violation of a constitutional provision which prohibited the use of public funds or public property to aid denominational schools. In the words of the court, "Religious instruction belongs to the parents of the children and the churches and religious organizations of the country. It should be given outside the schools and outside of school hours." In a later case, however, the New York court sustained the practice of released time where the cards upon which the parents gave their consent were furnished by agencies other than the school authorities. In a later case, too, the Supreme Court of Illinois sustained a rule whereby the superintendent of schools was authorized to release pupils, on consent by their parents, for an hour each week, in order that they might attend religious education classes conducted outside the school building. So, too, in California, a statute that permitted pupils to be excused from school at the request of their parents, to attend religious instruction, was held not to violate a constitutional provision guaranteeing free exercise and enjoyment of religious worship. Perhaps the most significant case involving the constitutionality of released-time programs came before the Supreme Court of the United States on appeal from Illinois. The board of education of Champaign had in force a program of released-time for religious instruction that differed from other such programs in that sectarian instruction was given in public school classrooms to pupils whose parents requested it. Attendance records were kept for those who attended the sectarian classes and reported to the school authorities. Pupils who did not want religious instruction were not released from their regular school duties, but were requested to go to other classrooms to carry on their studies. The court reaffirmed its position with respect to the wall of separation announced in the New Jersey case and held that the program in force constituted the use of tax-supported property for religious instruction. More than that, it was a close co-operation

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between public school authorities and religious groups in promoting religious education; beyond all question, it was the utilization of the tax-established and tax-supported school system to aid religious groups to spread their faith. The court, therefore, found the practice squarely under the ban of the First Amendment. The issue of the constitutionality of released-time came before the Supreme Court of the United States in a later case from New York. Here public school pupils were released during the school day, so that they might go to religious centers for religious instruction and devotional exercises. Pupils were released only on written requests by their parents, and those not released stayed on in the classrooms. The churches made weekly reports to the schools, indicating the children who had been released and who had not reported for religious instruction. All costs, including application blanks, were paid by the churches. The court reasserted the principle of separation of church and state, but went on to say in holding the practice constitutional: "The First Amendment does not say that in every respect there shall be a separation of church and state. Rather, it studiously defines the manner, the specific ways, in which there shall be no concert or union or dependence one on the other. This is the common sense of the matter . . . when the state encourages religious instruction or cooperates with religious authorities by adjusting the schedule of public events to sectarian needs, it follows the best in our tradition. For it then respects the religious nature of our people and accommodates the public service to their spiritual needs." In a case decided in 1959, the Supreme Court of Washington held a released-time program unconstitutional. The court pointed out that released-time programs in and of themselves have never been held to be in contravention of the doctrine of separation of church and state; it is only the manner in which such programs have been practiced that has been unconstitutional. The court then went on to hold unconstitutional the practice whereby parents' consent to have their children released from school time was obtained by the distribution of cards in the school, by the making of announcements or explanations by representatives of religious groups and by instructors in the public schools.

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RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Overt, outright religious instruction in the public schools is so obviously forbidden by state constitutions and by the Federal Constitution that practically none of it exists. But there are a number of indirect means of giving what many people regard as religious instruction incompatible with the concept of religious freedom. Among these are Bible reading, the wearing of religious garb, and the distribution of religious literature. Bible reading. Whether a board of education has the legal authority to permit or require Bible reading in the schools or to authorize the use of the Bible as a reading book depends very largely upon the wording of the constitution of the state and upon the particular interpretation the supreme court of the state gives to the constitution. In many of the state constitutions there are provisions which possibly may be so interpreted as to prevent Bible reading or religious instruction of any kind in the public schools. Some of these provisions are: No one shall be compelled to attend any place of worship or to pay taxes to support any place of worship; neither the state nor any subdivision thereof may aid any sectarian school; no money shall be appropriated to aid any church or sectarian school; no sectarian instruction shall be given in the public schools. In general, it has been held that such provisions are not violated by statutes or board regulations permitting the reading of the Bible, the repeating of the Lord's Prayer, the saying of prayers, or the singing of hymns. Of the cases concerned solely with the reading of the Bible, nine have upheld and two have struck down Bible reading as a devotional exercise. The use of prayer in the schools, either separately or together with the reading of the Bible, has been upheld in ten and struck down in seven state decisions. It has been held that a school board may not be required to hold Bible-reading exercises and that school baccalaureate services may be held in a church. In a 1959 case in New York, the court refused to require the discontinuance of a prayer in the public schools which contained these words: "Almighty God, we acknowledge our dependence upon Thee, and we beg Thy blessings upon us, our parents, our teachers,

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and our country." The court went on to hold, however, that no one could be required to repeat the prayer if he objected to it. No case testing the constitutionality of Bible reading in the public schools has yet been decided by the Supreme Court of the United States. A case came to it from New Jersey, where the Supreme Court had sustained a statute requiring Bible reading without comment, but the court, for reasons we need not go into, refused to assume jurisdiction. In 1959, the United States District Court in Pennsylvania passed upon a statute of that state which made compulsory the reading of ten verses of the Bible by teachers and pupils, without comment, at the opening of school each day. The reading of the Bible was followed by the Lord's Prayer. In holding the statute unconstitutional the court said: "The combined practice of Bible reading and mass recitation of the Lord's Prayer by students in the public schools of Abington Township violates the First Amendment to the United States Constitution as applied to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment in that said practice constitutes an establishment of religion and an interference with the free exercise of religion." I understand an appeal is being taken to the Supreme Court of the United States. If that court upholds the decision of the lower court it will negate all similar statutes in other states. The wearing of religious garb. According to the weight of authority, the wearing of religious garb does not in and of itself constitute sectarian instruction. In an early Pennsylvania case the court reached the conclusion that the wearing of religious garb was not a sectarian influence but merely an announcement of the fact that the wearer held a particular religious faith. A similar position has been taken by the Supreme Court in Connecticut, Indiana, and North Dakota. But in New York and New Mexico the courts have held to the contrary. Distribution of religious literature. In some instances the schools have undertaken to distribute religious literature to pupils. In New Mexico the court condemned the practice of keeping in plain sight and making available to pupils pamphlets published by the Presbyterian Church. And in New Jersey the court held that the distribution by school authorities of Gideon Bibles to school pupils at the request

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of their parents was unconstitutional, because it showed preference of one religion over another. SUMMARY

It may be said, then, that the First Amendment, in the words of the Supreme Court, creates an impregnable wall of separation between church and state, but it is not yet very clear what this wall separates. In the minds of many, some of the decisions of the Supreme Court have reduced the wall to the effectiveness of a picket fence. Be that as it may, the Supreme Court of the United States has expressly said that an overt direct appropriation of public funds in aid of a sectarian institution would be unconstitutional, and this is the position taken by the state courts. On the other hand, the Supreme Court of the United States has taken the position that providing free transportation and free textbooks to parochial school pupils is not a violation of the First Amendment. Just what other services to pupils would be permitted as a part of a state's social-service program remains to be seen. It should be remembered that the state courts are still free to hold that the provision of free transportation and free textbooks is in violation of their own constitutions, and that the state courts are not bound to accept the child-benefit theory adopted by the Supreme Com! of the United States. It is not violative of the First Amendment to release pupils for sectarian instruction, provided that the instruction is not carried on in a public school building and provided that the attendance apparatus of the public schools is not employed to facilitate attendance at sectarian instruction. The legality of Bible reading and the saying of prayers in public schools varies from state to state, although the general tendency is to uphold such practices. The wearing of religious garb is, as a rule, not regarded as constituting sectarian instruction, but the distribution of religious literature is so regarded. These rulings of the courts have by no means met universal acceptance. Some groups feel that we have carried the secularization of public education too far, and that we have built too high a wall of separation between church and state; others believe that the United States Supreme Court, having established the wall in theory, has proceeded to breach it far beyond the intention of the founding fathers.

Trends in National

and State

Legislation

JOHN M. LUMLEY * A s THE "sad little session" of the 86th Congress came to a close on September 1, 1960, William G. Carr, Executive Secretary of the National Education Association, issued the following statement: Congress has adjourned without enacting a school support bill. This is a tragedy for the entire nation. How can this incredible failure be explained to the American people? The platforms of both political parties endorse federal support of education. The Democratic platform conforms closely to policies advocated by the National Education Association. The Republican platform, although it does not fully support these policies, recognizes that some federal participation in financing schools is a national necessity. Both houses of Congress passed school support legislation in the session just concluded. The Senate bill reflected the policies of the National Education Association more fully than the House bill. By parliamentary maneuvers and tactics of deliberate delay, minority elements within both political parties delayed action in the House of Representatives for many months. After the House had at last acted, the same tactics prevented the majorities in the House and Senate from enacting legislation to strengthen the schools. The tool used by these minorities to deny the Congress a chance to come to grips with the problem was the House Committee on Rules. The fact that the Senate and House bills were different in several respects would have led, under normal circumstances, to the appointment of a conference committee to adjust the differences. Appointment of such a committee required the approval of the House Committee on Rules. The Rules Committee, by a seven-tofive vote, failed to permit consideration and action. Thus the votes * Director, Division of Legislation and Federal Relations, National Education Association. 85

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of seven men were enough to kill the legislation in the 86th Congress. In each house of Congress a majority favored increased federal support of education. It is now clear that an even larger majority must exist before the Congress will act to provide comprehensive support for America's public schools, leaving to the States the freedom to decide whether the federal support shall be used for classrooms or teacher's salaries, or both—as a part of their continuing right to control their schools. On behalf of the youth of America, the only future of our country, the National Education Association wishes to thank all citizens and especially those members of Congress of both parties who supported this legislation. As the fall elections approach, this issue will be increasingly prominent. The decision is, as all agree, vital to the future security and prosperity of the nation. The National Education Association urges parents, teachers, and all other citizens, having inquired closely as to where responsibility lies for the failure of the 86th Congress in this respect, to take action which will promote the cause of education in the United States. But how can parents, teachers, and other citizens find out specifically where the responsibility does lie? Columnists, commentators, editorial writers, and political analysts have offered numerous explanations of the failure of the 86th Congress to enact a school bill. Most of these answers oversimplify, and even the most highly regarded education editors show amazing naivete in their stories of the failure of the school bill in the short session. To lay the blame on the Rules Committee or on a coalition of conservative Republicans and Southern Democrats assumes a degree of political sophistication among teachers and citizens generally that simply does not exist. What happened in the Rules Committee was made possible by a coalition that in itself is symptomatic of longstanding and deep-seated political differences existing in both parties and in both houses of Congress. These differences will not be removed by the rules changes in either or both houses. In fact, there is no simple answer to the problem of getting the Congress to take a fair

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and objective attitude toward the single basic need for substantial federal financial support of American public education. In order to provide a background for a better understanding of the obstacles that must be overcome in the fight for federal financial support for public education, it seems desirable to review briefly what had happened to federal aid and federal support legislation in recent years. AID v s .

SUPPORT

Historically, federal aid to education is the kind of proposal that has been under discussion intermittently since the last half of the nineteenth century. More recently, federal aid to education legislation was introduced immediately following World War I; it was given fresh impetus by the depression of the 1930's; the need for federal aid to education was argued from the effect of World War II on our schools; finally, it was advocated to meet the postwar surge of enrollments. A decade ago, federal aid to equalize educational opportunities of children living in different parts of the United States was brilliantly championed by Senator Lister Hill (D-Ala.) and the late Senators Robert A. Taft (R-Ohio) and Elbert Thomas (D-Utah). Twice the Senate passed a Taft-Thomas-Hill bill, only to have the legislation die in the House. The crowning blow came when organized professional and public support for the bill divided on the question of whether the states could use federal funds to provide auxiliary services, such as transportation, for children attending nonpublic schools. From 1949 to 1957, attention turned to federal financial assistance to help the states and local communities cope with the shortage of classrooms resulting from construction postponed during World War II and aggravated by a series of annual enrollment increases such as had never before confronted our public schools. Congress gave a limited response, in the form of legislation to take care of the needs of localities where these enrollment increases were traceable to an influx of federal employees, civilian or military; it also authorized the first (and to this date, the only) nation-wide school facilities survey. In

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1956, and again in 1957, emergency school construction bills limited as to the amount of funds available and the length of time during which the funds would be available were debated in the House of Representatives. Twice these bills were voted down, after a coalition of Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans had succeeded in getting the issue of school construction inextricably tangled with the issue of desegregation of schools. Three months after the House last rejected a school construction bill, Sputnik I was launched. To summarize, the NEA, many members of Congress, and several influential national organizations have advocated federal aid for the better part of three decades. Federal aid legislation has one or more of these characteristics: 1. It is intended to stimulate educational activity rather than to underwrite it for a long period of time. 2. It is usually directed to a special area rather than to general educational purposes. 3. It tends to be remedial rather than fundamental. 4. It tends to deal with emergency situations rather than long-range problems. 5. It is usually small in amount of funds authorized.

Federal financial support for education has these characteristics: 1. It is an underwriting by the federal government of local and state financing of an adequate education program. 2. It is directed to the general school operation rather than to specific subjects or functions. 3. It attacks the fundamental problem of the financial need of our schools. 4. It involves a long-range commitment on the part of the federal government. 5. It provides substantial annual appropriations.

The idea of federal financial support, as distinguished from federal aid for education, did not originate with the NEA. Economists such as Beardsley Ruml, John Kenneth Galbraith, and Walter Heller have had much to do with developing the new concept; their work has been paralleled by school finance experts who have been exploring the connections between our economic growth and the fiscal resources

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of our schools. Some especially significant work in this field has been done by R. L. Johns of the University of Florida. The most succinct statement of the whole issue is found in a memorable speech by Walter Lippmann to the National Citizens Commission for Public Schools. His declaration that "we are quite rich enough to educate ourselves as we need to be educated" pointed the way toward responsible federal sharing of the financing of our schools as distinguished from emergency aids and palliatives. A CHALLENGE

AND A RESPONSE

Looking back to October, 1957, when there was a near-hysterical reaction first to the Soviet Sputnik and then to the release of the U. S. Office of Education study of the Soviet schools, the world of education should be thankful that it was not stampeded into some sort of crash program. School administrators and teachers alike were caught in a maelstrom of proposals and counterproposals. The teaching profession was urged to throw in its lot with the proponents of any number of grandiose schemes for the remaking of American education. It is no small tribute to the fundamental good sense, which the critics of education frequently assert is lacking in teachers, that the answer of the education profession to the Soviet challenge was a proposal for basic federal financial support of education—a substantial infusion, if you will, of funds to be applied to the rising demand for more classrooms and more and better-paid teachers. This proposal was, and still is, breath-takingly simple. It is that the federal government shall grant to the states an amount equal to $25 per school-age child (age 5-17); that this grant shall increase over a four-year period until it amounts to a contribution of $100 per child; and that the funds available to the states be used either for construction of school buildings or to increase teachers' salaries, or for any combination of these two goals which a state may choose. Swept away is the whole apparatus of measuring variations of per-capita income to determine need, of elaborate state plans to show how many classrooms will be built and the amount of federal funds needed to build them. Instead of trying to pit state against state by a system of variable grants and other equalizing, it makes the school-age child the

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unit of measurement and the focus of attention. After all, it is for his education that the money is being spent. Earlier federal-aid bills had been addressed to specific problems; indeed, some of the existing forms of federal aid could not have become law had they not been so designed. The substantial infusion plan, however, was evolved in response to a challenge that seemed to call for something more than holding together with hot patches and baling wire the weak spots in our educational system. In response to a fundamental question—How shall we best pay for the school our children deserve?—the federal-support plan provides a fundamental solution. THE NDEA

It is indeed unfortunate that the Sputnik scare and the consequent challenge of Russian emphasis on education sidetracked federal-support proposals in favor of the cumbersome program of special aids that finally squeezed through the second session of the 85th Congress as the "National Defense Education Act of 1958." It is even more unfortunate that the NEA was beguiled into assuming the "take what you can get" attitude that resulted from the combination of past legislative failures and current alarm over Russian scientific achievement. The best that can be said of the NDEA is that it was based on good intentions; but, because we were willing to take what we could get, we now find ourselves faced with the problem of how to evaluate its effects and whether or not its four-year life should be extended. Unquestionably, it has been another roadblock in the achievement of a real federal-support program that will meet the basic need of American public education. 8 6 T H CONGRESS—FIRST SESSION

The 86th Congress may prove to be a history-making one in the long, uphill fight for federal school-support legislation. In the past, school aid has become entangled in such controversial and burning issues as states rights, the separation of church and state, and the Supreme

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Court decisions on school desegregation. This year, no single issue or combination of issues could prevent passage by both houses of Congress. In the 86th Congress, the strong supporters of sound educational legislation have held fast to the new concept of federal school-support legislation. This concept is based on the firm decision that piecemeal measures, tailor-made to meet specific educational needs and interests, would not take care of basic needs of local school systems. Before the 86th Congress convened, an inventory was made of school needs in terms of both quantity and quality. This inventory made it clear that in order to meet the basic need for quantity there had to be more classrooms and more teachers. Likewise, to meet the basic need for quality there had to be better classrooms and better teachers. Since needs vary from state to state and from year to year, it was clear that each state should be permitted complete freedom of choice as to how it used federal funds to meet these two basic needs. This "freedom-ofchoice" concept is the basic principle of the Murray-Metcalf proposals of the 86th Congress—S 2 and HR 22. After several rounds of hearings, the House General Education Subcommittee, in April, 1959, reported out an amended version of HR 22. The Subcommittee's bill contained the Murray-Metcalf freedom-of-choice principle of outright federal grants to states for school construction and teachers' salaries, but limited both the cost and scope of the program. This bill called for a four-year program of $25 for each school-age child at a total cost of $4.4 billion. On May 21, 1959, the full House Education and Labor Committee voted 18 to 10 to report HR 22, with amendments, to the House, and the legislation was sent to the Rules Committee, which clears bills for floor action. But the Rules Committee never even considered voting on HR 22. In an end-of-the-session move, the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee reported out an emergency school-construction bill which provided $500 million in federal grants for school building for each of two years. This measure was S 8. The first session of the 86th Congress ended September 15, 1959, without action on either HR 22 or S 8.

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SECOND SESSION

Less than a month after the start of the second half of the 86th Congress, the Senate on February 4, 1960, passed by a vote of 51 to 34 a $1.8 billion bill which provided for freedom-of-choice in the use of the funds for school construction and teachers' salaries. This marked the first time that a general support bill for education had passed the Senate—and it did so by a two-to-one margin. Action on the education bill came at the end of two days of debate on S 8, the school-construction measure that was before the Senate. Against a dramatic background of political maneuvering, liberal Democrats persisted in their efforts to include funds for teachers' salaries in the legislation until they succeeded. The heart of the revised S 8 bill was contained in an amendment by Senators A. S. Mike Monroney (D-Okla.) and Joseph S. Clark (D-Pa.), which provided $917 million a year for two years, permitting each state freedom of choice to use its allotment either for construction of school facilities or for payment of teachers' salaries. The Senate adopted the Monroney-Clark amendment by a vote of 54-35. Knowing that HR 22 was pigeonholed in the Rules Committee, the House General Education Subcommittee, on February 18, 1960, reported out a moderate-sized school-construction bill, HR 10128, introduced by Representative Frank Thompson (D-N.J.). This bill authorized appropriations of $325 million for each of fiscal years 1961, 1962, and 1963. The Subcommittee bill, titled the "School Construction Assistance Act of 1960," was approved by a vote of 19 to 11 and sent to the Rules Committee. The measure required dollar-for-dollar matching with state funds after the first year. In addition, the bill included parts of the Administration proposal to grant to states, during fiscal years 1962 and 1963, the option of accepting and matching capital grants or of receiving and matching commitments to make interest and principal payments on an equivalent amount of bonds, or a combination of both. In a strategy move, Representative Lee Metcalf (D-Mont.) introduced HR 10764, the school-support bill passed by the Senate as S 8

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amended. He was setting the stage to attempt to substitute this bill for the Committee measure on the House floor. Threatened by a move to by-pass it, the Rules Committee, on May 19, 1960, by a 7 to 5 vote reported out the Thompson school-construction bill under an "open rule"—leaving it open for amendments. On May 26, 1960, in a history-making move, the House for the first time passed a federal school-construction bill. The four-year, $1.3 billion measure included the controversial Powell amendment, which withholds federal funds from school systems refusing to desegregate. The final vote of 206-189 on the school-aid bill came at the end of two days of debate highlighted by a series of maneuvers by the Dixiecrat-Republican coalition and countermoves by the so-called young, liberal Democrats. A total of 44 Republicans joined 162 Democrats in voting for the bill, and 97 Democrats and 92 Republicans opposed it. During the active course of debate, which saw ten amendments offered and disposed of in one way or another, the original House school-construction bill underwent several major changes. One amendment, particularly close to the heart of educators and their friends, never came to a vote. This was the proposal of Representative Metcalf which would have included teachers' salaries in the purposes for which the funds could be used by the States. Representative Aime J. Forand (D-R.I.), who was in the chair and presided over most of the debate, ruled the amendment out of order, as "not germane" to the Thompson school-construction bill. The chair's decision was based on a House rule which had been in existence since 1822 which reads: "No motion or proposition on a subject different from that under consideration shall be admitted under color of amendment." On June 9th, the Senate acted on HR 10128, sent over by the House, by striking out everything after the enacting clause and substituting the provisions of S 8, as passed by the Senate on February 4th. In an unexpected 7 to 5 "switch" vote, the House Rules Committee, on June 22nd, refused to let the school issue go to conference, where

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differences in the House and Senate bills are normally resolved. Proponents of the school-assistance bill were stunned by the Committee action. They thought the Committee would divide 7 to 5 in favor of a conference. The school bill then became a political football in a Congress eager to adjourn before the national Presidential conventions. House Speaker Sam Rayburn (D-Tex.) suggested that the Rules Committee action would be reversed. Vice-President Nixon said he believed the bill "has a chance" and that "it is not dead." Representative Thompson said: "The will of both House and Senate must yield to a little group of willful men on the Rules Committee. A concerted and determined effort must and will be made to reform the Rules Committee and its procedures, if the next Congress is Democratic." 86TH

CONGRESS—SHORT

SESSION

Focus of the unusual August session of Congress was a handful of controversial measures, including federal funds to education. According to party platforms and commitments of Presidential nominees themselves, both Democrats and Republicans are committed to the enactment of federal legislation to help education. This fact did not mean a thing to the Rules Committee. On August 24th, in a closed meeting, a political maneuver by Representative B. Carroll Reece (R-Tenn.) almost upset the apple cart. The Committee was meeting to decide whether to send minimum-wage legislation to conference. Little or no discussion was expected, when Reece is reported to have objected. One of the members of the Committee told reporters that Reece threatened to call for a vote on the school legislation if the Committee sent the wage bill to conference. Chairman Howard Smith (D-Va.) adjourned the Committee without its having voted on either the school or wage measures, and called a meeting for August 25th. At that time the minimum-wage was sent to conference, and members reported that Reece did not bring up the matter of school aid. Shortly after the meeting broke up, Smith left for his Virginia farm, announcing that he did not intend to hold any more Rules Committee meetings in the short session of Congress.

Trends in National and State Legislation THE ESSENCE OF

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DEMOCRACY?

Earlier, I referred to the forces which made it possible for the Rules Committee to thwart the will of a majority of the members of Congress. It is very difficult to understand these forces unless one understands the slow, complicated, and tedious legislative process in democratic government. There are checks and balances in procedure that are essential to the democratic process. Yet there are times when a check designed to insure the democratic process can be used to thwart it. The filibuster, possible only in the Senate, is perhaps the bestknown example of a check against hasty legislative action that is frequently abused. However, in recent years the House Committee on Rules has become famous—or infamous—because of its power to block legislative progress in the House. From the House Rules and Manual we find the following statement about the Committee on Rules: "Primarily the jurisdiction of this committee is over propositions to make or change rules. . . ." Since 1883, however, the Committee has had authority for reporting "special orders providing times and methods for consideration of special bills or classes of bills, thereby enabling the House by majority vote to forward particular legislation, instead of being forced to use for the purpose the motion to suspend the rules, which requires a two-thirds vote." Thus, this power was granted to the Rules Committee for the purpose of expediting the forward progress of legislation, not impeding it. How has the Rules Committee become so powerful that it is, in effect, a "third house" of Congress? Actually, it is the tool of a real "third house" that does exist. For at least fifteen years the division in both houses has been more along "liberal" and "conservative" alignments than "majority" or "minority" party alignments. The total membership of the House is 437 Representatives. To organize the House, a majority of 219 is needed. Thus, the Democrats, with a majority of 280, organized the House at the beginning of the 86th Congress. This means that the majority leaders of the House and all committee chairmen are Democrats. To this extent the Democrats "control" the House of Representatives. Without doubt, the "safest" Congressional seats are the approxi-

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mately 110 now held by Democrats from Southern states. At present there are nine Republican Congressmen from the South, and seven of their seats are considered switch or doubtful. However, at least 110 Democratic seats from the South are considered absolutely safe. In the main, Southern Democrats are not "party Democrats." They frequently bolt the party on issues contrary to "Southern" viewpoints. Thus, the Democratic majority in the House, insofar as party policy is concerned, depends on the ability of party leaders to secure the support of enough votes from Southern Democrats to provide a party majority of 219. This usually requires about one-half of the 110 Southern votes, and the enlistment of that number of Southern votes has been difficult during the past several sessions because of a steady increase in conservatism among Southern Democrats. The hard core of opposition to so-called "liberal" legislative proposals, particularly welfare programs, is identified as approximately 120 members of the House about equally divided between the two parties. This is the basis for the coalition of conservative Republicans and Dixiecrats, so frequently referred to, in the 86th Congress. There are 21 major standing committees of the House. In the 86th Congress, 14 of these, including the Ways and Means Committee, were under the chairmanship of Southern Democrats. The Democratic members of the Ways and Means Committee comprise the Democratic Committee on Committees, which is responsible for committee assignments, including those on the Rules Committee. The seniority rule in committee memberships has worked to the great advantage of Southern Democrats. Not only does it provide them with sufficent balance-of-power votes en bloc but, through the importance of committee chairmanships, particularly that of the Rules Committee, it is possible for the Southern bloc to join with the minority Republicans whenever they please, to control the progress of any legislative proposal. This is basically what happened to the school bill and other similar legislation in the second session of the 86th Congress. Thus far, I have not referred to the other side of the coalition. There are so-called conservative members of Congress from almost every state, and perhaps it is well to have the leavening effect of the members who truly represent a conservative constituency. Too frequently, however, some members of Congress are influenced by only

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a small segment of their constituency or for various reasons are able to ignore the attitude of their constituency. Also, there are members who have become very skillful at obscuring the record or in developing very glib explanations of what may appear as willful disregard for the best interests of the constituency, or even the country as a whole. The hard core opposition to welfare legislation among House Republicans is not so easy to identify as among the Democrats. Of the 151 Republican House Members in the 86th Congress, about onethird consistently joined with the Dixiecrats in attempts to block welfare legislation. But it is my opinion that at least two-thirds of them traded with the Southern bloc whenever it was to their advantage to do so. The only solution to the problem of restoring the true essence of democratic government to the Congress, and particularly to the House, is one that seems well-nigh impossible. It depends on a far more enlightened electorate than now exists, and it also depends upon a degree of political sophistication on the part of the rank and file of citizens that seems almost unattainable. It requires the ability to identify the real issues that are of primary importance to the country as a whole, and to think, act, and vote in terms of those major issues. Instead, citizens now think, act, and vote in line with what they are often misled to believe is best for their part of the country. This poses a challenge, as well as a problem, for teachers. TEACHERS AND POLITICS

Basically, teachers are not politically minded. Not only are their own interests largely academic but their employers usually are politically powerful and sometimes resort to reprisals in cases of active political participation by teachers. There is a fairly general public feeling that political activity on the part of teachers presupposes political activity in the classroom. As a result, teachers are under considerable pressure to avoid attacks upon themselves for overt political activity. In recent years, teachers' professional organizations, especially the state education associations, have stepped up their "citizenship campaigns" to make teachers more politically conscious and to induce them to vote and to take an active part in elections. The recent report

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of the NEA Research Division, showing that 86 per cent of the teachers surveyed voted as compared with 63 per cent of the general public of voting age, is encouraging. But to cast a ballot is not enough; it should be based on an informed decision and should be backed up with support for the candidate for whom it was cast. CONSUMERS OR PRODUCERS?

