Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe: Education Around the World 9781472592491, 9781474243230, 9781472592514

Table of contents :
Cover
Half-title
Title
Copyright
Contents
Notes on Contributors
Series Editor’s Preface
Introduction: An overview of contrasts and similarities of education in non-EU countries in Western and Southern Europe
1. Iceland: Educational structure and development
2. Norway: Formal education and its role in education and development
3. Norway: New approaches to governance and leadership
4. Switzerland: Between the federal structure and global challenges
5. Switzerland: Teacher education
6. Albania: An overview
7. Bosnia and Herzegovina: The impact of an unreformed system
8. Kosovo: An overview
9. Macedonia: Reforms of the education system
10. Montenegro: An overview with focus on higher education
11. Serbia: An overview
12. Serbia: Higher education at the crossroads
13. Micro-states of Western and Southern Europe outside the European Union
Index

Citation preview

Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe

Available and forthcoming titles in the Education Around the World series Series Editor: Colin Brock Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in East and Central Africa, edited by Charl Wolhuter Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, edited by Nadiya Ivanenko Education in North America, edited by D. E. Mulcahy, D. G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Education in the European Union: Pre-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the European Union: Post-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the United Kingdom, edited by Colin Brock Education in South America, edited by Simon Schwartzman Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Takyi-Amoako Forthcoming volumes: Education in Mexico, Central America and the Latin Caribbean, edited by C. M. Posner, Christopher Martin and Yvonne Martin Education in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands, edited by Debotri Dhar and Hema Letchamanan

Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe Education Around the World Edited by Terra Sprague

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA

www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2016 Paperback edition first published 2017 © Terra Sprague and Contributors, 2016 Trevor Corner and Contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-1-4725-9249-1 PB: 978-1-3500-2192-1 ePDF: 978-1-4725-9251-4 ePub: 978-1-4725-9250-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Sprague, Terra, editor. Title: Education in non-EU countries in Western and Southern Europe / edited by Terra Sprague. Other titles: Education in non-European Union countries in Western and Southern Europe Description: New York : Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. | Series: Education around the world | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015030727| ISBN 9781472592491 (hardback) | ISBN 9781472592507 (epub) | ISBN 9781472592514 (epdf) Subjects: LCSH: Education--Europe--Case studies. | Educational change--Europe--Case studies. | Comparative education--Case studies. | BISAC: EDUCATION / Comparative. | EDUCATION / Reference. Classification: LCC LA622 .E38185 2016 | DDC 370.94--dc23 LC record available at http:// lccn.loc.gov/2015030727 Series: Education Around the World Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN

Contents Notes on Contributors

vii

Series Editor’s Preface Colin Brock

xiii



Introduction: An overview of contrasts and similarities of education in non-EU countries in Western and Southern Europe Terra Sprague

1

Iceland: Educational structure and development Jón Torfi Jónasson and Gunnhildur Óskarsdóttir

2

Norway: Formal education and its role in education and development 37 Tone Skinningsrud and Birgit Brock-Utne



1

11

3 Norway: New approaches to governance and leadership Jorunn Møller

59

4

Switzerland: Between the federal structure and global challenges Matthis Behrens

75

5

Switzerland: Teacher education Lucien Criblez

99

6

Albania: An overview Meg P. Gardinier

123

7

Bosnia and Herzegovina: The impact of an unreformed system Valery Perry and Matthew T. Becker

151

8

Kosovo: An overview Dukagjin Pupovci

177

vi Contents

9

Macedonia: Reforms of the education system Ana Mickovska-Raleva

205

10 Montenegro: An overview with focus on higher education Veselin Vukotić

227

11 Serbia: An overview Ana Pešikan

247

12 Serbia: Higher education at the crossroads Stamenka Uvalić-Trumbić

269

13 Micro-states of Western and Southern Europe outside the European Union Colin Brock

283

Index

291

Notes on Contributors Matthew Becker obtained his PhD in Political Science from the University of Mississippi, USA, and was a 2012–13 NSEP David L. Boren Fellow to Bosnia and Herzegovina. He earned his MS in International Affairs (2009) and BS in Political Science (2007), both from Florida State University, USA. His research interests include identity politics, political behavior, political communication, and post-communist transitions. Matthew currently lives in Oxford, Mississippi. Matthis Behrens is Director of the Pedagogical Documentation and Research Institute (IRDP), Switzerland. In this function, he participates in many policymaking boards of the Intercantonal Conference of Ministries of Education (CIIP) and follows actively most of the recent educational reforms. He has worked as a board member of the international Association for the development of evaluation and assessment methodology (ADMEE) since 2002, and has served as president of the Swiss Society for Research in Education from 2006 to 2009. In 2014 he retired but continues some work as educational consultant. Colin Brock is Honorary Professor of Education at the University of Durham, UK, having previously been at the University of Oxford, UK, for twenty-three years including as UNESCO Chair in Education as a Humanitarian Response. One of his other special interests since being UK Education Advisor in the Commonwealth Caribbean in the 1970s has been education in small states, working also in the South Pacific, Indian Ocean, Mediterranean and West and Southern Africa in such states. He has published widely in the field of comparative and international education, and is currently series editor of both Education as a Humanitarian Response and Education Around the World for Bloomsbury. Birgit Brock-Utne is Professor Emeritus and the founder of the master study of Comparative and International Education at the University of Oslo, Norway, having been connected to that university for the last thirty years. She also works as an educational consultant for international donors and local NGOs.

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Notes on Contributors

Lucien Criblez is a Professor at the University of Zürich, Switzerland, where he has served as Chair of Historical Education Research and Governance of the Education System at the Institute of Education since 2008. His main research areas and interests are history of education, policy analyses, school theory, teacher education, history of the educational sciences. Meg P. Gardinier is Assistant Professor of International and Intercultural Education at Florida International University, USA. Her research and teaching interests include international educational development; global education policy; education reform in Albania and other post-socialist contexts; democratic citizenship education; peace, human rights, and global citizenship education; teachers as change agents; gender; and qualitative research. Meg has a professional background in peace and human rights education and has consulted with international organizations including the United Nations and NGOs such as the Hague Appeal for Peace and Save the Children. Jón Torfi Jónasson is a Professor in the Faculty of Teacher Education at the University of Iceland, Iceland. He has served as a Dean of the School of Education and the Faculty of Social Science, both at the University of Iceland. He has written extensively on all levels of the system in Iceland, also in comparative terms, in particular with reference to the other Nordic countries. Ana Mickovska-Raleva is an Education Policy Analyst at the Center for Research and Policy Making (CPRM). She holds a BA in Psychology from the University of Sts Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, Macedonia, and an MPhil from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. During her academic and professional career she has written on issues of teachers’ motivational strategies and implicit theories of intelligence; linking education and the labour market; quality assurance mechanisms in primary and secondary education; as well as implementation of different good governance principles in the education system. Jorunn Møller is Professor in the Department of Teacher Education and School Research at the University of Oslo, Norway. Her professional interests are in the areas of educational leadership and governance, reform policies and school accountability. The interplay between structure and agency is a key aspect in her studies. She has been involved in a range of research projects on school leadership and educational reform and is participating in international research



Notes on Contributors

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networks in the field of school leadership (ISSPP), and in the field of policy and governance across Europe (LE@DS). At present, she is leading a project designed to disentangle the complexity of legal standards and school leaders’ professional judgment with a focus on students’ right to a good psychosocial learning environment and special needs education. The project is cross-disciplinary and funded by The Research Council of Norway. Gunnhildur Óskarsdóttir is Associate Professor of Education at the School of Education, University of Iceland and currently the Head of Faculty of Teacher Education. Her research interests include children’s learning and concept development, classroom research and teacher education. She has been involved in reviewing curriculum guidelines in science and environmental education and has written textbooks and teaching material for primary schools. Valery Perry has worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the late 1990s, conducting research and working for organizations including the NATO Stabilization Force (SFOR), the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI), the Public International Law and Policy Group (PILPG) and several NGOs. She worked at the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo from 2004–11, as Deputy Director of the Education Department, and Deputy Director of the Human Dimension Department. Valery received a BA from the University of Rochester, USA, an MA from the Russian and East European Institute at Indiana University, USA, and a PhD from the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at the George Mason University, USA. She has published numerous articles and book chapters, and has spoken at conferences and policy events in the United States and throughout Europe. A book she has co-edited with Soeren Keil, Statebuilding and Democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina, will be published in 2015. Ana Pešikan is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Philosophy in the Department of Psychology at the University of Belgrade, Serbia. Her professional expertise is in educational and developmental psychology. She is national and UNICEF expert for education, and she was consultant to the Georgian Ministry of Education (1998–2000). She was the Minister of Science in the Serbian government (2007–8). She is one of the founders and member of Education Forum, a think-tank organization for educational issues and a member of the Committee for Education of the Serbian Academy of Science and Art. She is one of the key authors of the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia 2020+.

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Notes on Contributors

Dukagjin Pupovci is Executive Director of the Kosova Education Centre (KEC), the one the most active Education NGOs in Kosovo and the region. As an Education Expert he contributed to the development of the most important policy documents in the field of Education and Research in Kosovo, to a large extent through membership in national policy-making and advisory bodies. He has also co-authored numerous studies and articles on Education and Research in Kosovo, and worked as an education Consultant in several Western Balkans countries. He holds a PhD in Mathematics and is Adjunct Professor at the University of Prishtina, Kosovo. Terra Sprague is a researcher at the Centre for Comparative and International Research in Education and the Deputy Director of the Education in Small States Research Group at the Graduate School of Education, University of Bristol, UK. She is also Convenor for the UKFIET International Conference on Education and Development.Terra’s experience in the education sector also includes consultation, teacher training, and teaching English as a Foreign Language in the small state of Armenia. Terra’s current research focuses upon educational developments within transitional states and Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and environmental resilience in Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Tone Skinningsrud has been connected to the University of Tromsø, Norway, for the last thirty years. She teaches sociology of education, education history and the philosophy of the social sciences. In her doctoral thesis she used Margaret Archer’s morphogenetic approach to the study of the emergence of the Norwegian educational system. Stamenka Uvalić-Trumbić is Senior Advisor on International Affairs, Council for Higher Education Accreditation, USA; Education Master at the DeTao Masters Academy, China; Senior Advisor to Academic Partnerships, USA, and a consultant for UNESCO. Following her appointment as Secretary-General of the Association of Universities of Yugoslavia, Stamenka Uvalić-Trumbić began a twenty-year career in UNESCO, working at its European Centre for Higher Education (CEPES) in Bucharest before moving to Paris to lead its global work on higher education reform, innovation and quality assurance. She has facilitated numerous international collaborative projects and served as Executive Secretary to the 2009 World Conference on Higher Education. That same year she was voted International Higher Education Professional of the Year by her



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peers worldwide. Her work and publications have included reviews of higher education systems in FYR Macedonia (SOROS/World Bank 1994) Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNESCO/UNDP 1996–7), Serbia and Montenegro (UNESCO/ UNICEF 2000). She was also a peer-reviewer of the 2012 Strategy for Higher Education Development in Serbia 2020. Veselin Vukotić is founder, Professor and Rector of the University of Donja Gorica, Montenegro. He is the Head of Postgraduate Studies in Entrepreneurial Economy; founder and President of the Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognoses, Associate of the Institute of Social Sciences in Belgrade and Head of Economy and Transition and Christmas Debate on the Economy conferences. He is also the founder and editor of the international journal Entrepreneurial Economy. He is a member of the Montenegrin Academy of Science and Arts, as well as Vice-President of Mont Pelerin Society.

Series Editor’s Preface This series comprises nineteen volumes, between them looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aimed to provide an insight into the field of international and comparative education. It looked at its history and development and then examined a number of major themes on scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the 18 regions within which to group countries has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example, has four volumes and more than 50 countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, for various reasons rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. This book, although dealing with aspects of Europe, is the only one that does not have any geographical identity in terms of cohesion. Most of the countries concerned do not border each other and some are even surrounded by others, such as Andorra and San Marino. Their only common identity is that they are the countries of Western and Southern Europe that are not members of the European Union (EU). However, most of them have some kind of arrangement with the EU or with one of the member states, which is also true of some of the small states of the tropical island zones. Nonetheless they complete the picture of education in Europe, and I am especially grateful to Terra Sprague for taking on the challenging task of dealing with them in a single volume. This has not been easy because some of them have little visibility in the literature of comparative and international education. One of them, Switzerland was the subject of the work of the founding father of this field. Now, thanks to Terra, all these nations have some, or more, visibility in educational terms. Colin Brock Series Editor

Introduction: An overview of contrasts and similarities of education in non-EU countries in Western and Southern Europe Terra Sprague The analysis of national education systems as covered within the Education Around the World series is principally organized according to geographic areas. To a lesser extent, sub-regional clusters have been identified by affiliation with political structures such as the two previous books in this series covering education in European Union (EU) countries. This methodology resulted in a group of European countries not covered in other European volumes which are disparate in geographic location, stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the Balkan Peninsula. Rather than thinking of the present work as a regional volume, it is perhaps more helpful to consider the book as comprising of three clusters. One of these is concentrated in the Balkans, another is of microstates and this leaves the grouping of Norway, Switzerland and Iceland. One commonality amongst the fourteen countries, areas and city-states covered in this volume lies in them currently being outside the EU, though their links with the EU and their aspirations to join the Union vary considerably. At the time of writing, there are six candidates for EU accession (European Commission 2015). Five of these are covered in this volume: Albania, Iceland, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. In addition, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo are potential candidates which are preparing to join (European Commission 2014). Both Norway and Switzerland maintain strong ties to the EU, but a range of ideological, political and economic matters have remained reasons for citizens to refute EU membership. The historical and political realities and aspirations of these distinct countries necessarily have an influence on their education systems – from their system development to reforms over time and their current priorities. These will become evident within the individual chapters. With such a diverse historical and political range within the present work, it is difficult to identify a common

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Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe

unit of analysis through which to present these educational systems. Two which apply to clusters covered in this volume are briefly noted here before introducing the individual chapters.

Post-socialist educational transformations The body of scholarship concerning post-socialist transition or transformation can be of particular help in understanding the unique educational challenges and realities of the Balkan countries in this volume. McLeish’s (1998, 2003) model of educational transition from authoritarian rule to democratic government can be helpful for analysing what some consider to be identifiable phases of progression. Others, such as Silova prefer to use a less deterministic perspective, arguing that the processes of transformation are not necessarily uniform. This takes greater account of the unique country contexts and the complexity of processes which ‘may take unanticipated trajectories and lead to multiple destinations’, (Silova 2009: 300). This refutes any simplistic ‘replacement of “the old” socialist policies, practices, and values with the “new” Western ones’ (ibid.). Mebrahtu et al. argue that such transitional or transformational states are met with rapid changes which bring on ‘tensions between powerful international social and education agendas, and efforts to improve the quality and relevance of educational provision’ (Mebrahtu et al. 2000: 10). Again, work by Silova and Steiner-khamsi (2008) is helpful here in highlighting such powerful agendas, including what has been termed the ‘post-socialist reform package’. Within the debates on policy transfer, this is characterized as a similar set of educational policies and rhetoric of provision, pedagogy, curricula, assessment, financing and management, which were handed to many of the post-socialist and post-soviet countries in the 1990s, and largely financed by bilateral and multilateral aid agencies and development banks. The process of emerging from socialism itself, was quite unfortunately rife with conflict and indeed war. As such, a second body of work which can be helpful here is that concerning education in situations of conflict. Related disciplines range from education in emergencies, conflict sensitive education, education in fragile states and education for reconciliation (see for example Paulson 2011; Smith 2007). Much of this has however emerged since the early 2000s and focuses upon countries in more recent conflict or emergency, though does address helpful themes for understanding post-conflict education in the Balkan states. Amongst this is the role that education has to play in state building and citizenship.

Introduction

3

Distinctiveness of small and microstates The unique challenges faced by small states in the development of educational policies and the provision of educational services have already been well addressed in this series and will be treated only lightly here. In brief, small states face distinctive challenges and opportunities, often due to their economies of scale, limited human and natural resources and factors of isolation and dependence (for an overview see Crossley et al. 2011). As a distinct area of comparative and international education, the study of education in small states emerged from work for the Commonwealth in the late 1980s as undertaken by Brock (1984). This was later built upon through the 1990s, much of which was supported by the Commonwealth, over half of whose membership are classed as small states and by UNESCO’s International Institute for Educational Planning (UNESCO-IIEP). It remains a pertinent unit of analysis today; enjoying renewed international attention and offering emergent research areas and opportunities for re-theorization (Crossley and Sprague forthcoming; Jules and Ressler forthcoming). Those interested in this area of study will find helpful information about this distinct field of study within the Series Introduction (Brock and Alexiadou 2013) and in volumes which cover small island states of the Caribbean (Thomas 2014) and the Pacific (Crossley et al. 2014). Small states are typically identified according to population, with parameters that range from 1.5 million to around 3 million. In addition to those covered in the chapter on microstates, five of the other countries in this volume can be classified as small. These are Albania, Iceland, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro. Microstates, however, offer a particularly interesting case, which has been less addressed by the discipline. Much of the research into education in microstates has focused upon adult education (Jules 1994) or employment and economic growth (Atchoarena 1993). Those covered here represent a prime area for education in small states research as little has been written about them. Indeed, it has been a challenge to identify previously published English medium material on the education systems in the microstates covered here, resulting in their being treated in a joint chapter to conclude the volume.

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Volume overview The book begins with an analysis of the educational structure and development of education in Iceland. Jón Torfi Jónasson and Gunnhildur Óskarsdóttir then offer a helpful historical backdrop to their description of the structure of the educational system from pre-primary to tertiary, including teacher education and adult education. Within this, they describe the gradual merging of vocational and academic programmes which has occurred since the 1970s, and the publicly debated issues of educational testing and ‘schools for all’ in a country which is typically characterized as inclusive and egalitarian. An analysis of the development of the education system is then offered through a framework of five perspectives: recurrent issues; continuity and gradual change, a long-term perspective; academic drift, and, institutional drift. They also helpfully point readers to other English medium materials for further reading on education in Iceland. Two chapters outline the educational development and contemporary challenges of education in Norway. In the first chapter, Tone Skinningsrud and Birgit Brock-Utne introduce us to the formal education system and the role that Norway plays in global education and development. The chapter is situated theoretically by drawing upon Margaret Archer’s work on educational change. They point out that Norway is part of the Nordic group of countries that continue to use a comprehensive system, along with Denmark and Sweden, which differentiates them from other major European countries. The chapter draws attention to the role of private education and the political battle on this front, as well as recent educational protests before turning to the role that the Norwegian government plays in overseas education development. In particular, the political and historical backdrop is provided to explain its role in the global development scene and the renewed attention that Norway has placed upon education for development is welcomed by the authors. Both Norway chapters acknowledge the debate about whether the education system in this constitutional monarchy is centralized or decentralized and draw upon an evaluation of the Knowledge Promotion reform for examples. The influence of New Public Management (NPM) in the Norwegian educational landscape is also addressed in both chapters, but this is examined in more detail by Jorunn Møller in her chapter on governance and leadership. She provides a contemporary analysis of the challenges to educational leadership, management and teaching, incorporating recent research with current arguments about the

Introduction

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influence of the OECD, PISA and the resulting global emphasis on testing and accountability. This gives the reader a picture of how these influences shape educational policy and practice. Two chapters cover the complexity of education in Switzerland. The first by Matthis Behrens, introduces us to this, characterized by the four different cultural regions, and three official languages. With twenty-six cantons, each with its own Ministry of Education, structure and politics of education is highly intricate. A historical perspective is offered before describing a number of recent reforms. These have included a structural readjustment, Concordat HarmoS, which has harmonized the structure of compulsory school, and reforms in the highly important vocational education and training sector as well as a reorganization of the higher education sector. Behrens reminds us, however, that all these reforms will soon be challenged by an increasing demand for lifelong learning brought about by changing demography in the country. Teacher education is the focus of the second chapter on Switzerland by Lucien Criblez. This provides another historically grounded account, this time offering a description of the teacher education reforms and the intricate interdependencies between reforms in this area and other educational reforms occurring concurrently. Criblez draws upon his own recent research to analyse this puzzle of reform, showing that they do not operate in a vacuum, and exemplifying the need for systematic and holistic approaches. This is done through the introduction of a framework to help readers understand the sub-processes of the reforms in teacher education: tertiarization, academization, scientification, autonomization, concentration, governmentalization, integration and organization. We then move into the Balkan countries, starting with a chapter by Meg Gardinier on education in Albania. Teachers again feature strongly here, but in particular the role that they have played in education reform since 2001 and the priority area they represent for future reforms. Through a description of current provision and recent reforms since the collapse of the communist regime in 1991, Gardinier draws upon numerous data sources and provides the reader with helpful charts to exemplify the points about current policy priorities which reflect demands to prepare the country for EU integration. Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina is explored through the perspective of post-war ethnic identity. Valery Perry and Matthew Becker offer a sobering view of educational reform in a country suffering the ongoing effects of post-war policy development and implementation characterized by a divided education system. Following a broad overview of the politics dominating reform efforts,

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recent empirical research is drawn upon to demonstrate the effect that a lack of educational reform has had on the ethnic identity and ethnic saliency, and civic pride of the students in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Post-war tensions and their impact on the education system are also clearly evident in the chapter on education in Kosovo by Dukagjin Pupovci. Here, the education system can also be described as divided, with power devolved to municipalities in up to the tertiary level. Pupovci highlights the new competency based curriculum and emphasis on teacher training, as well as current priority areas of educational quality in pre-university provision and the expansion of higher education. Tensions persist in a system where instruction is provided in four languages, and where the role of international agencies has heavily influenced reform efforts, which he argues have worryingly failed to result in an improvement of societal welfare. Mickovska-Raleva’s chapter on education reforms in Macedonia presents a prime example of the educational transformation process and post-socialist reform package that was applied across the region. These are described with a critical analysis, as Mickovska-Raleva classifies the different types of initiatives that the country has seen – looking at interventions from abroad as well as locally driven initiatives, and assessing their respective impact. Through this, both successes and some of the worrying pitfalls are brought out, including that although pilot studies have been plentiful, not all have come to fruition, and few have been evaluated. While formal education is the focus, the chapter also provides some helpful commentary about the nature and extent of non-formal education offered in Macedonia. While referring to recent educational reforms as a backdrop, Vukotić takes a different approach in his analysis of education in Montenegro, calling for a paradigm shift in approaches to education. He does so with special reference to the higher education system and provides a case study of one university in Montenegro which is implementing an innovative education model, and argues that a competent student is one who is adequately prepared for global uncertainty. This chapter furthermore addresses the challenges of educational financing, offering a critical analysis of the Montenegrin situation and some alternatives and recommendations for reform to offer sustainable and fair funding for students and institutions. The section on Balkan countries concludes with two chapters on the education system in Serbia. First, by drawing on the country’s 2020 education strategy, Ana Pešikan gives an overview of education from pre-school to upper secondary. She highlights some of the successes made in recent years, to include

Introduction

7

wider social inclusion in schools and the introduction of some quality assurance standards. Warning is given regarding the severe depopulation scenario faced by the country which she argues should be taken into account in future educational planning by paying greater attention to system adaptability and labour market needs to address the widening gap between workforce needs and the secondary school structure. Overall, while there are challenges which remain, Pešikan argues that the country has a strong ground upon which to cope with and address these. Second, Stamenka Uvalić-Trumbić also draws upon a Serbian 2020 vision, this time the Strategy for Higher Education Development 2012–20. The objectives of the strategy are discussed before an analysis of the deterioration of higher education quality is expounded. Some of the issues faced are similarly concerned with Serbia’s population decline, which combined with a proliferation of higher education institutions and programmes, poses a serious threat to the sector. As with other contributions to the volume, attention is paid to the role of the Bologna Process and increasing pressures of university ranking mechanisms. While this chapter may be less optimistic about meeting the challenges faced by this sector of education, Uvalić-Trumbić poses some recommendations to face the pressing challenges, including a call for greater regional collaboration and deployment of distance education. The book concludes with a chapter covering six microstates. Here, Brock distinguishes between microstates and micro nations, with the former benefiting from forms of independence and being acknowledged by other states, while the latter are self-declared and not externally recognized. This chapter provides a glimpse into the education systems of six microstates, namely Andorra, the Faroe Islands, Liechtenstein, Monaco, San Marino and the Vatican City. While classified as microstates, they do take a diversity of forms, ranging from city-states, to principalities and one archipelago. Brock points out that while small states are idiosyncratic, microstates are even more so, making comparability difficult to achieve. Some evident similarities are provided, however, including the fact that most of the six are very wealthy and highly urbanized plus they generally demonstrate strong school performance levels. One frequent challenge is the ability to provide tertiary education, with many of the group relying on neighbouring countries for university access.

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Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe

Conclusions For reasons previously discussed and further illustrated by the chapter overviews, it is challenging to comment on overarching themes of the educational systems covered in this volume, yet this does not preclude the possibility of lesson learning from one another. What is evident from the volume as a whole is a common call in many of the chapters for continued improvements in educational quality. In a number of cases this means the challenge of policy formulation to cope with shrinking populations due to outward migration and decreasing birth rates. Here, lessons can be learnt from small states which have a wealth of experience in operating within economies of scale in order to provide educational opportunities for all. Strategies that have proved successful for small states, particularly at the higher education level, have been regional collaboration and use of technologies including mobile and ICTs (Crossley et al. 2011; Martin and Bray 2011). Along these lines, many of the countries in this volume have already been working to these ends through integrating into the Bologna process and the European Higher Education Area. Another frequently cited challenge amongst the chapters in this volume is increasing pressure from international assessments and ranking mechanisms which are influencing education reforms and policies across the globe. The forces of EU and global politics, of post-war reconstruction, postsocialist transition and neo-liberal practices are evident amongst the education systems covered in this volume. These chapters are beneficial in providing up-to-date descriptions about the educational provision – formal, non-formal and informal. The authors have furthermore highlighted the unique challenges presently facing these education systems, in many cases drawing upon their own recent empirical research. Yet they do not only point to the difficulties, but in many cases also offer recommendations for future changes that can help to meet the distinctive needs of these individual non-EU countries in Western and Southern Europe.

References Atchoarena, D. (1993), ‘Education and Development in microstates’, in K. M. Lillis (eds), Policy, Planning and Management of Education in Small States, 59–75. Paris: UNESCO/IIEP.

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Brock, C. (1984), Scale, Isolation and Dependence: Educational Development in Island Developing and Other Specially Disadvantaged States. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Brock, C. and N. Alexiadou (2013), Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Crossley, M., M. Bray and S. Packer (2011), Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Crossley, M., G. Hancock and T. Sprague (eds) (2014), Education in Australia, New Zealand and The Pacific. London: Bloomsbury. Crossley, M. and T. Sprague (2016), ‘Developing a Bigger Picture: Re-theorising, Applying and Extending the Education in Small States Literature’, in T. Jules and P. Ressler (eds), Is ‘Small’ always Small and ‘Big’ always Big? Re-reading Educational Policy and Practice in Small and Microstates, Comparative Studies Series. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. European Commission (2014), ‘European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations’, European Commission. Available online: http://ec.europa.eu/ enlargement/countries/strategy-and-progress-report/index_en.htm (accessed 4 April 2015). European Commission (2015), ‘Acceding and Candidate countries – European Commission’. European Commission Economic and Financial Affairs. Available online: http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/international/non_eu/candidate/ index_en.htm (accessed 4 April 2015). Jules, D. (1994), ‘Adult Education Policy in Microstates: The Case of the Caribbean’, Review of Policy Research 13 (3–4): 415–32. Jules, T. and P. Ressler (2016), Is ‘Small’ Always Small and “Big” Always Big? Re-reading Educational Policy and Practice in Small and Microstates. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Martin, M. and M. Bray (eds) (2011), Tertiary Education in Small States. Planning in the Context of Globalization. Paris: UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). McLeish, E. A. (1998), ‘Processes of Transition in Countries Moving from Authoritarian Rule to Democratic Government’, in D. Phillips (ed.), Processes of Transition in Education Systems, 9–21, Oxford Studies in Comparative Education. Providence, RI: Symposium Books. McLeish, E. (2003), ‘Post-Totalitarian Educational Transition: To Change a Label is Easy, but to Effect a Comprehensive Change in Practice Represents a far Greater Challenge, European Journal of Education 38 (2): 163–75. Mebrahtu, T., M. Crossley and D. Johnson (2000), ‘Educational Development and Social Transformation in a Global Economy’, in T. Mebrahtu, M. Crossley, and D. Johnson (eds), Globalisation, Educational Transformation and Societies in Transition, 9–19. Providence, RI: Symposium Books.

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Paulson, J. (ed.) (2011), Education and Reconciliation. London: Bloomsbury. Available online: http://www.bloomsbury.com/us/education-andreconciliation-9781441153258/ (accessed 4 April 2015). Silova, I. (2009), ‘Varieties of Educational Transformation: The Post-socialist States of Central/Southeastern Europe and the former Soviet Union’, in R. Cowen and K. M. Kazamias (eds), International Handbook of Comparative Education, 295–320. New York: Springer. Silova, I. and G. Steiner-Khamsi (2008), How NGOs React: Globalization and Education Reform in the Caucasus, Central Asia and Mongolia. Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press. Smith, A. (2007), ‘Education and Conflict: An Emerging Field of Study’, in F. Leach and M. Dunne (eds), Education, Conflict and Reconciliation: International Perspectives. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, pp. 19–32. Available online: http://www.peterlang.com/ Index.cfm?vID=10945&vLang=E (accessed 4 April 2015). Thomas, E. ed. (2014), Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles. London: Bloomsbury.

1

Iceland: Educational structure and development Jón Torfi Jónasson and Gunnhildur Óskarsdóttir

Introduction and a conceptual background Icelandic society generally emphasizes education with an eye to ensuring that every child and young person has an equal right to education, free of charge, in compulsory, upper secondary school and university. There exist relatively few fee-paying institutions at all levels, and all of these receive substantial state or municipal funding, including pre-school. The equal right to education is outlined in the Constitution as well as in the various laws pertaining to the different educational levels. In general terms it may be claimed that the system is inclusive, egalitarian and open. At the turn of the twentieth century, the Icelandic education system was poorly developed – the legal framework for primary education was still largely derived from the framework moulded by the church. During the next hundred years, however, the system became mature, sturdy and fairly advanced, largely being on par with systems in the other Nordic countries. Regular programmes in upper secondary and tertiary education are more open to students at all ages than is normally the case in other countries. While the total Icelandic population did not reach 300,000 until around the turn of the twenty-first century, Icelandic education developed in similar ways to much larger systems, both in qualitative and quantitative terms. This chapter deals with many of the same concerns. Thus we draw attention to the importance of similarities between different systems and warn against over-emphasizing their differences, though they abound of course in the details. Five perspectives that are useful for understanding such system developments in describing the Icelandic education system (Jónasson 2006; Jónasson and Blöndal 2011) will serve as a framework later in the chapter. The first

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perspective brings attention to recurrent issues that emerge, sometimes in different guises. The second perspective can be characterized by the terms continuity and gradual change. While new features are initiated and some changes are constantly taking place, for example schools being established, changing legal frameworks, or factors such as curriculum or attendance rates, these can often be identified by pointing to certain actions or events that are thereby given historical status. Looking more closely, we practically always see a more gradual change where the historical events have clear precursors. Therefore, third, we also emphasize the importance of the long-term perspective, and suggest that short-term changes can often be identified as fluctuations in a robustly developing process. By doing this we note that the regularities in the developments are often hidden by short-term fluctuations. Fourth, we point to various examples of academic drift where institutions and programmes gradually become more academic when using the long-term perspective and this can be noted at all educational levels. The fifth perspective draws attention to what here is called the institutional drift, whereby institutions gradually emerge or change their position within an educational system (normally by moving upwards).

Icelandic education: An overview1, 2 Recently, the Icelandic central government has carried out a reform of the entire school system, with new acts for all four school levels being passed in 2008,3 namely pre-school, compulsory education, upper secondary education, and public universities. In 2010, an adult education act was passed which, however, is aimed exclusively at those who have not already obtained upper secondary education and extends to all age groups above the normal upper secondary schooling age. The global financial crisis in 2008 impinged on the Icelandic economy, which is gradually regaining its strength, but serious cuts have delayed the full realization of the reforms. 0

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16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Upper secondary University educaon. Bologna educaon structure

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Basic school. Grades 1 to 10. Formerly primary Upper secondary. Bachelor Master and lower secondary educaon. Gymnasium, programmes prograComprehensive mmes schools. Vocaonal schools.

Figure 1.1  The basic structure of the Icelandic educational system

PhD programmes



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Figure 1.1 shows the basic structure of the Icelandic educational system and indicates to which ages the system refers, but after compulsory education the age of the students does not necessarily correspond to the numbers shown here. Pre-schools provide education for children until the age of six. Icelandic children normally start formal school at six years old and automatically progress annually throughout ten years of compulsory education. In addition, practically all three-, four- and five-yearolds attend pre-school. Implicit in the main principle of an equal right to education is the compulsory responsibility of schools to attend to the educational needs of each student. Inclusion is the guiding policy but it is not all plain sailing (Marinósson and Bjarnason 2014; Sigurðardóttir et al. 2014). In 2013, three out of 169 compulsory schools operating in Iceland were special education schools with less than 0.4 per cent of the primary school student population. While enrolment in private schools at the compulsory level has slightly increased during the last decade, less than 2.5 per cent of pupils attend the ten privately operated schools. The compulsory system includes primary and lower secondary schools and is financed and operated by local authorities (the municipalities). In contrast, the upper secondary system is operated and financed by the central government, except for the municipalities, which provide up to 40 per cent of building construction costs. The tertiary system is financed by the state, but student fees are collected at some institutions. After completing compulsory education at age sixteen, most students proceed directly to non-compulsory upper secondary school. Since 2010 over 95 per cent of sixteen-year-olds enrol in upper secondary level each year, even though some drop out during the first year. Upper secondary school administration is based on legislation, regulations and the curriculum guide issued by the central government. The structure of the system and the curriculum framework are dictated by the central government, whereas the schools have a rather limited but increasing scope for independent action. Thus, the administrative structure is essentially two-layered, where one layer represents the central government and the other the individual schools. Upper secondary studies are typically four-year programmes (with some notable shorter exceptions), and are intended for the sixteen to nineteen age group (graduating at the age of twenty). Around 100 branches of study are offered, of which over eighty are vocational (Kjartansdóttir 2013). The Icelandic tertiary system is essentially a unified system, similar to those in the United Kingdom and Spain and to some extent the Swedish system. There is also a considerable adult and continuing educational activity in Iceland outside the formal system and this is expanding.

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Literature and data on Icelandic education in English Those wishing to obtain information about Icelandic education can find English language materials in a number of locations. First, the Ministry of Education and Culture4 provides a description of much of the education system in various documents and national curriculum guides in English.5 Under legislation, the principal acts on all levels of education and other legislation relevant to education are available, including Chapter 7 of the Constitution which contains statements about human rights, such as Article 76 on education.6 Second, Statistics Iceland has much numerical data on Iceland and Icelandic education readily accessible in English.7 Third, Icelandic researchers now publish extensively in international journals and participate in numerous international projects.8 A number of journals publish English language material on Icelandic education. Examples include Netla, a web-based reviewed journal with a special section containing English material,9 Uppeldi og menntun [Pedagogy and Education], and Tímarit um menntarannsóknir, Journal of Educational Research (Iceland). In some cases only abstracts are available in English, but in other cases the full articles are written in English. Finally, Iceland is included in the Eurydice and OECD descriptive and comparative publications and participates in a number of international comparisons, which publish reports, notably PISA.

The features of Icelandic education What follows is a high-level overview of the education system with some historical background presented chronologically.

A historical preamble The story of the modern development of the Icelandic system of education begins in the 1860s or 1870s. During that period, a relatively large number of different schools at various levels were established and in the following decades the current system started to form. Thus the Icelandic system of education is less than 150 years old. But historically this would be somewhat misleading, for three reasons. All of these reflect the fact that during the Middle Ages Iceland came under



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the jurisdiction of Norway and later Denmark, which continued formally until 1944. First we note the historical ties with the Church, initially with the Catholic Church and then with Protestant denominations, which were most significant even though the secular and religious ties were clearly inter-woven, due to the influence of the Reformation. Thus the influence of the State and the Church are not easy to distinguish. The roots of Icelandic education extend nearly 1,000 years prior to the twentieth century with schools being established in the two dioceses in Iceland, the first in 1106. The two schools were operated intermittently (especially during the early centuries) until around 1800. But there are, throughout history, also well known cases of education in the home and even private tuition and substantial literary activity took place in the monasteries and nunneries. A Latin school, a legacy of the schools in these dioceses was moved to Reykjavík in 1846. It had been a combination of a gymnasium and initial education for the clergy, but was split up when established in Reykjavík. The gymnasium became a separate institution, while a special school for the clergy was established. This gymnasium was the flagship of Icelandic elite (higher) education for a long time and is still seen as a prestigious gymnasium, perhaps as a primus inter pares in upper secondary education. Second, a considerable non-formal educational approach was taking place outside any special system of education. A primary mover was the Church, not least through the influence of the Pietists during the eighteenth century who played a very active role in initial education. For all intents and purposes, preparation for confirmation was in itself a system of education, with clear aims, criteria, rules, teaching material and an instructional system and manpower to enforce all this. Furthermore there were examples of home teaching and the reading societies, established in many districts during the nineteenth century, which were instrumental in spreading reading material among the population as a form of adult education. Third, Icelandic education was a part of the Danish education system in many respects for a long time. Iceland complied with Danish edicts on education and the University of Copenhagen was also open to Icelanders, who received grants to stay in student housing. A considerable number of Icelanders went to Denmark for various studies, and in fact still do. But Iceland gained gradual independence. An important step for primary and upper secondary education was taken in 1874, and with home rule in 1904 impediments to establishing an Icelandic university were essentially removed. Iceland had gained independence in internal affairs by 1918 and later in

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all affairs by 1944. We now turn to the description of the current system of education.

Higher education According to the European Bologna framework for higher education, which the Icelandic government has accepted as a framework for higher education in Iceland, the university level is largely a 3+2+3 cycle system with essentially no post-secondary non-university track (Jóhannsdóttir and Jónasson 2014). This refers to a first cycle of three years for bachelor’s degree, two years for a master’s and three years for a doctorate. But in perhaps the majority of cases, students take longer to complete the programmes as they have part- or even full-time work alongside their studies. Currently, there are four public and three private higher education institutions operating in Iceland. All are subject to the provisions of the Higher Education Institutions Act of 2006. Additionally, there is the Public Higher Education Institution Act of 2008. The oldest and by far the largest institution is the University of Iceland, established in 1911 to mark the centenary of the major proponent of independence, Jón Sigurðsson. This was nevertheless in an important sense a symbolic event as three of the faculties established were already existing schools, namely of divinity, medicine and law. The number of universities increased after the middle of the twentieth century to the current total of seven. This relatively large number of institutions can be explained in at least three ways; first, existing institutions were elevated to university level without merging though this has happened later in some instances, second, due to a policy of strengthening rural areas and third, because vested interests have managed to retain the independence of certain institutions.

Teacher education An important part of the series of laws enacted in 1907 was the establishment of a school for teachers, Icelandic Teachers Training College, which opened in 1908. There had been teacher education for at least twenty years previously, and girls in the home economics schools were being prepared to teach children at home. The college for teachers was at the upper secondary level until 1971, when it became a university, the Iceland University of Education. The school for pre-school teachers and physical education teachers united with the college for teacher education in 1998. At the University of Akureyri, the



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Faculty of Education was established in 1993 educating at compulsory schools. It soon also educated pre-school teachers and offered a programme for upper secondary teachers. Teacher preparation for upper secondary teachers began at the University of Iceland in 1951, which developed into a one year programme and a similar programme was later developed at the other institutions offering teacher education. The Iceland University of Education was merged with the University of Iceland in 2008 and became one of its five schools. All education programmes, including the diploma for upper secondary teachers, that had been developed in the Faculty of Social Science were thereby moved to the new School of Education. At the same time it was decided that teacher training, for all the three levels, pre-school, compulsory and upper secondary, should be a five-year master’s level programme.

Upper secondary education Upper secondary has two tiers, the academic and the vocational, with the academic being initially more dominant, but the vocational taking over for a period during the early twentieth century, and the academic gaining the clear upper hand around the 1970s.

Figure 1.2  Number of students passing the UEE (the university entrance examination) and passing the journeyman’s examination (sveinspróf) during the period 1875–2012

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There is always a slight problem in defining what should count as vocational programmes and what as academic programmes, but in Figure 1.2 we single out the journeyman’s examination, which has been considered in Iceland the most stable, and generally speaking the most important group, of vocational programmes within the educational system. This includes examination for a host of different trades, inter alia all machine, building, cloth-making and catering trades. The figure shows the substantial parity between the two groups of programmes, namely the university entrance examination (UEE) and the journeyman’s examination from around 1910, when the latter started to emerge as a real option in Iceland right up to the 1970s, when the vocational tracks started to taper off in relative terms.10 There are several likely reasons why attendance at these two types of programmes begins to diverge. With the expansion of tertiary education, along with the flourishing of the service industries and with endless new opportunities in the arts, media and business, the relative attraction of the vocational trades may have diminished. Thus in an important sense there is competition between different programmes and the type that is controlled by a credential expansion (for bona fide reasons) takes over, namely the UEE.11 Currently, there are thirty-two upper secondary schools in the main system and they fall into three chief categories. First, traditional grammar schools that offer only matriculation examination programmes. Second, various vocational schools developed from the late nineteenth century onwards which were specialized, with those offering programmes for the industrial arts emerging as the most prominent vocational schools. Third, since the late 1970s, comprehensive schools have been established, in accordance with the governing policy of opening up schools that offer both vocational programmes and academic programmes for the UEE. Comprehensive schools combine the two former types of schools, not only following the rationale of economy in rural areas, but also serving to help eradicate a perception of unequal status between the different types of programmes. This was also intended to facilitate transfers between programmes and schools whenever students so desire. An explicit rationale for building up the comprehensive system was to allow students to easily change routes. Recently, the vocational schools have been permitted to offer university matriculation programmes, typically in combination with their vocational programmes. This merging of academic and vocational programmes has been a gradual development since the 1970s. It is also a major principle behind the most recent law on upper secondary education, that the status of vocational and academic education should be equivalent within a holistic



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system, such that the UEE might be completed from both the vocational and academic routes. The main pathways within the secondary system are: (1) academic programmes, leading to the UEE; (2) arts programmes; (3) a multitude of vocational programmes such as the industrial arts, which have been the mainstay of vocational schooling; (4) a general programme, mainly intended for those who have not obtained access to the other programmes; and (5) a variety of (normally short) work-related programmes. There are two organizational principles within the upper secondary system: a class based system where the students follow their class from the first grade to the last, and a credit-unit based system where students attend courses with different students depending on the credit-units they need to take. In addition to the thirty-two schools there are a number of schools often classified at the upper secondary level, such as for the police, a film school and a number of schools related to the arts, especially music schools. The 2008 act provides for a new qualification, the upper secondary school leaving certificate taking one-and-a-half or two years, but does not entail any specific courses. Other qualifications provided for are vocational certificates giving professional rights, the matriculation examination and other final examinations which are defined by upper secondary schools that prepare students for certain jobs but give no legally protected qualifications. Finally, upper secondary schools may now begin to offer post-secondary education. The new upper secondary school leaving certificate is aimed at students who do not plan to complete further degrees and one of its main purposes is to decrease school dropout at the secondary level. Whether this will make much difference to students is not clear, since the certificate conveys no rights except to further study at the same school level, which they have anyway. However, this certificate may induce students to complete at least eighteen months instead of one year which many have typically completed before dropping out. This remains to be seen.

Compulsory education The first primary school, which still exists, was established in 1852 and very gradually more schools were established, mainly in the villages or emerging towns. The curriculum was based on the strong Pietist tradition and borrowed from the schools in Denmark, which in turn was much influenced by German standards. A major turning point in the moulding of the education system was a law making education compulsory in 1907, accompanied by a law on

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teacher education and a framework administering the education system. The compulsory period was four years, where children entered the compulsory system when they were ten and left at fourteen. This was a certain break with tradition as many children in the towns were already starting school at seven and would have left at fourteen. This could of course continue, but the law specified the ages for which the State shouldered financial responsibility. Figure 1.3 shows when the compulsory age was first set and then extended, with an indication that there is an extension of one year every fifteen years on average which means, by simple extrapolation, that it may be extended to twelve years around 2020. Figure 1.3 shows the dates at which there was a change in the number of compulsory years in Icelandic education. The extra point in the top right hand corner is meant to show that in 2008 the State guaranteed education for sixteen and seventeen year olds in upper secondary school (i.e. until they are eighteen), but it is not compulsory. Until the 1960s the difference between the rural and urban areas remained quite marked, and it can be suggested that there were two education systems operating in terms of school attendance, one for the urban and one for the rural areas. This distinction was permitted by law for the first two-thirds of the

Figure 1.3  Changes in number of compulsory years in Icelandic education



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century. The law gave the different municipalities some leeway of enforcement, and in some cases attendance was lower than the law stipulated. Figure 1.4 shows a number of important developments by looking at the crude numbers, first, how the compulsory system gradually extends to the age group 6–15 (ten cohorts) and reaches it in 1990. Second, it shows that at times many more students were in the system outside the compulsory age which indicates that the change in law normally only accommodated the current state of affairs. Third, it shows the enormous strain on the system between 1950 and 1970 with an explosion in the number of children the system had to cater for, even though the graph does not show the additional strain due to migration from the rural to urban areas. Fourth, the graph shows, perhaps somewhat unexpectedly, how stable the school population has been since the 1970s. In Figure 1.4, the top line shows the number of children in the age groups 6–15 years during the period 1880–2014. The next line, with filled circles shows the number of children attending primary and lower secondary school as these were organized at any given time. The lowest line shows the number of children who were obliged to attend school at any given time. Only one data point shows school attendance prior to 1907, but quite a large proportion of children attended school at some time prior to this date, but many only for short periods.

Figure 1.4  Cohort size, number of students in school and size of the compulsory group

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A number of educational issues were publicly debated throughout the twentieth century. The issue of testing is a prominent example. Discussion surrounds the extent of testing, the purpose of tests (i.e. for feedback, comparison or monitor selection) and thus, related to this, the stakes involved. There was an entrance examination to the gymnasia, which was transferred to the secondary schools to carry out in 1946. These were fairly high stakes tests determining entrance to the gymnasia. They were retained and became a part of the compulsory final tests in 1974, but the stakes diminished considerably, in the sense that the marks might control into which gymnasia one had access but there would always be some avenues open. These standardized tests were compulsory until 2008, but are still used early in the final year. The importance of standardization seems still to be acknowledged and also the importance of participation in international testing, ranging from the IEA Reading literacy study done in 1991 up to the more recent TIMSS, PIRLS and PISA studies, many of which Iceland has participated in. Much emphasis, both from media and policy, is placed on the standing of Icelandic schools in PISA. Another issue concerns a ‘school for all’. This is, whether or to what extent all children should be in the same schools irrespective of academic performance or ability. The general policy is to offer all children the same choices, but it varies to what extent the schools, or the parents, think this is the best option for all children. Special educational support is available in special education classrooms and in general education classrooms, or most often a combination of both. During the school year 2012–13, approximately 27 per cent of pupils received special education, 33 per cent of boys and 21 per cent of girls, along with attending mainstream classes. Since the 1990s, there has been a substantial increase in pupils with a foreign mother tongue, and they now comprise 6.5 per cent of pupils in compulsory education. Polish speakers are the most numerous, with Filipino related languages, English and Thai speakers coming next. In both the Compulsory School Act and Upper Secondary School Act there are special articles on reception plans for pupils whose mother tongue is not Icelandic.

Pre-primary education The roots of pre-primary education extend to the 1930s, even though it took off during and after the Second World War. Initially nurseries, day-care centres, kindergartens or pre-schools all existed and were run by private or charitable organizations and were mainly intended for children from broken or poor homes. It has been abundantly clear that the provision of any type



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of pre-school education was primarily to provide children from broken homes with a place to stay. Gradually this provision extended to parents who could not provide a stable home environment and then more generally. But as the profession of nursery pedagogues began to form after the middle of the twentieth century, as a professional group they provided a well-argued rationale for the pedagogic importance of these centres. This was gradually accepted by the authorities, who started to assume responsibility for building the facilities and paying the salaries to some extent, but it was on the basis of a welfare policy, not the pedagogic rationale. During the 1980s and 1990s this began to change. In 1985 a pedagogic plan was published by the Ministry of Education (a plan similar to what had been used as a part of the curriculum

Figure 1.5  Percentage of age group attending pre-school

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at the school for pre-school teachers) and in 1991 and 1994 two laws were passed to move the pre-schools into the system, the latter formally asserting the school level as the first stage in the school system. Now it was a school, the staff became teachers and in 1999 a curriculum replaced the pedagogical plan from 1985. Figure 1.5 shows the proportion of the cohorts 0–5 years that attend pre-primary institutions. The normal time for the age groups 2–5 is eight hours. Some five year olds are already in primary school. Pre-school is not compulsory, but Figure 1.5 shows that practically all children aged three, four and five attend these schools, in that sense they could be given a foundation on which the first class in compulsory school can build. This is, however, not done formally, and in some cases not at all. It is noteworthy how many two year olds are attending and even around 30 per cent of the one year olds are already at school.

Adult education In many ways informal adult education has been an integral part of the Icelandic way of living for a long time. With various activities, such as journals, reading clubs, public lectures, such activities became semi-formalized but within a non-formal setting. A major argument for the establishment of Icelandic Radio in 1930 was education at a distance. A correspondence school was established in 1940 in close co-operation with a school run by the co-operatives, Samvinnuskólinn. Later the international discourse on lifelong learning that became prominent in the 1960s and 1970s was quite influential in Iceland and the establishment of a special programme for older people (over twenty-five) was started in one of the new gymnasia in 1972 (it closed at the end of 2014), and subsequently also at several upper secondary schools. The term adult education has a different meaning in different cultures, and quite often it caters predominantly for those adults who are not otherwise within the formal education system. This is the case in Iceland, and from the 1990s there has been a steady development of continuing educational centres around the country that in many respects have formed a ‘new’ mode of education that is outside the formal system. It is gradually becoming parallel to it in some respects. The centres are self-owning institutes, established by the local labour unions, the local upper secondary school and the municipalities in the area with the participation of some industrial firms. They obtain funds from the State, from a central fund, to an extent controlled by the confederation of industries and the labour unions and from fees paid by participants.



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Figure 1.6  Percentage of males and females who have not completed any upper secondary certificate, average for the years 2009–2011. Based on Labor market survey. Statistics Iceland 2013/JTJ

Figure 1.6 gives the percentage of different age groups who have not completed an upper secondary certificate, shown for males and females. This data is the basis of much of the funding of adult education and the consensus that increased completion of upper secondary education is a policy priority. The legal basis for running and funding adult education has been uncertain. In 1992, there was for the first time enacted a law on adult education in Iceland, but this was subsumed under the law on upper secondary education in 1996, and a legal framework for adult education was only re-established in 2010, partly on the basis of the situation shown in Figure 1.6. This new law only

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applied to those adults who had not completed upper secondary education – reinforcing the understanding that adult education is not referring to those who are or will proceed within the formal system. The State provides funds under the umbrella of this law for educational provisions to support this group.

Five perspectives on the development of education Here we will mention important features of the development and standing of the current Icelandic system seen from the five different perspectives mentioned at the beginning of the chapter.

Perspective 1: Constancy or recurrence in the discourse Everything seems to evolve, the times change and so does the educational discourse, both the issues and the terms used. When looking closely at the themes or issues that underlie the educational discourse they appear remarkably stable and persistent, even if the flavour of the debate may change. There are a plethora of clear examples of this, such as where shall the control of education lie, what should be the weight and role of examinations, how segregated can one allow an inclusive system to be, to what extent should the system respond to individual differences and how should one ensure quality control and how central should that be.

The status and development of vocational education An intriguing problem which has been discussed in one way or another from the middle of the twentieth century is the interest in, and status of, vocational education among the potential students and their parents. An important part of the law on compulsory education in 1946 was to strengthen a vocational route at grades seven and eight within compulsory education – but this came to nothing, except for a change that lasted for a few years in some smaller municipalities. A revamp of upper secondary education in the 1970s with the establishment of comprehensive schools was largely to enhance the appeal of vocational education, but also to increase the viability of such programmes, being spread around the country. And practically every government since has vowed to respond to calls from both the vocational programmes or schools, but especially industry to do their utmost to both strengthen and lift the status of



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vocational programmes. They have never succeeded (and perhaps never really tried) but the issue is very much alive.

Curricular issues are not seriously debated Serious curricular debates have been relatively few and far between in Icelandic education even though such discourse is constantly alive at some level in the system. There were sporadically serious debates about teaching methods, right from the eighteenth century (about how the catechism was taught) through a debate related to testing at the turn of the twentieth century, and ‘new school’ efforts during the 1930s and again in the 1970s, but perhaps not so much since. Related to content, the decision to reduce substantially the importance of classical subjects, notably Greek and Latin in the Reykjavík gymnasium in 1905 spurned a weighty debate and it was claimed that this marked the demise of real education as the ‘modern’ languages and natural sciences were given more priority. The introduction of typing and book-keeping at both lower and upper secondary levels in the 1960s evoked no serious debate, perhaps scorn; but to many this was not the task for the system of education. There can be little doubt that the introduction of the OECD-backed new curricula, largely inspired by ideas from the United States in the 1960s and 1970s provoked the most vehement debate in Icelandic curricular history. It proposed much simultaneous change; new methods (guided discovery), new materials (e.g. the new maths) but most notably both new material and the merger of subjects, both in the natural and social sciences. What some saw as the practical disappearance or watering down of Icelandic history was perhaps considered by others as the most serious threat to education as it had been developed, and caused a fierce debate in the early 1980s. More recently, the introduction of a new curricular guide in 2011 was a single, common document for pre-school, compulsory school and upper secondary education and thus a novel step to be taken, emphasizing the holistic nature and continuity within the school system. This overarching curriculum, which presented six fundamental competencies with the focus on literacy, sustainability, democracy, equality, health and creativity, was apparently quite well received, if with some bewilderment as it was not entirely clear what this emphasis exactly meant in practical terms.

Perspective 2: Continuity of development through identifiable phases The second perspective is characterized by continuity in educational development. The advent of new pedagogical ideas, the passing of new laws, the

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establishment of new institutions, all may seemingly signal important initiatives or changes. This is, however, not the way education develops; in most cases clear traces of the precursors to the changes seen can be traced. The causal history in education is not always what it seems, especially when governments attribute important positive educational developments to their action, when often their actions are simply in line with normal developments or perhaps a response to these. In these cases the continuity of educational changes is underestimated. When the precursors to the kindergarten or pre-schools were established in the 1930s, there had been a number of efforts made during the 1910s and 1920s, but these were short lived. When the first primary schools were established in the 1850s, there had been other schools established which were not sustained, but of course a lot of home-schooling had taken place long before that. Maintaining that a continuum best describes the build-up of education in Iceland, it is possible to identify distinct phases of development. One such phase can be noted during the 1870s and 1880s when a number of primary schools were started, but more importantly a number of vocational schools at the secondary level. A second phase is during the first decade of the twentieth century which saw the formal establishment of the primary school system, with the addition of a school for teacher education, formal establishment of a comprehensive vocational school for the industrial arts – a trade school, a commercial school and then the University of Iceland was established in 1911. Around 1930, considerable developments took place, in particular at the upper secondary level and the Icelandic state radio was established with a large educational portfolio, both as a part of the formal system but also outside it; only the latter part came to fruition (due to debates about where the money should come from). During the post-Second World War years – in 1946 and the following years – the whole legal edifice of the educational system was revamped, but some of the changes intended did, however, not come to fruition. In 1946 the school system was essentially redefined, with the six classes of children aged 7–12, defined as primary school (children’s school, the then grades 1–6) and then the middle school, with ages 13–16 (grades 1–4), with grades 1 and 2 being a part of compulsory education, which now covered eight years in total. In 1974, the primary and lower secondary system were reorganized as an eight-year unitary system (7–14, ages of starting first and last grade), gradually extended to ten years (6–15).



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Figure 1.7  Percentage of cohort registered in formal education

Perspective 3: Regularity The third perspective is the regularity of educational development. On the whole the changes are small but consistent, and even when there is some growth it seems to follow a very consistent or regular pattern. When we look at the whole system, undifferentiated, we see very regular, smooth, apparently linear growth, as seen in Figure 1.7. Here we see how the attendance of all groups increases gradually over sixty years. Figure 1.7 shows the proportion of different cohorts registered in formal education during the period 1950–2012. For one cohort group, 20–24 year olds, the slope of the best fit is 0.7, which indicates a 0.7 per cent increase a year on average during this period. Note that no distinction is made between school levels, for example the twenty+ age groups are registered either at the upper secondary or the tertiary levels. Figure 1.8 shows UEE passes for males and females for the period 1912–2012. The number of passes per year is expressed in terms of the twenty year cohort, even though the candidates are of various ages. The best fit lines are assuming saturation at 100 per cent of the cohort completing this examination. For the males an underlying simple exponential line with an

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Figure 1.8  Percentage relative to twenty years cohort

exponent near 0.03, which means a roughly 3 per cent rate of growth, shows that the growth is obviously quite regular for a whole century. The best fitting exponent for females indicates a 7 per cent growth and saturation seems to be operating. But we have two rather startling examples of exponential growth, namely growth of attendance at particular types of institutions or programmes that have the highest status within the system. The first example is from the UEE, where we note that the expansions for males and females are at once very robust and very regular over a very long period. What is perhaps most interesting is that the rate of expansion is very different for males and females (see Figure 1.8). Jónasson (2003) discusses this in detail from the Nordic comparative perspective, showing the similarity amongst the Nordic countries. The other example is the same for university education, where the growth is similarly, robust, regular, predictable and exponential for a very long period, as seen in Figure 1.9 (see also Jóhannsdóttir and Jónasson 2013). It should be noted that there are no signs that these developments will not continue for a long time. There is considerable evidence, not taken up here, that we are noting a universal phenomenon, even though the details vary. Figure 1.9 shows the number of Icelandic university students registered for a whole century, expressed as a percentage of a cohort, which is the average of the age group 20–24 year olds. The smooth line is the best fit of only the numbers



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Figure 1.9  Proportion based on one cohort (average 20–24 years)

from the period 1911–70. Thus it can be assumed that it predicts what happens subsequent to this and the fit is very good.

Perspective 4: Academic drift The fourth perspective is that of academic drift (AD) of individual courses, programmes and even a group of programmes or within whole schools. The first type we mention is when informal or non-formal education gradually becomes a part of the formal system; it becomes more ‘school like’. We also call it academic drift when the activity that is being explored relies progressively more on ‘the book’, on text, on theory, namely on codified, rather than procedural knowledge or practice-based experience. Even when the latter is being emphasized, it is increasingly confined within the school setting rather than in the field of practice. We suggest that there are three categories of AD and are all derived from developments within Icelandic education. The first and the crudest form (the institutional level AD) is when informal or non-formal education gradually moves into or towards the formal mode, where formal refers to the school system. The clearest example of this is when vocational education moved from a non-formal setting, namely from the field to schools, and this occurred in stages throughout the twentieth century, varying according to vocations, and may be

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ongoing. The increased attendance at all types of educational institutions is clearly in this category. Credentialism, which was referred to above, is within this category. We suggest that the increased attendance of pre-school children at school (in Iceland all kindergarten or pre-school activities since the 1990s have been a part of the school system) is also a part of this. So would be the growth of professional master’s programmes, for example MBAs or MPAs which people undertake to enhance their employability where on-the-job experience is no longer sufficient for progression. The second form of AD (the programme AD) is the increased relative strength of general programmes as compared to vocational programmes, most visible at the upper secondary level (see Figure 1.2). Here we see institutions on balance becoming more academically oriented. The third form (the content or substantive AD) is when programmes that were not originally meant to be academic (i.e. not intended to be theoretical and based on book or similar work) drift in that direction. In this category we see the increased tendency at the kindergarten level to emphasize language, reading, mathematical and ICT skills. Also vocational programmes become gradually more theoretical or computer or ‘office’ oriented, as characterizes many vocational programmes. It is a moot point if it is appropriate also to place the drift towards moral, communicative and co-operative competencies within vocational programmes in this category, but the increased demand for these competencies is evident. Seen over an extended period of time the signs of AD at all the three levels mentioned here are reasonably clear even though some can only be discerned with a perspective of a half or even a whole century. The pre-school is an interesting example of drifts numbers one and three, as for a long time there were no institutions available, they gradually came into existence during the middle part of the twentieth century as child-care centres were formally converted into school in the 1990s (with changes in terminology, from child minders to teachers, and from pedagogical plans to curricula) and more recently with debate as to whether or not there should be more emphasis on literacy and ICT skills.

Perspective 5: Institutional drift The last perspective presented here is that of institutional drift. This is seen when a set of activities gradually become institutions, or when individual or a group of institutions become formalized or drift, normally upward, in the educational system. This can happen either of their own accord, but more often through



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governmental intervention. Iceland offers several examples of such change. The first was when the old gymnasium was split into two parts in 1846 with one part becoming an academic preparatory school (and thus relieved of any vocational or professional component) while the other part became a professional school for the clergy. Then we have gradual drift of a number of schools from upper secondary level through tertiary level to university during the latter half of the twentieth century. This was followed by an amalgamation of upper secondary or tertiary institutions into existing universities. At the (lower) secondary level a whole spectrum of different kinds of secondary schools was combined into a simplified school system in 1946. This left, however, a number of loose ends, which were tied together in 1974 by including these into the unified compulsory school. Then a law describing the whole education system in Iceland was also enacted. The upper secondary system started to form with the establishment of comprehensive schools in 1973, but it was in 1988 that a law on upper secondary education first attempted to unify all the different upper secondary schools clearly into one system, with the next step taken in 1996. The institutionalization of the pre-school sector is in some respects similar to the unification of lower secondary education in 1946, as here there were a number of quite different institutions (nurseries, day-care centres, kindergartens, pre-schools), having different origins and purposes, that were gradually unified into one kindergarten or nursery school. This has now become a unified institution, a pre-school, which is formally the first stage in the school system, even if it is not compulsory. This formalization took place in stages from 1973 and was completed by the 1990s. It is still possible to find people who only attended school for two to four years. Presently, however, children starting pre-school can expect to attend formal education for 20–25 years before they are expected to enter the labour market (but it should be noted that many work alongside school). This profound development has taken less than a century. It was also noted above that adult education is becoming institutionalized in two ways. First is the gradual movement of non-formal education towards the formal system, as programmes are becoming more stable and partly recognized by the schools. Second is the recognition of prior learning, or learning outside the system, which is also an interesting form of institutionalization. Using a long-term perspective, we can see, as if in slow motion, how the system gradually forms at all levels, and gradually moves towards a holistic, unified, fairly academic institution, even though we are not quite there yet.

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Concluding remarks The Icelandic system is a small one, but it has a similar structure to much larger systems and has developed in a similar way. We have used five different perspectives to guide a discussion about the development at all its levels. Upper secondary and tertiary education have a long history, even though their development as a system is more recent, while the history of primary and pre-school education is even shorter. The discussion has been focused on the macro features of educational change and important invariants. Education policy and provision in Iceland continues to be a changing landscape. Taking into account a recent White paper published by the Ministry of Education and Culture in 2014, it appears that forthcoming emphases may include the enhancement of literacy among all ages and decreasing dropout rates from upper secondary schools.

Notes   1 Commemorating the centenary of the institution of compulsory schooling in 2007 in Iceland an extensive history in two large volumes was published covering most aspects of pre-school, primary and secondary education in Iceland covering the period referred to (Guttormsson 2008). The abundant material therein will be a continuous basis for the present discussion without referring much to it; this would be overwhelming, and the text referred to is in Icelandic.   2 The data presented is normally from the Statistics Iceland website Education unless otherwise specified, see http://www.statice.is/Statistics/Education   3 See reference to all these acts and a link to all of them in English at http://eng. menntamalaraduneyti.is/Acts   4 The website is http://eng.menntamalaraduneyti.is/   5 Icelandic national curriculum guides, http://eng.menntamalaraduneyti.is/ publications/curriculum/   6 The constitution is to be found at http://www.government.is/constitution/   7 Statistics Iceland, http://www.statice.is/   8 Much is now written on Icelandic education in Icelandic and much of the recent material is available on the web. The search tool leitir.is is useful to find material, in English and Icelandic.   9 Netla, articles on education in English, http://netla.hi.is/articles-in-english 10 Data for males and females separately would have shown somewhat different patterns as the bulk of the vocational students are males.



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11 In order to give the complete picture a correction for the age of the students would be required. In both groups there are students of all ages, but the relative spread in the journeyman‘s examination is greater. If we only presented data for the age range 19–22 who completed these examinations, the gap would be much wider.

References Guttormsson, L. (ed.) (2008), Almenningsfræðsla á Íslandi 1880–2007 [Public Education in Iceland 1880–2007]. Reykjavík: Háskólaútgáfan Jóhannsdóttir, G. and J. T. Jónasson (2013), ‘The Development Dynamics of a Small Higher Education System: Iceland – A Case in Point’, Netla – E-journal. Jóhannsdóttir G. and J. T. Jónasson (2014), ‘External and Internal Influences on the Development of Icelandic Higher Education’. Nordic Studies in Education 34: 153–71. Jónasson, J. T. (2003), ‘Does the State Expand Schooling? A Study Based on Five Nordic Countries’, Comparative Education Review 47 (2): 160–83. Jónasson, J. T. (2006), Frá gæslu til skóla [From Care to School – On the Development of the Pre-school in Iceland], Reykjavík: Rannsóknarstofa um menntakerfi. Félagsvísindastofnun. Jónasson, J. T. and K. S. Blöndal (2011), ‘The Development in Icelandic Education: the Situation in 2011 in the Perspective of a Century’, in P. Mikiewicz (ed.), Social Capital and Education. Comparative Research between Poland and Iceland, 52–95. Wrocław: University of Lower Silesia. Kjartansdóttir, S. H. (2013), ‘OECD Review: Skills beyond School National Background Report for Iceland’. Paris: OECD. Marinósson, G. L. and D. S. Bjarnason (2014), ‘Special Education Today in Iceland’, in Umesh Sharma, Anthony F. Rotatori, Festus E. Obiakor, Sandra Burkhardt and J. P. Bakken (eds), Special Education International Perspectives: Practices Across the Globe, 271–309. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Sigurðardóttir, A. K., H. Guðjónsdóttir and J. Karlsdóttir (2014), ‘The Development of a School for All in Iceland: Equality, Threats and Political Conditions’, in U. Blossing, G. Imsen and L. Moos (eds), The Nordic Education Model: ‘A School for All’ Encounters Neo–Liberal Policy, 95–113. New York: Springer.

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Norway: Formal education and its role in education and development Tone Skinningsrud and Birgit Brock-Utne

Introduction Norway was established as a separate nation-state with its own Constitution in 1814, after an almost 400-year union with Denmark. Denmark ceded Norway as part of the Kiel Treaty following the Napoleonic wars. Subsequently Norway entered a looser union with Sweden. After 1814 a separate Norwegian government was established in the capital of Christiania (later renamed as Oslo) and Norwegian state authorities assumed responsibility for education within its geographical boundaries. Policy borrowing and the adaptation of ideas from abroad are not new in Norwegian educational policy. At an early stage of nationhood the Norwegian government financed a number of studies by prominent members of Norwegian society who travelled abroad, to Germany, Scotland and the United States, to research ways of developing its own educational institutions (Brock-Utne and Skinningsrud 2008). The present day influences from ideas with a global currency are more pressing and converge on a common policy for all countries.

Norwegian education in a theoretical perspective In order to situate this article theoretically we will draw attention to British sociologist Margaret Archer’s classic study of educational change (Archer 2013 [1979]), which employs a structure and agency approach. This, among other things, entails seeing education as a result of what people want and have wanted of education and what they have been able to do about it. Educational change does not result from ‘“hidden hands or evolutionary mechanisms […]”, it results from agents, individuals or groups, who want change and have the

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power to bring about change’ (ibid.: 2). Groups acting as agents for change may be political parties, interest groups or non-governmental organizations having an interest in, or a vision for, change. Agency refers to purposeful actions guided by ideas that entail visions for change or a desire to protect the status quo. A basic premise in Archer’s theory is that ideas have effects and are developed and changed only to the extent that they are adhered to and acted upon by people (Archer 1995: 245–6). Educational politics, processes of contestation and controversies sometimes produce change, sometimes reproduce the status quo, and more often than not result in changes that are not intended, that is, unintended consequences (Archer 1995; Brock-Utne 2007). In pursuing a structure and agency approach to the study of recent and current educational change in Norway, with an emphasis on agency, we will focus on the standpoints of recent governments, the national political parties and some of their most prominent members. We thereby focus on the ‘interaction’, namely the contest and conflict among ideas, interests and political actions that constitute current policy controversies, which over time may result in changes to the educational system. These political controversies will be seen on the background of structural features of the Norwegian educational system as centralized, egalitarian and with a very small private sector. The small private education sector is a typical characteristic of centralized systems in general (Archer 1984: 80).

Centralization In distinguishing between centralized and decentralized educational systems Archer defines centralized educational systems as those where the state plays the leading part. Though all modern educational systems are linked to the state, state policy plays a more decisive role in centralized than in decentralized systems. In centralized systems, processes of change are mainly top-down and initiatives for change come from the political centre. Political demands and grievances are channelled to the central political arena, where the important negotiations and decisions are made. In studying change in centralized systems ‘[…] it is possible to concentrate almost exclusively on interaction which culminates in the passing of legislation, decrees or regulations […]’ (Archer 1984: 127). Opinions are divided among Norwegian researchers whether the Norwegian educational system is centralized or decentralized. Norwegian researchers investigating the impact of new public management reforms on Norwegian education have claimed that neo-liberal and market-led policy has resulted



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in decentralization in all the Scandinavian countries. In Sweden, the policy of decentralization has brought about the introduction of private schools. In Norway, decentralization has been achieved by the devolution of authority from the central to the local level (Volckmar and Wiborg 2014). However, Skinningsrud (2014) has pointed out that since the early 1990s, the structure and processes of the Norwegian educational system have conformed to the typical characteristics of a centralized educational system in becoming more unified and less differentiated (autonomous) (Archer 2013: 173–82). Educational provisions, especially in upper secondary education, have become increasingly uniform and standardized. The teaching profession and the educational system have lost much of their autonomy. Similarly, Afdal (2013), in a comparative study of policy processes in Norway and Finland, claims that the teaching professions have little influence on policy for teacher education. In Norway, teacher education policy is mainly negotiated by politicians, while in Finland, the policy process to a greater extent involves academic expertise and the professions involved in teacher education. Afdal’s observations support the claim that the Norwegian educational system works as a centralized system, a system whereby politicians operating on central policy-making arenas have more influence than the teaching professions. Also, an evaluation of the Knowledge Promotion reform (Møller et al. 2013) has concluded that the structure of governance in the Norwegian educational system is highly centralized, now more than ever. During the implementation of the reform, measures of decentralization allowing more local autonomy were modified, and the state increasingly introduced central control of local level practices (ibid.). What may have escaped the attention of some of the researchers who argue that the Norwegian system has become decentralized as a result of new public management reforms is the phenomenon of ‘steering at a distance’. Kickert (2005 [1995]), in a much-cited article, coined this phrase as a description of a radical innovation in the public governance of higher education in the Netherlands in the late 1980s. Briefly, it entails ‘ex-post facto adjustments based on quality assessments of results – in other words, feedback control output’ (ibid.: 135). Steering at a distance diverges from the use of legislation, prohibitions and regulations, which are the classical means of governance, by delegating responsibility to educational institutions, thereby increasing their autonomy. Kickert emphasizes that steering at a distance is also an alternative to deregulation, privatization and government withdrawal (ibid.: 135). It is a ‘genuine

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attempt to improve government effectiveness’ (ibid.: 136). ‘Steering at a distance should not be confused with no government control at all […]’ (ibid.: 147). The formulation of educational goals at the central level of policy making, combined with freedom at the local level in choosing the most effective means of reaching state goals, is still state steering.

Egalitarianism In comparative perspective, Norwegian education has been characterized as egalitarian. Several studies have pointed out that Norway is part of the Nordic group of countries that have adopted comprehensive schooling, which entails no selection procedures during compulsory education. Until the age of fifteen, the whole age cohort of pupils attends the same type of basic education institutions, which follow the same national curriculum plan. In this respect, Norway, Denmark and Sweden differ from other major European countries, such as England and Germany, that during the 1960s and 1970s made an effort to introduce comprehensive schooling, but never succeeded in transforming their system into a comprehensive one (Wiborg 2008). Thus, Norway represents what has been labelled ‘the Nordic Model of education’, marked by its egalitarian structure (Blossing et al. 2014). The Norwegian comprehensive system has deep historical roots. Already in 1889 a National Reform Act introduced seven years of basic compulsory education for all (folkeskolen). In 1896, pupils from this common school were allowed entry to secondary education. At the same time, the secondary school curriculum was thoroughly modernized. By the end of the nineteenth century the study of classical languages, Latin and Greek, was reduced to an option for the few, and was only retained in a limited number of schools (Skinningsrud 2012). During the twentieth century, basic compulsory schooling was further extended to nine years (in 1969) and ten years (in 1997) and its non-selective nature has been retained all along.

Private schools Historically Norwegian private schools have played a very minor role. Already during the sixteenth century, after the Lutheran Reformation in DenmarkNorway, private schools were forbidden by Church law (Kirkeordinansen), which regulated both Church life and education. The Lutheran reformers, in Germany as well as in Scandinavia, shifted the major responsibility for



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education from the Church to the secular authorities. The Church continued to have a strong influence on education, and the state did not succeed in abolishing all private schools. However, Lutheran conceptions that education should serve both the spiritual and the secular regiment justified the removal of schools from exclusive Church control (Witte 2002; Skinningsrud 2012; Thuen and Tveit 2013). During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries state policy of prohibiting private schooling was maintained. Repeated state orders to local authorities demanded the closure of private town schools (Thuen and Tveit 2013: 494). The upsurge in private education during the nineteenth century, when a majority of upper secondary education pupils attended private schools, was an exception, and throughout the major part of the twentieth century, private schools steadily declined. From 1900 to 1920, private preparatory primary schools in the Norwegian capital decreased by two-thirds, from thirty to fewer than ten (Dokka 1988: 113). From 1900 to 1959, the percentage of pupils of compulsory school age in private schools decreased from 3.5 to 1.5 per cent. In 1950, among secondary school pupils, only 5 per cent attended private schools. Presently, about 3 per cent of compulsory school pupils attend private schools (Statistics Norway 2012). The enrolment rate in Norwegian private schools is low compared to the other Scandinavian countries. In Sweden and Denmark the percentages enrolled in private institutions in 2011 were 12 per cent and 15 per cent respectively (ibid.). One can safely say that the public non-selective community school is the distinctive characteristic of Norwegian basic education (Brock-Utne 2000a). Despite the insignificant number of pupils attending private schools, the debate over private schooling has been one of the most heated controversies in Norwegian educational politics. The modern controversy over private schooling started towards the end of the nineteenth century. Resistance against private schools reached a peak when in 1917, the Labour Party programme declared that private schools should be eradicated (Høigård and Ruge 1963: 207–9). Private schools went into decline, but subsisted, and in 1970 the first Norwegian Private Education Act was passed. This was the result of the policy of a coalition government between the Conservatives and the Christian People’s Party. Their main argument in support of the act was an appeal to the parental right to choose education for their child. This freedom would not become real unless private schools received public funding. Through the parliamentary proceedings three main criteria were added as conditions for public funding of private schools: (1) being innovative and

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experimental in their pedagogy, (2) having a particular emphasis on religious or ethical education, or (3) fulfilling quantitative needs in the state educational system. The act allowed up to 85 per cent of school running costs to be supplied by the state. Since 1970, the Private Education Act has gone through several changes and modifications. In 1985, when the act was debated in parliament, a new political consensus was established. The Labour Party accepted private schools as long as they did not present a threat to public sector schools. The party acknowledged that some private schools might have a positive influence on public schools by practising alternative pedagogics. The Steiner schools – in other countries called Waldorf schools – which have existed in Norway since 1926, were mentioned in particular (Thuen and Tveit 2013: 504). Moreover, since the enrolment in private schools was negligible – only 3 per cent of pupils in upper secondary education and only 0.7 per cent in primary and lower secondary education – private education did not threaten public education (ibid.: 502). In the early 1990s, new issues concerning school fees, teacher salaries, bonuses to principals and the question of for-profit and non-profit schools were raised. In 1992, the Labour government proposed an amendment in the Private Schools Act (§27), stating limits to fees, which should not be higher than what was required to maintain the same standard in the private school as in equivalent public schools. The Christian People’s Party which, in alliance with the Conservatives, in 1970 had supported public funding of private schools, now joined the Labour Party in introducing economic restrictions on the schools. Now the divergence between these two political parties came to the fore. The Conservatives were against economic restrictions on private schools, while the Christian People’s Party favoured restrictions. To the Christian People’s Party the main issue was to safeguard parental choice of education. However, they did not wish to increase social inequalities by encouraging expensive private schools. In 2003 the political battle over private education took a new turn. A new Private Education Act was introduced. Private schools were renamed ‘free schools’. The coalition government, led by Kjell Magne Bondevik from the Christian People’s Party and with the minister of education, Kristin Clemet, from the Conservatives, a spokesperson for neo-liberal marketization of public services, wanted to encourage the establishment of more private schools. They removed the conditions for state funding from the law, namely the ones concerning alternative pedagogics and religious emphasis. Instead, quality through competition was put forward as the main issue. The minister claimed



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that the mere increase of free schools would lead to competition among private and public schools and increase the quality in all schools (ibid.: 504). When the Labour Party and its coalition partners (the red/green coalition) took over the government in 2005, the legislation on private education enacted during the previous government was one of their first points of attack. Attempts were made to reverse previous policies on private schools. The name of the institution was changed, from ‘free schools’, with positive connotations, to ‘private schools’, with more mixed meanings. The three major conditions for public funding were reinstated, with even narrower conditions for public funding. Alternative and experimental pedagogics was not enough to justify a private school; it had to practise ‘a recognized pedagogical system’. In practice only the Steiner schools and the Montessori schools were seen to fulfil the criteria (ibid.: 504). Since the recent change to a blue/blue government in 2013, the issue of private schools has resurfaced. A few months after its instatement a temporary amendment to the Private Schools Act was suggested. This would allow the ministry to approve private schools that did not fulfil the criteria in the present law. The provisional amendment, which was approved by Parliament in June 2014, indicates the urgency of the present government to encourage more private schools. The proposal for a new and more liberal private education act is scheduled for presentation to Parliament during spring of 2015. A recent incident connected to the choice of school for the Norwegian Princess Ingrid Alexandra illustrates the strong position of the public community school, the egalitarian values among the general public and the scepticism towards private schools in Norway. In June 2014, it became known that Crown Prince Håkon and Crown Princess Mette-Marit had decided to send their daughter, Princess Ingrid Alexandra (aged 10) to Oslo International School (OIS), an extremely expensive international school catering for the children of diplomats and for the richest families in Norway. It is thought that this choice may have several disadvantages for the princess herself and for the perception of the royal family as being part of the general public. First, the language of instruction is English and the princess is likely not to get a good opportunity to develop more academic Norwegian. As a result, she may have trouble grasping subject matter and may learn a version of English which is not the optimal one, since 60–70 per cent of the children attending the school have neither Norwegian nor English as their first language. In this way, she is likely to lose out on three fronts. Second, the pedagogical choice of the royal family has not been debated much, but the choice has been debated from a political viewpoint and is looked upon as a

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threat to the monarchy. It marks a break with the earlier schooling of the royal family. Both the king and the crown prince went to regular public Norwegian schools. The Norwegian monarchy has been based on an assumption that the royal family are ordinary people. There is a famous picture of the late King Olav sitting on the tram to Holmenkollen with his skis during the oil crisis, buying his ticket from the conductor. This is the way Norway wants to picture the royal family.

Current trends – the neo-liberal agenda also hits Norway Over the last twenty to thirty years the EU, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), an agreement negotiated by the World Trade Organization (WTO), have all been influencing the education sector in a neo-liberal direction in Europe. This has been done in OECD countries and in the countries that have included education in GATS (Gulling 2010). Countries in Southern and Eastern Europe have been more influenced by the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which also have their roots in a neo-liberal ideology and have led to the weakening of public education (Brock-Utne 2008). Neo-liberalism is also called market-liberalism because of its emphasis on free market forces. Gulling (2010), with further reference to Harvey (2005), claims that neo-liberalism has been the hegemonic ideology worldwide for the last twenty-five to thirty years. Whereas the World Bank and IMF have been criticized for undemocratic implementation of their policies as conditions for getting or rescheduling loans (see Brock-Utne 2007, 2008; Klees 2009; Samoff 2003), there is a different story when it comes to the former organizations mentioned here. Although there is opposition within the member countries noting the lack of democracy within the EU, OECD and WTO, their politics must be seen as the policies of the member governments. Thus, neo-liberal policies have been implemented by democratically elected politicians in most Western countries during the last quarter of a century (Harvey 2005). One of the consequences of the period of neo-liberalism has been an unregulated capitalist economy that has represented a massive attack on the public sector in the North and the South. Management models like the new public management (NPM) and similar models have been introduced to the public sector. ‘NPM is the transfer of business and market principles and management



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techniques from the private into the public sector, symbiotic with and based on neo-liberal understanding of state and economy’ (Drechsler 2005: 1, in Gulling 2010: 56). Gulling (2010) mentions that, alongside these economic models, a whole set of concepts from the business sector have crept into the vocabulary of the public sector in general, such as cost-benefit, cost effectiveness, efficiency, resource allocation, knowledge management and accountability, to mention a few. Education has come to be seen as a commodity; schools are viewed as production units whose products or output need to be evaluated, compared and monitored in order to check their quality and rate of return. Parents might be called stakeholders as well as customers. In a chapter on the new vocabulary from the private sector now being used within the public sector, Gulling (2010) has chosen to analyse one of the ‘imported’ concepts that has become central in the development of the education sector worldwide and decisive for people’s conception of schooling – namely the concept of accountability. She notes that the idea of accountability entered the education sector of the United States in the period of Reaganomics (Sacks 1999). Gulling (2010 with further reference to Kohn 2000) argues that the concept builds on the belief that Homo economicus needs carrots and sticks to perform. The control that lies in the concept of accountability might be seen as such a stick, and might function for individuals as well as systems. What schools produce should be accounted for. Apple (2006: 90) notes that the problem is not accountability as such, but that the concept has been redefined ‘as reducible to scores on standardized achievement tests, and used inappropriately for comparative purposes’. What Apple actually does is to connect the need for accountability and the test culture. According to Husén and Tuijnman (1994: 4): The systematic collection of evidence about educational performance, as in an indicator system for the monitoring of educational progress, is an important element of evaluation in a model of accountability.

Actually this is common sense; to be able to make complex accounting in education, there has to be testing. If this accounting is to be controlled by unprejudiced people, the results of the tests have to be presented in an unambiguous way. The cheapest way of producing such results is by standardized tests that are easy to correct and code.

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Educational protests and discontent The use of national and international achievement tests in Norwegian schools has had a profound effect on educational policy and practice. Test results for the nation as a whole are seen as indicators of quality for the whole system and are used to legitimate reforms, for instance in the allocation of teaching hours among school subjects. Complaints and criticisms about the excessive use of measurements in Norwegian education come from both teachers and educational researchers.

Teacher complaints Complaints from teachers point to the increasing bureaucratization of teachers’ work, which includes an increasing amount of written assessments and reporting about pupil progress at the expense of actually doing the job of teaching. Teachers feel that their professional judgement is set aside for the benefit of ready-made assessment forms from the municipal public school governors. Teachers are reduced to administrative personnel (Simenstad 2014). These scattered complaints escalated to a media event, when in 2013 two teachers in Sandefjord, a small town in the South of Norway, refused to use the structured assessment form for a biannual report on each pupil, which had been prepared by the municipal authorities (Tallaksen 2014a, 2014b). Instead of ticking ‘low, average or high’ on the various skills and knowledge outcomes, the teachers insisted on writing a full evaluation report on each pupil in full sentences and in a way which was adjusted to each particular pupil. The two teachers were threatened with dismissal for having refused to carry out orders from their employer. However, subsequent to extensive press coverage, 116 teachers in the municipality staged a torch demonstration in support of their two colleagues. By the end of the year, when the pupil reports were due, it turned out that forty elementary school teachers in Sandefjord had followed their two colleagues’ example and had abstained from filling in the standardized forms. A few days later a group of parents launched a Facebook group called ‘Parents against management by objectives’, which grew to about 6,000 in the course of two weeks (Marsdal 2014). A theme in the discussion of this event was to what extent politicians can instruct the teaching profession in how to do their job as teachers. The steady decrease in the professional autonomy of teachers, which seems to have been



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the effect of neo-liberal and NPM-inspired reforms, may have come to a turning point. Recently, a former top official in the Ministry of Education, Ole Briseid, in a newspaper portrait interview, claimed that national and international testing have gained too much importance in educational politics, and that the broad mission of Norwegian schools is badly served by teaching practices that are almost exclusively oriented to produce high scores on PISA tests (Jakobsen 2014). Unfortunately, some of these NPM reforms may be difficult to reverse. Still, the view that loss of professional autonomy for teachers is detrimental to the improvement of schools seems to be gaining traction.

Researcher critiques – the PISA tests The Norwegian version of the PISA tests1 is being worked out by the Department of Teacher Training and School Development at the University of Oslo (Kjærnsli and Lie 2006; Grønmo and Olsen 2006; Roe 2006). Sjøberg, a colleague of the above-mentioned academics, gives examples of how PISA exerts a negative influence on Norwegian educational policy, providing critical points of two categories (Sjøberg 2006, 2012). The first category relates to problems inherent in the PISA undertaking itself, which he argues cannot, therefore, be ‘fixed’. He states that it is impossible to construct a test that in a fair and objective way can be used across countries and cultures to assess the quality of learning in ‘real-life’ situations with ‘authentic texts’. Problems arise when the brave intentions of the PISA framework are translated to concrete test items to be used in a great variety of languages, cultures and countries. The requirement of ‘fair testing’ implies by necessity that all local, current and topical issues must be excluded. This runs against most current thinking in, for example, science education, where ‘science in context’ and ‘a localized curriculum’ are ideals promoted in the Norwegian curriculum as well as in other national curricula and also by e.g. UNESCO. The second category of critical points relates to some of the rather intriguing results that emerge from analysis of PISA data. It seems that pupils in highscoring countries also develop the most negative attitudes to the subject. It also seems that PISA scores are unrelated to educational resources, class size and so on. PISA scores also seem to be negatively related to the use of active teaching methods, inquiry based instruction and the use of ICT. Whether one believes in PISA or not, such intriguing results need to be discussed. Sjøberg (2012) raises some basic questions about why OECD has initiated the PISA project. He sees the intentions of PISA as being strongly related to the underlying political commitment of the OECD to a competitive global free market economy.

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Norwegian aid to education in developing countries It is a general agreement among the Norwegian public that Norway ought to give aid to developing countries. No matter what government is in power, Norway strives to give 1 per cent of its GNP for development aid. How much of this money is spent on education and whether a strategy for education in development is worked out, however, varies from government to government. Norwegian official development assistance to education has been profoundly shaped by the political and ideological attitudes of successive national governments. Yet successive coalition governments of highly contrastive kinds can similarly be seen to have been strongly influenced by the policy content, language and underlying assumptions of World Bank thinking about education and development, especially since the introduction of structural adjustment programmes and the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers. To an increasing extent, the traditional and much-praised independence of thinking evident in Norwegian bilateral aid has been subsumed by uncritical adoption of World Bank policy stances, usually imposed uniformly, irrespective of local conditions and preferences (Brock-Utne 2007). This means that the educational policies adhered to by a specific government to be used in Norway may not be adhered to when it comes to development aid to the education sector. For instance, the social-democratic government ruling Norway from May 1986 to October 1989 (the second government of Gro Harlem Brundtland) was a great supporter of the Norwegian public school system and against privatization of schooling. The minister of development in 1988/89 Kirsti Kolle Grøndahl, who had earlier been a minister of education, did much to increase the amount of the aid budget in Tanzania going to education. She did not have any possibility to follow up how this money was used, however. It was actually given to a fund developed by the World Bank, the National Education Trust Fund, to give money to the building of private secondary schools – a policy which collided with the educational policy of Tanzania as well as the domestic educational policy of the social-democratic government of Norway (Brock-Utne 2000b, 2007). While education was high on the development aid agenda under the liberal/ conservative government from 1997 to 2005, education was low on the agenda of the red/green government from 2005 to 2013. The minister of development in the liberal/conservative government under Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik was Hilde Frafjord Johnson, a social anthropologist who was born in



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Tanzania and speaks Kiswahili fluently. She increased the part of the aid budget going to education, worked out a policy paper and declared that as minister of development she saw education as job number one. The aim, she declared, was an increase in the proportion of the development aid budget going to education from 10 to 15 per cent. Johnson gave several talks during her time as minister of development. She was in favour of localizing the curriculum, using a familiar language as the language of instruction, and avoiding an uncritical transfer of the education system of the North to the South: In this respect, the language of instruction is central. We must not repeat the previous mistake of copying Western systems of education. The only kind of educational system that is responsive to national and local needs is one in which all stakeholders have a say. (Johnson 2002a, cited in Breidlid 2006: 263)

This rhetoric went down well with all who are concerned with education in the South and who would like developing countries to be able to decide on and design their education systems themselves, build their education on local roots, take what they would like from Western education, but be their own masters. In another speech held in Abuja in Nigeria the same year, the minister spoke highly of the need for institutional capacity building in the South. Was this what was done? To what extent did Norwegian aid help to strengthen local educational systems or promote institutional capacity building? Unfortunately, Johnson gave way to the neo-liberal thinking of the World Bank on education (Brock-Utne 2007). The red/green government that came into effect in 2005 announced that less money would be given to the World Bank and that it was critical to the conditionalities set up by the World Bank for developing countries including privatization and ‘cost-sharing’. But at the same time the successive ministers of development, under the leadership of Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, decreased the amount going to education, and one embassy after the other was told to cut down on its education portfolio. The red/green government never managed, in the eight years of its existence, to come up with a new strategy for education and development. The minister of development, Erik Solheim, from the Socialist Left party, unlike his predecessor, seldom spoke about education when he talked about development. In a meeting dealing with development on 23 January 2007 the secretary of state, Anne Stenhammer, admitted that education was less visible under the new government than it had been under the previous one. She indicated, however, that Norway had recently refused to give the World Bank 200 million Norwegian

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kroner for the global Education for All (EFA) movement because Norway would not accept that the money should be given with conditions which force developing countries to privatize and liberalize their education sector. The red/green government wanted to promote the same educational policy abroad as they do at home, she said, and this meant working for improvement of the state sector and government schools. At that meeting Ms Stenhammer advised that the government was currently formulating a new strategy for education and development. That strategy never appeared. Also the share of the aid budget going to education had sunk from 13.5 per cent when the red/green government took over from the conservative three-party coalition in 2005 to 7.2 per cent at the end of its term office in 2013 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2014: 6). Most recently, those working within the field of education and development have welcomed the news that both the Prime Minister Erna Solberg, the Foreign Minister Børge Brænde and his next in command Hans Brattskar (all three from the Conservative party) announced that when it comes to development aid, education would be the top priority of the new government. Norway, according to them, wanted to be a leading nation within the education for development sector. A higher percentage of the aid budget would go to education. New staff were hired in the foreign ministry to deal with the education sector and one of the first white papers the new blue/blue government presented to Parliament was a strategy on education for development (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2014). The strategy was officially launched in Oslo in June 2014. The fact that education for development was given renewed attention is encouraging. But the strategy itself is disappointing. While in several places the strategy says that aid to the education sector will be given according to Norwegian priorities, it is hard to find what these priorities are, aside from those mentioned by the World Bank (2011) and the 2013 EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2013). It is said in the introduction that the main emphasis in the strategy is placed on what Norway can contribute when it comes to education in developing countries (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2014: 7). The fact that Norway with a population of 5 million uses its own language, Norwegian, as the language of instruction all the way from kindergarten through primary, secondary and tertiary education, is an example developing countries could learn from. Neither such a contribution from Norway to an international debate nor other contributions with a specific Norwegian stamp are, however, much discussed. What could Norway contribute? The strategy mentions the following three main aims for Norwegian assistance to education in developing countries:

MM

MM

MM

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All children should be given the same opportunity to enter and complete basic education. All children and young people should learn basic skills and be prepared for adult life. As many children as possible should be given skills which will ease their transition to a life of work and which will improve the conditions for economic growth and sustainable development on a broad scale.

The last of these three aims is very much in line with the educational priorities of the new government.2 Vocational education has been singled out as a priority area for domestic educational policies in Norway. In a review of the priorities of Norwegian non-governmental organizations working with aid to education in developing countries, the review team found that many of these organizations were also concerned with the teaching of employable skills (Brock-Utne and Mercer 2014c). The first two of these aims are rather general, however, and it is difficult to see that they have a special Norwegian imprint. Nothing is, for instance, said about the language in which children and young people should learn basic skills. We could as Norwegians contribute with our own experiences concerning the importance of using a language of instruction which is familiar to both teachers and pupils. The strategy mentions that 250 million children who have attended primary school for at least four years have not learnt to read and write. It does not mention, however, that most of these children are taught in a language they have no command of. Norway with 5 million people has three official written languages: the Sami language spoken by the indigenous population of Norway living mostly in the north of the country, and two written Norwegian languages. The Sami language is very different from the two Norwegian languages. For many years, Sami children were treated the way most African children are treated today. They had to cope with a language of instruction in school which was foreign to them and were punished for speaking their own language. This situation in Norway fortunately changed about fifty years ago and now there are both primary and secondary schools where the language of instruction is Sami and textbooks in all subjects have been printed in Sami. This experience gives Norway something with which it can contribute to international development. Under the 400 years of Danish colonization, Danish was the official language of Norway. After Norway’s independence in 1814 and entry into a looser union with Sweden, a Norwegian written language built on the Danish written language and the language spoken in the major towns, especially Oslo, developed. This

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language, called ‘bokmål’ (book language) in Norwegian, seemed unfamiliar and colonial to people in rural areas who spoke many different dialects. A Norwegian linguist and author, Ivar Aasen (1813–96), travelled the country, listened to the various dialects and came up with a harmonized written language built on the many rural dialects. This language is called ‘nynorsk’ (New Norwegian) and is the second written language of Norway, a language all school children must learn. Ivar Aasen taught us that the many dialects could be harmonized into one written language. In Africa there is a great need for harmonization of written forms of dialects which, because of the work of Western missionaries, have been written differently. This is the type of work Norway could support (Brock-Utne and Mercer 2014a, 2014b). The only time the language of instruction is mentioned in the international development strategy is in connection with ‘indigenous populations and other language minorities’ (2014, p. 23). About these children, the strategy mentions that they are subjected to discrimination since the language of instruction in school is not the language children know best. But this is not the case only for minority children in Africa but also for the majority of the population (Brock-Utne 2014a, 2014b). There are about 130 million people speaking Kiswahili in Africa and yet Kiswahili is not the language of instruction in any secondary school in Africa. Norway has experienced the importance of using Norwegian, the mother tongue of most Norwegians, as the language of instruction in school. At the same time, foreign languages, especially English, are taught. They are taught well by teachers with a good command of these languages and who are experts in teaching foreign languages.

Co-operation between universities in the South and Norwegian universities For about thirty years a part of the Norwegian budget going to development aid has been allocated to Norwegian universities, and in later years also colleges, to build up a research and competence building co-operation with universities in the South. The programme, called the Norwegian Programme for Development, Research and Education (NUFU),3 has supported partnership-based academic co-operation between researchers and institutions in developing countries and their partners in Norway focusing on research, education, capacity building and institutional development. NUFU has had its main seat in Bergen and has had local North-South committees at all the Norwegian universities. These



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committees have been responsible for screening applications for funding and going through reports from the projects.4 The NUFU programme was terminated in 2013 and was replaced by the Norwegian Programme for Capacity Development in Higher Education and Research for Development (NORHED),5 which is administered by NORAD, the Norwegian Agency for Development Co-operation. This change is going from a situation where the professional players, the professors in the North and the South, have been in the lead to a situation where NORAD administrators are the ones setting the agenda. The change from NUFU to NORHED has similarities with the situation Afdal (2013) describes when she compares the current policy formation on teacher education in Norway and Finland. Under the NUFU programme, the policy-making process to a greater extent involved academic expertise and the professionals who are involved in higher education. Under the NORHED programme, the development of policy relies mainly on the schemes worked out by NORAD bureaucrats according to a new public management model. This may not be fit for co-operation between academics in the North and the South. It lacks a focus on research and publications and emphasizes reporting according to a logical framework with quantifiable data in the form of baseline parameters, targets and outputs. The change from NUFU to NORHED, which is deplored by academics both in the South and the North, took place under the red/green government. For many academics it felt like a blow to academic freedom and symmetric partnership, and a victory for the new public management regime which seems to have a life of its own no matter which government is in power.

Conclusion This chapter provides a contemporary analysis of contested issues concerning formal education in Norway with a further discussion on policy issues regarding Norway’s role in educational development. It introduces key aspects of contemporary critique of the Norwegian educational system, and the role that neo-liberalism has played in policy development, along with a description of current politics in Norway. The chapter further provides a comparison between Norway’s domestic educational policies and those it employs when giving aid to developing countries. The chapter benefits from a theoretical backdrop by offering readers insights from the work of Margaret Archer.

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Notes 1 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is an international comparative study of school systems in several countries initiated by OECD. The aim is to test the knowledge of fifteen-year-old pupils in mathematics, science and literacy. The study takes place every third year with different emphasese on the three knowledge areas. 2 See: http://norskteknologi.no/Bibliotek/Nyhetsarkiv/2013/Barekraftigyrkesutdanning/ (accessed 1 December 2014). 3 Abbreviation is from Norwegian: Nasjonalt program for utvikling, forskning og utdanning 4 See: http://siu.no/eng/Front-Page/Programme-information/Development-cooperation/NUFU (accessed 7 July 2014). 5 The Norwegian Programme for Capacity Development in Higher Education and Research for Development, http://www.norad.no/en/front/funding/norhed/ (accessed 8 October 2015).

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South: Introduction to Multicultural and Comparative Education, Education and Development], 190–204. Bergen: Fagbokforlaget. Sjøberg, Svein (2012), ‘PISA: politique, problèmes fondamentaux et résultats paradoxaux’, Recherches en Education 14 (Septembre): 65–81. Skinningsrud, T. (2008), ‘Komparativt perspektiv på framveksten av statlige utdanningssystemer’ [A Comparative Perspective on the Emergence of State Educational systems], in B. Brock-Utne and L. Bøyesen (eds), Å greie seg i utdannings-systemet i nord og sør: Innføring i flerkulturell og komparativ pedagogikk, utdanning og utvikling [How to Survive in the Educational System in the North and in the South: Introduction to Multicultural and Comparative Education, Education and Development], 135–49. Bergen: Fagbokforlaget. Skinningsrud, T. (2012), ‘Fra reformasjonen til mellomkrigstiden. Framveksten av det norske utdanningssystemet’ [From the Reformation to the Interwar Years. The Emergence of the Norwegian Educational System], PhD diss., Tromsø: The University of Tromsø, Norway. Skinningsrud, T. (2014), ‘Struktur og prosess i det norske utdanningssystemet på 1990- og 2000-tallet. Et makro-sosiologisk perspektiv’ [Structure and Process in the Norwegian Educational System. A Macro-sociological Perspective], Norsk Pedagogisk tidsskrift, 4: 222–34. Simenstad, L. M. (2014), ‘Opprør i emning…’ [An Uprising Catching Fire …], Klassekampen 2 (April). Statistics Norway (2012), available online: https://www.ssb.no/en/utdanning/ statistikker/utgrs/aar/2012-12-14 (accessed 8 October 2015). Tallaksen, S. (2014a), ‘Vil ikke ha barna I skolen’ [Parents Do Not Want Their Children in School], Klassekampen 24 (January). Tallaksen, S. (2014b), ‘Vil ikke ha målehysteriet’ [Do Not Want the Measurement Obsession], Klassekampen 29 (January). Thuen, H. and K. Tveit (2013), ‘Privatskolane – vere eller ikkje vere? Fire hundre år i motgang og medgang, [The Private Schools – To Be or Not to Be? Four Hundred Years of Adversity and Prosperity]’. Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning 54 (4): 493–508. UNESCO (2013), Global Monitoring Report (GMR) 2013/14, Paris: UNESCO. Volckmar, N. and S. Wiborg (2014), ‘A Social Democratic Response to Market-Led Educational Policies: Concession or Rejection?’, in U. Blossing, L. Moos and G. Imsen (eds), The Nordic School Model. London: Springer. Wiborg, S. (2008), ‘Neo-liberalism and Universal State-education: The Cases of Denmark, Norway and Sweden 1980–2011’, Comparative Education, 49 (4): 407–23. Witte, J. Jr. (2002), Law and Protestantism.The legal Teachings of the Lutheran Reformation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. World Bank (2011), ‘Learning for All: Investing in People’s Knowledge and Skills to Promote Development’, World Bank Group Education Strategy 2020. Washington, DC: World Bank.

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Norway: New approaches to governance and leadership Jorunn Møller

Introduction The Norwegian education model entails equal opportunities and access to the educational system regardless of social background, gender, ethnicity or geographical location. The role of educational institutions in creating civic society has also been emphasized in this model. The Norwegian school system is a predominantly public system, which means that state authorities run most schools and universities. Education is free at all levels. There is no streaming in compulsory schools, and more than 95 per cent of Norwegian students are enrolled in regular classes. This is based on the ideology that all children, irrespective of physical or mental disabilities or learning difficulties, should be integrated as much as possible into the ordinary school system. In addition, the post-war educational ideology has implied a strong state as well as a loyalty to, and acceptance of, state steering. Still, in this context, municipalities have been seen as relatively independent political institutions. The population in Norway is dispersed, and many of the schools are quite small. In 2013–14, less than 40 per cent of students in compulsory education attended schools with fewer than 300 students; however, that percentage is decreasing every year, and many small schools have been closed during the last five years (Norwegian Directorate of Education and Training 2014). During the last two decades, newer sets of public management approaches which were borrowed from the private sector have been introduced in education. These approaches include performance measurement, quality indicators, incentives and accountability to mobilize educators’ efforts in order to improve student outcomes. At the same time, Norway has experienced increased migration, resulting in substantial student populations with ethnically non-mainstream

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heritage. The immigrant population is a heterogeneous group, comprising immigrants from 208 different nations. Schools have to deal with intensifying tensions between the need for increasing test scores on the one hand, and the need to equalize learning opportunities and accommodate cultural differences on the other. This chapter aims to explore the relationship between school leadership and newer forms of accountability in Norwegian schools. The chapter represents a synthesis of findings based on different research projects in which the author has been involved during the last ten years. It includes Passionate Principalship: Learning from Life Histories of School Teachers (Møller 2005); ‘ISSPP – the International Successful School Principalship Project’ (Møller 2006; Møller 2012a); ‘The Role of Administration and Institutions in the Implementation of an Educational Reform (the Knowledge Promotion) in Norway’ (Møller 2012b; Møller et al. 2013) and ‘LE@DS; Leading Democratic Schools’ (Møller and Skedsmo 2013; Skedsmo and Møller 2014). These studies build upon a comprehensive set of sources and data, including content analysis of key policy documents, interviews with key actors at different levels in the education system, national surveys sent out to the same target groups, and qualitative in-depth studies of selected schools. Findings based on a literature review of research on school leadership and accountability during the twenty-first century in Norway (Møller, forthcoming) are included as well. The chapter starts by providing an overview of new approaches to governance followed by new discourses of accountability. The next section examines the links between managerialist-influenced policies and the new way of framing professionalism. It also examines how measures of performance are used as governing tools with possible consequences for how teachers and school leaders think about their work. This section is followed by a discussion of the principals’ role in relation to current national policies. The analysis suggests that the tradition of striving for equity through the centralized welfare state governing is changing towards a school policy based on evaluation, managerialism and competition among schools. This change has largely been influenced by recommendations made by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), even though the ideas contained in such recommendations are going through a process of adaptation influenced by culture and traditions. It seems like the national government and local educational authorities place a lot of faith in assessment tools to improve practice and that test results tend to set the agenda and legitimize new policy initiatives.



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New approaches to governance Like many countries in the Western world, managerialist-influenced policies have attempted to restructure the provision of education in Norway during the last few decades. The aim has been to reduce public expenditure and bureaucratic structure by fostering competition and marketization of public services (Christensen and Lægreid 2011; Pollit and Bouckaert 2011); furthermore, such attempts have been carried out with the explicit intent of strengthening the equalizing function of schooling (OECD 2003; OECD 2012). The approach, which is often labelled as ‘New Public Management’ (NPM), generally includes the following six main elements: hands-on and entrepreneurial management, standards and measures of performance, output controls, decentralization of public services, competition in provision, private sector styles of management and discipline in resource allocation (Hood 1991; Gunter and Fitzgerald 2013). NPM also usually converts relationships between professionals and clients into customer relations. The theoretical origins of NPM can be traced to a variety of theoretical perspectives, such as public-choice theory with its focus on marketization, decentralization and contracting out; agency theory which focuses on setting standards and performance regulation; and managerialism which supports horizontal management structures, accountability and private networks (Gruening 2001). Thus far, Norway has been characterized as a case of cautious experimentation with private sector principles (Christensen and Lægreid 2011). In the education sector during the 1990s, NPM mechanisms mainly produced consequences for the restructuring of the local school administration in terms of deregulation, horizontal specialization and management by objectives. Explanations have been related to Norway’s long tradition of a comprehensive public school system, a political-administrative culture characterized by the rule of law, co-operation with teacher unions and strong egalitarian norms in the society (ibid.). During the 1990s, NPM did not directly challenge the established tradition of schooling, but the development of NPM approaches sped accelerated when Norway was listed among the ‘lower-performing’ countries within the OECD according to the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) and other international tests at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Pressure for increased school accountability became a distinctive hallmark of the present period of educational reform. Problems of fragmentation caused by decentralizing initiatives during the 1990s were addressed by balancing centralization and decentralization (Skedsmo

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2009). Examples of such initiatives include the establishment of the National Quality Assessment System (NQAS), which was introduced in 2004–6 in concert with the latest national curriculum reform, the ‘Knowledge Promotion’ reform (LK06). In White Paper No. 30 (2003–4) it was argued that the new governing model was motivated by the problematic PISA findings and concerns about reducing disparities in educational outcomes across different social groups. Therefore, teachers and school leaders were required to do better than before, which suggested that schools had previously failed in certain important aspects. During the last ten years, the political focus has shifted between right-centre to left-centre and there has largely been a broad consensus about education policy across political parties. In many ways, the implementation of NQAS and LK06 has shaped the area of education ever since (Møller et al. 2013). The new approach to governing implied increased central regulation since it enables national authorities to retain some control over output through measuring and evaluating educational outcomes. This could be described as a shift in the Norwegian education policy from the use of input-oriented policy instruments towards a more output-oriented policy. The new approaches included strong leadership, performance measurement, quality indicators, incentives and accountability to mobilize educators’ efforts in order to improve student outcomes (Møller and Skedsmo 2013; Skedsmo and Møller 2014). In White Paper No. 30 (2003–4) it was emphasized that schools should be accountable for student performance, which is generally defined as measured achievement on tests in basic academic subjects. Nevertheless, Norway has maintained a commitment to the welfare state, and regulatory instruments also include input regulation. The Education Act defines norms, acceptable behaviour and students’ rights; it also provides a framework for what is not allowed. The Norwegian Education system is still regulated by over 400 rules; while some aspects imply a low level of discretion in interpretation and enforcement, other aspects contain a high level of discretion within schools. At the same time, there is a growing tendency of juridification in the public services in general. Users’ rights are associated with laws and regulations, and local authorities and schools interact with users who are knowledgeable about their rights and connect with individuals in similar situations through social and digital networks. This compels school leaders at all levels to anchor and justify practices based on the law, such as administrative decisions in individual cases. No doubt, school leaders are expected to understand the law in order to fulfil their role as civil servants (Welstad 2011).



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New discourses of accountability Within the new approaches to governing Norwegian education, accountability has become a dominant theme in the public debate, clearly implying new expectations of public reporting. Accountability means having to answer for one’s actions, and particularly for the results of those actions. It is a multilayered concept which defines a relationship of control between different parties, but it is also connected to trust. As such, accountability is a social practice pursuing particular purposes, defined by distinctive relationships and evaluative procedures (Ranson 2003). The discourses of accountability are often a mixture of several forms (Elmore 2005; O’Day 2002; Sinclair 1995; Sirotnik 2005). The forms differ in the way they respond to the following four key questions: Who is accountable? To whom are they accountable? For what are they accountable? What are the consequences of the accountability regime? Within new modes of governing, ‘to whom’ usually refers to the district and/ or state agencies, while ‘who’ is often the local school (O’Day 2002: 305). Accountability refers to a person’s position in a hierarchy and responsibility towards superiors concerning tasks that are delegated, and it focuses mainly on monitoring inputs and outputs. In the English language, it is possible to lexically distinguish between accountability and responsibility, although accountability to some extent has replaced responsibility. In Norwegian both of these concepts refer to the same meaning, namely responsibility. Responsibility concerns the obligations that teachers and school leaders have to each other as professionals in answering questions about what has happened within one’s area of responsibility and providing a reliable story of practice to parents and students, including what has happened and why it has taken place. Accountability, on the other hand, is by and large located in hierarchical practices of bureaucracy. Public trust is to be secured by specifying performance compliance (Møller 2009). Ranson (2003), based on the English context, argues that new educational accountability has been more about regulation and performance than about educational improvement, local capacity building and the encouragement of democracy in schools. It seems as though accountability has become not only a tool within the system but has come to constitute the system itself. In 2006, Norwegian authorities started to carry out annual national inspections of municipalities and schools, at first focusing on students’ rights to special needs education and to a good physical and psychosocial environment, as stated

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in the Education Act. In the White Paper 31 (2007–8), ‘Quality in Schools’, national inspection was considered to be an important regulatory tool to reveal lack of legal compliance. However, inspection was not only about checking how legal standards were applied; County Governors should also provide guidance in their communication with local authorities (Hall and Sivesind 2014). Last year a Conservative government was elected, and it is yet to be seen if they will seek to develop school inspection in a more evaluative direction. So far, it seems like the emphasis on guidance has been strengthened along with a focus on the extent to which schools comply with legal regulation. In concert with the recent curriculum reform, LK06, national tests in reading, mathematics and English have been introduced in primary and lower secondary schools. Compared to the ways in which accountability practices related to high stakes testing have been implemented in other countries, such as England or the United States, however, there is little pressure put on teachers and school leaders in the Norwegian education context. Hopmann (2007) has aptly coined the Norwegian response to new accountability expectation as ‘muddling through’; that is, planning, coordination and reporting on a local level, with no real stakes and with inconclusive outcomes. However, since the introduction of tests and other types of measurements, the Norwegian press have generally reported with a negative bias, placing the spotlight on those schools that have performed badly in attainment measurements. Using public sources, the press have reconstructed ‘league tables’ of aggregated student achievement; until now, however, the Norwegian government has officially opposed the public ranking of schools. With the exception of regulations in some of the big municipalities, at present, managerial accountability has had limited consequences for school leaders; it is also difficult to identify tough consequences at the local level. It is the counties and municipalities that are legally responsible for the quality of the public schools, but the extent to which assessment systems are in place varies from one school governing body to another. However, as long as the media continues to blame poorly performing schools, this spotlight brings heightened levels of stress within the schools themselves (Elstad 2009). Both principals and teachers struggle to create legitimacy for accountability practices that are mandated; furthermore, they have become more concerned with evidence and justifying practice. Hence, accountability policies also influence principals’ and teachers’ work in a low-stakes context such as Norway (Mausethagen 2013).



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Links between NPM and a new form of professionalism Evetts (2009: 248) has argued that it is possible to identify a new form for professionalism which may be linked to the NPM mode of governing. The new form includes elements of change as well as continuity. She has contrasted the following two ideal typical forms: (1) organizational professionalism, and (2) occupational professionalism. Organizational professionalism includes rational-legal forms of authority, hierarchical structures of responsibility and decision-making and standardized work procedures and practices; it also has faith in external forms of regulation and accountability measures. In contrast, occupational professionalism incorporates collegial authority and involves relations where employers trust practitioners. Practice is guided by codes of professional ethics monitored by the profession itself. Evetts has argued that newer sets of public management approaches may be described as a promotion of organizational professionalism, but she also assumed that most actual cases will fall somewhere between these two ideal types. These two ideal types have also been used as a lens to examine the framing of professionalism within a Norwegian context. It is possible to identify changes in leadership discourses which are closely connected to the new construction of organizational professionalism in policy documents. For instance, strong leaders who promote a learning organization are often contrasted with compliant leaders who transferred their responsibility for student learning to teachers. While compliant leadership will contribute to failure and create an obstacle to school improvement, strong and visible leadership promises success in the improvement of student learning (Møller and Skedsmo 2013: 344–5). Another study which investigated constructions of teacher professionalism created by Norwegian education policy-makers and Union of Education Norway showed how the discourse constructed within the teaching profession usually highlighted how practitioners’ autonomy and discretionary judgement are important aspects of professionals. The discourse at governmental levels, however, emphasized the use of organizational objectives and accountability measures and argued for standardized criteria and assessment regimes. The union seemed to maintain a strong resistance to accountability policies. At the same time, they constructed themselves as future-oriented in order to give the concept of professionalism other meanings as a response to education policy discourse focusing on more control-oriented forms of professionalism. In sum, on the one hand, teachers have become more concerned with evidence and

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justifying practice. On the other hand, they are more resistant in terms of the tools that are implemented to enhance outcomes (Mausethagen 2013). Such responses from teachers will probably indirectly influence the principal’s room to manoeuvre. In practice, school leaders are increasingly experiencing a work environment that takes the form of public educational discourse in media, where benchmarking and test scores are at the forefront and efficiency demands overshadow professional interests. Up until the 1990s, trust in the teaching profession was a dominant feature of Norwegian education, but during the last two decades trust in results has increasingly dominated the public debate (Uljens et al. 2013). According to current national policies in Norway, it seems the key to improvement lies in the use of performance data, and in particular, students’ national test results. A lot of faith is placed in assessment tools to improve practice, and test results tend to set the agenda and legitimize new initiatives at national level (cf. Spillane 2012). In some of the big cities economic incentives have been connected to management contracts to motivate school principals to achieve performance targets set by the elected politicians in the municipality (Skedsmo and Møller 2014). While using national test data in reading and mathematics to hold principals and teachers accountable provides some aspects related to teaching and learning processes, other subjects like social sciences, music and art are in danger of receiving less attention. Particularly in an education system like Norway’s, in which education should be inclusive and comprehensive with no streaming and with easy passages between the levels, principals and teachers experience daily tensions between raising test scores and the need to accommodate cultural and socioeconomic differences among students. Although the Education Act does not allow permanent ability grouping, standardization at group level is increasingly becoming a means to fulfil the requirements for differentiated teaching according to individual needs and abilities among students. As such, there is a risk of sacrificing equity in the enactment of evidence-based governing regimes.

The principal and his/her role in relation to current national policies For many years, there was no specific training for Norwegian principals; only sporadic courses were offered for in-service education. Therefore, school



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leadership was interpreted as dependent upon the inherent organizational talent of each individual person. The country also has a long history of framing school leadership as first among equals (the term has been used to refer to the most senior member of a group of equals or peers). Since the early 1970s, national and regional authorities have encouraged in-service training for principals (Møller and Schratz 2008). From 1980 to 2000, broad national in-service programmes supported such efforts. During that period, the dominant teacher unions strongly contested the need for formal, university-based preparation programmes for school leaders. According to the unions, previous experience as a teacher was a sufficient and substantial qualification to work as a principal. Furthermore, the unions argued for keeping this as a career path option for teachers. At the start of the new millennium, however, the situation changed completely, and the unions began to argue for formal education programmes in leadership and management. In addition, several universities and colleges began to offer master’s degree programmes incorporating educational leadership (Møller and Ottesen 2011). In national key policy documents it was argued that leadership was the vehicle for the modernization project in education and for school improvement (Møller and Skedsmo 2013). This trend intersects noticeably with policy agendas put forward by the OECD through the international ‘Improving School Leadership’ project, which highlighted the significance of school leadership in improving students’ learning. In 2009, the Norwegian Minister of Education and Research, influenced by the OECD project, launched a national education programme for newly appointed principals. Thus far, the programme is not a mandatory requirement and the local municipalities still play a key role in providing in-service training for teachers and school leaders. In many municipalities more evidence-based approaches to school governing have been developed along with new national expectations related to the use of performance data to enhance educational quality. This mode of local governing also influences how we think about accountable school leadership. Accountability is nothing new in the context of Norwegian education. Politicians and citizens have always taken for granted that schools should be accountable to the mandate given by a particular society and to the local community of which they are a part. It has been expected that principals and teachers perceive a duty to adhere to the standards of the profession. However, the ways school principals and teachers have shaped their conceptions of accountability vary across schools. During the last ten years, the demands on school principals (and teachers) have increased significantly, and the change

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is largely due to the introduction of national testing and performance-based accountability policies, which implies that managerial accountability is given stronger emphasis. While principals ten years ago had the option of paying little attention to managerial accountability (Møller 2005), the shift from the use of input-oriented policy instruments towards a more output-oriented policy is increasingly changing the dominant discourses around school leadership and accountability. There is no doubt that these shifts affect how principals think about their work, how authority is defined, and to whom and for what they are accountable (Elmore 2005). The change in leadership discourse is demonstrated in the findings of a five-year study on the role of administration and institutions in the implementation of the latest educational reform in Norway (Møller et al. 2013). The new constructions in the Norwegian context highlight the principal as a person with primary concern for pupil outcomes, excellence and effectiveness, although the orientation towards caring and democracy is still part of the construction. Therefore, new elements have been added and placed at the forefront of these new constructions. At the same time, stable aspects of leadership, such as relational work and attending to the broader aims of education, are prominent in the findings across the different studies (Møller 2012b). The findings also revealed many tensions and ambiguities in new modes of governing, and the data indicated the multi-layered character of autonomy and control in school leadership. It is not a simple either/or position. However, there is a huge variety across local educational authorities in terms of how the practice of leadership has been changed to meet these demands. While some of the big cities have implemented explicit standards and measures of performance for principals and schools (Skedsmo and Møller, 2014), in many small municipalities managerial accountability is still something that is anticipated to happen ‘sometime’ in the future (Møller et al. 2013). Not only do educational authorities vary in their approach, there is also variety regarding how schools cope with managerial accountability. It appears that schools with a higher level of professional or internal accountability are more skilled at positioning themselves vis-à-vis external authorities and managerial accountability. For instance, the study of successful principals in Norway (Møller 2012a) demonstrated how policy-makers add a lot of pressure to the role of school principals and how successful principals continually work hard to mediate government policy and external changes in order to integrate them with the school’s values. The focus of successful principals was on developing professional accountability and understanding how to work strategically



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and ethically in their own context. Such strategies helped them in responding to external environments (Møller 2012a).

Summing up In this chapter, the relationship between school leadership and new forms of accountability in Norwegian education has been examined and discussed. The analysis shows how new approaches to governance include expectations of strong leadership, performance measurement, quality indicators and managerial accountability to mobilize teachers’ and principals’ efforts to improve student outcomes. A lot of faith is placed in assessment tools, and test results tend to legitimize new initiatives both at national and local levels. Furthermore, the shift towards a more output-oriented policy affects to some degree how school principals think about their work. At present, with a few exceptions, the new discourse of accountability does not seem to have direct consequences for school principals, but the new accountability policies do influence principals’ and teachers’ work in a low-stakes context such as Norway. In addition, studies demonstrate that there is significant variety across municipalities and schools regarding how leadership practice is changing to meet new external demands. Whether Norway will maintain its legacy of valuing the common school for all as a tenet of equal educational opportunity probably depends on how Norwegian politicians adopt the new international ideas of quality in education. The new approaches to governance and leadership in Norwegian education have important implications – both intended and unintended – for future schooling. Even though it is more or less impossible to predict the long-term consequences of these approaches, a couple of arguments are offered by way of conclusion. The Norwegian discourse of governance and leadership at a policy level echoes the international discourse promoted by the OECD where performance orientation represents a main pillar and is closely connected to output control. Data may act as a powerful tool in education, but it can be used both positively and negatively. Social media, Wikipedia and WikiLeaks are the signs of a time when it is almost impossible to control how data is and will be used (Sahlberg 2011). The way in which school principals respond to this shift of demand may be dependent upon their capacity for professionalism and the level of internal accountability that has been developed over time. The struggle between political and professional power over education reflects a

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societal power struggle about who should set the standards in teaching. From a political perspective, there are other social groups, such as citizens and parents, wishing to define educational quality, but, as yet, they have had little bearing upon the practice in schools. External regulation might solve some problems, but new problems may appear. In the long term, there is the risk that teachers’ enthusiasm and commitment will be lost – a far greater problem for schools. It remains to be proven that intensified administration produces better schools. Education cannot be developed mechanically with administrative decrees and regulations (cf. Møller 2009). Undoubtedly, the public has a right to know how well our schools are educating future citizens. But those who shape accountability systems for schooling should also be held accountable for doing it in a responsible way. It is necessary to operate on two fronts simultaneously. Improving education for all children in schools is hard work, and it is crucial to demand that policy-makers and school officials invest the necessary resources where they are needed most and provide professional development so that teachers can do a good job. The present managerial accountability systems, with their strong focus on outcome measures, can easily push schools back into more conservative patterns rather than liberating them. The focus can be on raising test scores instead of serious concern about how to promote good education for all children. On the one hand, there is a need to find a balance between professional and political power over education. On the other hand, there is a need for re-establishing and sustaining trust in the school in order to improve teaching and learning. A professional role entails professional accountability, and this implies that teachers make their experience more visible. At the same time, particular attention to developing the knowledge base necessary for valid interpretation of the collected information is vital (cf. Møller 2009). What is even more important to address is the risk of sacrificing equity in the enactment of evidence-based governing regimes. We know that the need for high expectations is especially salient in schools serving students from disadvantaged backgrounds, yet the literature concurs that high expectations tend to be in shorter supply for such students (Weinstein 2002). Expectations contain normative assumptions, such as how much teachers and principals should redistribute energy, attention and learning opportunities to the less achieving students; how far they should go in demanding the same cognitive and cultural standards for all; and how much diversity and differentiation they should embrace. Schools with large numbers of disadvantaged students due to low income, ethnicity, immigrant status and other factors face unique challenges.



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Teachers in Norway may find themselves caught in the tension between respecting students’ personal development and preparing them for competitive success in the market economy.

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Møller, J. (2006), ‘Det norske kasuset i lys av andre land’ [The Norwegian Case Compared to other Countries], in J. Møller and O.L. Fuglestad (eds), Ledelse i anerkjente skoler [Leadership in Successful Schools]. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget Møller, J. (2009), ‘School Leadership in an Age of Accountability: Tensions between Managerial and Professional Accountability’, Journal of Educational Change, 10 (2): 37–46. Møller, J. (2012a), ‘The Construction of a Public Face as a School Principal’, International Journal of Educational Management, 26 (5): 452–60. Møller, J. (2012b), ‘Educational Reform as Boundary work’. A keynote address presented at BELMAS Annual Conference in Manchester on 20–22 July 2012. Møller, J. (forthcoming), ‘Researching Norwegian Principals’, in H. Ärlestig, C. Day, O. Johansson (eds), Recent Research on Principals and Their Work: Cross Cultural Perspectives. Dordrecht: Springer. Møller, J. and E. Ottesen (2011), ‘Building Leadership Capacity: The Norwegian Approach’, in International Handbook of Leadership for Learning, 619–635. New York: Springer. Møller, J., T. Prøitz, E. Rye and P. Aasen (2013), ‘Kunnskapsløftet som styringsreform’, [Knowledge Promotion as Governing Reform], in I B. Karseth, J. Møller and P. Aasen (eds). Reformtakter. Om fornyelse og stabilitet i grunnopplæringen, [Reforming and Reforming – Change and Continuity in Education], s. 23–42. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. Møller, J. and M. Schratz (2008), ‘Leadership Development in Europe’, in G. Crow, J. Lumby, and P. Pashiardis (eds), UCEA/BELMAS/CCEAM International Handbook on the Preparation and Development of School Leaders, 341–67. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Erlbaum Publishing Company. Møller, J. and G. Skedsmo (2013), ‘Modernizing Education: NPM Reform in the Norwegian Education System’, Journal of Educational Administration and History 45 (4): 336–54. Norwegian Directorate of Education and Training (2014), ‘The Education Mirror. Facts and Analysis of Kindergarten, Primary and Secondary Education and Training in Norway’, The Education Mirror. Oslo: Norwegian Directorate of Education and Training. O’Day, J. (2002), ‘Complexity, Accountability, and School Improvement’, Harvard Educational Review 72 (3): 293–30. OECD (2003), Networks of Innovation: Towards New Models for Managing Schools and Systems. Schooling for Tomorrow. Paris: OECD. OECD (2012), Equity and Quality in Education: Supporting Disadvantaged Students and Schools. Paris: OECD. Pollitt, C. and G. Bouckaert (2011), Public Management Reform: A Comparative Analysis – New Public Management, Governance, and the Neo-Weberian State. New York: Oxford University Press. Ranson, S. (2003), ‘Public Accountability in the Age of Neo-liberal Governance’, Journal of Educational Policy 18 (5): 459–80.