Another way of saying this is that we cannot reach the kind of understanding of American politics which I believe we must have as members of the education profession unless we end this artificial isolation from contact with political parties and political issues. In a recent paper published by the Fund for the Republic, Andrew Hacker of Cornell University has tried to examine what is happening to American politics in view of the fact that so many middle-class Americans are employed by large corporations. Mr. Hacker is concerned with this large group of corporation executives or organization men who have removed themselves from the political arena lest they offend the top management of the organizations for which they work. As teachers, we too are members of this same middle class and we too are organization men. Let us be honest with ourselves. Are not we teachers political consumers rather than political producers? Are we not too frequently content to stay at home when there is a precinct or ward meeting in our community? Is it not easier to let our paid representatives in the state education association or in the National Education Association talk to our state legislators and our United States Senators and Congressmen? How often do we as individuals call upon or write a Congressman or a member of the legislature? How often do we as individuals endeavor to make the acquaintance of a party chairman in our precinct and in our county? The old cry goes up—teachers shouldn't meddle in politics. Where then is our professionalism? Are we really incapable of distinguishing between what is proper for the classroom and what is proper for ourselves as citizens? My own experiences of meeting with groups of educators, of dealing with our state and Congressional district chairmen for federal relations, of going to meetings in many, many Congressional districts, lead me to answer this question with a flat "No."

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The growing concern of teachers over federal educational legislation has now spilled over into a proper concern for the quality of men in public office. This is one of the surest signs of our professional maturity: that we no longer regard ourselves as hired hands of the school committee but as professional educators able to distinguish between our proper responsibilities to the school board and our proper responsibilities as citizens of our community, of our state, and of our nation—a responsibility that cannot be discharged apart from the framework of party politics. To be sure, there is always the temptation to cry a pox on both houses, to refuse to become involved in party politics in any sense, and to take refuge in civic activities and service clubs. And by so doing we cease to become producers of politics and join the ranks of the consumers. In conclusion, let me say this. So long as we of the education profession are content to remain consumers of politics, to stand in the wings and watch the drama played out, so long can we expect to be pushed aside in our efforts to obtain sound state and federal educational legislation. The tremendous effectiveness of most of our state education associations in dealing with legislatures testifies to the fact that we are learning our lesson at that level, and the strong beginning that has been made toward a similarly effective approach in dealing with federal educational legislation is certainly encouraging.

Cultural Pressures on Parenthood OTTO POLLAK* T H R E E PHILOSOPHIES O F CHILD REARING

Over the last two hundred years, child rearing in America has never stopped being a matter of controversy. The content of the controversy, however, has changed several times. Up to the middle of the eighteenth century, the parents of puritanical New England saw in the impulses of children something essentially evil which had to be corrected. The means of parental discipline were mostly whippings and threats of eternal torture and damnation. The child's will had to be broken and his development directed toward a conduct of life that would express the conviction that it is the chief end of man "to glorify God and enjoy him forever." 1 From the second half of the eighteenth century, this orientation encountered opposition. The spirit of Calvinism found itself opposed by the spirit of Enlightenment. In that orientation, the child was seen as weak but not evil. Followers of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau saw the purpose of child rearing as preparing the child for a successful contest with the rigors of life. In consequence, methods of child rearing had the purpose of fortifying the child against the hardships of living and were more concerned with their effectiveness for his future than with their impact upon his comfort in the present. Among these methods were included cold baths such as the Indians were believed to take. These methods sometimes were so exaggerated as to cause medical concern.2 * Professor of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania The Westminster Shorter Catechism, Adopted by the General Synods of New York and Philadelphia, 1788, Philadelphia Presbyterian Board of Publications and Schoolwork, 1910, Question 1. "Daniel R. Miller and Guy E. Swanson, The Changing American Parent (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1958), p. 9; William P. Dewees, A Treatise on the Physical and Medical Treatment of Children (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea and Blanchard, 1836). 100 1

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Between the 1750's and the 1850's appeared a third line of thinking, which was to gain dominance in the period between the Civil War and the Second World War and might be called a mental hygiene orientation. Here the emphasis shifted from child-rearing goals to child-rearing methods. Children were considered as essentially good and likely to develop into desirable human beings as long as their parents provided an affectionate, protective, and supportive atmosphere in the home. The problem of child rearing was not to improve the children but to prevent the parents from damaging them. In this orientation, child-rearing methods became more and more permissive.3 In the first half of this century, these three child-rearing philosophies can be identified as still operative on the American scene but in different locales and with different standard bearers. The child-rearing philosophy of Calvinism has lost its home ground, and continues an intellectually ignored, if not overlooked, existence among Baptists and Methodists in the Bible Belt. The orientation of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau came to a spectacular but short-lived ascendancy under John B. Watson and his behaviorist followers.4 And the belief in the essential goodness of the child and the obligation of parents to protect and further the development of this valuable potential found a strong, albeit somewhat misunderstood, source of support in the teachings of Sigmund Freud, who was much more demanding on human behavior than is believed by many today. In essence, Calvinism and the Bible Belt seem concerned with a God-oriented child; Enlightenment and Watson's Behaviorism, with an independent and problem-solving child; and the modern Mental Health orientation, with a relatively conflict-free and well-adjusted child. In historical perspective, each of these three philosophies of child rearing served its purpose. The methods and goals of Calvinism served the personality demands of the colonist, those of Locke, Rousseau, and Watson, the personality demands of the pioneer and entrepreneur, 'Robert Sunley, "Early Nineteenth Century American Literature on Child Rearing," in Margaret Mead and Martha Wolfenstein, eds., Childhood in Contemporary Cultures (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955), pp. 150-167. 4 John B. Watson, Psychological Care of Infant and Child (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1928).

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and those of Freud's American forerunners and followers, those of the organization man. 5 All three of them seem to have been needed in America during the last two hundred years and in some measure or other are still needed. Only the prevalence and strength of demand for one or the other of these personality types has shifted in the course of time. At present, the colonist seems to be more or less obsolete, the individualistic entrepreneur on the way out, and the organization man in the saddle. But voices of concern over the inadequacy of the organization man in meeting the needs of our society for leadership are beginning to be heard. And who knows whether the impending conquest of space and the opening up of Alaska will not require colonists and pioneers more than bureaucrats and junior executives. As a matter of fact, it is quite likely that we are on the verge of a new development of child rearing which will have to produce still another personality type. Our corporate way of life, in which most breadwinners have to spend their mature years in employment relationships and a slowly but steadily increasing number of years in retirement, seems to require a personality with greater inner resources than our mental health orientation in child rearing has so far produced. The anxiety of the civil servant or junior executive produces little real leadership in the complexities of modern government and business. The forced gaiety and hobby involvement of the retired person produces little real serenity in the face of physical decline and ultimate death. We thus are faced with a need for yet another reorientation in child rearing in order to bring personality development into harmony with the needs of living in our time. To what degree such a redefinition of goals will require a change in child-rearing methods has not yet been explored. It is likely, however, that there will be less emphasis on conformity, greater demand for performance, and a greater assertion of the rights of parenthood than the well-informed person in the 1930's or 1940's would have thought conceivable. •Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt, 1920); William H. Whyte, The Organization Man (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956); Miller and Swanson, op. cit., pp. 30-60.

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THE INFLUENCE OF THE EXPERTS

In such a process of change, many American mothers and fathers have to perform their child-rearing functions without the support and the security of a child-rearing tradition. The advice and the experience of their own parents and other members of their predecessor generation are only hesitatingly given and questioningly received. Frequently they are not available because the mobility of our population has separated adult sons and daughters from their parents and other relatives. Most important, however, the appearance of the child-rearing experts and of research in child development produces such rapid and frequent changes in prevailing thoughts on child rearing8 that any advice coming from an older generation is likely to appear outdated and inappropriate. Thus the American parent for the last hundred years and more has turned from family tradition to expert advice, and a whole national effort of "parent education" has been the response.7 The newspaper columnist, the family doctor, the pediatrician and the teacher, the social worker and the child psychiatrist have responded to this need. They have brought support and valuable information, but they have also added to the existing insecurity of parents, because their very existence as child-rearing experts has suggested to many an American parent that he is only a layman in child rearing, almost of necessity insufficiently informed and obligated to be responsive to new thoughts and discoveries. The child-rearing professions thus have helped in turning parenthood from a natural function into a problem-solving task with ever new assignments. It need not surprise, therefore, that Benjamin M. Spock,8 with his suggestion that the parent trust himself, became one of the most popular child-rearing experts this country has ever known. Popular, but not really accepted, because the American parent's task had in reality become too difficult to be alleviated by such common-sense advice. * Martha Wolfenstein, "The Emergence of Fun Morality," The Journal of Social Issues, VII (1951), 15-25. 'Orville G. Brim, Education for Child Rearing (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1959). " Benjamin M. Spock, The Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946); Paper back edition: The Pocket Book of Baby and Child Care (New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1954), p. 3.

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There was, however, not only social change that demanded the abandonment of tradition and even of recendy acquired know-how. There were also the effects of a declining birth rate and the separation of the father from the home except for evenings and weekends. One thousand mothers born between 1835 and 1839 had over the whole period of their childbearing life an average of 5,845 children, or roughly six children per family. The corresponding figure for mothers born between 1900 and 1905 was 3,132, or roughly three children per family.9 Since then, the birth rate has risen somewhat, but the number of children is still small compared with the large families of the predominandy rural America of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. As the number of children in the household declined, the individual child became more precious to his parents; and it also became possible to give him more attention, materially as well as emotionally. But the birth rate was not the only population factor which made child rearing more important and at the same time permitted greater intensity of effort. The death rate also declined; particularly, infant mortality went down. In consequence, more and more children survived and lived out the whole span from infancy to adolescence in parental care. Parents more and more had to respond to the demands of the whole growth process, with the particular trials to which the adolescence of girls and boys is likely to expose parenthood. THE POSITION OF THE FATHER

Unfortunately, as the demands of child rearing grew, the resources in terms of family personnel went down. Fathers in ever-larger numbers had to earn their livelihood and that of their families away from home, and the parental task of child rearing became more and more a task of motherhood. In the routine of the weekday, the American urban family has become a fatherless and spouseless family—a family which is a single-parent family, every weekday at least, between 8 A.M. and 6 P.M. Except for the families of farmers and the families of those relatively few professional persons who have their office attached to ' Conrad and Irene Taeuber, The Changing Population of the United (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1958), p. 255.

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their residence, no family in the United States functioning as an economically successful unit can be anything but a "broken" family on weekdays. The urban family in the United States not affected by unemployment or chronic disease of the breadwinner is broken by our modern working arrangement. We are forced to practice "daylight divorce" every working day without acknowledging it to ourselves. This has put upon both parents a much more difficult task than was traditionally theirs. It has made of the father a person whom the children meet while he is either in the holiday mood of a weekend father or in the compensation mood of an evening father who, during the whole day, has had to hold his feelings in check. Employees cannot afford to let either their needs to meet with warm human response or the needs to express aggression express themselves freely in office or shop. They come home with their vitality more than half spent but with their needs for affection and for outlets of aggression unsatisfied to the point of having reached drive intensity. Not having been able to do anything tangible for their children during the day, or maybe during the whole work week, they are likely to be poorly defended against the temptation of giving without demanding anything except affection from their children. There lies the root of the phenomenon which our children call "daddy." An employee who is controlled by his work associates in his wish to be productive and by his supervisors in his wish to respond to frustration with aggression may find in wife and children objects for displaced hostility. The influence of the father in the personality development of his children, of course, remains powerful, but whether our modern living arrangements give him a decent chance to exercise this power beneficially is open to serious question.

THE POSITION OF THE MOTHER

The mother, on the other hand, has had forced upon herself total responsibility and authority in matters of child rearing, and many factors have converged in making this a responsibility difficult to bear and an authority difficult to exercise. First of all, "total" responsibility is always frightening, and strangely enough some representatives of the child-rearing professions have substantially contributed to making this responsibility a heavy burden. Not enough

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that father's daily morning departure has left the job to her; child guidance experts and psychiatrists of national prestige have accused her of a heavy guilt in botching the job. Child guidance clinics from 1930 to approximately 1950 have almost routinely insisted on treating only the mother and the child, and have thus indicated to the mother that she was in all likelihood the only parent who was damaging the child.10 Left with the unenviable task of having to call the signals, she has been accused of being dominant, masculine, and loud-voiced, either binding her children to herself in unhealthy emotional entrapment or rejecting them and starving them in their need for emotional warmth and help in developing confidence and a positive self-image.11 Dr. Strecker's conceptualization of Momism12 has even enriched our everyday language with a term derogatory to motherhood. And not many people have stopped to think whether the maternal behavior thus decried is really a matter of choice in modern society. Nor have they, with the exception of Ericson, stopped to think whether the emotionally unattached personality is not a necessity in our corporate society, in which so many people must be able to uproot themselves and their children and go to places of promotion and economic opportunity. Not only, however, has she been accused of having misused her authority in child rearing; she also can be said, on more general grounds, to be uncomfortable about exercising the authority which has fallen to her lot. It is generally conceded that the social status of American women is higher than that of women anywhere else in the world. They have achieved more social power in the relationship between the sexes than the women of any other country. However, they have not yet forgotten that they achieved it by rebellion against patriarchal authority not so many decades ago. Having to exercise authority with such a background is an uncomfortable necessity at best. It is not surprising, therefore, that mothers' groups should over and over again seek advice on "setting limits" and "use of discipline." " O t t o Pollak, Integrating Sociological and Psychoanalytic Concepts (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1956), pp. 177-193. " E r i c H. Ericson, Childhood and Society (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), pp. 247-254. u Edward Adam Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1946).

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THE INTERCHANGEABILITY OF ROLE

A special difficulty which parents have to face in our society is not of their own making—namely, the difficulty of helping their children to identify with their own sex. The difficulty in modern times is the interchange ability of parental roles in infant and child care. This starts in prenatal care with classes in which instruction is given also to fathers in feeding and bathing infants. It comes to a climax in the nurse-comfort-centered maternity ward, in which bottle feeding is represented to the mother as nutritionally more reliable than breast feeding. Thus whatever ambivalent feelings and anxiety the mother has had about breast feeding is reinforced with handy generalizations. Once bottle feeding is accepted, the father can function as an infant feeder just as well as the mother, and he is frequently exhorted to do so, particularly for night feeding. Whether the gain in sleep is worth the loss of the biological identity experienced from breast feeding one's own child, and whether the maturation of the child is as well furthered by father's mothering as it would have been by mother's, is another question. Advocates of mothers' rights also encourage the father to make it possible for his wife to have an evening out by taking over the cooking and serving for the children while they are still too young to minister to themselves in these respects. Thus infants and children meet their parents in child-care roles which, except for frequency of allocation, are interchangeably practiced and deprive the child of an opportunity to experience in his interaction with father and mother that difference in sex roles which might help him to accept his own sex. The confusion of models which this interchangeability of childcare roles between the sexes produces for the children is actually extended into the generalized behavior pattern which the parents, by our modern work arrangements, are forced to present at home. The mother left alone in charge of home and children has to be active, a decision-maker, and, to a degree, aggressive. She has to "wear the pants" while father is away, and she does so literally in many a household, while doing the chores or caring for the children. What is overlooked in the demand made on her by many mental hygienists to represent femininity to her children is the fact that it is practically

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impossible psychologically to be feminine in the performance of traditionally male roles. Let us not forget that in the majority of American homes the woman is not only called upon to be wife and mother but also chauffeur and handyman. On the other hand, many fathers come home with their activity drives and aggressiveness spent. They seek rest, reassurance, and comfort. Thus what the children perceive of their behavior and personality are frequently passivity strivings which, taken by themselves, furnish an erroneous conception of masculinity. Clinicians are right diagnostically if they take note of the psychological difficulties which acceptance of one's own sex presents for many people in our society. The point made here is only that parents can hardly be blamed for not doing more to help their children grow up with a minimum of such difficulties. In a society in which young •women work in order to enable their husbands to go to college or professional school, in which they are left in charge of home, children, and any number of mechanical appliances; in a society in which husbands and fathers must work away from home and, more or less, return only to be fed, to rest up, to have marital gratification, and to get positive emotional responses from their children, parents can hardly be blamed if their children do not form male-female identifications according to the textbooks. PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS

In essence, therefore, persistent and frequendy rapid change in prevalent and professionally supported ideas about child rearing, a decline in the birth and death rates, the absence of the father from the home, the interchangeability of parental roles between the sexes, and the social development of the status and roles of women in America, all have made the child-rearing responsibilities of parents in the United States a heavy burden. Unfortunately, this burden, heavy due to social conditions over which the individual parent has no control, is made even more difficult due to certain psychological implications of the task. American parents for about six generations now have defined it as their duty to help their children to a better education than they themselves have received and, in consequence,

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to a social-class position higher than they themselves have attained. On the level of consciousness, this seems to be benevolence and readiness for sacrifice. In effect, however, it is also a repudiation of one's own parents, an indictment that they have not given us the type of childhood which we would want our children to have. At its kindliest, it expresses ambivalence about one's own childhood, and not its positive side. Repudiation of the past, of course, is part and parcel of the American way of life. It explains the level of our standard of living, of our technological advances, of our enthusiasm about change. Thus the repudiation of one's own parents in the setting of the goals for his children can be easily rationalized in our culture. The question must be raised, however, whether there are not many parents for whom this defense proves inadequate. Repudiation of one's parents is almost impossible without a measure of unconscious guilt and anxiety. This guilt may well prevent many parents from succeeding in their child-rearing plans. If one follows parental ways and fails, one is excused. If one repudiates them and fails, one stands convicted. There must be, therefore, much anxiety about changing child rearing from what it was for oneself to that which he wants it to be for his children. But there is not only anxiety about failure; there may also be anxiety about success. If one repudiates one's parents and one succeeds, one has brought defiance to a triumph, and punishment has to be doubly feared. Such unconscious anxieties over failure, as well as over success, may interfere with the efficiency of child rearing in many instances. This is unavoidable in a culture which never moves in the security of the traditional and the accepted but is always driven from without and possibly from within into a repudiation of the tried and the old and into experimentation with the untried and the new. Next to the defiance of the past, we have also to consider the boundless optimism of the American about the future. Due to this optimism, the American parent has accepted ever more difficult assignments and has thus exposed himself to ever-growing frustrations. It is easier to implant religion and a strict superego into a child's mind than to increase his capacities to withstand the rigors of life, and it is easier to make him tough and increase his powers of resistance to hardship than to make him happy. But this, at least in popular reinterpretation of mental hygiene principles, seems

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to have become a parental goal in our day. The American parent has accepted responsibility not only for his child's ethics, not only for his capacities, but also for his happiness—a truly frightening assignment. THE

CHALLENGE

Although child rearing for many American parents thus has become a troubled and burdensome function, it contains many challenges and potentials of achievement, culturally as well as individually. Historical perspective, awareness of the demands of social effectiveness at home and abroad, as well as acceptance of the essentials of the American identity which is tied to the never-ending search for improvement, suggests first of all that a definitive and lasting agreement on principles of child rearing cannot be expected in our culture. In this, as in many other areas of living, there is no peace and should not be. If we should ever come to such an agreement and abide by it, we would soon produce a basic personality type unfit to cope with the demands of changing social situations and changing world conditions. We would produce social incompetence in our children, because, like many war colleges, we would identify the strategical mistakes of the last war and mislead ourselves into the belief that we were preparing for the future. The next logical step then would be to orient our goals of child rearing to the probable demands of the future more than to the mistakes of the past, because the latter were made in an attempt to achieve personality characteristics that are likely to become obsolete before our children will have lived out their adulthood. What parents should demand from the child-rearing professions is some illumination for the future. This, however, requires a tie-up between the study of individual growth and development with an understanding of history and sociology. It would require a greater concern with goals than with methods. If we focus on methods, goals are likely to be lost sight of, and then we are likely to be surprised by character neuroses and juvenile deliquency in unexpected places and in unexpected volume. 13 "Otto Pollak, "Social Factors Contributing to Character Disorders," Child Welfare, XXXVII (April, 1958), 8-12.

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Appropriate models of behavior. In this context, parents and the child-rearing professions might stop to consider whether the home and the school are really places for democracy and permissiveness, or whether democracy be not better confined to our system of government and permissiveness to the therapeutic hour. The democratic ideal has had a tendency to spill over into American child-rearing practices long before free association, catharsis, and the expression of hostility became respected therapeutic tools. The school and the home have tended to become democratic with human material that is essentially composed of unequals. There is no equality of information between teacher and pupils; there is no equality between parents and children. They are irrevocably separated by age, physiological maturation, social development, experience, and concerns. To rear children as if they were the equals of their parents and teachers deprives them of appropriate models of behavior. It makes them a source of nagging frustration to the adults, which causes irritation and resentment on the part of the adult. It thus dooms both the child and the adult to emotional tension and inadequacy of interaction. These, however, are fallacies which can be corrected. They are not imposed upon us by the unrelenting march of history. These reorientations are required by reality and are within the psychological autonomy of parents and teachers. Recognition of the times. Another area of possible reorientation of our child-rearing efforts might lie in the realization that world conditions at the moment are not conducive to giving American parents a special buoyancy or lift. Coexistence between the United States and two aggressive world powers such as Russia and China produces a national climate of underlying discomfort for which parents should make a place in their thinking when they engage in a scrutiny of their child-rearing task. It is difficult to raise children when one is worried about their future. This aspect of our national situation will have to be included in formulating our goals of child rearing. Such an inclusion will involve consideration of the degree of nonperformance which we can permit ourselves and our children, of the amount of happiness which we can expect or hope to provide, and of the sacrifices which such an experiment with the preservation of peace demands. I think that it will be necessary to ask whether the

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concerns which we still express in child rearing are really those appropriate to the middle of the twentieth century or whether they are not a hangover from more comfortable times. A realistic approach. This then leads to an acceptance of the irrevocable, and that in turn, perhaps, to a release from the burden of unrealistic conceptions about what we can and should do for our children. Certainly, parents should not blame themselves if they find themselves in need of professional assistance. The task has really become so difficult and trying that it cannot always be done single-handed. After all, if running a business requires endless and repetitive consultation with tax experts, market researchers, advertising experts, and lawyers; if farmers need agricultural experts to help them; if schools need auxiliary psychological and psychiatric services, why should not parents? And why should they blame themselves if they need them repeatedly? The growth process has various crisis stages, social conditions change, the parents themselves change under the stimulus of life experiences. Ours is the age of the expert and the specialist. To blame oneself for needing them is to live with the prejudices of the nineteenth century or, more likely, with those of the eighteenth. In this context, it should be pointed out that both professional social workers and psychiatrists, as well as parents, need to scrutinize "whether what they consider mental health is still possible or even appropriate in our day. To come back to the problem of masculinity and femininity, are these really conceptions which, in terms of behavior stereotypes, still fit the social opportunities—and the social possibilities—of men and women in the United States of 1960? Is freedom from an exacting self-demand a luxury which we can really afford? Is conformity a virtue at any price? Is to be a bookish student really a sign of one-sidedness that should be evaluated as a personality defect? Does the well-rounded personality go as far as we have to go if we want to survive? And lastly, is happiness really the ultimate measure of human achievement? One of the greatest pitfalls of American parents seems to me to lie in their assumption of total responsibility not only for the opportunities and the capacities of their children but also for their moods. Here we seem to be under the spell of two salient as-

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sumptions: ( 1 ) that children should always be happy, and ( 2 ) that if they are not, the parents are to blame. I frequently wonder whether mental health does not require appropriate moods rather than the permanence of happiness. Happiness may be perfectly inappropriate in many situations. It may prevent impetus for remedial effort, and, ultimately, it is unattainable. To free oneself from the unrealistic assumption that one is responsible for a pervasive and persistent happiness in another human being, even if this individual is one's own child, should be within the reach of the emotionally normal person.

Ill Comparative Education

Emerging

Basic Problems—Dependence Independence in

to

Africa

DOUGLAS WILLIAMS * WHEN I FIRST started talking about Africa on American platforms

some four years ago, it was always necessary to start off with some of the elementary facts of life. It was, for example, necessary to explain that not only was Africa larger than Texas but that it was four and a half times as large as the United States. It was necessary to explain that not merely was the whole of the continent not sunk in primitive darkness but that it could boast many great cities with many hundreds of thousands of inhabitants. It was necessary to explain that not only were its people not a solid homogeneous mass of Negroes but also that they were divided into many hundreds of different tribes, speaking many different languages and having many different religious and social customs. Today it is no longer necessary to say any of these things. Events in Africa itself and the reports of them appearing in the American press and on television and radio have done much to educate the great American public on the facts of life in twentieth-century Africa. Many people, however, continue to express astonishment at what they find there and feel that it is all p u l i n g and bewildering. To any of us who have been studying Africa for some time, little that is happening there has come as any surprise. The course which events are now taking is something that most of us had foreseen for some time. It is only the speed, and not the direction, that is providing any source of astonishment. I have undertaken to discuss the emerging basic problems of the transition from dependence to independence on the continent of Africa. Some of you may find it strange that anyone like myself with * Colonial Attaché, British Embassy, Washington, D. C. 117

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a hideous colonial past should venture to discuss the problems that are arising with the disappearance of colonialism. The plain fact of the matter, however, is that the disappearance of colonialism from the continent of Africa has not affected its basic problems in the slightest. They are now what they were before—the same problems with which the colonial powers have been struggling for the past 50 years and, to some extent, are still struggling. All that has changed with the transfer of power has been the people responsible for solving these problems. Many Americans used to think and talk as if, with the abolition of colonialism on the continent of Africa, the evils which beset the continent would disappear overnight, and the new day of sweetness and light would dawn upon the dark continent. Events are clearly showing the falsity of these expectations. The men who handle the problems have changed. The stage on which they are now being played out is the world stage of the United Nations and not the debating chambers of the parliaments of the metropolitan powers. The principal actors are having their roles magnified out of all proportion by the fact that focused upon them is the spodight of world opinion. But the problems that are being discussed and the parts that are being played have, in effect, been there for generations. These problems fall into three fairly well defined categories: the political, the technical, and the economic. This is an extremely dangerous statement to make to an American audience, since Americans have a national weakness for believing that any complex issue can be broken down into a series of problems that can then be tackled piecemeal in much the same way as you can repair a car by first tinkering with the brakes, then patching up the carburetor, and finally adjusting the wheel alignment. Unhappily, social and political problems cannot be tackled in this way, least of all under African conditions. No economic changes are possible without big technical and social changes. Every economic change has big political repercussions, and from every political decision flow considerable economic consequences. I must stress to you, therefore, that I am discussing the situation in Africa in terms of a series of problems purely for purposes of analysis. If you are looking for solutions, then do not attempt to find them on the basis of this catalogue. The only solution to Africa's problems is to tackle them all at once on a broad front.

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There are no short cuts, and there is no future in tackling them piecemeal. POLITICAL

PROBLEMS

National unity. The first problem, without any shadow of a doubt, both in magnitude and importance, is that of ensuring and maintaining national unity on the basis of existing administrative divisions. The present boundaries on the map of Africa were put there, fairly arbitrarily, at the end of the nineteenth century by the European powers following the Congress of Berlin. The European powers drew their frontiers on the map of Africa, generally speaking, with little regard for existing tribal groups, linguistic or religious divisions, or natural boundaries. African leaders are now busy holding this up as a monstrous act of European wickedness, and they are holding Europe responsible for the consequent divisions on the African continent. This, of course, is to accuse our great-grandfathers of not having had the benefit of our hindsight. The plain fact of the matter is that the boundaries which the European powers drew upon the map of Africa gave to various parts of that continent a degree of unity greater than anything they had ever known before. The tribal divisions that existed there before the Europeans came, and that to everyone's astonishment still exist today, are a creation of African history and African culture. The national boundaries on the basis of which the Africans are now assuming seats at the United Nations are creations, for better or worse, of the European powers, and the first task which Africa faces in the future is that of preserving the measure of unity which it has already attained. To this unity there is one great threat opposing itself in all areas, and that is the threat of tribalism and the forces of tribal separatism. Some Africans talk as if there were only one way to deal with the forces of tribal separatism, which is simply to ride roughshod over them in much the same way as Mr. Nkrumah did in Ghana and as Mr. Sekou Toure has done in Guinea. I think history is going to show that the experience of these two areas of West Africa cannot be applied universally over the whole of the African continent, and that the way to deal with the forces of tribal separatism will differ

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considerably from area to area. In the first place, the hostility to tribalism in Africa comes mainly from the Western-educated African politician living in the towns; but 80 per cent of the inhabitants of this continent south of the Sahara are still living in rural areas, and about 70 per cent of them practice a subsistence form of agriculture in which tribal custom and the tribal way of life play an essential part. This situation is not likely to disappear in most of Africa overnight, and most rural Africans, deprived of the institutions of their tribe, would be utterly lost and bewildered. The second point to notice is that, although tribal institutions are frequently conservative and reactionary, they are not always so, and that they are frequently capable of astonishing adaptation and variation. The classic case undoubtedly is that of the Chagga tribe of Tanganyika, who through their tribal co-operative societies have adapted themselves remarkably well to the institutions and conditions of the twentieth century without any loss of tribal loyalty and tribal identity. The fact is that tribal loyalty and tribal institutions are only a menace where they prevent the growth of national loyalty and the working of national institutions. But this is not their effect all over the continent, and the way to accommodate them undoubtedly differs from area to area. For example, in a country like Tanganyika, where there are something like 120 tribes, none of them very big, there are very few problems with tribalism once there arises a well-developed nationalist movement such as Mr. Julius Nyerere's Tanganyika National Union, because in Tanganyika no tribe is strong enough to dominate all the rest in the way that the Ashanti in Ghana might have done if they had not been whipped into place by Mr. Nkrumah. In a country like Uganda, on the other hand, the problem is very different. Here there are four fairly powerful tribes, one of whom, the Buganda, overshadows the other three. In this country no nationalist movement has yet emerged, or has shown signs of emerging, that is strong enough to override the forces of tribal separatism and traditionalism. A very dangerous situation is in process of developing there, since the Buganda have decided that, rather than see set up in Uganda popular institutions on a national basis, they will attempt to secede from this tiny country (in area no bigger than the United Kingdom) and set up a separate state of their own. In

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Nigeria, which attained its independence on October 1, 1960, the problem is different, again. The country is vast in size, bigger in fact than Texas. Some of the tribes and ethnic groups are very numerous; the three biggest are each between three and six million strong. There are deep religious cleavages between them and vast differences in education and social development. Here a modus vivendi appears to have been worked out which leaves the three principal tribal groups each dominant in its own area but which combines these areas under a federal system into one national unit. There is every hope that as the institutions of national government grow stronger, so, too, will the sentiments of national loyalty triumph over the forces of tribal and religious separatism. This, in our experience of it, is the best way to tackle Africa's number one problem—the problem of tribal separatism. Tribal loyalties, and even tribal institutions, still have a role to perform in Africa, particularly in the rural areas. They can perform that role, properly handled, even within the national framework. The problem is to get Africans from different tribes working together in national institutions such as Parliaments, the Civil Service, trade unions, cooperative societies, institutions that represent an interest the Africans have that is greater than their tribal interest. Once they have had experience of these institutions, then the sentiments of national loyalty begin to grow. The second threat to national unity is racialism. This presents itself only in some areas of the continent where sizable communities exist drawn from immigrants from Europe and Asia. The areas in which this problem exists are now limited to certain parts of East, Central, and South Africa; and for three of them, namely Kenya, Tanganyika, and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Great Britain still retains a measure of responsibility. These are all areas where, for geographical and historical reasons, development has followed a very different pattern from that of West Africa. Kenya, Tanganyika, and Rhodesia are areas where it is far harder to extract a living from the soil than it was in West Africa. In consequence of this and as a result of the comparative isolation of their peoples from the outside world, the Africans of these areas fifty years ago were a good deal more backward than those on the West Coast. Because of the influx of

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Europeans and Asians and the development of the extractive industries, whether in the form of mining or of plantation agriculture, these countries have shot rapidly ahead economically. But in the process, economic power and a good deal of political power has become concentrated in European and Asian hands. That Africans lack managerial skills is very well recognized by most of the African nationalist leaders from these areas with whom I have discussed it, and the problem here is to persuade the immigrant communities to share an ever-greater measure of political power with the rising African nationalists in a way that does not force the withdrawal of immigrant enterprise from the economic field. In Tanganyika, this problem appears already to have been solved. In Kenya, following the recent Constitutional Conference, the entry of four Africans into the government, and the promise of elections next year, which will give them an overwhelming African majority, in the Legislative Council, it would appear to be well on the way to solution, though many difficulties and uncertainties remain. In the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, on the other hand, the problem is much more difficult, and at this particular moment no solution is in sight. The African nationalists themselves are pressing for the dissolution of the Federation despite the serious economic disadvantages this would bring. They are obsessed by fears generated in the past, particularly fears on the intentions of the dominant white minority. I think it is the general hope in Britain that it may be possible for constitutional changes in the months ahead to remove the source of these fears. Certainly, every effort will be made to do so, so that the Federation can survive and provide an area of political stability and economic progress against the turmoil that is disturbing the southern end of the continent. The easy solution of course would be to dissolve the Federation, but that would solve none of its problems. It would cut Nyasaland off from the many economic and social benefits it derives from the mineral wealth of the Rhodesias. It would leave the great mining industry of Northern Rhodesia once more at the mercy of Southern Rhodesia. Above all, it would do nothing to relieve the racial tensions of the whole region; indeed it would heighten and exacerbate them. That, then, is the first great political problem of emergent Africa—

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to maintain national unity—and the two threats to it are tribalism in all areas and racialism in some areas. Regional unity. The second great political problem for Africa's future is that of achieving some form of regional unity. Most African political movements today express the wish not only for sovereign institutions of national status but also for combining these national units into some greater whole. Some of their leaders, notably in West Africa, speak ambitiously of a United States of Africa. They are looking for a greater unity that transcends not only the ancestral tribal divisions but also the boundaries imposed upon the map of Africa by the European powers. Certainly, if the Africans could bring this about, the potential trouble spots of the continent could be considerably reduced. For many of these African units now appearing at the United Nations with votes equivalent to that of the United States are pathetically small and weak. Gabon, the old French Congo, and Mauretania all have populations of under one million. Togo, Chad, Guinea, the Dahomey, the Central African Republic, and Niger all have populations under three million. Many of them are poor in natural resources. This is not a good basis on which to support the trappings of sovereignty—armies, navies, air forces, ambassadors in Washington and Moscow, and delegations to the United Nations. We in the outside world, therefore, must watch with considerable sympathy the Africans' attempts to combine themselves into larger units. Nevertheless, the obstacles in the way of success are great. Nothing seems so divisive as a line which has stood on a map for sixty years. The Africans, unlike the Arabs, have no common religion or common language or even closely related languages. The language of administration is normally a European one, and this gives rise to fresh divisions, such as that between the French- and English-speaking areas in West Africa, with the added complication of Portugueseand Spanish-speaking areas. Another great obstacle is the uneven distribution of wealth on the continent of Africa, which leads to a reluctance by some of the richer territories to enter or to remain in political units that involve them in sharing their wealth with poor relations. This is the factor which led to the recent breakup of the Mali Federation, which leads to Mr. Tshombe's reluctance to permit

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the Katanga to become an integral part of the Congo and which has dictated the attitudes of the government of the Ivory Coast. Nevertheless, the outside world must realize that over the past forty years a great deal of emotional force has been built up behind this idea of Pan-Africanism—the idea first preached in the streets of Harlem in the 1920's by Marcus Aurelius Garbie when he urged that the way back to Negro self-respect lay in the transfer of political power into black men's hands and looked forward to the emergence of a great black sovereign state on the continent of Africa which would give back to Negroes everywhere the self-respect which they had lost through generations of slavery. The theme was taken up again by the founder of the NAACP, Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, who in 1945 presided over a great conference on the subject held in Manchester, England, the secretaries of which were Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, now President of Ghana, and Mr. Jomo Kenyatta, the leader of the Mau Mau. This doctrine will undoubtedly in the years to come have great emotional appeal, especially for the youth of Africa, but I think many practical politicians and administrators will feel that Africa must digest that measure of unity it has already attained before it can pass on to a second course. Individual freedom. The third great political problem that Africa faces is that of promoting individual freedom. Freedom to us in the West means two things. It means, first, the freedom of our countries from foreign control; but, second, it also means the freedom of an individual to oppose his government, to be a nonconformist. Africans all over the continent are jubilant at having obtained freedom in the first sense. So far, however, they are showing little comprehension of the meaning of freedom in the second sense. Traditional African society does not approve of nonconformity. The tribe was and is a community in which, however much government was carried on by discussion, organized opposition by and large was not tolerated. As long as the African continent was inhabited only by tribes practicing the nomadic grazing of flocks or the shifting cultivation of crops, it was always easy for groups discontented with any given tribal regime to break away and go off into the bush, and either give their loyalty to some other tribal chief or to set up a tribe of their own. In the situations where Africa is divided into nation-states, this

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is no longer possible. Somehow the Africans have got to learn how to tolerate opposition. In the immediate future this may not matter. For the moment, the forces of national enthusiasm and new-found independence are strong enough to carry these countries forward without the disadvantages that flow from the loss of individual liberty becoming too apparent. But the history of Latin America over the past hundred years shows the dangers that can arise and the social stagnation that can set in if dictatorship becomes endemic. There is no short-term answer to this problem, but in the long run the answer to it, as to so many problems of Africa, undoubtedly lies in more and more education. So much for the major political problems of modern Africa. Let us now turn very briefly to consider the technical problems.

TECHNICAL

PROBLEMS

The main technical problem which Africa has to face is that of securing administrative efficiency. An efficient administration is really the backbone of a healthy twentieth-century state, and the examples of Pakistan and the Sudan show clearly how well a state can get along without the trappings of parliamentary government if its administration is efficient. Examples elsewhere show how useless is foreign aid and all the fine plans for economic development if the administration is weak and corrupt. Yet here are these countries in Africa emerging as sovereign states in the United Nations with 80 per cent illiteracy, an insufficiency of university graduates, and very little experience in running the machinery of a modern state. Over most of the former British and French areas of Africa, however, the basis of a healthy administration has been created. And where, on the attainment of independence, there are not sufficient Africans available to take over all the posts, British and French officials frequently remain to carry on their work for the new African governments. But even so, desperate shortages of staff remain. All kinds of stopgap schemes are in operation to try to make good some of this deficiency, such as the Opex scheme of the United Nations. But in the long run the only answer to this problem is education, and for

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this, in addition to the task of mobilizing its own resources, Africa needs massive help from outside. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL

PROBLEMS

The tremendous political changes in Africa have, of course, been stimulated by the astonishing economic growth of the last twenty years. This economic growth has, in turn, been produced by the vast sums of capital pumped into Africa from the outside world, mostly from Europe and mostly since the war, and the great increase in technical skills that accompanied it. The British have, for example, been pumping some $180 million per year for the past ten years into their areas of Africa. Other metropolitan powers have been doing at least as much. This process has got to be continued, and even increased, after political independence, if these new states are to be able to sustain that independence. As Mr. Nkrumah has said, "The leaders of the new Africa have no alternative but to look for outside assistance. We have to modernise. Either we shall do so with the interest and support of the West or we shall be compelled to turn elsewhere. This is not a warning or a threat but a straight statement of political reality." Need for capital and skill. Nobody has been able to calculate how much the new Africa is going to need to sustain its rate of economic growth. We are safe in saying that the sums are probably not staggering. But given the commitments of the free world in other regions and for other purposes, they are too much for any one country in the West to be able to sustain by itself. It has to be a co-operative effort. It is, however, useful to see this problem in the context of the history of European assistance to Africa since the war. This history clearly shows that, from the end of the war until about 1952, the chief impediment to African economic development was the supply of capital goods from Europe. The productive capacity of Europe, devastated by the war, was not equal to the task. By 1952, this problem had been solved, and since 1952 the main problem has been that of supplying the capital and the skill. This problem still exists, though the strengthening of the economies of Europe and

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the increased resources of such international agencies as the International Bank indicate that this problem may well be in sight of solution. The need for trade. Africa is beginning to present the free world with a new problem—that of being assured stable markets for its products. A great stimulus was provided to Africa's progress, politically and economically, by the high prices for primary products obtaining in the 1950's as a result of the Korean War. If the West cannot continue to provide stable markets for African products, then any kind of aid will be of little avail. In other words, trade is more important than aid. What is more, if a nation can earn by trade the capital it requires from the outside world, it promotes its national self-respect far better than if it has to resort to aid. The African nations, of course, cannot hope in the immediate future to pay for all the capital and skill they need from the outside world; but the more of it they can pay for, the better for them and the better, too, for the rest of the world. For some reason that I cannot explain, this problem of providing stable markets for Africa's products seems so far to have received very little attention in the United States, yet the ups and downs of the Volta River Scheme in Ghana, the prospects of which for the past decade have varied with every fluctuation in the price of bauxite, clearly show its great importance. The problem is certainly one that is receiving much serious attention in Britain. CONDITIONS FOR

SOLUTION

Basically the economic problems of Africa are not nearly so difficult to solve as those of some other underdeveloped areas in the world. The reason for this is not that Africa is a rich continent. Its soils are poor and crumble easily under the effects of wind and weather. Its considerable mineral deposits are often difficult to get at and require the expenditures of considerable sums of capital. Its rainfall is erratic. Some of its diseases have proved very difficult to master. But despite all these drawbacks, the fact remains that the economic problems of Africa are basically simpler than those of some other underdeveloped areas for one very good reason—that most of Africa is an underpopulated continent and not an overpopulated one. These terms

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"underpopulated" and "overpopulated" are difficult ones to interpret, because they have to be seen in relation to the resources of any given area. In a country like India, however, 25 per cent of the people could be taken off the land tomorrow without any loss in agricultural production. As a result of this, the only answer to India's economic problem is heavy industrialization for export. This is not the answer to Africa's economic problem. You could not take any Africans off the land in Africa tomorrow without a loss in agricultural production. What Africa needs to improve the standard of life for most of its people are three things. First, it needs some improvement in its agricultural techniques, so that Africans can feed themselves better. Africans have to be introduced to elementary concepts of ploughing instead of digging the soil, manuring it (a practice unknown in much traditional tropical agriculture), and finally consolidating their land units into reasonable farm areas. The second point, however, is that if an agricultural revolution on these lines is carried through, then the land cannot support as many people working directly upon it as it does at the moment. Therefore, as a corollary to these agricultural changes, an industrial revolution has to be carried through, but one which enables the Africans to process local products for local markets. Most African countries, unlike India, do not need to industrialize for export. Finally, where Africans have mineral resources or plantation agriculture, they need to go on developing such extractive industries in order to be able to pay for some at least of the considerable quantities of capital which Africa is going to need from the outside. Given these three conditions—in principal, basically simple conditions—there is no reason why most African countries should not be able not only to support their present populations with a rising standard of life but also be able to support any foreseeable increase in those populations for several generations to come. The trouble is, however, that essential to the satisfaction of these three conditions is the agricultural revolution—the switch from a system of subsistence farming to a system of cash-crop farming. In order to get over this first essential hurdle, the basic need is education in the broadest sense and a long and patient struggle against the forces of rural conservatism. Indeed, we have to understand that a great deal of the discon-

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tent that is sweeping this continent of Africa today is the discontent of conservatives in revolt, the discontent of those fighting against the changes that are inevitable. IN SUMMARY

The African continent today is a mass of contradictory forces. There is a strong desire for national identity that is at war with an equally strong desire to retain tribal identities. There is a great urge to achieve some wider Pan-African unity struggling against the assertion of both national and tribal loyalties. There is a strong desire for economic independence struggling against the harsh fact that, economically and technically, Africa still needs the outside world far more than the outside world needs Africa. There is a foolish attempt in some quarters to maintain systems of racial superiority at the very moment when it ought to be clear to all in Africa that only by their acknowledging their interdependence as men can they hope to sustain their independence as nations. The future history of this continent will depend upon how these contradictions are resolved. The first thing we in the West have to do is to sympathize with the Africans in their dilemmas and to understand that they are not universally the same, either in force, in character, or in intensity, in the different parts of the continent. The second thing we have to understand is that the prime responsibility for resolving these contradictions must from now on rest with the people of Africa themselves. Some powers and individuals outside Africa will attempt to exploit these contradictions for their own ends. It would be thoroughly unwise of us in the West to attempt to compete with them at this game. The West, in its own interest, must not attempt to exploit these contradictions but to help the Africans resolve them in an African way. In particular, the solution to the political problems of Africa are primarily the Africans' own responsibility, though whenever we in the West see an opportunity to promote the forces of national unity, as opposed to the forces of tribal or racial separatism, we should take it. For the solution of so many of its social and economic problems, however, the Africans will depend very largely upon help

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from outside. It is our responsibility to see that this help is given wisely, adequately, and in time, and, above all, in ways that will promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number on this once-dark continent.

Potential for Leadership in Africa Today RUTH SLOAN* IN APPRAISING the leadership that has developed among Africans thus far, it is important to avoid generalizations based upon American or Western patterns or stereotypes, and thus avoid judging African leaders and African governments in terms of those developed in our own country or in our own communities. Carlos Romulo, former Philippine Ambassador to the United States, once advised Americans to rid themselves of the idea that America has a mission to remake the world and its peoples in its own image. We have only to look as far as Liberia to realize how impossible this really is. Frank Sutton, when he testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Africa, suggested: "If Africans are to be genuinely independent, they cannot be supinely agreeable. We should, I think, welcome the jealous concern of the new African states to guard their independence." In Nkrumah's famous phrase, they do not want to exchange one colonialism for another, and they may sometimes appear unfriendly toward us in their anxiety to avoid a new dependency. Africans do not want us to view their country through the perspective of our Western allies, and they are equally emphatic that they do not want Africa to become involved in the Cold War. What the African means by the terms "freedom" and "democracy" may not be the same as we mean when we use these terms. Julius K . Nyerere, an outstanding young African leader and Chief Minister in the new government of Tanganyika, stated it this way: The African claims that his fight is for democratic rights. There are many, both in Africa and elsewhere, who believe in the sincerity of the claim. There are others who question whether, in fact, the African can really understand or practice democracy. . . . I have often wondered whether the people who question either the * Consultant on African ington, D. C.

and Near East Affairs, Ruth Sloan Associates, 131

Wash-

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sincerity of the African's belief in democracy, or his ability to establish and safeguard democratic rights, are clear in their own minds what the essentials of democracy really are. T o o often the doubters of an African democracy have confined their idea of it to certain democratic institutions or forms which they have developed in particular countries and as a result of local circumstances and national characteristics peculiar to those countries. F o r instance, the British critic when he speaks of "democracy" has a picture in his own mind of the Parliament buildings, a party in power within those Parliament buildings, and another party within the same imposing buildings, not actually in power but with hopes of getting into power if and when its turn comes to win a general election, and in the meantime enjoying the title of Her Majesty's Opposition. . . . Similarly, the American critic has his own picture of democracy. . . . T o these critics an organized and officially recognized opposition has become almost the essence of democracy. . . . They assume that if a country is governed by one party alone, the Government cannot be a "democratic" one. 1

African leaders in the West and East of Africa frankly state that, for the time being at least, they cannot afford the luxury of a twoparty system. In Ghana, Guinea, and Tunisia, for example, the concept of centralized democracy or democratic centralism has developed. The Tanganyika African National Union party received more than 99 per cent of the African, Asian, and European vote in the election which returned Mr. Nyerere. Liberia, for all practical purposes, has had but one party, the True Whig Party, for the last one hundred years. Nigeria, with its federal structure of government as a base, may well prove the exception to this general pattern. FACTS AND FIGURES

Before attempting to assess the qualities and types of leadership developing in Africa today, it is well to look first at some of the facts and figures with respect to these emerging new nations. 1

Julius K. Nyerere, "Africa Needs Time," The New York Times CDC (March 27, 1960), 19.

Magazine,

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Population. Africa has a total population of 220 million, divided into 1SS million blacks, 60 million Arabs, Asians, Coloureds, and others, and approximately five million whites. These five million whites are concentrated along the northern littoral (two million), in the extreme southern portion—the Union of South Africa (two and a half million), and throughout the central and eastern sections (half a million). Due to bad health conditions, the west coast of Africa early earned the opprobrious title of "The White Man's Grave," and consequendy avoided the problems of white settlement and a multiracial society. Certain facetious Nigerians in the past suggested that they might well put the mosquito on their national flag. Without doubt, the racial quotas in various areas of Africa have had both direct and indirect effect on the leadership that has developed. In the Union of South Africa, the ratio has been estimated at four to one; in Uganda, 1,000 to one; in Kenya, 175 to one; and in Southern Rhodesia, 15 to one. Languages. These 220 million people in Africa speak between 600 and 800 languages and dialects. It does not take much stretch of the imagination to envision the difficulties encountered in communication when such a multilingual situation prevails. Literacy. Illiteracy rates have been variously reported. In an article in The New York Times entitled, "Almost Half the World's Adults Can't Read," Dr. Luther Evans, former Director General of UNESCO, pictured most of Africa with illiteracy rates of 80 to 100 per cent, and the balance with rates of from 50 to 80 per cent. 2 Certain colonial authorities and African leaders will definitely challenge these percentages and point out fairly high literacy rates in certain urban and coastal areas, but the over-all percentages are probably not far from the truth. Also, while literacy is certainly not essential to good leadership in Africa today, in the modern society developing there, it certainly helps. Religion. There have been various estimates made of the religious groups in Africa today. Father Considine in 1954 estimated that the Christians in Africa numbered 37,360,678, of whom 16,752,127 were Catholics. The Moslem population has been estimated at about 80,* Luther H. Evans, "Almost Half the World's Adults Can't Read," The New York Times Magazine, CVII (March 16, 1958), 43.