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Sahlberg, P. (2011), ‘The Fourth Way of Finland’, Journal of Educational Change 12 (2): 173–85. Sinclair, A. (1995), ‘The Chameleon of Accountability: Forms and Discourses’, Accounting, Organizations and Society, 20 (2/3): 219–37. Sirotnik, K. A. (ed.) (2005), Holding Accountability Accountable. What Ought to Matter in Public Education. New York and London: Teachers College Press. Skedsmo, G. (2009), ‘School Governing in Transition? Perspectives, Purposes and Perceptions of Evaluation Policy’, Doctoral diss., Department of Teacher Education and School Research, Faculty of Education, University of Oslo. Skedsmo, G. and J. Møller (2014), ‘Governing by New Performance Expectations in Norwegian Schools’. Paper presented within the symposium ‘NPM and the Modernization of Education in Europe’, at the European Conference of Educational Research, ECER 2014, Porto, 2–5 September 2014. Spillane, J. P. (2012), ‘Data in Practice: Conceptualizing the Data-based Decisionmaking Phenomena’, American Journal of Education 118 (2): 113–41. Uljens, M., J. Møller, H. Ärlestig and L. F. Frederiksen (2013), ‘The Professionalisation of Nordic School Leadership’, in L. Moos (ed.) Transnational Influences on Values and practices in Nordic Educational Leadership – Is there a Nordic Model, 110–29. New York: Springer. Weinstein, R. (2002), Reaching Higher: The Power of Expectations in Schooling. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Welstad, T. (2011), ‘Skoleledere som rettsanvendere’ [School Leaders and the Compliance with the Education Act]’, in I J. Møller and E. Ottesen (eds) Rektor som sjef og leder. Om styring, ledelse og kunnskapsutvikling i skolen [The Principal as a Manager and Leader. About Governing, Leadership and Knowledge Development in Schools], s. 119–47. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget.

4

Switzerland: Between the federal structure and global challenges Matthis Behrens

Introduction Switzerland is a unique country in many ways. It is one of the smallest countries in the world with four cultural regions and four different languages, three of which are official languages. Presenting the Swiss education system means referring to these different cultures of education, which, in addition, are even more strongly influenced by the political structure of the country. First, a few cornerstones are needed to illustrate the complexity of the country. The permanent resident population of some 8 million occupies an area of only 41,285 km2, of which 10,459 km2 are unproductive and inhabitable. The population of Switzerland is composed of four cultural groups and each of these has their own language: Swiss German (65 per cent of the resident population), French (22.6 per cent), Italian (8.3 per cent) and Romansh (0.5 per cent). The latter is a Romance language only spoken in a few valleys in the south-eastern part of the country. This has very little influence on the educational system and thus will not be addressed in this chapter. Among the other spoken languages, 4.4 per cent of the resident population speaks English. In the professional area, Swiss German is the most widely spoken language (66.2 per cent of employed people), followed by German (32.8 per cent), French (29.1 per cent), then English (17.7 per cent) and Italian (8.7 per cent). Twenty-three per cent of the resident population is foreign. In comparison with other countries this percentage is very high and constitutes an ongoing political debate. Almost two-thirds of foreigners come from the EU or the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries. Like most European countries, Switzerland is confronted with an ageing population. The proportion of people aged sixty-five or over has grown to 17.4 per cent. Life expectancy

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at birth has risen slightly for men (80.5 years), and for women it remains unchanged (84.7 years) (OSF 2013). As indicated, the political system is very complex; this however is a feature that guarantees its stability. Beyond the cultural issue, Switzerland is composed of twenty-six cantons, their size varying significantly (from 15,717 inhabitants in Appenzell-Innerrhoden to 1,408,575 inhabitants in Zürich). Historically speaking, each canton has to be considered as a state with its own sovereignty even if some areas are nowadays transferred to the Confederation. In other terms, largely sovereign cantons are reunited in a federal supra-structure. Each level has its own constitution, parliamentary assemblies, government and ministries. Education is largely assigned to cantons. Consequently, there is no federal ministry of education. However, a federal state secretariat is in charge for certain tasks which will be described later. Each canton has its own ministry of education. In addition, some political decisions regarding educational issues are taken by the municipalities. Competencies between the three levels are organized according to the principle of subsidizing. The main idea is to distribute political decision-making to the lowest community level possible. Superior levels, such as the Confederation or cantons, can only pass regulations or undertake tasks where the subordinate levels (municipalities or cantons) are not in a position to do so.

Figure 4.1  Political map of Switzerland with linguistic regions, cantons and lakes



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In addition, Switzerland has developed two powerful instruments of direct democracy: referendum and popular initiative. To add changes to the constitution and for certain government expenditures, a referendum is mandatory. Furthermore, if at any of those three levels a government or parliamentary decision is contested by a sufficiently large part of the population, a referendum can be requested. Through popular initiatives the population can also introduce amendments to the legislative corpus or to the constitution. Because of the constant risk of disavowal of political decisions by these instruments of direct democracy, political decision-making has become very slow. It develops through integration rather than opposition. All the main political partners are involved, at government level as well. Compromises are elaborated between the political currents until a majority is obtained without taking the risk of initiative or referendum in which the minorities could overrule the decision obtained by the majority. This feature delays considerably the law-making process and thus explains the conservative attitude of Swiss people and institutions. Situated in the heart of Europe, Switzerland is very sensitive to international structures that could diminish its sovereignty even though it houses the European seat of the UN as well as important international organizations including the International Bureau of Education. However, Switzerland has been an active member of the Council of Europe since 1963, especially in language policy and education. It has never joined the EU, nor the European Economic Area (EEA) formed by the former member states of the EFTA and the EU member states. Nevertheless, the surrounding political Europe has a major impact on the Swiss system. As a consequence of this independent positioning, an important series of bilateral agreements was signed with the EEA. They influence strongly Swiss legislation, particularly in the field of higher education. The Swiss economy is modern, prosperous and market oriented which influences many political decisions including those of education and training. The labour force is highly skilled. The economy is strongly oriented towards services (including commerce, insurance and financial services) which roughly represent two-thirds of the gross domestic product (GDP). The manufacturing industry (including construction) represents about one-quarter of the GDP. This has specialized in high technology and knowledge-based production. Switzerland has no natural resources except for water used for the production of electric energy. After a short period of declining growth due to the financial crisis in 2008, the Swiss economy is doing well again: the number of employed people as well as the number of jobs has increased; the unemployment rate based on the

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International Labour Organization (ILO) definition is at 4.2 per cent in the second quarter of 2013. An 18.2 per cent increase in foreign labour during the last five years has been particularly significant. Out of 4.9 million employed people, 45.5 per cent are women, 29.9 per cent are foreigners and 8.1 per cent are self-employed. The gross monthly salary (median) in the private sector is 6,118 CHF (OSF 2014a, 2014b, 2014c).

Historical highlights explaining the current system architecture Given this complex structure, it is important to be aware of some historical elements in order to understand the functioning of the political system in which education and training are embedded. The Swiss Confederation, as it exists nowadays, was founded in 1848, with roots going back to 1291 as a defensive alliance of three cantons constantly enlarged over the centuries. During that time, the Swiss cantons pursued an expansive policy often combined with military action; however cantons also often fought among themselves. Intraconfederal wars were quite frequent, especially between conservative Catholic and progressive Protestant cantons. This illustrates that collaboration between cantons was never easy and still remains a subtle process of weighting up common support and self-interest. Until the creation of a centralized government, these intercantonal decision-making processes took place at the Diet, an assembly of cantons where unanimity is necessary. This mechanism is still used today in certain intercantonal affairs and especially in education. The first renowned educational event in the history of modern Switzerland was the endowment of Basel University in 1459 by Pope Pius II. Important intellectual public figures such as Erasmus of Rotterdam and later Paracelsus taught there. Basel was one of the rare European universities being founded and financed by the citizens of the town. It was a centre for humanist thought. With the Reformation in the sixteenth century, primary education was introduced in many Protestant cantons and theological faculties were created at Zürich, Lausanne, Bern and Geneva. These institutions are considered to be the forerunners of most of the later universities. The same development took place a little later in the Catholic cantons through the Jesuits. Beside all inter-confessional quarrels, the Reformation has to be considered as a major educational breakthrough. It was only on the eve of the French Revolution that the Genevan Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–78) published the treatise Emile, or on Education, which strongly influenced educational thought in Switzerland.



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As a matter of fact, the consequences of the French Revolution had a major impact on Swiss education. When the ancient aristocratic cantonal regimes collapsed nine years later under the assault of the Napoleonic armies, the Helvetic Republic was proclaimed under French tutelage. For the first time Switzerland had a central government. Philippe-Albert Stapfer (1766–1840) was designated Minister of Art and Sciences and was asked to plan a national educational system. In order to do so, Stapfer launched a call for proposals. Among the most important contributions were those of the Freiburgan Jean-Baptiste Girard (1765–1850), known for introducing the mutual instruction method (Bell-Lancaster method) and the Zürichan Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746– 1827), known for his educational novel Leonard and Gertrude that promoted child-centred education, based not only on education of the intellect but also on the pupil’s self-activity. Stapfer’s proposal foresaw that school would become compulsory, from the age of six until fifteen. Basic skills like reading, writing and counting were to be completed through a combination of civic education, history, natural sciences and gymnastics. A foreign language would be introduced at the age of eight. The curriculum was divided in three cycles, at the end of which pupils would have had to pass an exam depending on their level. Teachers would be trained in teacher colleges. The government would prescribe books and pedagogical methods. While waiting for the Senate of the Helvetic Republic to decide, Stapfer conducted the first national educational survey inquiring on the state of education in the different cantons. Stapfer also called for Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi to become director of the orphanage of Stans, a place where Pestalozzi was able to try out his own method of education. Unfortunately Stapfer’s project was rejected in 1800, being considered too progressive and with too much emphasis on the central government. With that decision an important parenthesis in education was closed, even if some elements of Stapfer’s plan were to be later implemented in different cantons. Nevertheless, Stapfer, Girard and Pestalozzi, together with the Bernese patrician Philippe Emmanuel von Fellenberg (1771–1844), were far ahead of their time in promoting a communitarian school model combining instruction and practical work, and laid the basis of what later would be called progressive education. Their interesting and sound pedagogical concepts anticipated many of the reforms to come and still inspire many teachers today (Forster 2008: 27). When the Napoleonic hegemony collapsed, the Congress of Vienna redrew the borders of Switzerland. Most of the current cantons were admitted then.

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A period of restoration of the ancient cantonal regimes began, but a weakened form of federal supra-structure was still maintained. The country was confronted with the industrial changes of that time. Major tensions arose between the conservative Catholic cantons and progressive forces, led by the Radical party, whose aim was to transform the country into a modern nation-state with an industrialized infrastructure and economy. This culminated in a short civil war that was won by the radical forces. One of the causes of the war was the attempt to establish liberal cantonal constitutions to place the Catholic Church under secular state control, especially in order to obtain non-confessional education. Finally, the creation of the modern Swiss Confederation in 1848, and furthermore the revision of the Federal Constitution in 1874, maintained the status quo regarding education. The roles of the cantons and the Confederation were roughly distributed in the following way: cantons were fully in charge of compulsory education and partially of upper secondary education (gymnasia) as well as cantonal universities, whereas the Confederation was responsible for the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) which was created in 1854 in Zürich and still has the power to create further federal universities. At that time, vocational education and training (VET) was not a political matter but the work of companies (Tabin 1989: 28). It was only in 1877 through the Law of Labour and Industry that the Confederation started to interfere in that domain by protecting young people from child-labour. When, shortly after, the Swiss economy was ranked low on the international scale introduced by the world fairs, the very powerful Swiss trade association SGV/USAM pledged to introduce VET (vocational educational training) in federal laws, reinforcing at the same time the position of the federal government. The distribution of these tasks remains a very complex construction. In certain cases, the Confederation sets the legal framework. Cantons then create their own educational programmes. In other cases the Confederation co-finances them. This separation of responsibilities became a basic feature that is still valid and determines the political architecture of the educational system in Switzerland. All educational matter is treated according to this system. Sometimes, especially when there is an issue of harmonization or the need for an economy of scale, the cantons try to harmonize their educational structures through the Swiss Conference of Cantonal Ministers of Education (EDK) founded in 1897. In certain cases, intercantonal agreements are concluded by defining a common organization. These agreements are called concordats and have to be considered as state-treaties between cantons and then become legal requirements.



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Who is in charge? Laws

Finances

Management

Universies (U/UET/UAS/ETH)

EPF

Terary

EPF

Connuing educaon

Higher vocaonal Upper Sec.

VET General

Lower Sec. Primary

Grades 1–9

Pre-school Cantons

Confed.

Private

Figure 4.2  Cantonal and confederal responsibilities Source: Adapted from EDK

In other cases the role of the federal government is reinforced. This has been the case in the realm of VET, but also when the new Federal constitutional articles on education (Federal Authorities 2014, Articles 61a, 62, 63, 63a, 66) were adopted in 2006 by 86 per cent of the population. But as mentioned above, the Confederation still has no proper ministry of education. Instead, the State Secretariat for Education, Research and Innovation (SERI) is responsible for the two Swiss Federal Institutes of Technology (ETH) in Zürich and Lausanne, university coordination, applied vocational universities and VET. Policy planning at the SERI is done through a four-year report submitted to the parliament, explaining how the federal government intends to finance education, research and innovation. But the financial influence of the federal government is as weak as their decisional influence in the system. In 2011, the overall funding of education was only 5.2 per cent for the federal government, 66.0 per cent for the cantons and 28.8 per cent for the municipalities. Further information can be found in the Eurydice-Network (2014).

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Educational changes leading to the current education system The second half of the twentieth century saw impressive technological and economic development. While the Swiss population doubled, the educational system was confronted with a considerable population growth that imposed structural clarification (Criblez 2001: 109) beyond cantonal considerations alone. This transformation process determined the twentieth century and was largely achieved in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The following paragraphs outline step by step this evolution throughout all levels and categories of the educational system.

Compulsory education (ISCED 0, 1, 2A) In the school sector, a harmonization of certain aspects of the cantonal school models could be achieved, even if this process is not yet finished (see HarmoS below). It started with the question of the duration of compulsory school. Here again, it was an extrinsic factor which introduced in 1938 the necessity for change by establishing fifteen as the minimal working age in federal law on labour and industry. This obligation forced the cantons to tackle the question of the duration of compulsory schooling, which over the years resulted in a longer lower secondary cycle in all cantons. In addition, by the end of 1950, girls were allowed to attend school for the same amount of time as boys. But it was only in 1970 that an intercantonal concordat created the legal basis and forced the cantons to deliver nine years of compulsory school before the age of fifteen, divided in primary and lower secondary school. The common beginning of the school year was established by the same concordat (EDK 1970). Regarding content and method, almost all cantons engaged at that time in extensive reforms and developments in order to improve the quality of primary and lower secondary schools, mostly in the 1960s and 1970s. As Criblez recalls (2001: 97) it was the Sputnik-shock that introduced this period. The teaching of mathematics and science education went through important changes. This was also a period of strong economic expansion until 1973. During this period, educational research centres were created in the cantonal administrations in order to prepare and support these school reforms. In the French-speaking part of Switzerland, these centres developed specially tailored textbooks in order to monitor teaching quality, region-wide. In these textbooks and methods a lot of socio-constructivist ideas were integrated. It was not only the Vygotskian mainstream orientation of the



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educational faculty at the University of Geneva, but also the result of many years of intensive pedagogical discussion throughout the country. In Frenchspeaking Switzerland, Claparède (1873–1940) and Piaget (1896–1980) and in German-speaking Switzerland; Aebli (1923–90) had had a major influence on the understanding of learning in a constructive perspective. They reinforced pedagogical methods centred on child development that Pestalozzi in his time already had conceptualized. This current of progressive education was quite strong and the teachers’ unions were capable of convincing the EDK to launch the SIPRI project (1978–86), which analysed the general educational situation in primary schools. It also focused on cantonal assessment practices as well as recommending ways of implementing learner-centred assessment systems (Trier 1997: 268). In many cantons formative assessment was strongly developed and replaced selective report cards by qualitative ones especially at primary school level. But the first results of the OECD PISA survey (Nidegger 2001) caused a major shock. The Swiss results were not as good as expected, particularly in literacy where about 20 per cent of the tested pupils had an insufficient level (OFS/EDK 2003: 22). The results were better in mathematics and science education, but school administrations were severely criticized. Simultaneously, many teachers did not follow the formative assessment reform and in 2006, parent organizations and conservative teachers’ unions in Geneva successfully imposed a cantonal initiative that reintroduced traditional high-stakes testing in the canton. This setback put an end to many interesting assessment experiments in other cantons (Behrens 2011) but it also led to a few major changes. The new educational articles in the Federal Constitution provoked a sort of chain reaction in the cantons. Threatened by the Confederation to have to adopt national solutions, the cantons proceeded with a major structural adjustment called Concordat HarmoS (EDK 2007a). Adopted in 2009 by fifteen cantons representing 76.2 per cent of the national population, the concordat harmonized the structure of compulsory schooling, imposed a binding regional curriculum instead of cantonal ones, established a time for the introduction of two foreign languages, and introduced national performance standards that all students must attain. This new architecture reinforced the intercantonal or interregional bodies like the EDK or the Conference of French-speaking Cantonal Ministers of Education (CIIP) that were functioning as the Diet did before the creation of the modern Confederation. It also introduced major pedagogical reform. As with PISA, the national standards developed by HarmoS introduced the ideology of

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competences, mainly because of measurement issues. This was taken over by the regional curriculum, which implemented competency-based pedagogical approaches oriented to skills and usable knowledge. From a conceptual point of view, this rather relativist dimension was strongly questioned by Young (2008: 164). Competences are difficult to define, implement and evaluate in education, as Crahey (2006) points out. Conservative forces as well as representatives of the Gymnasium argued that competences were neglecting the acquisition of knowledge and compromising the German educational ideal of Bildung (Liessmann 2014). In the French-speaking cantons, a regional curriculum (CIIP 2011) was elaborated almost simultaneously with HarmoS and introduced only two years after HarmoS was adopted. But this is only one example among others. All HarmoS cantons started to adapt their systems. Some changes were a direct consequence of HarmoS; others had to be considered as re-actualization of existing cantonal projects claimed to be important steps toward HarmoS-compatibility. At the same time, another important reform occurred. This was the consequence of a major political redefinition of tasks and financing between cantons and the Confederation, the result being that cantons are completely in charge of the education of children with special needs. The orientation that prevailed was to integrate special needs pupils as far as possible into normal schools. This will call into question those cantonal systems that tended to eliminate weak pupils by making them repeat a school year. Here again, an intercantonal agreement on co-operation in special needs education was signed by fifteen cantons in 2008 (EDK 2007b).

Upper secondary level (ISCED 3A, 3B, 3C) At the upper secondary level, the baccalaureate schools offer two orientations: a general orientation called Gymnasium with a baccalaureate qualification giving access to all universities, and a VET orientation in the form of an apprenticeship with, as we will see, a Federal Vocational Baccalaureate (FVB) which gives access to the applied sciences universities (UAS). Two pedagogues strongly influenced higher secondary education: Rolf Dubs (1935–) and Karl Frey (1942–2005). In contrast to the pedagogical mainstream of progressive education characteristic of the primary school, they promoted a constructivist teaching approach which was evidence-based and performance-oriented. The VET sector (ISCED 3B) concerns roughly 60 per cent of the school population at that level. It is largely based on the apprenticeship model, which



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is a consequence of the traditionally strong influence of trade associations. Since 1990, this sector has undergone major reforms as a result of the generalization of the New Public Management approaches in Swiss administrations and as an attempt to align the Swiss VET system to the rest of Europe. Most apprenticeships lasted for four years, with certain paths such as mechanics being reorganized and systematized. A two-year pre-apprenticeship (ISCED 3C) was created for weak students. Simultaneously, the offices in charge launched a marketing initiative to persuade companies to take on apprentices. In 1993 the federal government introduced FVB (ISCED 3A), opening apprenticeships to the tertiary level by giving access to the UASs which were created during the same period. By enlarging the VET path, an important step was taken towards a coherent construction of the upper secondary level in the general educational system. But both baccalaureates – academic and vocational – represent only 30 per cent of the corresponding population, which is quite low in comparison to the OECD average (60 per cent) but which fits very well with the percentage of tertiary graduates (CSRE 2014: 145). Another element in simplifying the educational system is the integration of the so far separate and strongly privatized VET sector of health (Hospitals and Red Cross) at the secondary level, thus making a single government structure responsible for all VET affairs. This step gave rise to a new federal law on VET which was passed in 2003, reinforcing again the role of the federal government. It allowed the development of a national VET strategy, the reduction and systematic reform of the occupation regulations, and the development of an ambitious VET research programme through the creation of six leading research department attached to universities helping to pilot the VET system. This development stands as a concrete example of empirically grounded evidence informed by political decision-making. But inside this apparently evidence-oriented administration, the rationale for decisions, as Kiener (2004: 95) points out, still relies on bargaining and consensus finding among the partners with interest in the issue. The Gymnasium path (ISCED 3A) also underwent an important development since the 1960s. The percentage of those graduating at this level rose from 3.8 per cent to 20 per cent at present. As Criblez (2001: 98) points out, this change has to be seen as a political reaction to technological progress as well as an increase in the demand for higher qualifications in the labour market. Traditionally the Gymnasium is more popular in the French-speaking part of the country, as apprenticeships (ISCED 3B) are not considered as an alternative but as a fall-back option. The Gymnasium path is unique, since the Confederation as well

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as the cantons determine its legislation. Financing and realization, however, are cantonal matters. A new regulation adopted in 1995 focused on different types of baccalaureate and on final assessment for completion. The cantons remain in charge of this final qualification. They develop and set their own baccalaureate exams which can even vary from school to school. Instead of five relatively rigid types of studies, the new baccalaureate offers more of an individual study-profile in which students choose from a considerably large range of compulsory and elective subjects. At the end of the course, and in order to obtain their qualification, each student writes an interdisciplinary dissertation called a memoire. However, there are still some course supply and demand constraints. Cantons and some of the individual schools determine what is on offer, yet many of them are not capable of offering the full range of subjects, as evidenced in the first Evaluation der Maturitätsreform (EVAMAR) study (SBF 2005). This situation of offer and demand also produces a new weighting of the disciplines with a considerable regression of ancient languages, coupled with an increase in scientific, economic and modern language profiles at the baccalaureate level. While teachers and students are generally pleased with the reform and consider the syllabus as a good preparation for further university studies, other representatives of universities consider the standards of baccalaureate holders too weak to pursue higher education. The latter argue the need for supplementary entry exams – a measure that goes against the basic idea of the baccalaureate – called maturity, which once obtained, attests the global scholastic capacity of holders to study at any university without the need to sit an extra examination. The second EVAMAR study (SBF 2008) questioned student achievement. The study suggests that cantons with four years of baccalaureate education achieve better results. In addition, cantons with high graduation quotes tend to produce lower results. Even if the study design has some methodological pitfalls, it strongly questions the important intercantonal disparities. It also shows that in some schools scholastic capacity might be achieved by neglecting basic skills in fundamental disciplines such as first language and mathematics. These results support the apprehensions of the universities and question more generally the basic principle that the baccalaureate allows its holders to study any discipline at any university. The baccalaureate regulation was revised in 2008–9 on the basis of the findings presented in these two studies. This leads to reinforcement of the scientific disciplines and of the independent memoire. Private schooling at any level remains very limited and caters in some cantons for foreign students as well as upper-class dropouts. Recent cantonal



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initiatives to publicly support private schools have systematically been refused in recent years.

Tertiary sector (ISCED 5A, 5B) While reforms are being undertaken in the initial VET sector, an important debate is stating on repositioning the existing higher VET institutions (ISCED 5B) of the country, mainly in the technical and commerical sectors. The issues at that time were that these engineering and higher vocational schools were too numerous and not attractive enough to produce sufficient trainees for the Swiss economy. Diplomas varied between institutions, and graduates are not skilled enough to work in junior positions in the national and international labour market. With Swiss refusal to participate in the EEA, representatives of the economic sector intensified the debate, so far limited to arguments of systematization of the educational offering. There was a new and urgent demand: the need for European compatibility of the diplomas concerned. There was fear of economic isolation and difficulties in competing on a global market. The federal leadership in this domain was confirmed and in 1995 allowed the upgrade and amalgamation of the higher VET institutions into seven applied science universities on an ISCED 5A level. The federal repositioning of initial VET in the field of health and applied social professions was also pursued at the level of higher VET institutions. In the mid-1990s, the federal parliament asked for an extension of the UAS concept to the health, social professions, arts and teacher training sectors (Zosso 2006: 31). The main arguments were far less focused on economic competitiveness in the global markets but remained very similar to those of the technical sector. These included the need for better qualifications, mobility and a strengthened coherence of the overall educational system (Zosso 2006: 45). In 2005, all vocational paths except teacher training were finally put under the same federal law and integrated in seven existing UASs. The process induced the tertiarization of ISCED 4B (health) and 5B institutions to 5A institutions – a difficult step regarding the actors, curriculum and research. The situation is similar in the domain of teacher training. Since the 1980s, the scientific debate on the quality of teaching pointed to a tertiarization of the teaching profession. The OECD (1990) published a country assessment on Swiss national educational policy, which also pointed out weaknesses in the field of teacher training. These included the absence of a national teacher training strategy, missing statistical data on the status and mobility of teachers,

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an absence of a national teacher employment market capable of compensating local shortage or surplus of teachers, staff renewal, vertical mobility, and a considerable evolution of teaching tasks (OECD 1990: 120). For Switzerland, this implied mainly the upgrading of the cantonal teacher training colleges positioned at ISCED 3 to ISCED 5. Following the creation of the UAS, EDK (1993) published a catalogue of theses on teacher education sketching out, for the first time, the profile for the future teacher education universities (UTE). The creation of the UTEs led to important restructuring of traditional teacher training colleges, but unlike the UASs, the UTEs remained under cantonal control. In two regions, cantons decided to develop intercantonal structures. Others preferred to associate or integrate the teacher training colleges in existing universities’ structures. With the actual UTEs, a considerable reduction of the initial teacher training colleges was possible. Nevertheless, the cantonal decision-making process resulted in eighteen UTEs, differing considerably in size. The four most important consist of more than half of the teacher-training students. This also indicates that many cantons maintained the former logic of the teacher training colleges where graduates are considered more as state agents in education and less as educational professionals. It is not surprising that UTEs, even more than UASs, are undergoing a profound transformation process in which research capacity will be a main indicator of successful tertiarization. However, the expanision of the tertiary level to UASs and UTEs competes directly with traditional academic universities. As Zosso (2006: 132) points out, it is surprising how little universities and the ETH reacted to this reform that clearly weakens their position. What might explain this passive attitude is, on the one hand, that neither UASs nor UTEs have the power to confer doctorates, and, on the other, the very important financial issues due to restrictive financial policies that went on during that time. All parliaments, on federal as well as on cantonal levels, were by majority defending the idea of reducing administration expenditures, including those of academia, which are financed by the state authorities. Since the mid-1970s until the end of the 1990s, the federal and cantonal credits for these institutions did not change at all, whereas the number of students greatly increased. This budgetary rigour led to a deterioration of study conditions especially in the humanities and social sciences. It was certainly the consequence of the very fashionable New Public Management ideas that were applied to all public administration and deprived academia to the point that the federal council warned the federal parliament about the negative consequences of such a policy (Longchamp and Steiner 2008: 127). But given the parliamentary



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majorities in budgetary questions, almost all actors, including the socialist minister in charge of universities, were resigned to make more with less. According to Longchamp and Steiner (2008: 128), economic lobbies strongly represented in the federal parliament were not principally against a highly performing higher education system, but they considered that the system had to respond in a much better way to the needs of the economy. As parents, especially in the French- and Italian-speaking parts of the country, tended to prefer the academic upper secondary schools (Gymnasium) to the VET path, these lobbies were opposed to a reinforcement of all academic orientation and called for a nationwide reinforcement of apprenticeships. In the perspective of a reduction of public spending on universities replaced by a more and more privately financed tertiary sector, they also suggested an increase in tuition fees, a reduction of the duration of study, as well as a more competitive tertiary system. The structure of the newly created UASs responded to almost all these claims. Nevertheless, the federal parliament also commenced the redefinition of the universities through the revision of the federal law entitled ‘Help to Universities’. In 1999 it introduced a centralized federal governance of the cantonal universities, which gave the Confederation the right to conclude international treaties on collaboration, mobility and research programmes. It also created National Research Centres that implied the regrouping or abandoning of certain disciplines with few students, and the power to award grants based on achievement only. By passing this law, the Confederation was considerably reinforced regarding the cantons. Over the following few years, all university cantons adopted their cantonal laws. New university government structures were introduced, the rectorship was reinforced and opening towards economic partners was fostered. Zürich even introduced even a numerus clausus in the faculty of medicine. This was later adopted by the medical faculties at Basel, Bern and Fribourg. In this political context, but slightly before the adoption of the federal law, the federal administration participated in the elaboration and signed the Bologna Declaration of the European Community which introduced Switzerland to the Bologna Process. Even if this agreement lay in the mainstream of the new law to come, the Bologna treaty was signed without any formal legal bases or any political discussion. As Longchamp and Steiner (2008: 132, 133) point out, the acceptace through the universities was obtained via important financial promises. All universities, UASs and UTEs introduced the system rapidly despite some initial resistance from the academic community. In its report in 2009, the Swiss Conference of University Rectors declared the introduction of

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the Bologna structure as well engaged and almost terminated (CRUS 2010: 3, 15). However, contrary to the expectation, bachelor’s degrees were not regarded as sufficient to enter the labour market but rather as a preparation for advanced study. In 2009, only 7.8 per cent of graduates surveyed were working or looking for employment (CRUS 2012: 36). It appears that this transformation process over the last twenty-five to thirty years occurred at different paces depending upon the institutional embedding of the educational level concerned. A tremendous effort was made to reassert the value of the VET path from initial training up to the UAS. The cantons lost some of their sovereignty in educational matters, either by delegating them into new intercantonal structures or by handing them over to the Confederation. Despite this, the cantons are still the main source of finance for education and still retain considerable autonomy in education. The causes of these changes were either external – such as Sputnik or the PISA shocks – or were due to financial shortage as well as the adaptation to the European context for economic reasons.

The current education system All these numerous reforms since the early 1990s resulted in a major adjustment of the overall structure of the Swiss education system. Many incoherencies were clarified and the system simplified overall. Of particular importance was the revaluing of the VET path, which was previously incompatible with European educational systems. Apprenticeships are now a fully recognized upper secondary level training, even if large parts are company-based. The vocational baccalaureate links apprenticeships to the tertiary level. VET colleges were transformed into UASs and are considered equivalent to universities. Transitions between the VET and the academic path have been established, which allow for various educational pathways, even if only 13 per cent of students took advantage of them in 2010 (Backes-Gellner and Tuor 2010). A helpful figure depicting an overview of the Swiss education system can be located at www.ides.ch/dyn/16833.php. But undoubtedly, the most important changes in the Swiss system were the constitutional articles on education and training. Indeed, these engaged the Confederation and the cantons to promote together the quality of the system. This step launched a series of major reforms with developments that are still to come. Referring to Article 65, the Federal Office of Statistics (FOS) proceeded with the modernization of educational statistics. The aims are to gain a new



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systemization, a better comparability of cantonal statistics, as well as the possibility of following educational pathways through individual anonymized social security numbers. This allows for interesting longitudinal studies to focus on transitions within the system from one level to another. However, as there is currently no independent assessment agent, the EDK might be tempted to control what data will collected, how it will be put at the disposal of the research community and how it will be communicated to the public and the parliaments. As a matter of fact, the cantons behind EDK generally fear intercantonal comparisons. Since 2006, EDK and SERI have started to publish in a four-yearly Education Report that serves as the main part of the national educational monitoring process, similar to that introduced by Stapfer two centuries ago. This way the cantons and the Confederation can comply with the constitutional obligation of educational quality management. These reports, containing facts and figures from educational statistics, research and official data for the entire Swiss education system, provide a basis upon which to evaluate performance of the education system. This is accomplished on three criteria: effectiveness, efficiency and equity (CSRE 2006, 2010, 2014). With this information, the administrations concerned define the overall system objectives for the coming years. A first common declaration was made in 2011 by two federal departments and the EDK. Their intention was to optimize the existing Swiss education system, such as finishing the implementation of the HarmoS agreement, raising the graduation rate at upper secondary level to 95 per cent, improving the scholastic abilities of some baccalaureate holders, obtaining international comparability of ISCED 5B VET certificates, improving career opportunities for Swiss junior-researchers, as well as introducing validation of non-formal or informal educational achievements. All of these main objectives correspond to the ongoing reforms as induced by the constitution’s articles (Federal Authorities 2014). In terms of feasibility they might be considered fair, but in regard to the major issues in a changing global society, they are not very ambitious. Furthermore, they are not taken seriously as they do not bind the cantons to fulfil them nor to be accountable to a direct parliamentary control mechanism. The EDK is an inter-ministerial body and is only indirectly controlled by the cantonal parliaments. However, regarding the different articles the following issues have yet to be addressed:

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Compulsory school: national alignment with yet poor perspectives for future Article 62 on general education has introduced the HarmoS agreement. As of writing, ten cantons are yet to ratify, mainly because kindergarten has become compulsory. The proposals regarding the introduction of a second language at primary school level have become another bone of contention in some German-speaking cantons. The solutions proposed threaten the acquisition of French in favour of English as a second language. Another important issue is that the compulsory school system reinforces segregation (OECD 1990) that maintains the social class structure. Explanatory factors are probably the general public perception of what school should be and the poor achievement of current pupils that led to the refusal of formative assessment forms, the high structural differentiation of the actual system along with the systematic introduction in certain cantons of high-stakes assessment forms verifying the achievements at any school level. However, the new financing model and task assignment between the Confederation and the cantons (DFF 2007) obliges the latter to integrate children with special educational needs. This obligation fosters attitudes contrary to the very segregated cantonal assessment practices and might introduce tensions and require further reform. As pointed out above, the standards have introduced on the sly the competency-based pedagogical approach that is more and more criticized. Because the standards constitute the main reference for the German regional curriculum (D-EDK 2014) to be developed, this debate is very lively and deflects attention from the question of whether the proposed skills and contents are adequate preparation for the challenges of the future. The argument of half-life knowledge is certainly valid at tertiary level but it is less relevant in compulsory education, where basic skills like reading, writing and arithmetic, social integration and problem solving as well as knowledge – in the sense of transmitting cultural goods – are needed. The one exception is computer literacy which appears to be a new cultural skill that divides digital native learners from digital immigrant teachers (Behrens et al. 2011).

Compliance with economical needs? The upper secondary level and especially the VET path depends on Article 63 as well as 63a concerning the tertiary level. As raised in the overall education system objectives of 2011, there is the issue of scholastic abilities of baccalaureate



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graduates, although this question cannot be considered independently from two contextual elements. As with most Western countries, Switzerland has an ageing population with its subsequent demographic effects. Migration had a stabilizing effect on the ageing population. However, with the accepted federal initiative against mass immigration in February 2014, this readjustment could be severely threatened. Furthermore, there is fear that this initiative will have several negative effects. The very high percentage of foreigners in the country also includes highly qualified academic in leading positions (Fibbi 2014) and might also affect the high percentage of foreign students in Swiss universities. Both elements will put pressure on the balance between the VET and the academic path, which has arguably resulted in youth unemployment. Given this new situation, it may no longer be adequate to address the shortage of highly qualified personnel in key sectors like STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) and health. With regards to universities, the process of tertiarization is not yet finished. The declared equivalence between traditional universities and UASs or UTEs has not yet been achieved. Certain adjustments soon to be on offer are still necessary, but mainly the UASs and the UETs have to prove and stabilize their research capacity in terms of peer-valued contribution to the scientific field through relevant practical contributions. This is particularly difficult for the UASs, which are legally obliged to collaborate with economic partners. This means that research has not only to be reliable but useful, which can be a paradoxical injunction (Weber and Levy 2012). However, this research quality criterion is essential for parity with the universities. In the UTE sector it might lead to a structural concentration of the present institutions, but then it will reopen the debate if UASs and UETs have the power to confer doctorates.

Continuing education and training widely spread but poorly supported Article 64a defines the general guidelines for Continuing Education and Training (CET) and entitles the Confederation to fix its principles and rules. Switzerland applies the UNESCO, OECD and Eurostat distinction between formal, non-formal and informal education. Continuing education remains under formal education when delivered by formal educational institutions. This is mainly the case at ISCED levels 5a and 5b. In Switzerland CET is widely spread and takes place under all three categorizations. It is deeply rooted in common public understanding. In 2011 almost

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80 per cent of the resident population between twenty-five and sixty-four years of age claim to have been engaged in such training at least once during the year. Fifty-nine per cent of men and 51 per cent of women take advantage of this type of education for work purposes. Thirty-six per cent of women and 19 per cent of men engage in it for extra-professional purposes. As observed elsewhere, participation depends on educational level as well as the support given by employers (OSF 2012). Because of this constitutional article, the federal authorities have submitted a new law, on CET which would come into effect in mid-October 2014 if there was no call for a referendum. As expected, the general principles claim that CET is an individual responsibility, that formal non-formal and informal educational achievement can be validated, that the Confederation publishes guidelines for quality assurance, that the offer of CET remains market bound, that support can be given to strategic developments of offers as well as weekly training to acquire the basic skills. It is probably the current economic situation with low unemployment and the widespread VET tradition, building on large personal investments, which have caused these very liberal ideas on formal, non-formal and informal education to be accepted. Even if employment histories are no longer linear, no need has yet been perceived to develop new patterns of individual support such as flexicurity, which supports the idea of productive working and unproductive training periods. Such a social security model could be a way to survive in the flexibility of the labour market which is occurring in Switzerland as elsewhere (Cattacin and Naegeli 2014).

Conclusion In a wider perspective, the actual issues in the education system, as well as the profound transformation induced by technology of information and communication, will probably question the structure of the educational institutions themselves. The ideas of a classroom, teachers and textbooks have been challenged, since education can now be delivered at an individual pace anywhere. This raises a number of questions. If this is to develop, what then will be learning and what integration of new knowledge will be necessary for lifelong learning? What cognitive skills are necessary? What social skills are needed? Answers to these questions are not at all simple because they interrogate extremely old patterns of what education should be. Whether the function



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of school is to become one of socialization rather than one of knowledge transmission presents an especially important area for discussion. Some new approaches such as integrating school in local communities are being developed. Called Bildungslandschaften (Mack 2009), the concept can be translated as educational landscapes. The Jacobs Foundation (2011a) is currently researching them in different municipalities in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Swiss smallscale federalism with the important role played by municipalities could be a better setting for their development as in Germany. All of these forthcoming challenges are important. Is Switzerland with its complex structure capable of nurturing them? As we can see in the different reforms, the main factors of change in the Swiss education system are economic. This is likely to intensify as the willingness of older citizens to pay for public education might diminish (Cattaneo and Wolter 2009). Another factor is the well-perceived need to adapt to global challenges of which, for the moment, Europe is still the most important one. If it is possible to find overall political and economic support in the complex institutional context, then such changes can be implemented quite rapidly, especially in the VET sector and within the tertiary level. Yet in other cases, especially where the cantonal systems are concerned, reforms tend to be more complicated and tend to introduce centralized intercantonal solutions that on average need up to thirty years from the initial trigger to the full realization in practice.

References Backes-Gellner, U. and S. N. Tuor (2010), ‘Équivalents, différents, perméables ?’, La Vie économique 7: 43–6. Behrens, M. (2011) ‘Standards ou les escaliers mouvants de Poudlard’, in P. Gilliéron and L. Ntamakiliro (eds) Réformer l’évaluation scolaire, Mission Impossible?, 113–38. Bern: Peter Lang. Behrens, M. and M. Pamula-Behrens and A. Froidevaux (2011), ‘Le present – future, politique linguistique et enseignement des langues à la lumière d’une projection sur l’éducation en Suisse en 2030’, Babylonia 3: 52–8. Cattacin, S. and P. Naegeli (2014), ‘L’ère du flexibilisme les défis de l’économie en réseau’, in M. Behrens and A. Froidevaux (eds) Scénarios pour l’éducation – quelles perspectives pour la Suisse en 2030?, 8–23. Neuchâtel: IRDP. Cattaneo, M. A. and S. C. Wolter (2009), ‘Are the Elderly a Threat to Educational Expenditures?’, European Journal of Political Economy 25: 225–36. CIIP (2011), ‘Plan d’études romand’. Neuchâtel: Available online: http://www. plandetudes.ch (accessed 12 September 2014).

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Crahey, M. (2006), ‘Dangers, incertitudes et incomplétude de la logique de la competence en education’, Revue française de pédagogie 154: 97–110. Criblez, L. (2001), ‘Bildungsexpansion durch Systemifferenzierung – am Beispiel der Sekundarstufe II in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren’, Revue Suisse des Sciences de l’Education 23 (1): 95–118. CRUS (2010), Bologna-Monitoring 2008–2011 – Erster Zwischenbericht 2008/09. Bern: CRUS. CRUS (2012), Bologna-Monitoring 2008–2011 – Zweiter Zwischenbericht 2010/11. Bern: CRUS. CSRE (2006), L’éducation en Suisse. Aarau: CSRE. CSRE (2010), L’éducation en Suisse. Aarau: CSRE. CSRE (2014), L’éducation en Suisse. Aarau: CSRE. D-EDK (2014), Lehrplan 21, Luzern: Available online: http://www.lehrplan.ch (accessed 21 September 2014). DFF (2007), Réforme de la péréquation financière et de la repartition des tâches entre la Confédération et les cantons (RPT). Bern: DFF. EDK (1970), Concordat sur la coordination scolaire du 29 octobre 1970, Bern: Available online: http://edudoc.ch/record/1548/files/1.pdf (accessed 10 September 2014). EDK (1993), Dossier 24 – Thesen zur Entwicklung Pädagogischer Hochschulen. Bern: EDK. EDK (2007a), Accord intercantonal sur l’harmonisation de la scolarité obligatoire (concordat HarmoS). Bern. Available online: http://edudoc.ch/record/24710/files/ HarmoS_f.pdf (accessed 12 September 2014). EDK (2007b), Accord intercantonal sur la collaboration dans le domaine de la pédagogie spécialisée, Bern. Available online: http://edudoc.ch/record/87690/files/ Sonderpaed_f.pdf (accessed 14 September 2014). Eurydice-Network (2014), Eurypedia-Switzerland: Overview. Available online: https:// webgate.ec.europa.eu/fpfis/mwikis/eurydice/index.php/Switzerland:Overview (accessed 8 October 2015). Federal Authorities (2014), 101 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation. Bern: Available at: http://www.admin.ch/opc/en/classified-compilation/19995395/index. html (accessed 9 October 2014). Fibbi, R. (2014), ‘Démographie, formation tertiaire et migration qualifiée en Suisse’, in M. Behrens and A. Froidevaux (eds), Scénarios pour l’éducation – quelles perspectives pour la Suisse en 2030?, 45–69. Neuchâtel: IRDP. Forster, S. (2008), L’école et ses réformes, Lausanne: Presses polytechniques et universitaires romandes. Jacobs Foundation (2011), Bildungslandschaften.ch. Zürich. Available online: http:// bildungslandschaften.ch/idee (accessed 17 September 2014). Kiener, U. (2004), ‘Eine verborgene Klammer er schweizerischen Berufsbildungspolitik’, Revue Suisse des sciences de l’éducation. 36, (1): 85–99. Lissmann, K. (2014), ‘Das Verschwinden des Wissens’, Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 15 September, 15.



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Longchamp, O. and Y. Steiner (2008) ‘Bologne, et après? Essai d’histoire immediate des réformes universitaires récentes’, Traverse: Revue d’histoire 15 (3): 125–44. Mack, W. (2009), ‘Bildung in sozialräumlicher Perspektive. Das Konzept Bildungslandschaften’, in P. Bleckmann and A. Durdel (eds), Lokale Bildungslandschaften. Perspektiven für Ganztagsschulen und Kommunen, 57–66. Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften,. Nidegger, C. (2001), Compétences des jeunes romands, résultats de l’enquête PISA 2000 auprès des élèves de 9e année. Neuchâtel: IRDP. OECD (1990), Examen des politiques nationals d’éducation – Suisse – rapport des examinateurs. Paris: OECD. OSF (2012), La formation continue en Suisse 2011 – Microrecensement formation de base et formation continue 2011, Nb 1301–1100. Neuchâtel: OSF. OSF (2013) Switzerland’s Population, Nb 1155–1200. Neuchâtel: OSF. OSF (2014a) Labour Market Indicators for 2014, Nb 206-1406–05. Neuchâtel: OSF. OSF (2014b), National Accounts, Production Accounts. Neuchâtel. Available online: http://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/en/index/themen/04/02/02.html (accessed 29 August 2014). OSF (2014c), Employment and Income, Key Figures. Neuchâtel. Available online: http:// www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/en/index/themen/03/01/key.html (accessed 29 August 2014). OSF (2014d), Investissements et coûts – Dépenses publiques d›éducation. Neuchâtel. Available online: http://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/fr/index/themen/15/17/ blank/01.indicator.402101.4012.html (accessed 30 August 2014). OFS/EDK (2003), Les competences en littératie – rapport thématique de l’enquête PISA 2000. Neuchâtel. OFS/EDK. SBF (2005), Evaluation der Maturitätsreform 1995 (EVAMAR) – Neue FächerstrukturPädagogische Ziele-Schulentwicklung – Schlussbericht zur Phase 1. Bern: SBF. SBF (2008), Evaluation der Maturitätsreform 1995 (EVAMAR) – Phase II. Bern: SBF. Tabin, J. (1989), Formation professionnelle en Suisse – histoire et actualité. Lausanne: Editions réalités sociales. Trier, U. (1997), ‘SIPRI – Situation der Primarschule’. In H. Badertscher (ed.), La Conférence suisse des directeurs cantonaux de l’instruction publique 1897 à 1997, 268–70. Bern: Paul Haupt. Weber, K. and R. Levy (2012), Welche Forschung an den Fachhochschulen. Kontrapunkt: Available online: http://www.rat-kontrapunkt.ch/wissenschaft/wissenschaftkontrapunkt-texte/welche-forschung-an-den-fachhochschulen (accessed 21 September 2014). Young, M. (2008), Bringing Knowledge Back In – From Social Constructivism to Social Realism in the Sociology of Education. London: Routledge Zosso, B. (2006), ‘Gleichwertig und gleichartig? eine vergleichende Untersuchung der Entstehung der Fachhochschulen in der Schweiz’, Cahier de l’IDEHEAP, 230. Lausanne: IDEHEAP.

5

Switzerland: Teacher education Lucien Criblez

In Switzerland, teacher education – like the entire tertiary education sector – has undergone major reforms since the 1990s.1 In key respects the teacher education system is no longer comparable to the system as it was prior to the mid-1990s. To underscore the importance of the reforms, a brief overview of the history of teacher education will be provided in the first section below. The results of the reforms since the mid-1990s can be summarized as follows: teacher education has been completely integrated into the higher education sector; a manageable number of teacher education universities have replaced the numerous small teacher education institutions; formally, these new universities are more autonomous of the supporting cantons (states) than the older teacher education system; in many important fundamental elements, teacher education has been harmonized across the nation; teaching degrees (diplomas) are now recognized nationwide; the newly conceived courses of study have been modularized and made to follow the guidelines for implementing the Bologna system of higher education. These and further changes in teacher education were part of the reforms of upper secondary education (baccalaureate reform, vocational education and training reform, further development of the former diploma upper secondary schools into upper secondary specialized schools with specialized baccalaureate programmes) and the higher education sector (creation of universities for applied sciences and universities for teacher education, university reforms). The most important changes in teacher education and the corresponding contexts are described below in the second section. The third section outlines the current situation of teacher education in Switzerland with regard to policy (steering), organization and financing, the organization of studies including admission requirements and teaching qualifications, research and

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development, and continuing education. The final section touches upon some problems not yet solved by the reforms, some consequences of the reforms, and development perspectives connected with the new Federal Act on Funding and Coordination of the Swiss Higher Education Sector (Higher Education Funding and Coordination Act, HEdA), which will come into effect in 2015 (HEdA 2011).

History of teacher education in Switzerland – a brief overview Teacher training developed into a complex part of the education system in Switzerland, beginning with its institutionalization in the first half of the nineteenth century. In the early 1800s, the starting point was the need to train ‒ systematically and under government supervision ‒ the personnel required for the education sector, which was growing rapidly due to industrialization and government-decreed compulsory school attendance. As a consequence of the small-scale education federalism (to this day, there are twenty-six cantons that are largely autonomous in education matters, as described in Chapter 4), teachers were trained in the cantons for their individual cantonal school systems. The official religious differences between Swiss Reformed (Protestant) and Catholic cantons and also inner-cantonal tensions between proponents of secular schools and teacher education and apologists of denominationally affiliated schools and teacher education led to the founding of private teacher education institutions, most of them run by the Church or organizations close to the Church, alongside the state teacher seminaries. Through reforms and the founding of new institutions, an increasingly differentiated teacher education system with very many small institutions grew over the course of decades, and in the early 1990s there were approximately 150 teacher education institutions (Badertscher et al. 1993; Criblez 1994). The points of reference of the various teaching education reforms were the expanding and differentiated education system but also the concerns and interests of the teachers as they gradually became more professionalized (Criblez 2005), in particular the teachers’ associations in the cantons and the language regions of the country. Important developments in the education system were implemented by teachers, but in part teachers were themselves the driving force behind developments in the schools. The increasing differentiation of the education system led to differentiation of the teaching profession and the creation of new training courses. Primary school teachers were trained



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systematically starting in the 1820s, and teacher training institutions for further teacher categories were established gradually: for secondary school and upper secondary school teachers in the 1860s, for kindergarten teachers in the 1870s, for handicrafts teachers (women) in the 1880s, and for physical education teachers and teachers of small classes for children with special needs in the 1920s. The process of the ‘schooling’ of society brought a lengthening of the duration of education and – in the second half of the twentieth century – its gradual shift into the area of tertiary education. Time after time, education policy and teachers’ associations responded to the increasing educational demands of the economy and society with professionalization demands (Criblez et al. 2000). Since the 1970s, the cantons have tried to meet the challenges of lifelong learning and the acceleration of school reforms by taking over sponsorship for continuing education and at least a part of its financing (Criblez 2000a). In the federalist education system, the cantons are responsible for teacher education for primary, lower secondary, and general education upper secondary school teachers. The federal government regulates teacher education only for vocational education and training school teachers and – for historical reasons, due to its military authority – for physical education teachers and sports educators. The cantons fulfilled their function by founding their own teacher education institutions or by recognizing the diplomas issued by other cantonal teacher education institutions or private teacher seminaries. Up to the end of the twentieth century, admission to the teaching profession was thus under the jurisdiction of, and regulated by, the cantonal authorities. Teachers therefore earned cantonal teaching licences rather than diplomas. Via cantonally valid teaching licences, the cantons ensured their control over the quality of the training and over the monopoly on the teachers’ job market. In the nineteenth century, the conflict between secular and religiousideological education had resulted in a kind of ‘cohabitation’ between philosophically and religiously neutral teacher education institutions, most of them under the sponsorship of the canton or city, and seminaries with a religious affiliation that were run by Catholic congregations or ReformedPietist associations. Whereas kindergarten and primary school teachers and needlework/knitting and domestic science teachers were trained at traditional upper secondary teacher training colleges (Criblez 2000b), starting in the 1860s the universities set up teacher education courses for secondary school and Gymnasium teachers (baccalaureate school: upper secondary general education school preparing students for direct entry into university). So in addition to the

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distinguishing characteristics ‘private’ versus ‘public’ and ‘religiously affiliated’ versus ‘non-denominational’, a further distinction was university-trained versus college-trained teachers. In addition, the gradual admittance of women to the teaching profession (Crotti 2005) and the new creation of so-called women’s teaching areas (kindergarten teachers, needlework/knitting teachers, domestic science teachers) had led to a further distinguishing characteristic among the institutions mainly in the second half of the nineteenth century and at the start of the twentieth century: training colleges for female teachers alongside training colleges for male teachers. The latter became open to young women only gradually. Swiss universities were among the first to make university education available to women (see Rogger and Bankowski 2010), who as early as the 1870s could train as baccalaureate school and secondary school teachers. On the contrary, gender segregation in Swiss teacher education was completely phased out in some public institutions only in the last third of the twentieth century and in private institutions due to post-1990s reforms. Federalized education in Switzerland ensured the rise of many small teacher education institutions. During the great shortage of teachers in the 1960s and early 1970s, the number of teacher education institutions increased even more due to decentralization, and the teacher landscape became further pluralized. But there was also another factor that contributed significantly to the great variety of teacher education programmes in Switzerland: the principles of tolerance of religions and language regions and institutionally secured protection of minorities, which have existed since the founding of the Swiss Confederation. In the course of the expansion of education in the late 1960s and early 1970s, new concepts of teacher education were discussed under the heading Lehrerbildung von morgen [teacher education of the future] (Müller et al. 1975). With measures to end the great shortage of teachers (teacher education courses for baccalaureate holders, courses for lateral entrants), teacher education gradually began to shift from upper secondary level training colleges to the university level (Criblez 2010: 26ff.). But an all-out process of reform of teacher education got underway only when Switzerland opened up internationally in the run-up to the vote on joining the European Economic Area (EEA) agreement in December 1992.



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The most significant teacher education reforms since 1990 The vote on joining the EEA was significant, because in the run-up to and the context of the organization it became clear the free movement of persons within Europe would have consequences for various areas of education and training in Switzerland (Plotke 1991). In a canton, teacher diplomas from other cantons would be discriminated against as compared to diplomas from other countries, because the EEA treaties established the right to free movement between nations. Switzerland voted against joining the EEA in 1992, but in the end free movement of persons was introduced nevertheless, as Switzerland signed bilateral agreements with the European Union that included the Agreement on the Free Movement of Persons. The cantons now had to ensure mutual recognition of cantonal teaching diplomas. To this purpose, in the 1990s the cantons worked towards developing regulations on the recognition of diplomas in Switzerland. In addition, two other reforms were an impetus to changes in teacher education. For one, baccalaureate school reforms (Meylan 1996) now provided for a baccalaureate concentrating on education, psychology and philosophy and another baccalaureate with an arts/creative focus. This deprived the teacher training colleges at the upper secondary level of one of the essential legitimations of their existence as institutions at that level. For another, the establishment of applied sciences universities, first in areas regulated by the federal government (technology/engineering, business/management, design; see Weber et al. 2010) and then later also in areas regulated by the cantons (health, social work, arts), gave impetus to ‘academic drift’, as it is generally called. If teacher education was to have a similar level of education and training as these other professions, it, too, would have to reposition itself. In addition to these nationwide reforms, some very different local and regional reform contexts should be mentioned: some cantons decided that having single-subject teachers (needlework/knitting and domestic science teachers) was no longer in keeping with the times. Demands for equal pay for the same work in the wake of equality legislation promoted a shift away from teacher education in traditional women’s subjects (Bigler-Eggenberger 1997). For various Church-run teacher education institutions, mainly in Central Switzerland, there was no secure future, because there was a shortage of young clerical personnel and expensive secular personnel had to be hired. Furthermore, due to the introduction of co-operative school models in many

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places, at the lower secondary level the question of uniform training for all teachers at this level was raised. In parallel to teacher education reform, the cantonal school systems were also changed in various respects or school reforms were discussed. This meant that the reform process had to take into account (potential) changes in the school system. These changes included, for example, creation of a school entrance level (pre-school plus grade 1 or grades 1 and 2), lower secondary education reform, or the new definition of textile and non-textile handicrafts, the introduction of school principals, and the reform of supervision of schools (see Criblez 2009). The different reforms in primary, secondary and tertiary education on the one hand, and in teacher education on the other, were dependent on one another in diverse ways. For instance, the tertiarization process of teacher education made sense only if at the same time revision of the recognition of baccalaureates made it possible for the general education curriculum of the previous teacher training colleges to be further developed and turned into baccalaureate schools concentrating on education and the social sciences or the arts. With this background, the following sub-processes can be distinguished in teacher education reform since the mid-1990s: a tertiarization process, an academization process, a scientification process, an autonomization process, a concentration process, a governmentalization process, an integration process, and an organization process. These sub-processes are described below (for more detail see Criblez 2010).

Tertiarization In the tertiarization process, teacher training courses that were previously organized at the upper secondary level were newly defined at the tertiary level. The reform process ended the training college model of teacher education that had been dominant since the 1830s (Criblez 2000b). Tertiarization means that in all cases an upper secondary diploma is required for admission to teacher education. For this reason, in the tertiarization process it was necessary to clarify exactly what upper secondary school-leaving qualifications (diploma/certificate/maturity certificate/baccalaureate) would be accepted for admission to teacher education. Although the tertiarization process has now been completed, admission is still a matter of controversy today, and the rules differ. New uniform admission requirements are set out in the Federal Act on Funding and Coordination of the Swiss Higher Education Sector (HEdA 2011, Art. 24), which will come into effect in 2015.



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Academization A distinction should be made between tertiarization and the academization process. In the academization process, a training course/programme obtains higher education status and becomes a course of study leading to an academic degree (today: bachelor’s degree (BA), master’s degree (MA), doctorate, habilitation). The Swiss Conference of Cantonal Ministers of Education (EDK) took this development into account and, starting in 1998, based recognition of diplomas throughout Switzerland on ‘higher education diplomas’ and no longer on ‘teaching diplomas’. In the academization process, study programmes at the tertiary level are usually integrated into universities, or higher education institutions are further developed into independent universities. This process is connected with the question as to how university studies and non-university programmes at the tertiary level differ. A central difference is held to be research and the authority to confer academic degrees. The academization process is therefore closely connected with the scientification process (see below). However, the teacher education universities have a limited right to confer academic degrees, as they may award only bachelor’s and master’s degrees. Because they offer no doctoral or habilitation programmes, the possibility of teacher education universities to certify their own young talent is formally restricted. One of the most important demands that have been put forward since the reform is therefore the demand to give applied sciences universities and teacher education universities the right to offer doctoral programmes and confer doctoral degrees (see FH Schweiz 2014). Some teacher education was already integrated in universities before the reform, in particular teacher education for secondary and baccalaureate school teachers but also teachers of commercial subjects, gymnastics and sports, as well as special needs education and therapeutic personnel (see Badertscher et al. 1993). But academization in the sense of making teacher education completely a matter for universities was implemented in three different forms: complete integration of teacher education in the university (mainly in Geneva), integration in an applied sciences university (for example, the University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland School of Education), or the establishing of an independent university of teacher education.

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Scientification In addition to the conferral of academic degrees, research is the most important characteristic distinguishing universities from other institutions at the tertiary level. For this reason, along with academization there has been a scientification process. Although some teacher education institutions conducted research within the limits of their possibilities already prior to the reform (see Gretler, Grossenbacher and Schärer 1998), the institutions were not given a performance mandate and the necessary resources – and this included the university teacher education departments. But reform gave to teacher education an official research mandate, which, as at the applied sciences universities (Botschaft Fachhochschulgesetz 1994: 34), was usually described as application-oriented research or applied research. However, the EDK regulations on the recognition of diplomas do not mention the research mandate explicitly; instead, the demand for research is set out only indirectly via the requirement for a tight link between research and teaching. Scientification brought with it at least three challenges for teacher education: the need to establish structures for research and development, to develop stronger links between teaching and research, and to set out new qualification requirements for personnel. These challenges are still being tackled today.

Autonomization Because so few students attend private schools in Switzerland, the cantons continue to have a monopoly as the employer of teachers. The cantons are therefore more interested in teacher education courses than in other courses of study. Still, the reform process was accompanied by an autonomization process. In the reform process the teacher education institutions were released from formal, close integration in the cantonal education administrations/authorities and were made relatively autonomous. Today, they are mostly run according to the principles of New Public Management, with a performance mandate and global budget. Oversight and/or strategic management is mostly the responsibility of a higher education council (Criblez and Oggenfuss 2010), whereby there is seldom a strict separation between oversight and strategic management. Serving as models for the new status of independent legal entity were the newly founded applied sciences universities and also the revised university laws that came into force for the university cantons of Switzerland and, at the federal level, for the two federal institutes of technology. However, the cantonal



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administrations still today continue to be much less willing to grant sufficient freedoms to teacher education universities as compared to the applied sciences universities or the universities (Beck 2010; Perriard 2010). The fact that the cantons no longer alone define teacher education and gear it strongly towards their cantonal school systems (Lehmann 2013) is also a consequence of the nationwide recognition of diplomas by the EDK. Diplomas that are valid in all of Switzerland can be awarded at the end of a course of study only if the course of study is not simply oriented towards only cantonal structures and a local job market. The autonomization process should thus be seen not only as a consequence of the introduction of new models of administrative management but also as a consequence of the national recognition of diplomas. But with these development processes there is the danger that teacher education that is autonomous and more strongly oriented to science and research than in the past will distance itself from the field of professional practice. Since the reform, fears that this will happen have been expressed frequently in the public discourse and by practitioners in the profession and education policymakers (Leder 2011: 24ff.; Lehmann and Huber 2011). These fears are increased by the fact that teacher education is no longer simply a part of a cantonal school system but is also – and in the future probably even more so – a part of a university system that is subject to international development dynamics.

Concentration, governmentalization and integration The process of teacher education reform was essentially also a concentration process in a threefold sense: reduction in the number of the responsible sponsors, reduction in the number of institutions and spatial concentration of the locations/sites. Today, with only a very few exceptions, teacher education is the responsibility of the cantons. In this sense, the reform can also be described as a governmentalization process. At the same time, a number of cantons formed associations as joint sponsors, and so they no longer possess cantonal, independent teacher education institutions and instead have assumed joint responsibility with other cantons for a teacher education or an applied sciences university with an integrated school of education (Huber 2011). This is the case for the cantons of Bern, Jura and Neuchâtel (Haute Ecole Pédagogique BEJUNE) and for the cantons of Aargau, Basel Land, Basel City and Solothurn (University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland School of Education). An association was also in existence in Central Switzerland for a few years, but it was disbanded in 2013.

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In the reform process, the great number of various teacher education institutions that still existed in the 1990s (see above) was reduced by a factor of almost ten. This was possible particularly because the courses of study for different types of teachers were no longer organized in their own separate institutions but instead were usually under one organizational ‘roof ’. The full significance of this institutional concentration process will probably only become clear in the future. If we consider that teacher continuing education and education documentation centres were also integrated in most of the teacher education universities, we can speak of an integration process ‒ but one that for the time being is organizational and does not seem to have taken place in a conceptually planned way. During the reform process, any talk of ‘overall conception’ or ‘master plan’ referred to the overall conception of basic teacher training/ education. For instance, the assignment of course content to basic training/ education or continuing education was not discussed systematically in the reform process, and questions and issues concerning teachers’ careers are not sufficiently addressed by the teacher education universities. Regarding content, the reform was primarily and principally directed at basic teacher education. But the organizational integration process is likely to be a good basis for future further development of teacher education in the future. Spatial/geographical concentration processes were connected with the integration process, and the concentration efforts faced regional opposition to the disbanding of decentralized locations. Higher education institutions, it was found, require a certain minimal size and decentralization is not the best way to organize them. In teacher education in Bern, decentralized locations that were at first retained (following a decentralization line of thinking from the education expansion phase) have since been disbanded. In the future there are likely to be special challenges connected with the decentralized locations of teacher education universities run by multiple cantons in co-sponsorship, as the concentration and integration processes are probably not yet completed. A comparison of the situation of teacher education universities with that of universities and applied sciences universities reveals that even after the great reform, there are still about the same number of teacher education universities in Switzerland as there are universities and applied sciences universities put together.

Organization The institutional concentration and integration process also led to a harmonization process in teacher education. When different teacher education



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institutions within a canton or different teacher education institutions beyond cantonal borders are combined, this reduces the variety of institutions within the canton and among the cantons. In addition, tertiarization and academization resulted in making teacher education fully higher education, which is also a harmonization process. The broad range of institutional variety ‒ arbitrariness even ‒ that prevailed in the late 1980s2 has been reduced. This harmonization process was supported considerably by the newly established accreditation mechanism of the EDK, the recognition of diplomas (Lehmann 2013). The EDK regulations on the recognition of diplomas define only a few ‘hard’ requirements (university status, duration of the course, required practical parts of the course, a few requirements regarding content). But as a result of the interpretation of the regulations by the recognition committees of the EDK and the EDK board, teacher education in Switzerland now shows a similar structure to that of twenty years ago. However, there are still great differences in the content of and the importance attached to individual training areas and modules (see Lehmann et al. 2007). Moreover, two important types of harmonization of structures have not yet succeeded in the reform process: harmonization of admission to the study programmes, and harmonization of types of diplomas (see below).

The current situation of teacher education The current situation of teacher education in Switzerland can be briefly described as follows. Teacher education has been fully integrated into higher education, even though the status of a few – mainly smaller – teacher education universities will probably remain precarious in the overall framework of the university landscape in Switzerland. The scientification of teacher education has been initiated, but the linking of teaching and research has succeeded only rather piecemeal for the time being (Tremp and Tettenborn 2013). The concentration of research on limited topics is hindering the linking of teaching and research; heavy teaching loads do not allow most university teachers to spend time on research and development continuously. Promotion of young researchers is being developed, but compared to other types of universities, at the teacher education universities professors and lecturers are very strongly overrepresented, and the non-professorial teaching staff is quite modest at present. Teacher education is either part of an autonomous higher education institution (university or university of applied sciences) or constituted as a

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teacher education university having its own legal entity. The interest in teacher education remains high on the part of the education administration/authorities, because the state continues to be the monopoly employer. In this sense, teacher education is under strong education policy ‘observation’. The reform process greatly reduced the number of locations at which teacher education is offered. Only in Geneva is teacher education ‒ with the exception of the course of study in psychomotor therapy – integrated into the university. In Northwestern Switzerland (Aargau, Basel City, Basel Land and Solothurn), education is at one of the schools of the University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland (FHNW), run in co-sponsorship; also in the canton of Ticino the teacher education university was integrated into the university of applied sciences. All of the other non-university locations are teacher education universities. This means that teachers in Switzerland are educated and trained at three different types of higher education institution, and some higher education institutions continue to be in several locations. In the reform process, the universities ‒ again, with the exception of Geneva ‒ have declined in importance in teacher education. In Fribourg and Zürich, the universities and the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETHZ) have study programmes in baccalaureate school teacher education, and in Fribourg also in secondary school teacher education, even though at both of these locations there exists a university of teacher education. The universities of Fribourg, Geneva and Neuchâtel also have courses of study in speech therapy, and the University of Fribourg also has a teaching course in school-level special education. However, at many locations the special education programmes have been integrated into the teacher education universities. The reform process can be seen as a transition from a very loosely coupled teacher education system characterized by strong cantonal authority to a teacher education system that is integrated in the Swiss higher education landscape and in which nationwide minimal standards are defined by the EDK diploma recognition regulations. In the cantonal reform projects, however, it had not been expected at the start that nationwide minimal standards would limit cantonal authority and that the new teacher education universities in the university landscape of Switzerland would have to allow themselves to be compared with other types of universities (applied sciences universities, universities). The teacher education programmes are now accredited, nationally recognized diplomas are awarded, and the Bologna system has been implemented; the study programmes have been modularized and follow the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS). The programmes for lower secondary teachers are now



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geared to the school level and no longer to the different school types. Despite structural harmonization efforts, the definition of the school entrance level (pre-school plus grade 1 or grades 1 and 2) is still in the hands of the cantons and will therefore remain disparate for the time being (EDK 2011). Education and training for needlework/knitting and domestic science teachers has been integrated into the school-level-oriented courses of study. For both the primary and lower secondary school levels, there are great differences among the universities in the number of school subjects and partly also in the definition of the school subjects for which teaching qualifications can be obtained. Today, kindergarten and primary school teachers complete a three-year (minimum) bachelor’s degree programme with a teaching qualification; in the German-speaking part of Switzerland, secondary school teachers complete a master’s degree programme conferring a teaching qualification of four and a half years’ duration – mostly in a combined bachelor’s/master’s programme (in this case, the BA does not grant teaching qualification). Admission to teacher education for teaching at baccalaureate schools (duration: one year, or sixty ECTS credits) is open to holders of a master’s degree in a teaching discipline. In the French-speaking part of Switzerland, admission to a joint teacher education programme for lower and upper secondary teaching is open to holders of a master’s degree in one or two teaching disciplines. Through the accreditation procedures of the EDK, these courses of study are all harmonized in their main important points, but at the level of modules and lectures/seminars they continue to vary greatly. There is no common curriculum, and there is no agreement regarding the professional competencies to be acquired in teacher education. Still, some general statements can be made concerning normatively prescribed content and fundamental features of these study programmes. Not all courses of study are offered at all higher education institutions. The smaller locations tend to only provide programmes in pre-primary and primary school education; most of the larger locations offer study programmes for teaching at all school levels and types of schools. In addition to the courses of study in pre-primary and primary school education, the courses with the largest number of graduates are the programmes for lower secondary school teachers, baccalaureate school teachers, vocational education and training teachers, and specialists in schoollevel special education. The EDK has issued recognition regulations for all of these categories of teachers. The regulations define minimum standards that a study programme must fulfil for the degree/diploma to be recognized nationwide. In general, the study programmes are modularized and encompass

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education sciences modules, school-level and school-subject didactics (teaching methodology), courses in curriculum-related subjects, and practical training.

Study programmes for pre-primary and primary teachers3 The requirement for admission to these courses of study is a baccalaureate or specialized baccalaureate and for programmes for pre-primary education only also the specialized school certificate. A three-year study programme (180 ECTS credits) leads to a Bachelor of Arts in pre-primary and/or primary education and a teaching certificate for the pre-primary and/or primary level. This teacher qualification enables the teacher to teach all school subjects in the relevant school grades or a major part of the school subjects.

Study programmes for lower secondary school teachers In the French- and Italian-speaking arts of Switzerland, there is a joint study programme for lower secondary school teaching and upper secondary school teaching including baccalaureate schools, but in the German-speaking part of Switzerland, traditionally a clear distinction is made between these two teacher categories (Lussi and Criblez 2007). Admission is usually open to holders of a baccalaureate (Maturity certificate from a Gymnasium). The study programme qualifies teachers to teach in one to at most five lower secondary school subjects. The minimum length of the programme is four and a half years.

Study programmes for baccalaureate school teachers This applies to baccalaureate, specialized baccalaureate, federal vocational baccalaureate. For admission, a student must have completed a master’s degree in one or two teaching disciplines.

Study programmes for teachers at vocational education and training (VET) schools In contrast to the qualification of all other teachers, the qualification of staff for vocational schools is regulated by the federal government, the Swiss Confederation. On offer are study programmes for vocational teaching and for general teaching at vocational schools. Both study programmes require 1,800 hours (sixty credits).



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Study programmes for specialists in special education Study programmes qualifying for teaching in special needs education are offered at a total of eight locations: the large (except for Zürich) and medium-sized teacher education universities, the University of Geneva, and the University of Applied Sciences of Special Needs Education in Zürich. Admission is open to persons with various qualifications in the form of teaching qualification and bachelor’s degrees, also depending on the chosen area of specialization (early remedial education or school-level remedial education). Graduates of the teacher training programme for special needs education are awarded a Master of Arts in special needs education; graduates must complete sixty credits in basic studies for the two areas of specialization and a minimum of forty credits in practical training. In general, it can be said that with the strong modularization, since the 1990s the contents of the study programmes have been increasingly geared to teaching competencies and that teacher education is less oriented towards traditional topics in the academic disciplines, in particular education sciences (see Criblez 2007). The formerly strong orientation towards theories and models of general didactics has been replaced by a stronger emphasis on subject didactics (Lehmann et al. 2007: 36ff.), which in turn are now based more strongly on empirical teaching research and empirical research on learning and instruction. The importance of school-subject teaching methodology can also be seen, among other things, in the fact that since the new reconstitution of teacher education, almost half of the research projects have been on this topic (see Wannack et al. 2013). Thanks mainly to the lengthening of the study programmes’ duration, practical training could be strengthened, co-operation with schools in the geographical area expanded, and teacher continuing education improved. At the same time, teacher education was also more strongly oriented towards the findings of scientific research (for an assessment, see Zutavern and Duss 2013), and teacher education elements were added to introduce future teachers to research contexts for scientific literacy (see Vetter and Ingrizani 2013). All in all, these reforms were meant to serve stronger professionalization of the teaching profession (see Criblez and Hofstetter 2002). However, due to a shortage of teachers, courses of study were also added for ‘lateral entrants’, with admission requirements that differed from the norm, possible accreditation of competencies acquired in non-formal and informal contexts, and accordingly reduced training programmes. These courses for lateral entrants were viewed with scepticism as being a move towards de-professionalization.

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Continuing education for teachers This was largely organized and financed by the cantons beginning in the 1970s. In the wake of discussions on developing the school from the bottom up, the autonomization of individual schools, and the introduction of school principals, the status of continuing teacher education changed. In-house continuing education and advising at the schools gained in importance. School principals are now increasingly involved in continuing education decisions with the aim of staff development, and financial resources for continuing education are being increasingly shifted to the schools. For the most part, the higher education institutions have taken on responsibility not only for basic teacher education but also for continuing education. Their offerings range from courses on specific topics to intensive continuing education courses of several months’ duration, and from in-house courses to advising. Development of continuing education for teachers is being geared increasingly to teacher and school demand; the former strong state-monopoly orientation has been replaced by a stronger market-oriented focus.

Perspectives Following upon the great reform of the last fifteen to twenty years, teacher education in Switzerland is now in a consolidation phase. A lot of things will have to prove their worth in the coming years. However, in all of the cantons, the idea of a reform process with a clear beginning and a definite end has been shown to be a myth. Almost everywhere corrections have already been undertaken since the reform, and more corrections will follow. On balance, there are some areas where change is still needed, and in addition, some new challenges have already arisen that will probably lead to further reforms. In conclusion, I will point out (with no claim to completeness) three such areas: unresolved problems in harmonization, the problem of linking teaching and research, and the new national policy of higher education coordination.

Harmonization problems The project of the EDK regulations on the recognition of diplomas throughout Switzerland was by necessity connected with harmonization goals. Only one course of study that fulfilled certain minimum requirements was to be



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recognized nationwide. But the minimum requirements in several areas were disputed (Lehmann 2013) and consensual solutions could not be found for all areas, with the result that insufficiently clear specifications, or none at all, have been set out in the following areas: uniform rules for admission to teacher education, the definition of diploma/degree categories, and the teaching qualifications acquired with the degrees. There continues to be significant differences among the teacher education locations regarding the required or sufficient prerequisites for admission. Admission to holders of a federally recognized baccalaureate has become more important quantitatively, but the cantons continue to have differing rules regarding alternative routes to admission, such as admission open to holders of a federal vocational baccalaureate or a specialized baccalaureate; admission to higher education is to some extent even possible without a baccalaureate and based on an evaluation of the individual’s application file (‘sur dossier’) (for example, for teacher education at the University of Fribourg and the University of Geneva). The teacher shortage and the associated facilitated admission of lateral entrants (EDK 2010) have exacerbated this problem in recent years. For this reason, the working group for the follow-up report to the Masterplan Pädagogische Hochschulen [Master Plan for the Teacher Education Universities] identified a need for further harmonization in this area (Arbeitsgruppe 2008: 14ff.). In future, admission to teacher education will therefore be regulated uniformly by the Higher Education Funding and Coordination Act (HEdA 2011). In addition, depending on the particular location of teacher education, very different diplomas/degrees can be earned in the same duration of studies (Lehmann 2006). The diplomas awarded confer teaching qualification for different school grades and school subjects. For instance, a three-year bachelor’s degree programme can lead to a teaching qualification for kindergarten only, or for kindergarten and the first two grades of primary school, or for kindergarten and all six grades of primary school. Or a bachelor’s degree at one university qualifies the graduate for teaching all school subjects at the primary school level, whereas a bachelor’s degree at another university confers teaching qualification for only some school subjects. If students are to be able to choose freely where they study and if there is nationwide recognition of diplomas, then the great differences in admission requirements and diploma/degree categories will have to be reduced, so as to create a fair competition situation among the teacher education providers. In teacher education, the differing sizes, structures and financial means of the different universities as well as their integration in different education policy

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contexts are also more likely in the future to promote centrifugal movements than harmonization movements. Or in other words, the harmonization of teacher education will continue to be difficult in the long term.

The linking of teaching and research The organization of research and development differs significantly among teacher education universities. Some universities have established vice-rector’s offices for research while others have organized research in one or more institutes; others still are oriented towards individual researchers and fund research and development by giving professors and lecturers sufficient time to initiate research projects and acquire third-party funds. The basic problem with all of these models is that research is not a self-understood basic mandate of professors at the teacher education universities. This is connected with: (1) their conditions of employment (heavy teaching loads); (2) the qualification of former staff (research was not a criterion for employment prior to the reform and was also rarely a criterion when transferring the staff from the old to the new teacher education institutions); and (3) the budgets available for research and development, which continue to be small. Of the available positions (fulltime equivalent) at applied sciences and teacher education universities, only departments of music, theatre and other arts (6.5 per cent of the full-time equivalent units) invest fewer staff resources in research and development than the teacher education universities (8.9 per cent); all other university departments invest considerably more staff resources (maximum: engineering and information technology, 41.1 per cent) in research and development (BfS 2012: 17). This in turn is connected with the fact that up to now, the teacher education universities have built up only a modestly sized non-professorial teaching staff. Only 7.5 per cent of full-time equivalent units at teacher education universities are for teaching assistants or academic associates, whereas at applied sciences universities the figure is on average 12.5 per cent (BfS 2012: 9). This means that only a small part of the teaching staff at teacher education universities are involved in research. The linking of teaching and research therefore remains precarious, for it cannot simply be required, as it is at the universities. The link between teaching and research has to be either reduced to the teaching areas in which professors and lecturers are also conducting research or organized in a costly way, with neither of these options being ideal conditions for research-based teaching.



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National policy of higher education coordination As a result of efforts towards stronger coordination and quality control in the higher education sector, as set out in the new Higher Education Funding and Coordination Act (HEdA 2011), teacher education universities will probably be subjected to stronger comparison not only among themselves but also with applied sciences universities and universities. Institutional accreditation is being made a prerequisite for all higher education institutions, and it must be achieved within eight years after the Act comes into force. Although the Swiss Higher Education Council will consider the specific characteristics and autonomy of tier-one universities, applied sciences, and teacher education universities, the accreditation standards will be oriented more strongly to international standards than to local job market and training needs. Due to the need to catch up in research (see above) and because of the development of a ‘Swiss university landscape’ (Botschaft HFKG 2009: 11ff.), there could arise a development momentum that ‒ under the condition of higher education institution autonomy ‒ can hardly be controlled by either the cantonal education administrations/authorities or the professional associations. For this reason, and precisely because they are autonomous, the teacher education universities must create their own instruments with which they can prevent decoupling from the schools’ qualification needs.

Notes 1 This text is a result of three major research projects, realized since 1999: (1) Structural changes of the teacher education in the German-speaking part of Switzerland (1999–2003), financially supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), see http://sowiport.gesis.org/search/id/gesis-sofis-00066210 (accessed 20 September 2014); (2) Teacher Education in Switzerland (2005–7), financially supported by the Swiss Conference of Cantonal Ministers of Education and the State Secretariat for Education and Research, see http://www.skbf-csre.ch/ fileadmin/files/pdf/bildungsmonitoring/abstract_lehrer.pdf (accessed 20 September 2014); (3) Teacher Education reform and nationwide accreditation of diploma (2008–2012), financially supported by the SNSF, see http://www.research-projects. uzh.ch/p11456.htm (accessed 20 September 2014). 2 See here the OECD-Länderbericht Schweiz (EDK 1990: 149f.); Badertscher et al.’s (1993) Handbuch zur Grundausbildung der Lehrerinnen und Lehrer in der Schweiz and Criblez (1994).

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3 For the regulation of nationwide accreditation see EDK, 1998a, 1998b, 1999a, 1999b; on levels of education and school types in the Swiss education system, see the contribution by Matthis Behrens in this volume.

References Arbeitsgruppe (2008), Anschlussbericht zum Masterplan Pädagogische Hochschulen im Auftrag der Schweizerischen Konferenz der kantonalen Erziehungsdirektoren vom 13. August 2008. Bern: EDK. Badertscher, H., Criblez, L., Walchli, St., Weissleder, M. & Vauthier, E. (1993), Handbuch zur Grundausbildung der Lehrerinnen und Lehrer in der Schweiz. Strukturen, Bedingungen, Unterrichtsberechtigungen. Bern: EDK. Beck, E. (2010), ‘Hochschulautonomie und gesellschaftliche Verantwortung’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung, 28 (2): 264–71. BfS (Bundesamt für Statistik) (2012), Personal der Fachhochschulen 2010, Neuenburg: Bundesamt für Statistik. Bigler-Eggenberger, M. (1997), Rechtsgutachten zur Frage einer Ausgrenzung von Kindergartenlehrkräften bei der Reform der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerausbildung in der deutschen Schweiz, Lausanne: s.n. Botschaft Fachhochschulgesetz (1994), Botschaft zu einem Bundesgesetz über die Fachhochschulen (Fachhochschulgesetz, FHSG) vom 30. Mai 1994. Bern: EDMZ. Botschaft HFKG (2009), ‘Botschaft zum Bundesgesetz über die Förderung der Hochschulen und die Koordination im schweizerischen Hochschulbereich (HFKG) vom 29. Mai 2009’, Bundesblatt 161: 4561–686. Criblez, L. (1994), ‘Lehrerbildung in der Schweiz: Vielfalt ohne Koordination?’, Bildungsforschung und Bildungspraxis 16: 139–60. Criblez, L. (2000a), ‘Zwischen Selbst – und Verwaltungssteuerung – Institutionalisierung und Desinstitutionalisierung der Lehrerfortbildung’, GdWZ – Grundlagen der Weiterbildung 11: (3): 149–52. Criblez, L. (2000b), ‘Das Lehrerseminar – zur Entwicklung eines Lehrerbildungskonzeptes’, in L. Criblez, R. Hofstetter and D. Périsset Bagnoud (eds), La formation des enseignant(e)s primaires – Histoire et réformes actuelles. Die Ausbildung von PrimarlehrerInnen – Geschichte und aktuelle Reformen, 299–338. Bern/Genf: Lang. Criblez, L. (2005), ‘Lehrer, Lehrerin: Ein Beruf im historischen Wandel’, in M. Sigrist, T. Wehner and A. Leger (eds), Schule als Arbeitsplatz, 15–38. Zürich: Pestalozzianum. Criblez, L. (2007). ‘Allgemeine Pädagogik in der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung oder: vom Verschwinden des Reflexionskerns durch Kompetenzorientierung’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 25 (3): 295–305.



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Criblez, L. (2009), ‘Die Entwicklung des öffentlichen Schulwesens in der Schweiz seit 1980’, in F. Brückel and U. Schönberger (eds), Alternative Schulen in privater Trägerschaft in der Schweiz, 15–45. Zürich: Pestalozzianum. Criblez, L. (2010), ‘Die Reform der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung in der Schweiz seit 1990: Reformprozesse, erste Bilanz und Desiderata’, in H. Ambühl and W. Stadelmann (eds), Tertiarisierung der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung, 22–58. Bern: EDK. Criblez, L. and R. Hofstetter (2002), ‘Die Professionalisierung der pädagogischen Berufe durch eine Tertiarisierung der Ausbildung’, Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Bildungswissenschaften, 24 (1): 15–26. Criblez, L., R. Hofstetter and D. Périsset Bagnoud (eds) (2000), Die Ausbildung von PrimarlehrerInnen – Geschichte und aktuelle Reformen. Bern: Lang. Criblez, L. and Ch. Oggenfuss (2010), ‘Die Hochschulräte an den Pädagogischen Hochschulen der deutschsprachigen Schweiz’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 28 (2): 287–302. Crotti, C. (2005), Lehrerinnen – frühe Professionalisierung: Professionsgeschichte der Volksschullehrerinnen in der Schweiz im 19. Jahrhundert. Bern: Lang. EDK [Schweizerische Konferenz der kantonalen Erziehungsdirektoren] (1990), Bildungspolitik in der Schweiz. Bericht der OECD. Bern: EDK. EDK (1998a), Reglement über die Anerkennung der Lehrdiplome für Maturitätsschulen vom 4. Juni 1998 (Stand: 26. Oktober 2012). Available online: http://edudoc.ch/ record/38130/files/AK_Mat_d.pdf (accessed 20 August 2014). EDK (1998b), Reglement über die Anerkennung der Diplome im Bereich der Sonderpädagogik (Vertiefungsrichtung Heilpädagogische Früherziehung und Vertiefungsrichtung Schulische Heilpädagogik) vom 12. Juni 2008 (Stand: 12. Juni 2008) Available online: http://edudoc.ch/record/29973/files/Regl_Sonderpaed_d.pdf (accessed 20 August 2014). EDK (1999a), Reglement über die Anerkennung von Hochschuldiplomen für Lehrkräfte der Vorschulstufe und der Primarstufe vom 10. Juni 1999 (Stand: 21. Juni 2012). Available at: http://edudoc.ch/record/29975/files/Regl_AK_VS_PS_d.pdf (accessed 20 August 2014). EDK (1999b), Reglement über die Anerkennung von Hochschuldiplomen für Lehrkräfte der Sekundarstufe I vom 26. August 1999 (Stand: 21. Juni 2012), Available at: http:// edudoc.ch/record/29978/files/Regl_SekI_d.pdf (accessed 20 August 2014). EDK (2010), Gestiegener Bedarf an Lehrerinnen/Lehrern und Schulischen Heilpädagogen/-innen. Abklärungen zu möglichen Massnahmen im Bereich der Diplomanerkennung. Bern: EDK. EDK (2011), Die interkantonale Vereinbarung über die Harmonisierung der obligatorischen Schule (HarmoS-Konkordat) vom 14. Juni 2007. Kommentar, Entstehungsgeschichte und Ausblick, Instrumente. Bern: EDK. FH Schweiz, Dachverband Absolventinnen und Absolventen Schweiz (2014), 3. Ausbildungsstufe an Fachhochschulen (PhD-Stufe). Zürich: FH Schweiz.

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Gretler, A., S. Grossenbacher and M. Schärer (1998), ‘Forschung und Entwicklung in der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung – Bestandesaufnahme’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 16 (1): 57–68. HEdA (2011), Federal Act on Funding and Coordination of the Swiss Higher Education Sector (Higher Education Funding and Coordination Act, HEdA) of 30 September 2011. Available online: https://www.google.com/?gws_ rd=ssl#q=Federal+Act+on+Funding+and+Coordination+of+the+Swiss+Higher +Education+Sector+(Higher+Education+Funding+and+Coordination+Act%2C +HEdA)+ (accessed 5 October 2015). Huber, C. (2011), ‘Regionalisierung der Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung: Argumente und Herausforderungen’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 28 (2): 248–63. Leder, C. (2011), ‘Neun Thesen zur Lehrerinnen– und Lehrerbildung’, in H. Ambühl and W. Stadelmann (eds), Wirksame Lehrerinnen– und Lehrerbildung – gute Schulpraxis, gute Steuerung. Bilanztagung II, 13–37. Bern: EDK. Lehmann, L. (2006), Harmonisierung der Stufen– und Fächerprofile in der Lehrer– und Lehrerinnenbildung. Expertise erstellt im Auftrag der Kommission Ausbildung der Schweizerischen Konferenz der Rektorinnen und Rektoren der Pädagogischen Hochschulen (SKPH) vom 26. November 2006. Aarau: PH FHNW. Lehmann, L. (2013), Zwang zur freiwilligen Zusammenarbeit. Steuerungsinstrumente und interkantonale Governance in der schweizerischen Lehrerinnen– und Lehrerbildung. Bern: hep. Lehmann Lukas, L. Criblez, T. Guldimann, W. Fuchs, D. Pé (2007), Lehrerinnen – und Lehrerbildung in der Schweiz. Aarau: Schweizerische Koordinationsstelle für Bildungsforschung. Lehmann, L. and C. Huber (2011), ‘Volksschullehrerbildung’, in L. Criblez, B. Müller and J. Oelkers, J. (eds), Die Volksschule zwischen Innovationsdruck und Reformkritik, 189–99. Zürich: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. Lussi, V. and L. Criblez (2007), ‘Sciences de l’éducation et inscription universitaires des formations à l’enseignement: conditionnements réciproques’, in R. Hofstetter, B. Schneuwly et al., Emergence des sciences de l’éducation en Suisse à la croisée de traditions académiques contrastées, 231–64. Bern: Lang. Meylan, J.-P. (1996), ‘Die Erneuerung des Gymnasiums und die Anerkennung der Maturitäten. Stationen der Debatte 1968–1995’, in EDK (eds), Materialien zur Entwicklung des Mittelschulunterrichts, 28–43. Bern. Müller, F. et al. (1975), Lehrerbildung von morgen, Hitzkirch: Comenius. Perriard, M. (2010), ‘Wie autonom können Pädagogische Hochschulen sein?’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 28 (3): 272–80. Plotke, H. (1991), Gegenseitige Anerkennung von Diplomen und Berufserfahrung in der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft und Auswirkungen auf die Schweiz. Basel: Helbing and Lichtenhahn. Rogger, F. and M. Bankowski (2010), Ganz Europa blickt auf uns! Das schweizerische Frauenstudium und seine russischen Pionierinnen. Baden: hier+jetzt.



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Tremp, P. and A. Tettenborn (2013), ‘Forschungsorientierung in der Schweizer Lehrerinnen- und Lehrerbildung’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 31 (3): 286–300. Vetter, P. and D. Ingrisani (2013), ‘Der Nutzen der forschungsmethodischen Ausbildung für angehende Lehrpersonen’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 31 (3): 321–32. Wannack, E., D. Freiser-Mühleman and H. Rhyn (2013), ‘Themenfelder in Forschung und Entwicklung pädagogischer Hochschulen in der Schweiz’, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 31 (3): 345–63. Weber, K., Balthasar, A., Tremel, P., Fassler, S. (2010), Gleichwertig, aber andersartig? Zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in der Schweiz. Basel/Bern: s.n. Zutavern, M. and C. Duss (2013), Forschung und Lehre an den pädagogischen Hochschulen der Schweiz – eine subjektive Bilanz, Beiträge zur Lehrerbildung 31 (3): 364–374.

6

Albania: An overview Meg P. Gardinier

Introduction In the former communist countries of Southeast Europe, democratization has introduced a complex array of social, economic and political processes. With increasing international and domestic attention placed on economic growth, strengthening democratic institutions and improving rule of law, educational reforms appear to be of minor significance in the broader landscape of democratization. However, as shown in many of the chapters in this volume, the transformation of educational systems in post-communist states is a critical precondition for the success of democratic reform agendas. In the case of Albania, efforts to introduce significant reforms in pre-university and higher education have intensified in the last decade. With the government’s approval of the National Pre-university Education Development Strategy in June 2004, a multifaceted reform agenda began to emerge. This national effort was guided and assisted by significant input from representatives of international organizations, such as the World Bank, alongside the support and involvement of local educators and community members. These reforms touched most aspects of the educational system including the legal and legislative frameworks, the curriculum, textbooks, testing and assessment, classroom dynamics, teacher preparation and even the very structure of school grade levels. Higher education in Albania has also seen a number of significant reforms that initially focused on increasing access to higher education institutions, and more recently, on improving the quality and accountability of those institutions. This chapter provides a window into many of these changes in the Albanian educational system. The first section provides an overview of the historical and contextual factors that have influenced

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educational debates and strategies in Albania since the fall of communism in the early 1990s. The second sections draws on national strategy documents and statistical data to present an overview of the current provision of Albanian pre-university education from a system-wide perspective. In the third section, recent developments in teacher education and policy reform are examined in the context of international comparisons based on results and analysis from the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). The fourth section provides an overview of Albanian higher education. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of Albania’s future challenges and priorities with respect to education.

Recent history and policy context of Albanian education Albania is a relatively small and homogeneous1 country of 3.2 million people in south-eastern Europe. Until 1991, Albania was one of the most isolated and economically disadvantaged countries of Europe. Albanians were subject to a brutal totalitarian regime for more than four decades, with the vast majority living in poor rural and mountainous communities isolated from the rest of the world. During the dictatorship, schools served as an instrument of Marxist indoctrination. However, with the end of communism, Albania looked to the West for economic assistance and guidance for democratic reform, as former political adversaries were greeted with new respect. International donors and organizations such as the World Bank, United Nations agencies, bilateral agencies, the Soros Foundation, Council of Europe, and many other international organizations arrived in Albania, bringing a plethora of foreign educational models for modernization and democratization. Like other countries in the region, Albania increasingly incorporated international agendas into its own system reform. Albanian policy-makers increasingly sought opportunities to incorporate European and Western educational norms, models and practices into the evolving Albanian system. For example, with the approval of the National Education Strategy (NES) in 2004, the government restructured the levels and years of schooling in order to mirror the practices of the EU and the OECD member countries (CDE 2006). The NES and subsequent educational strategies emphasized education’s role in preparing students for the rights and responsibilities of democratic citizenship and a global market-based economy.



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To develop a more democratically oriented system, the first step educators made in the early 1990s was to revise the curricular structures for pre-university education and remove the ideological and militarized content of textbooks and curricular plans.2 The Ministry of Education asked local experts to develop new curricular frameworks and textbooks that included new ideas about the democratic political system and the characteristics of democratic citizenship. These topics were gradually included in the compulsory subjects of civic education, knowledge of society and social science education. International organizations also provided cross-curricular materials in areas such as human rights education, legal education, democratic citizenship education and global education, as noted in Table 6.1. However, alongside these curricular innovations, many local educators felt that their schools continued to be somewhat politicized. Teachers sometimes experienced a lack of security when the local or national government changed party hands; political partisanship would sometimes cost educators their jobs (Gardinier 2012). According to an OECD stocktaking report, ‘Albania’s experience clearly testifies that the destruction of a totalitarian regime does not automatically lead to an open civil society. […] Modern open concepts of citizenship may remain weak in the face of continuing – and sometimes even strengthened – political partisanship’ (Dhamo 2003: 6). Politicians, professionals and educators alike sought assistance from abroad; a select few were chosen to travel on grants such as the US governmentsponsored Fulbright and Ron Brown Fellowships to directly learn and experience American models of democracy and education. Others worked with internationals at home in Albania. For example, the Soros Foundation was one of the most influential donors for early reforms in Albania. As in other Western Balkan countries, the Soros Foundation focused on educational investment for an ‘open society’. In Albania, Soros sponsored the creation of the Albanian Educational Development Project (AEDP) and ran projects and programmes to train teachers, improve school infrastructure, teach democratic citizenship, civics and legal education, create debating clubs, and infuse models based on Karl Popper’s critical thinking at all levels of schooling (Bassler 2005). The Soros Foundation was one of many international donors and organizations that contributed to early educational change in postcommunist Albania; Table 6.1 outlines a number of other such organizations and their educational focus. As demonstrated in Table 6.1, a wide range of international actors participated in a number of educational interventions throughout the first two decades of the post-communist period. These actors ranged from international and

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Table 6.1. A partial view of international organizations with educational projects in Albania, 1995–present Organization

Programme/project thematic focus

Category of assistance

Albanian Center for Human Rights (local organization with international funding) Catholic Relief Services (CRS) Council of Europe

Partnered with the National Institute for Pedagogical Studies to introduce human rights education in schools (Kati and Gjedia 2003) School Connectivity Project linking the region; school reconstruction Provided curriculum materials, training and international meetings to support democratization and Europeanization since Albania became a member in 1995 Completed Thematic Review of national policies for education (2002); Coordinated Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) project Hosted conferences and provided training on human rights, anti-trafficking, women’s rights, rule of law, youth entrepreneurship, civil society development, and education for children with disabilities

Curriculum and textbook development; teacher training; capacity building

Provided training and support for vocational education programmes Focused on promoting and protecting children’s rights, early childhood education; child-friendly learning environments; and aiding children with disabilities Provided support for local education reform, school reconstruction, community development, and teacher education. Projects include: ‘Step by Step’ pre-school project; ‘Conflict Resolution and Mediation in Schools’ project after 1997 crisis; teacher education programme ‘Kualida.’ Emphasis on critical thinking, quality education, and promoting democracy and open society Aided in the implementing of technology in schools in Northern Albania; focused on security issues including preventing crime, human trafficking, blood feud, drug use; and promoted e-schools project

Vocational education

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe/ODIHR (Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights) Kulturkontakt (Austria) Save the Children

Soros Foundation/ Open Society/ AEDP (Albanian Education Development Project)

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)

School modernization Policy advice and standard setting for democratic citizenship education and European dimension in education Policy recommendations on educational outcomes analysis and governance

Capacity building, partnerships, and technical support for human rights and education

Cluster school development for children and teachers; Community building projects

Capacity building; curriculum development; teacher training; school infrastructure; Education reform

Infrastructure development; training and capacity building; technical support

United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)

US Agency for International Development /US Embassy World Bank

Albania: An overview Programmes and curriculum development; translation of UNESCO educational publications; educational partnerships for human rights education; developed teacher manuals Created pilot programmes to improve access of marginalized children to schools and improve student learning achievements; created reports on ‘hidden dropouts’ and Roma population access to schools; promoted teacher training on topics of minimum standard learning goals and critical thinking with a focus on child-friendly schools and quality education School reconstruction and support for curriculum development and teacher training in education for democratic citizenship

Assisted government with education reform strategies for Education for All fast-track initiative (towards Millennium Development Goals); funded school rehabilitation; assisted with reforms in textbook publishing industry; assisted with development of education management information systems; advised on educational assessment

127 Curriculum development; teacher training; youth support

Policy and curriculum development; educational research; school reform; standard setting; pilot projects in education; capacity building

Financial support and investment; resource development; scholarships, fellowships, and educational exchange; capacity building; school reconstruction Education financing; decentralization and privatization; policy development; educational governance

regional organizations to non-governmental and voluntary organizations along with some bilateral donors. Some agencies focused on technical assistance at the school level, while others focused on influencing the government at the policy level. The content of these projects also varied; while some developed standalone curricular units on special issues like human rights, human trafficking, or disarmament education, other projects focused on capacity building with teachers, the training of trainers, and government officials. The needs and demands for international educational borrowing were strong. According to Albanian sociologist Fatos Tarifa, during these early years most schools had ‘worn out classrooms, scanty furniture, broken windows, lack of paper and textbooks, not to mention the total absence of teaching equipment such as calculators, overhead projectors, audio-visual aids, computers or

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copying machines’ (Kloep and Tarifa 1994: 170). Furthermore, due to weak infrastructure and a lack of effective public and private modes of transportation, teachers often had to walk ‘up to ten miles a day to and from their schools’ (ibid.). Conditions such as these caught the attention of international donors in the early days of democracy. As a result, school reconstruction and the construction of new facilities became a primary goal of many donor and governmental projects. As of 2014, a total of 1,336 educational facilities were built or renovated, including 359 new facilities and 977 reconstructed buildings (Working Group for Reform in Pre-university Education 2014: 10). Alongside school reconstruction projects, educational policy reform efforts accelerated in the new millennium. In 2001, Albania adopted the United Nations framework of the Millennium Development Goals for poverty reduction and education and health sector reform. The focus of education policy reform during the next few years reflected international norms of providing ‘quality education’3 and ‘building capacity’ in the education system. From 2003–6, the Albanian Ministry of Education drafted reforms that helped Albania resemble other European systems of education. Since the late 1990s, political integration with Western Europe served as one of the dominant factors influencing policy reform in Albania. In light of these policy goals, with an emphasis on decentralization, the national government’s Pedagogical Research Institute was divided into three separate units, one focusing on curricula and standards, another responsible for teacher training and qualification, and a third managing assessment and evaluation. Educational regions and directorates were also re-organized throughout the country. There are currently thirteen regional education directorates, each with a number of municipal offices, in Albania. The momentum behind educational reform experienced a temporary setback during 1997–8 due to civil unrest and violence resulting from the collapse of government-sponsored pyramid schemes. During this period, armed local gangs vandalized many schools, and schools consequently focused on safety over reform. Then, in 1999, as a result of ethnic cleansing and persecution in neighbouring Kosovo, nearly 500,000 Kosovar Albanian refugees flooded into the Republic of Albania seeking safety. According to a World Bank report, 70 per cent of the refugees were taken in by private families despite widespread economic hardship (Barjaba and La Cava 2000). The Ministry of Education and Science also made provisions to help meet the educational needs of the refugee families by providing books and supplies for their children. This overwhelmingly positive response to aiding the Kosovar refugees promoted social cohesion throughout Albania in the wake of the previous civil unrest and



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catalysed the growth of civil society by lending credibility to the NGO community and fostering ‘trust and communication among different segments of society, as well as between the Albanians and the Kosovars’ (Barjaba and La Cava 2000: ii). From an educational perspective, this period of intense humanitarian activity also brought Albania directly into the sites of the international community, and the World Bank in particular. Thus, in the decade directly following the fall of communism, a wide range of international, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations entered the Albanian educational landscape.

Legal, legislative and policy reform In response to both domestic and international actors, the Albanian government authorized a number of new laws and policies governing the Albanian education system during the last two decades (see Table 6.2). These laws and policies created new institutions for educational development at all levels. One institution in particular has been central to the development of the pre-university educational system. In the late 1990s, the Institute for Pedagogical Research was the focal point for curricular and teacher training reforms. In 2003, this institution was divided into two main sections: the Institute of Curriculum and Standards (IKS); and the Center for Educational Training and Qualification (QTKA). In 2007, these two branches were again united under the Institute of Curriculum and Training. Then, in 2010, this agency was renamed the Institute of Development of Education (IZHA). This is just one example of the kinds of structural changes that took place in the Albanian education system during this period of legal and legislative reform. Throughout the two decades in which the government established the legal and legislative infrastructure governing education, Albania concurrently participated in an increasing number of international and transnational educational agreements (see Table 6.3). For example, in 2003, Albania signed on to the Bologna Declaration and initiated subsequent changes in the country’s higher education system. In that same year, Albania was recognized along with other Western Balkan countries as a potential candidate for the EU. In 2006, Albania signed a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU that entered into force in 2009. Albania became a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and first submitted an application for EU membership in 2009. The assistance of the World Bank was instrumental in many of these developments, particularly in terms of educational reform. Significant investment

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Table 6.2: Overview of major legal and legislative reforms governing Albanian education, 1990–2010 Major legislation affecting Albanian education

Timeframe

Area of education affected

Pre-University Education Law No. 7952 Private Education Law Normative Provisions of Public Education

June 1995

Higher Education Law No. 8461

February 1998

Article 57 of the Albanian Constitution

1998

Public Accreditation Agency for Higher Education

Created January 2000

European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) implementation

2001

Vocational Education and Training (VET) Law No. 8872 Amendment to the Higher Education Law Law No. 78

March 2002 (later amended) July 2003

Higher Education Law No. 9741

May 2007

Council of Ministers’ Decree No. 864 Law on Gender Equality in Society No. 9970

December 2007 (amended 2008) July 2008

Amendment to Higher Education Law No. 9741

July 2010

Several regulations authorized, for example in area of assessment of students, enrolment, standards, and teacher training provisions; mandates inclusion of students with special needs and disabilities into mainstream classroom Outlines structures of higher education institutions Ensures the right of all Albanian citizens to education and requires free public education through secondary school lasting eight years (this was later amended to nine years). Autonomy and academic freedom of higher education is guaranteed Responsible for accreditation of higher education institutions in line with European standards; defines criteria for external evaluation and accreditation Ministry of Education and Science orders the implementation of the ECTS system for all Albanian curricula Defines structure, organization and management of VET education Adjustment to higher education cycle to harmonize with Bologna model Establishes the State Matura examination as a compulsory test for end of secondary education; only students who pass State Matura may go on to higher education (UNESCO 2011) Re-articulated the mission and goals of higher education; used in 2014 to revoke the licences of higher education institutions not conforming to the law Regulates doctoral degree programmes in line with Bologna process Creates a framework for the protection of equal rights for women and the prohibition of gender-based discrimination; states that the education system as a whole shall promote gender equality Stipulates quality assurance in higher education in compliance with European standards

1995–6 1996

February 2006



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began in 2006 when the Albanian government was awarded the World Bank’s ‘Educational Excellence and Equity Project’ (EEEP) at a value of US$75 million. The EEEP relied on financial backing from the Albanian government supplemented with external funding from the World Bank, the Council of Europe Development Bank and the European Investment Bank. The project aimed to assist with the implementation of the National Education Strategy in order to improve the quality of teaching and learning, reduce student attrition, and begin planning for reform in the area of higher education (CDE 2006). The EEEP project was initially scheduled to run from October 2006 to December 2010, but because the timeframe was extended twice, the project officially ended in 2013. According to the World Bank’s 2013 progress report, implementation progress for the EEEP was rated ‘moderately satisfactory’ (Guedes 2013). The WB noted that while many gains were made over the seven-year implementation period, and steps toward the launching of a higher education reform strategy advanced beyond expectation, the ‘sustainability and/or continuity of some of the interventions’ was questionable due to inconsistent co-operation from municipal education authorities (World Bank 2013: 2). Although the decentralization of authority and the promotion of school autonomy were specific goals of the project, maintaining alignment and compliance between the national ministry and the municipal education authorities nonetheless remains a challenge for the Albanian system. As documented in Table 6.3, after pursuing an active reform agenda, Albania was finally granted EU candidate status by the European Commission in June 2014, five years after its initial application. This significant development will lead to further efforts to harmonize policies between Albania and the European Community in the months and years to come. Although the primary target for reforms will be legal, economic and judicial, this new status nonetheless has important educational implications as well. It is likely that we will see further Europeanization and an even stronger ‘European imaginary’ (Gardinier and Worden 2011) in Albanian education.

Overview of pre-university education Compulsory education in Albania begins at age six and usually spans a total of nine years. Many children from ages three to six are enrolled in public and private pre-school and kindergarten education. In 2004, the government shifted

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Table 6.3: Overview of major national policies and international agreements shaping Albanian education, 2000–14 Major policies and international agreements influencing Albanian educational reform

Timeframe

Policy goals/frames

National Strategy for SocioEconomic Development (NSSED)

2001

Albania signs Bologna Declaration

2003

National Pre-university Education Development Strategy (2004) or National Education Strategy (NES)

2004–15

National Strategy on People with Disabilities (approved Jan. 2005)

2005–6

Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA)

2006

The Educational Equity and Excellence Project in partnership with World Bank, the Council of Europe Development Bank, and the European Investment Bank The National Strategy for Development and Integration

2006– 13

An early strategy on the government’s commitment to poverty reduction and economic and social development; World Bank assisted in strategy development Initiates major overhaul of Albanian higher education system in conformity with wider European community Reform education in four priority areas: (1) governance and management of education; (2) improving the quality of teaching and learning; (3) financing education; and (4) developing the capacity to implement the NES Focused on improving access to education and other social services for people with special needs and disabilities; developed with assistance from OSCE Presence in Albania Brought Albania into regional efforts for economic integration with EU through economic liberalization (Zahariadis 2007) Financed the development and implementation of NES and ongoing educational reforms

National Strategy on Social Inclusion

2007–13

Albania joins NATO

2009

Albania seeks EU membership (unsuccessfully)

2009

National Strategy of Science, Technology, and Innovation

2009–15

Visa liberalization within the EU granted to Albania

2010

2007– 13

Supported a total of thirty sector and cross-cutting strategies to harmonize national and economic development and European integration efforts Linked social inclusion conceptually to poverty alleviation and economic development; aimed to create and connect public services to individuals and communities with special needs and to prevent exclusion through discrimination (Robo 2014) Strengthens relationship with US and other Western allies Initiates feedback cycle with European agencies to implement reforms in line with EU membership; strengthens general domestic support for European belonging A cross-cutting strategy to strengthen infrastructure for research, technology and scientific innovation; linked with developments in higher education; completed with support from UNESCO Regional Bureau for Science and Culture in Europe (BRESCE) Eases restrictions on travel outside of Albania within EU member countries



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Albania granted EU candidate status

June 2014

Final Working Group report issued for reform in Higher Education and Scientific Research

July 2014

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Initiates negotiations for direct support for reforms in line with EU membership requirements Emphasizes quality and accountability through higher standards of practice and procedures of accreditation

the basic compulsory education from an eight-year system to a nine-year system. At the end of this nine-year span, students must pass two national examinations in the Albanian language and mathematics to receive their ‘Clearance Certificate’ (Musai et al. 2006: 97). In Tables 6.4 and 6.5 below, the latest figures for student pre-university enrolment are presented. Figure 6.1, meanwhile, shows the number of students completing their nine-year compulsory education in Albania during 1995–2012. It is interesting that this number has remained somewhat constant despite significant growth in general education provision as well as higher education attainment. Since 2009, students completing their secondary education must pass the State Matura examination. The Matura examination for general high school students tests their proficiency in Albanian language and literature and mathematics while students in vocational high schools take a different final examination. The implementation of the State Matura examination has posed a number of challenges for the Albanian government since its first year 70000 60000 50000 40000 Total

30000

Female

20000 10000 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

0 Figure 6.1.  Number of students receiving 9 year diploma, 1995–2012 Source: Albanian Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx

Pre-university education

Pre-school and kindergarten

Primary grades (years 1–5)

Lower middle (years 6–9)

Total 1,773 76,416 4,144 18.4

Total 1,340 184,410 9,637 15.9

Female

Total

Female

87,393 8,015

17,1937 13,632

81,449 8,826

Female 36,262 4,144

204

Secondary (Years 10–12)

1,138

Total 386 133,794 7,107 18.8

Total Female 60,999 4,491

Total 1,524 566,557 34,520 16.9

366

1,728

Secondary (Years 10–12)

Total

Female 266,103 25,476

Source: Working Group for the Reform of Pre-University Education (2014: 9)

Table 6.5. Overview of private pre-university education provision in Albania, 2013–14 Pre-university education Institutions Pupils Teachers Pupil/ Teacher Ratio Principals

Pre-school and Kindergarten

Primary Grades (Years 1–5)

Lower Middle (years 6–9)

Total 127 5,032 318 15.8

Total 124 11,310 706 11.6

Female

Total

Female

5,216 656

9,417 1,076

4,546 807

46

Female 2,505 318

50

Source: Working Group for the Reform of Pre-University Education (2014: 9).

Total 126 18,143 1,499 12.1 126

Female 8,302 971

Total 303 43,902 3,599 12.2 222

Female 20,569 2,752

Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe

Institutions Pupils Teachers Pupil/ teacher ratio Principals

134

Table 6.4. Overview of public pre-university education provision in Albania, 2013–14



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of implementation. Claims of corruption and grade inflation have plagued the examination, prompting a number of instrumental reforms in the way the test is administered and scored. The issue of the grade ‘cut-off ’ is also a sensitive point which has caused government officials of various political parties to criticize their opponents. New plans are underway to raise the ‘cut-off ’ point for passing the State Matura examination. According to officials, in 2013–14, the ‘cut-off ’ was raised to 20 per cent whereas in previous years it had ranged from 16–18 per cent, meaning that students whose scores fell below these levels failed the examination. Special precautions have also been instituted to ensure the integrity of the examination process and to prevent all forms of cheating. In the photo below, posted on the Ministry of Education and Sport website, a teacher is seen measuring the precise distance between desks in preparation for the examination. Table 6.6 and Figure 6.2 show the growth in secondary school graduation during roughly the last two decades.

Technology in pre-university education Over the last decade, there have been numerous initiatives to modernize not only the curriculum and structure in Albanian education, but also the facilities and modalities of learning. As shown in Table 6.7, internet connectivity has exploded in Albania over the last decade. With the help of international 140000 120000 100000 Vocaonal Female

80000

Vocaonal Total

60000

General Female

40000

High School Female

General Total High School Total

0

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

20000

Figure 6.2.  Overview of Albanian secondary education provision by gender and track, 1995–2012 Source: Albanian Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx

136

1995 All Secondary Schools General (Gymnasium) Vocational

Total

1996

1997

1999

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

17,062 16,549 15,892 17,097 18,843 20,069 22,182

24,840 29,380 29,647 30,147 31,122

34,289

34823

40,354

40,927

Female  9,932  9,428  8,838  9,003 10,201 10,875 11,750

12,683 14,766 15,307 15,801 16,971

18,698

18,727

20,094

20,801

Total

13,413 12,372 12,694 13,604 16,337 16,997 18,842

21,348 25,106 24,433 24,303 26,255

29,460

29,984

35,553

38,083

Female  8,554  7,837  7,622  7,992  9,345  9,885 10,472

11,415 13,319 13,444 13,350 14,426

16,268

16,450

18,236

19,924

 3,644  4,177  3,198  3,493  2,506  3,072  3,340

 3,492  4,274  5,214  5,844  4,867

 4,829

 4,839

 4,801

 2,844

Female  1,378  1,591  1,216  1,011  2,856  2,990  1,278

 1,268  1,447  1,863  2,451  2,545

 2,430

 2,277

 1,858

 2,877

Total

Source: Albanian Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx

Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe

Table 6.6. Overview of secondary education provision in Albania, 1995–2012



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organizations and donors, Albania has rapidly increased the provision of technology throughout the education system as well. The ‘E-schools Program’ is one example of the kind of activities undertaken by the Albanian government with the help of the World Bank, United Nations Development Programme and many other organizations. According to the World Bank website, the E-schools Program has more than doubled the number of computers available in schools during 2006–9; ‘over 520,000 students are benefiting from the project, which has been implemented in 250 elementary schools, 1,477 nine-year schools, and 380 secondary schools’ around the country (http://go.worldbank. org/2W6A07VNF0). Teachers have also benefited through training in the use of technology as part of the E-schools Program. However, a recent report by the Working Group on Reforming Pre-university Education noted that, ‘Many public basic education schools are equipped with PCs, laptops, and projectors, but a large part of them do not work. […] Over the years, teachers have been trained to gain basic computer competence in Informatics, but despite all the training, the level of competence of teachers is not considered sufficient’ (2014: 10). As a result, this working group proposes to reform the Albanian curriculum to reflect the ‘key competences’ outlined by the European community, including a priority placed on what is known as ‘digital literacy’. This new approach to the curriculum will require that teachers also adopt new modes of teaching to promote competency-based learning. The Working Group on Reforming Pre-university Education report proposes that, ‘Teachers should be, increasingly, directors and creators of learning situations. They will be free to develop their own programmes and lesson plans for the classroom, within a certain range of the curriculum, and will select resources and learning environments. The conception of curriculum-based competencies Table 6.7. Internet usage and population Year

Users

Population

% pop.

Usage source

2000 2002 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2012 2013

1,  2,500 1,  30,000 1,  75,000 1,471,200 1,580,000 1,750,000 1,300,000 1,441,928 1,815,145

3,083,300 3,084,586 3,087,159 3,087,159 3,619,778 3,639,453 2,986,952 3,011,405 3,020,209

 0.1%  1.0%  2.4% 15.3% 16.0% 20.6% 43.5% 48.1% 60.1%

ITU ITU ITU ITU GfK ITU ITU ITU ITU

Source: http://www.internetworldstats.com/euro/al.htm

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would make them more creative and responsive to their profession’ (2014: 25). Utilizing technology will be a key component of these reforms and an important new responsibility for Albanian teachers.

Albanian teacher education and policy reform in a global context Throughout the last two decades of educational reform, Albanian teachers have faced numerous changes and new demands in their profession. According to the 2012 pre-university draft curriculum framework, ‘The teacher is the main actor of teaching success. His continued professional development remains a necessary condition for achieving the intended results. Therefore, the curriculum, in particular basic education, requires changing initial teacher training, curriculum renewal through high school, university, and the teacher training system’ (p. 22). As echoed in this document, the need for a highly professionalized national system for teacher preparation is a crucial component of any successful educational system. Yet according to a 2005 National Report on Albanian education, ‘The lack of standardized criteria for teachers, the absence of legal acts on training programmes and remuneration systems, the lack of an evaluation and self-evaluation system and the absence of competent people to do training in the regions are some of the biggest issues’ for the improvement of the status and quality of teacher pre-service education and in-service professional development (Musai et al. 2005: 102). In Albania, there are currently six state universities and one academy that offer teacher education programmes; these are Tirana, Elbasan, Korҫa, Vlora, Shkodra, and Gjirokastra Universities and the Academy of Sports. Each programme lasts four years and culminates in a teaching diploma. As of 2005, the Department of Pedagogy at the University of Tirana was the only institution offering graduate education (masters and doctoral degrees) in teaching (Musai et al. 2005). Until very recently, these programmes were not accredited; however, with recent reforms in Albanian higher education, these teacher education programmes are in the process of undergoing accreditation procedures. As noted in the previous section, over the last decade, educational provision has increased in Albania, particularly at the higher levels. We also see increases in the number of teachers that serve in the system. In 2005, the number of students in teacher education programmes at each level was as follows:



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1. Pre-school teacher education: 952 2. Primary level teacher education (grades 1–5): 2,556 3. Upper middle and secondary school teacher education (grades 6–12): 11,295 (Musai et al. 2005: 106) 4. Total number of pre-service teachers: 14,803 However, according to more recent data (Working Group for Reform in Pre-university Education 2014), the total number of teachers in Albanian schools has more than doubled since 2005. For the 2013–14 academic year, the numbers of teachers in schools at each level were as follows: 1. Public and private pre-school teachers: 4,462 2. Public and private primary and upper middle level teachers (grades 1–9): 25,051 3. Public and private secondary school teachers (grades 10–12): 8,606 4. Total number of teachers: 38,119 Teachers in the current system are required to continue their professional development throughout their careers. After receiving training, they are ranked in one of three categories: highly qualified teacher, teacher specialist, and master teacher. Each category represents a promotion that includes additional qualification and a salary increase. The National Institute for Development of Education (the former Institute for Pedagogical Research) is responsible for qualifying and certifying in-service teachers. An important component of teachers’ ongoing professional development in Albania is the mentoring system. According to a recent study by Robert Gjedia, former director of the National Institute for the Development of Education, the mentoring of new ‘candidate’ teachers by more experienced teachers is an important dimension of teachers’ professional development. This practice builds on a long-standing educational tradition in Albania which has recently been formalized in law. In his survey of 137 mentors, Gjedia (2014) found that there was general agreement (67 per cent ranked it 10 out of 10) that their most important contribution to the formation of new teachers was in the area of ‘scientific performance of the subject’ (Gjedia 2014: 10). ‘Planning of the teaching and learning process’ was the next most important role (47 per cent ranked it 8 or 9 out of 10) according to the mentors (ibid.). The teacher candidates who participated in the study also stressed the value of mentoring, indicating that they would like to be part of the decision-making process in selecting mentors so that they could be sure to select highly skilled teachers. Gjedia (2014) concludes

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that without this mentoring experience, teacher candidates would have very little actual practice time in classrooms which could in turn lower their effectiveness and ‘cause problems for the future of the teaching profession’ (p. 21). Indeed, in Finland, and other highly ranked national education systems, new teachers participate in programmes of extensive mentoring, classroom supervision, training, and ongoing professional development (Ripley 2013; Sahlberg 2011). In the initial years of post-communist reform, teachers grappled with new curricular frameworks, new textbooks, a new pedagogical focus on student-centred learning, and new forms of inspection, assessment and school governance. Teachers were some of the main beneficiaries of early educational assistance provided by organizations like the Soros Foundation and the Council of Europe. Thousands of individual teachers participated in professional training and development. The extent to which they were able to adjust and transform their teaching methods and classroom approaches varied. Researchers have found that ‘in some instances, adoption of international educational standards, curriculum, and innovations through teacher in-service training has led education authorities to think that teaching and teachers in schools have also changed accordingly when this was and is clearly not the case’ (Sahlberg and Boce 2010: 35–6). In their study conducted during 2007 under the auspices of the Albanian government, with funding from the World Bank, Sahlberg and Boce (2010) found that ‘the teaching and learning observed in schools was old-fashioned, dominated by teacher talk, and provided only rare opportunities for students to take initiative or be in charge of their own learning process’ (p. 40).4 Similarly, Gardinier (2012) shows how some Albanian teachers adopt a hybrid approach that maintains their familiar teacher-centred pedagogical practice even while incorporating new curricular themes such as human rights. More recently, a major shift that Albanian teachers are facing is to move from exclusively curriculum-based assessments to a competency-based approach to assessment and a new focus on measurable student learning outcomes. According to Sahlberg and Boce (2010), Albanian students will not be able to develop the competencies and qualities they need as citizens in a modern knowledge society if their schools continue to be ‘dominated by teacher talk’ and if they continue to experience little opportunity to ‘initiate or take control of their own learning’ (p. 47). Instead, the authors argue, educational policymakers must ‘(1) be specific but realistic in terms of expecting schooling outcomes, (2) help teachers understand strengths, limitations and alternatives



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to traditional presentation-recitation modes of teaching, (3) encourage schools and teachers to move away from’ these methods ‘by making evidence-based teaching methods accessible to teachers and school principals, and (4) use high-quality feedback’ to help teachers to improve their pedagogical practice (Sahlberg and Boce 2010: 45).

PISA results in Albania With the growing influence of the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Albanian educational policy-makers have gained new insights on the relative strengths and weaknesses of the Albanian system. Albania first participated in PISA in 2000. In Table 6.8 below, Albania’s mean scores from the PISA in 2000, 2009 and 2012 are compared with the benchmark of the OECD average mean score. One interesting finding that has resulted from an analysis of Albania’s results from each PISA assessment is the large gender gap in performance. Girls consistently score much higher than Albanian boys in all areas, but particularly in reading. For example, in the PISA 2009 assessment, on average, girls Table 6.8. PISA results for Albania and OECD average PISA Assessment

PISA 2000 mean score Albania

PISA 2009 mean score Albania

PISA 2012 mean score Albania

PISA 2009 mean score OECD average

PISA 2012 mean score OECD average

Reading Mathematics Science

349 381 374

385 377 391

394 394 397

493 496 501

496 494 501

Table 6.9. Albania mean PISA scores compared with a sample of other countries and OECD average Country

PISA 2009 reading

PISA 2012 reading

PISA 2009 mathematics

PISA 2012 mathematics

PISA 2009 science

PISA 2012 science

Norway Switzerland Poland United States OECD Average Serbia Bulgaria Albania

503 501 500 500 493

504 509 518 498 496

498 534 495 487 496

489 531 518 481 494

500 517 508 502 501

495 515 526 497 501

442 429 385

446 436 394

442 428 377

449 439 394

443 439 391

445 446 397

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scored sixty-two points higher than boys on average. According to analysts, this difference ‘is statistically significant and equal to approximately one and a half years of education’ (Harizaj 2011: 102). Comparatively, the gap between Albanian girls and boys on the PISA is the highest in the region, as shown on Table 6.9. Interestingly, Albanian girls’ enjoyment of reading also increased between PISA 2000 and PISA 2009, while boys’ enjoyment of reading stayed the same (Figure 6.3; Harizaj 2011: 104). In Albania, girls also outperform boys in the PISA assessments on mathematics and science. This is rare for PISA results; ‘on average across OECD countries, boys outperform girls by 12 points’ in mathematics (Harizaj 2011: 107). In Figure 6.4, we see that Albania has the greatest gender gap in the region, with girls scoring twenty-nine points more than boys on average on the PISA 2009 science assessment. There are numerous implications of the PISA results for educational reform in Albania. First, Harizaj (2011) found that Albanian students had difficulty in evaluating and reaching conclusions in non-standard situations presented by the PISA. This may be due not only to teachers’ lecture-based methodologies as discussed above, but also due to the fact that many Albanian schools lack laboratory equipment or other materials that would enable students to participate in more active experimental scientific learning. On the other hand, Albanian students reported strong agreement to the statement that ‘Most of my teachers really listen to what I have to say’ (Harizaj 2011: 111). This may indicate a strong bond and trusting climate in classrooms (Harizaj 2011). Overall, Albania’s performance on this important international assessment

ALBANIA

62

BULGARIA

61

MONTENEGRO

52

CROATIA

51

ROMANIA

42

SERBIA

40

GREECE

10 0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Figure 6.3 Gender difference (girls-boys) in performance on PISA 2009 reading assessment, in points Source: Harizaj 2011: 103



Albania: An overview

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ALBANIA

29

BULGARIA

20

MONTENEGRO

13

CROATIA

10

ROMANIA

10

SERBIA

9

GREECE

1 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Figure 6.4  Gender difference (girls-boys) in performance on PISA 2009 science assessment, in points Source: Harizaj 2011: 109

has improved over time. As in Poland and other post-communist countries, the implementation of effective educational reform and strategic investments to improve equity in the educational system, particularly for boys from lower socio-economic levels, would be key lessons to be drawn from these PISA results.

Overview of Albanian higher education Higher education in Albania has experienced significant growth in the last decade. From 2007 to 2013, the number of privately owned institutions of higher education increased dramatically, making Albania the leader in public institutions of higher education per million people throughout Europe. However, with this expansion of access to higher education, the question of quality came to the forefront of public discussion. When the new government came to power in 2013, led by the Socialist Party led by Edi Rama, sweeping reforms in higher education were set in place. According to the 2014 First Report on Reforming Higher Education and Scientific Research (Gjonca 2014), greater emphasis will be placed on quality, accountability, legality and accreditation, and establishing and enforcing high standards both for higher education institutions and for scientific research. In the wake of this new higher education strategy, in June 2014, eighteen private higher education institutions had their licences revoked due to a failure to meet standards of accreditation.

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144

Albania is home to fifteen public universities including the long-standing University of Tirana, University of Elbasan, and the newer additions of the University of Durres, opened in 2006, the University of Sports in Tirana, created in 2010, and the University of Arts in 2011 which was formerly the Academy of Fine Arts. The number of private universities has gone up to nearly fifty in recent years, but will most likely drop due to the current reforms. All of these institutions are considered autonomous, but some have greater ties to government support, leadership and financing. If implemented fully, the current strategy for reform in higher education and scientific research aims to bring Albania more in line with common European standards, practices, and opportunities in higher education. As indicated in Table 6.10 and Figure 6.5, the demand for higher education in Albania is strong and growing. In addition to in-country university options, Albanian young people have also participated in regional programmes such as Erasmus-Mundus and Tempus in order to gain access to higher education Table 6.10. Number of students receiving diplomas from accredited universities, 1997–2009 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Public 3,708 3,861 3,997 4,735 4,618 5,016 5,229 5,977 5,756 7,630 8,420 7,689 9,478 Private .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8,256 1,736 3,833 Source: Albanian Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx

10000 9000 8000 7000 6000 5000

Public

4000

Private

3000 2000 1000 0

1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

Figure 6.5  Students awarded degrees from public and private universities, 1997–2009 Source: Albanian Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx



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programmes in other parts of Europe. Since 2012, the US Embassy has supported an EducationUSA center in Tirana (http://www.educationusa.al/) to assist Albanian youth in pursuing opportunities for study abroad and international educational exchange in the United States. With the expanding global emphasis on international higher education, opportunities such as these provide important educational alternatives for Albanian youth.