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000,000, and the balance of the population belongs to the so-called pagan religious groups. Certain Catholic missionaries have estimated that the Moslems are converting Africans at a ratio of ten to one Christian. Economics. The economics of the various territories have had a most important bearing on the development of modern leadership. The per-capita annual income for most of the countries in Africa today would probably not exceed $85 per year, and the amount per capita available for capital expenditure (with the exception of the Union of South Africa, Kenya, and the Federation of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland) would probably be about $15 per year, with countries like Somaliland far below this estimate. In all areas there are critical shortages of skilled labor, technicians, and professionals. Time element. Many colonial adminstrators at one time thought in terms of one hundred to one thousand years for accomplishing their objectives. Initially, most if not all of the colonial powers did not contemplate that an educated African élite would ever completely displace the colonial bureaucracy. In uniracial territories, it was envisaged that after several generations of colonial tutelage the African native authorities would possibly be developed sufficiently to perform the local functions of modern government, but the central bureaucratic structure was expected to remain indefinitely in European hands. In multiracial territories, it would seem natural progressively to devolve control over territorial governments to the European settlers. The kaleidoscopic changes that have occurred since World War II have completely upset any such ideas, and in British and French West African areas the time table had been considerably stepped up even before. It must, of course, be remembered that West Africa has been in contact with Western Civilization in one form or another for over four hundred years, while in many parts of East and Central Africa it has been less than one hundred years. TRADITIONAL

LEADERSHIP

For the most part, traditional leadership in Africa was based upon an emotional relationship and a ritualistic relationship where the chiefs had clearly defined powers, relationships, and responsibilities. A

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legitimate chief generally stood for what was old and venerable and represented a symbol of unity and permanence. His power was based on tribalism, communal land tenure, a subsistence economy, a somewhat demoniacal religion, and seniority. The only way an African could attain position under this system was as a member of one of the communal groups—an age group, a kinship group, and so on—as contrasted to the modern leaders who seek recognition as individuals. A clash between the old and new leaders in Africa is currently endemic and reflects the old and new values, systems, and identifications. Also, one should realize that the process of change or evolution from old to modern leadership need not imply the elimination of the traditional leaders, as is witnessed in Nigeria today. On the other hand, Ghana has shorn the tribal leaders, including even the oncepowerful Ashantihene, of any real power, in the process of establishing its centralized democracy. Even Nkrumah, however, realizes that these leaders offer a continuity with the past and provide a certain color and ceremony.

MODERN

LEADERSHIP

The rise of new social-power groups and the emergence of a new type of leadership have resulted from contact with modern liberal European and American thought. This leadership has been inevitably conditioned by the philosophies of the controlling powers, reflected in the educational systems they established. The extent to which the different methods of selecting and training leaders in the various territories have actually produced leaders who genuinely represent their own peoples is, in certain cases at least, questionable. The extent to which certain of these leaders chosen by the colonial powers have been or will be replaced by others who rise from the general ranks is still to be seen. African areas abound in systems by the Portuguese, the Belgian, the British, the French, and even the Spanish, the German, the Italian, and American theorists, educators, political scientists, sociologists, anthropologists, missionaries, constitutional lawyers, and businessmen who have been faced with the necessity of training leaders to work

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with them in their endeavors in Africa. The different impact of the European powers and the resulting differences in political, social, and economic institutions and processes have been determined by differences in colonial policies, political objectives, and methods of administration. Portuguese policy. In Portuguese Africa, which is 21 times the size of Portugal itself, there is also an authoritarian approach. While the Portuguese have no color line and recognize all educated Portuguese Africans as assimiladoes and Portuguese citizens, only some 36,000 Africans have evolved to this status out of a total African population in the two territories of over ten million. The level of education is extremely low—few Africans have gone beyond the third grade of the elementary school—and the Portuguese African who has a university education is indeed the exception. After 450 years in Africa, Portugal still holds to her traditional policies and practices of her early colonial control. Belgian policy. The Belgians for many years laid their chief emphasis on the economic and social development of the Africans. They planned a pyramidal system of education with a very broad base; over 50 per cent of their children of school age were in primary and elementary schools. From this base the pyramid narrowed sharply, with a smaller percentage getting secondary education, and an even smaller percentage obtaining a university education. The Belgians, in their desire not to develop ersatz Europeans, resisted sending the Congolese to European universities and laid plans for establishing universities in the Congo. The first of these was established in October, 1954, at Kimuenza, just outside Leopoldville. It was interracial from the start, and the faculty of 72 professors was of the best. A second university was established four years later at Elizabethville. The first university graduates, however, did not finish until 1960—too late to have acquired experience as leaders for the suddenly independent Congo. Belgium had indeed trained technicians, practical engineers, clerks, accountants, and others; they ran railroads, they operated the textile factories, they performed many of the tasks in the mines. But the administration at all levels was in European hands, and the political system at the local level had only just begun. Then time ran out, and when the decision was made to give the Congo its independence with

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an exceedingly short working timetable, there were no leaders available with experience at the administrative level. Complete chaos resulted, and some 33 political parties emerged with various backgrounds and varied leadership. Only a few of the most familiar leaders will be mentioned here. Patrice Lumumba, who was born July 2, 1925, in Kasai Province, is a member of the little-known Batetela tribal confederation. After he received a rudimentary education, he went to work as a clerk in the Stanleyville post office. In Stanleyville, he became chairman of the Cercle des Évolues and president of an indigenous Congolese labor organization, the APIC, and contributed quasi-political articles to the Congo press. In 1956, he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment for allegedly embezzling post office funds, but his sentence was commuted, on appeal, in June, 1957. In September, 1957, he went to work in a brewery and became commercial director of the company in 1958. In Léopoldville he joined a liberal pro-political organization established by the professors at the Université de Louvain. After the riots in Stanleyville in October, 1959, he was sentenced to six months in prison, but was released in January, 1960, so he could attend the round-table independence talks in Brussels. Subsequently, he was appointed Oriental Province representative to the Executive College established to organize the transition to independence, and he became the first Prime Minister of an independent Congo. Joseph Kasavubu was born in 1910 at Kuma Dizi in Leo Province. He attended Roman Catholic Senior School from 1928 to 1936 and subsequently received a teachers' certificate in 1940 from the Kabine Seminary in Kasai Province. After ten years as a chief clerk in the government, he joined the ABAKO, which was originally a cultural society. He became its president in 1954 and transformed it into a political organization. He was arrested in January, 1959, after the Léopoldville riots, but was later released and became the first President of independent Congo. Moise Tshombe was born in Musumbu in 1919. He was educated by American Methodist missionaries and became a successful, strongwilled business man. Today he enjoys the confidence and support of the powerful mining concern, Union Minière du Haut-Katanga; he

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is outspokenly pro-Belgian, but his recent alliance with the anti-Belgian ABAKO movement stems from his opposition to a unitary state. French policy. In French Africa, which has a land area twenty times larger than that of France and a population roughly equal to that of France, the political function of education was at first envisaged as one of assimilation. Probably one of the best books ever written on this early pattern of colonial development was that by two Britishers, entitled, Africans Become Frenchmen. The French planned by a process of rigid selection at each successive layer of education to develop an élite—a truly French-African élite. For the masses there would be provided an elementary and practical training. One has only to talk with a member of the French-African élite from Senegal, Tunisia, Morocco, or the Ivory Coast to realize how successful the French have been. Under the Islamic robes of a French African one will find truly well-educated Frenchmen. These leaders, men and women, have been trained in the universities of Africa—in Algiers and Dakar—but also in Paris at the Sorbonne and other French universities. By means of a thoroughly French education that frequently ended at the Sorbonne and by conferring political and civil liberties not generally available to the mass of the people, the French had hoped to bind the élite even more closely to France. Years ago when members of the State Department suggested bringing some of these people to American universities, the French response was, "Since the French education is the best in the world, why should we give them less than the best?" While France's policy of assimilation gradually changed to one of association, French Africans were found seated with the deputies in Paris; the President of the French Senate was a Negro; and one of the most outstanding of these élite is the present Premier of the Republic of the Ivory Coast. Félix Houphouet-Boigny has been a deputy from the French Ivory Coast to the French National Assembly, President of the RDA (Rassemblement Démocratique Africain), Minister Delegate attached to the Prime Minister's office in Paris, member of the French delegation to the United Nations in 1955, and Premier of the Republic of the Ivory Coast, whose party won all the seats in the legislative elections in April, 1959. This 55-year-old physician and plantation owner,

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who has dominated the Ivory Coast political scene for nearly twenty years, was the last to join the independence bandwagon and probably did so not from conviction but from political necessity. He is a highly cultured, shrewd politician, who openly speaks of preferring the type of independence with "membership in the Franco-African community founded on liberty, equality, and fraternity" to that chosen by Guinea. Léopold Senghor, President of the Republic of Senegal, is another of the élite. He is a well-known scholar and poet, as well as an experienced statesman, and was the first French West African to become a professor agrégé de l'Université. He is the leader of the Union Progressiste Sengalaise, which won all the seats in the legislative assembly in a hard-fought election in March, 1959. Sékou Touré, President of the Republic of Guinea, is, however, not one of the chosen élite. He was bora on January 9, 1922, in Faranah, a small town near the Sierra Leone border. His parents were Muslim, and he attended a Koranic school until he became of working age. In his early teens he took a job as clerk for the French Niger Company; at age twenty-two he took a job in the governmental department of posts and telecommunications; and at age twenty-eight was placed in the office of the Treasury. He turned to labor organizing, strengthened the Syndicat du Personnel des P.T.Y. and became its Secretary-General. When the French goverment did not approve of his labor activities and proposed to transfer him from Conakry to Niger, he resigned from the government and devoted himself wholly to labor organizing. In 1948 he became Secretary-General of the Guinea branch of the Confédération Général de Travail and attended the 27th Congress of this confederation. He was appointed to the Co-ordinating Committee and underwent training at the Prague Institute of Economic Studies, where he became an avowed Marxist. On November 18, 1955, Touré was elected Mayor of Conakry, and in 1956 was elected to the National Assembly. In August, 1958, when de Gaulle gave the various French territories the right to say "Yes" or "No" as far as association in the French commune was concerned, Guinea alone said "No." The reaction of the French in withdrawing capital supplies, personnel, and support left Guinea in a seemingly desperate situation. Few thought that Guinea could survive as an independent nation, but Ghana loaned $28 million, and recognition and aid

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came from Russia, Czechoslovakia, and Red China. Sékou Touré and his party have established a Marxian-socialist type of state, both as to government and economy. Centralized democracy in Guinea implies that everyone should be involved through a single party in making major decisions and in electing those who execute them, but once a majority decision is taken, it must be accepted by all. Sylvanus Olympio, now President ( 1960) of the Republic of Togo, is another French-African leader. He was born September 6, 1902, the son of a wealthy Ewe merchant whose forefathers came to Africa from Brazil. He attended German and British schools through the senior level at Lomé, received the Bachelor of Commerce degree from the London School of Economics, and returned from England to take a job as clerk for United Africa Company, first in the Gold Coast, then in Nigeria. In 1929, he became manager of all United Africa Company interests in Togo, and in 1938 was promoted to general manager of all United Africa Company. In 1942, he was interned because of the Ewe unification movement. He became its president, and in 1946 his party obtained the majority in the election for Togo's first representative Assembly. He became President of the Assembly, and in the 1958 elections became Prime Minister of Togo. British policy. There was no precision of aim or uniformity of pattern in the British colonies of Africa. The general aim of the British appears to have been to prepare her territories for responsible selfgovernment, preferably within the commonwealth, as soon as possible. In pursuing this aim, the British determined to promote educational policies in the hope of keeping pace with political developments. However, the time envisioned was much foreshortened, and frequently education did not keep pace with political change. The British have definitely developed an educated élite with a broad base of primary education, especially in West Africa. The British examination system has been used to select the candidates for higher education, and universities and colleges of the Cambridge and Oxford type, as well as colleges of arts and science, have been established in most of the territories. Ibadan University opened with 800 students in 1948 and expects to have 2,000 by 1962; the University of Ghana was designed for 5,000 students. In addition, between 500 and 1,500 students are

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studying in colleges and universities in the United States, and some 10,000 in Europe and England. In West Africa particularly, a distinct professional class has emerged which commands high prestige in the African community and which feels confident of its right and ability to exercise power. The leadership of the nationalist movements came from this class. Today, Ghana and Nigeria together have more African university graduates than the rest of sub-Sahara Africa combined. These newly educated leaders— the political leaders, the doctors, lawyers, businessmen, traders, cashcrop farmers, and others—have gradually displaced the traditional leaders, especially in Ghana. Professor Coleman of the University of California has suggested that the uncritical equating of education with special rights has endowed these educated Africans with an exaggerated sense of superiority and special legitimacy, so that "Politics have been permeated with the presumably uncontestable assumption that the educated have a divine right to rule." Leaders in British West Africa include Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and K. Agbell Gbedemah in Ghana, and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Abubakar Tafewa Balewa in Nigeria. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (M.S., M.Sc., B.D., L.L.D.) was born September 18, 1909, near Axim. He took teacher training at Achimota College, and later studied at Lincoln University and the University of Pennsylvania, and at London University. While he was a law student in London, he was General Secretary of the West African National Secretariat and Joint Secretary of the Pan-African Congress in London. Before going to the United States, he was a schoolmaster at Elmina and Axim, at the Roman Catholic Seminary at Amisano, and first General Secretary of the UGCC. In 1948 he left to form the CPP, and in 1948 was made Life Chairman. After declaring a Positive Action campaign demanding immediate self-government for the Gold Coast, he was imprisoned in 1950. In 1951, while he was in prison, he was elected municipal member for Accra. Later, he was released and made the leader of government business. In 1952 his title was changed to Prime Minister, and when Ghana became a Republic on July 1, 1960, Nkrumah was made the first President. He is regarded by many of his people as their Paramount Chief, for his active program of

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centralization has broken the power of the chiefs, even that of the powerful Ashantihene, head of the famous Ashanti Confederacy. While Ghana is not a flourishing democracy in the American or British sense, neither is it an out-and-out dictatorship of one man. It is a centralized democracy of the Marxian type, with most of the effective power in the hands of the CPP Party. This party is a coalition of diverse elements, from the conservative capitalists to the radical socialists, and has effectively organized farmers, the labor force, and youth into associations beholden to the Party. The CPP uses patronage openly and freely to manipulate local situations and solidify its support. Nkrumah's role is said to be that of conciliation and arbitration rather than dictation. Elections remain free and secret, and although there was a weak opposition party in the last election, the only really effective opposition today lies in the CPP itself. Critics of the government enjoy a certain degree of freedom of speech and press, although this is being restricted more and more. K. Agbell Gbedemah, the Minister of Finance and M. P. for Keta, is another able Ghanian leader. He is an Ewe who was born in Warn, Nigeria, in 1912. He was educated at Achimota College and Adisadel College, was a science master at Accra Academy, and worked in private business. He was one of the founders of the CPP and first editor of the Accra Evening News, the official organ of the Party. After publishing false news he was imprisoned six months, and on release he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the CPP when Nkrumah was in jail. Gbedemah was elected member of the Legislative Assembly from Keta in 1951, and held the post of Minister of Health and Trade and Labour and later that of Minister of Commerce and Industry. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Governor General-elect, is the Nigerian leader best known to Americans. He was born November 16, 1904, in Northern Nigeria, of Eastern parents. He attended mission schools in Onitsha, Lagos, and Calabar, and completed his studies in Lagos in 1921. From 1921 to 1925 he was employed as a government clerk in the Nigerian Treasury Department at Lagos. In 1925 he came to the United States, where he studied first at Storer College, then at Lincoln University, and later at Howard University. He taught at Lincoln University and subsequently obtained advanced degrees at

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Columbia University and the University of Pennsylvania. "Zikism" has long been equated with nationalism in West Africa. Abubakar Tafewa Balewa, the Prime Minister of Nigeria, is a Muslim from the North, and an able man. He was born in 1912, attended Katsina College, and spent a year (1945) in the Government College of London University. He taught at Bauchi Middle School and became its headmaster. He was president of the Northern Teachers' Association and managed to co-ordinate the North under his leadership. In 1952, he became Minister of Works; in 1957, Minister of Transport. He was appointed Prime Minister of Nigeria in 1957, and his appointment was confirmed by the 1959 election. He was also knighted in 1959. In evaluating the development of leadership in British East and Central Africa in comparison with that in British West Africa, two important factors must be kept in mind. (1) While West Africa has been in touch with Western Civilization for over four hundred years, in British East and Central Africa it has been nearer one hundred years. (2) Due to the favorable climatic conditions for white settlement in East and Central Africa, there has evolved a multiracial society with second- and third-generation whites and Indians, who consider the area their only home. In this area it is hoped that the Africans, whites, and Indians can evolve a multiracial pattern in its leadership. To date, however, the white leadership has definitely been in the ascendancy. With the coming of responsible government in Tanganyika this year, a young and able African Chief Minister of Government, Julius Nyerere, has come into the international spotlight because of his election by a 99 per cent vote in the recent election. He and his TANU party were supported by Europeans, Asians, and Africans. Julius Nyerere is the son of the late Chief Nyerere Burito of Zanaki, Musoma. Julius, who was one of twenty-six children, was educated at Makerere College and at Edinburgh University, where he received the M.A. degree. He became a Christian in 1934 and was baptized into the Roman Catholic Church in 1943. In 1953, he was elected President of the Tanganyikan African Association. In 1954 the adoption of a new constitution brought the Tanganyikan African Union into being, and Nyerere became its President. He represented TANU at

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the Trusteeship Council in New York in 1954 and 1956, and in 19581960 he was elected member of the Tanganyika Legislative Council and Chairman of the Tanganyika Elected Members' Organization. In 1959 he was given an honorary doctorate by Duquesne University, and in 1960 was elected by a 99 per cent vote as Chief Minister of Government for Tanganyika. After his election, he reminded his fellow citizens that Tanganyikan nationhood was not in itself the beginning and end of all things. He hopes to enable his fellow Tanganyikans to make it possible for Africa as a continent to play a useful part in world affairs. He has also made it clear that color of skin is not what makes a person a Tanganyikan; what he wants is every resident of Tanganyika, regardless of race or color, to look upon himself as a citizen of Tanganyika. With independence due next year, Tanganyika, under the leadership of Julius Nyerere, may well show other multiracial states of East, Central, and South Africa the way toward responsible self-government. In Kenya there are two able and energetic young leaders, Tom Mboya and Julius Kiano; in Northern Rhodesia is Kenneth Kaunda, and in Nyasaland, Dr. Hastings Banda. In other parts of Africa are prominent leaders, some of the traditional type and others of the modern leadership group, all of whom are needed in the rapid advance toward self-government that is taking place in Africa today.

Social Influences Affecting Education

in Chile

HOBERT W. BURNS * I F THERE IS any truism about Latin American education it is that education, like almost all institutions, is tremendously influenced by social-class structure. To understand the educational system of Chile, therefore, it is necessary first to understand something of the class structure and social philosophy of the country. Since my assignment in Chile was as a sociologist, let us first look at the social institution of education somewhat indirectly, through the eyes of the social researcher. But before doing this, an important division of opinion concerning Chile and our role there should be noted. On the one hand, we read in such publications as the Bulletin of the U. S. State Department, Newsweek, The New York Times, and Time magazine that Chile is the one bright spot in Latin America because it is on the road to solving its political, economic, and social problems through our cherished methods of political democracy, a free-enterprise capitalism, and mandatory public education. This one-two-three punch, patented and manufactured in the United States, has been offered for export to Chile for some time. Yet, evidently, the Chileans are not buying; for on the other hand we read in such journals as The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Foreign Affairs, and The Review of Politics that our three-point formula for a healthy society—democracy, capitalism, and public education—simply has not worked in Chile, or in any part of Latin America. A Fulbright colleague of mine in Chile, for instance, recently published an analysis of Chilean-American relations in which he was forced to conclude that ". . . The bitter fact may be that much of our traditional aid to Chile, to Latin America and to underdeveloped countries in general has

* Associate Professor and Chairman of the Area of History and Syracuse University. 145

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gone primarily to improve the position of a group at the apex of society, and to make those beneath more susceptible than ever to the blandishments of Communism." 1 This tends to emphasize the very important fact that much of our economic and educational aid to Chile has been ineffective, not because of any blundering on the part of "ugly Americans" but because of the social structure, which by its very nature is hostile to the kind of education we Americans are sent there to help foster. Thus, despite talk of inflation, unstable governments, anti-Americanism, and the communist threat—all of which are very real—the single most pressing problem in Latin America today is education. Chile, a nation with a stable and somewhat democratic government, a nation that had its runaway inflation checked until the recent earthquake and tidal wave catastrophes, exemplifies this situation. Here are just a few statistics about education in Chile. The population is reaching toward the seven million mark, 20 per cent of which is constituted by school-age children. Of the some million and one-half children eligible for school, 65 per cent attend elementary school, 5 per cent secondary school, and 1 per cent vocational schools. The remaining 29 per cent receive no schooling of any kind; consequently more than 400,000 Chileans are destined to join the increasingly large number of illiterates in Chile. (It should be noted, however, that the Chilean illiteracy rate of 40 per cent of the total population is much better than most of the Latin American nations.) Of every 100 children who enter school, 22 do not enter the second grade; 52 get as far as the fourth grade; and only 33 finish the sixth grade—so that some 67 per cent of the school children leave school before completing the elementary grades. A recent government report noted that these children ". . . leave school, without any special skills or abilities, in order to work." 2 Of every 100 students who enter a secondary school {i.e., grade seven), only 5 per cent graduate—the other 95 per cent drop out for economic or scholastic reasons. Less 1 Frederick B. Pike and Donald W. Bray, "A Vista of Catastrophe: the Future of United States-Chilean Relations," The Review of Politics, XXII (July, 1960), 416. ' "Realidad Educacional del Pais sobre la Base de Cifras Estadísticas Oficiales," El Mercurio, (Santiago de Chile: December 20. 1959), p. 41. The original quotation: "...sale a la vida del trabajo sin conocimientos de ninguna especie."

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than 1 per cent matriculate at the University, and less than half of 1 per cent ever graduate. In sum, education in Chile is not very free, not very public, and not very compulsory. By the same token, government in Chile is not of the people, by the people, or for the people. Nor is the economy of Chile very free or very enterprising, although it is capitalistic enough. To explain why this is so, let us look at Chilean society through sociological glasses. To understand why these social institutions of government, distribution, and education are as they are, we need to understand something about the culture. Let me, therefore, compare certain social institutions in Chile and the United States, and then point out a few of the educational consequences of these differences. These comparisons can be structured around four basic themes: the class structure, the individual, man and woman, and social philosophy. THE CLASS STRUCTURE

Historically speaking, stratification in any society was originally a function of the division of social labor; later, when man attempted to justify existing stratifications, the explanations were, and are, made in terms of some social philosophy based on some conception of the nature of man. In the United States, for instance, there is a fairly free and open society, characterized by a great deal of social mobility, because (among other reasons) we hold that men are or should be equal— and thus our social institutions are geared to reflect this theme of equality. Our schools, by way of illustration, are thought to be the necessary prerequisite of our cultural survival; they are our major form of social life insurance because an open, mobile society needs to provide a social ladder. Consequently, despite the recent and recurrent attacks upon the public schools, we have established and we value our system of free, public, compulsory education for all American youth. Not so in Chile. In Chile, which generally follows a typical Latin American pattern, men are simply not thought to be equal or deserving of equal treatment or opportunity—nor is it very widely

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felt that they should be. Consequently, no great provision is made by the schools for social mobility and, in turn, the society is relatively closed and static. That is the fact of the matter, and the fact stems from an intellectual and cultural heritage, and a social philosophy, brought from Spain, which maintains that society consists of a natural hierarchy, with an élite at the top and the masses at the bottom. Some are born to rule, others to follow; some are born to the purple and others mature into reds. Social and human relations are highly structured and strictly, albeit covertly, enforced. Social institutions in Chile reflect this belief, and they are thus based on subordinate and inordinate relations, dependent and submissive rather than independent and free. One educational result of this social attitude is that, by and large, education is not taken to be necessary for all Chilean youth. There are public schools, of course, but there are many private schools as well, and the Chilean youngster who sees education a way of getting ahead would do well to find the means of attending certain of these private schools, because in Chile the theoretical distinction between education and training is a harsh, real-life distinction. Many Chilean children are trained but few are educated—and the school system taken as a whole is operationally adjusted to precisely that end. This is not to decry the existence of an élite in Chilean society; there is an élite in any and all society; that is the very nature of social growth and efficiency. But in the United States, for instance, our middle class bridges the gap between the upper socio-economic and lower socio-economic classes. Our middle class is the bridge of social mobility, and beneath this bridge lies the reservoir of our democratic values. And our public schools inculcate these middleclass values in our children—they are the social values which society as a whole refers to as basic. The middle class in Latin America, however, is weak and small, even in the more progressive nations such as Chile, Brazil, and Argentina. The aristocratic tradition is still in force, it is still powerful in the de facto and de jure way of life of the Chileno, and the middle class is not yet well-defined. It lacks values of its own, and it is not the custodian of either democratic values or the predominant social values of the culture. The predominant social values are those

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of the upper class; the weak and struggling middle class tends to identify itself with the upper class and, therefore, accepts and defends the social values of the aristrocracy. Often we read that the great hope of Latin America lies in an emerging and expanding middle class that would be stable; probably this is basically true. Yet it should be said that, in Chile at least, the proportional increase in the middle class is not primarily a function of social mobility by which individuals are moving up from the lower classes, but a function of immigration from abroad. Further, the fact that immigrants most often enter the middle class in Chile has likely widened the gulf between the lower and middle classes, since recently arrived immigrants have an historical tendency to move toward and accept upper-class values as a means of protecting their status in a new society.3 The implication of this for education is that the Chilean school inculcates the traditional upper-class values, a set of standards and social beliefs that is simply unrealistic for the masses of Chilean children.4 This partially explains the fantastically high drop-out rate of lower-class children; school not only does not help them climb the socio-economic ladder, it indirectly teaches them that it cannot be climbed very well, and that most attempts to climb it are contrary to "the laws of nature and society." In Chile, as in all nations, these differences in social structure are consequences of history. The United States, by way of comparison, was settled by individuals who had rebelled against the established social order in Europe; they were determined to establish a new kind of social order, in which social distinction and stratification would be more a consequent of individual differences and abilities than of racial or religious differences or of "old-world" position. This was not so in the case of Latin America. It was not settled by social rebels but by treasure seekers, who sought to bring to and enforce on the New World the values of the Old: the values of autocratic government, absolute religion, inherent inequalities, and a fixed, orderly social hierarchy. ' XII Censo general de poblacion (Santiago: Servicio Nacional de Estadística y Censos, 1955). Cf. Alberto Edwards Vives, La fronda aristocrático, 1959; Amanda Labarca, Realidades y problemas de nuestra ensenanza, 1933; Darío E. Salas, Nuestra educación y sus deficiencias, 1913.

4

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In both cases, the indigenous population posed a considerable problem to the two groups of New Worlders; in our case we simply and brutally killed them off or fenced them in on reservations rather than assimilate them into the new social order. In Latin America, there were too many Indians—ten million or so—either to kill them off or to fence them in; further, the plan of conquest called for them to be assimilated into the transplanted social order. That is, they were subjugated and put at the very bottom of the social order, where they remain today. In both instances, with variations, of course, the educational systems that have emerged in North and South America have been designed to perpetuate this initial and historical intent. In the United States, education is a tool of change and progress; in Latin American nations, it has most often been used as a tool to enforce a given socio-economic status quo. Let me summarize these comments on social order. In the United States, stratification exists and is identifiable, but it is loose and flexible. It is based primarily on economic achievement, although other factors, of course, play an important role. The social structure is built and depends upon the dynamics of co-operation and competition, and education is the means or method of individual advancement. In Latin America, stratification also exists and is identifiable, but it is fairly rigid and static; in many cases it is a caste system, rather than a class system. It is based primarily on family heritage and race, rather than individual worth or accomplishment. The social structure is, so to speak, a power structure founded on a theory of social domination and subordination. Education is therefore a means or method of preserving the status quo, and is not specifically designed to be a social elevator.

THE INDIVIDUAL

The United States and with different concepts quently, insofar as the developing individuals,

Chile are both "individualistic" nations, yet of the individual and individualism. Conserole of the school has something to do with there are different concepts of education at

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work. These differing conceptions might be summarized by noting that our word "education" came either from the Latin term educere (to draw out) or the term educare (to put in)—and then suggesting that in the United States education is often looked upon as a process of drawing out an individual's talents, of helping him develop his natural capacities and potentials, whereas in Latin America education is often looked upon as a process of putting capacities and potentials into students. Both are concerned with the individual, but since the theory of human nature varies in each case, the theory and practice of educating humans also varies. Chile, following the Latin American pattern, adheres to what has been called personalism, rather than individualism. The person, not the individual in abstract or society in general, is of importance; social relationships are thought of in personal terms. That is, it is not the bank which refuses to lend money to you when in need, it is the banker; it is not the school that educates your child, it is the teacher; it is not the streetcar's fault when it breaks down, it is the motorman's. This is so because there is a general mistrust of social organizations which depersonalize things and which seem to be unapproachable. For instance, in this country, corporations are legal entities; we might call them "collective individuals," if that does not do too much violence to our grammar. In Chile, this is not the case, and understandably so if the influence of personalism on the Chilean's life is considered: one cannot talk or argue or deal with institutions such as banks, companies, governments, or schools. Institutions have no life, no soul; only persons do. Therefore, reasons the Chileno, it is best to deal with persons and not institutions. Persons are to be blamed or praised, not institutions or abstractions. This fact of personalism has many manifestations in Latin American thought patterns and in Latin American life, but perhaps the most interesting one is the idea of caudillo: the identification with and exaltation of a man rather than a political party or a social principle. In practice, it follows from this that the quality of public administration—be it the administration of the entire government or a small elementary school—is as good as the persons involved; and changes in administration come not so much as reform based on principle as they come as revolution based on loyalty and devotion to another

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caudillo. Let me try to illustrate this point in two ways, first with a word and then with an example. As for the word, it was not too many years ago that the Spanish language did not have a satisfactory translation for our own word "leader." They have caudillo, of course, and jefe, and director, and autoridad—in fact, the dictionary of the Spanish Academy lists 102 synonyms for the concept of leadership, but not one of them fits the meaning we generally give to "leader." 5 To introduce this concept was difficult, then even though the word lider was coined, our conception of leadership as reciprocation between a leader and follower, with decisions being made on a feed-back basis, was foreign to their behavior—and hence foreign to their thought patterns and their dictionaries. This is a minor point, of course, but perhaps it helps illustrate the difference between a democratic view of leadership and an authoritarian view. As for the example, it has been suggested that Latin American institutions are as good as their leaders; so let me give a brief educational illustration of this fact of personalism. When there is a strong educational leader present, the schools progress in Chile; when such a leader is absent, they often revert to the status of political footballs. Thus in the first quarter of this century when Dario Salas, a great educator and friend of John Dewey, was alive, a movement to reform Chilean education was started and enjoyed great success; some experimental schools were established, more schools were built, teacher education was improved, and in general the quality of education was bettered. Following Salas' death, however, things slowly deteriorated until, some Chileans claim, the schools are now considerably worse than they were twenty years ago. The point of this is that education improved because it had a leader who commanded a dedicated, loyal, personal following. This also illustrates the thesis that one's relation with the leader is all-important since one deals with persons and not institutions. You will promptly perceive that this conduces to toadying in all areas of society—a phenomenon that springs from this historically present patron-peon relationship. I could tell you anecdote after anecidote about advance' Julio Casares (editor), Diccionario Ideologico de la Lengua Espanola, Real Academia Espanola (Barcelona: Editorial Gustavo Gili, S. A., 1942).

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ments made on the basis of favoritism in Chilean, Peruvian, and Argentinian education—and demotions, too. Because this concept of personalism is too important in Latin American life, let us observe it in the areas of religion and transportation—two diverse areas—in order to emphasize it. By and large, the Chileno does believe in God, but God to him is somewhat hazy, ineffable, and an undefined entity like a large corporation—and, though his life is indirectly influenced by both of them, he cannot deal directly either with God or, let us say, Standard Oil. Consequently the Chileno pays relatively little attention to God and works through His saints, who are persons to the Chileno. The saints serve as personal intermediaries between man and his God, as agents for Standard Oil stand between the Chileno and the corporation, and one can personalize his relations with a patron saint or the agent who sells gasoline. This helps explain the importance of saints in Chilean life; every single day in the year belongs to some saint, with the exception of those very special days which belong to God himself or those which are All Saints days. Not only days but individuals and towns and nations have patron saints, and the fortunes of men and nations are identified with the patron saints, just as one's political fortunes are identified with one's caudillo. This personalism, this attempt to personalize everything, is also seen in transportation. That is, cars, trucks, buses, trains, airplanes, and even bicycles are often given personal names and looked upon as individuals with wills of their own —a stubborn bus, like a stubborn donkey, is often kicked or caressed when it performs poorly or well. Thus, where in American individualism one's status or role is valued—that is, where the uniform or the office, if not the person in the uniform or the office, is likely to be respected—Latin American individualism admires or castigates the person, the socio-individual responses are to persons rather than roles, statutes, institutions, or principles. MAN AND WOMAN

Despite this personalism, which extends to women as well as men, it is still accurate to say that Latin American society is a male society;

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it is a man's world south of the border. One educational consequence of this social fact is that almost all schools are segregated by sex, and often the very curriculum is quite different for members of the opposite sexes. A t the university level, for instance, it is only recently that women were admitted to higher education; and this explains why, today, there are so very few women in law, politics, science, and so on. The historical exception, of course, has been teacher education, where women have had considerably more freedom than in other curricula. Men, therefore, make the decisions and run the society, and they are not eager to share this power with their women, for the concept of the equality of the sexes is not a part of the cultural heritage or the social reality. From this it follows, as would be expected, that there are double standards in work, in education, in recreation, and in sexual relations; and, insofar as the school reflects any culture in which it exists, these standards are a real part of the extra or informal or unwritten curriculum. It is this unwritten curriculum that teaches young Chilenos how to be men and young Chilenas how to be women. Perhaps here in the United States we hold out as examples for our young male children the ideal of George Washington or Abraham Lincoln or Albert Einstein—an intellectual ideal. But in all of Latin America, the male ideal is physical in nature, not mental. It is drawn directly from the Spanish conquistadores. The phrase used to describe this ideal—and it is of interest to note that they have a phrase for it, it is that important, while we do not—is muy macho (very manly), which symbolizes physical bravery, strength, pride, and sexual prowess. This is the cultural ideal held out to young men and, obviously, formal education is not a direct means to this end; so the schools are downgraded as instruments of realizing the ideal personality. A s for women, the male-dominated society has torn a somewhat ragged page, or perhaps a footnote, from the book of medieval chivalry by putting women—or at least the idea of woman—on a pedestal. Even the word for "women," mujer, is a somewhat sacred or special word; so Chilenos use synonyms such as linda, chica, esposa, or muneca. There is an air of mysticism about women, love, and romance. To illustrate this, let me quote a statement from the Society for Applied Anthropology:

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The sacredness attaching to "woman" in Latin America probably derives to a large extent from the heritage of the medieval church. In Catholic doctrine, woman (particularly mother) became identified with the Virgin Mary, the essence of purity and devotion. Thus she was placed on a pedestal and worshipped from afar. It was sinful to have too much earthly contact with her. Her purity was to be strictly safe-guarded for marriage. . . . Hand in hand with the notion that woman, particularly a wife, is sacred, is the practice of secluding her from the public eye. While this custom, largely of Moorish origin, came to Latin America from Spain, it fitted religious doctrine perfectly. Being holy and pure, a mother or wife should be sheltered from the temptations of this mundane world and protected from any dangers—particularly from men outside the family—that might threaten her virtue. The woman's place is in the home . . . and setting a noble example for her husband who is considered of lesser moral stature. Nevertheless, it is he who occupies the dominant position; it is he who enjoys the greater freedom . . . a man is pretty free to roam the field, accountable to no one but himself. Attitudes of sacredness towards women, however, do not apply to all relationships outside of the family and especially to women of lower social status. Women outside the family . . . were created to be enjoyed and are fair game for every man. . . . A wife exists primarily for the purpose of raising a family; a mistress, for the purpose of diversion and pleasure. Thus a double standard of sex morality and behavior exists between husband and wife. This is formalized in a system of concubinage that is recognized among all strata of Latin American society with the exception, perhaps, of some Indian groups. . . . Another institution of Latin America which affects the relations between men and women, and which is quite widespread among the middle and lower social groups, is the consensual union. 6 Strangely enough, perhaps, many Latin American women prefer the loosely binding consensual union to the more permanent civil or church union, since it gives them more social and matrimonial freedom. This was aptly illustrated by the case of " . . . a servant girl in the Andes who gave birth to a child without benefit of mar• William F. Whyte and Allan R. Holmberg, "Human Problems of U. S. Enterprise in Latin America," Human Organization, XV (Fall, 1956), 5-6.

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riage. When asked by her mistress why she did not marry the father of the child, she replied, 'No, I do not want to do this; it would give him the legal right to beat me and take my salary as well.' " 7 The institution of the consensual union has had severe educational consequences for Latin America. There is not a great deal of social stigma put on illegitimate children in or out of school, but the social and psychological problems they encounter are more severe than in the United States, since the concept of the extended family plays such an important role in Chilean society. There is, for instance, many a woman with several children by different men and, when abandoned by her latest, she must find yet another man to support her. This is an economic necessity, due both to the fact that she has a houseful of youngsters to care for, preventing her from working, and the fact that the society does not provide many job opportunities for such as she; she has little recourse other than finding another temporary liaison. The children of such sequential and temporal unions often do not know who their fathers are, and, consequently, there is no sense of belonging to a patriarchal family association; this is a severe lack, since the patriarchally extended family plays a crucial role in both individual and social stability. These children normally do not go to school since they cannot afford to do so and since they must supplement the family income by working or begging as soon as they reach the age of eight or nine. There are, in consequence of this, some severe personal maladjustments and bitter resentments of the institution of the patriarchal family—an institution which such children cannot be a part of, through no fault of their own—and this has often been personalized into an opposition to the big and powerful families which traditionally dominate Latin American society. One Chilean anthropologist told me that this situation was something like the snake eating its own tail: the stabilizing element in Latin American society is the family, yet the folkways of society condone the consensual union which tends to break down the extended family pattern, thus threatening the very society itself. It is truly a social dilemma. ''Ibid.,

p. 6.

Social Influences Affecting Education in Chile SOCIAL

157

PHILOSOPHY

Running through all Latin American social institutions is a cultural ethos or social philosophy that sharply contrasts with ours. In the United States, with our heritage of the Protestant Ethic, we tend to emphasize the virtues of hard work, good education, and equality of opportunity; these are taken as the means to the end of social and individual progress and betterment. We are, essentially, an optimistic people, and the concept of Manifest Destiny has never been eradicated from our implicit social philosophy. We tend to look upon the universe as a place friendly to our acts, or, if not friendly, at least neutral toward our hopes, aspirations, ambitions, and efforts. To use a cliché made famous by educators, we have faith in the future—an earthly, immediate future that may not be here-and-now but will be here, and soon. Not so in Chile, nor in Latin America. Theirs is a fatalistic ethos, with pessimism running through it. For most people, they feel, this is a naturally ordained world of inequality, oppression, and suffering —which, if endured according to Holy Scripture, will produce the reward of eternal bliss in heaven. There is little one can do to change his fate, so he should meekly accept his role in life, put himself in the hands of higher powers (political and ecclesiastical), and hope for the best. This is not an attitude to be found only among the lower classes in Chile: Most Latin Americans take a dim view of the world. This is particularly true of peasant populations. The world is a harsh place to live in, full of frustration and pain. One is constantly castigated in his struggle for life. This is nicely illustrated by the remark made by an Andean peasant who was surveying a wheat field that had just been completely destroyed by a hail storm. "God castigated us like never before," said he, implying that one was always castigated in life but that this was a particularly severe instance of it. . . . The general preoccupation with tragedy in Latin America is a manifestation of the same phenomenon. Indeed, suffering has become noble and death itself an honor.8

'Ibid., p. 11.

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Such attitudes help explain, to a great extent, the lack of emphasis on education as a modifier of individual and social behavior. They help explain the lack of willingness to take responsibility, especially in the face of failure. Perhaps it would not be too inaccurate to suggest that this pessimistic ethos can be summarized by the title of a popular song of some years ago, Que Sera, Sera ("What Will Be, WU1 B e " ) . This is so because one is at the mercy of forces beyond his control; and since this is thought to be the case, time, be it measured in minutes or years, is often considered relatively unimportant. This in part explains the mañana attitude which North Americans find so frustrating in Latin America. There is simply no hurry; for punctuality is for schools (which do operate punctually) and school children (who do come to school on time, if and when they come). In Chile, if you really want someone to be punctual, you stipulate a time and then say hora inglesa (English time). This means you want them to be prompt. In conclusion, let me give an opinion about the cause of our relative inefficiency in helping Latin Americans solve their educational problems and an opinion about a possible cure. The cause is that the North American and South American cultures are so drastically different that, figuratively, we simply do not speak the same language. We do not understand each other's culture, and lacking this we cannot hope to understand each other's problems, much less make much of a contribution toward the solution of those problems. The cure, naturally enough, is an increased intercultural understanding; and this can best, if not only, be accomplished through a massive educational exchange—and by massive, I mean just that: to send fifty or a hundred or a thousand Americans to South America and bring the same number of Latin Americans here is but a political and educational gesture. It seems to me that the number of exchanges must be in the tens of thousands if we are to achieve the goal. . . . There was a time when we could disregard the internal unrest of many areas of the world, and deal with them only as our own strategic and economic policies dictated. Today, unless we respond to the challenge presented us by the social ferment among

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hundreds of millions of the world's inhabitants, the position of the United States can only decline drastically.9

A healthy sense of realism, cold logic, and enlightened selfishness clearly indicates that only as we help Pan-Americans do we help ourselves. "Pike and Bray, op. cit., p. 418.

Educational

Reorganization

in Greece

WALTER B. JONES* THE BASIC PROBLEM of Greek education is its adaptation to the new

technical and social needs emerging at the present stage of the development of the country from the agricultural life toward industrialization. Apart from this problem, Greek society insists on the maintenance and further development of the humanistic and classical character of Greek education, emanating from the nation's Hellenic and Christian tradition, mainly based on the study of ancient Greek learning. A third and very important problem concerns the material requirements—that is, proper organization and financing of education, so as to secure the accomplishment of its objectives, to provide adequate remuneration for educational and scientific personnel, and, moreover, to attract persons of a higher scientific standard. ELEMENTARY EDUCATION

So far, Greek education has not been in a position to meet these needs. Although elementary education was made compulsory over a century ago, this has not been realized for every child. Long and destructive wars, the country's gradual liberation from foreign occupation, as well as the difficult living conditions of the Greek families, especially in the mountainous regions, have contributed to this fact. In regard to the State itself, lack of a sufficient number of teachers, of school buildings, of instructional equipment, and of a satisfactory program for children and adults are serious reasons why the stipulation of the Greek Constitution, requiring a complete six-year, free elementary education for the people, was not fully adhered to. As a result of this situation, there is still illiteracy among the * Professor of Education and Director of Vocational Teacher Education, versity of Pennsylvania. 160

Uni-

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people. All children are not able to complete the elementary school. Those who enter the first grade annually are about 165,000 in number, but those who graduate from the sixth grade are only about 120,000. The rate of illiteracy (20 per cent) is continuously decreasing, thanks to the strenuous efforts made by government and citizens' societies, but this still is a major problem of elementary education. Elementary education is further handicapped because of a lack of kindergartens. Although this need is felt both in the rural and urban areas, only 45,000 children are served by about 900 kindergarten teachers. In addition, the Normal School which prepares these teachers is old-fashioned, and the graduates are few in relation to the needs. Another problem is the inadequacy of the elementary school program in relation to the actual needs of the children, their families, and the country. Although the courses are numerous and the methods used are relatively satisfactory, thanks to the teachers' studiousness and lively interest, the fact remains that the program is still obsolete and the contents and appearance of the books in use outmoded. Another serious problem is the multitude of small schools with one or two teachers, which form almost half of the total number and are common in rural areas. But even in the cities, owing to the old legislation in effect, it has been impossible so far to create large schools. Not more than six teachers could be appointed in one school, i.e., one for each grade; therefore, instead of establishing a school of adequate size in each area, many small schools were opened, which shared among them the few existing facilities. Finally, the proportion between the number of students and teachers which prior to the new legislation was an average of 46 to 1, and in the larger number of schools, 60 to 1, and sometimes even 100 to 1, was a serious reason for the inferior quality of elementary education. At the same time, graduates from the teachers' college waiting appointment increased by thousands. In addition to the above problems, there is an old idea put forward from time to time of organizing education on the basis of the old "parallel" two-ladder system. According to this system, the children are divided into two groups, starting from the fourth or fifth

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grade of elementary school. One group, naturally formed of poor or rural children, might study up to the last (sixth) grade of the elementary school, while the other, composed of children of urban or wellto-do families and supposedly more intelligent, might be given the opportunity of going to corresponding grades in secondary schools. This system of Western Europe, adopted in Greece during the reign of King Othon (1834) and replaced in 1929 by the adoption of a democratic system (6-6), is proposed by certain circles for readoption, in order to increase the years of secondary education from six to seven. However, this organization is considered by elementary school teachers and by progressive citizens and educators as retrogressive and unwise.

SECONDARY EDUCATION

The problems of secondary education are still more serious. They concern the organization, the objectives, and the curriculum, as well as personnel and physical facilities. The content of adolescent education in Greece has been, since ancient times, theoretical and basically classical, consisting of the teaching of the ancient language and literature of Attica (7-10 hours per week), of the elements of academic knowledge and philosophy, and of a few hours (3 per week) of physical education. In keeping with the Christian tradition, religion and ethical culture have been added. From the West, Latin, later on French, and recently English have been introduced. From the Neo-Hellenic civilization, the modern Greek language is offered (3 hours per week). These subjects are considered as the basis of the Greek humanistic education, but, judged from a utilitarian and social point of view, they are only preparatory for access to the university and serve only a small minority of young people, and those rather inadequately. Of the adolescents aged 12 to 18, who number approximately 850,000, not more than 280,000 are in schools and, of those, about 235,000 are gymnasium students. Twenty thousand to 22,000 are graduated annually; of these, 5,000 enter higher education, usually after one or two years of additional preparation. The accompanying chart shows this quite clearly.

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THE EDUCATIONAL LADDER IN GREEK PUBLIC SCHOOLS» w TJ 11 O W 0) o ó ae> TL"1 U 1 .c o Q, ^w I a; xi A 1 E-< C O

23 21 20

19

i i

JL" TI w

18 17

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16 15

Gymnasia

14 13 11 10

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9 Elementary Education

8 7 S 5 4

Figure 1. Statistical Presentation of Education (approximate number of students)

Kindergarten

•TRAINING OP SCIENTISTS, ENGINEERS and TECHNICIANS IN GREECE, from brief summary of data prepared for the GoverningCommittee for Scientific and Technical Personnel of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation by the Greek Delegation, 1959. Athens, Greece.

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For all these gymnasium students, there had been so far one uniform classical curriculum. The only differentiation that existed, and that in approximately one-tenth of the high schools, was the division of the last two grades into two sections: the classical, where emphasis was laid on classical languages, and the practical, where emphasis was laid on mathematics and physics. Both these programs were solely preparatory for higher education and were of little value otherwise. Owing to this long tradition of the academic gymnasium, the introduction of subjects of a vocational or of a practical-arts character was considered up to now as unsuitable for high school education, while at the same time the number of students consistently increased year by year. In the prewar years, the high school students were onetenth of those of the elementary school, whereas now they are approximately one-fourth. This problem, in conjunction with the organization of secondary education, has been so critical during the last thirty years that the educational system was changed five times, without avail. Some secondary education schools of a practical character (called "urban" schools) were created, in order to reduce the rush to the gymnasia, but without success, because their graduates were deprived both of vocational qualifications and the possibility of following further studies. Therefore, the Greek people prefer the gymnasium as the best school for general education and the one that offers the best prospects. A school more akin to the gymnasium, but of a vocational type, has been the six-year commercial school. Its certificate, however, was not equivalent to that of the gymnasium and did not offer access to the university, except to the Higher School of Commerce and Economics; therefore, the commercial high schools declined. Only recently, in 1954, by decision of Honorable Mr. George Voyiadzis, then Minister of Merchant Marine, was the institution of Naval High School established. There are three high schools of this type on certain islands where inhabitants are mostly engaged in maritime occupations. Besides classic and scientific subjects, students of these schools are offered subjects useful for the merchant marine. In 1956, a further step was taken with the establishment of the first technical gymnasium, which was founded at the Zannion Orphanage in Piraeus, for experimental purposes. In this school, the students are taught

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technological and vocational education subjects, in addition to general education, which includes the classics. VOCATIONAL

EDUCATION

Vocational education proper was developed separately from the system of public education, mainly in private and mostly ill-organized night schools. In view of the fact that the initiative had been taken by organizations of industry, commerce, agriculture, and others, these schools came under the administration and supervision of many ministries: the Ministry of National Economy, which later on was divided into the Ministries of Industry and Commerce; the Ministries of Agriculture, Merchant Marine, Welfare, Labor, and Justice. Moreover, the Ministries of National Defense, Communication, Interior, and so on, organized technical and vocational training for their own needs. Thus originated the dispersal of the efforts for vocational education that stunted its development. Because of this situation, vocational education has been inadequate both in quality and quantity. The country greatly needs skilled workers, technicians, qualified supervisors, and young men able to think technically and productively. During 1958-59, the number of students in classical high schools, both public and private, was, in round numbers, 240,000; in commercial schools, 8,000; and in vocational schools, 40,000 of all levels. PERSONNEL O F SECONDARY AND VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

The program of secondary education in Greece, both general and vocational, is further handicapped by the lack of personnel. In 195859, there were 4,668 teachers in all fields for gymnasia or commercial schools, or an average of one teacher for 51.2 students. This proportion does not explain the problem adequately, because secondary education personnel are organized according to specialty. The greatest deficiency exists in the ranks of teachers of physics and foreign languages. There are not even candidates for appointment, even though funds were available for the purpose. In regard to vocational education, the problem is even more seri-

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ous, because those who teach are persons whose main occupation, as a rule, is a different one; they work only part-time as teachers. They have no standard qualifications for teaching, and most of them are secondary and lower technical school graduates. HIGHER EDUCATION

Higher education is in a similar condition. Deficiencies in professors' positions, laboratory workers, and auxiliary scientific staff are enormous. The limited facilities available to universities and other higher schools compel them to restrict the number of new students, especially in the schools of applied and natural sciences, and these students are most needed for the technical and scientific development of the country. Because of this restriction, about 20,000 Greek students are studying in foreign universities, as compared to 6,000 studying in Greece. THE NEW POLICY

In order to make a start toward the solution of these problems, the Karamanlis' Government adopted a radical policy in education, so as to direct the nation's attention to vocational and, especially, technical learning, and to satisfy the needs of the people for general education by extending the educational opportunities to larger social groups. In order to prepare the studies and the plans for the new policy, the government established in 1955 a Studies and Co-ordination Service in the Ministry of Education, under a special technical advisor, Doctor K. Antonakaki, a graduate of the School of Education in an American university. In 1957, the government appointed a Temporary Education Committee to report on the problems. In addition to the studies made by the Ministry and the Committee, the government took into consideration all relevant proposals made by leading scientific and educational circles. Some of these studies resulted in common conclusions and others, in different ones, because of different views. However, Mr. Voyiadzis, the Minister of Education, approved the proposals that were more compatible with his and the government's policy and that looked to be more efficient in solving