Albania’s future challenges and priorities in education As outlined in this chapter, Albanian education has progressed along a challenging and eventful course during the past two-and-a-half decades following a brutal authoritarian regime. In this span of time, a society that was once closed to Western Europe and most of the world has embraced a more open society predicated upon established democratic principles, rule of law, respect for international norms and standards such as human rights and equality of opportunity. Albanian education has transformed from a system that was entirely embedded in the communist state apparatus to a system that is shaped, governed, and maintained by a democratically elected set of leaders. Throughout this transformation, international organizations as well as local experts have played key roles in shaping the policies, strategies and legal reforms that have contributed to the modernization and expansion of the Albanian education system. From this perspective, the achievements of Albanian educators and leaders have been impressive. Yet there remain significant challenges ahead in a number of areas. Albania’s performance on international assessments such as the PISA are fairly low for the region. While girls outperform boys across the board, the government will need to ensure that all young people are able to apply the knowledge, skills and competencies that they gain in their compulsory education to real world issues and problems. Internally, the need for improvement of both the development and implementation of the State Matura Exam is also an immediate challenge. Leading professionals have noted that many aspects of the examination could be improved to better measure the educational achievements of Albanian youth. This also means improving equity for disadvantaged students, students in remote rural areas, members of minority populations, and students with special needs that have historically had less access to quality education. Many analysts have also noted that the link between attainment in higher education and employment needs to be strengthened as well. Too many

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Albanian university graduates cannot find work; the youth unemployment rate is twice as high as the national average. Young people are having a hard time finding jobs, and this often fuels their desire to travel and seek work or further study abroad. Both of these issues pose a challenge for Albanian educational leaders. How can they better connect educated youth with economic opportunities within Albania, while also providing young people with the kind of education they will need to pursue opportunities in other parts of Europe or the United States? This is a puzzle to be solved by current educational leaders. The preparation of teachers is yet another significant challenge for the country. Many attempts have been made to reform the process of teacher education. However, more change is needed. Teachers have an increasingly complex job as the focus of education shifts from traditional curricular content to key competencies for lifelong learning. Research has shown that without adequate training and support, teachers will not have the skills and strategies needed to prepare their students effectively for ‘twenty-first-century skills’ such as digital literacy. As Sahlberg and Boce (2010) and Gjedia (2014) suggest, many proven strategies such as peer evaluation and mentoring could be employed to help strengthen the teaching profession. With their recent admission to EU candidate status, Albania now has an even greater incentive to re-vitalize the national education system and prepare future democratic citizens and global leaders. Building on the successes of the past and prioritizing new advances in curriculum, teacher education, internationalization, and competency-based education will enable Albania to meet these current challenges and future demands.

Notes 1 According to UNICEF estimates, there are approximately 100,000 Roma people living in Albania (http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/Albania.pdf). There is also a Greek ethnic minority population in Albania, but there were no concrete figures available as to its size. A number of other ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities are present in Albania, but there is little data on the percentages of these populations. 2 For more information, Bardhyl Musai (2005) provides a first-hand account of his experience teaching under Communism and after the end of the regime, and in an unpublished paper, Daniel Perez (2003) addressed the history textbook revision process in Albania, noting that despite official rhetoric to the contrary, the process was highly politicized and contentious.



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3 For information on the dominant international framework for ‘quality education’ see the UNICEF website: http://www.unicef.org/girlseducation/index_quality. html. 4 This study’s results were based on 180 hours of classroom observation in thirty-four randomly selected secondary schools throughout Albania. Results did not vary by subject.

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Working Group for Reform in Pre-university Education. (2014), Pre-university Education System Reform: Preliminary Report. Tirana: Albanian Ministry of Education and Sport. Zahariadis, Y. (2007), The Effects of the Albania-EU Stabilization and Association Agreement: Economic Impact and Social Implications, ESAU Working Paper 17. London: Oversees Development Institute.

Websites with resources on Albanian education Ministry of Education and Sport: http://www.arsimi.gov.al/ (accessed 1 August 2015). National Agency of Vocational Education and Training: http://akafp-al.org/ (accessed 1 August 2015). National Inspectorate for Pre-University Education: http://isha.gov.al/?p=5&lang=en Public Accreditation Agency for Higher Education: http://www.aaal.edu.al/ (accessed 1 December 2015). Republic of Albania Institute of Statistics: http://www.instat.gov.al/al/home.aspx (accessed 1 August 2015).

7

Bosnia and Herzegovina: The impact of an unreformed system Valery Perry and Matthew T. Becker

Introduction Hopes that the twenty-first century would see fewer violent sectarian conflicts than the twentieth century have begun to fade as both long-standing and newly emerging violence has illustrated the still central role of war in achieving political, social and economic ends. Fighting in the Middle East, Russian incursions into Eastern Ukraine, deadly terror attacks in Nigeria and numerous other spots around the globe demonstrate the extent to which notions of identity – whether defined in ethnic, religious, tribal, ideological or linguistic terms – can serve as motivating and catalysing factors in dragging often fragile societies or states into violence and social breakdown. While a depressing scenario, international actors, aid and development providers and peace-making initiatives enjoy more visibility than ever before; the language of conflict management and resolution, reconciliation and education for peace have become more and more common; and social media tools provide more awareness than possible even just five years ago. However, good policy practices that might prevent the emergence of such tensions, or could help to alleviate manifest conflicts, are often still difficult to formulate, and even more difficult to implement. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) provides an interesting case study of nearly two decades of post-war peace implementation efforts that have, to a certain degree, included efforts to improve the country’s divided and divisive education system. As a post-war country, BiH is an admittedly unique contribution in this volume: it harbours EU aspirations, but even optimists see this as a far off prospect; it was the site of Europe’s bloodiest war since the Second World War; and, perhaps of most interest (and concern), it is in an unfolding process of identity formation and democratic consolidation. It

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therefore provides a unique case study both to illustrate the diversity of the education experience in Europe, while also providing lessons to be learnt for other fragile regions. This chapter begins with a brief overview of the war and the post-war political and educational system. This is followed by a summary of selected literature on ethnic identity, to provide context for the impact of an educational system on the formation and consolidation of a young person’s sense of their own identity, and the identity of an ‘other’. Third, original and recent survey data for one selected part of the country is presented and analysed to better appreciate secondary school students’ understanding of identity, and of their own identity in the post-war context. Finally, the data is considered in light of the broader BiH political situation two decades after the end of the war, to provide reflections on what did and did not work, and to offer policy-makers suggestions on whether post-war educational approaches can and should be an element in peace building, state-strengthening and post-war rehabilitation efforts.

Bosnia and Herzegovina: Torn apart, brought together Bosnia and Herzegovina,1 an historically diverse, heterogeneous region, was the part of Yugoslavia that was most affected as that country violently unravelled (Sells 1998; Silber and Little 1996; Burg and Shoup 1999). As the Cold War came to an end, sending geopolitical shockwaves throughout east and south-east Europe, the Yugoslav republics of Slovenia and Croatia were first to declare independence from Yugoslavia in 1991. This caused a brief crisis in Slovenia, and led to war in Croatia. The war in Bosnia began in 1992, following a declaration of the establishment of the ‘Republika Srpska’ by BiH Serb politicians, and a referendum on independence (Silber and Little 1996). Activists and citizens seeking a peaceful solution were fired upon on 6 April 1992. Ethnic cleansing tactics quickly began in the eastern part of the country along the border with Serbia and the city of Sarajevo was besieged by the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) and paramilitary forces using weapons inherited from the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA). The world watched the war unfold on television, with buses of refugees, the destruction of sites of the 1984 Winter Olympic Games, and scenes of negotiations among suit-clad men from the region and international diplomats all becoming enduring images from 1992–5. The fight in Bosnia was intense and bloody, reflecting the long intermingled



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diversity of the people and communities. The unravelling of the country was achieved by force. The war was broadly fought among the Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks), Bosnian Catholics (Croats) and Bosnian Orthodox (Serbs), though many persons of mixed or undeclared background either fought in or were affected by the war. The dynamics were shifting and complex. At the beginning of the war, Bosnian-Croats and Bosniaks fought together against Bosnian Serb forces; however this alliance changed in different ways in different parts of the country. In central Bosnia, the Bosnian Army turned on their Croat allies of the Croatian Defence Council (Shrader 2003: 72–3), whereas the opposite occurred in Herzegovina. The exceptions to this were in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bihać and Orašje, where the two sides continued their co-operation on the battlefield against the VRS. Weaponry from the former Yugoslav military, political-military interests from neighbouring Serbia and Croatia, and internal military, political and economic drivers further complicated the war (Sells 1998; Andreas 2008). The various parties to the war alternately fought for an independent BiH within its existing borders, or for some carving up of the country with possible annexation to Serbia and Croatia. In the end, approximately 100,000 people died in the war in Bosnia, and nearly half of the population of 4 million were either internally displaced or living outside the country as refugees (Toal and Dahlman 2011). Following years of failed diplomacy, the Srebrenica massacre, the shelling of a bread queue in Sarajevo, a massive military offensive in Croatia and targeted NATO airstrikes on Serb positions in Bosnia brought the warring parties to the negotiating table (Burg and Shoup 1999; Holbrooke 1999). The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (the 1995 Dayton Agreement) was hammered out by representatives from Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, in Dayton, Ohio. The Dayton structure and constitution established a fragmented political patchwork that reflected the results of the war and the facts on the ground in autumn 1995. The country would consist of two entities – the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), often referred to as the ‘Muslim-Croat Federation’, comprising 51 per cent of the territory, and the Republika Srpska (RS), making up 49 per cent. Each entity is structured differently, with the homogenous Serb dominant RS highly centralized and divided into municipalities, while the Federation is highly decentralized, with powers devolved to ten cantons (Keil 2014). Five of these cantons have Bosniak majorities,2 three have Croat majorities3 and two are mixed.4 The cantons are then further broken down into municipalities.5 While peace was welcomed by a war-weary population, and

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while life has improved immeasurably in the nearly two decades since the war, the obstacles and weaknesses of the system have become increasingly clear, and as of this writing the country remains stuck in a sort of frozen conflict; not at war, but not evolving as a normal, functioning democracy (McMahon and Western 2009; Bieber 2006; ICG 2011; Perry 2015; Sebastian 2011).

Structural and curricular fragmentation and division BiH’s fragmented and divided education system is a reflection of the state as it was constructed and confirmed at Dayton (Perry 2013; Bowder and Perry 2013). There is no state level Ministry of Education. Instead, according to the entity constitutions, education is a competency held by the RS, and, in the case of the Federation, by the cantons. This ensures that the Serbs can dictate education policy in their entity, while the Bosniaks and Croats can do so in the cantons in which they enjoy a majority. As a result this small country has twelve education ministries (one in each entity, and one in each canton), and one Education Department in the Brčko District – as well as the costs that come with such bureaucracy and redundancy. Solely as a result of international engagement and pressure, the state has some very minimal competencies in the education sector, with the BiH Ministry of Civil Affairs (MoCA) holding a small education portfolio, and the Conference of Ministers of Education serving as a forum for the country’s many Ministers of Education policy to (in theory) meet to ensure coordination, harmonization and co-operation. A statelevel education agency was established to lay basic learning outcomes. While in theory it is independent, in practice it is beholden to political interests and suffers from lack of resources and lack of enforcement of its recommendations. Perhaps most critically, there are no state-level enforcement mechanisms to ensure that the lower levels of government responsible for education comply with either BiH legislation or international human rights conventions. Just as the policy-making and institutional frameworks are divided, so are basic issues of pedagogy and day-to-day schooling. Different curricula are used by students depending on whether they attend a school that is predominantly Bosniak, Croat or Serb (Bowder and Perry 2013; Perry 2013). These curricula emerged in the war-time schools, and consolidated as various communities established tailored schools for ‘their’ students. This approach invariably created ‘in groups’ and ‘out groups’ – something not to be desired in any country, but particularly paralysing in a post-war, divided society. Arguably, the only



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semi-successful example of educational politics in BiH has been in the District of Brčko, which has its own unique recent history and has a relatively more unified approach to school and the curriculum than is seen in the rest of the country (Perry 2006). This system results in some troubling and contradictory practices. While one often hears of a ‘Common Core Curriculum’, this term title is misleading, for two reasons. First, this was established not through development of shared learning goals for all students, but was an internationally driven exercise in which local officials pulled together all of the information being taught in the various curricula, and thus determined what they already shared in common. Second, the so-called ‘national group of subjects’ (identity-centred topics such as mother tongue, history, religion, geography and music-culture) are not included. (While this exercise was initially envisioned as a first step towards broader reform, no subsequent systemic reforms followed.) According to the 2002 Interim Agreement on Accommodation of the Rights and Needs of Returnee Children, authorities should make an effort to accommodate students – particularly minority returnee students – by ensuring that they can study their national group of subjects (presuming a sufficient number of students in a class to merit this). As a result, in the RS, in a small number of areas that have seen minority returns, non-Serb students (mostly Bosniaks) study the RS curriculum, but then separate from their classmates to study ‘their’ national group of subjects.6 The optics of such division and separation are palpable in a still very traumatized post-war country. An even more visible symbol of divided education is seen in the over fifty ‘two schools under one roof ’ in the Federation of BiH. These are schools where one school building is literally and starkly divided – according to wing, floor or shift – into a school for Croats and a school for Bosniaks. Initially seen as an interim solution to ensure minority returnees could enjoy access to a school building (rather that learning in informal schools in homes or cafés), the lack of a permanent long-term solution has meant that such stark symbols of divisions have now existed for well over a decade.7 There are other examples of institutionalized division: children travelling from one school district to another to go to a school where their group is in a majority; subtle and not-so-subtle assimilation where minority children quietly learn the curriculum of the majority; families giving up on return to their pre-war home to start anew elsewhere. Through institutional mechanisms, classroom practices and curricular materials, from a very young age children are taught that they are in one group and not the other. From approximately 2001–6 there was progress in educational reform; in fact this was a period of time in which there was progress in a number of post-war

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state-strengthening areas (Keil 2013). However, a general deterioration in the country’s political situation, combined with a changed approach of and posture by the international community in BiH have now led to years of stagnation in every sector, including education (Perry 2015; Sebastian 2011; Chivvis 2010; McMahon and Western 2009). The Conference of Ministers of Education is barely functional, last meeting in September 2013 to discuss the Konjević Polje crisis. The Minister for Civil Affairs (a position held for two terms by the Party of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), a leading Bosnian Serb party), has taken no steps to try to energize the coordination body; this is in line with Serb political efforts in general to stop or reverse state-strengthening of all kinds. Political turmoil in the Federation has also contributed to decline, as the Federation entity Ministry of Education has been ineffective, with the Croat cantonal ministries of education simply ignoring it and co-ordinating amongst themselves. Dysfunction in the Federation further contributes to the inability of the Conference or any efforts at reform or coordination. While the Education Agency has developed curricular standards based on learning outcomes, the agency can only develop proposals. The proposals must be approved by the non-functioning Conference of Ministers of Education to allow implementation. Some externally developed and promoted, limited approaches surrounding issues such as the continued reform of history teaching, or expanded civic education represent micro-targeted efforts that have been unable to catalyse broader systemic reform. With general elections planned in October 2014, there is little expectation for any reform until new governments are established, and even then the downward trend in terms of coordination leaves little room for optimism. However, while reforms may have stalled, education has not. Most children attend schools in their communities, including nine years of compulsory primary education, and then secondary education, which lasts an additional three to four years. (In certain jurisdictions there is some limited pre-school requirement as well.) There is an increasing number of private school options, with some funded with public funds and others with private family tuition fees. The million dollar question is what is happening to young people in this divisive educational and political environment? How do they view the country, their community and their future? Do they see a shared future? And how do they see their own identity and how they (and their peers) may fit into BiH’s future? These are the questions that should drive policy, as it is this generation that will be voting for and shaping the future.



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Ethnic identity and socialization According to Phinney (1996: 143), the study of ethnic identity places its emphasis on how individual group members understand and interpret their own identity. ‘Ethnic identity’ itself refers to the degree to which the individual has explored their ethnicity, is clear about what group membership means to them, and identifies with the said ethnic group (Phinney 1996). ‘Ethnic saliency’ refers to how important their ethnic identity/background is to them (Roberts et al. 1999). McGuire and McGuire (1982) postulate that in racially homogeneous schools, ethnicity would not be as salient compared to schools that are racially heterogeneous. In the case of BiH, Bringa (1995: 79) states that each religious community in a given town ‘… needs the presence of the other in order to construct an ethno-religious (and village) identity, since it is mainly through this presence that a person is taught to be aware (by way of contrast) of his or her own identity’. While Bringa (1995: 84) writes that the primary domain of ethno-religious identity formation is the household, rather than schools, others focus on the role of education in this process. Schools affect conceptualization of student identity because school education is a central form of political socialization8 for young people (Torsti 2007: 92), and schools in post-war societies serve as a particularly strong socialization agent (Ajduković and Biruški 2008: 340). When schools become divided along ethnic lines, children have limited opportunity to meet and have contact with others across the ethnic divide. In such circumstances, students are socialized to not interact with the ‘other’. Indeed, the central concept of socialization theory is that educational institutions transmit norms, values and models of behaviour which are considered appropriate in a given society. BiH’s identity-focused national group of subjects plays a key role in transmitting such group-specific norms. History textbooks serve as a particularly strong instrument in this regard, for the power of history politics (both distant and recent) serves as a central factor in maintaining conflict and preventing reconciliation in a post-war, multicultural society. In BiH, the educational system has been used by ethno-nationalist political parties to socialize students in nationalist ideologies (OSCE Mission to BiH 2005). Hromadžić (2008: 560) states that the ‘reality on the ground’ is that school education is ‘… at the heart of the “political” …’ in BiH; Stabback (2007: 453) agrees, stating that politicians use education as a means to support ethnonationalist ideology and focus ‘… far more vigorously on differences than on similarities’ among the three constituent peoples.

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In BiH, there are thus three truths and three official versions of history. Education is supposed to serve as a unifying factor and socialization agent among citizens of a state; teaching them who they are (e.g. national identity; Bartulović 2006) and what their country expects of them (e.g. civic duties of the citizen; Baranović 2001, Oder 2005). The role of the educational system is important in building civic identity and patriotism among students. According to SivacBryant (2008: 115), post-war education ‘… is a vital part of the transition from conflict to peace’. This is because schools ‘… are the crucible used by the state to instil (sic) a national identity. As such, they [serve] in teaching the history that led up to the conflict.’ The primary and secondary educational system after a divisive war thus becomes ‘… a site in which the politics of accountability and acknowledgement are played out’ (Sivac-Bryant 2008: 107). Supporting the development of an education system in a fragile, post-war country such as BiH can therefore be seen as a part of external efforts to cultivate state-ness and civic belonging, and a lasting foundation for peace and stability. What is the impact of the current reality of divided schooling? While cultivation of group identities is clearly affected by a number of factors, the cohesion or division that exists in an education system can reasonably be presumed to have an impact on identity formation and salience as well. The following section highlights data that was collected to explore student identity in Herzegovina, in order to begin to understand the possible impact of the country’s divided education systems.

The case of identity in Herzegovina The data presented here was collected as a part of a larger BiH-wide research project that included seventy-eight high schools in fifty-three cities/towns, and a total of 5,749 surveys.9 For the purposes of this chapter, the analysis will focus on data collected in one region – Herzegovina. Herzegovina is a geographical and historical region in the south south-west of the country that has many interesting characteristics. The region borders on Croatia and Montenegro, and before the war was quite diverse in terms of the ethnic and religious composition of its population, with Mostar in particular a microcosm of BiH’s diversity.10 The war played out in this region in three main phases: with Bosniaks and Croats together fighting against separatist Serb forces, then turning against one another, and then coming together in a formal alliance after the 1994 Washington Agreement, which became the foundation of American efforts to bring the war to an end (Galbraith 2002: 141). Mostar is



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the main urban area in this region, and experienced heavy and brutal houseto-house fighting during the war. In many ways it remains a divided city today (Bose 2002; Moore 2013). Finally, in post-Dayton Bosnia, it stretches across the RS and three cantons of the Federation. The primary data was gathered via field surveys in BiH using the Revised Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM-R), the Other-Group Orientation Scale (OGO Scale), and general demographic questions, during the 2012–13 academic year.11 MEIM-R was developed by Roberts et al. (1999) and consists of fifteen items; the first twelve are statements based on a four-point Likert Scale, and the last three ask the respondents for the national self-identification of themselves and their parents. A total score for MEIM-R is determined by obtaining the mean of the items, with a range of scores from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high). Ethnic identity search12 (ethnic identity) is measured using the responses to statements 1, 2, 4, 8 and 10. Affirmation, belonging and commitment (ethnic saliency) is measured based on responses to 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11 and 12. The OGO Scale was part of the original MEIM (MEIM-O), developed by Phinney (1992). The purpose of the OGO Scale is to measure the respondent’s willingness to interact and socialize with someone from a different ethno-national group than his or her own, and consists of six statements based on a four-point Likert Scale. Finally, students were asked to provide their gender (male or female) and answer the following question on civic pride: ‘How proud are you to be a citizen of Bosnia and Herzegovina?’ High school seniors were given the survey in hard copy and answered the questions in class. The surveys were written in the Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian languages.13 Permission to conduct the research in schools was secured from the relevant ministries of education and each high school principal. Twelve high schools were surveyed in the following cities/towns in Herzegovina: Trebinje (Republika Srpska); Grude, Ljubuški, Posušje, and Široki Brijeg (West Herzegovina Canton); Čapljina, Čitluk, Mostar, and Stolac (HerzegovinaNeretva Canton); Kupres, Livno and Tomislavgrad (Hercegbosanska Canton / Canton 10), resulting in a total of 1,441 surveys gathered in Herzegovina, from schools using all three national curricula. One hundred and forty-five questionnaires were completed by students studying the Bosniak curriculum (B-NPP), 1,201 by students studying the Croat language curriculum (H-NPP), and ninety-five by students using the RS curriculum (S-NPP): 58.25 per cent (n=840) of all respondents were female, 39.83 per cent (n=574) were male and 1.45 per cent did not provide their gender, although they did answer other questions (n=21). Six surveys were returned blank.

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As part of the data analysis, a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was conducted using the statistical software Stata 12.1; this is a descriptive statistical technique (Jackson 2003: 4) that reveals the underlying structure of the data, thereby facilitating analysis (Anderson 1963: 137). After conducting a PCA, a test for Cronbach’s α was run, which has a range between 0 and 1; a high Cronbach’s α indicates a high association between different items on a scale. If Cronbach’s α was above 0.70, an additive scale test of the specified variables was run. A survey was dropped if the student did not respond to three or more of the specific battery statements. The presented mean scores represent this final output. Several linear regression analyses were then conducted to better understand the possible causes of ethnic saliency and ethnic identity search. Conducting these regression analyses allows for a better understanding of the possible root causes of saliency and identity formation, rather than simply presenting mean scores by themselves. Presenting mean scores as the stand alone analysis often does not show the whole picture and possible underlying dynamics at work. Ethnic saliency and ethnic identity search scores are the dependent variables in the first two sets of linear regressions. Bosnian-Herzegovinian civic pride is the dependent variable in the third set of linear regressions. The first set of linear regression was run to explore the effects of studying on the ‘non-appropriate’ (e.g. a student studying a curriculum that is not their own) ethnic school curricula (independent variables) on increasing or decreasing ethnic saliency. The second set of linear regressions use gender, parental education, frequency of religious service attendance, and school location (urban/rural) as the independent variables to measure possible effects on ethnic saliency outside of the school. Statistical significance levels were set at 95 per cent confidence (p < 0.05), which means that there is a 5 per cent probability of an observed result arising by chance. A value where p < 0.01 indicates a 1 per cent probability that an observed result arose by chance, and a value where p < 0.001 indicates a 0.1 per cent probability that an observed result arose by chance. This also means that in cases where p < 0.05, p < 0.01, or p < 0.001, a strong and statistically significant relationship exists between the dependent variable and the independent variables. If there is a case where p < 0.10 (meaning 10 per cent probability), it is noted as being significant, but not statistically significant. Some statistical results are summarized below in a clear and concise manner that does not require a heavy methodological, quantitative background.



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National self-identification and ethnic saliency of students in Herzegovina The data analysis yields interesting findings on the issue of student national self-identification, ethnic saliency, ethnic identity search, and mean civic pride scores, and in turn provides an opportunity to consider the impact of divided schooling and other social factors on young citizens. Table 7.1 provides the percentage of students who self-identified as being Bosniak, Croat, Serb, Bosnian, Roma, and Other. Eighteen students identified with more than one ethno-national group, and are represented under the category of ‘Mixed.’ According to this data, Croats comprise the largest ethnonational group in Herzegovina, followed by Bosniaks, with Serbs not far behind. (This aligns with the 1991 census, which confirmed Croats as the majority ethno-national group in this region; the most recent census was held in 2013, and data is still being processed.) Table 7.2 presents ethnic saliency, ethnic identity, and civic pride scores broken down into the three cantons and the city of Trebinje. Table 7.3 presents the same information as Table 7.2, but is broken down by student national self-identification.

Ethnic saliency in Herzegovina The concept of ethnic saliency refers to how important the students’ ethnic identity/background is to them (Roberts et al. 1999). For the set of variables measuring ethnic saliency, after conducting a PCA, the first principle component accounts for 65.08 per cent of the variance in the variables (α=0.9066). The mean ethnic saliency score for Herzegovina is 3.4194 (n=1,417; α=0.9112). This score shows that, on average, ethnic saliency is high amongst all students in Herzegovina. After running the first set of linear regressions, it was found that one’s stated nationality and the school curricula they study are closely correlated, Table 7.1. National self-identification of students in Herzegovina Nationality

Percentage

n=1,426

Bosniak Croat Serb Bosnian Roma Other Mixed

 9.74% 79.66%  7.22%  0.56%  0.14%  1.40%  1.26%

1,139 1,136 1,103 1,  8 1,  2 1,  20 1,  18

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leading to issues of multicollinearity. Multicollinearity refers to the existence of an exact (or almost near exact), linear relationship among two or more of the independent variables. In this case, this may quickly be seen through the following: no Croats or Bosniaks studied on the Serbian curriculum; no Croats and only one Serb studied on the Bosniak curriculum; and only nine Bosniaks and nine Serbs studied on the Croatian curriculum. The sample size of selfidentifying Bosnians (n=8) is not large enough to draw any conclusions.14 This specific multicollinearity issue – the extremely high level of ethnic homogeneity present in schools – prevents the measurement of possible school curricularelated effects on student attitudes in Herzegovina. Further, it is not possible to quantitatively measure which of the three national curricula espouses a higher level of ethno-centrism in comparison to the other two. Building on these initial quantitative results, a qualitative approach would perhaps be the best way to analyse the specific impact of curricula on students. For example, one might look at some mixed private schools (such as the rather mixed Catholic School Centre in Sarajevo); otherwise, the separation among students is so thorough that it hampers such study. The impact of multicollinearity is noted on various elements of the analysis below. A second set of regressions yielded some interesting results. Among Bosniaks (p < 0.05) and Croats (p < 0.001), frequency of religious service attendance was statistically significant in increasing ethnic saliency levels; there was no statistical effect among Serbs, however. Gender is statistically significant only among Croats (p < 0.001); specifically, Croat males on average have higher saliency levels compared to their female counterparts. An urban school location was statistically significant (p < 0.01) only among Serbs in increasing saliency scores, with the urban respondents showing a higher saliency. This last finding is interesting since living in an urban, ethnically divided city (Mostar) had no statistical effect on Bosniak or Croat ethnic saliency compared to attending school in a more homogenous small town in Herzegovina. (This could reflect the tensions inherent in an asymmetric political system in which one entity is dominated squarely by Serbs, while the other is (often uncomfortably) shared by the Bosniaks and Croats; further study would be needed to determine whether such a linkage in fact exists.)

Ethnic identity in Herzegovina As noted, ethnic identity search refers to the degree to a person has explored their ethnicity, has a clear sense of what group membership means, and



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identifies with that ethnic group (Phinney 1996). Upon conducting a PCA on the set of variables measuring ethnic identity in Herzegovina, it was found that the first principle component accounts for 50.86 per cent of the variance in the variables (α=0.7525). The mean ethnic identity search score in Herzegovina is: 2.8326 (n=1,419; α=0.7524). Not only is this score lower compared to that for ethnic saliency, it has a negative meaning: students are not sure what group membership means for their lives. Not surprisingly, the second set of regressions found that religious service attendance is statistically significant in increasing identity search levels among all three groups: Bosniaks (p < 0.01), Croats (p < 0.001) and Serbs (p < 0.001). An urban area is statistically significant (p < 0.05) among Serbs; ruralness is significant among Croats (p < 0.10), and there is no effect among Bosniaks. Similar to saliency, the role of schools in this process cannot be tested due to issues of multicollinearity. In Herzegovina, students have a mean civic pride score of 2.3168 (n=1,409). The high level of civic pride amongst Bosniaks was expected, as Bosniaks do not have an ‘external homeland’ to look to, unlike Croats and Serbs. The lowest and highest civic pride scores in Herzegovina came from the ‘two in one’ school in the town of Stolac; the lowest score (1.6829) came from the Croat school, and the highest score came from the Bosniak school (3.6315). The third and final set of regressions yielded another round of interesting results as well, where Bosnian-Herzegovinian civic pride is the dependent variable. Among Bosniaks, it was found that an increased frequency of religious service attendance was Table 7.2. Post-Dayton Herzegovina political breakdown (1 = low; 4 = high)

Herzegovina-Neretva West Herzegovina Hercegbosanska15 City of Trebinje (RS)

Ethnic saliency

Identity search

BiH civic pride

3.3589 (n=615) 3.4469 (n=609) 3.5272 (n=98) 3.5245 (n=95)

2.7823 (n=617) 2.8630 (n=609) 2.9061 (n=98) 2.8884 (n=95)

2.3349 (n=609) 2.3486 (n=611) 2.4278 (n=97) 1.8695 (n=92)

Table 7.3: Scores by national self-identification16 (1 = low; 4 = high) Self-identification

Ethnic saliency

Identity search

BiH civic pride

Bosniak Croat Serb Bosnian Roma Other Mixed

3.4263 (0.8957) 3.4372 (0.9084) 3.4546 (0.9151) 2.875 (0.9593) 2.5833 (0.9796) 2.6481 (0.9300) 3.2173 (0.9320)

2.7623 (0.7542) 2.8522 (0.7444) 2.8757 (0.7698) 2.4 (0.8366) 2.5 (0.9600) 2.2944 (0.7365) 2.7083 (0.8690)

3.3840 2.2172 1.9595 2.75 1 1.8333 2.6521

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statistically significant (p < 0.05) in increasing levels of Bosnian-Herzegovinian civic pride. For Croats and Serbs, frequency of religious service attendance had no statistical effect on increasing or decreasing civic pride levels in Herzegovina. Among Croats, being female was statistically significant (p < 0.001) in having a high(er) level of civic pride, the same holds true among Serb females (p < 0.05); gender had no effect among Bosniaks. Attending school in a rural area is statistically significant (p < 0.001) for higher levels of civic pride among Croats and Serbs, but there is no urban or rural effect among Bosniaks. Again, due to issues of multicollinearity, we are unable to statistically measure the school effect on civic pride in Herzegovina. Since national self-identification and school curricula align so closely, it is impossible to measure differences of civic pride among, for example, Croats studying on the Serb curriculum and Bosniak curriculum in comparison to Croats studying on the ‘appropriate’ Croat curriculum.

Three case studies The following sections briefly explore the findings regarding ethnic saliency and identity in targeted schools in three parts of Herzegovina: Mostar, Trebinje and Posušje.

Mostar The city of Mostar has been the focus of several case studies (i.e. Hromadžić 2011; Pilić and Bošnjak 2011; Hromadžić 2008; Hjort and Frisén 2006), due to the unique school structure that is present. Before the war, the municipality of Mostar had a slight Muslim majority, and the city of Mostar was urban and ethnically mixed (1991 Census) with Muslims, Croats, Serbs and self-identified Yugoslavs. Post-war, the city of Mostar is ethnically divided between Croats and Bosniaks, living largely divided and parallel lives (Bose 2002). Three examples of this are: two separate electric companies, two separate bus stations, and two separate (public) postal service companies.17 Following a Constitutional Court ruling in 2011 that required amendments to the local election law, Mostar has been unable to hold local elections; the core of this dispute is power-sharing between Bosniaks and Croats. Mostar has several homogeneous high schools and one heterogeneous ‘administratively unified’ high school (the Mostar Gymnasium) in which two different curricula are used, all located in an ethnically divided city. A total of



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three schools were visited in Mostar: two mono-ethnic schools (one Bosniak and one Croat) and the Mostar Gymnasium. Table 7.4 presents the results of national self-identification of students in Mostar. Of the four students who identified as being Bosnian in Mostar, two also identified both parents as Bosnians. One student identified both parents as Bosniaks and another identified her parents as coming from two different ethno-national groups. The Roma people are the largest recognized national minority group in the country, yet they were conspicuously absent from the visited high schools.18 The cities of Sarajevo and Mostar have the largest visible Roma populations, but no students identified as being Roma in Mostar, out of a total of 333 surveyed students from three high schools who provided their national self-identification. In Mostar, according to these respondents 7.50 per cent (n=25) of marriages (n=333) are ethnically mixed. Students in Mostar have an average civic pride level of 2.4833 (n=331; 1=not proud at all; 4=very proud). Next, we present our findings from regression analyses in Mostar exploring ethnic saliency, ethnic identity search and Bosnian-Herzegovinian civic pride among Bosniaks and Croats. In the case of ethnic saliency, it was found that the frequency of religious services attendance had a stronger impact on increasing saliency among Croats compared to Bosniaks: for Croats, it was statistically significant at the 0.001 level; among Bosniaks, it was statistically significant at the 0.05 level. Being male was statistically significant towards saliency among Croats (p < 0.01), but gender had no effect on Bosniaks. In regards to ethnic identity search, the amount of church or mosque attendance has a statistically significant effect on increasing ethnic identity search scores among Bosniaks and Croats, where p < 0.05 and p < 0.001, respectively. Gender is statistically significant (p < 0.05) only among Croats (being male). Our final set of regressions explore civic pride; it was found that neither religious service attendance nor gender had any statistical effect among Bosniaks or Croats in Mostar. The ethnic saliency scores from each of the three targeted schools in Mostar provide another interesting perspective. At the Bosniak high school, the ethnic saliency score is 3.2910 (n=54; α=0.9031), at the Croat high school, the ethnic saliency score is 3.2207 (n=140; α=0.9519); and at Mostar Gymnasium, the ethnic saliency score is 3.4117 (n=140; α=0.9339). Based on these averages, ethnic saliency is most important at the heterogeneous administratively unified school and lowest at the mono-ethnic Croat school. The ethnic saliency scores at the two mono-ethnic schools fall below the mean city score. However, there is no statistically significant difference in saliency levels among Bosniaks or Croats in Mostar. There were not enough Serbs (n=6) in Mostar to make a comparison.

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We cannot statistically look at the role of schools on ethnic saliency in Mostar due to multicollinearity, which comes about due to the thorough segregation of students.

Trebinje Trebinje was the only city in the RS within Herzegovina that was surveyed; one high school was visited. It therefore provides just a glimpse into the dynamics of identity for a majority Serb respondent group. Trebinje’s ethnic saliency score is a rather high 3.5245 (n=95; α=0.8982). Trebinje’s ethnic identity search score is 2.8884 (n=95; α =0.7294). Ninety-three students self-identified as being Serb, one as Montenegrin and one as Yugoslav. Neither frequency of church attendance nor gender has a statistical effect among Serbs in Trebinje on ethnic saliency levels. In the case of ethnic identity search, however, the more often a student attends church has a positive, statistically significant (p < 0.001) effect on increasing ethnic identity search levels; gender has no statistical effect. Students have a mean civic pride score of 1.8695 (n=92); such a low score could be predicted when one considers the general anti-Bosnia sentiment in the RS.19 Although Trebinje has a low level of civic pride, upon running a regression analysis, gender was found to be statistically significant (p < 0.01) in increasing civic pride scores; specifically, female Serbs are statistically more likely to have higher civic pride compared to their male counterparts.

Posušje Posušje is located in West Herzegovina Canton, near the border with Croatia. It is an interesting case as it is predominantly homogenous, with nearly all respondents identifying as Croat. Two high schools were visited. Posušje’s ethnic saliency score is 3.4829 (n=147; α=0.8882), and its ethnic identity search score is 2.8699 (n=148; α =0.7425). One hundred and forty-seven students identified Table 7.4: National self-identification of students in three schools in Mostar Nationality

Percentage

n=333

Bosniak Croat Serb Bosnian Roma Other Mixed

33.33% 60.66%  1.80%  1.20%   1.20%  1.80%  1.20%

111 202   6   4   0   6   4



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as being Croat, one Yugoslav, one Other and one as Croat and Posušak. All parents were identified as being Croats, with the exception of one set, who were identified as being Croat and Posušak/Posušanka. Students have a mean civic pride score of 2.3288 (n=149). For the 147 students who self-identified as being Croat, the amount of church attendance is statistically significant in increasing saliency levels, but at a much lower significance level compared to Croats from Mostar: p < 0.05, and gender has no statistical effect. The same statistical findings hold when it comes to ethnic identity search and civic pride among Croats in Posušje.

Other-group orientation in Herzegovina In light of the war-driven ethnic homogeneity and the divided schools that result, it is particularly interesting to analyse responses to a question regarding interaction with ‘the other’. When asked to choose how much they disagree or agree with the following statement based on a four-point Likert Scale, ‘Sometimes I think it would be better if the different national groups would not socialize with one another’, students from the Herzegovina region gave a mean score of 1.6596 (n=1,419), with 1 indicating strong disagreement with this statement, and 4 indicating strong agreement. In Mostar, students gave a mean score of 1.7685 (n=337), indicating the lowest level of open-mindedness when compared to the other two; in Trebinje, the mean score was 1.6489 (n=94), indicating the highest level of open-mindedness; in Posušje, the mean score was 1.7229 (n=148), putting it between Mostar and Trebinje, but aligning closer to the attitude in Mostar. According to the above data, the overwhelming majority of students in Herzegovina seem to be against segregation and non-socializing with different national groups; the slightly higher agreement with the statement in Mostar could reflect the tensions inherent in a still heterogeneous city with prominent political divides along ethno-national lines. The next question to consider concerns the actual willingness to be friends with somebody from one of the other national groups. This was measured by asking students how much they agreed or disagreed with the following statement based on a four-point Likert Scale: ‘I do not try to become friends with people from other national groups’ (with 1 indicating strong disagreement and 4 indicating strong agreement), students from Herzegovina gave the mean score of 1.6022 (n=1,413). Looked at in another way, 14.83 per cent of students from Mostar, 15.05 per cent of students from Trebinje and 20.94 per cent of students from Posušje either strongly agreed or agreed with the previous

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statement (that is, they do not try to become friends with people from other national groups). What does all of this mean? It means contrary to popular perception, a substantial majority of students, in general, are against segregation and are willing to be friends with somebody from a different national group.

Concluding remarks While numerous interesting findings can be extracted from this data, and the findings from the rest of the country will be valuable as well, three observations are highlighted below for their particular relevance to the linkage between politics, education and identity. First, the ethnic saliency scores across schools and groups show that identity is important to responding students. This is to be expected, as identity politics continues to dominate political discourse, in particular among Croats who are particularly aggrieved, perceiving that they are under threat in the current political system. However, a second finding, that students are not sure what group membership means for their lives, suggests that their stated strong identity is possibly weakly rooted, and represents less their personal experience and more the broader environment and messaging in their communities. Third, the very weak sense of civic pride of being a citizen of Bosnia and Herzegovina among self-identified Croats and Serbs can be predicted, and is reinforced by other symbolic identifying markers such as soccer team loyalties. It does, however, lead to questions regarding the long-term cohesion and viability of a still fragile and war-traumatized state. There are a number of factors that could explain such responses: family life, church/mosque socialization, the country’s divided media, and/or divisive elite political discourse. The impact of religious attendance is an interesting case in point, particularly since all three groups have religion classes relating to their respective ethno-national religious affiliations. As noted above, the data show that religious service attendance was statistically significant for increasing saliency among Bosniaks (p < 0.05) and Croats (p < 0.001). The fact that there was no effect among Serbs in Herzegovina is interesting, however, and could reflect a stronger sense of security among Serbs in that they enjoy ‘their own’ entity, which they do not have to share with any ‘others’. In Herzegovina (as well as at the state level), it appears that a coupling and de-coupling of ethnicity and religion is taking place. Among Bosniaks and Croats, religion and nationality are coupled together, whereas among Serbs, they are often de-coupled.



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The country’s divided education system, in which there are three separate curricula and nearly every school20 has a dominant ethnic ‘flavour’ is very likely if not a driver, then a contributing factor to fairly exclusive senses of identity among respondents. As explained, due to issues of multicollinearity in the Herzegovina sample, it was not possible to statistically test the effects of students not studying on the ‘appropriate’ ethnic curricula, and thus we cannot measure its effects on minority national groups and compare it to those studying on their ‘appropriate’ ethnic curricula elsewhere in Herzegovina. Although this was the case in Herzegovina, it is not so for the Federation of BiH as a whole; see Becker (2015) for a complete analysis. For example, Serbs were the only group that had a sufficiently high number of students studying on a ‘non-appropriate’ ethnic curriculum, and it was found that for Serbs, studying on the Bosniak curriculum was statistically significant (p < 0.001) in decreasing ethnic saliency; studying on the Croatian curriculum was less so (p < 0.10). Although this data is not sufficient to determine which of the three ethno-national curricula espouses a higher level of ethno-centrism in comparison to the other two, it appears that, at least in the case of Serbs studying ‘another’ curriculum, their ethnic saliency scores are lowered in a statistically significant way. Studying the unified Brčko District of BiH curriculum had a statistically significant effect on lowering ethnic saliency among Serbs (p < 0.05). There was no effect on Croats, Bosniaks or those who identified as Other within the Brčko District of BiH. Further, the data show more division and latent tensions in heterogeneous towns and schools, where students do interact (or have the possibility to interact) on a regular basis. Does this mean that strong educational fences could make good neighbours, and that the security of each having one’s ‘own’ educational and community space is a positive attribute? If so, what does this mean for communities that do already have a certain amount of diversity that must be managed? Can a post-war country be successfully built upon the premise of ‘separate but equal’, or should equality stem from efforts to integrate? Language is an important aspect of identity, and this will likely remain a sticking point in any attempt to integrate schools and harmonize curricula, in spite of the near total mutual comprehensibility of the state’s three official languages. As schools are only one part of the fabric of society, there is no easy answer. In terms of policy recommendations based on this data, four will be offered, though many more are possible. First, the fact that a significant majority of respondents note a willingness to be friends with someone from the other group is a positive sign that youth are more open-minded than one might suspect in such a harsh political environment, challenging commonly held assumptions

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about inter-ethnic relations within the country. More – and more systematic – educational initiatives and opportunities to enable young people to meet with their co-citizens would provide the chance to build such bridges, and create such networks. To date the vast majority of such efforts have been driven solely by international actors; domestic policy-makers should be encouraged to take on this responsibility, perhaps using the funds available for educational reform support as an incentivizing force. Second, as BiH begins to make reforms needed for future EU membership, more discussion about what identity is and means could be useful in terms of not just BiH today, but the country’s European future. The notion of a complex, multilayered identity is still feeble in BiH, as lines have remained drawn in an ‘us’ or ‘them’ fashion. Can one be a Bosniak, a Bosnian and a European; or a Catholic Bosnian Croat (or Orthodox Bosnian Serb) with a sense of European self as well? Is there anything in BiH’s constitutional, political or electoral system that could allow for a civic identity to be held together with one’s ethnonational identity? Can Europeanization assist in this process? Or could it in fact strengthen lower level orders of identity, and increase calls for regional autonomies and independence, as seen recently in Scotland and Catalonia? Would more moderate domestic political leadership and public rhetoric create space for development of complex, multilayered identities? Third, there is a real need for continued study of these issues, in BiH and other complex states. In BiH, the number of topics ripe for research and analysis is extensive: the role of in-school religious education on identity formation and salience; the impact of the ‘culture of religions’ approach to teaching about all religions in a pedagogical (not doctrinal) way; studies on curricular content, and the extent to which materials are exclusive and biased towards one group, or more amenable to multi-perspectivity, and so on. Last but not least, it will be interesting to observe whether or not grassroots initiatives for change in both the political and educational systems could drive more open-minded and integrated schooling. There has been a growing demand for integrated schools in Northern Ireland, for example, as parents have sought an alternative to the dominant Catholic or Protestant school options (McGlynn 2004). This demand was a true civic demand, driven by interest in an alternative approach to education, and frustration with the inability of the elites and policy-makers to offer such options. The increasing citizen dissatisfaction in BiH seen in 2014 – a year of many small but significant protests, demonstrations and signs of activism – could lead to more bottom-up calls for political change, including more modern and integrated educational strategies. While such an



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effort would have to be driven by local calls for reform, and citizen interest, there might be space for external support of such initiatives. Schools and curricula are not the sole or even primary driver of identity formation. However, they do play a role, and serve as a microcosm of the broader society in which students live, study and mature. This is particularly the case in a fragile post-war state where the wounds of the recent war are still palpable and visible. As a country that purports to hold European aspirations, it is reasonable to be concerned that a system that is facilitating the creation of three separate, and possibly incompatible, identities will not contribute to a strong future EU member state grounded in lasting peace, stability and tolerance. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU future is more than a decade off; whether its education system will substantially reform in this time remains to be seen.

Notes   1 BiH, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosnia will be used interchangeably in this chapter for reasons of style; all refer to the full territory of the internationally recognized country of Bosnia and Herzegovina.   2 Una-Sana (Bihac), Tuzla, Zenica-Doboj, Bosnian-Podrinje (Gorazde) and Sarajevo.   3 Posavina, West Herzegovina, and Canton 10 (known locally as Hercegbosanska Canton). The Constitutional Court of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina ruled that the name ‘Hercegbosanska’ is unconstitutional and had to be changed (Ruling U-11/97). The cantonal authorities in Livno have ignored this ruling and continue to use the name on all official documents. The court also ruled against the use of the Herceg-Bosna flag as the official cantonal flag, but local authorities continue to use it as well. West Herzegovina Canton uses the same flag, but has not received any rulings against its use by their canton.   4 Central Bosnia (Travnik) and Herzegovina-Neretva (Mostar).   5 Section V Article 2(2) of the Federation of BiH Constitution stipulates the devolution of power to the municipal level when the majority-group of the municipality is different from that of the canton as a whole. An example of this may be seen in Žepče (Croat-majority), located in Zenica-Doboj Canton.   6 While a problem for well over a decade, the issue of the national group of subjects gained renewed attention at the start of the 2013–14 school year as Bosniak parents and students protested against the lack of opportunity to study their own national group of subjects in a village in the eastern RS (Jukić 2014). The issue remains unresolved as of this writing.

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  7 In autumn 2014 the Federation Supreme Court confirmed a lower court ruling that these schools are in fact unconstitutional (Džihić 2014). It remains to be seen how the situation might be remedied, and whether there will be any spillover into the RS.   8 According to Oder (2005: 80), early public schools were used to ‘fashion societies’ in such a way so as to prevent conflict between Catholics and Protestants. Frederick the Great, the father of public schooling, claimed as much when he stated the purpose was to create tolerance amongst citizens of the state. Thus, public schools have served as socialization agents from their founding. Unfortunately, schools have also served as an agent for the promotion of intolerance amongst pupils.   9 The data was collected as a part of research for a dissertation entitled ‘Divided Schools and Divided Societies: Ethnic Saliency, Socialization, and Attitudes among High School Seniors in Bosnia and Herzegovina’, funded by a NSEP David L. Boren Fellowship. 10 In the 1991 census, among Mostar’s residents self-identification was quite diverse: 34 per cent Muslim, 29 per cent Croat, 19 per cent Serb, and 18 per cent Yugoslav (Bose 2002). 11 The exception to this is data gathered from two schools in Stolac, which were visited in November 2013. Dr. Becker also re-visited the school in Čitluk during this time due to prior scheduling difficulties. 12 ‘Ethnic identity search’ is defined as the degree to which the individual has explored their ethnicity, is clear about what group membership means to them, and identifies with said ethnic group (Phinney 1996). 13 Students were given the survey in the language-curriculum (NPP – nastavni plan i program) that their school uses. All three have constitutionally equal status. Before the war, they were considered one language, generally referred to as SerboCroatian which was the predominant language used in Yugoslavia. Serbian is written using the Cyrillic alphabet, whereas Bosnian and Croatian are written using the Latin alphabet. When designing field surveys to be conducted in a foreign state with a highly charged political environment, such as in BiH, one must be mindful of language (Greenburg 2008; Pašalić-Kreso 2008: 367). 14 It was not possible to test the effects of not studying on the ‘appropriate’ ethnic curricula on increasing or decreasing saliency levels in Herzegovina. This was also the case statewide, with the exception of Serbs in the Brčko District of BiH (p < 0.05) and Serbs in other areas of the Federation of BiH, who did in fact experience statistically significantly lower saliency scores. 15 This does not include the towns of Glamoč and Drvar, which are located outside the traditional region of Herzegovina. 16 Cronbach’s α is noted in parentheses.



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17 Two public postal services operate in ethnically divided cities/towns within the Federation of BiH: Hrvatska pošta Mostar (Croatian Post Mostar; Croat) and BH pošta (Bosnia and Herzegovina Post; Bosniak). In Republika Srpska, only one public postal service operates: Srpske pošte (Serbian Post). 18 A total of 15 students identified as being Roma in the entire country. 19 The bigger dissertation project will seek any significant differences among Serb respondents across BiH and in the RS. 20 The schools in Brčko are an exception, as there is a Brčko District curriculum. While students do separate out from one another for national subjects, they spend more time learning together than learning apart (Perry 2013).

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Stabback, P. (2007), ‘Common Curriculum, Core Curriculum or Common Curriculum Standards Finding a Solution for Bosnia and Herzegovina’, Prospects: Quarterly Review of Comparative Education 37: 449–67. Toal, G. and Dahlman, C. (2011) Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing And Its Reversal. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Torsti, P. (2007), ‘How to Deal with a Difficult Past? History Textbooks Supporting Enemy Images in Post-War Bosnia and Hercegovina’, Journal of Curriculum Studies 39 (1): 77–96. Ustavni sud Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine (1998), ‘Broj U-11/97’ [Ruling Number U-11/97]’, Ustavni sud Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine. Available online: http:// www.ustavnisudfbih.ba/bs/open_page_nw.php?1=bs&pid=158 (accessed 21 February 2012). Zavod za statistiku Bosne i Hercegovine (1991), Popis 1991. godine Bosne i Hercegovine [1991 Census of Bosnia and Herzegovina]. Zavod za statistiku Bosne i Hercegovine – Bilten broj 234 [Bureau of Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Bulletin no. 234], Sarajevo, 1991.

8

Kosovo: An overview Dukagjin Pupovci

Introduction Kosovo is a landlocked country in a central Balkan Peninsula with a surface area of 10,887 km2 and extends along a territory with an average altitude of 500 m above sea level, surrounded by mountains and bordering Albania, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. According to the 2011 Census Data (Kosovo Agency of Statistics 2012a),2 Kosovo has 1.74 million permanent residents, with 47.4 per cent below the

Figure 8.1  Map of Kosovo1

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age of twenty-five, ranking among countries with the youngest population in Europe. Over 92 per cent are ethnic Albanians, whereas the rest are Serbs, Bosnians, Turks, Roma and other communities. Among the population, 8.2 per cent hold tertiary qualifications, 29.9 per cent graduated from high-school institutions, whereas 35.1 per cent have completed compulsory education. Of the literate population, 5.8 per cent have no formal education, while 3.9 per cent of those aged ten and over are illiterate. With an underdeveloped economy and Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of $3,890 (World Bank 2013), Kosovo is among the poorest countries in Europe. According to the 2012 Labour Market Survey (Kosovo Agency of Statistics 2012b), the unemployment rate is relatively high at 30.9 per cent, but the labour force participation is also quite low (36.9 per cent) compared with other Western Balkans countries, where it ranges between 59 and 68 per cent, or the European Union where it is 71.8 per cent. One of the reasons for this discrepancy is the fact that Kosovo has such a young population and many of these young people are still in education (and therefore classified as inactive). However, as indicated in the Labour Market Survey (ibid.), a concern is that over time the potential for the inactive population to grow remains high, as each year approximately 36,000 young people join the working age population while only approximately 10,000 annually leave the work force due to retirement.

Kosovo until June 1999 Following the end of the Second World War and the establishment of the communist regime, Kosovo was granted the status of an autonomous region of Serbia in 1946 and became an autonomous province in 1963. With the passing of the new constitution in 1974, Kosovo gained virtual self-government. After years of ethnic tensions, in March 1989 the government of Serbia effectively abolished the autonomy of Kosovo, and subsequently imposed a number of measures resulting in unselective oppression against the Albanian population, including massive dismissals of Albanian employees from public administration and state-owned enterprises, thus generating additional tensions. Until 1990, Kosovo had a unified education system run by the provincial authorities with tuition in two parallel language streams: Albanian and Serbian, while teaching in Turkish was organized in municipalities with a significant Turkish-speaking population. A core curriculum for the three language streams was common, whereas content and textbooks were specific to group needs.



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In 1990 and 1991, the dispute between the Albanian majority and the government of Serbia on applicable school curriculum and authority to govern the education system came to an end with the decision of the government of Serbia to deny all Albanian teachers and students access to public buildings, except for the purposes of compulsory education. This, in turn, triggered the decision of the Albanian majority to establish a parallel system functioning under the authority of the exiled government of Kosovo. For nine years, Kosovo Albanian students and teachers were deprived of educational opportunities in many ways. ‘Perhaps the most potent symbol of this prejudice was the ethnic shifts introduced in almost all primary schools in Kosovo, often dividing school buildings by brick walls’ (Sommers and Buckland 2004). On the other hand, with few exceptions, Albanian-language secondary schools were not even allowed to operate in public buildings, and the same applied to the University of Prishtina. Oppression by Belgrade against ethnic Albanians escalated in a bloody war, which ended in June 1999 by a NATO-led military intervention, and by placing Kosovo under UN administration. According to a joint report of the European Commission and World Bank (1999), ‘the conflict most severely affected housing, agriculture, and telecommunications’. About 30 per cent of the housing units, both urban and rural, were unusable, and more than 50 per cent of agriculture assets were reportedly damaged or lost. In addition, equipment of all types and personal property were extensively looted. Further, ‘the “human damage”, resulting from both the conflict and the decade under “enforced measures”, is widespread, in particular among the younger generation, which has not had proper access to secondary and higher education’ (ibid.: 2).

Post-war Kosovo Rebuilding the education system following the war was a priority with many challenges: One of the first post-war priorities for UNMIK was to re-start the education system: the physical condition of schools represented a serious constraint to the success of this exercise. Rebuilding, refurnishing and re-equipping were the main characteristics of this emergency phase. The initial assessment of school infrastructure in the post-war Kosovo was bleak: 38.9 per cent of schools were severely damaged or completely destroyed and 24.2 per cent were damaged but still repairable. Most of the schools had undergone looting or destruction

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of school furniture. Key steps taken towards the re-establishment of education services in Kosovo were procurement of free textbooks for all children in Kosovo, heating of school buildings and payment of stipends to teachers in the absence of a salary scheme. (Pupovci 2009)

In less than one year, a Joint Interim Administrative Structure (JIAS) was fully functional, effectively discharging the duty of the Kosovo government. The JIAS Administrative Department of Education and Science (DES) was co-headed by one appointee of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and one from Kosovo, and was responsible for overall management of the education system in Kosovo. This was followed by immediate centralization of the education system. Following municipal elections in 2000, responsibilities for school infrastructure and employment of non-teaching staff were devolved to municipalities, whereas other issues including appointment and dismissal of teachers and school principals remained with central administration (Pupovci 2012). The basis for transition of powers to elected Kosovo authorities was set in May 2001 when a Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG) promulgated a Constitutional Framework which established Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) with the government of Kosovo as its executive authority. ‘An important provision in the Constitutional Framework specified that education was one of the functions to be “fully transferred” to PISG, as opposed to some functions (such as security or international relations) that were “reserved” and fell under the direct authority of SRSG’ (Sommers and Buckland 2004). Consequently, following the 2001 national elections UNMIK gradually transferred increased administrative powers to the PISG, including the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MEST) which took over responsibilities for the education sector. The two basic laws, the Law on Primary and Secondary Education (Law 2002) and the Law for Higher Education (Law 2003), set the ground for developing new education legislation and adopting important national strategic documents such as the Strategy for Development of Higher Education 2005–2015 (MEST 2004) and the Strategy for Development of Pre-University Education in Kosovo 2007–2017 (MEST 2007). On 17 February 2008, Kosovo declared independence which has been recognized by 110 countries. A major devolution of responsibilities from central to local level took place after June 2008, when the Kosovo Assembly adopted a package of decentralization laws in line with the comprehensive proposal for the Kosovo status settlement also known as the Ahtisaari Plan (UNOSEK 2007).



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In that way, most powers were devolved to municipalities, whereas the central government retained limited authority in governing the education system. The sector-wide approach (HLSP Institute 2005) to education development has been initiated to better align development partner activities behind a single sector strategic plan in order to develop greater ownership, leadership and support for building a strong institutional environment. Those efforts led to the development of the Kosovo Education Strategic Plan (KESP) 2011–2016 (MEST 2011a) which represents a broad consensus derived from principles agreed with key stakeholders in the education sector. This was followed by important changes in legislation and curriculum which were enacted in the autumn of 2011. Fifteen years after the end of conflict in Kosovo, education provision in schools was organized in the Albanian, Serbian, Turkish and Bosnian languages. It should be noted that Serbian schools in Kosovo operate effectively within the education system of the Republic of Serbia, whereas this chapter focuses on schools operating within the Kosovo education system.

Structure and levels of the education system The public education system in Kosovo operates through a network of forty-two pre-school institutions, 989 primary and lower secondary schools, 116 upper secondary schools, and six universities (MEST 2014). In addition, there are ten licensed private institutions offering primary and secondary education, as well as twenty-five licensed private higher education institutions. There are also a number of private institutions offering pre-school services, but the licensing process is still in progress, so their exact number is still unknown. Figure 8.2 shows the general structure of the education system in Kosovo, to be described in more detail in the following sections.

Pre-university education The pre-university education system in Kosovo consists of four major levels: MM

MM

MM

MM

Pre-school education (ISCED 0, children aged 1–5) Primary education (ISCED 1, grades 1–5, children aged 6–10) Lower secondary education (ISCED 2, grades 6–9, children aged 11–14) Upper secondary education (ISCED 3, grades 10–12/13, children aged 15–18/19)

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Labour Market

Tertiary Vocational Education

University

Vocational Matura Grade 13 General Secondary Education “Gymnasium” Grades 10–12

Vocational Education Grades 10–12

Lower Secondary School Grades 6–9 Primary School Grades 1–5 Pre-School Age 0–6

Figure 8.2  General structure of the education system in Kosovo Source: Butler et al. 2009

The sub-sector is regulated by the basic Law on Pre-University Education (Law 2011) and a series of other laws and bylaws regulating specific segments. Figure 8.2 describes the current structure of the pre-university education system in Kosovo, and also provides a comparison with the former structure which originates from the Yugoslav system and was applied until 2002, when the new Law on Primary and Secondary Education (Law 2002) was introduced.

Pre-school education (ISCED 0) Pre-school education in Kosovo is organized by specialized pre-school institutions (crèches and kindergartens) for children aged one to five, and is characterized by a very low attendance rate compared to other Western Balkans countries, primarily due to limited intake capacity. The total number of children attending specialized public pre-school institutions in Kosovo is 3,773 (about 3.2 per cent of children aged one to four) (MEST 2014). On the other hand, pre-primary level (grade 0) is offered in kindergartens and most primary schools in Kosovo as a preparatory programme for primary level, and is attended by 21,383 (about 71.5 per cent) of children aged five (MEST 2014). Pre-primary education offered in elementary schools is free, and funded from the Kosovo Consolidated Budget, whereas costs of attendance in specialized



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Figure 8.3  The old and the new structure of the pre-university system Source: Pupovci 2002

public pre-school institutions are shared between parents and municipalities. Also, a number of fee-paying private pre-school institutions operate in Kosovo, but, as mentioned above, there is no accurate data on enrolments in such institutions.

Compulsory education (ISCED 1–2) Compulsory education in Kosovo comprises five years of primary (ISCED 1) and four years of lower secondary education (ISCED 2). Provision is based on the Curriculum Framework and the grade curricula. The curriculum is subjectbased and rather prescriptive, but schools can modify up to 15 per cent of the content to accommodate the needs of their students. Primary school classes are taught by one general teacher, whereas lower secondary school classes are

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taught by subject teachers usually specializing in one or two subject disciplines. Typically, textbooks strictly follow the curriculum structure, and are distributed free to all students. From the organizational point of view, primary and lower secondary schools can be separate or united in single education institutions. According to official statistics, 278,608 students were attending primary and lower secondary schools in Kosovo in the academic year 2013/14. Personnel consisted of 17,356 teachers, 1,219 administrative and 2,351 auxiliary staff, whereas teacher-student ratio was 1:16 (MEST 2014).

Upper secondary education (ISCED 3) Upper secondary education in Kosovo has two major streams: general secondary education (‘gymnasium’) and vocational education. There are four general secondary school programmes with focus on respective subjects: mathematics and informatics, hard sciences, social sciences, languages and arts. The curriculum is based on the Curriculum Framework, and its structure is similar to the one in lower secondary level. The duration of this level of schooling is three years. Education is completed by the state Matura exam. Vocational schools in Kosovo feature sixteen different fields of study, each of them with significant number of profiles training students for certain occupations. The study programmes are structured in to two levels: MM

MM

MM

Level 1 covers grades 10 and 11 – providing leaving school certificates which serve to enter the labour market. The qualification acquired in this level is titled ‘Semi Skilled Worker’. Level 2 covers grade 12, culminating in the qualification ‘Skilled Worker’. Before June 2014, the VET schools taught to grade 13, which aimed to provide students with a higher level of skills ‘Highly Skilled Worker’. At the end of grade 13 all VET students had to pass the final exam in their field of study. However, starting with the academic year 2014–15 and in line with the new Curriculum Framework, grade 13 has been discontinued.

Graduates from VET schools must take the Matura exam if they want to continue to university level studies. As a rule, general secondary schools and vocational schools are separated, but there are combined schools in smaller towns offering both general education and vocational streams. During the academic year 2013–14, 99,578 students attended upper secondary education, 55.1 per cent of them in the vocational



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stream. Personnel consists of 5,441 teachers, 364 administrators and 530 auxiliary staff (MEST 2014).