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the problems of education. The Authorization Committee of the Parliament, including all parties, approved and voted in favor of this policy, and the press and the citizens' organizations, with the exception of a few persons, expressed their satisfaction, even admiration, for the decisions reached. In accordance with its policy, the government decided in favor of integrating the purposes of education by offering a harmonized curriculum of general and vocational education to all students of secondary education. For one group of them, the curriculum will be more practical; for the other, more theoretical. The policy set the principle of extending the educational opportunities as far as possible and of "opening doors" to secondary and higher schools. This policy, emphasizing economic and technical instruction that had been lacking, would be implemented by the introduction of a one-ladder (6-3-3) system, the establishment of public technical schools, and the changing of as many old gymnasia as possible into modern special high schools or comprehensive gymnasia with a differentiated program in the three senior grades, comprising both general and special courses. The content of the legislation passed is briefly described below. By virtue of the basic bill "re Technical and Vocational Education, Organization of Secondary Education and Educational Administration," the following kinds of schools are established: Higher technical schools. These are two schools for sub-engineers, attached to the National Metsovion Polytechnic of Athens and to the Salonica University Polytechnic School, respectively. Attendance in these schools is to be of four years' duration, i.e., three years of theoretical courses and one year for practice. The schools will include departments for specialization in the following fields: building, transportation and hydraulic works, thermic and hydraulic installations, industrial production, high-tension power, electronics and telecommunications, maritime engines, ore mining, métallurgie operations, textiles, and topography. To these schools will be admitted graduates of gymnasia and secondary technical schools who have passed the entrance examinations. Graduates from these schools of sub-engineers will be able to work in the capacity of assistants to engineers or independently in small towns and villages. They will also be qualified, after suitable pedagogic training of one or two years,

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for the position of teachers in vocational technical schools. But if they want to take the diploma of engineer, they need to enter the Technical University, starting from the first year. Private schools of this type are not permitted. Secondary technical schools. These schools will be for technical assistants and supervisors. Depending on the field of specialization, attendance will be of three or four years' duration. The first fields to be organized are those of builders, mechanics, and electricians. Students who have completed the three-year junior high school or threeyear lower vocational education courses will have access to these schools without entrance examinations. The curriculum will include the necessary technical courses for the respective crafts plus general courses (Greek, foreign languages, religion, history, geography, civil education, gymnastics) for an over-all cultural education. However, emphasis will be placed on vocational courses. Graduates from these schools are supposed to become skilled workers first, then gradually assume positions as technical assistants and foremen. By virtue of the above bill, secondary technical schools have been founded in six provincial towns. It will be possible to establish similar schools in other towns by royal decrees when the needs and available resources warrant it. By proposal of the Council and decision of the Minister, the establishment of similar private schools in the same or other special fields is also permitted. Practical arts schools. The law authorizes the Ministry to organize schools for practical arts of one to four years' duration. These will accept graduates from the elementary schools. The purpose of these schools is to serve the rural areas by giving instruction for simple craftsmen and agricultural workers. Part of the curriculum will be devoted to the students' general education, but stress will be laid on practical arts education. Modern gymnasia. Secondary education will be organized on the general basis of a six-year gymnasium (high school). The new high school will have no limitations as to the number of students or to the privileges of the graduates, who will have the right to enter any school of higher education upon taking an entrance examination. The objectives of the new high school are primarily those of general and

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humanistic culture and, accordingly, those of special and vocational education. In regard to its structure, it will be an integrated school, but it will be divided into two three-year "sections," i.e., junior and senior high school. The courses of the junior section will be common for all students and will provide general education, including ancient Greek literature. However, the curriculum will offer opportunities for exploring the talents and interests of the students as well as for educational and vocational orientation. Those completing successfully the studies of the third year will obtain a certificate testifying to their achievement at this level if for any reason they cannot finish the high school. With this certificate in hand, they would be able to register in technical or vocational schools, to be appointed to lower posts requiring persons of their qualifications, or to proceed to the senior high school without having to take entrance examinations. At the senior level, the program will not be uniform. The curricula available will be eight in number, organized in sections within large comprehensive high schools or in special high schools with one program, which are possible in large cities. These programs will be of two kinds: first, the traditional preparatory programs (classics and science) and second, the new general education plan, enriched with courses of vocational character. Consequently, there will be the following special sections or special schools: (1) purely Classical, for those wishing to follow related studies (philosophy, law, theology) in the university or to acquire such general knowledge; (2) Scientific (referred to in the law as "practical," because the people know this kind of school as practical lyceum), for those intending to study mathematics, technology, and natural sciences; (3) Technical, for those preparing for the Technical University in the sub-engineers' schools or wishing immediate employment in technical occupations; (4) Economic, for those preparing to enter the schools of economic and commercial sciences or to start working in banks, offices, or business; (5) Agricultural, for those wishing to take up higher agricultural studies or similar work in rural areas; (6) Home Economics, for girls going to work, or for further study in teachers' colleges by elementary school teachers, or for those wishing to acquire scientific knowledge concerning the house-

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hold; (7) Maritime, for those preparing for corresponding higher schools or maritime occupations; and (8) Foreign Languages, for those desirous of learning two foreign languages and obtaining employment in tourism or other similar occupations in which languages are basic, or for those studying further in order to become teachers of foreign languages. Nevertheless, the certificates awarded by these departments of high schools will not be exclusive, but all will grant a right to entrance examinations for all higher education schools. In this way, a second opportunity will be offered for the selection of a career at the age of eighteen years, when the youth are more mature and their family situation has become clearer. For this reason, as well as for general education purposes, each one of the above programs will include obligatory courses of a higher cultural character, such as Ancient Greek, which is included in all departments. As to the second part of the program, there will be offered special courses indicated for each student's individual calling or vocation. Technical teachers' colleges. To prepare special personnel for the above program, an Institute for Teachers of Technical and Vocational Education was established in Athens. This will prepare, from a professional education point of view, the teachers for vocational and technical schools, as well as those for the special courses of the new high schools. A staff of nine permanent professors and as many others as are required part-time will be employed, and, if needed, a branch Institute may be established in Salonica. During the past two years it was my privilege, as Educational Consultant for the European Productivity Agency of the Organization for European Economic Co-operation, to work closely with the Ministry of Education and the Hellenic Productivity Center, to establish this Institute and prepare professors to administer and teach in it. Classes in professional education courses for in-service teachers were conducted during the academic year and in summer school. Administrators were prepared during this time, and professors for the Institute are now in training at the School of Education of the University of Pennsylvania. As may be understood and expected, this reform of education in Greece has had its critics. With classical education so thoroughly established and the Greek experience having made such world-wide con-

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tributions to the education of man, any change, even for self-preservation in a technological age, is difficult. It remains to be seen whether the wedding of the classics with technology will fit Greek youth to succeed in the atomic age.

IV Elementary

Education

Effective Practices in the Kindergarten ETHEL THOMPSON • M A N Y PRESSURES are being exerted today on teachers of young children to use the year of school experience in kindergarten to prepare children for the first grade. This preparation is interpreted to mean that children learn to sit still, refrain from interrupting, follow a routine, prepare for reading, and wait for directions. Usually a procedure is judged in terms of its results—does this practice contribute to the attainment of what is being sought? The effectiveness of what is done in kindergarten must be measured in terms of the goals. What ought the kindergarten experience accomplish with five-year-olds? Actually, there does not seem to be anything wrong with the goals just mentioned; certainly, as children mature socially they become conscious of others and of their membership in the group; they learn to take turns, follow directions, and conform. Teachers can so guide children into experiences that this process proceeds naturally. Children should profit from listening, for concentration is required for learning. Students of human growth and development believe, however, that these learnings come about naturally—that children mature physically, intellectually, socially when they are guided through experiences which are appropriate to their stage of development; that as each child is provided with a rich, full life, he matures and becomes ready for the next stage of his life. No one year is used as a preparation period for the next year, but each year is so filled that there is readiness for the next stage. Thus the objective is not preparation for first grade, but full, rich living in the kindergarten that will result in this needed preparation. The topic thus becomes, "What are effective practices in providing a full, rich life for kindergartners?"

* Consultant in Elementary Washington, D. C.

Education, 175

National Education

Association,

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PHYSICAL

The five-year-old is ready for certain kinds of activities. This is the time that is ripe for particular learnings and experiences. When kindergarten is not available to the child, he is being cheated. When this propitious time is not seized, the learning-teaching act suffers. A later time finds the child unreceptive and maybe even rebellious. Kindergarten, then, must be organized and the activities selected by the person who knows what children are like at this stage of development. Practices in school must meet their needs. The children's needs provide the criteria for judging the effectiveness of the practices. To say this another way, "What practices that are in keeping with the stage of growth and level of interests of the five-year-old can be used in the kindergarten to meet the needs of this age level?" There are a large number of activities appropriate for kindergarten. While children differ in the specific age at which they reach progressive stages of development, the adults in the child's life notice signs that he is ready to be helped or guided toward new achievements in physical skills, intellectual understandings, and social relationships. Then the adults provide opportunities for the child to try himself out in the new ways his abilities and perceptions suggest. Adults can lend support to the child as he decides what is expected of him, and can provide some incentive to help him meet these goals. Following are three ways in which the kindergarten program assists the child. KINDERGARTEN HELPS CHILDREN RELATE TO THEIR

WORLD

The five-year-old child is fast losing his kingdom; he is being swallowed up in a larger world. From a situation in which he has been one child of a sibling group of two to six who had the care and attention of one to four or more adults (depending on the family pattern), he is now one child among 25 or 30 or even 35 strangers, sharing the care and attention of one adult. At the same time, the child is becoming more and more aware of his world, including the people, time, and environment. He makes contacts with a variety of people on occasions when he does not have the support of a member of the family. Meeting the friendly next-door neighbor while at play in his own yard is a different experience from meeting the crotchety old man who lives next door to the schoolhouse and who has been dead set against hav-

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ing the play yard of a school right outside his window. The child finds a vast array of people upon whom his happiness depends; now he must please not only the adults who are ever-present in his home, but he must please other adults who share his daylight hours—the teacher, the principal, the custodian, the traffic patrolmen. Time now seems to be the axis on which everything revolves. No opportunity to dillydally over cereal any more, or experiment in making the boat sink in the bath water, or even kick leaves on the way to school. Now it is always time to go, time to come, time to clean up, time to listen, time to prance. Time, time, time is a new concept for many five-year-olds. They have been accustomed to getting up leisurely and running about in pajamas for a while, going out to play, wandering next door—completely free of routine or schedule except for meals and bedtime. The school building is undiscovered territory when children start to school. One little fellow who was visiting in the classroom, preparatory to registering for school, said to his mother, "Now let's go upstairs and see the beds." One little girl trembled with fright while on a tour of the school building, as she approached the steps to the second floor; she had never been in a building with a second floor. Not only the physical layout of the building but the contents, the atmosphere, the well-oiled machinery of organization, the buzz and hum of constant activity are being experienced for the first time—schedules, people moving in lines down long halls, bells, fire drills, multiple rules. This is indeed a strange new environment; the child's previous experiences have not given him control over this world. Maybe for the first time he becomes aware of the dangers in this world to which he is being introduced; he has to pass the fence behind which a big dog growls and barks; he must step off the curb and cross the street for the first time alone. What specific practices would be effective in helping the child become oriented to the wider world of which he is now becoming a part? Of course, this should start before kindergarten; it is initiated in the home where security and self-confidence develop from supportive parent-child relations. But the kindergarten takes over from the home. For many, the school supersedes the home for at least the short period of time when the child is first experiencing his new world

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away from home. So the kindergarten has a real responsibility in this area of orienting the child to his world. A preschool roundup in the spring preceding the registration of the child in the kindergarten allows him a brief contact with the school personnel, a look inside the school buildings, and a short exploratory period with materials. It also provides the teacher with a close observation of the child and an opportunity to make recommendations to the parent for follow-up activities during the summertime. Many schools have adopted a very desirable practice of staggered registrations in the kindergarten. This is done in many different ways, but all serve a common purpose. The first experience of the beginner with school is an abbreviated period of time with a small group of children with whom he may relate and feel affinity. During the regular school period, field trips contribute tremendously in orienting the child to his world. In the teacher, he has a guide who can help him be alert to his surroundings, can help him develop powers of observation and look for things of which he was not previously aware, and foster curiosity in the things that surround Mm: How does the postman get the gift Grandma sent him? What does his daddy do all day? Where does butter come from? Why does Mommy keep ice cream in the freezer? Through storytelling, films, and other means, the child learns that there are many kinds of animals, that all dogs do not look alike. From working with a variety of manipulatory materials, he finds that some are hard and some pliable, some float, some congeal, some stack, some roll. From these experiences, with capable teacher guidance, he begins to make generalizations about his world and how he can operate in it, and how he can meet demands and yet get satisfactions. Words make up a big part of his world now. The kindergartner is becoming more skilled in expressing himself; he is being asked to make responses to many concepts with which he is not familiar. Many times when a child seems disobedient, he just does not understand. Talk, dramatize, play—these are activities that make words come alive and that develop concepts and clarify meanings. Only a few practices have been suggested that have a great deal of promise for helping five-year-olds relate to the world of which they are becoming increasingly aware.

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KINDERGARTEN PROVIDES OPPORTUNITIES FOR INDEPENDENCE

A five-year-old has reached the stage when he wants to shake off the protectiveness of the adult. He can walk; he can run; he can reach; he can climb; he can talk; he knows his way around this world of infancy, and he feels quite equal to it. He no longer needs the reassurance that comes from the strength of an adult hand around his little fingers; in fact, it now seems restraining, and not reassuring. He wants to strike out on his own. At the same time, when he runs into things that are a bit beyond him, or when he suddenly comes upon something brand new, he wants then to be accepted as the little one, to be cuddled and find security. Children need freedom with protection. At the same time, the five-year-old wants to take on some responsibility. He feels capable of doing certain things, and he wants recognition—the opportunity to show that he is "grown-up." And yet he has very real limitations which he does not accept. The adult, the teacher in kindergarten, is aware of the hurdles that the young child must overcome as he matures. The teacher knows that practice makes perfect and that the first effort may very well be more bother than help. But the child must have opportunities, must sometimes even be pushed to begin, and must also be permitted to fail. Some dishes will be broken; some paint will be spilled; some mistakes will be made. This is a part of maturing. And the adult must show complete confidence in the child's ability to perform. Opportunities must be furnished by the teacher to challenge the child to try out newly discovered abilities and perceptions. What activities can be provided in the kindergarten that will foster this independence and help the child develop skills in handling situations? Children should perform many of the routine tasks: take care of pets and growing things in the classroom, handle simple equipment such as the record player or the film-strip projector, mix paints and fill the jars for the easels, get materials that are needed for the work period and return them to storage, so others can find them, seek out the nurse, principal, or other person as services are needed, plan with other children and the teacher so that goals will be reached, take on small jobs in the classroom that require leadership, such as setting the tables for snack time. A variety of materials should be presented to children

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with the very elementary procedures of how to use them, such as manipulating clay or telling stories from pictures. Children should have many opportunities to make choices and then be helped to live with these decisions. The teacher is the guide who sees that he is reaching ever higher and higher levels of achievement and gaining increased confidence in himself. KINDERGARTEN PROVIDES INTELLECTUAL STIMULATION

When children reach the magical age of five, they are eagerly reaching out into their world. They seem no longer to find satisfaction in aimless play. Toys are all very well in their places, but children want to do something with the toys—tear them apart and see how they operate, make them do something as a part of a bigger operation. Children are seeking planned activities—something which challenges their newly discovered feelings of power. Block-building is no longer a piling up of blocks to get the satisfaction of knocking them down with a bang; blocks can now be arranged for a garage in which to shelter their automobiles. Children want to read and not always be read to, and this means turning the pages and reading the pictures. Children want to count out the plates and the knives, and not be limited to the placement of utensils counted out by an adult. They are asking the "Why" questions, not just to be chattering but because they are seeking the answers. Some of the activities planned for the kindergarten can help children discover the answers to these "Why" questions. Why the letter to Grandmother needs a stamp may very well lead to a discussion of what happens to the envelopes in the mailbox. How the letter that was deposited in the box gets to Grandmother's house may result in attention to methods of transportation and their costs. Children could be asked: Do you suppose money must be paid to the railroad to carry the letter? Where does this money come from? Such discussions as this can precede a trip to the post office, the food market, the fire station, or any number of establishments in the neighborhood. What is a seed? What is inside the seed? To find out, experiments can be carried out with seeds by putting them on cotton, in water, or in soil, and keeping them well moistened. What happens? What must have been inside that seed? Crack open some large seeds. What do

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you find inside? What happens when two substances are combined, such as dirt and water, a nail and water? Do not tell all the answers, but let the children experiment with many materials and then arrive at some generalizations. What is the sun? What does it do for us? There is a never-ending array of experiences that can challenge the child's intelligence and help him arrive at some conclusions on the basis of his explorations. Then there are those experiences that teachers can provide to help the child develop powers of observation, the ability to think through situations and solve problems, and facility in identifying many facets of a situation that must be considered in making wise choices and decisions. All these are developing skills, and certainly a five-yearold will not be entrusted with grave and momentous decisions. But when a child is helped at each stage of his development to handle the problems and make the decisions that are consistent with his stage of maturity, then he gradually can take on problems and decisions of increasing complexity. The beginning stages of learning require the most concrete learnings, handling real objects and dramatizing real experiences. Vicarious learnings through reading, to find out the answers and to relate consequences of the actions of another person to personal questions, come at a much later stage of development. Too often children do not feel the same dependence on books that adults do. Many an adult cannot restrict a speech or an article for a professional journal to his own experiences or ideas; he seeks out a book from which he can quote. The fact that a statement has appeared in print gives it a prestige that the person feels is not given to an idea that he expresses. The stress on intellectual stimulation in the kindergarten is on finding out and on providing experiences, materials, and time, through which the mind of the five-year-old is stretched. There should be increasingly less need to have all children in a kindergarten class engaged in the same activities. Some of them can seek out answers to what a seed is, while others are engaged in discovering more about the differentiation in sounds. Consider the cross-fertilization of learning that occurs when individuals are doing different things. I would not presume to make a single listing of "Effective Practices for the Kindergarten." For one five-year-old, a practice might be highly

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desirable; for another it might be very questionable. But I do feel that we can submit each practice to the measuring stick, "Is it appropriate to the child's stage of development and will it help the child progress toward the satisfaction of his present needs?" Those practices that meet these two criteria ought to be effective.

Current Emphases in the Teaching of Reading MARY C. AUSTIN* THE 1960 POLITICAL CAMPAIGN and the philosophies advocated by

the presidential candidates, who claim that they are in agreement regarding goals but differ as to the means of implementing them, bears a striking parallel to the nonpolitical debate voiced for many years by reading specialists, classroom teachers, and college instructors of reading methods courses. The educational controversy, 6f course, concerns itself with the variety of approaches to the teaching of reading in the elementary schools in an effort to develop the optimum capacity of each child to read effectively. As one example, there are those who would use the basal reading series as the sole instrument of reading instruction, while at the other end of the continuum are those educators who believe that pupil self-selection of reading materials will best promote reading growth. Between these two extremes will be found a number of other procedures for each of which there are devoted followers. In view of this situation, it may be wise to consider one compelling question: To what extent have the techniques discussed in the professional literature been incorporated into classroom practice so that their utilization can be classified as current practice? Hundreds of articles and books are published annually, proposing new procedures or modifications of existing ones. It would, therefore, be a Herculean task to present all, or even many, of these theories today. Instead, only three fundamental areas of reading instruction will be discussed: (1) grouping policies, (2) critical reading, and (3) the reinforcement of basic skills. Only brief recognition will be given to a number of other trends. Answers to the central question will draw heavily upon the results of the recently completed Harvard-Carnegie Reading Study, which * Lecturer on Education, Graduate School of Education, Harvard

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University.

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1

will be published in the near future. This project was concerned primarily with the preparation of prospective teachers of elementaryschool reading. One part of the study secured data from a representative sample of 74 colleges and universities throughout the country. Because personal visits were made to these institutions, I had an opportunity to observe in college classrooms, as well as in elementary schoolrooms, across the nation. It was possible, therefore, to hear on location, as it were, the theories being imparted to prospective teachers and to observe the implementations of these theories (or lack of it) by students and/or co-operating teachers. GROUPING POLICIES

In the area of grouping policies, there was evidence of a wide gap between what college instructors recommend and what classroom teachers actually do in organizing their classes for reading instruction. Despite the gap, however, there is a trend toward less rigid grouping practices. This should not be interpreted to mean that the traditional procedure of grouping children into "robins," "bluejays," and "canaries," to accommodate the so-called slow, average, and fast reader has been abandoned. Not at all. Indeed, in many schools this policy continues to dominate at the primary-grade level, while at the intermediate level there are still those teachers who are reluctant to accept any change from the homogeneous grouping pattern of fifty years ago. As an illustration, in a fifth-grade classroom in a university laboratory school visited last spring, all 32 children were reading the same story from the same book. In the question-and-answer period that followed, half of the children took no part. The teacher, realizing this discrepancy, hastened to point out that, because of the number of subject areas to be completed before the close of the school year, she had no opportunity to differentiate instruction to meet the needs of slow learners. She was hopeful, however, that they would learn from listening to their more intelligent peers. Fortunately, more and more teachers are employing flexible patterns of grouping today, as a means of providing for the individual 1

Mary C. Austin and others. Torch Lighters: Tomorrow's Teachers of Reading (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1961).

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differences and the wide range of reading achievement that are known to exist at each academic level. Accordingly, there is greater emphasis on small-group instruction and a growing tendency to permit pupils maximum mobility in advancing from one group to another for specific instructional purposes. The Joplin plan has received widespread attention during the past few years. The school superintendent reported, on a recent "Today" television show, that his office received more than five thousand letters last year from interested people. Actually, the idea of regrouping several grade levels or several classes at one grade level into homogeneous classes for reading instruction is far from new, but a revived interest in the plan can be seen throughout the country. Many educators believe that its advantages are negated by the fact that the close teacher-pupil relationship established in a self-contained class is sacrificed for the majority of pupils during the reading period. Research evidence is still needed to determine which is more advantageous for the learning process: close teacher-pupil relationships and integrated area studies, or specialized study according to the degree of skill in a particular subject. Similar in some ways to the Joplin plan is the team method of instruction in which teacher specialists move from group to group and from level to level. Team teaching implies that some teachers are better at teaching reading than others—which at times causes severe egoanxiety with certain individuals—and it suggests that such teaching is highly skilled rather than a simple undertaking. The usual argument against both the Joplin plan and team teaching is the lack of continuity that occurs in the development of reading skills required by other areas of the curriculum. Furthermore, an intimate knowledge of pupils from other rooms is difficult when teachers see them for brief periods each day. Again, research evidence is necessary to guide schools in selecting the most effective type of grouping pattern. To what extent the individualized reading approach has advanced the cause of more flexible grouping policies is a moot question. It is highly probable, however, that the reams of material printed about this self-selective reading approach have had some influence in changing opinions with respect to grouping practices. Although more widely used in the last ten years, individualized reading is hardly new. Sar-

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tain (citing Stauffer) states in the April, 1960, issue of The Reading Teacher that: . . . the underlying principles for this type of individualization were advanced by the National Society for the Study of Education in 1923. In 1937 Washburne encouraged teachers to individualize reading instruction after the first grade, and the 1938 yearbook of the Department of Elementary School Principals included several descriptions of such practices.2

Although definitions vary considerably, it is probably safe to conclude that the major premise of the individualized approach rests upon the practice of giving each child the opportunity to select his own reading materials. Through this procedure, it is expected that the pupil will be motivated by increased interest in reading and consequently will become more proficient. During the program, the basal reader is usually abandoned in favor of a wider range of materials, and, with it, the accompanying teachers' manual which serves as a guide in the sequential development of primary and intermediate grade reading skills. The individualized approach provides for skills development as the need arises during the child's working time with Ids teacher, or in small group situations where a few other children have similar needs at the same time. Proponents of the individualized approach are enthusiastic about its success. Those who examine the procedure objectively indicate there are problems to be overcome: ( 1 ) the program is time-consuming; ( 2 ) if it is poorly conducted, some skills may be partially or totally ignored; ( 3 ) the values of group learning may be lost. While the individualized reading program is the most widely discussed trend in reading today, it was apparent from conferences with reading instructors and specialists throughout the country that this plan does not meet with unqualified approval. For some, it seems much too revolutionary a departure from the basal reader approach. These people also felt that it is more practical, as well as desirable, to group children by reading achievement, while offering individual attention to those whose needs cannot be met entirely within the group 'Harry W. Sartain, "A Bibliography on Individualized Reading," The Reading Teacher, XHI (April, 1960), 262.

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structure. Still others questioned the feasibility of the individualized approach when so many classrooms are staffed by young and relatively inexperienced teachers. It was frequently pointed out that success for the pupil in the individualized reading approach is predicated on the teacher's knowledge of the many skills necessary to assure the pupil's mastery of basic reading techniques. Even in the hands of experienced teachers, the college instructors foresaw difficulties in the intricate system of record keeping and in the acquisition of materials required by a program of this nature. Others were reluctant to abandon the use of a basal reader as a major instructional tool until research evidence proved the value of another approach in developing mature readers. These statements should not be interpreted to mean that the participants in the Harvard-Carnegie Reading Study saw no advantages in the individualized approach. Indeed, they did see value in the movement, principally in terms of the impetus it provides for the planning of more dynamic and creative reading experiences to enrich the total reading program. On the basis of the number of classroom teachers who spoke about their recreational reading programs, it is apparent that many have been sufficiently impressed by certain features of individualized reading to modify both their grouping policies and their over-all reading programs. In addition, there is a trend away from the traditional practice of allowing time for only the more able readers to pursue their particular interests through library reading. More teachers today plan free reading periods for all children, regardless of their reading ability, in an effort to encourage independent reading and to provide rich reading experiences that lead to the enjoyment of books. CRITICAL

READING

Increased emphasis is being placed upon the thinking aspect of reading. For example, recent articles by Betts3 and Stauffer4 are indicative of this trend, while the whole issue of The Reading Teacher for * Emmett A. Betts, "Reading is Thinking," The Reading Teacher, XII (February, 1959), 146-151. 'Russell Stauffer, "A Directed Reading-Thinking Plan," Education, LXXIX (May, 1959), 527-532.