School administration By law, municipalities in Kosovo have full and exclusive powers with respect to the provision of public pre-school, primary and secondary education, whereas the role of the central government is mainly restricted to policy-making, setting the standards and inspecting the schools. Operation of schools is funded from the special education grant allocated to the municipalities on a per-capita basis by the central government, whereas municipalities may allocate funds for goods and services to schools based on a certain municipality-to-school funding formula. Staff salaries are executed by the Ministry of Public Administration based on input from municipalities, whereas funds for capital outlays are transferred to municipalities by the Ministry of Finance. The pre-university sub-sector is mainly governed by the laws displayed in Table 8.1.

Higher education The first higher education institution in Kosovo, a teacher training college, was established in 1959. Today, there are already seven public universities and twenty-five private higher education institutions offering 418 different programmes in three cycles. With slightly over 100,000 students currently enrolled, Kosovo reached a solid participation rate in higher education – 62.7 per cent3 of all persons aged 20–24, which is the exact EU average (Eurostat 2013). Table 8.2 (Rexhaj and Pupovci 2014) provides data on students and staff, as well as study programmes by higher education institutes (HEIs). Although Kosovo has not formally signed the Bologna Declaration, it was among the first countries in Europe to adopt the three-cycle system and introduce ECTS in 2001. On the other hand, ‘Bologna Process’ and ‘European Higher Education Area’ continue to be key words in the Kosovo higher education jargon. With few exceptions, higher education programmes are implemented on the 3/2/3 Bologna cycle scheme: MM

MM

MM

Bachelor’s programmes 3–4 years (180–240 ECTS credits) Master’s programmes 1–2 years (60–120 ECTS credits) PhD programmes lasting a minimum of three years

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Table 8.1. Laws governing the pre-university sub-sector in Kosovo Law

Description

Law on Pre-University Education No. 04/L-032

Basic law which sets that the most important responsibilities of the central government in administering the education system; its function is: to develop policies, draft, and implement legislation; to promote a non-discriminatory education system and protection of vulnerable groups; to manage a system of licensing and certification of all teachers; to set the criteria for the evaluation and assessment of pupils in educational and/or training institutions; to organize and manage external assessment, and so on This law devolves certain responsibilities for managing education system from central to local level, and is part of a larger decentralization package. Also, the law regulates special rights of the Serbian community to use curricula and textbooks from the Republic of Serbia This law sets out the structures of the institutions which deal with this type of education and training. The VET law envisages a combination of school-based education with company training Establishes a general regulatory framework for this level with particular focus on financing and payments Even with the ongoing devolution of responsibilities from central to local level, education inspection has remained the responsibility of MEST Institutes the free textbook market, but the responsibility for Selection of textbooks still rests with MEST

Law No.03/L-068 on Education in the Municipalities of the Republic of Kosovo

Law No. 04/L-183 on the Vocational Education and Training Law on Pre-school Education No. 02/L-52 Law on Inspection of Education in Kosovo No.2004/37 Law on Publishing School Textbooks, Educational Teaching Resources, Reading Materials and Pedagogical Documentation No. 02/L-67 Law on Final Exam and State Matura Exam No. 03/L-018

Introduces compulsory state Matura for general secondary schools and students of vocational schools who want to continue with university studies. Also, the law and subsequent bylaws regulate the use of Matura scores for admission to the higher education

This structure is outlined in Figure 8.3, which also provides a comparison with the old system inherited from former-Yugoslavia.

Legal framework The Kosovo higher education system is regulated by the 2011 Higher Education Law and a set of bylaws derived from it. The body responsible for higher education policy implementation and for licensing all HE institutions is the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MEST). The other main regulatory bodies are the Kosovo Accreditation Agency (KAA) and the National Qualifications Authority (NQA). The KAA is the independent, public agency responsible for accreditation of all public universities and private HEIs offering



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Table 8.2. Number of students, academic staff and academic programmes for the academic year 2013–14 Public higher education institutions No.

Institution

Students

1 2 3 4 5

University of Prishtina University of Prizren University of Peja Faculty of Islamic Studies University of Ljubljana/Faculty of Economy – Prishtina Branch

Total

54,066  5,875  4,682  2,66   ,59

Academic programmes 196  12  14   1   2

Academic staff Full time Part time   ,998   ,900   ,30   ,150   ,64   ,95   ,10   ,13 – –

Total 1,898   ,180   ,159   ,23 –

64,948

225

1,102

2,260

Academic staff Full time Part time 771 664

Total 1,435

771

1,435

1,158

Private higher education institutions No.

Institution

Students

1

Private higher education institutions

 36,231

Academic programmes 193

 36,231

193

101,179

418

Total

Total Public+private

664

Source: Kosovo Accreditation Agency, 31/12/20134

academic degrees, whereas the NQA is a cross-ministry body, charged with developing the National Qualifications Framework, at all levels, to comply with the needs of society and the economy. By law, the Municipality of Mitrovica North has authority to exercise responsibility for the University of Mitrovica North offering study programmes in the Serbian language. This situation, whereby local authorities are responsible for organizing higher education, is unique in the Kosovo legislative framework and applies only to this municipality. It came about as a result of the process of negotiations for the settlement of Kosovo’s political status. As a result, this university together with the corresponding municipal authorities have been operating under the authority of the government of Serbia. However, following the EU-sponsored Brussels Agreement of February 2013 between Kosovo and Serbian authorities, this situation may change in favour of the integration of this institution into the Kosovo system of higher education. Municipal authorities in Mitrovica North have only recently been elected in the implementation of this agreement, which makes it realistic to expect a more co-operative approach by the municipality and the academic community in the region.

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Figure 8.4  The old and the new structure of the higher education system Source: Pupovci 2002

National qualifications framework Although not a signatory of the Bologna Declaration, Kosovo has developed a national qualifications frameworks (NQA 2011) compatible with the overarching framework of the European Higher Education Area. For Kosovo, the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) is an important component within the reform of the education and training system. It is intended to improve access to work and further learning by ensuring that qualifications are relevant to employment and learning, and meet the needs of learners, the economy, and education and training institutions. The basic structure of the NQF consists of eight levels at which qualifications, and modules or other components of qualifications can be placed. They progress from the simplest levels of achievement to the most difficult and complex. Each level of the NQF is defined by a statement of typical outcomes of learning based on the approach adopted by the EQF, providing a cross-reference to the levels of the EQF. Kosovo NQF level descriptors are based on the EQF level descriptors, elaborated to show how they will apply in the Kosovo context. Figure 8.4 (NQA



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2011) provides links between NQF levels and descriptors for higher education qualifications.

Quality assurance Licensing and accreditation are compulsory for all HEIs operating in Kosovo. Whereas licences are issued by MEST and represent the work permit, accreditation represents a formal acknowledgement that an institution of higher education and its programmes fulfil internationally recognized standards, and are issued or recognized by the KAA. Before applying to MEST for a licence,

Naonal Qualificaons Framework NQF Level

Contains qualificaons associated with

EQF ref. level

Educaon programmes

Currently available qualificaons (Type)

Potenal work roles/occupaonal requirements

8

Higher educaon - Bologna 3rd cycle (Doctorate)

Doctorate (A)

7

Higher educaon - Bologna 2nd cycle (Master)

Master degree (A)

Entry to, or connuing professional development within, senior levels of management or higher level professional occupaons

6

Higher educaon - Bologna 1st cycle (Master)

Bachelor degree (A)

5

Bologna short cycle and/or post-secondary VET

Title of qualificaons sll unknown (A), (C) Cerficates of non-formal providers (D or E)

Specialist/Trainer/Manager

5

4

Preparaon for progression into higher educaon and/or labour market entry

Mature diploma in general or vocaonal subjects (B), (C), Vocaonal edicaon diploma (C)

Qualified Worker/Supervisor

4

3

Preparaon for labour marker entry (young people and adults)

Vocaonal educaon cerficate (C) Cerficates of non-formal VET providers (D or E)

Semi-skilled Worker

3

2

Preparaon from lower to upper secondary educaon (young people), preparaon for labour market (adults)

No exisng qualificaons of formal educaon system idenfied Cerficates of non-formal providers (D or E)

Low-skilled Worker

2

1

Basic educaon

No exisng qualificaons of formal educaon system idenfied Cerficates of non-formal providers (E)

Minimum level of basic skills, inc. literact/numeract, required for entry to lowest level of employment

1

8

7

6

Figure 8.5  Links between NQF levels and Kosovo’s education and training structure on the one hand, and with occupational requirements on the other Source: NQA 2011

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each HEI has to undergo institutional and programme accreditation with the KAA. The KAA has been operational since 2008 and is responsible for institutional and programme accreditation in higher education. KAA supports the implementation of quality assurance measures at two levels: internal and external. For internal quality assurance KAA works closely with HEIs and supports them develop and maintain relevant structures and processes. All higher education institutions in Kosovo are required to have quality assurance offices and instruments of internal evaluation. Quality assurance guidelines have been developed for all HEIs. HEIs are required to produce self-evaluation reports and submit them along with applications for programme or institutional accreditation, which is in full compliance with the Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area (ENQA 2009) developed by the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA). To ensure the integrity of the process, external evaluation is carried out by international experts hired by KAA, whereas the nine-member National Quality Council, which is effectively the KAA Board and has three international members, reaches the final decision on accreditation. To strengthen international recognition of the standards and quality in the system, KAA has become a member of the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE) and the Central and Eastern European Network of Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (CEENQA), and in 2014 KAA became a full member of the ENQA.

Education reforms in Kosovo From a historical perspective, education reforms in Kosovo in the period 1970–99 were restricted to changes in the curriculum and the introduction of new study programmes in upper secondary and higher education. The so-called ‘Vocationally Directed Education Reform’ which took place in the late 1970s was an exception to this rule. In that time, students entering upper secondary education opted immediately for a given vocational qualification, which was acquired through programmes of various duration closely linked to the business sector (Bulović 1984). Following the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, in 1990 Serbian authorities introduced a new curriculum which, in terms of content, was deemed



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unacceptable by the Kosovo Albanian majority (Shatri 2006). In response, the Kosovo Pedagogical Institute, which did not recognize the authority of the government of Serbia, developed new curricula suitable for Albanian schools. Despite difficult circumstances, the Kosovo curriculum underwent several minor changes during the 1990s. In this period certain harmonization with the curriculum of the Republic of Albania was achieved, and joint textbooks were introduced in major subjects (Shatri 2006).

The lead agency approach The first post-war initiative toward broader education reform was ‘Developing the new Education System in Kosovo’ (DESK), initiated by UNMIK in October 1999. For six months, working groups composed of Kosovar and international stakeholders produced reviews of the education system at all levels. However, DESK failed to actively produce solutions, and the process was dissolved in June 2000, officially due to pressure of time and lack of funding (Pupovci 2009). Since Kosovo was highly dependent on donor support there was a dire need for coordination among donors and implementing partners. Hence a lead agency approach was introduced, assigning unified responsibility for ensuring both the delivery of services and the building of capacity in the identified area (Sommers and Buckland 2004). The following lead agencies were appointed: 1. Curriculum development – UNICEF 2. Pre-school education – UNICEF 3. Teacher training – Canadian government 4. Special education – Finnish government 5. Vocational education– German Technical Co-operation (GTZ) An education policy statement by UNMIK describes the role of lead agencies (Daxner 2001): The Lead Agency concept is itself a step towards modern civil administration, hence reversing Balkan tradition since neither the universities nor governmental agencies have sufficient competence or legitimacy to develop and implement the elements of reform into a system. It also means that the central department or ministry, which will emerge at the time of hand-over, will be lean and without too many substantial agendas – these will remain allocated with the lead agencies and later with their replacements. A Lead Agency fulfills clearly defined, commissioned work for the authorities and does so within the system.

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It is an agent of change, yet at the same time, a handling agent in the exclusive center of reforms. We call this ‘insourced outsourcing’. Again, this is an instance of Kosovo society’s dependence on its education. Of course, the central department must remain in control or supervision, but shall not get involved in conceptual or executive tasks where it is not competent, it being a political unit of administration. To define the rules of governance will be the noble task of the implementation of this idea. If we do not succeed in keeping the administration free from its former bureaucratic overload, the reforms will be stopped by the sheer costs of entertaining the central offices, leaving no money for the reforms. (ibid.: 5)

Different international agencies interpreted this role in different ways, but, in most cases, it included a written agreement between UNMIK and the agency undertaking to coordinate and deliver an agreed set of services. This inevitably involved the deployment of international staff and consultants by the agencies, many of whom worked side by side with UNMIK and local officials both on delivery of services in the area of responsibility and in the development of policy proposals for the future (Sommers and Buckland 2004). Saqipi (2014) argues that the installation of the ‘lead agency’ concept in the education sector in Kosovo embedded among educators and administrators the expectation that the responsibility is external or outside. And, further, ‘the so-called “insourced outsourcing” in UN eyes (Daxner 2001) to Kosovar society and education players meant “let them do it”. While in the eyes of the UN administration, this meant that the corrupt and disorganized education practices that were developed during the 1990s be discontinued. For the Kosovo educators and administrators this meant giving up the tradition and values people have held for education and the work of teachers’ (Saqipi 2014).

The curriculum reform Curriculum reform was one of the most important issues for the education authorities in Kosovo, and it was addressed by commissioning the work to UNICEF as lead agency in this field. UNICEF helped establish a Curriculum Unit with MEST, and also provided support in the form of capacity building and expertise. The final result was the General Curriculum Framework (GCF), which defines the general orientations of the curriculum. The provision is delivered through subjects in eight different curricular areas: language and communication; mathematics; natural sciences; mathematics and sciences; man and society; arts; technology; and physical health and training (MEST 2001).



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The original idea of the new approach was to replace the existing excessively encyclopedic knowledge-, content- and information-centred curricula, and to share the responsibility for curriculum development between the government and the schools. The General Curriculum Framework, however, was never officially approved, whereas a review carried out in 2005 suggests that ‘the development of subject curricula was a hurried affair’, and that ‘training/preparation of teachers specifically for the new curricula (as opposed to training for the new methodology) seems to have been very short’; meanwhile ‘the new curriculum and curricula are still overcrowded’ (Peffers et al. 2005). The critique of the implementation of the General Curriculum Framework led to the development of the Kosovo Curriculum Framework (KCF), having been accomplished in 2011 (MEST 2011b). The Kosovo curriculum consists of six key stages defined in line with the education structure of pre-university education in Kosovo, as presented in Table 8.4 below. The new Kosovo curriculum is structured around seven learning areas that apply from pre-school up to upper secondary education, including both general and vocational education: (1) languages and communication; (2) arts; (3) mathematics; (4) sciences; (5) society and environment; (6) health and wellbeing; (7) life and work. Depending on the key stage, learning areas are allocated a certain percentage of school hours. Table 8.4 Key stages of the Kosovo curriculum ISCED 4

Post-secondary

Post-secondary specialization

ISCED 3

Upper secondary Grade 12 Upper secondary Grades 10–11 Lower secondary Grades 8–9 Lower secondary Grades 6–7 Primary education Grades 3–5 Primary education Grades 1–2 Pre-primary grade Grade 0 Age birth–5

Key stage 6 Consolidation and specialization Key stage 5 Basic general and professional development Key stage 4 Reinforcement and orientation Key stage 3 Further development and orientation Key stage 2 Reinforcement and development Key stage 1 Basic acquisitions

ISCED 2

ISCED 1

ISCED 0

Source: MEST 2011b

Key stage 0 Early child education

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The KCF is ‘competency-based’, and, as such, arranged around the concept of providing children with the required skills, attitudes and knowledge to perform the tasks that society and educationalists consider they will need for their time at school and for the rest of their lives as students, employees, family members and as part of the society of Kosovo. The key competencies are: (1) communication and expression competency; (2) thinking competency; (3) learning competency; (4) life, work, and environment-related competency; (5) personal competency; (6) civic competency. MEST has developed the Core Curriculum, which covers the main curriculum provisions that are set forth by MEST and are compulsory to all students in Kosovo. The Core Curriculum defines two separate systems of learning outcomes: MM

MM

the learning outcomes for each curriculum key stage defining the concrete expected student achievements upon completion of each of the six curriculum key stages; the learning outcomes for each curriculum area within a curriculum key stage.

Also, the Core Curriculum regulates the following aspects: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

scope of curriculum areas along curriculum stages; methodological guidelines for organizing the educational process under each of the curriculum areas along the curriculum key stages; syllabi that define the time allocation for the subjects across curriculum areas along curriculum key stages; the progress requirements along formal levels of education, including the minimum requirement for transiting from one curriculum key stage to another; criteria and forms of assessment; recommendations for curriculum management at school level.

Subject syllabi are to be developed at school level in compliance with the provisions defined in the Core Curriculum. The system of learning outcomes under subject syllabi define what a student should achieve within each of the subjects and themes/lesson unit throughout a grade/school year (MEST 2011b). The new curriculum is currently being piloted in ten schools, and there are plans to extend the pilot to more than 100 primary and secondary schools. Meanwhile, other schools continue to follow the old curriculum.



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Teacher training system One of the key findings of the OECD Thematic Review of National Policies for Education carried out in Kosovo in late 2000 was that ‘the concept of teaching as a profession is missing from the teacher training curriculum’ (OECD 2003). In that time, teacher training in Kosovo was mainly academic and heavily subjectbased, and even some educationally relevant subjects were taught at a highly academic level. Teaching practice in schools or reflection on teaching methods were carried out without any systemic view or clear objectives and goals. Until 2002, the teacher education system in Kosovo was highly fragmented: there were nineteen, four-year long university-level programmes offered by different academic units and nine, two-year long programmes offered by teacher training colleges leading to a degree in teaching (Pupovci 2002). The education of teachers for pre-primary, primary, and lower secondary schools was put under the umbrella of a single Faculty of Education, established in 2002 with support from the Canadian government-funded Kosovo Educator Development Programme (KEDP). In spite of the fact that the Faculty of Education was supposed to be a completely new academic unit within the University of Prishtina, in reality it was created by merging one academic unit and four teacher training colleges based in four different Kosovo towns. However, all programmes offered by the Faculty of Education were 240 ECTS Bachelor programmes.

Reform of the pre-service system The first step of KEDP – the lead agency assuming responsibility for the coordination of teacher training – was to help establish the Teacher Training Review Board (TTRB) which played the role of key monitoring institution to watch over the quality and standards of teacher education and teaching practice in Kosovo. As such, the TTRB had an advisory function to the ministry and was responsible for approving pre- and in-service programmes for training, re-training and professional development of teachers. Guided by KEDP expertise, TTRB developed standards of professional practice and teacher licensing regulations, but was often constrained by the limited capacity of the ministry to implement approved policies and regulations. Even after major changes in the teacher education system that took place in 2002, responsibility for training upper secondary teachers remained with academic units. A mapping of teacher education programmes carried out

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in 2011 shows significant inconsistencies in representation of didactic and academic content in those programmes (Veselaj 2012). On the other hand, the accreditation process of academic units and programmes of the Faculty of Education, carried out in 2010, revealed weaknesses in teacher education in subject areas for lower and upper secondary education (grades 6–12). The evaluation report highlights the need for academic preparation to take place in the specialized academic units, while the Faculty of Education is to focus on its primary disciplines – pedagogy and didactics (Asunta et al. 2010). In November 2011, MEST established a working group with the task of addressing recommendations of the evaluation report and proposing a new structure for teacher education programmes. Based on the recommendations of the Working Group, in July 2012, the Ministry took the decision that all higher education public providers should review their teacher education programmes in line with the requirements of the Kosovo Curriculum Framework approved in 2011, as well as recommendations of the Kosovo Accreditation Agency (MEST 2012). The key points based on which the restructuring is to be developed are: 1. Programmes for preparation of teachers for pre-school and pre-primary levels will be provided by the Faculty of Education and will lead to a bachelor’s degree (240 ECTS) and are not affected by the decision. 2. New teacher education subject-based programmes will lead to a master’s degree (300 ECTS), with: a. 180 ECTS academic training and b. 120 ECTS training in pedagogy and practice teaching. 3. Teacher education programmes should include a. Academic training provided by academic units, b. Pedagogical training and teaching practice, provided by the Faculty of Education for all education levels and profiles. Based on this decision, the Faculty of Education has developed the first series of five master’s level programmes leading to a degree in subject teaching, and is in the process of developing more such programmes to meet the needs of the pre-university education system.

In-service teacher training Since the parallel system in Kosovo reflected the need for survival of the education system rather than for its development, in-service teacher training was



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unknown to Kosovo until after the war, when numerous international agencies established a supply-driven market of professional development opportunities for practising teachers in Kosovo. Most of these initiatives were short-lived, and unfortunately failed to strengthen the local capacity for training provision. Two years after the end of the conflict it was clear that in-service teacher training in Kosovo had shifted from emergency to developmental approach. With support from KEDP, as lead agency in teacher training, numerous donor agencies and Kosovo-based organizations like the Kosova Education Center (KEC), local capacity for delivery of training programmes was built. Teams of Kosovar trainers were trained, and training materials in local languages developed. Dissemination was done in a more organized way, by gradually enrolling teachers in training programmes and by focusing on quality of provision rather than on ‘all-inclusiveness’. In many cases school-based training was organized involving teachers and administrators from targeted schools as trainers. In 2004 MEST reported that 50 per cent of 23,000 practising teachers in Kosovo had participated in at least one training programme, which was a remarkable achievement (Pupovci 2009). Saqipi (2014) argues that teacher training, seen as the most powerful instrument for intervening in classroom practice and holding a potential for change, was made a priority focus area for all development projects in post-war education in Kosovo. This is also confirmed by the fact that teacher training is one of the seven focus areas of the Pre-University Strategy for Kosovo 2007–2017 (MEST 2007), and also of a more comprehensive Kosovo Education Strategic Plan 2011–2016 (MEST 2011), both officially approved by the government of Kosovo. In 2010, the government introduced a training programme accreditation system (MEST 2010a) effectively recognizing qualifications gained through in-service programming. Since then, more than 100 in-service programmes offered by public and private providers have been accredited, whereas the first edition of the catalogue of recognized programmes was published in 2011 (MEST 2011c). Also, the government introduced a teacher licensing system which is based on participation in in-service training and performance appraisal (MEST 2010b). However, due to government salary policies which favour linear increase rather than a performance-based salary system, it has not been possible to implement the licensing scheme until now.

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Current challenges and priorities There are numerous challenges related to the education system in Kosovo, some of them discussed above. Amongst these, implementation of the new, competency-based curriculum and teacher licensing call for special mention. In general, Kosovo teachers are trained to follow a prescribed curriculum and to use approved textbooks, which is rather different from developing the content and deciding on pedagogical approaches based on prescribed learning outcomes. This inevitably requires new approaches and new forms of organization at school level. Since teacher licensing is linked to performance appraisal, one step forward would be to establish a common understanding on what constitutes good teaching. Also, the system needs human capacity and mechanisms to fairly appraise the performance of 23,000 practising teachers. Following this by a performance-based salary scheme would increase motivation and accountability of teaching staff all over the country. Although school infrastructure has significantly improved, Kosovo schools are still highly under-resourced and lack, to a large extent, basic teaching aids, which is another major challenge. On the other hand, while Kosovo has an internet penetration rate comparable to some EU countries (Fazliu 2012), most schools have no internet access with which to make use of resources available online. In what follows, we shall focus on two major challenges and priority areas that relate to the quality of pre-university education and higher education.

Quality of educational provision In terms of quality, there is no commonly held concept of what is ‘good’ education. Quality is understood in terms of quantitative (input) measures rather than in terms of outcomes. This narrow view of quality is a major obstacle to change in teaching, learning, and assessment in particular. One of the major issues in the Kosovo pre-university system is the lack of effective quality assurance mechanisms at all levels. Whereas education inspection is entitled to deal with administrative issues (Law 2004) and municipalities hold formal responsibility for quality assurance, in reality there is confusion about the division of responsibilities between the central and local authorities. On the other hand, any mechanisms at school level are non-existent or, at best, non-functioning. Lack of mid-level management in schools in the



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form of functioning subject-area departments has been identified as one of the key obstacles to internal quality assurance (AKM 2013). External assessment organized by MEST for students of the final grade of compulsory education (Achievement Test) and upper secondary education (Matura exam) have been extensively criticized for poor administration and lack of any feedback loop to schools. Kosovo participated for the first time in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in 2015, and there is a general consensus that this will create basic pre-conditions for comparison with other countries.

Expansion of higher education In the last decade, the government of Kosovo paid a great deal of attention to improving participation in higher education. In 2004, it was estimated that 12 per cent of Kosovo’s population aged 18–25 were attending higher education institutions, and the target was set to double this proportion by 2015 in the Strategy for the Development of Higher Education 2005–2015 (MEST 2004). This target was reconsidered in the Kosovo Education Strategic Plan 2011–2016 anticipating participation in higher education of 35 per cent of the age group 18–25 (MEST 2011). As indicated above, enrolments at Kosovo higher education institutions have by far exceeded the targets set in these two documents, with 62.7 per cent of all persons aged 20–24 attending higher education institutions in the academic year 2013–14, which is the exact EU average. Kosovo has established five new universities in less than four years. The new institutions came about without adequate planning, preparations or support. A slightly increased number of academic staff is teaching greater numbers at an inflated University of Prishtina, five new universities and twenty-five private higher education institutions. On the one hand, this does not allow for quality academic provision and, on the other, it reduces the potential for any research activities and the creation of new knowledge. This situation calls for a meaningful review of the higher education sector in Kosovo with a view to consolidating the achieved access and improving the quality of teaching and research work.

Conclusion In the fifteen years since the end of the war, the Kosovo education system has not managed to contribute to the improvement of the welfare of society. Kosovo

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still continues to be one of the poorest economies in Europe, with not very bright prospects for quick accession to the European Union. Participation in education has significantly improved at all levels, and, from that point of view, Kosovo compares well to other countries in the region. However, the quality of education is still a big issue and requires the attention of the government and all relevant stakeholders. Implementation of the new competency-based curriculum and improvement of teaching are major challenges in the pre-university sector, which require the building of a proper quality assurance system interlinked at all levels. On the other hand, rapidly increasing enrolment in higher education is causing damage to the quality of provision and research, and this situation calls for a meaningful review of national higher education policies.

Notes 1 Downloaded from https://www.your-vector-maps.com/countries/-kosovo/-kosovofree-vector-map/?image=l-kosovo 2 The census was not carried out in four out of thirty-eight Kosovo municipalities located in the north of Kosovo and mainly inhabited by Serbian population. The European Center for Minority Issues estimates that 80,000 people live in those municipalities (www.ecmikosovo.org). 3 According to the Kosovo Accreditation Agency, there are 101,179 students in Kosovo HEIs in the academic year 2013/14, whereas data for the University of Mitrovica are not available. Also, according to the 2011 population census, there are 161,467 persons aged 20–24. The population census was not carried out in the northern part of Kosovo largely inhabited by the Serbian community. 4 University of Prishtina data also includes data on three new universities that started operation on 1 October 2013: the University of Gjilan, the University of Mitrovica with instruction in Albanian and the University of Gjakova. These new public universities started operating in the facilities of the former branches of the University of Prishtina in these towns. They also took over actual students and teaching staff in those branches at the time they were established. Currently there are two universities operating in the Mitrovica region in the northern part of Kosovo: one with instruction in Serbian mentioned above, in North Mitrovica, and one with instruction in the Albanian language, established on 1 October 2013 by the Kosovo government, in South Mitrovica.



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References AKM (2013), Education Collegium Strategic Plan 2013–2016. Prishtina: Association of Kosovo Municipalities. Asunta, T., E. Bratengeyer and S. Havu-Nuutinen. (2010), Evaluation Report, University of Prishtina, Faculty of Education. KAA, 11 June. Available online: http://www. akreditimi-ks.org/?download=FR%20UP%20FoEdu%202010%20(e).pdf (accessed 1 August 2015). Bulović, I. (1984), Development of Education in the SFR of Yugoslavia 1981–1983. Paris: UNESCO. Butler, E. P., D. Lamaute, C. Murray and L. Salinger (2009), A Modern Workforce Development System is Key to Kosovo’s Growth. Prishtina: USAID Kosovo. Daxner, M. (2001), Education Policy Statement 2001. Prishtina: UNMIK. ENQA (2009), Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area, 3rd edn. Helsinki: European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education. European Commission and World Bank (1999), ‘Towards Stability and Prosperity – A Program for Reconstruction and Recovery in Kosovo’, released: 3 November 1999. Available online: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/archives/seerecon/kosovo/ documents/kosovo_toward_stability_and_prosperity_1999.pdf (accessed 1 August 2015). Eurostat (2013), ‘Education Statistics at Regional Level’. Available online: http://epp. eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Education_statistics_at_ regional_level (accessed 1 August 2015). Fazliu, A. (2012), Internet Penetration and Usage in Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovo Association for Information and Communication Technology (STIKK). HLSP Institute (2005), ‘Sector Wide Approaches: A Resource Document for UNFPA Staff ’, Available online: http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/ swap-unfpa2005eng.pdf (accessed 1 August 2015). Kosovo Agency of Statistics (2012a), Kosovo Population and Housing Census 2011 – Final Results. Prishtina: Kosovo Agency of Statistics. Kosovo Agency of Statistics (2012b), Results of the Kosovo 2012 Labor Market Survey. Prishtina: Kosovo Agency of Statistics. Law (2002), Law on Primary and Secondary Education. Prishtina: Kosovo Assembly. Law (2003), Law for Higher Education. Prishtina: Kosovo Assembly. Law (2004), Law of Education Inspection in Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovo Assembly. Law (2008), Law No.03/L-068 on Education in the Municipalities of the Republic of Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovo Assembly. Law (2011), Law No. 04/L-032 on Pre-University Education in the Republic of Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovo Assembly. MEST (2001), Kosovo Curriculum Framework. Prishtina: UN Department of Education.

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MEST (2004), Strategy for the Development of Higher Education 2005–2015. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2007), Strategy for Development of Pre-University Education in Kosovo 2007–2017. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2010a), Administrative Instruction No. 4/2010 on Criteria and Procedures for Accreditation of Teacher Professional Development Programs. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2010b), Administrative Instruction No. 5/2010 on Teacher Licensing. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2011a), Kosovo Education Strategic Plan 2011–2016. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2011b), New Kosovo Curriculum Framework. Prishtina: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2011c), Catalogue of Accredited Programs for Professional Development of Teachers and Educational Leadership. Prishtina: EU Education SWAp Project. MEST (2012), Decision No. 191/01B of the Minister of Education, Science and Technology dated 16/07/2012. Prishtina, Kosovo: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. MEST (2014), Education Statistics in Kosovo 2013/14. Prishtina, Kosovo: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. NQA (2011), National Qualifications Framework. Prishtina: National Qualification Authority. OECD (2003), ‘Kosovo’, in OECD, Reviews of National Policies for Education: South Eastern Europe 2003: Volume 1: Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, OECD Publishing, Paris. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264100725-8-en (accessed 5 October 2015). Peffers, J., E. Reid, F. Stylianidou, P. Walsh and M. Young (2005), The National Curriculum in Kosova – A Review of its First Steps. London: London Institute of Education. Pupovci, D. (2002). ‘Teacher Education System in Kosovo’, Metodika 3 (5): 125–45: Zagreb. Pupovci, D. (2009), ‘Building New Realities for Teacher Training in Kosovo’, in Opportunities for Change – Education Innovation and Reform during and after the Conflict, 177–88. Paris: UNESCO, IIEP. Pupovci, D. (2012), ‘Kosovo Chapter’, in Balancing Freedom, Autonomy and Accountability in Education, 155–70. Nijmegen: Wolf Legal Publishers. Rexhaj, X, and D. Pupovci (2015), ‘Access to Higher Education in Kosovo’ in Academia, 15 (1): 103–34. Greece: University of Patra. Saqipi, B. (2014), Developing Teacher Professionalism and Identity in the Midst of Large Scale Education Reform – The Case of Kosovo’, Journal of Teacher Researcher, 2. Shatri, B. (2006), Arsimi fillor në Kosovë në shekullin XX. Prishtina: Libri Shkollor. Sommers, M. and P. Buckland (2004), Parallel Worlds: Rebuilding the Education System in Kosovo. Paris: UNESCO. IIEP. Available online http://www.unesco.org/iiep/PDF/ pubs/kosovo.pdf (accessed 8 October 2015).



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Veselaj, Z. (2011), Mapping the Educational Programs of Public Universities in Kosovo, EU IPA 2009 Project ‘Teacher Training and Capacity Building of School Directors in Kosovo’, EuropeAid/130698/C/SER/KOS. World Bank (2013), ‘Data-Kosovo’, Available online: http://data.worldbank.org/ country/kosovo (accessed 1 August 2015). UNOSEK (2007), ‘The Comprehensive Proposal for Kosovo Status Settlement’. Available online: http://www.unosek.org/unosek/en/statusproposal.html (accessed 1 August 2015).

9

Macedonia: Reforms of the education system Ana Mickovska-Raleva

Introduction Macedonia emerged as an independent state in 1991, after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, when it began its transformation from the socialist system towards a market economy. The education system during the socialist era was in line with the federal system. Most curricula were equalized among the constituent republics and the focus was on creating well-rounded personalities with strong encyclopaedic knowledge in diverse disciplines, while the teaching style was teacher-centred. After gaining independence, a process of gradual transformation of the system began, with the aim of reaching democratization through decentralization. However, the top-down system still predominates. Since the education system is perceived as especially important for the economic strengthening of the country, it has been fuelled by reforms. However, their effects have been rather short-lived and often not systematically evaluated. While there have been numerous pilot schemes and initiatives for curriculum reform placing emphasis on pupil-centred teaching and competence-based active learning models, they have rarely found their way into the mainstream education in the long term. In addition, an array of locally initiated reforms, mainly directed towards increasing enrolment in all levels of formal education, have faced many challenges, mostly as a result of their ad hoc nature.

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Formal education system: Structure and numbers The formal education system is comprised of: pre-primary education (kindergarten), primary education (grades 1–9), secondary education (grades 1–3/4) and tertiary education (bachelor, master and PhD level) (see Figure 9.1). The total number of primary schools in 2013/14 was 988 (all public), the number of students 191,051, while the number of teachers was 15,233 (Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, hereafter SSO 2014b). There is a noticeable reduction in the number of primary schools during the past ten years (from 1,015 in 2003–4 to 988 in 2013–14), mainly as a result of the reduced number of students (231,868 to 191,051) (Atanasovska Manasieva 2012). The framework of primary schools also encompasses ten public schools for adults, with a total of

University (PhD.) University (Master)

General Secondary School

Arsc Secondary School

Primary School

Vocaonal terary Vocaonal Secondary School compulsory educaon

University (Bachelor)

Schools for children with special needs

27 26 25 24 18 23 17 22 16 21 15 20 14 19 13 18 12 17 11 16 10 15 9 14 8 13 7 12 6 11 5 10 4 9 3 8 3 7 1 6 5 4 3 Age Class

Kindergarten

Figure 9.1 Scheme of formal education structure, years of schooling and types of institutions Adapted from: OBESSU, Educational country file – school systems: Macedonia; available online: http://www.edufile.info/?view=school_systems&topic=topic_general_infos&country=19



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314 attendees in 2013–14 (SSO 2014b). For the same academic year, the number of (upper) secondary schools was 113 (eleven of which private), with a total of 88,582 students and 7,442 teachers (SSO 2014b). In addition, there are forty-five special primary schools, most of which are for children with mental disabilities and the rest for children with hearing impairment, visual impairment, hearing and oral impairment and physically disabled children. The special primary schools accommodated a total of 908 children in 2013–14 and the secondary special schools, a total of 289 students in 2013 (SSO 2014b). The number of children attending special primary schools has been slightly declining, likely due to the emphasis on inclusion in regular primary schools (Official Gazette of RM, 103/08). The makeup of tertiary education institutions consists of five public universities, one public-private university, ten private universities and seven private faculties or higher professional schools. The total number of first cycle students in 2013/14 was 57,764; 51,093 (88.5 per cent) of which enrolled at public tertiary institutions and 6,384 (11.1 per cent) at private universities (SSO 2014c). The numbers of students in tertiary education are in relative stagnation during the past six years, peaking in 2008/09 and 2010/11 when public universities dispersed their studies in additional locations, with the aim to make tertiary education available to all interested students. This policy also resulted in a slow decline in the share of students enrolled in private tertiary education institutions, from 21 per cent in 2009/10 to 11 per cent in 2013/14 as evidenced from data from the State Statistical Office (SSO 2014c). The numbers of students who gained master’s degrees has been growing sharply, rising from 425 students in 2009–10 to 1,664 in 2013–14. This is likely a result of the change in the structure of tertiary education from a four-year bachelor’s to typically a three-year bachelor’s plus two-year master’s.

Institutions overseeing the compulsory formal education system The compulsory formal education system is comprised of several institutions and agencies, most under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and Science (MoES), as a central education policy development institution (see Figure 9.2). The ministry is responsible for the overall design of the education policy and control over its implementation. It encompasses separate sectors for primary and secondary education, tertiary education, and science. The controlling arm of the Ministry is the State Education Inspectorate (SEI) (Official Gazette of RM, 52/05) whose role is to overlook and assess the adherence of education

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institutions to the laws and regulations, as well as control the work of individual institutions (schools, universities, etc.) upon a specifically developed set of indicators (ibid.). The Bureau for Development of Education (BDE) is the agency responsible for curricular development for primary and secondary education, as well as an advisory organ for curricula implementation (Official Gazette of RM, 37/06). On a local level, the BDE has regional offices and the municipalities can have municipal education inspectors. The National Examination Center (NEC) is an agency whose main aim is conducting external exams (Matura) and external assessments, both national and international (PISA, TIMSS, PIRLS). While being financed centrally, it is a legally independent institution which can also develop other financing schemes (Official Gazette of RM, 142/08). The Center for Vocational Education and Training (CVET) is also financed centrally. It has a role in developing vocational education with the aim of adjusting it to the current technological and societal development, proposing and preparing vocational education curricula, occupational standards, and so on (Official Gazette of RM, 71/06). The Pedagogical Service is an organ in the frame of the MoES, which is in charge of developing models of services for supporting the personal, social and educational development of students. It collaborates with schools on techniques for improving the psycho-social well-being of children (Official Gazette of RM, 18/11).

Financing compulsory formal education Several changes occurred a decade ago, which aimed at decentralizing educational provision. Specifically, primary and secondary education was one of the first competencies to be devolved to municipalities in July 2005. With the Law on Local Self Governance (Official Gazette of RM, 5/02) and the Law on Primary Education (Official Gazette of RM, 103/08), the municipalities became ‘founders’ of schools; assuming ownership of school buildings, with responsibility for their maintenance and the payment of staff salaries. The decentralization is being conducted in two phases, with the administrative decentralization dependent on the initial phase of fiscal decentralization. The funds for financing primary education are provided by the Budget of the Republic of Macedonia and distributed by the Ministry of Finance to municipalities through earmarked and block grants. The municipality then distributes the funds to the primary schools in their area. The amounts are determined in



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Central government

Policy and oversight

MoES

BDE

NEC

Pedagogical service

SEI

CVET

12 Regional BDE offices and advisors Municipalies Municipal educaon inspectors

Implementaon

Schools

Figure 9.2  Institutions that comprise the formal Macedonian education system

the following manner: each municipality receives a basic sum (equal for each municipality), multiplied by the number of students. The sum per student is represented by four values, depending on the population density of the municipality. This is done in order to enable the municipalities with low population density to receive sufficient operational means for the functioning of the schools (Herczyński 2011). Currently, as Lyon (2011) estimates, expenditure on education constitutes almost half of all government transfers to municipalities. Spending on education fluctuates from 5.7 per cent to 4.3 per cent of GDP (see Table 9.1), with the biggest share in 2008 when the project: ‘Computer for every child’ was being implemented. Overall, the public spending on education, as a percentage of GDP, has stagnated in recent years. Table 9.1. Public expenditure on education (2003–12) 2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

5.38%

5.31%

4.3%

4.11%

4.59%

5.7%

4.96%

4.59%

4.65%

4.74%

Source: Ministry of Education and Science of Republic of Macedonia

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Achievement of standards Macedonia is doing relatively well on accomplishing the Education for All (EFA) indicators. Specifically, it has reached the targets of 95 per cent adult literacy and gender parity (1.03) in primary education (see Box 9.1). The primary to secondary school transition rate is nearly 100 per cent, as well as the youth literacy rate. However, the country is unlikely to reach the goal of 80 per cent pre-primary enrolment, with less than one-third of pre-primary children enrolled in pre-school institutions, mainly due to the low number of pre-school institutions (especially in rural areas) and their low accommodation capacities (CRPM 2013). Specifically, in 2012–13, there was a total of 59 kindergartens (four of which private), accommodating 29,113 children (SSO 2013). The fact that pre-school education is not free of charge is an additional burden to families, especially bearing in mind that almost one-third of households are assessed to be living below the national poverty line (Gerovska 2012). Despite the generally optimistic statistics regarding the EFA goals, the most worrisome indicator of the Macedonian education system is related to student achievement, particularly when measured against international standardized assessments. For all international assessments in which Macedonia participated (PISA, PIRLS and TIMSS), the achievement was below the international average of 500 (see Table 9.2). Hence, if one judges the effectiveness of education according to this indicator, the conclusion that the quality of education in Macedonia is decreasing is inevitable. This is illustrated in Figure 9.3, where the steep decline in achievement in Maths and Science during a twelve-year period is particularly evident. Specifically, less than 15 per cent of students have reached the high and advanced levels in Maths and Science in TIMSS 1999, followed by a similar trend in TIMSS 2003 assessment and an even greater decline in 2011 when 3 per Table 9.2. Achievement of students in international assessments PISA

PIRLS TIMSS

2000 Maths (381) Reading (373) Science (401) 2001 (442) 1999 Maths (447) Science (458)

2006 (442) 2003 Maths (435) Science (449)

2011 Maths (426) Science (407)

Sources: Martin et al. (2012); and Mullis et al., (2012); Mullis et al. (2007); Naceva and Mickovsk (2003); Redzepi et al. (2004).



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Box 9.1. International education indicators: Macedonia data EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2012) * Adult literacy rate (over 15) 97 per cent Youth literacy rate (15–24) 99 per cent Pre-primary enrolment rate 25 per cent Gross intake in primary education 98 per cent (1.03 GPI) Primary to secondary transition rate 99 per cent Gross enrolment ratio in upper secondary education 78 per cent (0.99 GPI) School life expectancy rate of 13.4 years Grade repeater rate of 0 per cent Pupil-to-teacher ratio 1:16 Gross enrolment rate in tertiary education 39 per cent (1.18 GPI) Global competitiveness indicators (2013–14) ** Quality of the educational system 3.7 Quality of primary education 3.9 Quality of maths and science education 4.4 Quality of management schools 3.8 Internet access in schools 5.1 Availability of research and training services 4.1 Extent of staff training 3.7 Source: *2012 EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2012) and **Global competitiveness indicators (2013–14) [ranges 1 (lowest) – 7 (highest grade)]

cent reached advanced and 12 per cent high benchmark in Maths, and 2 per cent advanced, 10 per cent high in Science (Mullis et al. 2012; Martin et al, 2012). On the other hand, data on student achievement for 2011 from the Statistical Office show a completely different picture – almost half of primary school students are achieving excellent GPA (5 to 4.5, out of a 1–5 scale) at the end of the school year (SSO 2011a). These inconsistencies indicate serious inefficiencies in the national assessment system and quality assurance mechanisms, which resulted in policy reforms in the system of evaluating teachers on the basis of their objectiveness in assessment (elaborated below). The unequal treatment, in terms of school achievement, among children with different ethnic and social background is evident in the national and international assessments. The results from the PISA test from year 2000 indicate a striking difference between the results of students from urban and rural areas,

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470 460 450 440 420 420 410 400 390 380

Maths Science

1999

2003

2011

Figure 9.3  Scores of Macedonian students on TIMSS assessment 1999, 2003 and 2011 Sources: Martin et al. (2012); and Mullis et al. (2012)

with the latter lagging behind by about ninety points. There are also differences with regards to the socio-economic status (SES) of the family, with the schools where more than 50 per cent of children come from socially disadvantaged families scoring about fifty points lower compared to schools with less than 10 per cent of children from socially disadvantaged families (Table 9.4) (Aleksova and Mitreski 2007).

Policy interventions to improve student achievement Despite the declining results, education authorities have for a long time managed to push this issue of student achievement ‘under the rug’ without seriously engaging in activities to analyse deficiencies of the Macedonian education system and developing appropriate exit policies. The discouraging results did not prompt an immediate serious re-examination of the educational paradigm. Although a Strategy for Education Development was launched in 2004, with a programme planned through to 2015, the strategy has not Table 9.4. Percentage of students attending schools with low demographic characteristics and achievement of students School

0–10% students with low SES

11–25% students with low SES

26–50% students with low SES

Over 50% students with low SES

Achievement Macedonia International average

(M)aths 468 496

M 448 476

M 431 460

M 418 339

S(cience) 477 500

Source: Aleksova and Mitreski (2007)

S 465 484

S 448 469

S 431 449



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been the basis for most of the reforms during this period. Instead, they have been mostly implemented upon donor initiatives or ad hoc decisions by the government. For example, special interventions developed for assisting low-achieving students are being implemented mainly for ethnic Roma students, who are identified as the lowest-performing students, mainly as a result of the underdeveloped socio-economic conditions in their communities. Specifically, the interventions include providing Roma secondary school students with teachersmentors. In addition, these students are provided scholarships on the basis of regular attendance at school and GPA of at least 3.00 (out of maximum 5.00). These programmes are delivered in co-ordination with the MoES, and financially managed by the REF (Roma Education Fund) and MoES. A somewhat more through approach was applied with the amendments of the laws on primary and secondary education in 2010 (Official Gazette of RM, 18/2011) and strengthening the provisions for the realization of mandatory additional classes for underachieving students, coupled with psychological counselling of parents of low achievers. However, assessment of the implementation of this policy indicates serious deficiencies, from lack of realization of the mandatory classes, to lack of engagement on behalf of teachers to differentiate the material according to students’ achievement levels (Spasovski et al. 2013).

Reform of the (primary and secondary) formal education: Between domestic and foreign support Education reform initiatives can be divided into two categories, on the basis of the inclusion of the government in initiating and integrating reforms as part of the system. Specifically, a large set of interventions in the formal education system over the past twenty years happened in the form of initiatives of international organizations and through support of foreign donors, primarily the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Bank and the Open Society Institute (OSI). However, while formally supported by education institutions and implemented in co-ordination with them, most initiatives remained as pilot projects, not finding their way into education policies on a long-term basis. On the other hand, a set of interventions initiated by the central government and financed through the national budget were integrated into the national laws, by-laws and regulations from the outset.

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Interventions from ‘abroad’: What happened and what remained? Many of the interventions initiated by foreign donors aimed to shatter the existent top-down ‘ex-cathedra’ style of teaching and learning and instead introduce more student-centred methods. The ultimate goal was to initiate a new education paradigm which would replace the focus on the so-called ‘encyclopaedic’ knowledge and rote learning, but instead develop the students’ creative and critical thinking and problem-solving skills. Some of the more important projects implemented during the 1990s and early 2000s included ‘Active Teaching-Interactive Learning’, supported by UNICEF, and ‘Reading and Writing for Critical Thinking, (RWCT) supported by the Open Society Institute Macedonia. The effects of these programmes have been assessed as positive overall, although no long-term evaluation has been conducted. The evaluators of the ‘Active Teaching-Interactive Learning’ project noted that ‘one of the Project’s greatest successes has been its ability to create a common set of terms for teachers to discuss, share and frame their own professional practices’ (Riley et al. 2003: 31), which is assessed as a base for further advancement of activities. However, they also emphasized the unrealistically positive self-assessment of the achievement of certain teachers, which was not supported in practice (Riley et al. 2003). The RWCT project has also been assessed as successful in making teachers spend ‘less classroom time than their peers lecturing, engaging pupils more frequently in small group activities, and encouraging more pupil-led classroom discussions’ (American Institutes for Research 2001: 1), contributing towards higher critical thinking skills among students exposed to RWCT instruction. The Civic Education Project, supported by the Centre for Civil Education and the Catholic Relief Services for Macedonia, can be considered as the most efficient donor-driven initiative in the long term, as after piloting the programme and training teachers, the subject of Civic Education was introduced as part of the national curriculum, aiming to build active citizens (MoES Bureau for Development of Education 2004). While the above-mentioned projects were mainly focused on primary education, in 2003, a five-year project, Secondary Education Activity, was launched with a focus on upper secondary schools (primarily vocational). Financially supported by USAID, the project aimed at improving the skills of the future Macedonian workforce through training teachers to apply methods for developing practical skills and knowledge, opening real and virtual school



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firms and developing a process of certification of school directors. The final evaluation of the programme concludes that teacher development activities ‘have contributed to changing many teachers’ beliefs about the value of interactive instruction’ (American Institutes for Research and International Reading Association 2008: 13). Perhaps one of the most straightforward effects of the project was the inclusion of a director certification procedure as part of the criteria for electing school directors. The USAID-funded e-Schools Project’s activities (2003–8) aimed at ‘integrating information and communication technology in the learning process and changing the role of the teacher from presenter of information to facilitator of learning’ (Education Development Center 2008: 4). The project evaluation notes changes in teacher attitudes towards the use of educational technology, but also notes some difficulties, in particular the integration of ICT in the curriculum and technical assistance. Finally, the latest larger donor-funded initiative was the Primary Education Project, implemented from 2006 to 2011 and supported by USAID. It incorporated five components: (1) renovations to schools to improve efficiency; (2) increased access and improvements in the use of ICTs; (3) improved maths and science education; (4) improved student assessment; and (5) increased workforce skills in students. The mid-term project evaluation1 assessed project components from partially successful (the ITC component) to very successful (the school renovations and maths and science education). It can be concluded that the assessments of project effectiveness are positive overall, but these have all been conducted at the end of project activities, when the newly gained skills are being more actively practised. Longer-term evaluations of project objectives have not been conducted, although proxy measures of what students know and are capable of, embodied through the TIMSS and PIRLS results, lead to discouraging conclusions – students’ competencies have not only stagnated, but have in fact weakened. This can be partially explained by the lack of follow-up support and lack of assessment of the gained skills by the quality assurance institutions. Though initially supported by the state education institutions, project objectives and activities are not systematically integrated into national policies, leading a majority of teachers to ‘drop their guard’ soon after the project’s completion. Hence, as Cvetanoska (2011) argues, the teachers do not manage to go through the complete process of changing the new practices.

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Local initiatives and their impact The past ten years have witnessed a strong dedication on behalf of the government towards reforming Macedonian education, making it available to all children. In this regard, several major reform policies will be elaborated below. With the aim of increasing the number of students entering the formal education system and enabling ‘education for all’, two initiatives for prolonging the years of compulsory schooling were introduced in 2007–8. Specifically, the age for entering primary school was lowered and children started school at six instead of seven years of age (Official Gazette of RM, 51/2007). The nine-year primary schooling also led to curricular changes. The primary school curriculum was divided into three study cycles with overall goals for each cycle. New study programmes for primary education have been developed (MoES Bureau for Development of Education 2007). Programmes are based on Bloom’s taxonomy of learning objectives and structured in order to address different levels of thinking. Additionally, in 2008 higher secondary education became compulsory (Official Gazette of RM, 49/07) and parents and legal guardians were fined for not registering their offspring. In order to minimize how far the economic situation of the family affected their decision on whether to send their children to school, school fees (typically in the range €15–25) were abolished in 2008 and a policy of free transport for children was introduced. However, this contradicts the high penalties (€1,000) for parents/legal guardians whose children fail to enrol in secondary school or attend irregularly, causing some students to enrol and then terminate schooling, in order to avoid fines which their family is not in a position to pay (CRPM 2009). Hence, despite the initial rise in the transition rate from lower to upper secondary education enrolment at the beginning of the policy implementation, attaining a rate of 98 per cent in 2009–10, a decline has been observed since 2010–11 (transition rates of 96 per cent to 93 per cent).2 In line with the above-mentioned changes, a policy of free textbooks for all children was officially introduced from the 2009–10 school year. Another important education reform relates to the computerization of classrooms and the strong focus on e-education. The process commenced in 2006 with the government-initiated project ‘Computer for every child’, which is being implemented in all primary and secondary schools around the country and includes procurement, installation and maintenance of the equipment, creating



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local networks, training teachers to use the equipment in their practice and development of educative e-contents (Ministry of Information Society 2010). An assessment of the effects of initiatives for development of ICT skills noted that: (1) the most frequent use of computer in school is still within the subject of ‘Informatics’, while its use in other subjects is very rare; (2) ICT is often used for project and research work by students, but within the frames of traditional teaching; (3) the internet is used as a source of gaining information, but this is mostly copied verbatim and students are not questioned or re-examined as a method for developing critical thinking skills (Zivanović 2010). On the central government level, there have also been several policies put in place with the aim of improving the quality of education. Within the short-term Strategy for Development of Education (2012–14), the MoES has outlined the issue of ‘Improving the quality of education’ as one of the priority areas (MoES 2011: 2). In this regard, numerous systemic changes have been designed during the last few years, some of which are being implemented while others are still in the pilot phase. The changes can be summed up within the following categories, outlining the gap between in-law and in-practice policies: (1) A system for continuous education of teachers is provided and has started functioning, although a stable budget for its implementation is not provided and accountability mechanisms are yet to be developed. (2) Evaluations of schools are being conducted by the SEI. These are in three categories: integral evaluations, which are conducted every third year and announced; irregular evaluations, which are unannounced after a report from students; parents and control evaluations in order to check whether the recommendations provided to schools given in the integral evaluation have been respected (Official Gazette of RM, 52/05). (3) External assessment of student knowledge, as a method for evaluating teachers has begun to be implemented since 2014 (after three years of piloting the methodology) despite numerous criticisms received from education experts (CRPM 2013; Youth Educational Forum 2013). External assessment of primary and secondary students’ achievements is an annual process, whereby each student is tested in two subjects, randomly selected from all subjects from the relevant grade level. Afterwards, teachers are assessed on ‘objectiveness of assessment’ (not quality of their work) that is overlapping of the (numeric) grade given by the teacher and the one the student receives on the external assessment. Teachers who are

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assessed as ‘highly objective’ may receive a 15 per cent salary increase and a possibility of promotion in the hierarchy of teachers’ levels (Official Gazette of RM 33/2010). Those who are assessed as ‘unobjective’ will be provided with professional support, but if the same situation occurs the following year 10 per cent will be deducted from their salaries. Furthermore, schools found to have many inadequate teachers may face official consequences. Bearing in mind the many novelties in the QAS, it is important to mention that the system is still being developed and its elements are constantly changing in order to be implemented appropriately. Thus, many of the accountability mechanisms/procedures are yet to be established.

Tertiary education reform: Towards centralized dispersion In addition to the changes in primary and secondary education, the tertiary education system began its main transformation after Macedonia signed the Bologna Declaration in 1999 and joined the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). While this resulted in relatively minor curriculum-content reform, it enabled approximation to the Western European higher education model, mainly with regards to the duration of study cycles and use of ECTS as indicators of student workload. While being implemented at a different pace, it faced great criticism by university staff, who in general felt the reform was top-down, and the majority did not internalize its goals (CRPM 2012). Zgaga et al. (2013) conclude that the public higher education institutions had more difficulty accepting the new model, while the private institutions were ‘founded with the Bologna goals in mind’ and accepted it with greater ease. Authors also indicated that public and older universities are more prone to negative assessment of the Bologna reforms, while one-third of university staff does not have a clear opinion on the issue (Zgaga et al. 2013). Regardless of the pros and cons related to the Bologna reforms, the new policy model has been successful in speeding up the study process and increasing the graduation rates (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Country Profile FYR Macedonia), which is especially obvious in the number of postgraduates and vocational study graduates between 2008 and 2009 (272) and 2011 and 2012 (1,294). Apart from the Bologna-driven reforms, which have been initiated and developed from ‘outside’, the biggest locally driven policy shift was the dispersion of public faculties. This began in 2008, as a policy aimed at increasing access for



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those living outside urban areas and from various socio-economic backgrounds. Many of the public faculties’ study programmes were dispersed to smaller towns around the country. The reform has not yet undergone an evaluation and official data on the enrolment and completion rates are difficult to obtain. While the Ministry of Education and Science claims that the policy is accomplishing the desired outcomes, many education experts argue that it has significantly lowered the quality of tertiary education, resulting from low enrolment criteria, lack of adequate material conditions, bad management and a lack of consistent action and implementation plan (Peshev 2012).

Non-formal and informal education Non-formal education: Towards regulation and recognition Non-formal education, as a concept, in Macedonia is primarily linked to the education of adults and principally regulated within the frames of the Law on Education of Adults (Official Gazette of RM, 7/08). In the Strategy for Adult Education (2010–15), non-formal education is defined as ‘education/learning happening independently from the official education system and usually not leading toward gaining official certification. This education can be organized at the workplace and through activities of different associations. It can also be gained through organizations and services which contribute to the formal education system, such as music schools, sports clubs, private tutoring etc.’ (MoES 2010: 2). While Macedonia was part of the Yugoslav federation, the system of non-formal education was rather well developed and catered for students at all levels. One of the focuses was on raising the literacy level among the population and enabling completion of primary and secondary education, but also personal development through gaining specific skills (languages, crafts) (MoES 2010). Most of the non-formal education was realized through the so-called Workers’ Universities, which were publicly funded. Currently, eleven such institutions operate around the country, functioning as public bodies and offering IT and language education as well as training for different crafts and occupations. In addition, an array of training providers, in the form of consultancy companies, and NGOs have been formed during the past twenty years. The number of participants in vocational programmes has been declining since 2009–10 (Table 9.5).

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Table 9.5. Persons who graduated from vocational training programmes and workers’ programmes, 2007/08–2012/13

2012–13 2011–12 2010–11 2009–10 2008–09 2007–08

Total

Vocational training

Workers’ programmes

1,433 1,508 1,612 1,099 1,615 1,886

 93 163 163 650 109 388

340 345 449 449 506 498

Source: SSO Labour Force Survey, 2008–2013

The Adult Education Strategy notes that the system of adult education in Macedonia is insufficiently developed. What is available is inadequate for the educational needs of the population, and the quality of services is uneven (MoES 2010). Though the Law on Adult Education encompasses and regulates one aspect of lifelong learning, according to an analysis (Buova and Dodovski 2009), it does not fully address the lifelong learning policy, since it does not regulate the non-formal education for pre-school and school children. Also, the law does not recognize previous education and training within the workforce. Buova and Dodovski emphasize the role of the NGO sector, which during the country’s transition played the main role in developing non-formal education. They argue that the NGO sector in particular during the 1990s was far better equipped than the state/public sector to teach skills, especially soft skills, strategic planning, project cycle management. The National Report on the Development and Condition in Education and Training of Adults (DVV International 2008) notes the lack of co-operation between the civic organizations and the government to develop non-formal education as part of lifelong learning. This was partially addressed with the establishment in 2008 of the Center for Education of Adults (CEA) as a body within the MoES. Its mission is to regulate the market of training providers and training programmes outside of the formal education system. The CEA is responsible for the licensing of training providers, a process which is still being upgraded through development of rulebooks and procedures to assure the quality of programmes (Official Gazette of RM, 7/08). Owing to the time-consuming licensing procedure and the fact that its benefits are not clearly communicated, the majority of providers remain unlicensed. According to a study conducted in 2012, only 14 per cent of the fifty-three training providers surveyed worked according to a programme verified by the



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CEA, although 60 per cent planned to do so in future (Institute for Community Development 2012).

The non-formal nature of in-service teacher professional development Bearing in mind that a system for continuous professional development of teachers was not put in place, the professional development of school staff has mainly been organized through projects supported by international donor organizations. While teachers and school staff found the training and professional support very useful, initially the certificates and skills obtained were not recognized by the education authorities. This was overcome with the introduction of new standards/indicators for quality assurance, when professional development activities (training, courses, conferences) became one of the sources of information to education inspectors in the process of evaluating teachers. However, the focus is still on the number of certificates earned, and not on the quality of skills gained (CRPM 2013). In order to address the inconsistent and unequal treatment of teachers’ professional development within schools, under the Education Modernization Project of the World Bank, schools were awarded a grant, specifically aimed at staff professional development (World Bank 2011). In addition, the BDE accredited3 a number of training providers which have had to deliver trainings for school staff. However, the project ended in 2011 and funds for sustaining the model have not yet been provided, neither is there any specific budget for schools earmarked for professional development from the central government.

Informal education The concept of informal education is not much used in Macedonian public discourse, neither in the education community’s discourse. The term has been formally introduced in the Law on Amending the Law on Education of Adults (Official Gazette, 74/12) where informal education of adults is defined as ‘activities in which adults accept attitudes and positive values, skills and knowledge from everyday experiences and other influences from their surroundings’ (p. 2). The Strategy on Education of Adults (2010–15) (MoES 2010) holds informal education/learning to be different from the non-formal but quite inexplicitly, making it somewhat undetectable to the general public as a means of increasing their knowledge and skills. The document states that the informal learning

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holds great opportunities for gaining knowledge, and could motivate innovative learning and teaching methods in the future. Furthermore, the concept has also been mentioned in the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) as one of the goals of the NQF to ‘build a system for evaluating non-formal and informal education’ through using the concept of ‘descriptors of qualification’ (Official Gazette of RM, 137/13). However, as currently the focus is on verifying and recognizing non-formally gained competencies, the more systematic approach towards informally gained ones is still far-fetched.

Conclusion This chapter has elaborated the structure of the Macedonian education system, primarily focusing on formal education, but also presenting the newest developments related to non-formal and informal education. It is evident that the education system has been burdened with reforms during the past twenty years, and is still struggling to find its path. Most of the locally driven reforms have focused on creating possibilities for all children to attend school and at least complete secondary education. Efforts have focused upon making primary and secondary education completely free of charge, making secondary education compulsory for all, and on financially assisting certain groups of students. In addition, policies for reducing costs for tertiary education and dispersing the system across the country have provided for increased enrolment into higher education and raised the graduation rates. The numerous reforms to the formal education quality assurance system represented a big shift for all stakeholders, especially teachers who were placed at the top of the accountability pyramid of quality of education. However, as most reforms have been developed top-down, they often faced criticism from their end-users and have not necessarily reached their main goal. The donor-driven reforms were aimed to a greater extent at improving student achievement through promoting models of student-centred teaching and learning and innovative use of ICT in everyday teaching. Still, despite the initially assessed success, the lack of institutionalization of programmes and methods, as well as insufficient long-term support, leave teachers regressing to their former practices. This has been coupled with the lack of stakeholder co-ordination in situations when initiatives come from different parties, which caused overlapping and incoherence, resulting in resistance among the school staff as a result of confusion and overburdening.



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Overall, the absence of an official education paradigm, the ad hoc nature of certain reforms and the lack of long-term monitoring and evaluation of their effects can be considered responsible for the frequent, but often inconsistent, changes in the education system. Finally, if the quality of education is assessed on the basis of ‘outcome’ indicators, the most important one – decline in student achievement – speaks to the need to address future reform processes more systematically and with a long-term perspective in mind.

Notes 1 The final evaluation report was not made available for the purpose of this report. 2 Author’s calculations on the basis of data from the State Statistical Office (SSO). 3 The accreditations of programmes by BDE is a separate process from accreditation by the Center for Education of Adults (in co-operation with the Ministry of Education and Science).

References Aleksova, A. and B. Mitreski (2007), TIMSS 2003. ‘Report on the Achievement of Students in the Republic of Macedonia, Bureau for Development of Education’. American Institutes for Research (2001), The 2000–2001 Reading and Writing for Critical Thinking Project Impact and Institutionalization Study. American Institutes for Research and International Reading Association (2008), ‘Secondary Education Activity: Final Report’, EQUIP and USAID. Atanasovska Manasieva M. (2012), ‘Twenty Primary Schools Disappeared in Six Years’, Dnevnik Daily, 24 February. Available online: http://www.dnevnik.mk/?ItemID=8E B0101F66C316468AD3D22AACBE81CB (accessed 9 October 2015). Buova, E. and I. Dodovski (2009), Non-formal Education in the Republic of Macedonia: Condition and Perspectives. Bitola: Youth Cultural Center. CRPM (2009), How to Achieve 100% Enrollment in Secondary Schools. Centre for Research and Policy Making, Skopje. Available at http://www.crpm.org.mk/?page_ id=695 (accessed 9 October 2015). CRPM (2012), Report from the Conference on Bologna Reforms (unpublished document). CRPM (2013), The Quality of the Quality Assurance System in Primary Education. Centre for Research and Policy Making, Skopje. Cvetanoska (2011), ‘Formative Assessment – Innovation in the Teaching in the Grades 5–9’, paper presented at the conference, Assessment for Learning in the 21st Century, Ohrid, Macedonia.

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DVV International (2008), National Report on the Development and Condition in Education and Training of Adults. DVV International, Bonn. Available at http:// www.dvv-soe.org/images/dvv/Docs/Confintea/confintea_report_macedonia_en_ dec2008.pdf (accessed 9 October 2015). Dzigal, S. (2010), ‘Report: Open Educational Resources in Macedonia, Metamorphosis’. Education Development Center (2008), ‘Macedonia e-Schools. Final Report’. Gerovska, M. M. (2012), Material Deprivation, Poverty and Social Exclusion in Macedonia, FES, Skopje. Herczyński J. (2011) Financing Decentralized Education in Macedonia, Review of the National Allocation System, USAID. Institute for Community Development (2012), ‘Providers of Non-formal Education: Survey’. Lyon A. (2011), Decentralisation and the Delivery of Primary and Secondary Education, CRPM, Skopje. Martin M. O., I. V. S. Mullis, P. Foy and G. Stanco (2012), TIMSS 2011 International Results in Science. International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, Amsterdam. Ministry of Education and Science (MoES) (2004), ‘Strategy for Development of Education (2005–2015)’. Republic of Macedonia Ministry of Education and Science, Skopje. Ministry of Education and Science (2010), ‘Strategy for Education of Adults (2010– 2015)’. Republic of Macedonia Ministry of Education and Science, Skopje. Ministry of Education and Science (2011), ‘Strategy for Development of Education (2012–2014)’. Republic of Macedonia Ministry of Education and Science, Skopje. Ministry of Education and Science and Bureau for Development of Education (2004), ‘National Report for Development of Education in the Republic of Macedonia (2000–2004)’. Ministry of Education and Science and Bureau for Development of Education (2007), ‘Conception for Nine-year Primary Education’. Ministry of Education and Science and State Education Inspectorate (2011), ‘Indicators for Quality Assessment of Schools’. Ministry of Education and Science and UNICEF (2003), ‘Evaluation of Interactive Learning Project’. Ministry of Information Society (2010), ‘Draft National Strategy for Development of e-Contents (2010–2015)’. Mullis, I. V. S., M. O. Martin, A. M. Kennedy, and P. Foy (2007). PIRLS 2006 International Report. IEA. Mullis, I.V.S., M.O. Martin, P. Foy and A. Arora (2012), TIMSS 2011 International Results in Mathematics. IEA. Naceva, B. and G. Mickovsk (2003), PIRLS 2001 Republic of Macedonia: Report on Achievement of Students in Reading with Understanding. Bureau for Development of Education.



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Official Gazette of RM, 7/08. Law on Education of Adults. Official Gazette of RM, 74/12. Law on Amending the Law on Education of Adults. Official Gazette of RM, 137/13. Law on the National Qualification Framework. Official Gazette of RM, 103/08. Law on Primary Education. Official Gazette of RM, 52/05. Law on the State Education Inspectorate. Official Gazette of RM, 18/11. Law on Amending the Law on Primary Education and Law on Amending the Law on Secondary Education. Official Gazette of RM, 52/05. Law on State Education Inspection. Official Gazette of RM 51/2007. Amendments on the Law on Primary Education. Official Gazette of RM, 49/07. Amendments on the Law on Secondary Education. Official Gazette of RM, 33/2010. Law on Amending the Law on Primary Education. Official Gazette of RM, 37/06. Law on the Bureau for Development of Education. Official Gazette of RM, 142/08. Law on the National Examination Centre. Official Gazette of RM, 71/06. Law on Vocational Education. Official Gazette of RM, 18/11. Law on Pedagogical Service. Official Gazette of RM, 5/02. Law on Local Self Governance. Peshev, A. (2012), ‘Dispersed Studies’, Appendix of the Higher Education, Radio Free Europe, 13 October. Redzepi, L., T. Andonova-Mitrevska and O. Samardzik-Jankova (2004), PISA 2000: Report on the Achievement of Students in the Republic of Macedonia. Bureau for Development of Education. Riley K., J. Docking, J. Giffen and J. Tilley-Riley (2003), Evaluation of Interactive Learning Project. UNICEF and Ministry of Education and Science. SSO (2008–2013), ‘Labour Force Survey 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. Available at: http://www.stat.gov.mk/ PublikaciiPoOblast_en.aspx?id=3&rbrObl=14 (accessed 9 October 2015). SSO (2011a), ‘Primary, Lower Secondary and Upper Secondary Schools at the end of the School Year 2009/2010’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. SSO (2013), ‘Institutions for Child Care – Kindergartens’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. SSO (2014a), ‘Primary, Lower Secondary and Upper Secondary Schools at the end of the School Year 2008/2009, 2009/2010, 2010/2011, 2011/2012, 2012/2013, 2013/2014; 2010, 2011a, 2012, 2013, 2014a’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. SSO (2014b), ‘Primary, Lower Secondary and Upper Secondary Schools at the beginning of the School Year 2013/2014’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. SSO (2014c), ‘Enrolled Students in the Academic Year 2009/2010, 2010/2011, 2011/2012, 2012/2013, 2013/2014’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje. Available at http://www.stat.gov.mk/PublikaciiPoOblast_ en.aspx?id=38&rbrObl=5 (accessed 9 October 2015). SSO (2014d), ‘Masters of Science and Specialists, 2010c, 2011c, 2012c, 2013c, 2014d’. Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office, Skopje.

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Spasovski O., J. Krek, J. Vogrinc and M. Metljak (2013), Education of Students with Low Learning Achievement. Open Society Institute, Macedonia. UNESCO (2012), EFA Global Monitoring Report. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (2014), ‘UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Country Profiles: FYR Macedonia’. Available online: http://www.uis.unesco.org/DataCentre/Pages/country-profile. aspx?regioncode=40530&code=MKD (accessed 1 August 2015). World Bank (2011), Macedonia, Former Yugoslav Republic of – Education Modernization Project, Washington, DC: World Bank. Youth Educational Forum, Analysis and Recommendations: External Testing in the Republic of Macedonia, July 2013, Macedonian Education Forum, Skopje [in Macedonian], available at: http://www.mof.mk/mofmk/wp-content/ uploads/2013/08/Analiza-i-preporaki-Eksterno-testiranje.pdf. Zgaga P., M. Klemenčič, J. Komljenovič, K. Miklavič, I. Repac and V. Jakačić, (2013), Higher Education in the Western Balkans: Reforms, Developments, Trends. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana, CEPS. Zivanović, R. (2010), Use of Computers and Internet in the Educational System of RM, Metamorphosis. Foundation for Sustainable ICT Solutions ‘Metamorphosis’, Skopje.

10

Montenegro: An overview with focus on higher education Veselin Vukotić

Introduction We live in a time of serious changes to the dominant social paradigm. Collective entities in all areas of life are being crushed, while the focus of society and the dominant social paradigm is moving from the collective to the individual (Rifkin 2000). Transition to this new paradigm is not just a mechanical change, but a comprehensive, long and demanding process of social change, which requires the development of individualistic culture and new ways of thinking. This change requires significant alterations to the education system. Problems of education systems are more visible in transition countries where a collectivistic spirit from socialism is still very strong, however education systems around the globe are facing similar challenges. This change of the dominant social paradigm serves as a background and starting point for the analysis in this chapter, which focuses on the education system in Montenegro. Special attention is given to the higher education area and particularly the development of efficient funding mechanisms of higher education, as one of the most important elements of higher education policy. An issue often discussed in public in the past few decades has been the diversification of financial sources for higher education. Many have wondered what financial mechanism will be efficient enough to reach the goals. Finance is becoming the centre of attention, as higher education simultaneously faces reduced budget funds while increasing its offerings. Individual investments in education are considered to be very profitable and we can note increases of private funding for higher education, both globally and also in transitional countries in the Balkan region.

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The education system in Montenegro, as a small Mediterranean transition country, has gone through some serious reforms in the past two decades, but it faces many more challenges. This chapter gives a brief overview of the Montenegrin education system and raises several important issues related to future educational developments. It opens with a short description of pre-university education, followed by a focus on the higher education system. This includes a summary of its structure and activities, along with an analysis of the system of financing higher education. Finally, the chapter raises the question of the need to change the concept of education in order to face the challenges of a contemporary globalized world. This is addressed through the case of the University of Donja Gorica (UDG), Montenegro and the efforts it is making in order to position itself in the global education market.

Overview of pre-university education in Montenegro Pre-university reforms in Montenegro were initiated in 2001, when The Book of Changes, a comprehensive reform document, was published (Backović 2001). The document was the foundation for consecutive changes of legal and institutional infrastructure aimed at modifying the concept of education and making the education system compliant with developed European countries. Several more waves of reforms have been implemented in the meantime and pre-university education in Montenegro presently consists of pre-school education (up to the age of six), primary and secondary education in general and vocational schools.

Primary education Primary education is compulsory for all children aged six to fifteen and lasts nine years. Primary education is free of charge in public schools. Children can enrol in school after medical and psychological testing and approval. Children may enrol before they turn six if approved by the school committees. More than 99.5 per cent of children aged six to fifteen attend primary schools and the completion rate is above 99 per cent. Unlike pre-school education, and despite the fact that the law on primary education allows the establishment of private primary schools, all 163 primary schools are public (MoE 2011a). The legal framework requires certain subjects to be mandatory for both private and public schools, as defined by the Council for General Education.1



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Inclusion programmes in the Montenegrin education system are mostly limited to the inclusion of children with disabilities into the regular educational system. Inclusive education in schools is based on the Strategy for Inclusive Education 2014–2018. The strategy puts emphasis on the inclusive orientation of the school system which will implement an individualized approach and differentiated services for children with special needs (3 per cent of total population of children).

Secondary education There are two types of secondary schools in Montenegro: gymnasiums (also referred to as general secondary schools) and vocational schools in different fields. Almost one-third of the secondary school population (31 per cent) is educated in general or grammar schools, while the remaining 69 per cent attend vocational schools (Djurovic 2010). Secondary education is not mandatory by law. Gymnasium education, namely general secondary education in Montenegro, is institutionalized and regulated by the Law on Gymnasiums and lasts four years. While the Ministry of Education, according to the law, defines the methods, procedures and criteria for enrolment of students at public high schools, founders of private high schools define the terms of enrolment for their institution. The legal framework allows private and public secondary education institutions, with secondary education having more appeal for private initiatives. Nevertheless, at the moment there is one private gymnasium in Ulcinj: ‘Drita’, which was founded in 2006. An earlier established private gymnasium in Montenegro, ‘Luca’, is no longer in existence, having operated from 2004–8 in Podgorica. Education reforms introduced changes in the gymnasiums’ curriculum. Curricula of all schools are now general and standardized and are oriented either to natural sciences and mathematics or to social sciences and languages. Students in public gymnasiums have seventeen mandatory subjects and additional elective courses. The second type of secondary school, offering vocational education, can be organized in three- and four-year cycles. Vocational education can be conducted by schools or in co-operation with employers from relevant fields. The curriculum includes theoretical and practical classes. In cases where schools are conducting their programme without industrial co-operation, the school remains responsible for both theoretical and practical teaching. In cases

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where schools co-operate with industry partners, the curriculum determines the scope of practical teaching with industry, which usually includes practical teaching. Vocational education is a common topic of many policy debates as there is no strong connection between the labour market needs and curricula of vocational schools. High unemployment rates, and the fact that a very high percentage of vocational high school graduates enrol in university, prove that significant changes to the curricula in these schools are needed in order to provide graduates with the knowledge and skills required in the labour market. Strong efforts are being invested in improving infrastructure and facilities, evaluation processes and training of teachers. Sector commissions, which are counselling bodies in drafting curricula, try to involve all stakeholders in the development of new vocational education programmes, which will be aligned with labour market needs. More than two-thirds of secondary students are enrolled in vocational schools, but enrolment in three-year courses is decreasing, although labour market demand for these occupations is rising.

Higher education in Montenegro The higher education system in Montenegro consists of three universities and nine independent faculties.2 The University of Montenegro, a state university, is the biggest higher education institution in the country with more than 20,000 students. It consists of twenty faculties, three research institutes and two independent study programmes. University Mediterranean is the first private university in Montenegro, founded in 2006. At the moment, it has six faculties and around 1,500 students. The newest university in Montenegro is the University of Donja Gorica (UDG). The initially founded faculties of this university started to operate in 2007; however UDG was not formally established until 2010. At the moment UDG consists of ten faculties and thirteen departments.

Legal and institutional framework The Law on Higher Education (MoE 2003) defines the institutional framework in the area of higher education. The law defines the Ministry of Education as the highest authority in the area of education in general. The law also established the Council for Higher Education, whose members are appointed by the government for a period of four years.3 The council serves as an accreditation



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body and is responsible for conducting external evaluation of higher education institutions through relevant commissions. It also defines the procedure for electing members of governing bodies of public higher education institutions, while private higher education institutions have the right to define governing structure according to their by-laws and institutional regulations. All institutions abide by the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS), which is the legal requirement established by the Law on Higher Education from 2004. ECTS is applied to all three levels of studies: undergraduate (bachelor), specialist, master’s and doctoral studies. Montenegrin higher education institutions offer two types of study programmes: academic and applied. While applied study programmes can be organized only at undergraduate or specialist/master’s levels, academic studies can be additionally organized at doctoral level. This is also a legal requirement. Workload for one semester, by rule, cannot exceed thirty ECTS (credits), with sixty ECTS as the maximal student workload for an academic year. The structure of study programmes is given in Figure 10.2.

Efficient systems of financing higher education When speaking about the funding system in higher education, the question is whether the state should allocate funds according to quality criteria, whereby

Figure 10.1  The higher education system in Montenegro – institutional framework Source: Author according to the official documents of Ministry of Education

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Figure 10.2  The higher education system in Montenegro – structure of study programmes Source: Author according to the official documents of Ministry of Education

funds are oriented to the highest quality programmes, or according to the ownership criteria, whereby public funds go only on financing programmes in state-owned institutions. Consequently, it is also important to decide which areas of higher education are important for economic and social development of the country and whether the state should allocate its funds only to provide study programmes in these areas. Ultimately, it is very important to build a model which will be efficient in practice.4 When analysing education sector spending in comparison with GDP, the global benchmark is around 6 per cent GDP. If we look at the OECD data for the Balkan region, the average spending on the education system is around 4 per cent of GDP, with exception of Slovenia where the relevant figure is 6 per cent (OECD 2007). Average spending on higher education in OECD countries is 1.1 per cent, which is less than the Slovenian average (1.3 per cent). According to the World Bank Report (Salmi 2013), average public spending on higher education was 0.73 per cent GDP in 2010, and 0.62 per cent in 2011, which is more or less on the same level as Croatia (0.7 per cent). Irrespective of the total amount of spending on education, spending on higher education is very low, which is contrary to the goal to increase the quality of the education system. This low level of public funding has influenced the development of many study programmes at state-owned universities, which are privately funded with tuition fees being paid directly by students and their families and not by the state. This creates the institution of private studies at



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state-owned institutions. So, for example, around 80 per cent of all students at the state-owned University of Montenegro pay tuition fees. By comparison in Serbia, depending on the university, from 20 per cent to 80 per cent of students attend private studies at state-owned institutions. A second, very important element of the higher education finance system is public spending for the improvement of students’ lives and living standards. The Balkan countries have never had a system of financing higher education which provided students loans or scholarship for all students, as it is the case in almost all EU countries. If we analyse the situation in a regional context, then Slovenia has the most comprehensive system of direct financial support for students, where on average, 20 per cent of students use funds provided by the state, either in the form of a student loan or a scholarship. In Croatia only 3 per cent of all students use this state support, while in Montenegro 11.66 per cent of students receive student loans from the state. Until the 2011–12 academic year only students at the state-owned university had the opportunity to access loans and scholarships from the state and to use state-owned dormitories. This policy resulted in discrimination against students from private universities, and students considered their constitutionally guaranteed human rights were endangered. From the school year 2011–12 all students, no matter whether they study at private or state-owned universities, will have equal right to use state funds for loans and scholarships, and state-owned student dormitories. To summarize, we live in an era of change of the dominant model of financing higher education. There are three mechanisms for financing higher education implemented in Western European countries: 1. Financing according to performance indicators, i.e. results (with the number of graduate students as the typical determinant criteria for funding) – performance-based funding; 2. Financing of institutions – universities or faculties, and study programmes – institution/programme-based funding; 3. Financing students – student-based funding. Having in mind the need to treat all students equally and the necessity to improve the competitiveness of higher education institutions, the most efficient financial model is student-based funding, mixed with several elements of the other two models. Accordingly, efficient models of financing higher education would treat the student as ‘the consumer’ of services provided by university units. Universities and faculties ‘sell’ their services (study programmes) and

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students buy them. The World Bank recommends this approach in its study ‘Appropriate Funding Mechanisms for the Development of Higher Education in Montenegro’ (Salmi 2013). The role of the state in this model would be to estimate the price of that service, based on normative expenses, comparative practice, availability of public funds and the current situation in higher education. There are two fundamental points concerning this model of financing higher education: MM

MM

The price, i.e. the cost per student of certain programmes (the price per student is calculated by a methodology, recommended by the state, which should include all elements necessary to enable an efficient education process and provide a certain quality of knowledge and skills). The price per student is understood as the quality standard of the education process. Each higher education institution is responsible for delivering such quality, measured by condition for studying, human resources, international networking, mobility of students, etc. as required by law. To estimate the demand for certain professional profiles. The state should determine the number of students it will financially support on certain programmes, depending on the area of study, and should favour study programmes in areas which are a priority for economic and overall development of the country. This decision is made depending on the ‘supply’ (price per student of certain programmes) and ‘demand’ for certain profiles (how many graduate students with certain profiles the country needs, which is often described as area of ‘public interest’).

This is also the way to introduce competition on three levels: between different universities, between different university units (faculties) of the same university and between programmes within the same university unit (faculty). Increasing competition raises the quality of all programmes. On the other hand, individual financing has a positive influence on student motivation, which in turn has a positive influence on the efficiency of their studies, but also encourages innovations in higher education as the position of specific study programmes depends on the efficiency and the contribution of that programme. Implementation of this model would enable the state to shape enrolment policy of all private and state-owned higher education institutions in an efficient way and simultaneously encourage the development of high-quality study programmes. The role of the state is to establish clear criteria for financing higher education, with the goal of increasing the quality of knowledge of all



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graduate students. The state should define the model, which will give priority to quality over quantity and to programmes over institutions. In this scenario, the state decides on the number of students it will finance on each study programme of ‘public interest’ and ‘buys’ the services of study programmes offered by universities. Universities can then decide to enrol extra students in addition to those who are funded by state, according to market principles, with those students paying tuition fees. However, the technical, organizational and human resources are a limiting factor and an institution cannot enrol more students on one programme than the state allows through the accreditation and licensing procedure conducted by an independent accreditation body. At the same time, when calculating price per student of certain study programmes, the state should also prevent damping pricing, and thus contribute to the equal position of all higher education institutions, no matter if they are private or state-owned.

A step towards efficiently financing higher education in Montenegro While the Law on Higher Education adopted in 2003 introduced the possibility of establishing private higher education institutions, the treatment of public and private institutions was not completely equal until changes in the law adopted in 2010. While the law has helped to establish some equality, an issue which remains open is whether the state should only finance study programmes at state-owned higher education institutions or whether some public funds should be invested in financing private higher education institutions. In addition to any state monies they receive, both public and private higher education systems have other sources of revenue. These include student tuition fees which are, logically, the main source of income of private higher education institutions, however they seem to be the main source of income for the state university as well. Universities also have the opportunity to earn financing from alternative external or internal sources including research funds, providing specialization programmes and seminars for private companies, state administration, consultants’ fees, or renting facilities or equipment. This aspect of university finance is typically quite small but if research activities and science can be promoted, this aspect of the external budget will grow in absolute and relative terms. The government of Montenegro shows its readiness to continue reforms in the area of higher education. Several very important documents were adopted following the changes in the Law on Higher Education in 2010. These by-laws have the goal of introducing changes in the system of funding higher education which will provide higher quality in this area.

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In 2011, the government adopted the Strategy of Development and Financing Higher Education in Montenegro 2011–2020. The strategy’s mission is to develop an effective system of higher education, which will contribute to the economic and overall social development of the country. This assumes attainment of several objectives. The first is to develop an efficient system of quality assurance in higher education institutions. This requires strict implementation of international standards in accreditation and licensing procedures, which must be followed at all higher education institutions. It also emphasizes the importance of implementing the lifelong learning concept, but also strengthening the research and entrepreneurial component in higher education institutions. All higher education institutions have to intensify internationalization. In order to achieve all these goals, the system of financing higher education must change in order to promote quality. Full implementation of the strategy would bring all students in Montenegro into an equal position. However as it is not yet fully implemented, students of private universities and students who pay tuition fees at the state university still have limited access to public funds. Their parents pay double contributions for education: first, from their salaries and regular income, through taxes; and second, when paying their children’s tuition fees. As already stated, new legislation is still not fully implemented so no results are available and the situation at the state university remains unchanged. The University of Montenegro is currently receiving a direct transfer from the government budget (around €13 million). These funds are used to cover the University’s expenses (salaries, administrative expenses, etc). Units of the University of Montenegro are allowed to enrol not only students whose studying costs are fully covered by the state, but also students who pay their own tuition fees. As the expenses of their activities are directly covered by a grant from the government budget, the University of Montenegro is able to reduce tuition fees and thus reduce the price of their service to below cost price. In economics, this situation is known as dumping pricing and is a form of unfair competition. Due to the dumping price of tuition fees at the state university, private institutions are forced to keep their tuition fees low in order to stay competitive. In the long term all of this can significantly reduce the educational quality. Comprehensive analysis of the funding system in Montenegro higher education is made within the World Bank project ‘Appropriate Funding Mechanisms for the Development of Higher Education in Montenegro’. According to Salmi, the World Bank expert for tertiary education:



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Table 10.1. Direct budget transfer to the University of Montenegro Year

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

In €

13,040,000

16,300,000

17,423,000

14,781,000

13,502,000

13,190,000

Source: Salmi (2013)

With 79 per cent of its students paying tuition fees and only 21 per cent of the students fully covered by the government budget, the University of Montenegro operates de facto more as a subsidized private university with the legal status of a public entity than as a public institution per se. The fees paid by the students represent 41 per cent of the University’s total budget. The proportion is even higher in some of the faculties, such as the Faculty of Economics, where student contributions amount to 78 per cent of total income. This accounts for about the same proportion of resources from tuition fees as that received by the main two private universities currently operating in Montenegro, although the private universities do not benefit from the same cross-subsidies as the faculties of the University of Montenegro where the salaries of academics are covered by the public budget contribution. Four faculties at the University of Montenegro have more than 80 per cent of their students as fee-paying students (Economics, Law, Electrical Engineering, and Foreign Languages). In fact, at the Faculty of Foreign Languages, all students are fee-paying. (Salmi 2013: 11)

With respect to the state university, the only change brought by new legislation is the fact that until 2011, the Government of Montenegro transferred the budget of the University of Montenegro as a block grant. Since 2011, however, funding for the institutions has been determined through a line-budget approach, whereby public resources are allocated directly to a small number of salary-related categories. While this change has introduced more restrictions and rigidities in the way the University of Montenegro can use the resources it receives from the state, it is not as dramatic as what sometimes happens in other countries, mainly because the government contribution covers only part of the resource needs of the University of Montenegro. (Salmi 2013: 12)

If we analyse the efficiency of spending at the state University of Montenegro, the conclusions are not very encouraging. The University of Montenegro receives €13 million from state budget and €11 million from tuition fees. Data on drop-out rates indicate that it is around 55 per cent, meaning €13.2 million is being ‘wasted’, which is alarming.5 In a nutshell, the incentive structure provided by the current funding approach is opposed to the strategic goals of the Ministry

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of Education (2011b) as stated in the Strategy of Development and Financing Higher Education 2011–2020. For private higher education institutions, the legislative changes from 2010 and the Strategy of Development and Financing Higher Education in Montenegro started to be implemented through a government decision to finance fifty-five students who study programmes of public interest at private higher education institutions. The total amount of money received by private institutions is €195,000. However, this is a one-off case. All of this brings us to the conclusion that comprehensive systematic change of higher education financing in Montenegro must be made in order to raise quality in the higher education area. A new law on higher education has been adopted which could enable desired changes in financing. An efficient financial model of higher education would promote competition and growth of quality, enabling Montenegrin higher education institutions to stay competitive and attractive in the global market, to discourage Montenegrin students from studying abroad and to attract international students. However, this requires the transition to the new concept of education, which will be discussed in the third part of this chapter.

The new concept of education The current education system is based on passive knowledge, memorizing facts, ‘warehousing’ information, with an emphasis upon formal achievements (where the diploma is important in itself) and a strong division between theoretical knowledge and practical application. The new era requires an education system which will develop skills and competences, change students’ ways of thinking, and improve innovative and creative capacity. This means that the transformation of the current education system should be oriented to the development of critical thinking and empirical imagination. What reforms of the education system are needed in order to efficiently tackle changes in the dominant social paradigm? What is the direction for the future development of the education system? How can the education system become focused on the individual, their personality and character? How can it educate people to be creative and to accept real-life challenges? Is there any ‘formula’ which can explain all of this and enable transfer from one education model to another? Why does the education system need to be designed to challenge the student’s mind and make his/her spirit active, competent and



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critical in a complex world? Will such an education model suppress the current model whereby students sit in their classrooms, absorb and memorize facts, and then just reproduce what has been served to them? All these issues are touched upon in the third part of this chapter, which presents the new model of education developed at the private University of Donja Gorica (UDG) in Montenegro. UDG defines itself as an innovative university in Montenegro. It was created with the aspiration of changing Montenegrin culture in the perspective of European accession. It is a forward-looking institution in its educational philosophy but with a traditional organisation based on autonomous faculties. (European University Association 2014: 7)

Today’s world is one of permanent changes, a world of risk and uncertainty. Contemporary life in the global context can be understood as a ‘ride’ on the crest of the (global) wave. When an individual tries to stop the wave, (s)he is fighting a losing battle. But when one realizes the direction in which the wave is moving and understands the invisible streams that move the wave, then (s)he can learn how to ‘surf ’ (see Vukotić and DrakićGrgur 2014 for more on this). Here we come to the question of whether knowledge itself is the goal of education in this contemporary era. This question is heretically provocative, especially at a time when the dominant opinion is that future developments depend on the extent to which society is knowledge-based (OECD 1996). The new education model which we discuss here does not deny the importance of knowledge. However, we insist on analysis of knowledge and its importance from an individual perspective. Knowledge is important depending on its context and influence on the personal character, way of thinking, creativity and entrepreneurial spirit of an individual.

UDG’s Education Model: S=z∙i2 The new education model developed at UDG puts emphasis on the knowledge which can be transformed into individual ability and competence, into capacity of an individual to solve problems and be creative. A student in the new education model is not one who passively absorbs formulas, definitions, factors and models (elements of knowledge). This new education model relies on the assumption that knowledge is individual and Hayek’s thesis that it is spread in the heads of individuals. There is no such thing as collective knowledge (for more on this see Hayek 1945).

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From the perspective of individual competence we can understand knowledge as something we take from other people – not as something that comes out of us. We adopted our knowledge of the relativity theory from Einstein. Pythagoras’ theorem is taken from Pythagoras and knowledge about class struggle comes from Marx, and so on. This raises a logical question: how is someone else’s knowledge converted within an individual? Can we achieve it simply by inserting knowledge in the head of an individual, or are there some factors of conversion? These questions probably seem odd to a reader, maybe even senseless. The answer usually seems simple and clear to everybody, but the real issue lies in the fact that two persons who have learned (absorbed, memorized) exactly the same ‘amount’ of knowledge may achieve different results in solving problems in real life. Why? Is there some relation between the level of knowledge and the results of its implementation? Does the secret of education lie in this factor ‘well known to everybody’? Can Einstein help us in looking for an answer to these questions with his famous equation E=m∙c 2 (hereafter EE) which shows that energy is the product of mass and squared speed of light? This equation raises the question of how mass is transformed into energy. When we speak about education, the question is how knowledge (mass) is transformed into ability and competence (energy). According to Einstein’s solution, presented in simplified form, the speed of life is the factor of convergence – factor of transformation. In other words, mass and energy can be transformed one to another. The factor of conversion in currency exchange is the exchange rate, while the speed of light is the factor of conversion when transforming the mass into energy. When we speak about education, what is the ‘exchange rate’ between knowledge and individual ability and competence? In the new education model developed at UDG, we understand the goal of higher education as the development of individual capacity and competence. The factor of converting knowledge into individual competence is the squared level of the intensity of life of an individual written in the form of an equation, known as the ‘Professor’s Equation’: S=z∙i2 6 MM

MM

MM

S – individual capacity and competence (equivalent to energy in EE) z – knowledge (equivalent to mass in EE) i – intensity of life (equivalent to speed in EE)



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As already mentioned, the goal of higher education in a competence-oriented education approach is the competence which an individual acquires during university education. It is the ability of an individual. Knowledge is not the goal itself; it is just one of the elements of individual ability and competence. The ability of an individual in the model is seen as the capacity to solve problems and find solutions in constantly changing circumstances. Individual capacity and competence always result in new achievements, new ideas, creativity and dynamics. The ability of an individual is initiating mental processes which increase capacity for abstract thinking, imagination and new ideas. It is the background of Einstein’s thought: ‘Imagination is more important than knowledge!’ (originally quoted in G. S. Viereck’s interview with Einstein [Viereck 1929]). This understanding of individual ability as the goal of education (rather than education for specific profession) emphasizes the need for an education system which will ‘produce’ (as an outcome) intellectuals, namely creative entrepreneurs. This is particularly important in the global environment where the average time spent in one job is five years. Quick turnover, rapid technology changes and globalization require the ability of an individual, not concrete knowledge for a specific job. As the famous Montenegrin poet Njegos said: ‘Whatever comes, we are ready!’ (Njegos 1997: line 2,496). In a nutshell, the main product of the new education model being implemented at UDG will be a graduate student who is an expert in uncertainty. A graduate student should be able to make decisions based on imperfect information, in the permanently changing circumstances of the global scene. As knowledge is understood as something ‘taken from other people’, it is crucial how it is converted into capacity and competence of an individual. In other words, how can you convert components of education programmes and curricula, information from textbooks and other literature into ability and competence of an individual? The new education model sees the intensity (speed) of life as the factor of conversion. What is the intensity of life? It can be understood as the devotion to life; enjoying life and thinking about life! When you see human life as the gift from God, you can extend it only through creation. What an individual creates in life is the measure of his or her individual ability and competence. Intensity of life consists of various activities and functions that each individual conducts in a time unit. What is the level of someone’s life intensity if (s)he sleeps twelve hours a day? What is the level of life intensity of an individual who has never travelled out of their place of birth? How intensive is the life

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of a person who communicates only with his or her close family and friends? What is the level of life intensity of a person who does not accept different life challenges, such as enjoyment or creative activities? Intensity of life results in a certain level of experience, but it does not always have to be the case. Experience is something that an individual has passed through deeply, something that is deeply engraved in his or her mind. Experience becomes an integral part of the mental constitution of a person. It is not just collection of memories but an emotional and spiritual driver, which brings new impulses and new ideas. Is there something more personal than the experience? Is the experience, acquired through understanding of life, some kind of human spiritual DNA which shapes a person’s ideas? Einstein said that all true learning was experience and everything else was just information (for Einstein’s quotes see Calaprice 2010). Through intensity of life, each person is acquiring skills and competences. Skills should be understood as the ‘domestication’ of somebody else’s knowledge acquired through the education process. This ‘domestication’ is achieved through the development of personal affinities and vocation. Only knowledge which is transformed into skills is efficient. Competence is also the result of the intensity of life of an individual. Competence is the capacity of an individual to use his or her personal resources, to possess some self-driving impulses, be self-confident and brave. Competence is understood as awakened intellect, moved by emotional, intuitive and creative forces within an individual! If we return to the Professor’s Equation which represents the new education model S=z∙i2, then we can demonstrate what happens if i=0. In other words, what happens when an individual has lifeless knowledge? (Following Einstein’s equation E=m∙c2, it is equivalent to the question: ‘What is the level of energy of the parked car?’) Such knowledge will not produce competence and abilities of an individual. Does it mean that there are situations when we do not need knowledge (z=0)? Of course, the answer is no. From a methodological point of view, it is important to emphasize that the acquisition of knowledge is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for an efficient education model. As already mentioned, the Professor’s Equation is looking for the answer to how to convert knowledge into individual competence and ability. Elements of the vector model [S] = [z] × [i]2 are given in the Annex.



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Concluding remarks We are living at a time when collective entities in all areas of life are being crushed. The focus of society and the dominant social paradigm is moving from the collective to the individual. Transition to the new paradigm is not just a mechanical change, but a comprehensive, long and demanding process of social change, which requires development of individualistic culture and new ways of thinking. This change requires significant adaptations in the education system. This chapter has touched upon some steps needed to overcome the crisis in education, which is evident all around the globe, and especially in transition countries. It focused on higher education in the small transition country of Montenegro which needs comprehensive change, especially change in its funding model. Residuals of the collective society in ex-socialist countries are still very strong, which has a negative impact on the quality of higher education. An efficient system of financing higher education will not make a difference between higher education institutions with respect to ownership, as today. The only criteria for funding must be the quality of programmes and the importance of programmes for the strategic development of the country (in relation to the labour market). The efficient system of funding, as proposed here, would be individualized, whereby funds would be provided for every student who freely chooses what and where to study. This system would provide equal opportunity which is lacking at the moment, since students who pay for their studies (at private and state institutions) are discriminated against in many dimensions in comparison with students whose higher education is paid for by the state (some students at state universities). This change is just one step in the long path to a comprehensive change of approach to education. The chapter has also presented the case study of University of Donja Gorica in Montenegro. Following Einstein’s observation on insanity as ‘doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results’, UDG is trying to organize things differently. UDG left the old mainstream path and is developing a new model of studies which can be presented through the Professor’s Equation S=z∙i2 (see Annex for the elements of the equation). Implementation of this new approach to education is not seen as a final solution at UDG. However it is an attempt to find the way to educate a graduate who will have individual abilities, capacities and competences of an expert in uncertainty, an expert in making

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decisions in an environment without complete information, an expert in quick decision-making in the permanently changing circumstances of the global scene.

Notes 1 The mandatory part includes compulsory subject and compulsory elective subjects. Compulsory activities include supervised learning, work within a classroom community and days for culture, sports and technology. Extra-curricular activities consist of leisure and optional classes, helping children with special educational needs and additional and supplementary education. 2 Data on the Montenegrin higher education system are generated from different sources: the Ministry of Education, official web presentations of higher education institutions. Important sources of information were reports made by European University Association Commissions, which conducted the process of Institutional Evaluation within Institutional Evaluation Programme (IEP) during 2014. These reports are available online: http://www.eua.be/iep/who-has-participated/ iep-evaluation-reports.aspx 3 Council members are appointed from eminent experts in the areas of higher education, science, technology and arts, in the areas of economics, social activities and other relevant areas, and from students, in compliance with the act on appointment of the council (http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/tempus/participating_ countries/reviews/montenegro_review_of_higher_education.pdf). 4 This part of the chapter is based on several studies and analyses of the higher education funding system conducted by the author and his associates. 5 Author’s calculation. 6 This equation is known as ‘Professor’s Equation’ after Professor Veselin Vukotic, who is the author of this concept and the idea of this new education model.

References Backović, S. (ed.) (2001), The Book of Changes of the Education System of the Republic of Montenegro, trans. Nataša Živković and Božica Vujačić. Podgorica: Ministry of Education and Science. Calaprice A. (ed.) (2010), The Ultimate Quotable Einstein. Princeton, PA: Princeton University Press. Djurovic, M. (ed.) (2010), Montenegro in 21st Century – In the Era of Competitiveness. Podgorica: Montenegrin Academy of Sciences and Arts.



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European University Association (2014), Institutional Evaluation Programme, University ‘Mediterranean’, Montenegro Evaluation Report. Available online: http:// www.eua.be/Libraries/IEP/University_Mediterranean_final_report.sflb.ashx (accessed 16 March 2015). Hayek, F.A.V. (1945), ‘The Use of Knowledge in Society’, American Economic Review, 35 (4). Ministry of Education (MoE), Government of Montenegro (2003), ‘Law on Higher Education. As amended in 2008 and 2010, in Montenegrin’. Ministry of Education, Government of Montenegro (2011a), ‘Strategy of Development of Primary Education’. Ministry of Education, Montenegro, Podgorica. Ministry of Education, Government of Montenegro (2011b), ‘Strategy on the Development and Financing of Higher Education in Montenegro 2011–2020, in Montenegrin’. Njegos, P. P. (1997), The Mountain Wreath, trans. V. D. Mihailovic. Belgrade: Serbian Europe Publishing. OECD (1996), ‘The Knowledge Based Economy’. Available online: http://www.oecd. org/science/sci-tech/1913021.pdf (accessed 1 August 2015). OECD (2007), ‘Education at a Glance 2007’. Available online: www.oecd.org (accessed 1 August 2015). Rifkin, J. (2000), The Age of Access: The New Culture of Hyper-capitalism, Where All of Life is a Paid-for Experience. New York: J. P. Tarcher/Putnam. Salmi, J. (2013), ‘Appropriate Funding Mechanisms for the Development of Higher Education In Montenegro’. World Bank Report, Washington, DC. UNESCO (2011) World data on Education, 7th edn, Montenegro, Paris: UNESCO. Viereck, G. S. (1929), Interview with A. Einstein, 26 October, The Saturday Evening Post, 17. Vukotić, V. and M. Drakić-Grgur (2014), ‘Concept of Education in New Global Economy’, in Gregory T. Papanikos (ed.), Economic Theory, Policy and Applications. Athens: Athens Institute for Education and Research. Available online: http://eacea. ec.europa.eu/tempus/participating_countries/reviews/montenegro_review_of_ higher_education.pdf (accessed 1 August 2015).

Annex University of Donja Gorica, Montenegro How can the knowledge be converted into individual competence and ability? Professor’s Equation as Vector Model [S] = [z] × [i]2

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Individual competence of the student – elements of matrix [S] in UDG practice:

Knowledge of the student – elements of matrix [z] in UDG practice

Intensity of iife of the student – elements of matrix [i] in UDG practice

• solving problem • recognize the opportunity • compassionate (with others) • action • selfconfidence • noble spirit • ideas • vision • ambition • need • life as a game • energy • creation • sense of future • individual • character • personality • intellect • risk • critical thinking • culture • competition spirit • recognize opportunities, not struggle for positions

• associative (not only reproductive) learning • emotions (scribing knowledge) • notebook as the method of binding knowledge • professors (Montenegro, region, world) – their knowledge and character • experts from the practice • textbooks from famous universities and written by well known authors • foreign and domestic scientific journals • network of international experts • interdisciplinary • interactive • classes in English • professionalism • attending classes requirement • practical aspect of classes (related to real life) • gradual displace of textbooks with collections of original papers written by well known authors (so called hrestomatia) • building the network of knowledge from different areas • importance to develop students’ affinity to ask questions and looking for the answers on their own • importance of students’ orientation to (re)search and look what they (don’t) know • importance of Socrates “I know that I know nothing”

• positive academic environment • will to succeed • devotion to studies • working conditions, organization and technology level • activities at UDG (public debates, tribunes, exhibitions, literary events, concerts, etc. • sport activities • students’ presentations • the project “Ideas and Character” – implementing principles of self-education and self-creation • entrepreneurship and promoting entrepreneurial abilities • business and creative entrepreneurship • dress code and business code • communication culture • general education (nice literature and poetry) • fine arts • foreign languages (4–6) • earning money during studies • students’ organization and forums • international co-operation • summer schools (Bar, Cetinje) • Winter school of entrepreneurship and innovation • Student business center • folklore • debates, oration • life in library • gym • educative posters on the walls • required class attendance • required non-curriculum activities • Olympic Games of UDG students • Loveen race • co-operation with students’ parents • organization of master and PhD defenses • The UDG Day (11.11.) and celebrating graduation ceremony • permanent contact with parents • preparing students for self-employing • UDG Research Day • Fair of Entrepreneurial Ideas • academic conferences • Alumni-club • classes in English • co-operation with business • developing communication skills

11

Serbia: An overview Ana Pešikan

General overview Republic of Serbia is a country at the crossroads of Central and South-eastern Europe, in the central Balkan. The country covers an area of 88,361 km² and its population is 7.2 million people.1 It was a constitutive part of the Republic of Yugoslavia and as of 2006 regained its sovereignty. Serbia is a parliamentary republic and a member of the UN, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Partnership for Peace, the Black Sea Economic Co-operation and the Central European Free Trade Agreement. Serbia is an official candidate for membership in the EU. It is an upper-middle income economy with the service sector dominating the country’s economy (which accounts for 60.3 per cent of GDP), followed by the industrial sector (31.8 per cent of GDP) and agriculture (7.9 per cent of GDP). Urban population forms 56.4 per cent of the total population (SORS 2014). In October 2000 political changes took place, the so-called ‘October Democratic Revolution’. These changes initiated a transition process (economic, social and political) similar to the processes in other ex-socialist countries. The political changes were long awaited, and the reforms were keenly welcomed. They created a good climate for changes in education,2 as one of the most powerful instruments for poverty and inequality reduction and for building a foundation for sustained economic growth. Two main general problems for Serbia’s development nowadays are: (1) low levels of education among citizens in general and poor investment in human capital, research and technological development; and (2) the troubling depopulation trend in the country’s demographic.3

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Despite the fact that since 1958 universal compulsory free primary education has been provided by the state, still as much as one-third of the population does not have any professional qualification. According to the 2011 Census, 34.44 per cent of those aged 15 and older have been through primary education or below (ISCED levels 0–2), including 2.68 per cent with no education; 48.93 per cent have been through secondary or post-secondary, non-tertiary education (ISCED levels 3–4); and 16.24 per cent have been through tertiary education (ISCED levels 5 or 6). Serbia’s budget allocates annually about 4.5 per cent of GDP for education and about 0.3 per cent of GDP for science (Serbia 2020: 3). However, over 90 per cent of the funds for education are assigned to employees’ salaries, while a small part remains for investment in development. Investment in educational and scientific infrastructure and equipment in the past two decades was insufficient for demand. Also, there is evidence of inefficient spending of already scarce resources. This significantly affected the quality of these sectors. As with most European countries, in recent decades Serbia has been faced with a severe demographic problem. Population growth rate is −0.46 per cent; birth rate is 9.13 births/1,000 population and death rate is 13.71 deaths/1,000 population (2014 estimates). It means that the birth rate is insufficient to ensure simple replacement of the population, resulting in the depopulation and escalating demographic ageing. Serbia is among the countries in the world which have a large elderly population. The median age is 41.9 years (40.2 years for males and 43.6 years for females) and 16.8 per cent of the population is sixty-five years old and over (SORS 2013). In recent years the number of deaths outnumbered live births by about 30,000 people. Unfavourable demographic trends also contributed to the worsening of the main labour market indicators in Serbia, for example the share of work-age population has been decreasing, coupled with a growing economic dependency ratio. Reform of education should take into account this trend of ageing and depopulation, given their significant implications for education policy and particularly for the school network. Due to the decrease in the population of individuals of working age, it will be even more important for the education system to succeed in increasing adaptability and employability of the labour force, participation of the population in the labour market, performance and productivity of workers. Identifying sources of loss of human capital in the pre-university period is especially important because in this period preventive measures to reduce those losses can still be made (Ivić, forthcoming).



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Structure, organization and general characteristics of the education system in Serbia The national education system in Serbia includes about 1.2 million children and young people from pre-primary to tertiary education levels and employs about 120,000 people. Education comprises pre-school, primary, secondary general and art education, secondary vocational education, academic studies, vocational studies and adult education. The structure of the education system is given in Figure 11.1. Education is compulsory and free of charge for nine years: one year of the preparatory pre-school programme before primary education (ages 5.5–6.5) and eight years of primary education (ages 6.5–15). There is a nationwide examination (‘mala matura’) at the end of primary schooling which is compulsory for enrolment in secondary school, and a final examination (‘matura’) at the end of secondary education which is compulsory for enrolment in tertiary education. The main features of pre-university education in Serbia will be presented in this chapter, as well as the trends in improvement of these education levels in the future. Higher education in Serbia is covered in Chapter 12 of this volume (Uvalić-Trumbić). Two key issues in Serbian education are the inclusion of students and the quality of education. Regarding inclusion and access to all levels of education, the situation is not favourable. Dropout rates have been declining since 2000. However, it is still high at all education levels and represents a serious concern for Serbia. Dropout is higher among the rural population, some ethnic minorities (the Roma population particularly) and children of low socioeconomic status. Early leaving and not finishing school have highly negative and long-term economic impacts on the state and on the individual. Unfortunately there is no serious cost-benefit analysis available for the Serbian context. Regarding the quality of education, the students’ knowledge is mainly of a reproductive type. The international surveys as PISA (2003 2006, 2009, 2012) and TIMMS (2007, 2011) show that about a third of fifteen-year-old students have insufficient levels of functional literacy in reading comprehension, mathematical and scientific literacy; the degree of applicability of the knowledge acquired in school is below expected; and the key competencies are not well developed to equip students for further learning and living in a modern society (Baucal and Pavlović-Babić 2009; Pavlović-Babić and Baucal 2011; PavlovićBabic and Baucal 2013; Gašić-Pavišić and Stanković 2011, 2012). The quality

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Figure 11.1  Structure of the education system in Serbia

of teaching and teachers, as an important factor in the quality of education, stresses the need for improvement of teachers’ education (initial and in-service, further education) and development of a teaching career. The gap between



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the structure of secondary schools and the needs of the economy is wide, and most of the workforce lacks the skills needed in the labour market. Some of the quality assurance elements have already been implemented (at the legislative level, but sporadically in practice), but still there are gaps that are hindering the overall quality and efficiency of the system. From the year 2001 reforms attempts have been attempted,4 but the education system as a whole still faces numerous challenges. In the last decade, progress has been achieved, particularly in making the education system more socially inclusive and in introducing quality assurance standards in primary education (The EC Progress Report for Serbia 2013). One important step toward education improvement was the adoption of the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia 2020+ (hereinafter referred to as SEDS) in 2012 in which the paths for increasing access to education, quality, relevance and efficacy of the system were mapped. In comparison to earlier educational reforms that have been undertaken in Serbia, the SEDS has some specificity (Pešikan 2012): MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Good diagnosis of the state of affairs: comprehensive analysis of all levels of the educational system has been developed as a necessary and solid base for investigating resources and room for improvement of the system itself. Holistic approach: education is viewed in close relation with other important sectors of society; and the changes comprise all education levels from pre-school to doctoral study and lifelong learning – this further means that all proposed solutions must be compliant and compatible with each other, and make a logically consistent system. Combination of approaches: the SEDS is based on the research findings, the relevant national and international documents (analyses, assessments, reports, etc.) and valuable practical experience with schools and teachers in Serbia. Realistic approach: the SEDS is based on preconditions that can be fulfilled in the Serbian reality up to 2020 and beyond; and creating the SEDS was aimed at solving serious problems, which have been translated into practical actions for future years. Long-term targets: the SEDS presents the endeavour to move education in Serbia in a positive direction and enables it to go forward, based on an analysis of realistic strengths and capacities of the system. Involvement and sensitization of a wide audience: the draft SEDS has been discussed in wide consultative processes with different stakeholders

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(both local and foreign) and after being revised based on suggestions and comments was presented to the public throughout Serbia in different ways. Think globally act locally: the SEDS is nationally, that is socio-culturaleconomically specific, and in line with European Union 2020 educational goals.

The SEDS envisages measures for higher inclusion of pre-school education and general secondary education, reduction of the school dropout rate, significant improvement of the quality of processes and outcomes of education, stronger links with the labour market and economic development, increasing the number of persons with higher education in the age range 30–35 years to 38 per cent (see Uvalić-Trumbić, this volume), increasing investment in education from the current 4.5 per cent to approximately 6 per cent of GDP (which is the standard for OECD countries), increasing the efficiency of use of all education resources, and achieving and maintaining the relevance of education by aligning the structure of the education system with the immediate and developmental needs of individuals, and the needs of economic, social, cultural, research, education, public, administrative and other systems (SEDS 2012).

Pre-school education: Increasing provision and enrolment It is well established scientifically that the early years are critical in the formation of intelligence, personality and social behaviour, and that the effects of early negative experiences or the absence of good or appropriate stimulation are cumulative, that is, more likely to have serious and sustained effects (Scientific Council on the Developing Child 2005; Belfield and Neveu 2006; Shonkoff 2009; Mustard 2010; Shonkoff and Levitt 2010; Naudeau 2011; Grindal et al., 2012; European Commission 2010). High-quality pre-school programmes have the greatest effects on the cognitive development of children aged between two and three years, particularly for vulnerable children (Naudeau 2011) having the potential to alter their development trajectories and protect them against risk factors present in their early environment. The research suggests that intervention programmes should begin as early as possible (Halfon et al. 2001). It is one of two key reasons why early childhood deserves the highest priority attention by every rational and responsible government. Second is economic efficiency. Carneiro and Heckman (2003) offer a body of evidence on the rate of return to investment at different stages of the life cycle and show that there is a higher rate of return at younger ages for a constant level of investment. There



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is a solid research base for the economic argument for early investment (Karoly et al. 2005; Heckman et al. 2006; Heckman 2006). Investment brings personal benefits (cognitive development, behaviour and social competence, educational attainment, earnings), social benefits (reduced delinquency and crime) and government savings (higher tax revenues, reduced social welfare spending), associated with intervening early in a child’s life that clearly outweigh the costs (Karoly et al. 2005). In the light of these facts, the purpose of early childhood care and pre-school attendance and education (hereinafter referred to as PSAE) is obvious: to create conditions for the benefit of children from birth to starting school, to support their overall development, upbringing and socialization, and to create the necessary conditions for early learning depending on the needs of families and children (SEDS 2012). Pre-school attendance and education in Serbia is managed at the municipal level and financed from municipal revenues and attendance fees paid by parents, on a scale related to family income. PSAE consists of three types of partially overlapping organizational structures (Figure 11.1): nursery for children aged 0–3 (employing pre-school teachers and nursery nurses); pre-schools for children aged 3–5.5; and the preparatory pre-school programme (hereinafter referred to as PPP) for children aged 5.5–6.5 (both employing pre-school teachers). PSAE is not mandatory apart from PPP which is one year before primary education.

Current situation and future steps in Serbian pre-school education Generally speaking, in Serbia PSAE has a long tradition. There is a wellestablished experience of high-quality practices and professional potential which make a good basis for achieving the SEDS goals. The main problem is the ability of the system to encompass all children of targeted groups with a variety of diversified and high-quality programmes and services. Inclusion is closely connected with the function of the PSAE. In the 1970s its main mission was to help working parents, particularly mothers, and to support women wishing to work outside the home. Since that time, the mission of the PSAE has been radically changed into contributing to the benefit of children and society through encouraging the early development of individuals, preventing social exclusion and providing children and society with the necessary prerequisites for their full development and prosperity. The PSAE consists of a network of 159 pre-school institutions (hereinafter referred to as PIs) with 2,411 facilities, which are mainly public with 96.6 per

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cent of institutions funded by local governments (SORS 2013). Geographic distribution of the PIs is unfavourable as they are concentrated in urban areas (urban PIs cover 77 per cent of the children) and there is serious lack of PIs in underdeveloped and rural areas where the need is greatest. The distance of the PI from family homes in rural areas is twice as high as in the urban ones (urban 1.1 km and rural 2.2 km) (MICS 4 2011). In many municipalities the traffic infrastructure does not necessarily ensure increased accessibility to a PI. Another barrier is the lack of financial resources for the construction of new PIs, and/or adaptation of other available space. The number of pre-school facilities increased in the period 2004–9 from 1,840 to 2,364, especially in Central Serbia where the need is greatest, but it still was not enough to significantly increase the overall inclusion of children and inclusion of children from socially vulnerable groups. There are no unique statistical data about children who are included the PSAE system in Serbia.5 According to SORS (Statistical Yearbook 2013), the inclusion of children for the school year 2011–12 was 54.84 per cent (in nursery around 20 per cent, and ages three to three and a half 48.8 per cent). The introduction of compulsory PPP has increased the total inclusion of children. Inclusion in the PPP for children aged 5.5 to 6.5 (minimum four hours per day, nine months of the year before starting primary education) is 93.16 per cent for the same school year, and 79 per cent for the Roma population (MICS 5 2014). Only about 4,000 children with special needs were included in PSAE, and the PPP included only 964 children from this category6 (SORS 2013).The index of gender equality is still good, with 49 per cent of girls and 52 per cent of boys having attended PSAE programmes (MICS 5 2014). There are significant regional differences in the inclusion of children in PSAE and PPP, and the inclusion is greater in urban areas (Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, hereinafter referred to as MoES 2012). In urban areas, due to the insufficient capacity of institutions, there are waiting lists (14,000 children in 2009). In the academic year 2009–2010, 21 per cent of children were not enrolled in PSAE or were enrolled over the capacity of the institution and this affected the quality of work (SORS 2013). As a rule, the socio-economic status of the family of the child is inversely proportional to attendance at kindergarten. Coverage of children from socially vulnerable categories is significantly lower than the overall inclusion. According to the Living Standard Measurement Survey (LSMS), in 2008 the inclusion of rural children aged three to five years is 14 per cent, the inclusion of children from the poorest families is 7 per cent and 16 per cent in children from families with



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a low educational level (compared to 43 per cent average for that school year). The percentage of children living in Roma settlements aged 36–59 months who are attending PSAE programme is 5.7 per cent (MICS 5 2014). The same trend of lower inclusion of children from low socio-economic families occurs in developed countries, but the general inclusion pre-school education in these countries is significantly higher, between 90–100 per cent (Eurostat 2012). There are several reasons for the insufficient and uneven inclusion of children by PSAE in Serbia including the following: an underdeveloped network of PIs (they are under the jurisdiction of local governments and depend on local capacities) leading to an absence of PIs near the child’s home and related transport challenges; insufficient capacity of available PIs; financial reasons, and parents’ attitudes, including a lack of understanding of the role and importance of attending PSAE for the child and family (Cvejić et al. 2010). There are enough qualified staff in PSAE and the qualification structure is in line with the standards. There are 11,047 pre-school teachers (SORS 2013) and 96 per cent of them have qualifications in line with national and EU standards (ISCED 5A). There is a need for better training of pre-school teachers for working with children with special needs. As in other countries in the world, almost all pre-school teachers are women (98 per cent), as well as nursery nurses (99.85 per cent, SORS 2013). The teacher–child ratio is 1:10 for children under three years, and about 1:15 for children over three, which meets international standards (Eurostat 2012). The PSAE system is mainly organized as full-day or half-day programmes in PI, and it lacks flexibility and alternative organizational forms of PSAE. In Serbia there are no mechanisms for quality assurance in pre-school education. There is no national accreditation system for pre-school institutions, programmes or services. In order to fulfil its mission and thereby contribute to the development of children and society, according to the SEDS the key development trends in PSAE system should include: MM

Increasing the inclusion of pre-school children. The inclusion of children should be increased to 80 per cent, as well as the fairness of the system – particularly greater inclusion of children from marginalized and socially vulnerable groups. In the case of children aged six months to three years inclusion should be approximately 30 per cent. Children aged 5.5 to 6.5 should be provided with a full inclusion through full-day and half-day forms of PPP.

256 MM

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Expansion of the network of pre-schools. There is a need for the construction of new pre-schools, especially in underdeveloped regions, and in rural areas, or adapting facilities in local communities. Expansion of the network must be in accordance with the PSAE mission to include greater inclusion of children from marginalized and socially vulnerable groups. Diversification of pre-school institutions, programmes and services. The diversified system should create an opportunity for the inclusion of all children depending on the needs of the family and children’s specific needs. Besides the regular half-day and full-day programmes in PI, new types of programmes and services would be developed such as travelling programmes and teams and others, which are intended to increase organizational flexibility and adaptability of pre-school education in realizing their mission. Establishing accreditation of institutions, programmes and services. A national system of accreditation of pre-school institutions, programmes and services has to be developed, as well as a national quality system in the field. After introducing accreditation, the system would integrate all existing organizational forms of care and educational work with children, regardless of their founder, if previously accredited and compliant with all parameters consistent with the national standards of quality. Rational distribution of responsibilities between the national level and the local government level as well as better coordination between the education, health, social policy sectors and utility services at the local level, such as NGO or community-based organizations.

Primary education in Serbia: Increasing access, reducing dropout and improving the quality of the system The mission of primary education (hereinafter referred to as PE) is to be the foundation of the entire education system and to provide high-quality education for all citizens, which will enable them to continue to further education, lifelong learning and to live actively and constructively in contemporary society (SEDS 2012). Since 1958 according to the constitution and education law, PE in Serbia is universal, compulsory, and free for all.

The current situation and the future of Serbian primary education The most prevalent problems in PE concern both incomplete inclusion of children and quality. Regarding inclusion and access to PE, the situation is not



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favourable, especially for children from disadvantaged groups. Problems arise from the characteristics of the school network and the inability of the system to include all children in remote areas in eight grades of PE. In rural areas small schools dominate, which proved the first cycle of class teaching (grades 1–4) mostly, and multi-grade teaching is typical. At training colleges for the initial education of teachers there is no preparation for future teachers to work in these specific circumstances. Regarding the inclusion of children from marginalized groups (particularly Roma), on the one hand there is no reliable statistical data about these children and their inclusion in PE and, on the other hand, the system fails to prevent these children from dropping out early. In the school year 2011–12 in Serbia there were 3,473 regular primary schools, with 25,156 classes and 570,981 students (277,849 girls). The inclusion in the same school year was 95.25 per cent according to SORS (2013). The gender equality index for the general population was, 0.99 (the national average), and 1.01 for children living in Roma settlements. In rural areas, the inclusion is significantly lower than average, and what is of the greatest concern is its decrease year after year: the inclusion of children from rural areas has decreased from 81.15 per cent in 2005 to 77.4 per cent in 2009 (Government of the Republic of Serbia Millennium Development Goals, hereinafter referred to as MDG 2009). From all vulnerable groups, Roma children have the lowest rate of enrolment in PE. There is no accurate data on the number of Roma population in the country,7 but it is estimated that the number of PE-aged children is around 25,000 and that 70 per cent of them enrol in PE (MDG 2009). The enrolment of Roma children in primary schools has increased in the 2002–7 period from 56 per cent to 73 per cent (LSMS 2008). As many as 69.1 per cent of children from Roma settlements have been enrolled in the first grade (MICS 5 2014). In the school year 2009–10 inclusive education was introduced. According to data from MoES, there is a growing number of children with special needs who are enrolled in regular PE. For example, in the school year 2010–11, 6.57 per cent more children with special needs were enrolled than in the previous year. The primary school dropout rate is seen to be high, although there is no accurate data. In regard to the rate of children enrolled in the fifth grade, at the national average the situation has improved in the last five years. The dropout rate in the fifth grade has been reduced to below 1 per cent (from 1.14 per cent to 0.87 per cent). However, dropout rates are increasing among children from vulnerable groups, primarily rural and Roma children (MDG 2009). The rate of PE completion is 96.6 per cent (SORS 2013); however, the methodology used for calculating this number is such that it represents how

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many children completed eighth grade, not how many of those who entered the first grade also completed the PE (monitoring cohort). The rate of primary education completion among the children from rural areas is significantly lower (74.14 per cent, 2008). The dropout rate among Roma children in PE is worrying. As many as 78 per cent of Roma children from segregated settlements enrol in primary school, while only 34 per cent complete it (MICS 4 2010). There are no reliable data on the PE completion rate for children with special needs; there are data only on children who are in the system, but not how many of them were left out of the system. According to a survey conducted for the generation of 2000/01–2007/08 the dropout rate was 7.04 per cent, and according to Eurostat data for the candidate countries for EU membership, the overall dropout rate was 8.5 per cent (Eurostat 2011). Some research suggests that the percentage of poor children dropping out of school is increasing (e.g. from 2002 to 2007 the dropout rate increased from 6 per cent to 12 per cent, LSMS 2008). European documents emphasize that the dropout rate of children in PE should be below 10 per cent. According to expert estimates, about 2 per cent of PE-aged children do not commence primary schooling, and 8–10 per cent of PE-aged children do not complete PE (Ivić, forthcoming), and the dropout rate is significantly higher among children from vulnerable groups. The quality of PE is a melting pot of many factors which include: quality of working conditions; quality of curriculum; quality of teachers; quality of teaching/learning process; quality of students’ educational achievements; and school culture, quality of school as the public service. Here, we mention some important aspects. Working conditions, both physical (buildings, space and infrastructure) and equipment (library, computer room, didactic tools, teaching aids, etc.) affect the learning/teaching process. Only two-thirds of schools in Serbia have libraries. As a rule, satellite schools have unsatisfactory working conditions (going hand in hand with low social, cultural and economic level of the community and parents). Through the ‘Digital School’ project (2008), about 95 per cent of schools had computer-equipped classroom. However, many schools, particularly in underdeveloped areas, still have no computers or internet connections. The curriculum is not oriented towards learning outcomes. It is still an extensive list of topics and contents and is inflexible. It is applied uniformly both in schools with a large number of students per class and in multi-grade classes. A learner-centred approach has been introduced by educational legislation; however, in practice lecturing is still dominant. One of the key reasons



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is the quality of teachers. Unfortunately, despite the appropriate qualification structure, there is a negative selection of teachers, and the old concept of teacher education with the low levels of teacher training in modern concepts of learning/ teaching and oriented towards the achievements of set goals and standards. The concept of professional development of teachers has been emerging, but it has not yet been applied. Numerous analyses show a persistently inadequate level of knowledge and skills which children obtain at PE, and underdeveloped competences necessary for further education and daily life. The achievements of Serbian students in international assessments suggest that the quality of PE is below the international average, especially concerning the functional application of knowledge. At TIMSS 2007, the average Serbian student achievement in the fields of natural sciences was 470, and in the field of mathematics 486, in comparison to the global average of 500 points. On PISA tests our student achievements were lower than at TIMSS. In comparison to the OECD average of 500, students from Serbia have approximately 60 points less, which is equal to the effect of slightly more than one school year in OECD countries. An additional concern is the finding that there are an extremely small number of students in the highest categories of achievements (in the two highest categories below 1 per cent in the field of reading, around 1 per cent in science and 3 per cent in maths) and a very large percentage of students are in the lowest categories (around two-thirds in the lowest two categories in all three fields). Around a third of all students fall into the category of functionally illiterate in reading, which is a significant obstacle to their further education. Hence, policies to improve the PE must be focused primarily on the following (SEDS 2012): 1. Full inclusion of children in primary education. Some of the major measures are: extending PE enrolment of all children by increasing the inclusion of children in PSAE and PPP, particularly children from vulnerable categories (see above); the active monitoring of the transition of children to the fifth grade at the local level. The optimization of the primary school network must be defined in accordance with the characteristics of local circumstances and respecting educational, cultural and social reasons, which will guarantee the right to education for all categories of the population, and will be most economical and rational. 2. Raising the quality of PE. First, students have to master high-quality knowledge and skills, key competences and basic literacy in all fields

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that are taught in the primary school, so that the knowledge can be connected and applied in further education and in everyday life. Achieving this will require different measures in the PE; some of them are as follows: professionalization and better preparation of teachers for work; improving the quality of pre-service and in-service teacher training in modern concepts of teaching/learning (training in the application of active learning methods, using ICT and other assistive technologies). Revision of educational programmes is needed in order to ensure their contemporariness, functionality, life and social relevance. There is need for introduction of elective courses according to needs and conditions. Possibilities and conditions for the use of some forms of distance learning at this age should be investigated, primarily in specific circumstances. The quality of textbooks and instructional material has to be assured through their assessment based on the valid and verifiable standards for textbook quality.8 Support mechanisms for the inclusive approach in schools have to be enabled in compliance with the law. The supporting measures for the inclusive approach are anticipated by the law, but there are no mechanisms for their implementation in practice. In previous education reforms the focus has been on the preparation of the documents but not on how to ensure their implementation in practice. The application of new methods for assessing students based on standards of achievement has to be introduced. Evaluation must be in accordance with the nature of the subject and its objectives. At the end of PE, there is the final examination, Its main function is to show the effects of primary education, to reflect the teaching/ learning process and to allow appropriate allocation to secondary schools.