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February, 1960, was devoted to "Improving Thinking Skills Through Reading." Along the same line, Durrell and Chambers5 state the belief that ability to think appears to rest upon training, rather than intelligence, and that the development of critical readers is a major goal of the reading program. College faculty members are, therefore, making every effort to impress upon their students the importance of developing in the elementary-school child those skills which will enable him to interpret accurately what he has read, to make sound judgments after he has assembled all the facts for consideration, to recognize the author's motives and the presence of propaganda devices, and to draw sound conclusions based on his ability to integrate and organize materials. Despite the emphasis in the literature and in the colleges, pointing out the need to do a better job of teaching critical reading, little evidence was apparent of any activities designed to develop these skills in the classrooms visited. On the contrary, it appeared that critical reading was being almost totally neglected. To cite an example, all students in a class for gifted readers in the upper grades in a school in the Southwest were directed to read a passage from their literature books, as a test of speed reading and comprehension. The passage contained selected vignettes in the life of Dwight Eisenhower. When the stipulated time for the reading had elapsed, the teacher asked the students to close their books, after which she began the discussion period. The questions were similar, if not identical, to the following: In what year was Dwight Eisenhower born? How many brothers did he have? What sports did Ike enjoy as a young boy? What chores did he do around the house? What was Ike's favorite food? It is not surprising that the students in this class were able to supply the correct responses with ease. Whether or not they were being challenged in their reading and thinking is questionable. Not only does instruction in critical reading skills deserve increased attention in the elementary classroom, but it is also necessary for the 'Donald D. Durrell and J. Richard Chambers, "Research in Thinking Abilities," The Reading Teacher, XII (December, 1958), 89-92.

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school to regard the teaching of critical reading skills as a developmental process throughout the entire school program, and not as a simple, single skill that can be acquired during a few activities or lessons at any particular level. Sequential teaching is essential for real continuity and power. Furthermore, the ability of the individual children to evaluate and react to the author's ideas in the light of his purpose, for example, should be as carefully diagnosed and planned for as are the word-recognition and word-analysis abilities. Every teacher has the direct responsibility of appraising the critical reading skills of his pupils and providing for their continued development during guided reading periods. Research does suggest adequate methods of approaching this muchneeded teaching technique; let that which is, indeed, emphasized in theory become as emphatic in practice, as well. R E I N F O R C E M E N T OF BASIC SKILLS

A third area—the reinforcement of basic skills—has been the subject of much discussion recently. Frequently, heated arguments ensue as to the most effective methods of motivating children to master those skills that have been introduced by the classroom teacher. Prominent mention has been made of the use of programed teaching, either with or without machines, team-learning techniques, and commercially prepared materials devised to assist the child in correcting his own errors. At this stage in their development, each appears to have disadvantages as well as advantages. The October, 1960, issue of Fortune contains an interesting article by George Boehm, entitled "Can People Be Taught Like Pigeons?" 9 The author states that programed teaching is considered one of the most radical innovations since John Dewey introduced his progressive theories more than half a century ago. The printed programs are designed to be so easy to follow that a student can proceed almost without supervision and at his own pace. Two New York publishers are reported to be bringing out their first programed texts in the near future, while others are investigating programing techniques. At • George A. W. Boehm, "Can People Be Taught Like Pigeons?", Fortune, LX1I (October, 1960), 176-179.

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present, this method appears to be efficient in accelerating learning, but the question that remains to be answered is: Does it improve the quality of the learning? The work of Dr. Skinner with his teaching machines at Harvard has been followed with a great deal of interest. His method is based on the theory of "conditioning," and the student finds it almost impossible to make an error, because each new learning is repeated in a variety of ways. Many of the statements include blanks to be filled in by the student with a word or two. By completing the blanks correctly, the pupil "conditions" himself to absorb the information being presented to him. While the teaching machine provides powerful motivation for students when introduced initially in the classroom, adequate research is not yet available to indicate the extent of its influence over a long period of time. In addition, the cost of teaching machines makes their purchase prohibitive in all but the most affluent communities. Team learning is a second approach utilized to assist children in the reinforcement of basic skills. By this plan children may work in pairs of two, or teams of three, on various kinds of word-recognition practices, silent-reading activities, or study-skills development such as outlining or indexing. Team learning offers the advantage of heightening interest among children and of providing them with the opportunity of correcting and checking their answers together. One disadvantage of the team learning approach may lie again in the detailed system of record keeping necessary to sustain the program and in the preparation of quantities of graded materials for fifteen or more pairs of children. A third method of reinforcing basic-skills instruction is provided through the use of commercially prepared materials. However, unless this type of practice material is self-corrective, the teacher is faced with the usual problem of finding adequate time at the most propitious moment to help students in detecting and correcting errors. Thus it appears that while much emphasis is being placed on various methods of assisting the child to become adept at mastering basic skills after their initial introduction, research of a scientifically controlled nature is necessary to determine the most effective ways of reinforcing fundamental teaching. In the interim, the evidence

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supporting each approach must be carefully weighed, the most effective characteristics of each selected, and its use evaluated with individual children.

OTHER CURRENT

EMPHASES

And now a number of other trends will be mentioned only briefly. First, mental health, as it is related to reading progress, has received increased attention during the past decade. Armstrong,7 writing from Canada, stresses that "the ability to read dictates success or failure in school." There is a growing realization that failure in reading is a prime symptom of trouble at some point. Apparently, there is a continuing trend also for psychologists to be concerned with reading, since reading failure is so often destructive to normal development of the child. Among those who have been concerned in the educational field with the mental-health aspects of reading might be mentioned Holmes,8 who points out that the content of reading may represent a threat to a child's ego. Austin9 has given several vivid case studies of children rescued from a life-failure pattern by being taught to read. Lipton and Feiner 10 report excellent success in teaching reading to nonreaders as part of a group-therapy program. This emphasis indicates a shift away from the older belief that the child learns to read so he can use the skill later in life. The concern, as shown in the articles previously mentioned, indicates that educators now realize that the child is what he reads to some extent. This existential approach holds that the subject matter the child reads is important to his development, and failure in reading implies not only a failure to develop ego-status but a similar failure in psychological maturation. Reading as a psychobiologic process is another trend more in 'Robert Armstrong, "Reading Success and Personal Growth," The Reading Teacher, XII (October, 1958), 19-23. "Jack Holmes, "Emotional Factors and Reading Disabilities," The Reading Teacher, IX (October, 1955), 11-18. ' Mary C. Austin, "Retarded Readers Speak," The Reading Teacher, XII (October, 1958), 24-28. 10 A. Lipton and A. Feiner, "Group Therapy and Remedial Reading," Journal of Educational Psychology, XLV1I (October, 1956), 330-334.

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evidence today than ten years ago. Just as the psychologists discover that many reading problems are referred to them, so the doctors have discovered that many come to their offices. There is, therefore, a surprising number of books and articles dealing with reading as a measure of physical health and well-being. Kawi and Pasamanick 11 have found that many reading-disability cases seem to result from prenatal complications in the mother. Smith and Carrigan, 12 Delacato, 13 and Hermann 14 all have books dealing with problem readers. While much of the work in medical circles and the research in perception being carried on in psychological laboratories (e.g., Roberts and Coleman 15 ) is outside the main stream of classroom reading, apparently there is a growing desire to explore at least the psychobiologic aspects of the reading process. When Dr. Rabinovitch was scheduled to speak at a preconference meeting dealing with neurological aspects of reading at the International Reading Association conference last May, all tickets were sold on the first day they were offered, and several hundred requests for admission were turned down. A discussion of the current emphases in the teaching of reading would not be complete without recognition of the surge of interest in literacy all over the world. As underdeveloped nations become independent, the problem of reading and communication in different languages poses a special concern for the United Nations. Gray 18 discussed this problem in the 1956 Burton Lecture at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. He stated then that reading had become no longer a badge of prestige but a necessary tool to understand world issues and to evaluate propaganda. In our own country, there U

A . Kawi and B. Pasamanick, "Association of Factors of Pregnancy with Reading Disorders in Childhood," Journal of the American Medical Association, CLXVI (March 22, 1958), 1420-1423. "Donald Smith and P. Carrigan, The Nature of Reading Disability (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1959). " C a r l Delacato, The Treatment and Prevention of Reading Problems (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1959). " K. Hermann, Reading Disability (Copenhagen, distributed by C. C. Thomas, 1959). " Richard Roberts and James Coleman, "An Investigation of the Role of Vision and Kinesthetic Factors in Reading Failure," Journal of Educational Research, LI (February, 1958), 445-451. "William S. Gray, The Teaching of Reading: An International View (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957, The Burton Lecture, 1956).

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is at present a pronounced emphasis on adult literacy, with fascinating work taking place in the Memphis area. CONCLUSION

The gap between ideas expressed in articles written for educational journals, on the one hand, and classroom practice, on the other, is often very great. However, through the co-operative efforts of all involved—teachers, administrators, parents, children, and college instructors—the gap can be closed, and, through the use of improved research techniques, progress in reading instruction can be accelerated so that schools will produce the excellence the public demands and the nation requires.

Mew Books for Children librarians associated with the Free Library of Philadelphia presented reviews of recent children's books. While not all the information given orally can be included here, this abridged version does contain a listing of the books reviewed. THREE CHILDREN'S

PICTURE BOOKS

JULIE W . R E I F F *

The classification of picture books and easy readers includes books up to and including third grade. Criteria for the selection of books for young children include the following: (1) Pictures that are usually the most important part of the book. As Arbuthnot has stated so well, "So potent is the spell of the modern illustrator of juveniles that his pictures sometimes sell a poor book, while an unattractive format may consign a fine book to retirement on the shelves of bookstores and libraries." 1 Pictures, color, and beautiful format have great appeal for the child. (2) Careful unity between text and pictures. Together these tell the story, and the child can follow the plot by looking at the pictures alone. (3) Finally, a good story for children, with excellence and distinction in the style of writing. The books have been divided into five categories, to show the variety of types of modern picture books for children. Easy readers. Currently, much interest is being shown in this type of book, especially by teachers of young children. The Free Library has a policy of buying no readers, for there are no funds for this purpose and it is felt that the Library should not duplicate what the schools can buy. However, the Library does purchase reader-replacement series that contain illustrations and writing that are superior to readers and yet use the same simple vocabulary and repetition that a first- or second-grade child can read for himself. * Librarian, Central Children's Department, Free Library of Philadelphia. May Hill Arbuthnot, Children and Books (Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1957), p. 27. 194 1

New Books for Children

195

The "I-Can-Read Beginner Books/' by Random House, are examples of books of this type. In Dr. Seuss's One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish he has reached his peak, and I think the book will be very popular with children and in demand by adults. It contains his usual zany, far-fetched story and has loud, exaggerated illustrations. The nonsense words are rhymed with known words, yet a simple vocabulary is used throughout. Else Minarik's Little Bear's Friend, illustrated by M. Sendak, is also an "I-Can-Read" book by Harper & Brothers. The illustrations are as subtle and beautiful as those of Seuss are exaggerated. There are humor and much detail in all these books in the Minarik bear series. A poor example of the "I-Can-Read" books is Morris is a Cowboy, a Policeman, and a Baby Sitter, by Wiseman. The story is poor, as are the illustrations. The humor is stupid, there is no continuity in the story, the illustrations are cartoonish, and the coat is blue on one page and gray on the next. ABC books. Bruno Munari's ABC has simple context, with several objects for each letter, and contains glorious color with an over-all impression of great beauty. Joan Anglund's In a Pumpkin Shell is a charming Mother Goose ABC book; each letter is followed by a traditional nursery rhyme. The colors are bright and glowing, and her ability to give expression to her animals is similar to Minarik's execution of expression and detail. Anglund also wrote A Friend is Someone Who Likes You, The Brave Cowboy, and other tiny books. Cleary's The Hullabaloo ABC is not so good, especially for public libraries. It contains an alphabet of noises, specifically farm noises: cock-a-doodle-doo, clatter, ding-dong, grunt, hee-haw, ouch, puttputt, quack-quack, and zoom. The theme seems to be, "A lot of noise is a lot of fun!" The pictures are as bold and as brash as the text. Some of the words are not concrete, such as "Ugh" for U, and consequently fail to give the child clear meanings. The poetry in the text is not brilliant: "X for Exclaim." Nonfiction. Do You Hear What I Hear?, by Helen Borten, will probably be classified as nonfiction by libraries. This young local author-illustrator attended the Museum School of Art in Philadelphia.

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Her previous companion work, Do You See What I See?, calls attention to what a child sees, while the present book explains all different kinds of sounds to awaken the ability of the child to hear and to be aware of sounds. The text is imaginative, and the book is a good example of unity between text and picture. Both of these books should be useful to teachers. M. Sasek's This is Rome is one in his series of large cities. This big book contains beautifully colored sketches of all the typical sights of this city and is almost a picture-browsing book. Others in the series include This is London, This is Paris, and This is New York. Fairy tales. The Shoemaker and the Elves, illustrated by Adrienne Adams, is the favorite Grimm fairy tale, now published as a separate book and enhanced by full-page illustrations. The browns and golds present a very different type of illustration for a fairy-tale book. The Sleeping Beauty, another Grimm tale, is illustrated by Felix Hoffman, who is a Swiss artist. His craftsmanship is superb, and children are indeed fortunate to have these popular tales, each in its own book, with illustrations the caliber of these. Fanciful stories. Three books by authors known to children are included in this category. Dare Wright's The Doll and Her Kitten contains very sensitive photographs, and will probably be as popular as the other three books in the series. Tomi Ungerer's Emile is the story of an octopus, and is written by the creator of Mellops. The octopus is compared to Crictor, who is a boa constrictor. Virginia Kahl's The Perfect Pancake is another illustrated story in rhyme by the creator of that "lovely, light, luscious, delectable cake," (from The Duchess Bakes a Cake). Publishing data for some new picture books, including those mentioned, are as follows: Joan Anglund Norman Bate

In a Pumpkin Shell Vulcan

Ludwig Bemelmans

Welcome Home!

Harcourt, Brace $2.95 Charles Scribner's 2.75 Sons Harper & Brothers 3.95

New Books for Children Helen Borten Elizabeth Coatsworth Eugene Fern Don Freeman The Brothers Grimm The Brothers Grimm Virginia Kahl John Langstaff Else Minarik Bruno Numari M. Sasek Dr. Seuss Eve Titus Tomi Ungerer Dare Wright Gene Zion

FICTION

197

Do You Hear What 1 Hear? Lonely Maria Pepito's Story Cyrano the Crow The Shoemaker and the Elves The Sleeping Beauty The Perfect Pancake The Swapping Boy Little Bear's Friend ABC This is Rome One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish Anatole and the Robot Emile The Doll and the Kitten Harry and the Lady Next Door

FOR INTERMEDIATE

GRADES

Abelard-Schuman

2.75

Pantheon Farrar, Straus & Cudahy Viking Press Charles Scribner's Sons Harcourt, Brace Charles Scribner's Sons Harcourt, Brace Harper & Brothers World Macmillan Random House

3.25 3.25 2.75 2.95 3.50 2.75 2.95 1.95 3.50 3.00 1.95

McGraw-Hill 2.50 Harper & Brothers 2.50 Doubleday 2.50 Harper & Brothers 1.95

MARGARET

WITTE*

When selecting books for children of the intermediate grades (primarily grades four to six, but also including good readers in the third grade), we look for a good story—something that will hold the child's interest. Children have said that they like to feel as if they were "in the book." The plot must be one that is good, not contrived, and that will keep the children wondering and reading to see what will happen next. This is one of the reasons for buying a few of the "series" books. The plots tend to become stereotyped and, after reading one of a series, children soon learn they have really read them all. The characters in the book should be real to the reader; they should act the way a real person would act in a similar situation. "Selection Policies for Children's Books" of the Free Library of * Children's Librarian, McPherson Square Branch, Free Library of Philadelphia.

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PHYSICAL

Philadelphia says: "Recommended books . . . are purchased with a view toward giving pleasure in reading and developing healthy attitudes toward the family, the community, the nation, and the world." However, their "primary value" must lie in their "story content." A book should promote sound values without preaching, for children should enjoy their reading. Of course, the book must contain good writing, including correct grammar and sentence structure, except in the speech of a character who would not use perfect English. Contemporary life in America. The first category into which I have divided the fiction for intermediate grades includes books on contemporary life in America. These books show life as the child knows it, including characters with whom he can identify. Here he can discover that the lives of ordinary people need not be dull. Books in this category are: Carolyn Haywood Carol Kendall Mary Slattery Stolz

Annie Pat and Eddie The Big Splash A Dog on Barkham Street

William Morrow $2.95 Viking Press 3.00 Harper & Brothers 2.50

Other lands. Books about other countries broaden the child's horizons, promote understanding of other people, and give an accurate picture of their way of life. Children often hesitate to take a book about another country; they would rather read about the familiar or about something "exciting." Here is an area where the classroom teacher can do a great deal. If she knows the books, she can introduce them with units on other lands, create an interest in them, and show the child that these are not dull. The best of these books portray universal qualities of children and show similarities, as well as differences, between life in our country and another. Kim Yong Ik Eleanor Murphey Hilda Van Stockum

The Happy Days (post-war Korea) Nihal (present-day Ceylon) Friendly Gables (present-day Canada)

Little, Brown

$3.50

Thomas Crowell

3.00

Viking Press

2.75

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199

Historical fiction. In books with a historical background or set in a previous period in history, good characterization and characters with universal qualities are important. Books that have lasted and have been favorites for many years are those that have mirrored universal qualities of people in all times and places. Again, the stories must be well written and have good plots. The historical background must be basically accurate and should not be twisted to fit the story. Here are some examples of good books in this category: Houghton Mifflin $2.50

Jane Flory

Peddler's

Jean Fritz

(Western Pennsylvania, 1870's) Brady (Washington County, Pennsylvania, 1836)

Coward-McCann

Jack Schaefer

Old Ramon

Houghton Mifflin 2.50

Leonard Wibberley

Southwest) Peter Treegate's War (Revolutionary War)

Summer

(The Old

3.00

Houghton Mifflin 2.50

Fanciful stories. It is in fantasy books that the best writing is often found. Here we look for "creative imagination" and do not want contrived situations and trite phrases. There must be a good story to hold the interest, but the good fantasy book offers more, portraying fundamental values in human existence. A fantasy has its own logic and must be consistent with its own points of view. It often is written on several levels, showing something new with each rereading, both to adults and to children. Three books of this type are: Edward Eager

The iVell-Wishers (This might be considered under realistic fiction.)

Harcourt, Brace $3.25

Eleanor Estes Rumer Godden

The Witch Family The Fairy Doll

Harcourt, Brace Viking Press

FICTION FOR OLDER BOYS AND GIRLS

3.25 2.50

MARGARET WITTE

Fiction for older boys and girls (mainly seventh and eighth graders) can be roughly divided into contemporary romance for girls, contemporary stories for boys, historical fiction, science fiction, and

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animal stories. From the 1960 titles, representative books for contemporary stories and historical fiction have been chosen. Contemporary life. Stories of present-day life should be well written, have a good plot and true-to-life characters. Books for girls tend to be much alike—the main character usually has problems similar to the young teen-age girls who read the book, affording someone with whom they can identify. It is important to choose the best of this kind. Some books illustrative of contemporary stories are: For girls: Betty Cavanna Nancy Titus For boys: John Ball, Jr. Patrick O'Connor

Accent on April A Dream of Her Own

William Morrow J. B. Lippincott

Spacemaster I Black Tiger at Bonneville

Duell, Sloan & Pearce 3.00 Ives Washburn 2.95

$2.95 2.95

Historical fiction. Books of historical fiction are expected to have historical accuracy. The author should have a feeling for the period and convey it to the reader. All events, historical and fictional, should be consistent with the spirit of the age. Here the characters are the most important in giving interest to the story. A good book of historical fiction will show how the period and its events affected the lives of the people. Some good examples are: Gwendolyn Bowers

Elizabeth Friermood

Cynthia Harnett

Scott O'Dell

Rosemary Sutcliffe

Journey for Jemima (French and Indian Wars) Promises in the Attic (Dayton, Ohio, flood, 1913) Caxton's Challenge (England, latter 1400's) Island of the Blue Dolphins (Island off California coast, 19th century) Knight's Fee (Britain, 11th-12th century)

Henry Z. Walck

$3.50

Doubleday

2.95

World

3.95

Houghton Mifflin

2.75

Henry Z. Walck

3.50

New Books for Children Albert B. Tibbets (ed.) Joanne Williamson

201

Salute to the Brave (World War II) Hittite Warrior (Eastern Mediterranean World, 1200

Little, Brown

3.50

Alfred A. Knopf

2.75

B.C.) NONFICTION BOOKS

HELEN

ARMSTRONG*

The criteria for choosing nonfiction books are somewhat different from those for fiction. Age level is not so important a factor. Many children interested in a certain subject will read far beyond their grade in that field; for example, a boy in the fifth grade interested in space and rockets may be able to read highly technical books in that area, but only average books in fiction. Nonfiction must be accurate, for a child seldom questions the truth of what he reads. It must be presented in a clear, readable style, suitable for a child but not written in a condescending or preachy manner. Children prefer a straightforward, factual telling rather than a narrative or conversational style. However, the latter has a place for browsing or for purely recreational use. To be useful for reference, a book should have an index or a very explicit table of contents and, if needed, clear diagrams, illustrations, or maps. It is also helpful to have a glossary and a bibliography for further reading. Biographies for children often include much fictional material, with imaginary characters and dialog. This is permissible if the author sticks to the basic facts, presents the true character of the person whose life he is portraying, and gives an accurate picture of the period in which he lived. Following are some of the 1960 books in the nonfiction group: Josef Berger Margaret Buck Arthur Clarke

Discoverers of the New World Small Pets from Woods and Fields The Challenge of the Sea

American Heritage $3.50 Abingdon Press

3.00

Holt, Rinehart & Winston

3.95

* Head, Central Children's Department, Free Library of Philadelphia.

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EDUCATION:

Charles Coombs Elizabeth Cooper Marguerite de Angeli (ill.) Mae Freeman Arnold Haskell Gerald Johnson Albert McCready Mary Miller Lamont Moore Mary Moore Elinor Parker (comp.) Ruth Robbins Glen Rounds

INTELLECTUAL,

MORAL,

PHYSICAL

Gateway to Space Science on the Shores and Banks The Old Testament

William Morrow Harcourt, Brace

3.95 3.25

Doubleday

6.95

Fun with Scientific Experiments The Wonderful World of Dance America Moves Forward Railroads in the Days of Steam Here's To You, Miss Teen The First Book of Painting The Baby-Sitter's Storybook 100 More Story Poems

Random House

1.50

Garden City

2.95

Baboushka and the Three Kings Beaver Business

Parnassus Press

2.25

Prentice-Hall

3.00

William Morrow 3.95 American Heritage 3.50 John C. Winston

3.95

Franklin Watts

1.95

Longmans, Green

2.95

Thomas Y. Crowell 3.95

A few new editions of old favorites should be mentioned. Notable among these are: Jeanne Bendick

The First Book of Space Franklin Watts $1.95 Travel Miguel de Cervantes The Adventures of Don Alfred A. Knopf 3.50 Quixote de la Mancha Kenneth Grahame The Wind in the Willows Charles Scribner's 5.00 Sons Edna Johnson, et al Anthology of Children's Houghton Mifflin 10.50 Literature W. Maxwell Reed The Stars for Sam Harcourt, Brace 4.50

Foreign Languages on Television SISTER M I R I A M

JEANNE«

IT IS NOT news to any alert educator in the United States today that our system of teaching foreign languages has been tried, found decidedly wanting, and is in need of being entirely revised. In the past, American secondary schools have successfully produced students who could translate proficiently and who could even excel in the grammatical mechanics of another language. In this shrinking world of the twentieth century, however, our primary need is not for readers or grammarians, but for first-rate linguists who can easily and fluently remove the barrier with which language-ignorance has surrounded Americans, isolating us into an English-speaking world. A stronger emphasis will be placed on world understanding only when our children are equipped with a finger-tip command of other languages. Research and contact have proved that European schools are far more advanced than ours in language study, many turning out multilingual students. The secret of their success has been the initiation of an extensive language program on the elementary level—even in the primary groups. In this way, Europeans utilize those precious years between five and ten, when a child most easily acquires a new language, when his ear is attuned to accents and pronunciations, and when his tongue imitates foreign sounds with none of the selfconsciousness that is such a handicap at a later age. Due to this early start, European children are exposed to almost eight more years of language experience than the average American child. This plan has resulted in their fluency and easy familiarity with other tongues. American children can learn to speak a foreign language as well as any others. The problem is not can they learn but how can we teach them! Where will we find enough teachers with the flawless accent and idiomatic know-how needed to develop successfully with chil• Teacher, St. Dorothy's Convent, Drexel Hill, Pennsylvania. 203

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MORAL,

PHYSICAL

dren the aural-oral approach necessary to produce a generation of bilingual Americans? In an educational field still in the experimental stages, how can we be sure that our children will be the recipients of a successfully tested, well-organized, and well-planned language course? At St. Dorothy School, we feel that in educational television we have answered these questions temporarily at least. We have participated since September of 1958 in the "Learning French Series," which was originally affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania and has been televised over Philadelphia's educational channel, WHYY-TV. We began that year with two fifth-grade classes and have extended our program each year since, so that in September of 1960 there were about three hundred children in the fourth, fifth, and sixth grades who were studying a foreign language through the medium of television. By far the most important fact established has been that educational television possesses definite advantages in the language field. First of all, television lends itself easily to the aural-oral method of language learning; the child is being taught a second tongue in the same way he was taught his native one—simply by listening and associating certain sounds and sound patterns with corresponding objects and actions. He sees nothing written until he has established a reasonably large oral working vocabulary which is usually not until two years of contact with the language has been completed. This, of course, necessitates numberless repetitions of the same sounds, phrases, words, and sentences, which must be done methodically with a planned pattern, yet, at the same time, without boring the children or causing them to lose interest. It is precisely at this point that television has the decided edge over classroom teaching, due to the variety of teaching techniques that can be utilized with cameras. Puppets, dolls, changes of cameras from place to place, absorbing close-ups of pictures of live objects—all can be used to make children repeat conversational patterns many times without realizing they are doing so. Remember also that the "V" in TV stands for "vision" and that TV rightly used is a powerful visual aid in education. Instead of simply hearing the language sounds, the child who is learning through television is constantly employing another sense, his eyes, in order

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to visualize the impression that sound has made on his memory. Then there is the psychological element—the natural attraction that every television set holds for every normal child, and the introduction of the extraordinary into the ordinary routine of the classroom day, which stimulates the child's interest. Most redeeming of all its good features, television can provide an unlimited number of children with what would otherwise have been impossible—daily language lessons, expertly taught. Yes, we have tested and seen for ourselves that it is possible to learn a foreign language by television, but for success, more is required than a TV set and a class of children. First, and most important, are the planning and teaching of the lessons. The teacher should be a language expert who is well aware of the principles of the oral approach to language teaching, who knows how to present her classes in an orderly pattern, and who is well acquainted with the general methods of elementary teaching. A lack of any of these specifications would lessen considerably the effectiveness of the lessons. Second, there must be in each participating classroom a co-operating teacher, who, though she may not know a word of the language herself, has plenty of enthusiasm for the television lessons. In a situation such as this, the children are positively affected in response and achievement, either for good or for bad, by the attitude of the classroom teacher. Personal research by those connected with the "Learning French Series" has proved that in classes where the teacher was enthusiastic and interested herself, encouraging the children to speak up, and attempting to integrate the words and expressions learned throughout other lessons of the school day, the results were remarkable. Correspondingly, in classes where the cooperating teacher showed little interest and even some annoyance at television time and neglected to follow up the televised lessons with any classroom drill, the achievement was poor, despite the I.Q. of the class. In no case did the classroom teacher's ignorance of the language impede the progress of the children, if only she showed vital interest in the program herself and exercised a firm command over the discipline situation in her classroom. The role of the co-operating teacher in the classroom is one that cannot be minimized in the whole scheme of educational television.