General secondary and vocational education: Inclusion, modernization and meeting economic needs Secondary education in Serbia is provided through four-year general secondary schools (gymnasiums), four-year secondary art schools, four-year vocational schools (both aimed towards university entrance) and thrre-year vocational schools that only lead to employment.

The current situation and the future of Serbian secondary education We can say that the general secondary education (GSE) has not been included in the reforms of the previous twenty years. One effect of that is the decreasing



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inclusion of students in these types of schools. In recent years the enrolment rate in secondary schools has been increasing (with 76.40 per cent in 2004–5 to 84.4 per cent in 2009–10 [MoES]. In the school year 2009–10, the share of students attending secondary vocational schools was around 72.59 per cent, secondary general gymnasiums 25.38 per cent and art schools 2.03 per cent. In Serbia, there is a much smaller proportion of GSE than in the other European countries where it is around 50 per cent. In recent years, the problem has been that the best students do not enrol in GSE. Hence, it is a worrying paradox because this sector of the youth population has to continue its cultural, scientific and intellectual development through academic studies; and general and art secondary education have the mission to form the future cultural and intellectual elite of the country, which would be the main factor in development of the country. In total, there are 121 gymnasiums (ten are private), thirty-one secondary music schools (which are also primary), three ballet schools, nine secondary art schools where visual arts, design and artistic craftsmanship are studied. According to its total capacity, the school network is well developed, but the geographic distribution of these institutions does not provide equal access to schools to the young people from all municipalities. There is no data on the percentage of Roma children who enrol in GSE schools. It is probably negligible, because in some forms of secondary education only 8.3 per cent of Roma children of GSE age enrol, and only 6.2 per cent of those enrolled will complete. There is no reliable data on the number of students with special needs who attend GSE. About 10 per cent of the enrolled students do not complete GSE. There is insufficient quality of GSE, and, consequently, insufficient preparation for the continuation of studies in higher education. Teaching is mostly based on a prescribed national curriculum aiming at ‘encyclopedic’ knowledge and neglecting development of a variety of students’ competencies. There is a lack of any optional courses or extra-curricular activities to meet students’ needs or interests. The predominant teaching method is lecturing. School architecture and equipment are not adequate for applying modern working methods and achieving educational goals. Teachers are not trained in the use of modern concepts of learning/teaching methods; there are no departments on teaching faculties for all subjects; and a concept of in-service teacher training needs to be improved as well as its monitoring, professional support in application, and funding. The number of students in a class and the number of students per teacher is similar to other European countries. The mission of vocational education and training (VET) is to provide students with the opportunities to acquire professional competences for effective

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integration into the world of work or further education. Three-quarters of students in secondary education attend VET. The basic advantage of vocational schools is the possibility of continued education and employment opportunities. The most frequent fields of work are economics, law and administration with 13.24 per cent, followed by mechanical engineering with 10.46 per cent, electrical engineering with 9.88 per cent, trade, tourism and catering with 9.35 per cent and medicine with 8.20 per cent (these five fields enrol more than those who complete primary school who opt for secondary vocational education). The key structural problems of VET are: inadequate school network, schools and enrolment plan that does not follow labour market needs; labour market mismatch of skills and competences; poor regulatory and quality control system; and lack of training opportunities for workers to upgrade their skills and improve their employment prospects. The reform of the VET sector commenced in 2001 (Šećibović 2002) with the revision of educational profiles in line with market needs and the introduction of experimental classes (58 per cent of vocational schools have at least one experimental class which covers around 15 per cent of students in the system). According to MoES, in 2010, sixty-seven out of 347 educational profiles across fifteen occupational sectors have been fully updated in line with revised occupational standards agreed upon with social partners from the relevant industries. Since 2010, thirty-five revised profiles were mainstreamed in schools. Despite results achieved, the overall assessment is that the VET sector is changing slowly. In 2010, 36,127 students who had completed a three- or four-year VET programme then enrolled in higher education institutions, making up around 63 per cent of the graduate population. The remaining portion of VET graduates are seeking employment. The unemployment rate of youth aged 15–24 years reached 46.1 per cent in late 2010 (Government of the Republic of Serbia 2010). Out of those who fall into the category of long-term unemployed persons (long-term unemployment is any period of time exceeding 12 months), 73 per cent are people with secondary education. Persons who have been unemployed for a period which exceeds their education period reach a state of de-professionalization or de-qualification, and, on that basis, they become more difficult to employ. From a social perspective, this is also an economic loss – a failed investment, which requires further social and personal engagement and additional resources needed for training those persons for their possible employment. The general secondary and art secondary system requires the biggest changes and interventions in the next decade, and major investments to meet the social needs. According to SEDS, measures needed include:

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Increasing the inclusion of students: and improvement of structure of students in secondary education: increase continuation rate to at least 95 per cent of those who have completed primary education (88 per cent of the age group); introduce affirmative measures to support enrolment to GSE of the most vulnerable groups of students, who have systematically been left out of this form of education; ensure attendance of 39 per cent of the age group at four-year secondary vocational schools, 10 per cent of other VETs and enable more than 5 per cent of the unemployed adult population to attend some form of VET. Increasing the quality of secondary education: in GSE the main planned measures are as follows: raising the appeal of GSE by application of different forms and working methods, and implementation of various forms and methods of teaching/learning to be harmonized with the nature of the subject and its objectives; flexible and rich offers of curricula, extracurricular activities and modularizing the curricula, which allow for individualization in GSE studies; adoption of the new curricula, primarily by defining the standards for student achievements; developing the flexibility of the curricula; making available different trajectories for passing through the GSE in preparation for the future education and professions.

In VET, the following measures should be provided: all elements for achieving high-quality VET should be functioning, particularly the national qualifications system should be developed and regularly updated based on the needs of the economy and society as a whole; all curricula should be developed according to the qualification standards or achievement standards for general subjects; standards for teachers and principals as well as for institutions should be in full force; external final vocational and graduation exams should be implemented; the dropout rate reduced by 50 per cent; by 2020, a minimum of 95 per cent of students should have completed four-year secondary vocational schools (37 per cent of the age group); 40–50 per cent of those who have completed four-year secondary vocational schools enrol at universities (15–18.5 per cent of the age group) and the remaining youth actively seeking employment, while 20 per cent of adults who have completed the training system will find employment or will be self-employed in less than nine months; higher degree of compliance with the requirements of the labour market offering qualifications in VET based on continuous research of competences within the sector councils; and the network of vocational schools has to be rationalized in line with the demographic trends and the level of regional development.

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Conclusion The challenges which pre-university education in Serbia has faced are serious and demanding. Analysis of the current situations in the system has shown that there is solid ground for coping with these challenges. Education is of utmost importance because it determines the scope, quality and effects of the structure and use of all other systems and resources in the country, and the overall quality of life and developmental potential of individuals and communities. Thus, the reform of the education system is a precondition for the development of Serbia. The commitments of the government to speed up the transition process in the country and to apply the measures that have been developed in the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia to 2020 and beyond are definitely the crucial steps toward these objectives.

Acknowledgements I am very grateful to Professor Ivan Ivić who gave me access to his unpublished paper on education as a resource for development of Serbia. Also, special thanks to my dear friends and colleagues, Svetlana Marojević, whose valuable comments have improved this text and Slobodanka Antić, who helped me in formulating the text.

Notes 1 It does not include the population of Kosovo. 2 For the details about reform changes in education in Serbia since 2000 see Ivić et al., 2012. 3 Serbia’s population is both ageing and declining, and the process was specially intensified during the last three decades (Rasević and Nikitović 2012) which influenced the labour force in the country. Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) has a low birth rate and is one of the countries in the world with an ageing population. Usually, economically underdeveloped societies have high birth rates while developed countries have low ones. But Serbia is a phenomenon, an economically poor society, and lacking in young people (Djurdjev 2006), which makes the consequences of population ageing in Serbia more profound than quantitative indicators can show.



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4 All previously attempted reforms of the educational system in Serbia focused almost exclusively on changing school programmes (content of what is being taught). The 2001–3 reform concept (not the results) did address all relevant aspects in education and almost at the same time the structure of education system, the system of financing, the managing of the entire system, the information system, school programmes, textbooks, professional development of educational staff, the mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation of students’ achievement, development of educational institutions, the system of lifelong learning, and so on (see Pešikan 2012). 5 There are problems with the educational statistics in the country, and therefore data on educational indicators differ depending on the source and method of calculation. 6 Many children with disabilities and special needs were not identified, so it is not possible to say what part of that population is included in PSAE. 7 The number of Roma population in census is the number of persons who have declared themselves as Roma. According to different Roma associations this number is not correct. it is lower because some persons did not declare themselves Roma and some do not have identity cards and other formal documents, so they do not appear in the list of Serbian citizens. 8 See Ivić et al. (2013).

References Baucal, A. and D. Pavlović-Babić (2009), ‘Quality and Equity of Education in Serbia: Educational Opportunities of the Vulnerable – PISA Assessment, 2003 and 2006 Data’, draft paper. Belfield, C. and A. Neveu. (2006), The Macroeconomics of Pre-Schooling: Simulating the Effects of Universal Early Childhood Education on the US Economy. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University, National Institute for Early Education Research. Carneiro, P. and J.J. Heckman (2003), ‘Human Capital Policy’, in J. Heckman and A. Krueger (eds), Inequality in America: What Role for Human Capital Policy?, 77–240. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Corporation Eurostat (2014), ‘Key Data on Early Childhood Education and Care in Europe. 2014 Edition’. Eurydice and Eurostat Report, Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2014. Available online: http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/ education/eurydice/documents/key_data_series/166EN.pdf (accessed 21 July 2014). Cvejić, S., Babovic, M., Pudar, G. (2010), Socijalna iskljucenost u ruralnim oblastima Srbije [Social Exclusion in Rural Areas of Serbia], Belgrade: UNDP. Available online: http://www.secons.net/admin/app/webroot/files/publications/ SocialExclusioninRuralAreasinSerbia2010.pdf (accessed 11 May 2014).

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Djurdjev, B. (2006), ‘Population Change in Serbia According to Previous Censuses’, in G. Penev (ed.), Population and Households of Serbia According to 2002 Census. Belgrade: Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia, Demographic Research Center of the Institute of Social Sciences, Association of demographers of Serbia. European Commission (2010), Europe 2020: A Strategy for Smart, Sustainable and Inclusive Growth, Brussels: European Commission. Available online: http:// ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/COMPLET%20EN%20BARROSO%20%20%20007%20 -%20Europe%202020%20-%20EN%20version.pdf (accessed 21 July 2014). Eurostat (2011), Candidate Countries and Potential Candidates: Living Conditions, Brussels: European Commission. Available online: http://datamarket.com/data/ set/19w1/candidate-countries-and-potential-candidates-living-conditions#!ds=19w 1!pwt=b.e:pwu=4/1c1f!vta=i.h.g:vtb=6&display=line (accessed 20 August 2014). Eurostat (2012), Key Data on Education in Europe 2012. Brussels: Eurydice and Eurostat, European Commission, Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency 2012. Available online: http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/ documents/key_data_series/134EN.pdf (accessed 21 July 2014). Gašić-Pavišić, S. and D. Stanković (2011), TIMSS 2007 u Srbiji – rezultati međunarodnog istraživanja postignuća učenika 8. razreda osnovne škole iz matematike i prirodnih nauka [TIMSS 2007 in Serbia – The Results of International Research Achievements of Primary School Students in Math and Science], Belgrade: Institut za pedagoška istraživanja. Gašić-Pavišić, S. and D. Stanković (2012), Educational Achievement of Serbian Students in TIMSS 2011, Zbornik Instituta za pedagoška istraživanja 44 (2): 243–65. Government of the Republic of Serbia (2009), Napredak u rayvoju Milenijumskih ciljeva razvoja u Republici Srbiji (2009), [Millennium Development Goals in the Republic of Serbia], Belgrade: Government of the Republic of Serbia Government of the Republic of Serbia (2010), First National Report on Social Inclusion and Poverty Reduction in the Republic of Serbia – The Status of Social Exclusion and Poverty Trends in the Period 2008 – 2010 and Future Priorities. Belgrade: Government of the Republic of Serbia. Grindal, T. A., C. Hinton and J. P. Shonkoff (2012), ‘The Science of Early Childhood Development’, in Defending Childhood: Keeping the Promise of Early Education, 13. Halfon, N., E. Shulman and M. Hochstein (2001), ‘Brain Development in Early Childhood’, in N. Halfon, E. Shulman and M. Hochstein (eds), Building Community Systems for Young Children. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Healthier Children, Families and Communities. Heckman, J. J. (2006), ‘Skill Formation and the Economics of Investing in Disadvantaged Children’, Science, 3 (12): 1900–12. Heckman, J. J., F. Cunha, L. Lochner and D. Masterov (2006), ‘Interpreting the Evidence on Life Cycle Skill Formation’, in E. Hanushek and F. Welch, Handbook of the Economics of Education. Amsterdam, Elsevier.



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Ivić, I. (forthcoming), Obrazovanje kao razvojni resurs Srbije [Education as a Resource for Development of Serbia]. Ivić, I., A. Pešikan and S. Antić (2012), Textbook Quality. A Guide to Textbook Standards. Göttingen: Georg Eckert Institute, V&R Unipress. Karoly, L. A., M. R. Kilburn and J. S. Cannon (2005), Early Childhood Interventions: Proven Results, Future Promise, Santa Monica, CA: RAND. LSMS (2008), Студијa о животном стандарду [Living Standard Measurement Survey]. Belgrade: Statistical Office of Republic of Serbia. Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development (2012). Strategy on the Development of Education up to 2020 and Beyond. Belgrade: Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Serbia. Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey in Serbia (MICS 4) (2011). Belgrade: UNICEF. Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey in Serbia (MICS 5) (2014). Belgrade: UNICEF. Mustard, J. F. (2010), ‘Early Brain Development and Human Development’, Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development 1–5. Centre for Excellence for Early Childhood Development, Montreal. Naudeau, S. (2011), Investing in Young Children: An Early Childhood Development Guide for Policy Dialogue and Project Preparation. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications. Pavlović-Babić, D. and A. Baucal (2013), PISA 2012 u Srbiji: prvi rezultati [PISA 2012 in Serbia: First Results]. Belgrade: Filozofski fakultet. Pavlović-Babić, D. and A. Baucal (2011), ‘The Big Improvement in PISA 2009 Reading Achievements in Serbia: Improvement of the Quality of Education or Something else?’, CEPS Journal 1 (3): 53–74. Pešikan, A. (2012), Osnovni resursi u preduniverzitetkom obrazovanju u Srbiji [Basic Resource of Pre-university Education in Serbia]. Belgrade: Faculty of Philosophy. Rasević, M. and Nikitović, V. (2012), On Ageing and Old Age In Serbia. Princeton, NJ: EPC. Available online: http://epc2012.princeton.edu/papers/120647. Scientific Council on the Developing Child (2005), A Science-Based Framework for Early Childhood Policy, Boston: Harvard University. Available online: http:// developingchild.harvard.edu/index.php/resources/reports_and_working_papers/ policy_framework/ (accessed 15 May 2013). Šećibović, R. (2002), Vocational Education Reform from First Steps to Implementation. Belgrade: Ministry of Education and Sports of the Republic of Serbia. SEDS (2012), Strategy on the Development of Education up to 2020 and Beyond. Belgrade: Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Serbia. Serbia 2020: The Concept of Serbian Development by the Year 2020 (2010), Belgrade: Government of the Republic of Serbia. Available online: http://vojvodinahouse.rs/ wp-content/uploads/2011/09/SERBIA_2020.pdf (accessed 15 May 2013). Shonkoff, J. P. (2009), Investment in Early Childhood Development Lays the Foundation for a Prosperous and Sustainable Society’, Encyclopedia on Early

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Childhood Development, 1–5. Centre for Excellence for Early Childhood Development, Montreal. Shonkoff, J. P. and P. Levitt. (2010), ‘Neuroscience and the Future of Early Childhood Policy: Moving from Why to What and How, Neuron 67 (5): 689–91. SORS (2013), Statisticki godisnjak [Statistical Yearbook]. Belgrade: Statistical Office of Republic of Serbia. Vojković, G., I. Magdalenić and Z. Živanović (2014), ‘Population Ageing and its Impact on Labour Force in the South East Europe Countries’, Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke 148: 701–13.

12

Serbia: Higher education at the crossroads Stamenka Uvalić-Trumbić

Introduction Serbia was part of a multinational federation, one of the six constitutive republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The other republics were Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Slovenia that broke apart in 1991. Serbia with Montenegro came to form the new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in 1992, which lasted until the secession of Montenegro in 2006. During the 1990s, while Serbia was under authoritarian rule, it engaged in the post-Yugoslav civil wars in 1992–5, suffered UN sanctions, and had its territory bombed by NATO in 1999. It was a decade of wars, sanctions, a severe and lasting economic crisis creating one of the world’s highest inflation rates and a climate of economic, political, social, educational and scientific isolation. In September 2000 the authoritarian rule ended and a new democratic order was established, marking the beginning of political and economic reforms inspired by liberal democracy and the market economy. In 2003 the Minister of Education and Sport signed the Bologna Declaration and Serbia began a general reform of higher education to move it toward the common European Higher Education Area (EHEA). In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status and on 21 January 2014, it formally started accession negotiations. Serbia is now part of the geo-political grouping of the ‘Western Balkans’, popularly defined as the ‘Ex-YU countries, minus Slovenia, plus Albania’. Researchers agree that higher education in this part of Europe is underresearched (Zgaga et al. 2013). Devoting a volume to education in Western and Southern Europe outside the EU helps to fill this gap in literature.

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Serbian higher education – the legacy Before reviewing the current state of higher education in Serbia we should recall its origins. Before the disintegration of Yugoslavia, higher education was provided through nineteen universities made up of a total of 220 institutions (faculties and academies). There were no private institutions and in addition to universities there existed ‘higher schools’ (više škole), post-secondary institutions that offered programmes lasting two to three academic years and leading to a diploma and professional qualification (e.g. senior nurse, senior mechanical engineer, etc.). There was no Federal Ministry of Education and each of the six republics and two provinces had its own ministry of education and developed its own legislation. The only institution that addressed nationwide strategies in higher education was the Association of Universities of Yugoslavia, of which the author had the honour of being Secretary General. The tradition of universities in Serbia is not old, going back to the beginning of the nineteenth century. In the early 1990s, the Republic of Serbia, with its two then constitutive provinces Vojvodina and Kosovo, had a total of six universities: the Universities of Belgrade (established in 1839 as a continuation of the college created in 1808), Novi Sad (1960), Niš (1965), Prishtina (1969 until 1999 when it became an independent institution), the Belgrade University of Arts (established as a university in 1973 by an amalgamation of the existing Art Academies) and finally, Kragujevac (1976). At the beginning of the 1990s, a draft strategy for the development of higher education articulated three main priorities: MM

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creating integrated universities in order to overcome the fragmentation of independent faculties; shrinking the higher education network of faculties to meet developmental needs; and participating in European integration processes in higher education, in particular by introducing so-called ‘European Standards’.

Serbian higher education: The continuing challenges Two decades later, the situation is dramatically different and Serbia faces many challenges, including those of higher education (HE).



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To stimulate change, a major document, Strategy for the Development of Higher Education in Serbia until 2020, was elaborated in 2012 as part of a wider reform, which, for the first time, treated education from pre-school to doctoral studies in a holistic manner. European Union documents and targets provided the overall inspiration for the strategy, notably the ‘Europe 2020’ objectives of smart, sustainable and inclusive growth for which education and training are vital. This was the first time that Serbia had developed a comprehensive strategy that took a holistic approach to education. In a press interview, the coordinator of the strategy (Pešikan 2012) insisted that the strategy would not be an isolated document but would be integrated with the economic sector, in particular, so that education could be part and parcel of Serbia’s Strategy for Economic Development until 2020. This was considered the basic premise for its success. The HE strategy is a comprehensive and well-researched document that begins with a helpful and concise Common Framework for the development of HE. The framework then has separate chapters covering the four sub-systems that make up the HE strategy: academic studies (bachelor’s and master’s), professional studies (non-university HE), teacher education, and doctoral studies. The overall education strategy – including HE – has a common structure: MM

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The general strategy is clearly inspired by and conforms with EU orientations: in particular the role of education and training in the implementation of the ‘Europe 2020’ strategy, the Bologna Declaration and the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), the European Research Area (ERA) and the EU 2011 Higher Education Modernisation Agenda. It proposed to measure its achievements against targets set in these documents. The HE strategy was elaborated by a strong team of Serbian academics and experts and peer-reviewed by experts from abroad. Having served as one of the foreign peer reviewers of the higher education part of the strategy, I have found it particularly interesting to review subsequent developments. The strategy was completed in 2012 and submitted to the government for adoption at the end of that year, with defined objectives and action plans. At the time of writing two years later, however, implementation of the strategy had not yet begun.

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In the meantime, the challenges facing Serbian higher education that the strategy noted in 2012 have only increased. They are analysed below.

Boosting percentage of population with HE The first objective of the 2012 strategy for higher education was to improve the low percentage of the population with higher education. Serbia’s principal challenge is still to raise the proportion of the population with higher education degrees. The current percentage of less than 20 per cent is far too low to meet the pressing developmental needs of the country. How will Serbian higher education achieve this without producing too many graduates ill-equipped for employment or lowering standards? Recent research (Ivić 2014) calls this issue the greatest challenge for the next decade and beyond. Paradoxically, however, although the 2012 strategy listed much lower percentages, recent estimates suggest that the age participation rate (APR) in higher education reached a high of 66 per cent in the academic year 2012–13, which is high even by Western European and OECD standards (Ivić 2014). This remains an estimate and can partially be explained by the fact that statistics for Serbia are not expressed in terms of APRs and that this percentage also includes students from Kosovo, Montenegro and Republika Srpska (the Serbian Entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Despite high dropout and long periods spent in study, a high percentage of enrolled students (an estimate of 60 per cent) do in fact complete their studies but very few enter the labour market. Of course, youth unemployment is a global problem with a quarter of a million young people being neither employed nor in education or training (The Economist, April 2013). But in Serbia, this figure has reached a high of 49.4 per cent (UNDP 2014) with only a handful of European countries faring worse (e.g. Greece, Spain and Croatia).

Demographic decline and brain drain The long-term danger of having a declining proportion of the population with higher education qualifications has deeper roots, one of its primary causes being the dramatic demographic decline in Serbia. Statistics must be read against that background. Until 1980 there was a steady increase in Serbia’s birth rate. After 1990 it decreased drastically due to the crises mentioned, and continues to do so. In the



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three decades from 1980 to 2010, Serbia experienced a demographic collapse, which can only be compared to the twentieth-century losses caused by wars (Ivić 2014). In 2011, 40 per cent fewer children were born than in 1980 and numbers continue to decrease. To make things worse, there has also been a steady and massive brain drain of qualified graduates over the past twenty years. This has been seen to be greater in Serbia than elsewhere in the Western Balkans. Designing higher education curricula that are more closely aligned to labour market requirements and developmental needs in Serbia will go some way to address this problem, although the problem is linked to the continuing economic and political crises.

Integrated universities A particular challenge for higher education in Serbia – and an historic legacy of all former Yugoslav republics – is the tradition that universities are groupings of semi-autonomous faculties rather than fully integrated institutions. Although the 2012 strategy advocates deeper integration at all levels (faculties and universities, universities and research systems and institutes, joint doctoral studies, establishment of national and regional centres for doctoral studies), very little consolidation seems yet to have been achieved. Nevertheless, although integrated corporate structures are an essential basis for any sustainable and coherent reforms, twenty years of debate have not advanced the process in major universities, such as Belgrade, although some smaller institutions have made progress.

Diversification To diversify the HE sector, the 2005 Higher Education Act introduced a binary system with four-year professional studies, but without provision for students to move between the university and non-university sectors. The major reform needed now is to amend the legislation covering the non-university tertiary sector to promote greater vertical and horizontal mobility. Serbia’s current arrangements do not follow the practice of vertical and horizontal movement of students found elsewhere in Europe. There is, however, no progress on this issue either. The 2005 Act also gave private higher education institutions (HEIs) the same status as public HEIs and they are subject to the same quality assurance and accreditation criteria. Some researchers claim that the privatization of higher

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education in the Western Balkans (Zgaga et al. 2013) opened a ‘Pandora’s box’. Yet although the number of private HEIs in Serbia is high, the public sector still accounts for some 85 per cent of student enrolments. As in other countries in the region, in the first wave of private higher education expansion some argued that competition would enhance quality. In the event, the expansion of private institutions was fast and chaotic while the quality assurance system was put in place more slowly. This had a negative impact. Some private institutions were closed down and the public assumed that private higher education was a lower quality offering to cater for students who could not enrol in the public sector. Diversification did not, however, adequately address open, distance and online learning or open universities. We shall return to this issue.

Massification of HE – unruly growth of HEIs In the past two decades, the network of universities in Serbia increased from six to seventeen accredited universities (eight public, nine private) and 72 non-university higher education institutions (professional studies) for a population that is now smaller than in those earlier days of fewer HEIs – and still declining. Furthermore, some 1,228 study programmes were accredited in 2011 and there has been a recent unprecedented growth in the conferring of PhDs (Tempus Office, Belgrade 2012).

Quality The quality of HE in Serbia has been damaged by the proliferation of institutions, the multiplication of programmes and a particularly egregious mushrooming of PhDs. In 2007, 206 PhDs were awarded compared to some 770 in 2012, an increase of nearly 40 per cent. Yet Serbia lacks the qualified academic staff required to support such growth. Serbia’s quality of higher education is further compromised by the pervasive problem of corruption and plagiarism, particularly, but not only as concerns the award of PhDs. In response to a major case of academic corruption at the University of Kragujevac in 2007, with legal repercussions that led to resignations of faculty deans, the 2012 strategy proposed a code of ethics at institutional level for all universities. But to have real impact such a code should be reinforced as an element of quality assurance and accreditation and monitored regularly. Other attempts to combat academic corruption have been made by alternative institutions such as the Belgrade Open School (BOS), which developed



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a ‘transparency’ list for HEIs within a project on ‘More responsible universities’. So far, however, there are no indications that the situation is improving. On the contrary, new scandals hit the media almost weekly. Although a Commission for Accreditation and Quality Assurance was established in 2006 as part of the Bologna Process reforms and became a full member of the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA) in 2013, it is clear that raising the quality of HEIs still faces many challenges. The worldwide obsession with university rankings has also infected Serbia, where rankings are sometimes considered a proxy for quality. Being placed highly in international and/or regional university rankings certainly appeals to national pride and Serbian HEIs undoubtedly achieve excellence in some disciplines. Nevertheless, the author doubts both the realism and the wisdom of the tactic of making placing in rankings part of government policy. Research shows that three conditions for securing high positions in international rankings are strong leadership, purposeful governance structures and substantial investment of resources. The author doubts that the necessary resources are available in Serbia and, even if they were, they might be better deployed in developing a quality higher education system for Serbia as a whole instead of boosting a few select institutions with little guarantee of success. A better approach might be to develop a national ranking of HEIs focused on important policy objectives, such as employability.

Programme relevance Graduate employability is closely linked to the relevance of the programmes on offer. The diversification and proliferation of HEIs and the multiplication of programmes and courses was not part of any coherent strategy. They were common trends in the transition countries, including those in the Western Balkans. Perhaps worse than the proliferation of institutions was the accreditation of 1,228 new study programmes in Serbia without reference to their relevance to graduate employability or the availability of qualified academic staff. Ivić (2014) gives a telling example: 12.77 per cent of students achieved degrees in management in 2010 compared to only 1.63 per cent in agriculture, which could well be more important for Serbia’s development.

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Research Strategic documents insist that research be aligned with priority areas for the development of Serbia. At the same time because of the economic crisis, Serbia’s universities as elsewhere in Europe, must do more with less and develop their entrepreneurial capacity. How will research be expanded without lowering its quality and who will determine which areas of university research are genuinely relevant to Serbia’s development? Governments around the world have a poor record of picking research topics that foster local economic and social development.

Financing Although the 2005 legislation on higher education introduced new arrangements for funding, HE has been funded through the system of direct financing, set up in 1993 by a government decree. The state decides each year on the percentage of budget for HE based on number of students, professors, staff, study programmes. The sources are distributed directly to faculties, and a part of the resources is sent to the university. The public universities and faculties are free to generate private funding from different sources. The greatest amount of private funding comes from tuition fees. Meanwhile, public investment in higher education was 1.26 per cent of GDP in 2011, down from 1.36 per cent in 2008. At the public universities, some 50 per cent of students fulfilling required conditions have access to studies and other benefits without tuition fees while the others pay tuition fees and have no additional benefits. All students studying at private HEIs pay tuition fees. The cost of study by student is unclear and state funding is not transparent and thus much criticized. New financing models proposed by the 2012 Strategy are far from being implemented.

Education information system Despite the proposals in the 2012 strategy, access to transparent and reliable information on higher education in Serbia is an obstacle to policy-making. Different sources often provide contradictory data and until this problem is resolved it is difficult to make a convincing analysis of some of the issues we have raised. Sadly, this is a general problem that affects data in other sectors as well as HE.



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Serbia and European processes Since 2003 Serbia has participated effectively in European initiatives like the EHEA and later the ERA (European Research Area). This has ensured the gradual evolution of degree structures, the development of national qualifications frameworks based on learning outcomes, the establishment of quality assurance mechanisms and the inclusion of key stakeholders, such as students, in decision-making processes. Unfortunately, however, there has been no critical analysis of the implementation of the Bologna Process – an admission, perhaps, that some changes may have been merely cosmetic. For example, changing the degree framework without reforming study programmes has put both students and faculty under pressure, but to what purpose? No doubt Western higher education institutions and systems have their place as role models in Serbia, as in most countries in the Western Balkans (Zgaga et al. 2014). But given the diversity of local backgrounds and contexts one cannot avoid asking whether the Bologna Process is really a size that fits all? Despite the different assessments of the Bologna Process, no serious analysis of the success of its implementation has been done. Yet the process has initiated developments in the rest of the world as well as in the countries of the ‘periphery of Europe’, such as Serbia. As a result of the Bologna Process the current level of collaboration among European universities is qualified as ‘revolutionary’ in official documents. However, there are more sceptical views such as those of Gilder and Wells, in their article ‘Bologna “Unplugged”: Uncovering the Base Track of a Major European-Wide Higher Educational Reform Initiative’ (Gilder and Wells 2009). Discounting the official discourse, these authors consulted stakeholders. They found that many did not really believe in the Bologna Process, applauding it in public, but sneering at it in private. They found that the implementation of Bologna has been subverted, particularly in three areas. Three cycles: the authors allege that ‘some of the Bologna 46 have crudely and mindlessly simply sliced up their previous two-cycle university degree structure into three parts’, artificially creating three qualifications out of the same study period as was historically traditional for their system. To date, little consideration has been given to the content of each level’s qualification and their fitness for purpose (e.g. first-cycle degrees relevant to the labour market) (Gilder and Wells 2009: 117).

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Employability: This has negated a key purpose of the Bologna Process, which is to enable students to go directly into the world of work with a three-year bachelor’s degree. However, to quote the authors again, once they are in a programme, they are told, implicitly if not explicitly, that the 1st-level degree is actually not worth anything … Students are thus urged to study to master’s level if they are to be really qualified, thereby effectively ensuring the status quo of yesteryear, to the students’ great chagrin. Furthermore, employers also believe the Bachelor’s degree is substandard (if not worthless), and are encouraged to do so by academics. (Gilder and Wells 2009: 117)

At the same time, the master’s degree has lost its research component, thus lowering its academic quality and prestige. And later: ‘if the threedegree cycles had been redesigned properly, this would be clearly evident and evidenced by the existence of accurate and relevant learning outcomes’ (ibid.).

‘We are a university, not a bank’ As this quip from a university rector suggests, a third area of subversion is credits. Gilder and Wells note that ‘a system of credits has already been adopted in the Bologna 46, regardless of the lack of curriculum reform, regardless of an avoidance of learning outcomes and regardless of any concrete reform in the purpose of each degree cycle … three degrees were “demanded” by policymakers, three degrees of 180, 240 or 360 credits were produced forthwith’ (Gilder and Wells 2009: 123). Taking into account the challenges it faces, Serbia may be well advised to adapt the main objectives of EHEA to its own needs and pressing priorities, focusing particularly on the articulation of learning outcomes rather than the formal implementation of structural changes.

Global trends and drivers of change While looking at the challenges facing Serbian higher education, one should also recognize that European higher education as a whole is grappling with global trends that will drive change in Serbia as they are doing across the world. Higher education is undergoing unprecedented transformations worldwide



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driven by increased demand, the unemployment of young people, rising costs and new developments of technology. The predominant global trend is increasing demand for higher education even though for reasons of demography, cost – and maybe poor links between study programmes and the job market – some institutions are experiencing dips in enrolment, as is the case in Serbia (but also more well-established higher education systems such as in the US). However, since tertiary enrolment rates vary widely, demand remains unmet in much of the developing world. At the same time we are seeing the emergence of new curricula and shorter qualifications whose main purpose is to address the crisis in the relationship between higher education and the labour market.

What are the issues? To highlight that crisis The Economist entitled a 2013 cover story ‘Generation Jobless’ and presented some alarming figures. OECD data demonstrate that youth unemployment has risen by 30 per cent since 2007. The International Labour Organization reports that 75 million young people are looking for work. World Bank surveys suggest that 262 million young people in emerging markets are economically and educationally inactive. Yet at the same time employers complain that they cannot find graduates with the right skills and competences. There is a serious gap between education and the job market. Validating students’ learning outcomes so that employers have access to the right mix of skills and competences to match labour market needs is becoming more important than the name of the degree. In Europe, Strategy 2020 places a special emphasis on education and training. The quality of teaching and learning is at the core of the EU Higher Education Modernisation Agenda, which emphasizes curricula that deliver relevant, up-to-date knowledge and skills – knowledge which is globally connected, which is useable in the labour market, and which forms a basis for graduates’ on-going learning. There is a clear shift from a focus on teaching to an emphasis on learning, along more flexible pathways leading to it. New technologies can help HEIs respond to this trend. Since Serbia has the advantage of relatively high connectivity the Internet will soon have an impact on the delivery of higher education as more students opt to study online. Developing a capability for e-learning in Serbian HE, which, regretfully, is not adequately provided for in legislation (lack of clear accreditation, standards and guidelines), might offer a vehicle for involving

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Serbia’s considerable scientific diaspora in the teaching-learning process and possibly encourage members of the larger diaspora and people in neighbouring countries to study with the country’s HEIs. Prior teacher training for Serbia’s academics is essential, including raising awareness about the potential of Open Educational Resources (OER) and the open licensing of educational materials and some of the Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs). Here again, because the Western Balkans has the advantage of a commonly understood language, an Open University with regional coverage might be an attractive initiative. The expansion of online learning may also reduce the costs of higher education. Further internationalization, although not a new trend, is an important facet of twenty-first century HE and should be emphasized ever more strongly in the future in Serbia to overcome the isolation that is still being felt in some segments of HE. Online learning may allow a university to diversify its offerings and study options at low cost in a way that is attractive to students.

Turning weaknesses into strengths Serbia should seek to turn its weaknesses into strengths. It could, for example, create incentives for the universities to include Serbia’s intellectual diaspora in their teaching and research, through visiting professor positions and joint research projects. Now that memories of civil war are receding, Serbia should also exploit the common linguistic heritage of the Western Balkans to develop joint doctoral studies with other countries of the region. Creating regional disciplinary networks with poles of excellence in Serbia and throughout the Western Balkans might be a mechanism for reducing the number of universities, increasing quality and reinforcing the relevance of study programmes.

Conclusion The 2012 strategy, though a well-researched and comprehensive document may sadly be just one of many policy proposals that will never be implemented, serving merely as a public relations exercise for the party in power. Unless the HE Strategy is integrated with policies in other sectors, and is an integral part of Serbia’s wider Strategy for Economic Development for the decade to 2020, it is likely to remain an isolated document with little chance to effect the muchneeded improvements of the higher education system.



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The pressing issues outlined above may well cripple the country unless decisive measures are taken soon for human capital development. These measures are long overdue. It is for the government of Serbia to take action and, along with the rest of the world, rise to the challenge of a rapidly changing higher education landscape.

References Altbach, P. and J. Salmi (eds) (2011), The Road to Excellence, The Making of WorldClass Research Universities. Washington, DC: World Bank. Belgrade Open School. Available online: http://univerziteti.bos.rs/o-projektu.html (accessed 18 September 2014). The Economist April 27 2013 ‘Generation Jobless’ http://www.economist.com/news/ leaders/21576663-number-young-people-out-work-globally-nearly-big-populationunited (accessed 8 October 2015). EU (2011), ‘Update on EU Policy on Researchers and Universities (09/01/2011)’. EU Commission (2011), ‘Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European and Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the regions, Supporting Growth and jobs – An Agenda for the Modernization of Europe’s Higher Education Systems (SEC (2011) 1063 final)’. EU Council (2011), ‘Conclusions on the Role of Education and Training in the Implementation of the ‘Europe 2020’ Strategy (2011/C 70/01)’. EU Higher Education Modernisation Agenda (2013), ‘Report to the European Commission on Improving the Quality of Teaching and Learning in Europe’s Higher Education Institutions’. Gilder, E. and P. J. Wells (2009), ‘Bologna “Unplugged”: Uncovering the Base Track of a Major European-Wide Higher Educational Reform Initiative’, in American, British and Canadian Studies: Academic Anglophone Society of Romania, 114–31. Available online: http://abcjournal.ulbsibiu.ro/volume_12_2009_abstracts/wells_gilder.html (accessed 29 August 2014). Ivić, I. (2014), Obrazovanje i razvojni problem Srbije [Education and Development Problems in Serbia]. Zbornik: SANU. Pešikan, A. (2012), Interview, Danas, 27 January. UNDP (2014), ‘UNDP in Serbia’. Available online: http://www.rs.undp.org/content/ serbia/en/home.html (accessed 18 September 2014). Uvalić-Trumbić, S. (1990), ‘New Trends in Higher Education in Yugoslavia’, European Journal of Education, 25 (4). Vujačić, I., Đorđević, S., Kovačević, M., Šunserić, I. (2013), Overview of Higher Education and Research Systems in the Western Balkans, Country Report: Serbia. Available online: http://www.herdata.org/

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in-focus/7-reports-on-higher-education-and-research-systems-in-the-westernbalkans-now-available/33 (accessed 1 August 2015). Zgaga, P., Klemenčič, M., Komljenovič, J., Miklavič, K., Repac, I., Jakačić, V. (2013), Higher Education in the Western Balkans: Reforms, Developments, Trends. Ljubljana: CEPS, Faculty of Education of Ljubljana.

13

Micro-states in Western and Southern Europe outside the European Union Colin Brock

Introduction Education in the world of small states is something of a niche field in the sub-discipline of comparative and international education. Much of the literature is concerned with small tropical states, many of them island nations (Crossley et al. 2011). The study by Martin and Bray (2011) takes a more global view. Out of over 100 states and territories they identify thirteen in Europe, but they do not mention the Faroe Islands, San Marino or the Vatican City. These three, plus Andorra, Liechtenstein and Monaco, make up the six with which this chapter is concerned. Micro-states are small independent states recognized by larger states. They are therefore distinguished from micro-nations which are self-declared, and therefore not externally recognized. Other small states in Western and Southern Europe mentioned by Martin and Bray (pp. 27 and 40) are: the Channel Islands, strictly two states Guernsey and Jersey and crown dependencies of the UK; the Isle of Man, also a crown dependency of the UK; Gibraltar, a British Overseas Territory, or BOT, in practice a colony; Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Luxembourg and Malta, which are all in the EU; and Montenegro, which has its own chapter elsewhere in this book. In 2008 The Institute for the Study of European Small States (ISESS) was founded and based in the Principality of Monaco. On its website (www.isessmonaco.org) ISESS states that its role is ‘to advance research on the issues that concern the small states of Europe and thus to realize the potential of the European small state contribution’. The membership of ISESS includes some that are members of the European Union and others that are not of micro-state scale and are included elsewhere in this book (e.g. Montenegro) or in other books in this series (e.g. Malta).

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Table 13.1. Basic facts of micro-states covered in Chapter 13 Name

Location

Population (year)

Andorra Faroe Islands Liechtenstein Monaco San Marino Vatican City

Pyrenees North Atlantic West Central Europe Mediterranean Landlocked within Italy Landlocked within Italy

80.1k (2006) 48.3k (2006) 35.0k (2006) 32.0k (2000) 31.4K (2006) 0.8k (2000)

The basic details of the six micro-states discussed in this chapter are shown in Table 13.1.

Andorra Andorra, located in the Pyrenees, is officially ‘The Principality of Andorra’ or, in its national language of Catalan ‘Principat d’Andorra’. It has been an independent polity since 1278, having been a feudal remnant of a Franco-Spanish fief set up by a French count and a Spanish bishop. It has been a parliamentary democracy since 1993. Andorra has one of the highest levels of life-expectancy in the world, possibly due to the altitude as in some Andean and Caucasus locations. Schooling is compulsory from the ages of six to sixteen. The take-up at primary level is about 90 per cent and at secondary level about 75 per cent. Schooling operates through three alternative provisions: (1) schooling through the medium of French; (2) schooling through the medium of Spanish; (3) (e)schooling through the medium of Catalan (only one or two cases). In all three the curriculum of schools in Spain is followed. The resulting certificates are Andorran but are recognized in Spain. At the tertiary level there is a University of Andorra but it operates mainly through distance learning programmes offered by French and Spanish universities. Most who study at this level attend institutions in France or Spain, including some mature students. Within Andorra itself there are two other institutions at post-secondary level: a School of Nursing and a School of Computer Science.

The Faroe Islands An archipelago of eighteen major islands, and numerous others, in the North Atlantic Ocean, the Faroe Islands have been an autonomous self-governing



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country since 1948. The capital is Torshavn. The nearest neighbours of the Faroes are the Scottish Outer Hebrides and the Shetland and Orkney Islands, part of Scotland. But the Faroe Islands were associated with Norway until 1814, before becoming associated with Denmark, with which they continue to have a close relationship despite Denmark being in the European Union. The country is part of the Nordic Passport Union since 1966. The population is scattered throughout the archipelago supporting a viable rural economy, but there is increasing urbanization. This is prevalent among young adults. The religious identity of the population is very mixed. All levels of educational provision are free and available to all citizens. It is the responsibility of the Ministry of Education, Research and Culture which also oversees pedagogical day care services, television and radio, sports and recreation. The ministry is represented at the Nordic Council of Ministers, also the West Nordic Co-operation Programme, and participates in education and development work with the European Union and UNESCO. There are three main levels: primary and secondary, which constitute the compulsory stage seven to sixteen; upper secondary; and tertiary. The last named is available in Torshavn or overseas. Schooling is based on an inclusive philosophy aiming to produce a broad range of knowledge, skills and language. The focus is on the personal development of the individual rather than competition at this stage. The medium of instruction in the early years is the indigenous Faroese language, then in the third grade, Danish is introduced and in the fourth grade, English. Primary and secondary education constitute the ‘folkaskuli’ covering grades 1–9, plus an optional tenth. In some places pre-school is also available. Every village has a school but in some cases students have to go elsewhere for the secondary stage. Upper secondary schooling consists of two options: Studentaskuli, a three-year academic programme, and Higher Foundations which consists of two-years’ preparation for adults wishing to proceed to tertiary education. In addition there is a business college (one year), a technical college (two years) and a fisheries college (three years). Higher education is mostly sought overseas, but the University of the Faroe Islands does cater for about 150 students, though with programmes also linked to other countries. Other specialist institutions are: two vocational schools (one maritime, the other maritime and engineering); and two boarding schools (school of home economics and a folk high school) and an evening school for music.

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Liechtenstein The Principality of Liechtenstein is the sole remaining survivor of the Holy Roman Empire, having been created in 1719. Its geographic location between Austria and Switzerland was vital to its independent survival when it might otherwise have become part of Germany. It is often described in summary as: very small, very wealthy and very productive. The majority of the population comprises a prosperous and comfortable middle class, with a minute wealthy elite above and a small proletariat below. The education system may be described as traditional and competitive. Compulsory schooling runs from ages 6/7 to 15, and comprises three successive levels: (1) lower or primary, the oberschule; (2) intermediate, the realschule; (3) upper, or gymnasium. Students can move both ways between these, the initial intermediate/upper secondary selection being made by examination at 11+. The school system is prestigious and highly respected and was given a further boost by the 2012 results of PISA (Programme of International Student Achievement) in which Liechtenstein was placed eighth out of sixty-five national entries (OECD 2014). There is a strong emphasis on mathematics and foreign languages, with frequent testing of students. The gymnasium offers five clear option groups: (1) Language, including Latin; (2) Modern Languages (up to four); (3) Art, Music and Pedagogy; (4) Business and Law; (5) Mathematics and Natural Sciences. At the end of this strand of schooling, the Matura examination leads to free university programmes in Austria, Switzerland and at one university in Germany (Tübingen). After leaving school, four options are available for further education and training at the Berufsmittelschule: (1) Design; (2) Information Communications Technology (ICT); (3) Engineering; (4) Business. From any of these programmes successful students may proceed to universities in Austria or Switzerland. There is no teacher training facility in the country so that all teachers are initially trained in Austria, Germany or Switzerland.

Monaco Monaco is a constitutional monarchy where the prince still has significant power in national political policies and actions. Princes have belonged to the House of Grimaldi since 1297. Its land border is a tiny 2.7 miles, and its coastline even



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less at 2.5 miles, and it is surrounded by France on three sides with which it has a close relationship. Sovereignty was agreed in 1861, and Monaco became a member of the UN in 1993. Culturally the population is very mixed, with Monegasque the local language together with French, Italian and English. There is a significant minority of mega-rich inhabitants, some transitory, with numerous nationalities represented. The main religious groupings are Roman Catholic, Anglican and Jewish. In harmony with the scale of the country, the educational system of Monaco is also minute. Schooling is free and compulsory from the ages of 6 to 16, and voluntary from 3 to 5. All state and private schools have by law to operate in complete conformity with the French national education system at this level. The medium of instruction is French, but French as a foreign language is available for non-native French speakers. There are about a dozen institutions in the state school-age sector, namely seven state-run nursery and primary schools (3–11); two colleges (secondary) for the 11–15 age group, sometimes known as ‘middle schools’; and two lycées for post-15 education, one being a general and technological lycée and the other being a vocational lycée. In addition there are two private schools operating under contract with the government, one a primary school and the other a school that embraces both primary and secondary from 6 to 18. Also private but not under contract is the International School of Monaco, independently run and bilingual with courses in French and English. Throughout the school sector there are small classes and a strong emphasis on languages. English is taught from the age of 3. There is a philosophy of responding to individual needs and attributes as well as the cultural identity of Monaco. Monagasque, the local language is used and taught in both primary and secondary schools. Beyond schooling there is a small further education sector comprising: a nursing school, a music academy, a classical dance academy, a business school and a school of plastic arts. The tertiary sector comprises the Charles III College and two private institutions: the Université Internationale de Monaco and the Private University of Southern Europe – Monaco. Both are strongly business studies oriented.

San Marino San Marino is also known as ‘The Most Serene Republic of San Marino’. It is the oldest surviving sovereign state and constitutional republic in the world,

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having been founded in 301 ad. It has survived numerous internal political geographical changes in the Italian peninsula over the centuries, culminating in the unification of Italy in the late nineteenth century. Sam Marino is not in the EU but uses the Euro, and is the smallest member of the Council of Europe. Tourism provides about 50 per cent of the GDP, with over 4 million visitors per year. San Marino has one of the highest literacy rates in the world, at 98 per cent. This is related to the fact that it is also one of the wealthiest countries in the world per capita (over US$60,000 per annum). The number of people in low socio-economic groups is very small. Schooling is compulsory from 6 to 14, comprising primary 6–11 and lower secondary 11–14. Progression from year to year is based on examinations. There are fourteen elementary schools and a pupil-to-teacher ratio of 5:1. Progression to upper secondary school is based on merit alone. All teachers are trained and qualified. There are technical and vocational schools. The medium of instruction is Italian and the curricula are also from Italy. Non-formal educational provision exists in classical studies, sciences, technical and technological studies, vocational, artistic and adult and continuing education. Higher education comprises vocational, technical and academic strands, most of which is undertaken in Italy, but there is one recognized university in San Marino, the University of the Republic of San Marino, or Università degli Studi Republica di San Marino. This is free to citizens of San Marino, but enrolling in Italian universities is not. The University of the Republic of San Marino includes the Scuola Superime di Studi Storici di San Marino, incorporated in 1989. This is a doctoral level centre and awards degrees for research in history and related humanities. It has an international character and strong reputation.

The Vatican City The Vatican City is the only remaining papal state, having refused to be part of the ‘new Italy’ of the mid-nineteenth century and since. It was created in 1929 through an agreement with the Italian government of Mussolini which secured its independence on condition that the Roman Catholic Church was recognized as the official state religion of Italy. It is also known as ‘the Holy See’ but this is technically not the same as ‘the Vatican City’ except in geographical terms,



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but a device to suit international law. Some experts question the legitimacy of the Vatican City as a state, claiming it to be merely the headquarters of an international organization. Certainly some such organizations have territories that exceed that of the Vatican City in area, as it is merely the area around and including the Basilica of St Peter of about 110 acres. The resident population is about 800 in total. There is no primary, secondary or further education since the entire community is focused on the study and practice of the Roman Catholic faith. Most educational institutions are therefore male, tertiary and concerned with the education and/or training of Catholic priests or nuns. Six of these institutions are located within the territory of the Holy See and over sixty others in the immediate proximity of it but technically in Italian territory in the city of Rome. The six located within the Holy See are: the Pontifical Academy of Sciences; the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences; the Pontifical Academy for Life; the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican Library: which includes the Vatican School of Librarianship); the Congregation for Catholic Education; the Vatican School of Palaeography, Diplomacy and Archivistry. Of the sixty-four institutions located in the immediate vicinity of the Holy See but belonging to it, the most prominent are: the Pontifical University of St Thomas Aquinas; the Pontifical Gregorian University (founded by St Ignatius Loyola and focusing on theology and the humanities); the Pontifical Urbaniana University; the Pontifical Lateran University (which includes sessions of the Pope John II Institute for Studies of Marriage and Family); the University of the Holy Cross; the Salesian Pontifical University (training priests and nuns to work with young, and especially poor, people, including in agriculture); the Pontifical University Antonianum.

Conclusion Of all the continental regions of the world Europe has by far the greatest number of countries, over fifty, comprising nearly a quarter of the states and territories in the world. These micro-states contribute to that, plus some other European small states that are now members of the European Union, such as Cyprus and Malta, or a colony of a member state, such as Gibraltar. These are represented in other volumes in this series. Small states are, almost by definition, notoriously idiosyncratic, and microstates even more so. Consequently any degree of comparability between these

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six is unlikely. There are, however, some features of note. With the possible exception of the Faroe Islands they are all extremely wealthy territories and profoundly urbanized. Because they can support high-quality educational provision (except in Vatican City where that sector is absent) the level of performance is also high. This also important because despite their prosperity many school leavers will need to migrate to other, usually neighbouring, countries for university education. Only the Faroe Islands have a university because of their remoteness, but its range of provision is limited both across disciplines and levels of study. In this, the Faroe Islands is more like some of the small island nations and territories of the Pacific and Caribbean, but then its metropolitan patron, Denmark, is not so far away. Small states, even micro-states are very idiosyncratic, almost by definition, and these are no exception. However, they are in general less internally diversified than micro-states in the developing world that have been subject to colonial legacies such as multi-ethnic immigration and religious, especially Christian, sectarianism, both of which affect education. The only exception here is the Vatican City which is multi-ethnic in the range of seminaries that are in effect part of it, though mostly geographically a few yards outside in Italy. So, while these six are definitely ‘micro’, all can survive well without EU membership, while at the same time benefiting from the proximity, and in some cases the total geographical embrace, of large EU member states.

References Crossley, M., M. Bray and S. Packer (2011), Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Institute for the Study of European Small States. Institute for the Study of European Small States. Available online: http://www.isessmonaco.org/ (accessed 28 October 2014). Martin, M. and M. Bray (eds) (2011), ‘Tertiary Education in Small States’, in Planning in the Context of Globalization, Paris: UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). OECD (2014), ‘PISA 2012 Results in Focus: What 15-Year-Olds Know and What They Can Do with What They Know’. Available online: http://www.oecd.org/pisa/ keyfindings/pisa-2012-results-overview.pdf (accessed 28 October 2014).

Index Albania 123–49 Albanian Centre for Human Rights 126 Albanian Educational Development Project (AEDP) 125, 126 Catholic Relief Services 126 Centre for Educational Training and Qualification (QTKA) 129 higher education 143–5 Institute of Curriculum and Training 129 Institute of Development and Education (IZHA) 129 Institute for Pedagogical Research 129 Legal and Legislative Reforms (1990– 2010) 130 Major National Policies and Agreements (2000–14) Table 132–3 National Education Strategy (NES) (2004) 124 National Pre-University Education Strategy (2004) 123 PISA Results 141–3, 145 Pre-University Education 131–8 Private Pre-University Education Provision 2013–14 (Table) 134 Public Pre-University Education 2013/14 (Table) 134 State Matura Examination 133, 135 teacher education 138–41 Technology (Pre-University) 135–8 Working Group for Reform in Pre-University Education (2014) 128 World Bank Excellence and Equity Project (EEEP) (2006) 131 Andorra 284 Balkans 1, 2, 5–7 Bologna Project 89, 110, 129, 18, 269, 271, 277, 278

Bosnia and Herzegovina 151–76 Conference of Ministers of Education 154, 156 Dayton Agreement (1995) 153 ethnic identity and Socialization 157–8 ethnic identity in Herzegovina 162–4 ethnic saliency in Herzegovina 161–2 identity in Herzegovina 158–68 Interim Agreement on the Rights and Needs of Returnee Children (2002) 155 Ministry of Civil Affairs 154 other-group orientation scale 159 revised multigroup ethnic identity measure 159 Trebinje 166 Catalan 284 Central and Eastern European Network for QA Agencies in Higher Education 190 Congress of Vienna 79 Council of Europe 77, 124, 126 Council of Europe Development Bank 131 Education for All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report 50, 211 Education for All (EFA) Goals 210, 211 European Association for Quality Control in Higher Education (ENQA) 190, 275 European Commission 131, 179, 252 European Economic Area (EEA) 77, 102, 103 European Free Trade Area (EFTA) 75, 77 European Higher Education Area (ENQA) 8, 190, 218, 269, 271 European Investment Bank 131 European Micro-States (Table) 284 European Union (EU) 44, 75, 77, 124, 129, 146, 258, 269, 285, 290

292 Index Faroe Islands 284–5 University of the Faroe Islands 285 French Revolution 79 Girard, Jean-Baptiste 79 Holy Roman Empire 286 Iceland 4, 11–35 academic drift 31–2 adult education 24–26 compulsory education (from 1907) 19–22 curriculum development 27, 29–31 higher education 16 history of education 14–16 institutionalization 32–33 system structure 12–14 teacher education 16–17 University Entrance Examination (UEE) 18–19 upper secondary education 17–19 vocational education 26–7 Institute for the Study of European Small States (ISESS) 283 International Bureau of Education (IBE) 77 International Labour Organization (ILO) 71 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 44 International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education 190 knowledge promotion reform 39 Kosovo 177–203 Ahtisaari Plan (UNOSEK) (2007) (Decentralization) 180 Albanians 178 curriculum reform 192–4 developing the new education system in Kosovo (DESK) 191 education reforms 190 higher education 185–90, 199 in-service teacher training 196–7 Kosovo Accreditation Agency (KAA) 190 Kosovo Education Strategic Plan (2011–16) 181

Labour Market Survey (2012) 178 law for higher education (2003) 180 law on primary and secondary education (2002) 180 National Qualifications Framework (Diagram) 188–9 PISA 199 pre-university education 181–5 pre-university system (Diagram) 183 provisional institutions for Self-Government (PISE) 180 Strategy for the Development of Higher Education (2005–15) 180 Strategy for the Development of Pre-University Education (2007–17) 180 teacher training 195–7 University of Prishtina 179 upper secondary education 184–5 Liechtenstein 286 Matura 286 PISA 286 Macedonia 205–26 achievement of standards 210–13 Bureau for Development of Education (BDE) 208 Catholic Relief Services 214 Centre for Civil Education 214 Centre for Education of Adults 220 Centre for Vocational Education and Training (CVET) 208 Civic Education Project 214 Education for All (EFA) Goals 210, 211 education indicators (Macedonia) 211 e-schools 215 formal education system (Diagram) 206 independence (1991) 205 institutions of education (Diagram) 209 interventions 214–15 law on local self-governance 208 law on primary education 208 local initiatives 216–18 Ministry of Education and Science (MoES) 207, 217

Index National Examinations Centre (NEC) 208 National Qualifications Framework 222 non-formal and informal education 219–23 PISA 208, 210, 211 reform of primary and secondary education 213–18 reform of tertiary education 218–19 Roma Education Fund 213 State Statistical Office 217 Strategy for the Development of Education (2012–14) 217 Strategy on Education of Adults 210–15 Youth Education Forum (2013) 217 Micro-states 1, 3, 7, 283–90 Millennium Development Goals 128, 271 Monaco 286–7 Charles III College 287 international University of Monaco 287 Monagasque 287 private University of Southern Europe 287 Montenegro financing higher education 231–5 higher education system (Diagram) 232 law on higher education 230, 235 new concept of education 238–42 pre-university education 228–30 Strategy of Development and Financing of Higher Education (2011–20) 236, 238 University of Donja Gorica (UDG) 228, 230, 239–42, 243 University of Montenegro 230, 233, 236, 237 University Mediterranean 230 vocational education 230 World Bank report 232 Nordic Council of Ministers 285 Nordic Passport Union 285 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 129, 153, 179, 269 Norway 4–5, 37–73 accountability 63–4

293 centralization 38–40 church and education 40–1 Egalitarianism 40 governance 61–2, 65–6 language issues 51–52 leadership and accountability 59–73 National Quality Assessment System (NQAS) 62 Neo-Liberal Agenda 44 Norrad 53 Norwegian Aid 48–51 PISA 47 private schools 40–4 royalty and school choice 43–4 Sami people 51 teacher complaints 46–7 university coooperation with the ‘South’ 52–3

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 44, 60, 61, 67, 69, 87, 88, 93, 123, 124, 125, 126, 259, 279 open society 126, 213 Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (ODIHR) 126 Pestalozzi, Z. J. H. 79 PIRLS 208, 210, 215 PISA 47, 61, 62, 83, 123, 141–3, 199, 208, 211, 248, 249, 259, 286. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 78 San Marino 287–8 Scuola Superime di Studi Storici de San Marino 288 University of the Republic of San Marino 288 Serbia 247–82 census (2011) 248 demographic decline 272–3 demographic trends 248 Digital School Project 258 Early Childhood Care & Pre-School Attendance & Education (PSAE) 253–6, 259

294 Index European Commission Progress Report for Serbia 251 General Secondary Education and Vocational Education 260–3 Gymnasium 261 higher education 269–82   challenges 270–6   diversification 273–4   financing 273    integrated universities 273   legacy 270   massification 274   quality 274–5   relevance 275   research 276 Living Standard Measurement Survey 254 Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) 280 Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development 254 October Democratic Revolution (2000) 247 PISA 249 preparatory pre-school programme (PPP) 253 pre-school education 252–6 primary education 256–60 Roma 254, 257, 258, 261 Strategy for Education Development in Serbia (SEDS) 251–2, 253 Structure of Serbian Education 249–63 (Diagram 250) Vocational Education and Training (VET) 261–3 Soros Foundation 124, 125, 126 structural adjustment 44 Switzerland 5, 75–121 academization 105 Applied Science Universities (UAS) 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 93 Basel University (1459) 78 cantons 76 compulsory education 82–4 current education system 90–4

Federal Constitution (1874) 80 GDP 77 Gymnasium 85–7 languages 75, 76 PISA 83 referendum 77 reformation 78 responsibilities of governance (Diagram) 81 special education 113 Swiss Confederation (1848) 78, 80 Swiss Conference of Cantonal Ministers of Education (1897) 80 Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) (1854) 80, 81 Swiss Trade Association 80 teacher education 99–121 teacher education universities (UTES) 88, 89, 93 tertiarization 104–5 UNESCO 50, 93, 127, 218, 285 United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) 127, 213 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 126 United States Agency for International Development (USAID) 127, 213, 214, 215 Vatican City 288–9 Pontifical Gregorian University 289 Pontifical Lateran University 289 Pontifical University of St Thomas Aquinas 289 Pontifical Urbana University 289 Salesian Pontifical University 289 University of the Holy Cross 289 Von Fallenberg, Philippe Emmanuel 79 West Nordic Co-operation Programme 285 World Bank 44, 49, 50, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 131, 179, 213, 221, 232, 236