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PHYSICAL

A third important element of successful language learning through television is the establishment of a satisfactory system of communication between the television teacher and her co-operating partner in the classroom. In an oral course such as this, where the children are constantly answering either individually or in unison, a periodic report of the response, difficulties, and progress of each class, as well as of the effectiveness of the television teacher's management and methods, is absolutely necessary. This communication can be effected by consistent mail or telephone reports or by visits to each classroom by the television teacher. The best proved means of this communication is in the form of a seminar conducted by the television teacher and attended by the co-operating teachers. At these bimonthly meetings, questions such as these might be discussed: What television teaching techniques proved most effective in the classroom? What conversational patterns did the children find most difficult? Which were easiest? Is the television teacher trying to include too much material in a daily telecast or is there too little of it to command the children's interest? It is only through this type of communication that an intelligent relationship between the television teacher and her invisible students can be realized. In the educational circles of our modern world, the use of television as an educational device has become a highly controversial subject. Among the arguments against its acceptance are such complaints as: "Through television a student can never ask a question or engage in a discussion with a teacher." "Educational television will destroy the personal relationship between teacher and student." These disadvantages are real and concrete ones; but before we condemn television's educational utility on their account, let us apply this simple and honest test. Recall the finest teacher you have ever had. Recall one of the poorer teachers you have had. Would you choose to have the same course in a classroom situation with the poor teacher or through television with the excellent teacher? In conclusion, we would like to make clear that our point has not been to imply that television could ever efficiently supplant the classroom as we know it. There are some levels and areas of learning for which television could never be used at all. We do wish to emphasize that thorough language training is an imperative need in our times not

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only for the total education of our children but even for increased good will among nations. We simply do not have an expert linguist who is also an expert teacher to staff each classroom or even each school. American prestige will not wait for a whole generation while we train these teachers. Our need is now, and we must act now. Through television one qualified teacher, aided by co-operating teachers in the classrooms, can teach thousands of children foreign languages. This has been proved. We are convinced that just now in our area, in view of the shortage of qualified teachers, television teaching that is intelligently organized and handled is the answer to our elementary language problems.

V Secondary

Education

Developmental

Reading in Grades Seven and

Eight: The State Mandated Program

After

One Tear reported their experiences with developmental reading programs in the junior high school. Each has organized its program a bit differently, and each has provided materials at the level of the students' achievement. The reports follow. T H R E E SCHOOLS

I N THE FRANKLIN D .

ROOSEVELT H I G H SCHOOL, DELHAAS

SCHOOLS

JOINT

U . BERKLEY E L L I S »

A survey of the literature relating to developmental reading provides a variety of definitions, depending upon the emphasis of the writer. The following four aspects are considered to be characteristic of a developmental reading program: (1) the involvement of all students of all levels of reading ability—remedial, functional, on-level, and advanced; (2) the continuation, improvement, and extension of basic reading skills stressed in the elementary reading program—word attack, word recognition, vocabulary development, and comprehension; (3) the introduction of new skills that are dependent upon the reading maturity of the students—critical interpretation, adjustment of rate for purpose and content, perfection of study skills, and reading with facility in all content areas; and (4) the development of the individual's independent reading habits for recreational reading and personal growth. The Governor's Conference of 1958 strongly recommended the initiation of reading instruction on the secondary level. The Pennsylvania State Council of Education accepted this proposal and mandated a developmental reading program for all seventh- and eighthgrade students to start in the fall of 1959. Since 1952, the secondary teachers of the Delhaas Joint Schools • Principal,

Franklin

D. Roosevelt

Junior 211

High School,

Bristol,

Pennsylvania.

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MORAL,

PHYSICAL

have been actively engaged in the improvement of reading instruction at the junior high level. At workshops, department meetings, and in other discussions, the suggestion that pupils be grouped by reading ability continually became a part of the discussion. Methods for selecting students, materials to be used, in-service training for teachers, and the selection of teachers to work with the slowest reading-level students were all developed and organized for the school year 1956-57. The same plans were utilized in the opening of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Junior High School in 1958. To select students for the various reading levels, it was decided to employ the Individual Reading Inventory Test by Botel. This test helps determine the student's functional reading level, and while test scores are much lower than standardized test scores, this is a more realistic approach. In addition to test scores, teacher recommendations are employed to place the student in one of three large groupings: ( 1 ) reading improvement, which encompasses primer to third reading level; (2) functional, which includes fourth to sixth reading level; and (3) on-level, which designates junior high reading level or above. The grouping of students into sections is done by the guidance counselors. Then the sections are reviewed and adjusted in meetings attended by all teachers who teach the grade level. All this is accomplished in the last two months of the school year. Reading-level sections of the seventh and eighth grades are assigned fourteen periods of English, social studies, and reading per week. The reading-improvement and functional reading groups in ninth grade are assigned nine periods of English and reading; the on-level readers in this grade receive reading instruction in their five periods of English per week. While basic items of the course of study are taught to the reading-improvement groups (primer to third reading level), more than 50 per cent of the time is devoted to instruction in the basic reading skills. At the inception of this program, reading materials were very meager. The Classmate Edition of the Lyons and Carnahan "Developmental Reading Series," and the "Reading for Meaning Series" were the basic instructional readers for the reading improvement and the functional reading groups. The on-level sections used their literature books and the SRA Reading Laboratory.

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213

During the second and third years of the program, an urgent need for more diversified graded reading materials was felt. This was especially true for the students who did not progress enough to transfer from one main reading grouping to the next—for example, from a functional group to the on-level group. This necessitated a wide search for reading materials and required additional budget provisions. Sufficient materials were finally acquired to establish a sequential reading materials list. Added to the basic materials was a large number of graded reading materials for classroom libraries, such as "Teen Age Tales," "American Adventure Series," and the Penn Valley "Interesting Reading Series." Class sets of paperback books for each grade level, including Silas Marner, The Red Badge of Courage, Tom Sawyer, and Animal Farm, are read by the on-level reading groups. The co-operative selection of library books by students, teachers, and the librarian has resulted in a large number of interesting books that are very popular with junior high school students and that represent all reading levels. The evaluation of this reading program includes the administration of the Individual Reading Inventory in the fall and spring, of standardized reading tests, and of Individual Book Record Sheets, the recognition of completed areas of the SRA Reading Laboratory and Reading Skill Texts, plus teacher observation. However, the success of the reading program is measured less with statistics than with the noticeable changes that have occurred in the increased use of reading materials in class and in the library by all students, in the decrease of disciplinary problems, especially with the poorer readers, and in the increased feeling of success and accomplishment experienced by teachers in their daily work with students. IN THE PENN-DELCO UNION SCHOOL DISTRICT WALTER M . RHOADES*

The Department of Public Instruction Bulletin # 2 4 8 outlines the junior high school program and characterizes the junior high school * Director of Instruction, ter, Pennsylvania.

Penn-Delco

Union School District,

Greenridge,

Ches-

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EDUCATION:

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MORAL,

PHYSICAL

as providing the gradual transition from the self-contained elementary school class to complex, departmentalized senior high school. The D.P.I. Bulletin, Educational Leadership Series # 2 , states that the child leaving the elementary school does not have the required reading skills to meet the problems faced in subsequent schooling or in adult life. Since the Penn-Delco District believes these statements to be true, it appears that heretofore junior high programs have been, in many respects, watered-down senior high school programs. We have not been concerned with a gradual transition, but have dumped elementary youngsters into the junior high school with a large jolt. We have not been concerned with individual differences among students, except to a mild degree, and certainly we have made little effort to build reading skills above the sixth-grade level. And we have disregarded the Gestalt psychology of learning to an alarming degree, let alone being ready to accept research growing out of the newer perceptual psychology. What are the purposes of—the role of—the junior high school? Before we begin a program of reorganizing curriculum, we must first decide what we are attempting to accomplish, in terms of the children in our schools. We have been attempting to develop a kindergarten-through-grade-twelve sequence of learnings that will clearly show the contributions which the elementary division, the junior high division, and the senior high division each make to the end-product student of the public schools, the high school graduate. In our junior high school, we hold a set of beliefs which is the basis for our curriculum: (1) we believe in gradual transition from the elementary school to the secondary school; (2) we believe in building upon skills and learnings which have only begun at the elementary level; (3) we believe that we must teach each child at his own achievement and ability levels; and (4) we recognize that the junior high school is an extension of the elementary school, as well as a readiness program for the senior high school. Our program is based upon a credo, a refinement of the beliefs stated previously. First, we realize from research that students usually differ in achievement and ability in any given subject, and that achievement levels differ from subject to subject for any given student. Interpreting this in terms of our program, we group students accord-

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ing to achievement levels. Each student's reading achievement is evaluated at the end of the sixth, seventh, and eighth grades. The basic instructional level is obtained from a series of word-recognition tests. This level may be altered slightly by subsequent evaluation of scores obtained from the Iowa Tests of Basic Skills, verbal and nonverbal intelligence tests, teacher judgment, and, where warranted, vocabulary scores from the Co-operative English Test. The students are assigned to a "related studies" room and to a "related studies" teacher. At the present time, there are eight related studies classes of seventh graders, eight of eighth graders, and eight of ninth graders. The related studies teacher is responsible for a program involving all facets of language arts, including developmental reading. This teacher also teaches the social studies for the particular grade level. Since students differ in ability from subject to subject, they are grouped by another criterion. The whole process is begun again by grouping the students according to instructional level in mathematics. Consequently, John Jones may be in a low related studies section but in a high mathematics section. An attempt is made to hold the related studies sections intact as far as possible when students are assigned to science classes. Subjects such as art, music, physical education, and so on have heterogeneous classes. Second, we believe that the language arts constitute a unit or whole—in other words, that reading cannot logically be separated from spelling, composition, grammar, or oral English. English is a language, as French, Latin, and Spanish are languages. We would not think of teaching French reading as a separate course from French grammar. Likewise, English is a whole or complete language, made up of several parts. Third, we believe that success in social studies is closely associated with reading proficiency. The social studies content also offers much opportunity for the application of study skills that should be a vital part of the developmental reading program. This is why social studies is included in the related studies program. Related studies classes have been set up for grades seven, eight, and nine. These seventh-grade classes meet 150 minutes each day with one teacher. Eighth- and ninth-grade classes meet 100 minutes each day. The lowest section in each grade is composed of students at

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reading instructional level three or below. The next to the lowest section is composed of students at reading instructional level four, and so forth to the top section in ninth grade at reading instructional level nine plus. In the total program, seven reading instructional levels are represented. Every possible attempt is made to supply each instructional level with materials applicable to that level. All sections that are on fifth instructional level, regardless of the grade placement, are using the same materials. A developmental reading series is used from levels three through six. A literature series is used from levels seven through nine. Double-track social studies texts are used. For example, after reviewing many texts of easy readability for seventh-grade social studies, the choice was Laidlaw's Our Beginnings in the Old World for sections at reading instructional levels three, four, and five. In eighth grade, Laidlaw's Our Country's Story is being used for sections at reading instructional levels three through six. A triple-track English program operates within this related studies framework, as does a multilevel spelling program. As most people know, no mechanical screening process or kind of test is an infallible measure of student performance. To help overcome resultant problems, all related studies classes meet at the same time. The big advantage of this is one of flexibility; errors in original grouping can be corrected, and students who progress very rapidly or very slowly can be shifted to other sections at any time. To reinforce the related studies program, there is a reading consultant at the secondary level, who provides in-service education courses and workshops for the teachers, counsels with teachers on ways to make their programs more effective, and who actually demonstrates techniques in the classrooms. In addition, the consultant selects certain students from the related studies classes for special remedial instruction. These special reading improvement classes meet twice weekly and are limited to approximately ten students at a time. In this way, students with specific weaknesses can benefit from a remedial program where clinical methods are used to help correct these special problems. The elementary schools' reading consultant often assists with secondary problems, just as the secondary consultant assists with elementary problems. This is an intentional plan so that

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the elementary and secondary programs will tend toward greater unification. Some of the strong points of our related studies program are as follows: (1) each related studies teacher has a smaller range of reading achievement levels with which to work; (2) there is a place for every student regardless of his capability or his level of achievement; (3) instructional procedures can be aimed toward the students in the class, rather than toward a general and elusive goal that may be set for all students; (4) reading skills are worked on daily, rather than only a couple of times a week; (5) study skills may be applied readily to content subjects, namely social studies and English; (6) the entire language arts program is kept in perspective as a unit, rather than broken into difficult-to-relate parts; and (7) a related studies teacher has fewer students to get to know. Some of the weak points of our related studies program, as we see them, are as follows: (1) secondary teachers are sometimes hard to convince that reading instruction is a responsibility of the junior high school; (2) it is next to impossible to hire junior high school teachers with any training in the teaching of reading; (3) secondary teachers are sometimes hard to convince that, unless they have had college courses in the teaching of reading, they can learn to do a good job. (They usually do not realize that an elementary teacher-in-training seldom gets more than a one-semester course in how to teach reading, but is expected to be an expert); (4) it is extremely difficult for many secondary teachers to learn to come down to a student's real instructional level, particularly when it may be at first-grade level or not much higher; and (5) locating really good materials for low achievers in the content subjects is very frustrating at times. In summary, there are two elements that seem to be necessary for the successful operation of such a program: teachers must be willing to abandon ideas that secondary instruction must be wholly departmentalized, and teachers must be willing to learn how to teach reading and how to apply reading techniques in English classes, as well as those in content subjects. Teachers must be willing to teach reading skills even though they may feel somewhat insecure, perhaps even lost, and to pursue that goal with a determination to succeed. Of one thing I am certain—junior high school teachers who are skilled in the teach-

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ing of reading are going to be in great demand for some years to come and will be able to demand premium salaries. I N THE ROOSEVELT JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL, PHILADELPHIA YITA B .

KUNER*

In Philadelphia, the developmental reading program was started one semester earlier than the time mandated by the state. In some schools, all pupils are grouped according to reading achievement; in others, pupils are classified homogeneously for the reading classes only; and in still others, there is heterogeneous grouping. For example, in the school in which I teach, there are approximately 1,700 pupils with a wide range in achievement. Pupils are placed according to the reading score and I.Q., and, in some cases, consideration is given to the arithmetic score, also, so that both verbal and nonverbal aspects are included. The variance in I.Q. means that there is a challenge in each class. When the spread in reading ability is not so wide, it makes preparation easier for the teacher, and she is able to give her time to a greater number of pupils. Every class has some spread in reading achievement, and we are really grouping when a thought-provoking question is asked of the more rapid readers or when the slower reader is helped with a specific problem. Breaking the class into definite work groups according to achievement within a class often makes good discipline more difficult to achieve. Teachers begin by getting to know the pupils. The cumulative records tell a great deal concerning the past achievement of the students. First, the class is studied, including the I.Q.'s as obtained on the Philadelphia Verbal Ability test, the latest reading scores, and the arithmetic scores. Next, an inventory is taken of how pupils read orally and silently, of how they write, speak, spell, and think. To obtain this information, there are oral reading lessons for diagnostic purposes, a check on the comprehension in a silent-reading exercise, a spelling survey, and a phonics check. There are a number of things that are done to find out how the pupils think. For example, pupils are asked to write, in one sentence, the meaning of a fable which the teacher reads or tells. This exercise • Teacher

of Reading,

Roosevelt

Junior High School,

Philadelphia.

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does two things quickly: it shows whether the pupil did or did not get the point of the story, and it shows whether or not a good sentence has been written. After studying the results of these survey tests, work is planned so that the lessons and materials used are on the grade levels indicated. In a speech in February, 1960, to the Philadelphia Home and School Council, the Superintendent of Schools, Dr. Allan Wetter, said that one pupil in every three falls in the slow-learner group. Work for these pupils must be planned with a recognition that the attention span and concentration span are short, that they react slowly, that they have limited ability to evaluate materials for relevancy and to generalize. These pupils need help in self-direction, in forming association between words and ideas, and in recognizing familiar elements in new situations. They also need to be taught in small doses and with much repetition. My favorite college professor, many years ago, reminded the class that because college students are presumably intelligent, only six repetitions would be necessary for any facts to be long remembered. Slow learners may need from 14 to 63 repetitions. These students must be started where they are before they can be taken as far as they can go. Because of their lack of power in using higher mental processes to deal with abstractions and their inability to analyze and do critical thinking, work for them must be simple and must be presented slowly, step by step. Honest but frequent praise helps. Slow learners need help in following oral and written directions, in locating specific information from reading, in organizing ideas, and in simple outlining, to help them get the main ideas and supporting details, as well as to help them study. The material must be adjusted to the vocabulary level as well as to the social interest of the group, if these abilities are to be developed. All pupils need to learn to use the dictionary, to follow directions, to get main ideas, and to outline. They need to learn the place of skimming, when to read quickly, and when to slow down. They need to learn to evaluate what they read. And they need to find out what libraries have to offer. The rapid learners must also be helped to read critically and to differentiate between fact and opinion. They need to learn how to make inferences and to draw conclusions. They need to gain facility in using

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reference materials. They must adapt their reading speed to the style and difficulty of the material. They need to apply good study habits. To make this a good program, many teachers need help. Last year, a series of ten telecasts were given during faculty-meeting time on Friday afternoons; in-service courses in the improvement of the teaching of reading are regularly given on a city-wide and on a district basis; monthly in-service sessions are held for teachers of remedial reading; and remedial reading teachers help the teachers of developmental reading. My particular responsibility is to act as chairman of a group of teacher-aides in my own school and to work mostly with the new teachers of English. All teachers of reading are observed, and conferences are scheduled on school time to discuss the strong and weak points of the lessons observed. In addition, reading techniques are analyzed, help is given with lesson planning, materials are demonstrated, and needs the teacher has jotted down as they arise are incorporated in the next day's or next week's planning, as the case may be. The Philadelphia Reading Guide contains a bibliography that includes such varied materials as anthologies, books at all reading levels, books for timed reading, workbooks and their correct use, and material on "How to Study." Each teacher is given two books to use, and for additional materials teachers come to the reading room. The program is kept flexible. If a pupil seems misplaced in his class, he is retested and reassigned to a class that suits his needs better. Much planning is done even before the classes meet. That this intensive organizational work is worth doing is shown by the fact that reading scores are improving, that more books are being read by the pupils, and that interest remains high among the pupils and the teachers.

Conformity Through Diversity MARION EDM AN* THE ADOLESCENT who reads at all can usually be guided to investigate

a wide range of subjects. The surveys of reading interests indicate that as his world enlarges its borders, so do the limits of his reading interest. Book publishers have not been unaware of the many and varied interests of adolescents and have tried to supply them with books that not only satisfy their desire to know a world of wide horizons but stimulate them to push those horizons ever farther beyond their present state of development and knowledge. Perhaps in one area writers and publishers have been somewhat tardy. This is the area of books dealing with young people of their readers' own age, living in cultures unfamiliar to the average American adolescent and depicting for him what life is like for those of his own age group under such circumstances. Recently, however, many more books of this type have appeared, and librarians report that they are read with great interest, both by boys and girls. The understanding of other peoples is one of the prime requisites of the modern world. It is considered fundamental in the efforts toward establishing lasting peace in the world. To this end, curricula in the schools have been revamped at all grade levels, from kindergarten through college. Courses and units are now taught, dealing with peoples and cultures that previously were hardly more than names on a page or a passing footnote in a text. The modern world is a small one, and no corner of it can remain distant or strange any longer. To indicate in daily conversation that one does not know the location of Cambodia or the names of the groups of the people one expects to find in Nigeria marks one immediately as being a kind of cultural illiterate who is an anachronism in an age of radio, television, jet travel, and moon rockets. * Professor of Education, Wayne State University, 221

Detroit.

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For these two reasons, then, both largely social in their objective, the adolescent needs and desires to learn whether people still ride camels in Egypt, what big game is found in Africa, what Moslems really believe, and whether Eskimos do anything besides hunt seals. But most important to him are the thousand of other questions of how peoples, particularly those of his own age group in various parts of the world, respond to their environment and how they meet their everyday problems of living. He wants this information, partially, as a logical and sequential presentation of straight fact, as his textbook may give it to him; but, more important, he wants to see it as it relates to everyday life. This kind of understanding can come to him through books dealing with adolescents in many diverse places, and these are available to him in the many good school and public libraries. There have appeared recently a number of books which serve as a kind of bridge between the factual and the fictional approach to an understanding of different ways of life. One of these is Margaret Mead's People and Places.1 In very simple fashion, one of the leading anthropologists clarifies for the young reader some of the most basic concepts of what factors condition life for any given group, and how, despite the great differences that separate them, human beings are bound together by the very humanity of the chief goals toward which they strive. It is necessary to understand these cultures in order to share the advances made in each. This sharing helps bring about the changes that hasten the development of the world for the welfare of all. In somewhat similar fashion, Ruth Underhill, in First Came the Family,2 describes for adolescents the rites and practices concerning family life, courtship, love, marriage, and old age in many places of the world. She is always careful to explain these customs in terms of present economic needs or gives the historical bases for the cultural practice. Thus, wife-lending becomes a normal procedure for Eskimos who cannot go on their dangerous fishing expeditions without a woman to keep their clothes and gear in order and whose wives may not be able to accompany them because of illness or the need to care for 1

Margaret Mead, People and Places (New York: World Publishing Co., 1959). " Ruth M. Underhill, First Came the Family (New York: William Morrow & Co., 1958).

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young children. She points out that this variety and richness of pattern in the ways family life is lived give us the means of evolving a good pattern of living within our own culture. In addition to books of simple anthropology that help adolescents understand the world into which they must grow up, there are fictional books dealing with adolescent life in other countries. These books can contribute to the social and cultural growth of our own youth by first showing how the total environment contributes toward the development of differences among peoples, and second, by making clear how their common basic goals and objectives bind all humanity together in its greatest endeavor—to live in peace and to strive for the maximum use of the earth in the growth and development of all individual human beings. A sampling of a few titles, recently published and in demand in a junior high school in Detroit, reveals a number of ways in which these understandings are brought out. In Borghild Dahl's The Daughter,3 the kinds of food eaten by the family, the chores to be done in the household, the relationship of people living in the country to those in the city, the amusements of the young people are all a natural part of the cold and long winters of Norway. In Kalena by Esma Booth,4 a young girl in a simple village in Africa finds the sort of house she lives in, the clothes she wears, the relationship of her father's elder wife—the girl's mother—to his younger wife—a girl just her own age—very normal and proper, although to one not looking at life as she does these things might be thought quite bizarre, if not worse. She is beginning to understand, however, that she wants for herself a life that is quite different from the one around her. Young readers in other cultures understand her restlessness and sympathize with her problems. As one lives through the vicissitudes of life in postwar Germany by following the difficulties of the Lechow family in finding food and lodging and work, as told in The Ark, by Margot Benary-Isbert,5 one gains understanding of how a social environment shapes human life as surely as do the physical surroundings. Najmeh Najafi, in Persia "Borghild Dahl, The Daughter (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.. 1956). ' E s m a Booth, Kalena (New York: Longmans, Green & Co., Inc., 1958). "Margot Benary-Isbert, The Ark (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1952).

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Is My Heart,6 makes very clear from a historical point of view the reasons for much that Moslems believe, particularly their attitude toward women. This explanation makes this religion seem not a threat to Judaeo-Christian beliefs nor a violation of the moral values held by other major religions. Even the fierce and primitive men of the Amazon wilds, depicted as they are against a background of the treacherous and relentless jungles of Brazil in Frozen Fire, by Armstrong Sperry,7 seem reasonable human beings whose way of life is conditioned by this hard environment. As the adolescent is thus gradually led to realize that cultural patterns the world over grow out of certain environmental conditions and social needs, he should be able to assess his own world a little more objectively. His revolt against patterns of living that seemed normal and pleasant to him during childhood can perhaps be somewhat tempered by his observation of the ways in which the fictional teen-agers in the books he reads ask some of the same questions about "what is," just as he is asking them. Their ways of adjusting to •what is expected and required of them may offer him some leads in making some of his own adjustments to the society in which he lives. But perhaps the chief development to be achieved by adolescents is n o t social but personal. At this period of life, the human being is •confronted with a barrage of disquieting questions: Who am I? What